A SKETCH OF THE LIFE OF BRIG. GEN. FRANCIS MARION

And A History of his Brigade, From its Rise in June, 1780, until Disbanded in December, 1782;

With Descriptions of Characters and Scenes, not heretofore published. 

Containing also, An Appendix, with Copies of Letters which passedbetween several of the Leading Characters of that Day; Principally FromGen. Greene to Gen. Marion. 

By William Dobein James, A. M. 

During that Period one of Marion's Militia. 

At Present one of the Associate Judges in Equity, South Carolina. 

 _Quae contentio, divina et humana cuncta perniscuit, eoque vecordiae processit uti civilibus studiis bellum finem faceret. _--Sall. 

Transcriber's Note on text: Some obvious errors have been corrected. Some spellings are modernized. See notes at end of etext for additionalexplanations. 

District of South-Carolina. 

--| L. S. |-- BE IT REMEMBERED, that on the fifth day of April, ---------Anno Domini, one thousand eight hundred and twenty-one, and in theforty-fifth year of the Independence of the United States of America, the Honourable WILLIAM DOBEIN JAMES, deposited in this office the titleof a book, the right whereof he claims as author and proprietor, in thewords following, TO WIT:

"A Sketch of the life of Brigadier General FRANCIS MARION, and a historyof his Brigade from its rise in June, 1780, until disbanded in December, 1782; with descriptions of characters and scenes not heretoforepublished. --Containing also an appendix, with copies of letterswhich passed between several of the leading characters of that day, principally from Gen. Greene to Gen. Marion. By William Dobein James, A. M. During that period one of Marion's militia--at present one of theAssociate Judges in Equity, South-Carolina. "

In conformity to the act of Congress of the United States, entitled, "AnAct for the encouragement of learning by securing the copies of maps, charts and books to the authors and proprietors of such copies duringthe times therein mentioned, " and also an act entitled, "An Actsupplementary to an act, entitled, 'An act for the encouragement oflearning, by securing the copies of maps, charts and books, to theauthors and proprietors of such copies, during the times thereinmentioned, ' and extending the benefits thereof to the arts of designing, engraving and etching historical and other prints. "

JAMES JERVEY, Clerk of the District of South-Carolina. 

Preface. 

During the siege of Charleston, in May, 1780, the grammar school atSalem, on Black river, where I had been placed by my father, Major JOHNJAMES, broke up; and I was compelled to abandon my school boy studies, and become a militia man, at the age of fifteen. At that time of life itwas a great loss; but still I was so fortunate as to have GeneralMARION as my commander, and my much honoured father, who was a sincerechristian, as my adviser and protector. I do not intend to write ahistory of my own life; but it was thus, that I became in a greatmeasure an eye witness of the scenes hereafter described; and what I didnot see, I often heard from others in whom confidence could be placed. 

I felt an early inclination to record these events; but Major WEMYSSburnt all my stock of paper, and my little classical library, in myfather's house; and, for two years and a half afterwards, I had not thecommon implements of writing or of reading. This may appear strange atpresent; but it is a fact, that even our general, when sending out apatrole, would request the officer to try to get him a quire of paper. After the war, other active pursuits prevented me from indulging myinclination; and the public attention, being long fixed upon thebloody wars and great battles in Europe, had lost all relish for ourrevolutionary history, and its comparatively little conflicts. However, when Dr. RAMSAY announced that he was about to publish his history ofSouth Carolina, I hastily sketched out from memory a short history ofMARION'S brigade, for him; which he inserted in fifteen pages of hisfirst volume. This brings it down no lower than the arrival of GeneralGREENE in South Carolina. Fortunately the events of the late war revivedthe national spirit, and with that a taste for our own history; by ittoo, my inclination was renewed to communicate that of MARION'S brigade. However, I still wanted materials to confide in more certain thanmemory. 

The last year I happened to mention my wish to Mr. RICHARD SINGELLTON, of Colleton, son-in-law of Major JOHN POSTELL, and he obligingly placedin my hands a bundle of original letters from General MARION to thatdistinguished officer. Not long after I heard that the late GeneralPETER HORRY had preserved copies of General MARION'S correspondence withGeneral GREENE and other officers; and I applied to his executor, Mr. JAMES GUIGNARD, who very politely placed five duodecimo volumes inmy hands, closely written by the general. The originals were left byGeneral HORRY with the Rev. M. L. WEEMS, but it appears he made nouse of them in his life of MARION. The dates and facts stated in thesecopies agree pretty well with the account in the history of SouthCarolina by Dr. RAMSAY, and General MOULTRIE'S memoirs of the Americanrevolution. 

I have also taken the pains to consult several of MARION'S officersand men, who still survive. The Hon. THOMAS WATIES gave me considerableinformation respecting the first part of the general's operations, whichI did not witness; as, after MARION'S retreat to the White marsh, I wasleft sick in North Carolina. During MARION'S struggle with WATSON I hadreturned, but was confined to my bed with the small pox; and the greaterpart of that account was received from Captain GAVIN WITHERSPOON, ROBERTWITHERSPOON, Esq. And others. Respecting the affairs about Camden, General CANTEY and Dr. BROWNFIELD gave me much information; and thepresent sheriff of Charleston district, FRANCIS G. DELIESSELINE, Esq. And myself have compared notes _generally_ on the subject. 

Of all these sources of information I have availed myself; besideshaving recourse to every account of the events of that period which Ihad it in my power to consult. This, I hope, will account satisfactorilyfor any departures made from the statement I furnished Dr. RAMSAY. 

There are no doubt many errors in my narrative, as nothing human isexempt from them; but it is believed there are not more than usuallyoccur in what is considered accurate history. It may also needcorrection in other matters, and it may not be pregnant with greatevents; but still it is a kind of domestic history, which teacheslessons of patience and patriotism, not surpassed in modern, and seldomin ancient times. 

WM. DOBEIN JAMES. 

Introduction. 

 A view of the first settlement of the French Protestants on the Santee. Lawson's account of them. The ancestors of General Marion emigrate among them. 

The revocation of the edict of Nantz, by Lewis XIV. , though highlydetrimental to France, proved beneficial to Holland, England andother European countries; which received the protestant refugees, andencouraged their arts and industry. The effects of this unjust andbigoted decree, extended themselves likewise to North America, but moreparticularly to South Carolina: About seventeen years after its firstsettlement, in the year 1690, and a short time subsequently, betweenseventy and eighty French families, fleeing from the bloody persecutionexcited against them in their mother country, settled on the banks ofthe Santee. Among these were the ancestors of General FRANCIS MARION. These families extended themselves at first only from the lower ferry atSouth Santee, in St. James' parish, up to within a few miles of Lenud'sferry, and back from the river into the parish of St. Dennis, calledthe Orange quarter. From their first settlement, they appear to haveconciliated their neighbours, the Sewee and Santee Indians; and to havesubmitted to their rigorous fate with that resignation and cheerfulnesswhich is characteristic of their nation. --Many must have been thehardships endured by them in settling upon a soil covered with woods, abounding in serpents and beasts of prey, naturally sterile, andinfested by a climate the most insalubrious. For a picture of theirsufferings read the language of one of them, Judith Manigault, bred alady in ease and affluence:--"Since leaving France we have experiencedevery kind of affliction, disease, pestilence, famine, poverty, hardlabour; I have been for six months together without tasting bread, working the ground like a slave. " They cultivated the barren highlands, and at first naturally attempted to raise wheat, barley and otherEuropean grains upon them, until better taught by the Indians. Traditioninforms us, that men and their wives worked together in felling trees, building houses, making fences, and grubbing up their grounds, untiltheir settlements were formed; and afterwards continued their labours atthe whip-saw, * and in burning tar for market. Such was their industry, that in fourteen years after their first settlement, and accordingto the first certain account of them, they were in prosperouscircumstances. In the year 1701, John Lawson, then Surveyor General ofthe province, visited these enterprising people, and as there are buttwo copies of his "Journal of a thousand miles travelled through severalnations of Indians", known at present to be in existence, no apologyappears to be necessary for presenting extracts of the most interestingparts of it to the reader:--

 * Gen. Horry states, that his grandfather and grandmother commenced the handsome fortune they left, by working together at the whip-saw. 

"On December 28th, 1700, I began my voyage for North Carolina, fromCharleston, in a large canoe. At four in the afternoon, at half flood, we passed over the breach through the marsh, leaving Sullivan's Islandon our starboard; the first place we designed for was Santee river, onwhich there is a colony of French protestants, allowed and encouraged bythe lords proprietors. "--After passing through Sewee bay and up Santee, the mouth of which was fresh, he visited the Sewees; "formerly, " hesays, "a large nation, though now very much decreased, since the Englishhave seated their lands, and all other nations of Indians are observedto partake of the same fate. With hard rowing we got that night (11thJanuary, 1701, ) to Mons. Eugee's *1* house, which stands about fifteenmiles up the river, being the first christian dwelling we met withal inthat settlement, and were very courteously received by him and hiswife. Many of the French follow a trade with the Indians, living veryconveniently for that interest. Here are about seventy families seatedon this river, who live as decently and happily as any planters in thesesouthward parts of America. The French being a temperate, industriouspeople, some of them bringing very little effects, yet by theirendeavours and mutual assistance among themselves (which is highlycommendable) have outstript our English, who brought with them largerfortunes. We lay all that night at Mons. Eugee's, *1* and the nextmorning set out further to go the remainder of our voyage by land. Atnoon we came up with several French plantations, meeting with severalcreeks by the way: the French were very officious in assisting withtheir small dories, to pass over these waters, (whom we met comingfrom their church) being all of them very clean and decent in theirapparel--their houses and plantations suitable in neatness andcontrivance. They are all of the same opinion with the church of Geneva. Towards the afternoon we came to Mons. L'Jandro's, *2* where we got ourdinner. We got that night to Mons. Galliar's, *3* who lives in a verycurious contrived house, built of brick and stone, which is gotten nearthat place. Near here, comes in the road from Charleston and the rest ofthe English settlement, it being a very good way by land and not abovethirty-six miles. "*4* After this, our author gives a long descriptionof his difficulty and danger in crossing the Santee in a small canoe, intime of a freshet. He then goes on as follows:--"We intended for Mons. Galliar's jun. But were lost *************. When we got to the housewe found several of the French inhabitants, who treated us verycourteously; wondering about our undertaking such a voyage through acountry inhabited by none but savages, and them of so different nationsand tongues. After we had refreshed ourselves, we parted from a verykind, loving, affable people, who wished us a safe and prosperousvoyage. " Our traveller had now arrived at the extreme boundary of thewhite population of South Carolina, and consequently of the UnitedStates, and this was but forty miles from Charleston. In the courseof one hundred and twenty years what a change, and what a subject forreflection! But, to return to the French refugees. The same perseveringindustry and courteous manners which distinguished the ancestors, werehanded down to their children, and are still conspicuous among theirdescendants of the third and fourth generations. Most of them may beclassed among our useful and honourable citizens, and many have highlydistinguished themselves in the state, both in civil and militaryaffairs: but in the latter character, the subject of these memoirs, General FRANCIS MARION, stands forth the most prominent and illustriousexample. *5*

 *1* Huger, who lived in the fork between South Santee and Wambaw Creek. 

 *2* Gendron. 

 *3* Gaillard's. 

 *4* Near this place the French laid out a town, and called it Jamestown; whence the name St. James', Santee. 

 *5* After leaving the house of Bartholomew Gaillard, jun. On the east side of Santee, Mr. Lawson saw no more settlements of the whites. He visited the Santee Indians, who, from his description of the country, must have lived about Nelson's ferry and Scott's lake. In passing up the river, the Indian path led over a hill, where he saw, as he says, "the most amazing prospect I had seen since I had been in Carolina. We travelled by a swamp side, which swamp, I believe to be no less than twenty miles over; the other side being, as far as I could well discern; there appearing great ridges of mountains bearing from us W. N. W. One Alp, with a top like a sugar loaf, advanced its head above the rest very considerably; the day was very serene, which gave us the advantage of seeing a long way; these mountains were clothed all over with trees, which seemed to us to be very large timbers. At the sight of this fair prospect we stayed all night; our Indian going before half an hour, provided three fat turkeys e'er we got up to him. " The prospect he describes is evidently the one seen from the Santee Hills; the old Indian path passed over a point of one of these at Captain Baker's plantation, from which the prospect extends more than twenty miles; and the Alp, which was so conspicuous, must have been Cook's Mount, opposite Stateburgh. --Our traveller afterwards visited the Congaree, the Wateree, and Waxhaw Indians, in South Carolina, and divers tribes in North Carolina, as far as Roanoke; and it is melancholy to think, that all of these appear to be now extinct. They treated him with their best; such as bear meat and oil, venison, turkeys, maize, cow peas, chinquepins, hickory nuts and acorns. The Kings and Queens of the different tribes always took charge of him as their guest. 

LIFE OF MARION. 

Chapter I. (EARLY HISTORY)

 Birth of Gen. Marion. His Ancestry. First Destination of Going to Sea. Voyage to the West Indies and Shipwreck. His settlement in St. John's, Berkley. Expedition under Governor Lyttleton. A Sketch of the Attack on Fort Moultrie, 1776. And the Campaign of 1779. 

FRANCIS MARION was born at Winyaw, * near Georgetown, South Carolina, in the year 1732;--memorable for giving birth to many distinguishedAmerican patriots. Marion was of French extraction; his grandfather, Gabriel, left France soon after the revocation of the edict of Nantz, in1685, on account of his being a protestant, and retired from persecutionto this new world, then a wilderness; no doubt under many distresses anddangers, and with few of the facilities with which emigrants settle new, but rich countries, at the present day. His son, also called Gabriel, was the father of five sons, Isaac, Gabriel, Benjamin, Francis, and Job, and of two daughters, grandmothers of the families of the Mitchells, ofGeorgetown, and of the Dwights, formerly of the same place, but now ofSt. Stephen's parish. 

 * This is in error--The Marion family moved to Winyaw when Francis was six or seven years old. Francis was probably born either at St. John's Parish, Berkeley, or St. James's Parish, Goose Creek; the respective homes of his father's and mother's families. 1732 is probably correct as the year of Francis's birth, but is not absolutely certain. Despite beginning with this error, the author's remoteness from this event is not continued with the events mentioned later in the book, to which he was a witness. Those remarks should be given their proper weight. --A. L. , 1997. 

Of the education of FRANCIS MARION, we have no account; but from theinternal evidence afforded by his original letters, it appears to havebeen no more than a plain English one; for the Huguenots seem tohave already so far assimilated themselves to the country as to haveforgotten their French. It was indeed a rare thing, in this early stateof our country, to receive any more than the rudiments of an Englisheducation; since men were too much employed in the clearing and tilth ofbarren lands, to attend much to science. 

Such an education seemed to dispose Marion to be modest and reserved inconversation; to think, if not to read much; and, above all, not to becommunicative. An early friend of his, the late Captain John Palmer, hasstated, that his first inclination was for a seafaring life, and thatat the age of sixteen he made a voyage to the West Indies. The vesselin which he embarked foundered at sea, and the crew, consisting ofsix persons, took to an open boat, without water or provisions: but, providentially, a dog swam to them from the ship, whose blood servedthem for drink, and his raw flesh for food, for six days; on theseventh, Francis Marion, and three of the crew, reached land, but theother two perished at sea. Things which appear accidental at the time, often sway the destinies of human life. Thus it was, that from theeffect of this narrow escape, and the entreaties of a tender mother, Francis Marion was induced to abandon the sea, for an element, on whichhe was to become singularly useful. His mother's maiden name was Cordes, and she also was of French extraction. Engaged in cultivating thesoil, we hear no more of Marion for ten years. Mr. Henry Ravenel, ofPineville, now more than 70 years of age, knew him in the year 1758;he had then lost his father; and, removing with his mother and brotherGabriel from Georgetown, they settled for one year near Frierson's lock, on the present Santee canal. The next year Gabriel removed to BelleIsle, in St. Stephen's parish, late the residence of his son, the Hon. Robert Marion. Francis settled himself in St. John's, at a place calledPond Bluff, from the circumstance of there being a pond at the bottomof a bluff, fronting the river low grounds. This place is situatedabout four miles below Eutaw, on the Santee; and he continued to hold itduring life. * Others fix his settling in St. John's, at a later period:this is of little consequence, but what is of some, was that in thismost useful of all stations, a tiller of the ground, he was industriousand successful. In the same year, 1759, the Cherokee war broke out, and he turned out as a volunteer, in his brother's troop of provincialcavalry. In 1761, he served in the expedition under Col. Grant, asa lieutenant in Captain Wm. Moultrie's company, forming part of aprovincial regiment, commanded by Col. Middleton. It is believed that hedistinguished himself in this expedition, in a severe conflict betweenCol. Grant and the Indians, near Etchoee, an Indian town; but, if hedid so, the particulars have not been handed down to us, by any officialaccount. General Moultrie says of him, "he was an active, brave, andhardy soldier; and an excellent partisan officer. " We come now to thatpart of Marion's life, where, acting in a more conspicuous situation, things are known of him, with more certainty. In the beginning of theyear 1775, he was elected one, of what was then called the provincialcongress of South Carolina, from St. John's. This was the public bodywhich agreed to the famous continental association, recommended bycongress, to prevent the importation of goods, wares, and merchandizes, from Great Britain: they likewise put a stop to all suits at law, exceptwhere debtors refused to renew their obligations, and to give reasonablesecurity, or when justly suspected of intentions to leave the province, or to defraud their creditors; and they appointed committees inthe several districts and parishes in the state, which were calledcommittees of public safety, to carry these acts into effect. Theseexercised high municipal authority, and supported generally by apopulation sometimes intemperate, inflicted singular punishments** uponsuch as were not only guilty, but even suspected, of infringing theassociation. The provincial congress also, after receiving the news ofthe battle of Lexington, determined upon a defensive war, and resolvedto raise two regiments of infantry, and one of cavalry. Marion waselected a captain in the second regiment of these two, of which WilliamMoultrie was colonel. Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, and Thomas Pinckney, since so much distinguished, were likewise elected captains in thisregiment at the same time. The first of Captain Marion's appearing inarms against the British, was in the latter part of this year, when heacted as one of three captains under Colonel Motte, in taking possessionof Fort Johnson, on James Island. On this occasion much resistancewas expected, but the garrison abandoned the fort, and escaped totwo British vessels, the Tamar and Cherokee, then lying in Charlestonharbour. In the autumn of the same year a post was established atDorchester, where it was thought prudent to send part of the militarystores, and the public records out of Charleston; and here CaptainMarion had the command. This is only worthy of remark in thecircumstance, that as the climate of this place is remarkably bad inautumn, it shows that our patriots had already so much enthusiasm in thecause in which they had embarked, that they refused no station, howeverperilous. As the provincial congress and committees of public safetyexercised all the legislative and judicial powers in the state, as mighthave been expected, they soon became too complicated for them, and werethrown into great confusion. The criminal code was still left in force;but there were no judges to exercise that jurisdiction. The provincialcongress, therefore, without waiting for a convention of the people, framed a constitution: by this they took the name of the generalassembly of South Carolina, and limited their own continuance until the21st October, 1776; and, in every two years after that period, a generalelection was to take place for members of the assembly. The legislativepowers were vested in a president, the assembly, and a legislativecouncil, to be chosen out of their own body. All resolutions of thecontinental and provincial congress, and all laws then of force, werecontinued. They passed a law, that only two thirds of the rice made inthe state should be permitted to be exported, the other third was toremain in the country for its consumption, and for exchange for thenecessary articles of life: and upon these prices were to be fixed; itwas recommended to the people to cultivate cotton; the breed of sheepwas directed to be improved; and, after a certain day, none were to bekilled for market or home consumption; but the continental congresssoon after, passed a law that no rice should be exported; and it wassubmitted to, without a murmur. A vice-president and privy councilof six members were elected, and among other duties, were to exercisechancery jurisdiction; and other judges were directed to be chosen bythe general assembly. 

 * Pond Bluff is presently at the bottom of Lake Marion, S. C. --A. L. , 1997. 

 ** Such as tarring and feathering. 

In a few years, such confusion followed, that we shall see thepresident, soon after denominated governor, and two of the privycouncil, exercising all the civil and military powers of the state. 

John Rutledge was chosen president, Henry Laurens vice-president, and_ex-officio_ president of the privy council. In this year, (1776, )Francis Marion had risen to the rank of major in the second regiment, and was stationed with his colonel in the fort at Sullivan's Island. Hewas in the action of the 28th of June, between that fort and nine ofthe British ships, under Sir Peter Parker. Of the particulars of thisbattle, every one has heard, and they need not be narrated here. Twoof the ships carried fifty guns, the ship Bristol, commodore Sir PeterParker, and the Experiment; and as powder was very scarce in the fort, the orders were, "mind the commodore!" "Fire at the two fifty gunships. " Col. Moultrie received the thanks of the commander in chief, ofcongress, Gen. Lee, and of president Rutledge, for his gallant conductin that victory; and, what was more, the heart-felt gratitude of hiscountrymen. The fort was called by his name, and he was raised to therank of brigadier general. His major then rose to the rank of lieut. Colonel. This action excited the highest resentment in the breasts ofthe British rulers; and in the end they inflicted severe vengeance onthe state of South Carolina. Three years, however, elapsed before theymade another attempt. In December, 1778, a British fleet of thirty sevensail, arrived off Savannah in Georgia, and landed about 4000 men. Onehalf of these, under Col. Campbell, immediately made an attack uponthe town. Gen. Howe, with six or seven hundred Americans, attemptedto oppose them; but was defeated at the first onset. The enemy tookpossession of the town; and, as the Georgia militia were backward inturning out, the whole country soon fell under their dominion. Shortlyafter the taking of Savannah, Gen. Lincoln took command of the Americanarmy, and Gen. Prevost of the British. On the 3d of Feb. 1779, Gen. Moultrie, with a party of about 300 militia, mostly citizens ofCharleston and Beaufort, with the company of ancient artillery ofCharleston, was posted at Beaufort, where he heard the enemy wasadvancing. He immediately dispatched his aid, Capt. Francis Kinloch, to reconnoitre; while he moved forward on the road to Beaufort ferry. Kinloch returning soon, stated the supposed force of the British, andthat they were near upon the road; Moultrie now pushed on to gain adefile, but found it occupied by the enemy. There being no alternative, he then drew up his men in open ground, with two field pieces in thecentre, and one on the right. The British force was two companiesof picked light infantry, posted under cover of a swamp. The militiaengaged them, and fought under this disadvantage till their ammunitionwas all expended, and Moultrie ordered a retreat; but the British madea simultaneous movement, and it became a drawn battle. Lieut. Wilkins ofthe ancient artillery, was mortally wounded, and seven men were killed. Capt. Heyward, Lieuts. Sawyer and Brown, and fifteen men, were wounded. In the general's account of the action, the loss of the British isnot stated; he speaks highly of the conduct of his officers and men;particularly of Capt. John Barnwell; and indeed it was no little matter, thus to bring militia, in the open field, to fight regulars under cover. 

Lincoln's force was fluctuating, as it consisted principally of militia, who could not be brought under control; and in the midst of arms, whenthe enemy were at the distance of only three miles, their officersrefused to subject them to the articles of war; and insisted upon theirbeing tried by the militia laws of the state, which only subjected themto a small pecuniary fine. The case too was a flagrant one; a private ofCol. Kershaw's regiment had absented himself from guard, and upon beingreproved by his captain, gave him abusive language; the captain orderedhim under guard, and the man attempted to shoot his officer; but wasprevented. This case was referred to the general assembly then sitting, who also refused to bring the militia under the articles of war. Had Gen. Jackson lately submitted to such an interference with hisauthority, we should never have heard of the glorious victory of NewOrleans. Gen. Lincoln would have nothing more to do with the militia, and gave up the command of them to Gen. Moultrie, to act with them as aseparate corps. Pursuant to this resolution, and after calling a councilof war, he marched off (20th April) about 2000 light troops and cavalry, for Augusta, leaving his baggage to follow. Near Augusta, he expected areinforcement of 3000 men, and his intentions were to take possessionof some strong post in Georgia, to circumscribe the limits of the enemy, and to prevent their receiving recruits from the Cherokee Indians, andtories. He left Gen. Moultrie, with about 1200 militia, at Black Swamp. As soon as Gen. Prevost heard of this movement, he availed himselfof it, and immediately crossed over the Savannah, from Abercorn toPurysburgh, twenty-five miles below Black Swamp, with the intention ofsurprising Moultrie, but he, receiving intelligence of his crossing, retired to Coosawhatchie. At this place he left a rear guard, andpitched his head quarters on the hill to the eastward of Tulifinny, twomiles in advance towards Charleston. (1st May. ) After reconnoitring thefords of Coosawhatchie, and Tulifinny above the bridges, the generalfound so little water in the swamps, from the excessive drought whichthen prevailed, * that he determined not to risk an action at this post. He was about to send one of his aids to bring off his rear guard, whenCol. John Laurens offered himself as a volunteer for that service; hewas readily accepted, and captain, afterwards Major John James, with150 picked riflemen, was sent to cover his flanks: these, with the rearguard, made near a fourth of the retreating army. Instead of bringingoff the rear guard, Col. Laurens drew them over to the east side ofthe river, posted the riflemen at the bridge, threw off the planks, andengaged the enemy. The British occupied the houses on the west bank, from which they kept up a galling fire; a number of Laurens' men werekilled and wounded, and, as he was very conspicuous on horse back inregimentals, with a large white plume, he was soon wounded himself, andhis horse killed. Laurens then retired, and captain, afterwards Col. Shubrick, ordered a retreat. In the mean time Moultrie had decamped, and the riflemen were obliged, as the planks were thrown off, to passTulifinny and Pocotaligo bridges on the string pieces; and did notovertake the main body till they had passed Saltketcher bridge. Here letus pause for a moment, and take a view of the ground; twelve milesof country had been passed over in one morning, which was a continueddefile of causeway, lined on both sides with either thick woods, orditches and fences, and four rivers had been crossed; over which werehigh bridges, and only a slight skirmish had taken place. True, theswamps above the bridges were dry, but then they were so wide and thick, that the British would never have ventured into them. It is likewisetrue that Col. Laurens said the militia would not fight, yet theriflemen stood till they were ordered to retreat, and their retreat hadlike to have been cut off. Laurens was not wrong in fighting, for it isalways best to keep militia employed: but in engaging without orders, and in not burning down the houses near the river, he is blamed by Gen. Moultrie. ** However Moultrie himself was more to blame in suffering theenemy to pass over Coosawhatchie. At least they ought not to have beenpermitted to cross the Saltketcher. There is no doubt but Moultrie was afirm patriot and a brave soldier, but he acted now under the impulseof an opinion, which then generally prevailed among the officers of theSouth Carolina troops, that Charleston was all important, and if taken, the state must be lost. We shall see the effect of this system in theend. In the same manner the Edisto and Ashley were now passed, withoutstriking a blow. The Americans suffered greatly both for provisions andfor the want of water, drinking out of every puddle in the road, howeverfilthy. The enemy, on the contrary, passed through the richest partof the state, and were suffered to scatter themselves abroad, and tosatiate themselves with choice fare, and valuable plunder. GeneralMoultrie continued his march to Charleston, and Prevost took post beforethe lines. 

 * The fine spring at Tulifinny had then entirely failed. 

 ** 1st Volume Moultrie's memoirs, p. 403-4. 

We have for some time lost sight of Lieut. Col. Marion, and the readermay naturally inquire, was he at Tulifinny? He was not. With the secondregiment under his command, he was in garrison at fort Moultrie. BeforeGen. Moultrie broke up his camp at Black Swamp, he wrote to Gen. Lincolnto give him advice of the movement of the enemy to Purysburgh, and fromtime to time of their progress to Charleston; but Lincoln marched up toAugusta, crossed over into Georgia, and moved down on the other sideof the river for some time, very deliberately. * However, from Jannett'sferry, he writes a letter, of which the following is an extract: "If theenemy should give public evidence of their designs against Charleston, Ithink, with your force, as you are in possession of _strong passes_, youwill be able to stop their progress and give us time to come up. " On the10th of May, he again writes to Gen. Moultrie, "We are making, andshall continue to make, every exertion for the relief of Charleston. Thebaggage will be left. The inability of the men only, will put a periodto our daily marches. Our men are full of spirits. Do not give up, orsuffer the people to despair. " But the governor and council did despairalready, for a majority of them had finally offered to capitulate, andproposed a neutrality, during the war between Great Britain and SouthCarolina; and the question, whether the state should belong to GreatBritain, or remain one of the United States, to be determined by thetreaty of peace; from this offer, Gen. Gadsden and Mr. Thomas Fergusondissented. To carry terms so disgraceful, to Prevost, Col. Laurenswas pitched upon; but he indignantly refused to be the bearer. Cols. M'Intosh and Roger Smith were then persuaded to go with a flag. TheBritish commander appointed Col. Prevost, as commissioner to receivethem; and he delivered a message from the general, "that he had nothingto do with the governor, that his business was with Gen. Moultrie; andas the garrison was in arms, they must surrender prisoners of war. " Atthis answer, the governor and council looked blank; and some werefor submitting even to this degrading proposal: but Moultrie cut theconference short, by declaring, "that as it was left to him, he wouldfight to the last extremity. " Laurens, who was present, and sitting, bounded to his feet at the expression, raised his hands, and thanked hisGod! Thus it was only by a mistake of Prevost, as to the high powersof the civil authority, that the town, and the state of South Carolina, were then saved. What renders this offer the more astonishing, was, that the garrison, 3180 strong, were in good spirits, and an army underLincoln, was marching to their assistance, on the rear of the enemy; whowere not much stronger than the besieged, being computed at 3680 men. **Early the next morning, Prevost decamped, and retreated to John's andJames Islands. (May 13th. ) There was great rejoicing in the town; butthe consequence to which it had arrived, by repelling two attempts ofthe enemy, only brought against it a greater armament, and in the end, sunk it into deeper distress. An attack upon the British at Stono ferry, was now planned by Gen. Lincoln. Gen. Moultrie, was to throw over onJames Island, all the troops which could be spared from the town, and make a feint on that side, or attack, if a favourable opportunityoffered; while the principal effort was to be made by Lincoln, at Stono. He made the attack before Moultrie could cooperate, (June 20) and theenemy remaining in their lines, and being reinforced, obliged him toretreat. In this affair a few men were killed, and Col. Roberts, of theartillery, mortally wounded. His loss was greatly and justly lamented. William Richardson Davie, lately deceased, and afterwards so muchcelebrated as Gen. Davie, was among the wounded. Prevost, soon afterthis, retreated along the chain of islands on the coast, until hereached Port Royal and Savannah. During the time Prevost lay beforethe lines of Charleston, Maj. Benjamin Huger, an active officer, awise statesman, and a virtuous citizen, was unfortunately killed. Whatrendered his fate the more melancholy, was, that the act was done by themistake of his own countrymen. It was at this time also, that Gen. CountPulaski, a Polander, began to distinguish himself as a partisan. Hisaddress in single combat, was greatly celebrated. Col. Kowatch, underhis command, was killed before the lines, and shamefully mutilated bythe British. Of the campaign of 1779, it was not the intention of theauthor to give a minute detail; but only to sketch out those feelings, and that line of conduct, in the cabinet and field, which, followed upin the succeeding year, brought ruin and disgrace upon the country. 

 * Lincoln's letter, 20th April. 

 ** 1st vol. Moultrie's memoirs, from p. 425 to 435. 

Chapter II. CAMPAIGN OF 1780. 

 Sir Henry Clinton arrives with an army of 12, 000 men in South Carolina. The General Assembly sitting in Charleston, break up. Gen. Lincoln shuts himself up in the town, and Clinton lays siege to it. Before the town is entirely hemmed in, Marion dislocates his ankle, and retires into the country. The town capitulates. Tarleton's career of slaughter. Defeat of Gen. Huger at Monk's Corner and of Buford at the Waxhaws. Rising of the people in Williamsburgh, and at Pedee. Gen. Marion sent to them as a commander. Gates, defeat. Marion retakes 150 American prisoners at Nelson's Ferry. Maj. Wemyss sent against him; he retreats to the White Marsh, in North Carolina. Returns and defeats the tories at Black Mingo and the fork of Black river. Attempt on Georgetown frustrated. Marion takes post at Snow Island. Sumter's career. Ferguson's defeat. Spirit of the whigs begins to revive. 

The year 1780, was the most eventful one, in the annals of SouthCarolina. The late failure of the attack on Savannah; the littleopposition which Gen. Prevost met with, in a march of more than onehundred miles through the state; the conduct of the planters, insubmitting, to save their property; and the well known weakness ofthe southern army; all conspired to induce the enemy to believe, thatCharleston, and South Carolina, would become an easy prey. Sir HenryClinton, their commander in chief, meditating a formidable expeditionagainst them; with this view sailed from New York on the 26th December, 1779, with an army, which, with subsequent reinforcements amounted toabout 12, 000 men. To oppose this great force, Gen. Lincoln had not morethan two thousand, a great part of which was militia. His head quarterswere in Charleston, where the general assembly were setting in calmdeliberation, for they had not yet heard of the rising storm. Lieut. Col. Marion, had command of the out-post of this little army, atSheldon, near Pocotaligo, where he had orders to watch the motions ofPrevost, and prevent him from obtaining supplies of provisions, from theCarolina side of Savannah river. It was expected he was to remain herefor some time, and great confidence was reposed in him, by Gen. Lincoln, as appears by his letters, at this period. The British had a tediouspassage, in which they lost part of their ordnance, most of theirartillery, and all the horses, destined to mount their cavalry. On the11th Feb. 1780, they landed about thirty miles from Charleston. Theassembly sitting there, immediately broke up, after delegating, "tillten days after their next session, to John Rutledge, and such of hiscouncil as he could conveniently consult, a power to do every thingnecessary for the public good; except the taking away the life of acitizen, without a legal trial. " This was nearly the same power, withwhich the senate of Rome, invested their dictators. But a resolution, fatal in its consequences, was unanimously adopted by this assembly:namely, to defend the town to the utmost extremity. The power, thus delegated to the governor and council, was carried into effectafterwards, with vigour, and with what would now be thought aninfraction of private rights. But in the spirit of the times, and thepublic situation, such vigour was necessary. The governor's council, wascomposed of upright and virtuous men, and John Rutledge was one of themost distinguished sons, to whom South Carolina has given birth. Hiseloquence was proverbial, both in congress, and at home. It was that ofDemosthenes, concise, energetic, and commanding. There was something inhis very manner, and the tone of his voice, that riveted the attentionof his audience. They stood subdued before him. He swayed the councilsof the state, he swayed the councils of the general who commanded thesouthern army: and if he erred, he erred with a good conscience, andfrom the purest motives. 

The first order issued by Governor Rutledge, was, to call out thedrafted militia, for the defence of the town, under pain of confiscationof property. This order was but partially obeyed;--the militia, who werefriendly to the cause, had been much harassed in the last campaign, andit was generally known that the small-pox was in the town. At the sametime, the governor sent out many influential officers, to secure theexecution of his first order; and though intended only to operate forthe present, this last order was in time productive of a fortunateresult; as these officers afterwards headed the people. In the meantime, Gen. Lincoln had ordered Lieut. Col. Marion to select two hundredmen, out of the three regiments with him, at Sheldon, and to marchimmediately to town. (31st Jan. ) No troops were to be left in the fieldbut two hundred light infantry, and the horse under Col. Washington. Marion repaired to town, according to orders; but before the garrisonwas hemmed in by the enemy, he, by accident, in attempting to escapefrom a drinking party, dislocated his ankle. Gen. Lincoln had issued anorder, "that all supernumerary officers, and all officers who wereunfit for duty, must quit the garrison, and retire into the country. "In consequence of this order, Marion retired to St. John's. He wasafterwards obliged to move about, from house to house, as favoured byfriends, and often to hide in the woods, until he got better; but, assoon as he was able, he collected a few friends, and joined Gen. DeKalb, who was then advancing, with about fourteen hundred men, of theMaryland and Delaware troops, towards South Carolina. The correspondenceof Gen. Horry here breaks off suddenly; and we hear no more of Marionfor five months. But an accident, which must have appeared to him agreat misfortune, at the time, was afterwards productive of the mosthappy effects. Another has been noted only a few pages back. 

In the mean time, the enemy proceeded cautiously in the siege ofCharleston. They formed a depot on James Island, and erected afortification on it, and the main, near Wappoo cut. On the 28th ofMarch they crossed Ashley river, near the ferry, and made a lodgement inCharleston neck. Col. Laurens, with the light infantry, skirmished withthem; but, as they greatly exceeded him in numbers, he was obliged toretire within the lines. On the night of the 1st of April, Sir HenryClinton commenced his first parallel, at the distance of eleven hundredyards from the American works. On the 7th, twelve sail of the enemy'sships passed Fort Moultrie, under a heavy fire. The garrison had beenassiduous in preparing for defence; the old works were strengthened, andlines and redoubts were extended from Ashley to Cooper river. A strongabbatis was made in front, and a deep, wet ditch was opened fromthe marsh on one side, to that on the other, and the lines were soconstructed as to rake it. On the 10th, the enemy had completed theirfirst parallel, and Gen. Lincoln was summoned to surrender; but refused. All attempts at removing the force besieged, out of the town, had, whileit was practicable, been opposed by the governor and council, and theofficers of the South Carolina troops; and Gen. Lincoln, had not theresolution to counteract them. At length it was thought advisable, thatthe governor and three of his council should leave the town; and thatLieut. Gov. Gadsden and five others should remain. The ships of war, inthe harbour of Charleston, being quite inadequate to oppose theforce which had passed Fort Moultrie, were divested of their guns, toreinforce the batteries, and were sunk nearly opposite the exchange, toimpede the passage of the enemy up Cooper river. Soon after this, SirHenry Clinton, being reinforced by two thousand five hundred men, under Lord Cornwallis, pushed them over Cooper river, and enclosed thebesieged on the side of St. Thomas' parish and Christ church; and thetown was now completely invested by land and water. About this time, theAmerican forces in the field having been defeated, as hereafter to benarrated, and the British having completed their second parallel, anoffer to capitulate was made by Lincoln, to Sir Henry Clinton, andrejected. The batteries of the besiegers, having now obtained a decidedsuperiority over those of the besieged, when the third parallel hadopened its cannonade, and the British having crossed the wet ditchby sap, they opened a fire of rifles within twenty-five yards of theAmericans. The caution of Sir Henry Clinton, in advancing so slowly, hadbeen extreme, and the unsuspecting security of the Americans was stillgreat; but Gen. Duportail, a French officer of engineers, having arrivedin town before the communication was closed with the country, declared, that the works of the besieged were not tenable, and might have beenstormed ten days before. This disclosed his true situation, and inducedGen. Lincoln to listen to a capitulation, which was proposed to him onthe 8th of May. From that until the 10th, the negociation was continued. On the 11th, the capitulation was agreed to, and, on the next day, theAmericans marched out and grounded their arms. After a siege of a monthand fourteen days, 2500 men submitted to an army of 12, 000; and itwas only surprising they held out so long. The continental troops andsailors were to remain prisoners of war until exchanged; the militiawere permitted to return home as prisoners on parole, which, as longas they observed it, should secure them from being molested in theirproperty. 

On the morning, when the Americans had paraded to surrender, tears wereseen coursing down the cheeks of Gen. Moultrie. 

The loss of the Americans, in the siege, was not great; only fiveofficers of distinction: Col. Parker, and Capts. Bowman, Moultrie, Templeton and Neyle, were killed. During the siege, Gen. Lincoln calledtwo councils of war, to devise the means of retreating from thetown, but all attempts of that kind were opposed, first by the civilauthority, next by the South Carolina officers, and finally by theinhabitants. He ought not to have entered the town; he had the exampleof the illustrious Washington before him, who had declined to act inthat manner, and had thus preserved the independence of his country. TheAmerican army acting in the country, would have kept up the spiritsof the militia, and kept the British from mounting their cavalry, andgaining supplies of provisions, with such ease as they did. AlthoughLincoln's force was small, it was at least equal to that of Gen. Washington, when he retreated over the Delaware, in 1776. The countrywas not so open, and more fit for a partisan warfare, than New Jersey, and in a few months the climate would have fought his battles. It wasnot intended by the author to narrate the particulars of the siege ofCharleston; these have been detailed by the enlightened historian ofSouth Carolina, Dr. Ramsay. But the effects of it upon the minds of thepeople in the country, come more particularly within his province; sincethey would hereafter be disposed to act according as they were affected, by passing incidents. There being now no force in the field, but thetwo hundred light infantry, under Gen. Huger, and the horse underCol. Washington; which were those mentioned in Lincoln's order to Gen. Marion; the British were suffered to detach small parties through thecountry, and to take all the horses which were fit, either to transporttheir cannon and baggage, or to mount their cavalry. In one month aftertheir landing, Col. Tarleton had his legion mounted, and began hiscareer of slaughter. On the 18th March, he surprised a party of80 militia, at Saltketcher bridge, killed and wounded several, anddispersed the rest. On the 23d, he put to flight another party atPonpon, killed three, wounded one, and took four prisoners. On the 27th, near Rantowle's bridge, he had a rencounter with Col. Washington, at thehead of his legion of 300 men; Tarleton was worsted in this affair, andlost seven men, prisoners. On the 13th April, the American infantry andcavalry under Gen. Huger, lay, the infantry at Biggen church, and thecavalry under Col. Washington, at Monk's corner. Col. Tarleton withFerguson's corps of marksmen, advanced on from the quarter-house toGoose Creek, where he was joined by Col. Webster, with the 33d and64th regiments of infantry. There an attack upon the American post wasconcerted, and it was judged advisable to make it in the night, as thatwould render the superiority of Washington's cavalry useless. A servantof one of Huger's officers was taken on the road, and he agreed for afew dollars, to conduct the enemy through a by-road, to Monk's corner. At three o'clock in the morning, they charged Washington's guard on themain road, and pursued them into the camp. The Americans were completelysurprised. Major Vernier, of Pulaski's legion, and twenty-five men, werekilled. One hundred officers, and dragoons, fifty waggons loaded withammunition, clothing and arms, and four hundred horses, with theiraccoutrements, were taken. A most valuable acquisition to the British. Major Cochrane with the British legion of infantry, forced the passageat Biggen bridge, and drove Gen. Huger and the infantry before him. --Inthis affair, Major James Conyers, of the Americans, distinguishedhimself by a skilful retreat, and by calling off the attention of theenemy from his sleeping friends, to himself. The British had only oneofficer and two men wounded. The account of the loss of the Americans inthis affair, is taken from Tarleton, who blames "the injudicious conductof the American commander, who besides making a false disposition of hiscorps, by placing his cavalry in front of the bridge, during the night, and his infantry in the rear, neglected sending patroles in front of hisvidettes. " In this surprise, the British made free use of the bayonet, the houses in Monk's corner, then a village, were afterwards deserted, and long bore the marks of deadly thrust, and much bloodshed. Col. Whitesoon after took the command of the American cavalry, but with no betterfortune. On the 5th May, he took a British officer and seventeen men ofthe legion, at Ball's plantation, near Strawberry, in the morning, and pushed back twenty-five miles, to Lenud's ferry, on Santee. Whilecrossing there, Tarleton surprised him, at three in the afternoon; whostates, that five officers and 36 men of the Americans were killed andwounded, and seven officers and sixty dragoons were taken; while he lostonly two men, and retook his dragoons. Cols. White and Washington, MajorJamieson, and several officers and men, escaped by swimming the river, but many perished in the like attempt. * Thus the American corps ofcavalry and infantry, in the open field, was completely annihilated, andfrom the Saltketcher to the Santee, a distance of one hundred and twentymiles, either terror or a general depression of spirits, had spreadthrough the country. What served to increase this, was the cannonadeat the town. This was a novel thing in South Carolina, and along watercourses, it was heard more than one hundred miles. In that distance, there were but few families, who had not a husband, father, brother orson in the garrison; and these listened to the sound, with the deepestanxiety, and, as was natural, with no little despondency. 

 * Two boys, Francis G. Deliesseline and Samuel Dupre, had the boldness to undertake, and did recover fourteen of White's cavalry horses from the British, and delivered them to Major Jamieson in Georgetown, refusing a reward he offered. 

As soon as the town had surrendered, Lord Cornwallis, with 2500 men, andfive field pieces, marched from St. Thomas' to Nelson's ferry. Thencehe detached Tarleton, with 700 infantry and cavalry, in quest of Gen. Caswell and Col. Buford, who had been approaching to the relief ofCharleston, with about 700 militia, and between 3 and 400 continentals. At Camden, Caswell, with the militia, quitted Buford, who then commandedthe continentals, and retreated by the way of Pedee. Buford's regimentwas soon after placed under the command of Gen. Huger, as an escort toGov. Rutledge, then at Camden; and was detained, with a fatal security, by the general, for two days in that place. And so much off their guard, were our rulers themselves, that Gov. Rutledge, and his council, weresoon after hospitably entertained, at Clermont, by Col. Rugely, anEnglishman, professedly opposed to the American cause. At midnight, he woke them up, advised them of Tarleton's approach, and with somedifficulty, persuaded them to escape; at daylight, Tarleton arrived atClermont. That morning, Huger gave up the command again to Buford, and took the Charlotte road, with the governor and his two remainingcouncil, Daniel Huger and John L. Gervais. Buford proceeded on rapidly, upon the Salisbury road, and from circumstances, his baggage waggonsmust have been sent on before he took the command again, that morning;otherwise, in making the very quick march he did, they must have beenleft far in his rear. But Tarleton blames him, for sending them ahead, because they might have served him as a rampart, and other historianshave adopted his account. After a pursuit of one hundred miles, infifty-four hours, Tarleton approached Buford, about forty miles fromCamden, and twenty-six from Clermont; and dispatched Capt. David Kinlochwith a flag, summoning him to surrender upon the terms granted to thegarrison of Charleston. Buford called a council of his officers, whodeeming it a deception, he continued his march. In the afternoon, Tarleton overtook him, unfortunately, in an open wood, and cut to pieceshis rear guard. At the sound of his bugle, Buford drew up his men, allinfantry; but Capt. Carter, (not Benjamin, ) who commanded his artillery, and led the van, continued his march. Tarleton advanced, with hisinfantry in the centre, and his cavalry on the wings. He was checked byBuford's fire; but the cavalry wheeling, gained his rear. Seeing no hopeof any longer making a defence, Buford sent Ensign Cruitt with a flagof truce, and grounded his arms. Disregarding the flag, and the rulesof civilized warfare, Tarleton cut Cruitt down, and charged uponBuford, with his cavalry in the rear; while Maj. Cochrane, an infuriatedScotchman, rushed with fixed bayonets, in front. A few of Buford's men, resumed their arms, and fired, when the British were within ten steps, but with little effect;* as might have been expected, from what has beenstated. 

 * See Dr. Brownfield's account of this affair, which throws more light upon it, than any thing heretofore written. Appendix, p. 1. To paliate his conduct, Tarleton has written a most partial account of it, which has been followed by Moultrie, and substantially by Ramsay. The faults committed by Buford, he says, were his sending his baggage ahead, and not firing till the cavalry were within ten steps. --But Buford, notwithstanding all the odium excited against him by his ill fortune, was tried by a court martial, and acquitted. Tarleton excuses his cruelty, by stating, that his horse was knocked down, at the first fire: and his men, thinking him killed, to avenge his death, were more sanguinary than usual, and he was unable, from that circumstance, for a while to restrain them. But Lord Cornwallis approved the whole, and praised and caressed Tarleton, while he was fortunate. 

Buford's regiment was entirely broken by the charge, no quarters weregiven by the British; 113 men were killed of the Americans, and 151 sobadly wounded as to be left on the ground. This was nearly two thirds ofthe whole American force, according to Tarleton's own account; andthe manner in which those left on the ground were mangled, is told, byothers, as horrible. No habitation was near, but the lone cabin of apoor widow woman; and the situation of the dead, was fortunate, whencompared with that of the living. Tarleton says, he lost but twoofficers, and three privates killed, and one officer and thirteenprivates wounded. The massacre took place at the spot where the roadfrom Lancaster to Chesterfield now crosses the Salisbury road. Thenews of these two events, the surrender of the town, and the defeat ofBuford, were spread through the country about the same time, and thespirit of the whigs, sunk into despondency. The American cause appearedto be lost; but, on this expedition, Tarleton burnt the house of Gen. Sumter, near Stateburgh, * and roused the spirit of the lion; at Camden, a party of his men cut to pieces Samuel Wiley, whom they mistook for hisbrother, John Wiley, then sheriff of the district, at his own house. **Governor Rutledge and his council again escaped Tarleton, by a fewminutes, and by taking the road to Charlotte, in North Carolina. Onthe 1st of June, Sir Henry Clinton and Admiral Arbuthnot offered to theinhabitants, with some exceptions, "pardon for their past treasonableoffences, and a reinstatement in their rights and immunities heretoforeenjoyed, exempt from taxation, except by their own legislature. "To many, this specious offer appeared to be all that they had beencontending for; and they flocked in from all quarters to gain such highprivileges. These, having signed declarations of allegiance, receivedprotections as subjects, or were parolled to their plantations asprisoners of war. But, in the short space of twenty days, a secondproclamation was issued, stating, that it was necessary for all personsto take an active part in securing his majesty's government, thatall the inhabitants then prisoners on parole, except those taken atCharleston, and others in confinement, should be freed from theirparoles, and restored to the rights of citizens; and all who neglectedto return to their allegiance should be considered as rebels. 

 * The proper name is Stateburgh. But so great is the propensity of Americans for introducing the S into the already hissing English language, that it is now written commonly Statesburgh. 

 ** Tarleton despatched his favourite sergeant Hutt, who always charged by his side, with a sergeant's guard, to perform this deed. The visit was quite unexpected by Wiley. In going up to his house, two men were left concealed, behind two large gate posts, at the entrance of the yard; while Hutt, with the rest, broke into the house abruptly; he demanded Wiley's shoe buckles, and while he stooped down to unbuckle them, the wretch Hutt aimed a stroke with his sword at his head. Wiley, seeing the gleam of the descending weapon, parried the blow from his head, by his hand, with the loss of some fingers; then, springing out of the door, he ran for the gate, where the two concealed men despatched him with many blows. The cause of offence was, that John Wiley, as sheriff, had superintended the execution of some men under the existing state laws, at that time against treason. After the battle of Cowpens Hutt disappeared. 

Nothing could have astonished the people more, than this lastproclamation, those who had taken the paroles expected to remain ontheir plantations in security and ease; but now, they were called uponto return to their allegiance, and assist in securing his majesty'sgovernment. The purport of which was well understood; they were in factto take up arms against their countrymen: at the very thought of whichthey were abhorrent. This crooked policy was no sooner adopted, thanthe British cause began to decline in South Carolina. The thread ofthe events above recorded, will now naturally lead us to the history ofMarion's brigade. About the end of June, in this year, Capt. Ardesoif, of the British navy, arrived at Georgetown, to carry the lastproclamation of Sir Henry Clinton into effect, and invited the people tocome in and swear allegiance to King George. Many of the inhabitantsof that district submitted to this new act of degradation. But thereremained a portion of it, stretching from the Santee to the Pedee, andincluding the whole of the present Williamsburgh, and part ofMarion district, into which the British arms had not penetrated. Theinhabitants of it were generally of Irish extraction; a people, who atall times during the war, abhorred either submission or vassalage. Amongthem, tradition has handed down the following story:--A public meetingwas called, to deliberate upon their critical situation, and Major JohnJames, who had heretofore commanded them in the field, and representedthem in legislature, was selected as the person who should go down toCapt. Ardesoif, and know from him, whether, by his proclamation, he meant that they should take up arms against their countrymen. Heproceeded to Georgetown, in the plain garb of a country planter, and wasintroduced to the captain, at his lodgings, a considerable distance fromhis ship. An altercation of the following nature took place. After themajor had narrated the nature of his mission, the captain, surprisedthat such an embassy should be sent to him, answered, "the submissionmust be unconditional. " To an inquiry, whether the inhabitants would notbe allowed to stay at home, upon their plantations, in peace and quiet?he replied, "although you have rebelled against his majesty, he offersyou a free pardon, of which you are undeserving, for you ought all tobe hanged; but as he offers you a free pardon, you must take up armsin support of his cause. " To Major James' suggesting that the people hecame to represent would not submit on such terms, the captain, irritatedat his republican language, particularly, it is supposed, at the word_represent_, replied, "you damned rebel, if you speak in such languageI will immediately order you to be hanged up to the yard-arm. "--Thecaptain wore a sword, and Major James none, but perceiving what turnmatters were likely to take, and not brooking such harsh language, hesuddenly seized the chair on which he was seated, brandished it in theface of the captain, and making his retreat good through the back doorof the house, mounted his horse, and made his escape into the country. This circumstance, apparently trivial, certainly hastened the riseof Marion's brigade. The story narrated, as now told, or embellished, always concluded in the same way: "you must take up arms in support ofhis majesty's cause. " Many of the people of Williamsburgh had submittedand taken paroles, but to be obliged to imbrue their hands in the bloodof their countrymen, was in their minds a breach of one of the commandsof God, and they shuddered at the very thought. --They had besides, hadtwo officers put over them, by the British commander, Amos Gaskens andJohn Hamilton; the first they despised on account of his petty larcenytricks, and the last they hated because of his profanity. About thistime, news of the approach of Gates having arrived, a public meeting ofthis people was called, and it was unanimously resolved to take up armsin defence of their country. Major James was desired to command themas heretofore, and they again arrayed themselves under their captainsWilliam M'Cottry, Henry Mouzon, John James, * of the lake, and JohnM'Cauley. The four companies, resolved on this great enterprise, consisted of about two hundred men. Shortly after, Col. Hugh Giles, ofPedee, proposed to join them, with two companies, Whitherspoon's andThornly's; and his offer was gladly accepted. Gen. Gates had now arrivedon the confines of the state, and in a consultation, held among theseofficers, it was agreed to send to him, to appoint them a commander. This was a wise resolution, and attended with the most salutaryconsequences. In the mean time, they made prisoners of Col. Cassels, Capt. Gaskens, and most of the officers appointed over them by theBritish, and took post at the pass of Lynch's creek, at Witherspoon'sferry. At this period, the tories on Lynch's creek, in the neighbourhoodof M'Callum's ferry, had already begun their murders and depredations. Messrs. Matthew Bradley, Thomas Bradley, and John Roberts, respectablecitizens, who had then joined neither party, and also, some others, were killed by them, in their own houses. These were headed by the twoHarrisons, one afterwards a colonel, the other a major in the Britishservice; whom Tarleton calls men of fortune. They were in fact two ofthe greatest banditti that ever infested the country. Before the fallof Charleston they lived in a wretched log hut, by the road, nearM'Callum's, in which there was no bed-covering but the skins of wildbeasts; during the contest the major was killed; but after it wasover, the colonel retired to Jamaica, with much wealth, acquired bydepredation. Capt. M'Cottry was now posted in advance of Witherspoon'sferry, at Indian town, and Col. Tarleton, having crossed at Lenud'sferry, and hearing of the Williamsburgh meeting, advanced, at thehead of seventy mounted militia and cavalry, to surprise Major James. M'Cottry, first receiving notice of his movement, sent back for areinforcement, and immediately marched his company, of about fiftymounted militia, to give him battle. Tarleton had been posted at dark, at the Kingstree, and M'Cottry approached him at midnight, but Tarletonmarched away a few hours before he arrived. By means of the wife ofHamilton, the only tory in that part of the country, he had gainedintelligence of M'Cottry's approach, as reported to him, with fivehundred men. --The latter pursued, but, perhaps fortunately, withoutovertaking him. In this route Tarleton burnt the house of Capt. Mouzon;and after posting thirty miles, from Kingstree up to Salem, took Mr. James Bradley prisoner, the next day. Soon after this Lieut. Col. Hugh Horry arrived from Georgetown; and by right he would have had thecommand of Major James' party, but he declined it for some time. Ofhim more will be said hereafter. On the 10th or 12th of August, GeneralMarion arrived at the post, at Lynch's creek, commissioned by GovernorRutledge to take the command of the party there, and a large extent ofcountry on the east side of Santee. He was a stranger to the officersand men, and they flocked about him, to obtain a sight of their futurecommander. ** He was rather below the middle stature of men, lean andswarthy. His body was well set, but his knees and ankles were badlyformed; and he still limped upon one leg. He had a countenanceremarkably steady; his nose was aquiline; his chin projecting; hisforehead was large and high, and his eyes black and piercing. He wasnow forty-eight years of age; but still even at this age, his framewas capable of enduring fatigue and every privation, necessary for apartisan. His wisdom and patriotism will become henceforth conspicuous. Of a character, so much venerated, even trifles become important. He wasdressed in a close round bodied crimson jacket, of a coarse texture, andwore a leather cap, part of the uniform of the second regiment, with asilver crescent in front, inscribed with the words, "Liberty or death. "He was accompanied by his friend Col. Peter Horry, and some otherofficers. On the second or third day after his arrival, General Marionordered his men to mount white cockades, to distinguish themselves fromthe tories, and crossed the Pedee, at Port's ferry, to disperse a largebody of tories, under Major Ganey, stationed on Britton's neck, betweengreat and little Pedee. He surprised them at dawn in the morning, killedone of their captains and several privates, and had two men wounded. Major James was detached at the head of a volunteer troop of horse, toattack their horse; he came up with them, charged, and drove thembefore him. In this affair, Major James singled out Major Ganey, (ashe supposed) as the object of his single attack. At his approach Ganeyfled, and he pursued him closely, and nearly within the reach of hissword, for half a mile; when behind a thicket, he came upon a party oftories, who had rallied. Not at all intimidated, but with great presenceof mind, Major James called out, "Come on my boys!--Here they are!--Herethey are!" And the whole body of tories broke again, and rushed intolittle Pedee swamp. Another party of tories lay higher up the river, under the command of Capt. Barefield; who had been a soldier in one ofthe South Carolina regiments. These stood to their ranks, so well, andappeared to be so resolute, that Gen. Marion did not wish to expose hismen, by an attack on equal terms; he therefore feigned a retreat, andled them into an ambuscade, near the Blue Savannah, where they weredefeated. This was the first manoeuvre of the kind, for which heafterwards became so conspicuous. 

 * He was second cousin to the major. Of this family, there were five brothers, than whom no men under Marion were more brave; these were John, William, Gavin, Robert and James. Gavin died a few weeks since, with whom the family became extinct. More of Gavin and Robert hereafter. 20th July, 1821. 

 ** He was not appointed a general till some time after this, but as we have not the date of his commission, henceforth he will be styled general; and his other officers, to avoid repetitions, are designated generally by the rank they held at the disbandment of the brigade. 

Thus Gen. Marion, at once, fell upon employment, as the true way toencourage and to command militia; and their spirits began to revive. Hereturned to Port's ferry, and threw up a redoubt on the east bank of thePedee, on which he mounted two old iron field pieces, to awe the tories. On the 17th of August, he detached Col. Peter Horry, with orders to takecommand of four companies, Bonneau's, Mitchell's, Benson's, and Lenud's, near Georgetown, and on the Santee; to destroy all the boats and canoeson the river, from the lower ferry to Lenud's; to post guards, so asto prevent all communication with Charleston, and to procure himtwenty-five weight of gunpowder, ball or buck shot, and flints inproportion. This order was made in pursuance of a plan he afterwardscarried into effect; to leave no approach for the enemy into thedistrict of which he had taken the command. The latter part of theorder, shows how scanty were the means of his defence. There were fewmen, even in those days of enthusiasm, who would not have shrunk fromsuch an undertaking. Gen. Marion himself marched to the upper part ofSantee, it is believed, with the same object in view with which he hadentrusted Horry. On his way he received intelligence of the defeat ofGates at Camden, and, without communicating it, he proceeded immediatelytowards Nelson's ferry. (16th August. ) Near Nelson's, he was informed, by his scouts, that a guard, with a party of prisoners, were on theirway to Charleston; and had stopped at the house, at the great Savannah, on the main road, east of the river. (20th of August. ) It was night, andthe general, a little before daylight next morning, gave the command ofsixteen men to Col. Hugh Horry. He was ordered to gain possession ofthe road, at the pass of Horse creek, in the swamp, while the main body, under himself, was to attack in the rear. In taking his position, in thedark, Col. Horry advanced too near to a sentinel, who fired upon him. Ina moment he rushed up to the house, found the British arms piled beforethe door, and seized upon them. Twenty-two British regulars, of the 63dregiment, two tories, one captain, and a subaltern were taken, and onehundred and fifty of the Maryland line, liberated. In his account ofthis affair Gen. Marion says he had one man killed, and Maj. Bensonwounded. But the man, Josiah Cockfield, who was shot through the breast;lived to fight bravely again, and to be again wounded. In the accountgiven of this action by Col. Tarleton, he says, contemptuously, theguard was taken by "a Mr. Horry"; but Gen. Marion, as commandingofficer, is entitled to the credit of it. The news of the defeat of Gen. Gates now became public, and repressed all joy upon this occasion; noevent which had yet happened, was considered so calamitous. An accountof it will be given in his own words. Extract of a letter, from Gen. Gates, to the president of congress, dated Hillsborough, 20th August, 1780:--

 "Sir, In the deepest distress and anxiety of mind, I am obliged to acquaintyour excellency with the defeat of the troops under my command. Iarrived with the Maryland line, the artillery, and the North Carolinamilitia, on the 13th inst. At Rugely's, thirteen miles from Camden;took post there, and was the next day joined by Gen. Stevens, with700 militia from Virginia. The 15th, at daylight, I reinforced ColonelSumter, with 300 North Carolina militia, 100 of the Maryland line, andtwo three-pounders from the artillery: having previously ordered himdown from the Waxhaws, opposite to Camden, to intercept any storescoming to the enemy, and particularly troops coming from Ninety-Six. This was well executed by Col. Sumter. Having communicated my plan tothe general officers in the afternoon of the 15th, it was resolved tomarch at ten at night, to take post in a very advantageous situation, with a deep creek in front, (Gum Swamp*) seven miles from Camden. At tenthe army began to march, and having moved about five miles, thelegion was charged by the enemy's cavalry, and well supported byCol. Porterfield, who beat back the enemy's horse, and was himselfunfortunately wounded, (mortally) but the enemy's infantry advancingwith a heavy fire, the troops in front gave way to the first Marylandbrigade, and a confusion ensued which took some time to regulate. Atlength the army was ranged in line of battle. Gen. Gists' brigade on theright, close to a swamp; the North Carolina militia in the centre; theVirginia militia, the light infantry, and Porterfield's corps, on theleft; the artillery divided to the brigades. The first Maryland brigadeas a corps de reserve on the road. Col. Armand's corps was ordered tosupport the left flank. At daylight, they attacked and drove in ourlight party in front, when I ordered the left to advance and attack theenemy; but, to my astonishment, the left wing and North Carolina militiagave way. Gen. Caswell and myself, assisted by a number of officers, didall in our power to rally them; but the enemy's cavalry harassing theirrear, they ran like a torrent, and bore all before them. " This is allthe general seemed to know of the action. Part of the brigade of NorthCarolina militia, commanded by Gen. Gregory, behaved well. Theyformed on the left of the continentals, and kept the field while theircartridges lasted. In bringing off his men, Gen. Gregory was thricewounded by a bayonet, and several of his brigade, made prisoners, had nowounds but from the bayonet. The continental troops, under De Kalband Gist, with inferior numbers, stood their ground and maintainedthe unequal conflict with great firmness. At one time they had taken aconsiderable body of prisoners; but at length, overpowered by numbers, they were compelled to leave the field. Tarleton's legion pursued thefugitives to the Hanging rock, fifteen miles, and glutted themselveswith blood. Baron De Kalb, the second in command, an officer of greatspirit, and long experience, was taken prisoner, after receiving elevenwounds, and died. Congress resolved that a monument should be erectedto him at Annapolis. The gratitude of the people of Camden, has erectedanother in that town, and named a street De Kalb, after him. ** Capts. Williams and Duval, of the Maryland troops, were killed; and Gen. Rutherford, of North Carolina, and Maj. Thomas Pinckney, of SouthCarolina, were wounded, and taken prisoners. Du Buysson, aid to Baron DeKalb, generously exposing himself to save his general, received severalwounds and was taken. Lord Cornwallis states the force of Gates tohave been six thousand men, and his own at near two thousand: a greatdisparity indeed. The loss of the Americans he calculates at betweeneight and nine hundred killed, and one thousand prisoners, many of whomwere wounded; a number of colours, seven pieces of brass cannon, allthe military stores and baggage, and one hundred and fifty waggons. HisLordship no doubt obtained a splendid victory; but tarnished it by hisorders, issued soon after. Extract from the orders of Lord Cornwallis:--

 * Had Gen. Gates reached the important pass of Gum Swamp, and occupied it properly, the fortune of war might have been changed. It is a miry creek, impassible for many miles, except at the road. He missed it only by a few minutes. And his popularity, though gained by much merit, was lost by no greater crime than that of trusting too much to militia. 

 ** The Marquis De La Fayette and Baron De Kalb arrived in the United States in the same small vessel, which made the land at North inlet, near Georgetown, about the middle of June, in the year 1777. They lay in the offing, and seeing a canoe, with two negroes in it, come out of the inlet a fishing, they sent off a boat, which intercepted them. Fortunately they belonged to Capt. Benjamin Huger, who had just arrived at North Island with his family, to spend the summer. The negroes conducted the marquis and baron to their master's house, where he received them with joy, and, it need not be added, with hospitality. Never was a meeting of three more congenial souls. The major afterwards conducted his two illustrious guests to Charleston. Major Huger was the father of Col. Huger, who afterwards engaged in the well known enterprize of delivering the marquis from the dungeon of Olmutz; and perhaps the seeds of that honourable undertaking were sown under his father's roof. 

"I have given orders, that the inhabitants of the province, who havetaken part in this revolt, should be punished with the greatest rigour;and also those who will not turn out, that they may be imprisoned, andtheir property taken from them, or destroyed. I have likewise ordered, that compensation be made out of their estates, to the persons who havebeen injured or oppressed by them. I have ordered, in the mostpositive manner, that every militia man who has borne arms with us, andafterwards joined the army, shall be immediately hanged. I desireyou will take the most rigourous measures to punish the rebels in thedistrict in which you command; and that you obey in the strictest mannerthe directions I have given in this letter, relative to the inhabitantsof this country. " And wherever the British had garrisons or power theseorders were carried into effect. Under them, at, or near Camden, Samuel Andrews, Richard Tucker, John Miles, Josiah Gayle, EleazarSmith, ----Sones, and many others, were hanged. Under them also, Cols. John Chesnut and Joseph Kershaw, Mr. James Brown, Mr. Strother, Mr. James Bradley, and a multitude of others, languished in irons, whiletheir property was destroyed, and their families were starving. YetTarleton says of Lord Cornwallis, "He endeavoured so to conduct himselfas to give offence to no party, and the consequence was that he was ableentirely to please none. " Of what kind of stuff must this man's hearthave been made? But let us inquire a little further into the nature ofthese orders; which, in their extent, would have condemned to death, imprisonment and confiscation three fourths of the militia, who atthat time, or afterwards, acted under the American standard in SouthCarolina. The proclamation of the British commanders of the 1st ofJune, 1780, before noticed, was either a snare to entrap the people intoallegiance, and, as a necessary consequence, into recruits for theirarmy; or it was terms of capitulation, fairly offered by the Britishcommanders, to all such people as would submit to them. In other words, it was _a solemn covenant_. *1* If the proclamation was a snare, to bringthe people to fight against their countrymen, as it has been generallythought, it was a breach of faith in those commanders, and not bindingupon the people;*2* and the sooner they could avoid the treachery thebetter. Then, upon this view of the case, the more wicked were theorders of Lord Cornwallis, issued on the unsound principle of afaithless proclamation. Again, if it was intended as a covenant; as theparoles issued under it made them prisoners; the people, from the termsand the nature of it, ought to have been suffered to remain at home, inpeace and quiet; for being prisoners, they could not, consistent withreason or principle, serve under those who held them in imprisonment. Further, the second proclamation declaring all paroles, after the 20thJune, to be null and void, was an arbitrary change of what had beenagreed upon by one party, the strongest, without the consent of theother; which, in the language of civilians, _is odious_. *3* Then theBritish commanders, having broken their covenant and declared it void, upon what principle could the people be punished by a breach of it? Uponnone; for it did not exist. But further, the taking up arms in favour ofthe British, in nine cases out of ten, was compulsory; and could have nobinding effect, either legally or morally speaking. 

 *1* Puff. L. N. Viii. 6. 24. Vatt. B. 2. C. 14. S. 214-15. 

 *2* Ibid, B. 2. C. 13. S. 200. 

 *3* Vattel B. 2. C. 17. S. 304. B. 3. C. 13. S. 201. 

In addition to the enormity of the principle, upon which such men wereto suffer, was the uncertainty of the law; for Lord Cornwallis' ordersare so confusedly drawn, they will admit, as against the accused, of anylatitude of construction: yet they denounce confiscation, imprisonmentand death. Under the circumstances stated, the confiscations of LordCornwallis were robberies, his imprisonments were unjust and cruel, andhis executions, always upon the gibbet, were military murders. And if, to gain his point, he did not, like the Duke of Alva, (employed in asimilar vocation) make use of the rack, the stake, and the faggot, yet Lord Cornwallis resorted to every other mode of punishment, a moreimproved civilization had left him, to suppress civil liberty. Such wasthe character of the commander in chief of the British forces in SouthCarolina. 

Now, we hold a generous foe entitled to favour and respect, and weshall hereafter bestow it, wherever due; but the interest of humanityrequires, and it is a sacred trust, in the historian, that crueldomineering spirits should be fully exposed. 

Soon after the affair at Nelson's, Gen. Marion marched back toPort's ferry. On the way, many of the militia, and all the liberatedcontinentals, except three, deserted him. Two of these were SergeantsM'Donald and Davis, who were afterwards noted, the first for hisdaring spirit and address in single combat; the second, for his patientservices, after being crippled by a wound. It is a real pleasure torecord the virtues of men, who, serving in a subordinate capacity, neverexpected such virtues should be known. By the exertions of Gen. Marionand his officers, the spirits of the drooping militia began to revive. But about the 27th day of August, when, having the command of only onehundred and fifty men, he heard of the approach of Major Wemyss, aboveKingstree, at the head of the 63d regiment, and a body of tories, underMaj. Harrison. 

Maj. James was instantly despatched, at the head of a company ofvolunteers, with orders to reconnoitre, and count them. Col. Peter Horrywas called in, and the general crossed Lynch's creek, and advanced togive battle. The night after Maj. James received his orders, the moonshone brightly, and by hiding himself in a thicket, close to their lineof march, he formed a good estimate of the force of the enemy. Astheir rear guard passed, he burst from his hiding place, and took someprisoners. On the same night, about an hour before day, Marion metthe major half a mile from his plantation. The officers immediatelydismounted, and retired to consult, and the men sat on their horses in astate of anxious suspense. The conference was long and animated. At theend of it, an order was given to direct the march back to Lynch's creek, and no sooner was it given than a hollow groan might have been heardalong the whole line. A bitter cup had now been mingled for the peopleof Williamsburgh and Pedee; and they were doomed to drain it to thedregs: but in the end it proved a salutary medicine. Maj. James reportedthe British force to be double that of Marion's; and Ganey's party oftories in the rear, had always been estimated at five hundred men. Insuch a crisis, a retreat was deemed prudent. Gen. Marion recrossed thePedee, at Port's; and the next evening, at the setting sun, commencedhis retreat to North Carolina. (28th August, 1780. ) He was accompaniedby many officers, the names of all are not now recollected, and it mayappear invidious to mention a few; the number of privates had dwindleddown to sixty men. Capt. John James, with about ten chosen men, wasleft behind to succour the distressed, and to convey intelligence. The general's march, was, for some time, much impeded by the two fieldpieces, which he attempted to take along; but, after crossing the littlePedee, he wheeled them off to the right, and deposited them in a swamp;where they may since have amused the wondering deer hunter. This was thelast instance of military parade evinced by the general. By marchingday and night, he arrived at Amy's mill, on Drowning creek; whence hedetached Maj. James, with a small party of volunteers, back to SouthCarolina, to gain intelligence, and to rouse the militia. Consideringthe distance back, and the British and tories in the rear, this was aperilous undertaking. The general continued his march, and pitched hiscamp for some time, on the east side of the White marsh, near the headof the Waccamaw. 

At this place, the author had, (in the absence of his father, ) thehonour to be invited to dine with the general. The dinner was set beforethe company by the general's servant, Oscar, partly on a pine log, and partly on the ground; it was lean beef, without salt, and sweetpotatoes. The author had left a small pot of boiled homminy in his camp, and requested leave of his host to send for it; and the proposal wasacquiesced in, gladly. The homminy had salt in it, and proved, althougheaten out of the pot, a most acceptable repast. The general said butlittle, and that was chiefly what a son would be most likely to begratified by, in the praise of his father. They had nothing to drink butbad water; and all the company appeared to be rather grave. 

At length Maj. James arrived. The news was, that the country throughwhich Wemyss had marched, for seventy miles in length, and at places forfifteen miles in width, exhibited one continued scene of desolation. Onmost of the plantations every house was burnt to the ground, the negroeswere carried off, the inhabitants plundered, the stock, especiallysheep, wantonly killed; and all the provisions, which could be come at, destroyed. Fortunately the corn was not generally housed, and muchof that was saved. Capt. James had fired upon a party at M'Gill'splantation; but it only increased the rage of the enemy. Adam Cusan hadshot at the black servant of a tory officer, John Brockington, whom heknew, across Black creek. He was taken prisoner soon after, and for thisoffence, tried by a court martial, and, on the evidence of the negro, hanged. His wife and children prostrated themselves before Wemyss, onhorseback, for a pardon; and he would have rode over them, had notone of his own officers prevented the foul deed; from this scene heproceeded on to superintend the execution. But these acts of wantonnessand cruelty had roused the militia; and Maj. James reported they wereready to join the general. Marion, in a few days after, returned toSouth Carolina by a forced march. On the second day, while passingthrough the tory settlement, on Little Pedee, he traversed sixty miles, and arriving near Lynch's creek, was joined by Capts. John James andHenry Mouzon, with a considerable force. Here he was informed that aparty of tories, but more numerous than his own, lay at Black Mingo, fifteen miles below, under the command of Capt. John Coming Ball. Hemight soon have been reinforced, but finding his men unanimous forbattle, he gratified their wishes. The tories were posted at Shepherd'sferry, on the south side of Black Mingo, a deep navigable creek, andhad command of the passage. To approach them, Gen. Marion was obligedto cross the creek, one mile above, over a boggy causeway and bridge ofplanks. It was nearly midnight when he arrived at the bridge; and whilethe party was crossing it, an alarm gun was heard in the tory camp. Thegeneral immediately ordered his men to follow him in full gallop, and, in a few minutes, they reached the main road which led to the ferry, about three hundred yards in front of it. Here they all dismounted, except a small body, which acted as cavalry. The general ordered a corpsof supernumerary officers, under the command of Capt. Thomas Waties, toproceed down the road, and attack Dollard's house, where it was supposedthe tories were posted, and at the same time he detached two companiesto the right, under Col. Hugh Horry, and the cavalry to the left, tosupport the attack. Before the corps of officers could reach the house, the party on the right had encountered the enemy, who had leftthe house, and were drawn up in an old field opposite to it. Thiscircumstance gave to the latter all the advantage of a surprise, andtheir first fire was so severe and unexpected, as to oblige Horry's mento fall back in some confusion; these were, however, soon rallied bythe great exertions of Capt. John James. And the tories in the meantime being attacked on their flank by the corps of officers, and findingthemselves between two fires, gave way after a few rounds, and tookrefuge in Black Mingo swamp, which was in their rear. This action, although of short duration, was so closely and sharply contested, thatthe loss on both sides was nearly one third, killed and wounded. 

Capt. George Logan, of Charleston, had been sick near the White marsh;but, hearing that Marion had marched for South Carolina, he rose fromhis bed, mounted his horse, and rode eighty miles the day before theaction, to join him, and was killed that night at Black Mingo. Such wasthe energy of this fallen patriot. Two other gallant officers, Capt. Henry Mouzon and his Lieut. Joseph Scott, were, by their wounds, rendered unfit for further service. 

Many of the enemy had been lately companions in arms with Marion, and ina short time joined him again, and behaved well afterwards. As many ofhis party had left their families in much distress, the general gavethem leave to go to their homes, and appointed them to meet him atSnow's island, on the Pedee. They delayed so long, that he began todespair of their coming, and proposed to a few officers, who were withhim, to abandon South Carolina, and join Gen. Greene, at Charlotte. But Col. Hugh Horry, who was his bosom friend, and partook more ofhis confidence than any other man, prevailed upon him to remain. The services of Col. Hugh Horry, in the field, were certainly highlymeritorious; but he never rendered his country more effectual aid thanby this act of friendly persuasion. The militia at length came in. The general soon after, marched up into Williamsburgh, and gainedreinforcements daily. His first intention was to chastise Harrison, onLynch's creek; and he was moving up for that purpose, but hearing thatCol. Tynes had summoned the people of Salem, and the fork of Blackriver, out to do duty as his majesty's subjects, he instantly resolvedto break up the party, before its newly made converts should becomeconfirmed in the principles they had unwillingly adopted. --Tynes layencamped at Tarcote, in the fork of Black river, much off his guard, and Gen. Marion crossing the lower ford of the northern branch of thatriver, at Nelson's plantation, marched up and surprised him in thenight. The rout was universal, and attended, as Tarcote swamp was near, with more dismay than slaughter. Gen. Marion lost not a man; some torieswere killed, and among the rest Capt. Amos Gaskens; a man noted beforethe war for petty larceny, and after it commenced, for plundering underMajor Wemyss. The most of Tynes' men, soon after joined Gen. Marion, andfought bravely. 

The next enemy Gen. Marion proceeded to encounter was the renowned Col. Tarleton. Hearing that he had left Charleston, where he had been forsome time past confined with a fever, and that he was to cross atNelson's ferry with a body of cavalry, Gen. Marion lay in wait for him, in the river swamp, a part of two days. (Nov. 1780. ) He had cut bushes, and planted them on the road side in such a manner as would have ensuredhim a deadly fire. But in the evening of the second day, he was informedthat Tarleton had passed before he had arrived on his way to Camden;and the general immediately commenced his march up the road in the samedirection. In the night he stopped in a wood, near where Mr. CharlesRichardson now lives, and was about to encamp; but seeing a great lighttowards Gen. Richardson's plantation, he concluded that it was thehouses of the plantation on fire, and that Tarleton was there. Whiledeliberating what was to be done, Col. Richard Richardson came in, andinformed him the enemy was there, and at least double his number, withtwo field pieces; and it was discovered that one of his men had desertedto them. Finding Tarleton had now a guide, and that his position wasunsafe, Marion immediately retreated; and crossing the Woodyard, then atremendous swamp, in the most profound darkness, * he never stopped tillhe had passed Richbourgh's mill dam, on Jack's creek, distant about sixmiles. Having now a mill pond and miry swamp between him and the enemy, and the command of a narrow pass, the first words the general washeard to say were, "Now we are safe!" As soon as Tarleton receivedintelligence of Gen. Marion's position, and had got a guide, he thoughtto make sure of his prey, and commenced his march: he was led in silenceto the spot which he contemplated as another scene of slaughter; buthis intended victim had flown. He pursued to the Woodyard, but could notpass that night. The next morning Marion, knowing the vigilance of hisfoe, decamped betimes; and pursuing his route down Black river, forthirty-five miles, through woods, and swamps and bogs, where therewas no road, encamped the following night on advantageous ground, atBenbow's ferry, now Lowry's bridge, about ten miles above Kingstree, onthe east side of Black river. In a partisan warfare this position wasthe best that could have been taken. He could now defend himself, firstat Black river itself; and after that at three difficult passes, ofswamps, in his rear; all within ten miles, on that side of the river, before he reached Kingstree; but on the direct road to that place, on the west, there was but the one defile at the river; besides thepossibility of being overtaken before he reached it. Here then Mariondetermined to make a stand, and felled trees across the road to impedethe enemy. On the morning after the retreat, Tarleton found Marion'strail across the Woodyard, but went round it, and pursued, as he says, "for seven hours, through swamps and defiles. " In fact he pursued abouttwenty-five miles, when arriving at Ox swamp, ** which was wide and miry, and without a road to pass it, he desisted, saying to his men, "Comemy boys! let us go back, and we will soon find the game cock, (meaningSumter) but as for this d----d _old fox_, the devil himself could notcatch him. " After this, the two generals were thus characterized. Itis amusing to read Tarleton's pompous account of this pursuit. Heinsinuates that Marion's sole view was to save himself; as Tarletonstopped ten or twelve miles short of Benbow's, he might not have heardof the preparations made there to receive him. For the same distanceMarion had been skirting the south branch of Black river, and could atany time, in a few minutes, have plunged into it, and no regular body ofcavalry could have followed him. Had Tarleton proceeded with his jadedhorses to Benbow's, he would have exposed his force to such sharpshooting as he had not yet experienced, and that in a place where hecould not have acted either with his artillery or cavalry. 

 * Darkness visible. 

 ** This Ox swamp is twenty-three miles above Kingstree, another mentioned hereafter, is thirteen miles below. 

On this expedition, Tarleton burnt the house, out houses, corn andfodder, and a great part of the cattle, hogs and poultry, of the estateof Gen. Richardson. The general had been active with the Americans, butwas now dead; and the British leader, in civilized times, made his widowand children suffer for the deeds of the husband and parent, after themanner of the East, and coast of Barbary. What added to the cruel natureof the act, was that he had first dined in the house, and helped himselfto the abundant good cheer it afforded. But we have seen before themanner in which he requited hospitality. It was generally observedof Tarleton and his corps, that they not only exercised more acts ofcruelty than any one in the British army, but also carried further thespirit of depredation. 

The wise policy of Gen. Marion had hitherto been to keep his own party, as yet but small, constantly in motion, and thus to multiply it, inthe view of the enemy; and immediately to strike at all other partiespreparing to join them. Had parties from the country been sufferedto incorporate with the British, and to unite in their principles andviews, the sense of a dereliction of duty, and the punishment expectedto await it, as well as the pride of opinion, usually attending a newconversion, might have kept them firm in their apostacy. Of a truth, Gen. Marion made many converts to the cause of his country. 

Many from inclination and principle felt a strong desire to join him, and again to reconcile themselves to the cause they had at first adoptedand deserted with the utmost reluctance, and became confirmed in theirviews, by his apparent abilities and successes; others had felt thesuddenness and unexpected severity of his midnight blows, and thoughtthe step of uniting with him would be the most prudent or politic. Fromthe operation of both sentiments, the people of that tract of country, on a line, stretching from Camden across to the mouth of Black creek, onPedee, including generally both banks of the Wateree, Santee and Pedee, down to the sea coast, were now (excepting Harrison's party on Lynch'screek) either ready or preparing to join Gen. Marion. Many had alreadyserved under him, within the lines of the British or tories, andsubmitted to all the subsequent losses; which although the more totheir credit, it is now much to be regretted, that they cannot beparticularized. As to the people of old Cheraw district, above the linedesignated, and especially on the Pedee, they were at this time undertheir leader Gen. Thomas, waging an exterminating warfare with thetories on their borders; which still remains, and it is more thanprobable ever will remain, unrecorded. 

From Benbow's ferry, Gen. Marion's first expedition was planned againstGeorgetown. The formidable enemy he had nearly encountered, had notdiminished his energies. Georgetown, at that period, and afterwards, was often the point to which his views were directed; since it was thereonly he expected to take the supplies of ammunition, clothing and salt, which he sorely wanted. To expedite his scheme he crossed Black river, at Potato ferry, a retired place, and proceeded on towards Georgetown bythe Gap way. --Three miles from the town there is a swamp called White'sbay, * which discharges itself by two mouths, the one into Black river, the other into Sampit, thus insulating the town. Over the one, which empties itself into Sampit, there is a bridge, two miles fromGeorgetown, called White's bridge. Back of these swamps, Gen. Mariontook his stand, near a place called the Camp, above the bridge. Here hedespatched Col. P. Horry towards the Black river, and Capt. John Meltonto the Sampit road, both leading into the town, to reconnoitre. AtWhite's plantation, Horry fell in with Capt. Merritt, who, with a fewdragoons, was escorting a couple of ladies from Georgetown; Merritt, after defending himself bravely, escaped and gave the alarm. Melton, unfortunately, came in contact with a party of tories, under Barefield, much larger than his own, who were patroling near the bridge. A fewshots were exchanged, and Melton was compelled to retreat. But in thisshort affair Gabriel Marion, nephew of the general, had his horsekilled under him, and was taken prisoner; but as soon as his name wasannounced, he was inhumanely shot. The instrument of death was plantedso near that it burnt his linen at the breast. He had been a lieutenantin the second regiment, was a young gentleman of good education, of whomhigh expectations were formed, and who was much beloved in the brigade. As the general had no children, he mourned over this nephew, as would afather over an only son; but he soon recollected that he had an exampleto set, and shortly after publicly expressed this consolation forhimself--that his nephew was a virtuous young man--that he had fallenin the cause of his country, and he would mourn over him no more. Atthe same time Mr. Swaineau, a worthy man, was killed. Ere this, he hadexercised the peaceful profession of a schoolmaster; but findingthere was no employment for him in these perilous times, he had boldlyshouldered the musket, and died a soldier. But so prone are mankind topass over the merits of this most useful class of men, that had henot fallen by the side of a Marion, perhaps his memory would have beenforgotten. About the same time, Mr. Bentley, another schoolmaster, waskilled in action. The suspension of all public education, which led tothe fate of such men, and the discontinuance of all religious worship, hereafter more particularly noticed, are striking instances of thecalamitous state of the country during this period. 

 * Inland swamps in the lower and middle country are called _Bays_, from their natural growth, which is the _bay_ tree, a name sufficiently appropriate. 

The British in Georgetown being now alarmed, Gen. Marion's wise schemeto surprise them was frustrated; and he retired to Snow's island. Thisisland became henceforth the most constant place of his encampment; asecure retreat, a depot for his arms and ammunition; and, under similarpressures, a second _Athelney_, from which he might sally out uponthe modern, but no less ferocious plunderers than their ancestors, theDanes. Snow's island, not quite so marshy as was the retreat of thegreat Alfred, lies at the confluence of Lynch's creek and the Pedee. Onthe east flows the Pedee; on the west Clark's creek, a navigable stream, issuing from Lynch's creek above; and on the north lies Lynch's creek, nearly choked up by rafts of logs, but wide and deep. The island ishigh river swamp, and large, of itself affording much provision and livestock, as did all the Pedee river swamp at that day. In places, therewere open cultivated lands on the island; but it was much coveredby thick woods and cane brakes; it was also near to Ganey's party oftories; and by crossing the river, and marching two or three hours, Marion could forage in an enemy's country. All these advantages werewell suited to the views of such a leader as Gen. Marion; and thereader is to bear in mind that such was the kind of swamps he commonlyoccupied. Reinforcements were now coming in to him daily, and his partybegan at this time to assume the appearance and force of a brigade. Helay here to receive them, and to repose his men, and horses; which, fromthe time he left the White marsh until he halted at Snow's island, hadpassed over at least three hundred and sixty miles, in rapid marches andcounter marches, made principally in the night. Marion now kept out astrict watch upon the enemy. About this time, Lieut. Roger Gordon wassent out with a party, to patrole on Lynch's creek, and stopped at ahouse for provisions and refreshments. While there, he was attacked byCapt. Butler with a much larger party of tories, who having succeededin making good his approaches to the house, set it on fire. Gordonthen capitulated on a promise of quarters; but no sooner had his partygrounded their arms, than they were all put to death. Not long after, Col. Kalb, Mr. Thomas Evans and some others, were murdered by Gibson, acoloured man, and his party of tories, in a manner still more shockingto humanity. In the dead of night, Kalb's own house was surrounded, andset on fire; he, his wife, and family, and some neighbours were in it, and in bed, when awaking, they sued for quarters. Gibson promised thatthey should not be hurt, if they surrendered; but as soon as the men hadpassed out into the light of the conflagration, they were all shot. We have some time since mentioned the murder of the two Bradleys, and others, on Lynch's Creek, and lately that of Gabriel Marion. Suchprovocations were no longer to be borne. Henceforth, there commencedsuch a bloody warfare between the whigs and tories, as is seldomrecorded in the annals of even civil commotion. * Besides theprovocations mentioned, when a tory was taken prisoner, there wereno means of securing him, and he commonly soon made his escape, andthereafter became a guide to his associates. It was not so with whigswho were made prisoners, for they could be sent to Georgetown or Camden. But now, seldom were prisoners made on either side, and if made, thatwas no security for their lives: they were sure to be put to death, either openly or privately, by a few infuriated men, who could besubjected to no subordination. Enough is said. Let the rest be buried inoblivion. 

 * Bella, plus quam civilia; bella, nullos habitura triumphos. 

At and near Snow's island, Gen. Marion secured what boats he wanted; andburnt those more remote. To prevent the approach of an enemy, he fellupon a plan of insulating as much as possible the country under hiscommand. For this purpose he broke down bridges, and felled trees acrosscauseways and difficult passes. As there was no market in that day, andthe vicinity of a road was dangerous, the inhabitants aided him much inthis design. History furnishes innumerable instances of the good effectof such a system of defensive warfare. His scouting parties movedprincipally in the night, and in all directions, and to whatever coursethey turned an enemy was easily found. The British had posts at Nelson'sferry, Scott's lake, and Georgetown; and the tories on Lynch's creek, and Little Pedee, were more numerous, but not so well directed asMarion's party. 

Col. P. Horry and Maj. John Postell, with detachments, were posted, thefirst on Waccamaw creek, the second on the neck between Black and Pedeerivers, with orders to take all boats and canoes, and all horses, fromfriends or foes; to impress negroes as boat hands and pioneers, to seizeall arms and ammunition, to prevent provisions from being sent to theenemy in Georgetown, and to send up as much rice and salt to Snow'sisland, as possible. (30th Dec. 1780. ) All who would not join them wereto be taken prisoners, and all who supplied the enemy with stock, or grain, were to be treated as traitors. Thus martial law was fullyestablished, and, for self defence, never was it more necessary. WhenGen. Marion himself, or any of his parties, left the island on anexpedition, they almost invariably struck into the woods towards theheads of the larger water courses, and crossed them near their source;and if in haste, they swam over them. Many of the general's trailsremained for a long time after, and some are now roads. When it is saidhereafter that Gen. Marion crossed a river, for instance the Santee, itis not to be understood that he stopped, like Caesar at the Rhine, tobuild a bridge over it; or that he was provided with the convenientmodern apparatus of pontoons, or oftentimes with a common flat; even thelast would have been too slow for the usual rapidity of his motions. He seldom waited for more than a single canoe, along side of which hissorrel horse Ball, * was usually led into the river, and he floated overlike an amphibious animal. The rest of the horses soon learned to followinstinctively. Where a canoe was not to be had, the general swam overfrequently on the back of this uncommon horse. No leader, in ancientor modern times, ever passed rivers with more rapidity. His plans werelaid, and his movements conducted, with the most uncommon secrecy. Aftermaking a movement, his most confidential officers and men have hadto search for him for days together, perhaps without finding him. Hisscouts, when returning, and at a loss, used a loud and shrill whistle, as a signal; which could be heard in the night to an astonishingdistance. It is well described in Scott's Lady of the Lake:

 ----"He whistled shrill, And he was answered from the hill; Wild as the scream of the curlew, From crag to crag, the signal flew. "

 * He was taken from Capt. Ball, at Black Mingo. 

As an instance of the secrecy with which Gen. Marion's plans were alwaysadopted and conducted, the following may be regarded as a specimen inhis progress throughout. His men having been several times unexpectedlyled out upon long expeditions, without preparation, and suffering forthe want of food on such occasions, after some time, were in the habitof watching his cook, and if they saw him unusually busied in preparingany of the frugal fare then in use, they prepared accordingly. Thegeneral's favourite time for moving was at the sitting sun, and then itwas expected the march would continue all night. But the present time, and afterwards, before striking any sudden blow, he has been known tomarch sixty or seventy miles, without taking any other refreshment, thana meal of cold potatoes and a drink of cold water, in twenty-fourhours. During this period men were but badly clothed in homespun, whichafforded little warmth. They slept in the open air, according to theirmeans, either with or without a blanket. They had nothing but waterto drink. They fed chiefly upon sweet potatoes, either with or withoutfresh beef. And they submitted to this without a murmur; but all sighedfor salt! for salt! that first article of necessity for the human race. Little do the luxurious of the present day know of the pressure of sucha want. Salt was now ten silver dollars the bushel, when brought morethan thirty miles from the Waccamaw sea shore, where it was coarselymanufactured. It was harder to get one silver dollar then, than ten now;so that on a low calculation, a bushel of coarse bay salt, sold at thattime for one hundred dollars value of the present day. As soon as Gen. Marion could collect a sufficient quantity of this desirable articleat Snow's island, he distributed it out in quantities, not exceeding abushel to each whig family; and thus endeared himself the more to hisfollowers. 

Thus closed the year one thousand seven hundred and eighty, over thehead of Gen. Marion. We will leave him for a moment, to such repose asthe island afforded, and state some matters to carry on the chain ofevents. 

On the 12th July, General Sumter commenced his brilliant career. On thewest of the Catawba, he defeated a large party of tories, and a party ofBritish, and killed Col. Ferguson, who commanded the former, andCapt. Huck, at the head of the latter. This man had shocked the goodPresbyterians in that part of the country by his profanity; he burnttheir church, their parsonage, and their bibles, and treated them withinsult and cruelty. About the 30th July, Gen. Sumter nearly annihilatedthe Prince of Wales' regiment, and routed a large body of tories at theHanging rock. --Soon after the defeat of Gates, the enemy was left atliberty to turn a greater force upon Sumter, and his men, being worndown by fatigue and want of sleep, he was surprised and defeated atFishing creek, by Tarleton, but with little loss, for he rallied hisforces _in three days after_. * On the 12th Nov. Major Wemyss attemptedto surprise him near the Fishdam ford, on Broad river, at the head of acorps of infantry and dragoons. Col. Thomas Taylor, with his regiment, was posted in advance, and his men lay securely at their fires, thinkingthe enemy at a distance. But the colonel, from what has been termed a_presentiment_, was uneasy and could not rest; he got up, and hearingthe barking of dogs and some other unusual noises, he woke up his men, and removed them back from their fires. Soon after, the British appearedat them, and thus offered themselves to the aim of experienced marksmen. In the mean time Sumter came up to their aid, and the enemy was totallydefeated. Major Wemyss was severely wounded and taken. He had in hispocket a list of the houses he had burnt at Williamsburgh and Pedee;with great trepidation he showed it to Sumter, and begged he wouldprotect him from the militia. --Notwithstanding his atrocities he wastreated with indulgence; but became a cripple for life. On the 20th ofthe same month Sumter was attacked by Col. Tarleton, at Black Stocks. The action was severe, and of the British officers, Major Money, andLieuts. Gibson and Cape, were killed. Sumter lost few men, but he washimself wounded. The ball passed through the shoulder and carried awaya small portion of the backbone. He was placed in a raw bullock's hide, fastened between two horses, and thus carried with a guard of five mento the mountains. 

 * Notwithstanding the _bruit_ made in history about this defeat of Sumter, the author can re-assert, and from written evidence now before him, that Sumter was _in three days_ at the head of a very respectable force. This was not obtained by any communication from the general, but by an investigation of dates. 

Tarleton, as usual, sent an account of his victory, much exaggerated, toLord Cornwallis, who writes to him on the 22d of the same month: "I mostheartily wish you joy of your success, but wish it had not cost you somuch. " And again, on the next day: "I shall be very glad to hear thatSumter is in a condition to give us no further trouble; he certainly hasbeen our greatest plague in this country. " The inhabitants of the NewAcquisition, now York district, were among the warm friends of Gen. Sumter; it was among these people he generally recruited his forces. They never submitted to the British nor took protection. The mostdistinguished leaders, under Sumter, were Colonels Niel, Hill, Lacey, Winn, Bratton, Brandon, and Majors Davie and Winn. Davie commanded acorps of cavalry, which was never surprised nor dispersed during thewar. 

In the summer of 1780, Col. Ferguson, of the British 71st, hadundertaken to visit the tory settlements in the upper country, and trainup the young men to arms. Among these several unprincipled people hadjoined him, and acted with their usual propensity for rapine and murder. Many Americans, fleeing before them, passed over into the state ofTennessee, then beginning to be settled. By their warm representations, they roused the spirit of the people of that country, which has sincebecome so often conspicuous. Although safe from any enemy but thesavages of their cane brakes, they left their families, and generouslymarched to the assistance of their friends. Nine hundred of themmounted, under the command of Col. Campbell, poured down from theAllegany, like the torrents from its summit. Gunpowder they had alreadylearnt to prepare from the saltpetre in their caves, and lead they dugout of their mines. Dried venison satisfied their hunger, pure waterslaked their thirst, and at the side of a rock they enjoyed comfortablerepose. Armed with rifles, sure to the white speck on the target, at thedistance of one hundred paces, or to decapitate the wild turkey on thetop of the tallest pine--these were indeed a formidable band. Theirother leaders were Shelby, Sevier, Williams and Cleveland, all inured tothe pursuit of the savage or the wild beast of the forest. Thus equippedand commanded, and with such few wants, they moved rapidly on to attackFerguson, a no less formidable foe, and on the 7th of October, 1780, reached him, strongly posted on King's mountain. Campbell divided hismen into three bands, one under himself, one under Cleveland, and theother under Shelby. --Cleveland commenced the attack, and fired untilFerguson, advancing sufficiently near, ordered the British to chargewith bayonets; before these he retired. By this time Shelby had ascendedthe mountain, and gave an unexpected and deadly fire. The bayonet hadscarcely been again successful, when Campbell reached the summit andfired in another and more destructive volley. Ferguson presented a newfront, and the bayonet again prevailed. But Cleveland had rallied hismen and poured in the fourth fire: and now as often as one Americanparty was driven back, another returned to the attack, and as victorywas becoming sure, with more determined resolution. The unconquerablespirit of Ferguson still refused to submit, but baited thus, as hewas on all sides, resistance became vain. At length this distinguishedofficer received a mortal wound, and falling upon the field, his secondin command, Capt. Abraham De Peyster, sued for quarters. Eleven hundredof the enemy were killed, wounded or taken, of which one hundred wereBritish. The Americans lost but few men, but among these were Col. Williams and Major Chronicle. Thus, through the successes of Sumterand Marion, and this brilliant achievement, towards the close of thismemorable year the drooping spirits of the people began to revive, andmen flocked on all sides to the standard of their country. 

*****

Detached Narratives for 1780. 

As these are intended to be unconnected, and entirely miscellaneous, they will be inserted without much regard to time or place. We have justrecorded the fate of the distinguished Ferguson, and the first meed ofpraise is due to him. Yes! reader, praise to a generous enemy! He was amajor, and commanded a rifle corps during the campaign of Washington, inNew Jersey. On one occasion Gen. Washington rode out with a few Frenchand American officers to reconnoitre, and Ferguson, with his riflemen, lay in a wood near to the road by which they both went and returned. Washington was conspicuous from his stature, and uniform, and the greyhorse which he rode. He passed hard by the corps, at an easy canter, and Ferguson's men were preparing to fire upon him, when their leaderprevented the act. Who would not hereafter applaud the character ofFerguson? In a letter which he wrote to a friend, that containsthis narrative, he mentions he was glad he did not know it was Gen. Washington at the time, lest he should have been tempted to fire at him. But the same generous spirit which prevented it in the one case, would, it is more than probable, have actuated him in the other. 

The next meed of praise is certainly due to friendship. In this actionthe hon. Robert Stark, then a boy of fourteen, was among the Americancombatants. Like a war worn veteran he was seen firing his rifle andencouraging others to the onset. It was here that, actuated by the causeof his country, and the rigourous confinement of his father in irons, hefirst avenged himself of the enemy. His next battle was at the Cowpens, where he acted as an adjutant under Gen. Pickens. 

During the time General Marion lay at the White marsh, Capt. GavinWitherspoon, of Pedee, with three or four men, were concealingthemselves in Pedee swamp: in the night he discovered a camp of thetories, whom he had reason to think were in pursuit of him, and watchedthem till they had all fallen asleep; he proposed to his men to attackthem, but they were fearful of numbers. He then declared he would takethem himself. Creeping up cautiously, he found that they had encampedat the butt of a pine, blown up by the roots, and that their guns werepiled up against a limb, at the distance of forty or fifty feet fromthem. He continued to creep till he got possession of their guns, andthen called to them loudly to surrender. Not knowing his force, theydid so, and Witherspoon's men came to his assistance and tied them, innumber seven. Gavin, and John Witherspoon, his brother, were two activespirited men at this period. They succeeded each other as captains inthe neck between Pedee and Lynch's creek; and at the call of danger weregenerally foremost. After Capt. Baxter was promoted to be major, ThomasPotts was elected captain of the upper Pedee company; he had beencaptain in the rifle regiment of state troops, and was a brave soldierand firm patriot. 

Major Wemyss, in laying waste the country, was particularly inimical tolooms and sheep; no doubt that he might deprive the inhabitants of themeans of clothing themselves. What sheep he did not kill for the use ofhis men, he ordered to be bayoneted. He burnt the Presbyterian church atIndiantown; because, as he said, it was a sedition shop. Before a housewas burnt, permission was seldom given to remove the furniture. Whenhe came to Maj. James' he was met by his lady with much composure. Hewished to bring her husband to submission, and said to her, "If hewould come in and lay down his arms, he should have a free pardon. " Shereplied, "As to that she could not have any influence over him. Thattimes were such he was compelled to take a part, and he had taken thatof his country. " Wemyss after this had her and her children locked up ina chamber, from whence they did not come out, for two days and a half;and until the house was about to be burnt. Capt. David Campbell (ofEdisto, ) carried with his own hands, food and other refreshments to aback window for her, apparently unknown to Wemyss. Capt. John James, sonof the major, had been taken in Charleston, and paroled. He was orderedinto custody, with the threat, that "If he was found to have broken hisparole, he would be hanged in the morning to yonder tree. " Accordingly acourt martial sat over him in the morning. The witnesses called werehis own and his father's negroes; but, strange to tell, no evidence wasgiven against him, and he was acquitted. Such were the mock trials ofthe British. As, when we come to speak of the battle of Eutaw, therewill be many chiefs of higher title to be named, it is but justice toCapt. James now to mention, that before that time he was exchanged, andfought there with much bravery, as an adjutant. As there was no trade orintercourse between that part of the country and a market, people wereto be seen, after the fires, searching for every thing they could find, knife blades, scissors, hinges, nails, &c. Handles were put to theknives, dishes and plates were rudely manufactured out of wood, and loghuts were gradually built by the assistance of one another. Many negroeswere taken out of Williamsburgh; these were afterwards recovered by Maj. James. Directly after the retreat of Rawdon from Camden, he, at the headof five or six men, passed through the country from Santee to an islandnear Beaufort, where he found and brought away one hundred and fifty, all plundered from his own neighbourhood. This account has been insertedhere, that the chain of events might not hereafter be broken. 

It is stated, (page 45, *) that Col. Tarleton took Mr. James Bradleyprisoner; the manner in which this was done, and the subsequenttreatment of Bradley, are well deserving a place in this narrative. After being chased from his breakfast, thirteen miles below, byM'Cottry, Tarleton and a few officers came to Bradley's at midday, passed himself as Col. Washington, and requested an early dinner. Bradley provided dinner for him, and unsuspectingly communicated to himthe plans of his countrymen. After dinner, Tarleton asked him to guidehim over two difficult fords across two branches of Black river, nearhis house; Bradley consented, and after they had passed Magirt's swamp, Tarleton told him he was a prisoner. A wild Arab would not have treatedhim thus. Bradley, though circumvented in this manner, was a wise butunsuspicious man; and before that had much influence in the legislature. He was sent to Camden gaol, and confined in heavy irons; he was oftencarted to the gallows and saw others executed; he expected death, andwas prepared for it; but he had many friends in Marion's brigade, and itwas well known to the enemy that his execution would have been severelyretaliated. He was not released from gaol until the 10th of May the nextyear, when Rawdon retreated from Camden; and he bore the marks of theirons until his death. Being requested, on one occasion he showed theseto the author, then a youth, and said, "If the good of your countryrequires the sacrifice, be ready to suffer imprisonment and death in itscause. " Soon after his confinement, Mrs. Bradley petitioned Tarleton toliberate her husband, but he treated her with scurrilous language andgreat brutality. This man, who had been treated by Mrs. Bradley to aplentiful meal, after he had fasted for twenty-four hours, and whenhe and his followers were fainting with fatigue and want, had nowthe impudence and cruelty to call her by the grossest names in thevocabulary of bilingsgate. Mrs. Bradley! one of the most humane, gentleand affectionate of her sex, who would willingly have offered him breadin his true character. Tarleton even denied her admittance with hersupplies to her husband; and she sought and obtained it elsewhere. 

 * Chapter II Paragraph 8. --A. L. 

To people of good feelings, but particularly the religious, this period(1780 and 1781) was truly distressing. From the time of the fall ofCharleston, all public education was at an end, and soon after, allpublic worship was discontinued. Men from sixty years of age, down toboys of fourteen, (few of whom dared to stay at home) were engaged inactive and bloody warfare. These had their minds in constant occupation, which, in whatever moral situation a man may be placed, brings with it acertain degree of satisfaction, if not contentment. All were actuatedby the love of country, and but few by the love of fame: and next tothe duties of religion, the exercise of those of patriotism excites thehighest energy and brings the most sublime satisfaction to the humanmind. But to the female sex, and the superannuated of the male, littleconsolation of that nature could be afforded. Even these were exposed tothat kind of danger which might be inflicted by brutality at home, andmost of them had relatives in the field to whom they were bound by themost tender and sacred ties, who were subjected to constant dangers, andfor whose fate they were unceasingly anxious. --There was no place forthe pleasures of society, for in the country these were too remote froma home that must constantly be watched. As a comfort in this situationfemales employed themselves in domestic occupations, in which thatof the distaff had a considerable share, and all might indeed haveexercised their private devotions; but that faint picture of heaven, that sweet consolation which is derived from associating with one'sfriends in public worship, was wholly denied them. Most of the churchesin towns and the country, were either burnt or made depots for thestores of the enemy; some in fact were converted into stables; and ofthe remainder, all in the country were closed. --In a warfare of suchatrocity there was little safety in any situation where numbers werecollected, and as we have seen that the tories, by their murders, violated the sanctity of private dwellings, how then could it beexpected they would be awed by the holiness of a church? In a camp, where was no permanency and but little rest, there was no place forchaplains, * and at home there was not security even for pious pastors;consequently, as the most prudent course, they generally went intoexile. Among these one shall be mentioned, the Rev. Dr. Thomas Reese, of Salem, on Black river. It was in his congregation that the murdersperpetrated by Harrison and his followers first began, and threerespectable men of his flock had already fallen victims to civil rage. Had he gone about to administer comfort out of his own family, it wouldhave been termed sedition, and Dr. Reese would have made himself avoluntary martyr. He took the wiser course of retiring with his familybefore the storm, and under many privations, continued to preach. Intheology, modern philosophy, and all the sciences connected with hisprofession he was deeply read. For classic literature, which it is socommon for the superficial to decry, he was a great advocate, and toevince his sincerity retained his knowledge of the dead languagesas long as he lived. In his discourses he was neither an extemporepreacher, nor did he read. He wrote out his sermons correctly, andthen committing them carefully to memory, left the copy at home, and afterwards delivered them from the pulpit with all the energy ofextemporary preaching, and so tenacious was his memory that he was neverknown to faulter. He wrote many excellent sermons, all of which excepttwo, preserved in the American Preacher, and those not his best, are believed to be lost. He also wrote an essay "on the influence ofreligion in civil society", which, from Princeton college, where he waseducated, obtained for him the degree of Doctor of Divinity. But likemost American productions, it was soon neglected, and did not pass intoa second edition. In contemplating the meek and unobtrusive virtues ofthis pious man, we do not hesitate to say he was a pattern of Christiancharity, as nearly resembling his divine master as has been seen inmodern times. The author knew him well for several years after thepeace of 1782; he was his friend and tutor, and he owes to Dr. Reese thehighest obligations, and to his memory the most profound respect. 

 * Marion was often without a surgeon to dress his wounded, and if a wound reached an artery the patient bled to death. 

Chapter III. CAMPAIGN OF 1781. 

The year 1781 commenced under auspices more propitious than those ofthe last year. The British had exercised so much oppression and rapacityover all those who would not join them, and so much insolence overthose who did, and were in the least suspected, that the people of SouthCarolina found there was no alternative but between a state of downrightvassalage and warfare. Most of the men of principle already had, orwere prepared to take up arms against the enemy, and in general theunprincipled only remained with them in the expectation of plunder. Their army too, being divided into different cantonments over thecountry, while it extended their oppression, exposed their weakness. The history of all ages shows that a country may be overrun with morefacility than kept in a state of subjection, and that a partisan warfareis the best that can be carried on against an enemy of superior forceand discipline. 

During the present winter Lord Cornwallis formed a design of conqueringthe upper counties of North Carolina, and marched by the way ofCharlotte towards Salisbury, for that purpose. This part of the countrywas thickly covered with underwood, and settled by a hardy race ofindustrious yeomanry, all friends of their country. He was fired uponfrom behind bushes and fences, trees and rocks, by companies in ambush, and individuals on foot and on horseback, and was so much annoyedthat he was obliged to retreat back to Winnsborough. The news of thisexpedition was industriously spread abroad, and encouraged the people ofSouth Carolina to follow the example. In the mean time, Gen. Gates hadbeen superceded in the command of the southern army by Gen. Greene. 

With the character of this leader it is intended to make the readerbetter acquainted than he has been heretofore. His command begun with agood omen, which in all times has had its effect. In a few hoursafter his arrival in camp at Charlotte, he received the news that Col. Washington had taken Rugely and one hundred men, by the well knownstratagem of mounting a pine log over against his block house, which hemistook for a field piece. * Gen. Greene had not only no more than onethousand continentals and about as many militia, but was also bare ofammunition and clothing, and had no money to pay them. With this forcehe marched down to Pedee, in South Carolina, and took a positionnear Hick's creek, on the east side of the river, not many miles fromChatham. From this place his first despatch to Gen. Marion is dated, the 19th Jan. 1781, in which he says, "by the last accounts, Lieut. Col. Tarleton was in motion, with about one thousand troops, towards Gen. Morgan. " On the 23d Jan. Gen. Greene congratulates Marion on Morgan'svictory over Tarleton, and writes him the particulars. On the 25th hesays, "before this I hope you have received the agreeable news ofthe defeat of Lieut. Col. Tarleton. After this nothing will appeardifficult. "

 * This was the same Rugely who behaved so generously to Governor Rutledge. It seems Lord Cornwallis intended to have promoted him, but after this affair he wrote to Tarleton, "Rugely will not be made a brigadier. "

As the defeat of Tarleton at the Cowpens has been related by manyAmerican writers, whose works are generally read, the account of therenowned chief himself, who was unexpectedly foiled, and which is nowout of print, will be extracted for the amusement of the historicalreader. "Near the end of the last year, (1780) information had beenreceived by Lord Cornwallis, that Gen. Greene had made a division of histroops, which did not exceed fourteen hundred men, exclusive of militia, and that he had committed the light infantry and Col. Washington'scavalry to Gen. Morgan, with directions to pass the Catawba and Broadrivers, to collect the militia, and threaten Ninety-Six. It is not to besupposed Gen. Greene would have adopted the hazardous plan of dividinghis forces, if he had received information of Gen. Leslie's commandbeing withdrawn from Virginia, and united to the force in SouthCarolina; because such an accession of strength would produce a movementfrom Winnsborough (where Cornwallis then lay, ) and might separate thetwo divisions of the American army, and endanger their safety. To attainthis object, (the separation of the two divisions of the American army, )Col. Tarleton was now detached from the main army of Lord Cornwallis, and was to be supported by his lordship, and Gen. Leslie as soon as hearrived; with orders to push Morgan to the utmost. Tarleton's force washis corps of cavalry and infantry of five hundred and fifty men; thefirst battalion of the 71st, of two hundred men; two hundred men ofthe 7th regiment, new recruits; and fifty dragoons of the 17thregiment--total one thousand men. Morgan retreated before Tarleton tillthe commanding officer in front of the British reported the Americantroops were halted and forming. (17th Jan. ) Lieut. Col. Tarleton, having obtained a position he certainly might deem advantageous, did nothesitate to undertake the measures his commander and his own judgmentrecommended. He ordered the legion dragoons to drive in the militia, that Morgan's disposition might be inspected. The American commander hadformed a front line of about one thousand militia; his reserve of fivehundred continental infantry, one hundred and twenty of Washington'scavalry, and three hundred back woodsmen. Tarleton ordered his infantryto disencumber themselves of every thing except arms and ammunition, tofile to the right, till they became equal to the flank of the Americanfront line; the legion infantry were added to their left, and under thefire of a three pounder they were to advance within three hundredyards of the enemy. This situation being acquired, the 7th regimentwas commanded to form on the left of the legion infantry, and the otherthree pounder was given to its right. A captain with fifty dragoons, wasplaced on each flank. The first battalion of the 71st extended to theleft of the 7th, one hundred and fifty yards in the rear, and composed, with two hundred cavalry, the reserve. 

"The animation of the officers and soldiers promised assurances ofsuccess. The troops moved in as good line as troops could move, at openfiles. The militia, after a short contest, were dislodged. The Britishapproached the continentals, and the fire on both sides produced muchslaughter. The cavalry on the right were ordered to charge the enemy'sleft, and executed the order with great gallantry, but were driven backby the reserve and Col. Washington's cavalry. As the contest between theBritish infantry and continentals was equally balanced, Tarleton broughtthe 71st into line, and ordered a movement in reserve to threaten theenemy's right flank. Upon the advance of the 71st all the infantry againmoved on; the continentals and back woodsmen gave ground; the Britishrushed forwards; an order was despatched to the cavalry to charge;an unexpected fire at this instant from the Americans who came about, stopped the British and threw them into confusion. Exertions to makethem advance were useless. The part of the cavalry which had notbeen engaged, fell likewise into disorder, and an unaccountable panicextended along the whole line. The Americans advanced and augmentedtheir astonishment. A general flight ensued. Neither promisesnor threats could gain attention. All attempts to restore order, recollection or courage proved fruitless. Two hundred dragoons forsooktheir leader, fourteen officers and forty horsemen were, however, notunmindful of their own reputation, or their commanding officer. Col. Washington's cavalry were charged and driven back into the continentalinfantry by this handful of brave men. Another party who had seized uponthe baggage were dispersed, and this detachment retired towards Broadriver unmolested. The number of the killed and wounded at the Cowpens, amounted to near three hundred on both sides, officers and meninclusive; this loss was almost equally shared. But the Americans tooktwo pieces of cannon, the colours of the 7th regiment, and near fourhundred prisoners. " Thus far Col. Tarleton. Gen. Moultrie received hisaccount of this action of the Cowpens "from an officer of great veracityand high rank, who was conspicuous on that day;" supposed to be Col. Washington. The substance of his account shall now be given; that thetwo may be compared. Gen. Morgan drew up his men in an open pine barren, the militia of about four hundred men, under Col. Pickens, formed thefirst line. The continentals of about five hundred men, two hundred ofwhom were raw troops, formed the second line, under Col. Howard, two hundred yards in the rear. Col. Washington, with seventy-fivecontinental cavalry, and forty-five militia under Capt. M'Call, in therear. Pickens ordered his men to reserve their fire till the enemy camewithin fifty yards, which they did, and fired with great success; butthey were soon obliged to give way and retreat behind the second line, which received them warmly; at length the second line began to giveway. Col. Washington, perceiving this, rode up to their rear with hiscavalry, and told Howard, "if he would rally his men and charge theenemy's line, he would charge the cavalry who were cutting down themilitia. " His riding so close to the rear stopped the British, andHoward rallied his men in the mean time, and charged with fixedbayonets. Col. Washington charged the cavalry and routed them; themilitia at the same time recovered themselves and began to fire, and thewhole threw the enemy into the utmost confusion. Howard called outto them, "to lay down their arms and they should have good quarters. "Upwards of five hundred men threw down their arms and surrendered. Twohundred were left dead on the field, and a great number wounded. Besidesthe two field pieces mentioned by Tarleton, six hundred men, eighthundred stand of arms, and thirty-five baggage waggons, fell into thehands of the Americans. Col. Washington pursued the British cavalrytwenty-five miles. "

By this last account the disparity in numbers was not great, and as onehalf the Americans were either militia or new levies, the superioritywas on the side of Tarleton, whose men, except two hundred, wereveterans, and he had two field pieces. The ground too he acknowledgeswas advantageous; so that every thing was in his favour, but _an agency_which he could not control. But in the last account we can find no placewhere he and his handful of brave men could encounter Col. Washington. In his bewildered fancy perhaps it was some other object he encountered, since for the space of five and twenty miles, not their faces, but onlytheir backs were to be seen. The fact is, that never was victorymore complete, never was vanity more humbled, nor cruelty more justlyrequited than in the defeat of this tyrannical man. Its first effectwas to raise the spirits of the people; its ultimate consequence was thedownfall of Cornwallis and peace to the country. But most severe trialsare yet to be surmounted, and patriotism the most exemplary remains yetto be recorded. 

On the day the last letter of Greene, of the 23d Jan. Was written, Gen. Marion and Col. Lee projected a joint expedition to surprise Georgetown. Capts. Carnes and Rudulph, with ninety men, dropped down the Pedee fromSnow's island in a boat, to fall in on the back of the town by Winyawbay, while Marion and Lee were to come down with the main body byland. --Carnes with his party went ashore at Mitchell's landing, andmarched over his rice-field bank into the town at day light. Thesurprise would have been complete, had they pushed up directly to theredoubt, but they delayed too long on the Bay. They took the commandant, Col. Campbell, out of his bed, and killed Major Irvine and some others;but Marion and Lee could not arrive in time to cooperate. The redoubtwas alarmed and placed in a state of defence, and Carnes was obligedto retreat. The great cause of delay was the inclination to take thecommandant, by which they lost the fort and the town. Lieut. Cryerkilled Irvine, by whose orders he had received five hundred lashes sometime before, for attempting to take away his horse from Georgetown. 

On the 28th Jan. Gen. Huger transmitted an order from Greene toMarion, to strike at the posts beyond Santee. But this Gen. Marion hadanticipated. --From Cordes' plantation, in advance, at the distance ofone hundred miles from Greene, and on the 29th Jan. He had detached Col. Postell and Major Postell on this important service. The latter had butthirty-eight men, and it is presumed from circumstances, the colonel hadabout an equal number. The colonel burnt a great quantity of valuablestores at Manigault's ferry, and the major a great many more in itsvicinity. --Thence the latter posted to Keithfield, near Monk's corner, and burnt fourteen waggons loaded with soldiers' clothing, baggage andother valuable stores, and took prisoners about forty British regulars, without losing a man. To the Postells "nothing indeed appeareddifficult. " They received the thanks of Gen. Greene. 

About the beginning of this year, Gen. Marion appointed two aids, ThomasElliott and Lewis Ogier, the first of whom conducted the most of hiscorrespondence. He formed a mess of which Col. Hugh Horry and Col. JamesPostell were inmates, and apparently his principal counsellors; Serjt. Davis was his caterer, and supplied his dinners, _such as they were_:heretofore he had seldom any thing but meat and sweet potatoes, andoften not both of these at a time, but now he had the luxury of rice. He did what was of more consequence than this, he put in requisition allthe saws in the country, and all the blacksmiths, and made swordsfor four troops of militia cavalry. --He had so little ammunition thisexpedient was necessary. He gave the command of this corps to Col. PeterHorry, who had been a captain with him in the second regiment and hadbeen an excellent infantry officer. --His major was Benson, and hiscaptains John Baxter, John Postell, Daniel Conyers and James M'Cauley;John T. Greene soon after succeeded Baxter, who was appointed colonelon the resignation of Ervine. Hugh Horry had command of M'Donald'sregiment, who was a prisoner on parole, and _his_ officers have beenmentioned. Capt. Wm. M'Cottry commanded a company of riflemen who werethe dread of the enemy. As the brigade was not strong enough for thiscorps of horse to act in conjunction, single troops were commonlydetached by the general. At the head of a party of this cavalry Col. Peter Horry had soon an opportunity to make a trial of his skill incavalry evolutions. He met and charged a troop of British horse onWaccamaw neck, but by his own account he appears to have been ratherworsted, for he was unhorsed himself and his life saved by Serjt. M'Donald; however he brought off some prisoners. Major John Postell, whowas mentioned before, was stationed to guard the lower part of Pedee, had better fortune. On the 18th Jan. Capt. James Depeyster, withtwenty-nine grenadiers of the British army, had posted himself inthe dwelling house of the major's father, and Postell commanded buttwenty-eight militia men. Towards day on the morning after, the major, by knowing well the ground and avoiding the sentinels, got possessionof the kitchen, and summoned Depeyster to surrender; this was at firstrefused, and the major set fire to the kitchen. He then summoned him asecond time, with the positive declaration if he did not surrender hewould burn the house; the British being intimidated, laid down theirarms and surrendered unconditionally. 

From a part of the correspondence of Gen. Marion with Capt. Saunders, now commandant of Georgetown, it appears that he had either soon afterthe 17th Jan. Or before that, imprisoned Mr. John Postell, the father ofthe major; Gen. Marion offers "to exchange him, and hopes humanity willinduce Capt. Saunders to treat him like a gentleman. "* Mr. John Postellwas at least seventy years of age, and much afflicted with disease, butpossessed the spirit of a Cato. 

 * Marion's letter, 22d February. 

Soon after this, Col. Peter Horry had a conflict with Major Ganey atWhite's bridge, near Georgetown, which had a more decisive effect thancould have been expected at the time. Early in the morning he made acharge upon a party who were killing beeves at the camp near thatplace. They fled and were pursued through the woods on the left towardsGeorgetown, with some disorder on the side of Horry. In the mean timethe firing was heard in the town, and their tory friends came out totheir assistance. A kind of savage warfare now took place in the woods, between the Sampit and Black river roads, during the whole morning. A party of Horry's was at one time seen advancing, and the toriesretreating; then again the tories were advancing, and a party of Horry'sretreating. At one time the commander was left as he thought alone, andCapt. Lewis at the head of a party was rushing on to shoot him down, when suddenly from behind a tree off went the gun of a boy by the nameof Gwyn, and shot Lewis, whose party thinking more guns were behindtrees ran away. As Lewis fell his gun went off and killed Horry's horse. Finally the tories were routed. In this affair Serjt. M'Donald performedessential service; he had singled out Ganey as his object of attack, andthe latter fled from him. --In going at full speed down the Black riverroad, at the corner of Richmond fence, M'Donald shot one of Ganey's men, and overtaking him soon after thrust a bayonet up to the hilt in hisback; the bayonet separated from the gun, and Ganey carried it intoGeorgetown; he recovered, but tired of a garrison life, after a fewmonths he and his men deserted the British. 

As the navigation of the Wateree river was at that time imperfect, the British were obliged to have most of their stores of rum, salt, ammunition and clothing sent over land, across Nelson's ferry, toCamden, and as the Americans were destitute of these articles, constantconflicts took place upon that road to obtain them from the enemy. To secure these, they had established a line of posts, at Biggen, atNelson's, and at Scott's lake. Besides this protection, their supplieswere always attended by escorts, which, since the enterprizes of the twoPostells, seldom consisted of less than three or four hundred men. Aboutthe middle of February, Major M'Ilraith was marching from Nelson's ferryat the head of one of these escorts, and Marion with about an equalforce assailed him near Halfway swamp, on the road; he first cut off twopickets in his rear in succession, then wheeling round his main body, attacked him in flank and in front. As M'Ilraith had no cavalry, his situation became perilous in the extreme. By a forced march, andconstant skirmishing, he at length gained a field upon the road, nowbelonging to Mr. Matthew James; and as it was open and enclosed, heposted himself on the west of the road, within the enclosure. On theeast, skirting the road, there is a large cypress pond stretchingtowards Halfway swamp, and on the verge of this Marion pitched hiscamp. Here M'Ilraith sent him a flag, reproaching him with shooting hispickets, contrary, as he alleged, to all the laws of civilized warfare, and defying him to a combat in the open field. Marion replied, thatthe practice of the British in burning the houses of all who wouldnot submit and join them, was more indefensible than that of shootingpickets, and that as long as they persisted in the one he wouldpersevere in the other. That as to his defiance, he considered it thatof a man in desperate circumstances; but if he wished to witness acombat between twenty picked men on each side, he was ready to gratifyhim. The offer was accepted, and a place pitched upon to the south ofan oak tree, which still stands in the field. Accordingly, Gen. Marionappointed Maj. John Vanderhorst, then a supernumerary officer, to takecommand of this band, and Capt. Samuel Price, of All Saints, to besecond in command. The names of the men were written on slips of paper, and presented to them individually, and the first slip was handed toGavin Witherspoon. Not one refused. Vanderhorst formed in Indian file, and they proceeded to the fence, where Gen. Marion met and haranguedthem to the following effect: "My brave soldiers! you are twenty menpicked this day out of my whole brigade. I know you all, and have oftenwitnessed your bravery. In the name of your country, I call upon youonce more to show it. My confidence in you is great, and I am sure itwill not be disappointed. Fight like men, fight as you have always done, and you are sure of the victory. " This short speech was received withapplause by the combatants. Vanderhorst now asked Witherspoon, "Whatdistance would you choose as the surest to strike with buck shot?""Fifty yards for the first fire, " was the reply. Then, said thecommander, "when we get within fifty yards, my boys, as I am not a goodjudge of distances, Mr. Witherspoon will tap me on the shoulder. I willthen give the word, and you will form on my left opposite those fellows. As you form, each man will fire at the one directly opposite him, andmy word for it, few will be left for a second shot. " The British had nowformed in a single line in front of the oak, and Vanderhorst advancedboldly on within one hundred yards. At this juncture, an officer wasseen to pass swiftly on toward the oak, and the enemy shoulderedtheir muskets and retreated with a quick step towards the main body. Vanderhorst and his men gave them three huzzas! but did not at thatdistance fire a shot. Thus a British officer was met on his own boastedground and proved recreant. The next morning Major M'Ilraith abandonedhis heavy baggage, left his fires burning, and retired silently fromthe ground, along the river road towards Singelton's mill, distant tenmiles. Near day Marion discovered his movement, and detached Col. HughHorry with one hundred men to get ahead of him, before he should reachthe mill. The colonel made all possible speed, but finding he could notovertake him, detached Major James at the head of a party mounted on theswiftest horses, to cross the mill pond above, and take possession ofSingelton's houses, which stood on a high hill, commanding a narrowdefile on the road, between the hill and Wateree swamp. Major Jamesreached the houses as the British advanced to the foot of the hill; butfound Singelton's family down with the small pox. This was more dreadedthan the enemy. He gave them one fire, by which a captain was killed, and retired. As M'Ilraith was now in a strong hold, Marion pursued himno further. 

The character of Major M'Ilraith has been constantly represented by theinhabitants of this state, among whom he passed as the most humaneof all the officers of the British army. To those in their power evenforbearance was at that time a virtue, but his virtues were active. Ithas been currently reported that he carried his dislike to houseburning so far, that he neglected to carry into effect the orders of hiscommander in chief on that point to such an extent, as to gain his illwill and that of many other British officers. --How much it is to beregretted that the rigid rules of warfare should have arrayed such a manin opposition to Marion, when both professed the same humane principles. 

We come now to the most interesting part of the warfare of Gen. Marion, which, bringing into action all the energies of his officers and men, atthe same time developed all the skill and patience of their commander. 

At the juncture of the retreat of Gen. Greene before Cornwallis, Sumterand Marion were left alone in South Carolina; Sumter on the Catawba, in York district, and Marion on the Pedee, at Snow's island, about twohundred miles apart, and Lord Rawdon directly between them, with a muchsuperior force. Thus situated his lordship laid a well digested planto crush Marion. Col. Watson with a British regiment, and Harrison'sregiment of tories, amounting in the whole to more than five hundredmen, was ordered to march down the Santee, towards Snow's island; and hecommenced his expedition from Fort Watson about the first of March. 

Shortly after Col. Doyle with another British regiment, was directedto proceed by the way of M'Callum's ferry on Lynch's creek, and downJeffer's creek, to the Pedee road to the same point, where they were toform a junction. Doyle had to open a road from M'Callum's to Pedee, andhis approach, though slow, was unexpected; but Marion's scouts placedfrom Camden down, with relays of horses, soon informed him of Watson'smovement. By one of his rapid marches he met him at Wiboo, about midwaybetween Nelson's and Murray's ferry, and at this swamp commenced hisarduous contest with Watson. Col. Peter Horry was placed in advanceat the swamp, while the general with the cavalry, and remainder of thebrigade, amounting to about four hundred men, lay in reserve. Horry madeconsiderable impression upon the tories in advance; but Watson with twofield pieces, and at the head of his column of regulars, dislodged himfrom the swamp, and the tory cavalry under Harrison pursued. As theyadvanced, Gavin James, a private of gigantic size and spirit, mounted ona strong grey horse, and armed with a musket and bayonet, threw himselfin their way. He first deliberately fired upon the column and one manfell. The causeway was narrow and this occasioned a pause, in which avolley was fired at him without effect. One dragoon advanced and wasstruck off his horse by the bayonet. A second came to his aid and shareda like fate; in falling he laid hold of the musket near the muzzle tojerk it away, and James dragged him forty or fifty paces. This boldaction produced a considerable effect, and was soon followed bymany others, not so well recollected, and too numerous to beinserted. --Harrison had not pursued far, when Marion ordered the cavalryto charge; Capts. M'Cauley and Conyers, met him, and soon dispersedhis force; whilst Conyers killed one of his officers, said to be MajorHarrison, with his own hands. Thus were the tories intimidated at theoutset. 

On the 9th of March, Col. Watson encamped at Cantey's plantation, andwrote a letter to Gen. Marion, in which he justifies (what the other hadcomplained of by a previous communication, *) the burning of houses andthe hanging of those citizens who had taken paroles, and afterwardsjoined the Americans, upon the principles of the laws of war andnations. --It seems the colonel had reference to the code of barbarousnations. Marion made him no reply, but gave orders to his nightlypatroles, to shoot his sentinels and cut off his pickets. Such aretaliation was to be expected; and thus raged the civil warfare. 

 * Letter of Marion, 7th March. 

Watson marched down the river, and at Mount Hope had to build up thebridges, and to sustain a second conflict with Col. Hugh Horry, at thehead of Marion's advance. By dint of his field pieces, and the strengthof his column, he at length made good his way. Near Murray's ferry hepassed the Kingstree road to his left, and when he came to the Blackriver road, which crosses at the lower bridge, he made a feint of stillcontinuing down the Santee; but soon after wheeling took that road onwhich the lower bridge was, distant twelve miles. His manoeuvre did notlong deceive Marion. He detached Major James at the head of seventy men, thirty of whom were riflemen under M'Cottry, to destroy the remnant ofthe bridge, which had been partially broken, and to take post there, while the general kept an eye on Watson. 

The pass of the lower bridge was now to decide the fate ofWilliamsburgh, and seventy of her sons, under her most approvedleaders, were gone forth to defend it. Maj. James proceeded with greatexpedition, and crossing the river by a shorter route than the road, arrived at the bridge in time to throw down two of the middle arches, and to fire the string pieces at the eastern end. At this place the westbank of the river is considerably elevated, the east low and somewhatswampy, and on the west the road passes to the bridge through a ravine;the river is forty or fifty yards wide, and though deep, was fordablebelow the bridge. As soon as the breach in it was effected, Maj. Jamesdrew up M'Cottry's riflemen on each side of the ford and end of thebridge, so as to have a fair view of the ravine, and disposed the restof his little band on the flanks. Not long after, Marion arriving, tookpost in the rear, and sent Capt. Thomas Potts, with his Pedee company, to reinforce Maj. James; and this had scarcely been effected, whenWatson's field pieces opened their fire, from the opposite bank to clearhis way, for a passage at the ford. These field pieces could not bebrought to bear on the low grounds to the east without exposing hisartillerists on the hill to the fire of the riflemen. His balls hitthe pines across the river, about midway their trunks, or passed overdisregarded. This attempt not succeeding, Watson drew up his columns inthe old field over the river, and his advance was now seen approachingthe ford with an officer at its head, waving his sword. M'Cottry firedthe signal gun, and the officer clapped his hand to his breast andfell to the ground. The riflemen and musketeers next poured in a welldirected and deadly fire, and the British advance fled in disorder; nordid the reserve move forward to its support. Four men returned to bearoff their officer, but all four shared his fate. In the evening, Watson succeeded in removing his dead and wounded, and took up his headquarters at John Witherspoon's, a mile above the bridge. Here he wasoverheard to say, "that he never saw such shooting in his life. " To menfighting for their homes, wives, families, and their very existence, "nothing appeared difficult;" and good shooting, if not a virtue inthem, was highly commendable. Gen. Marion took a position on a ridgebelow the ford of the river, which is still called the general's island. Next day he pushed M'Cottry and Conyers over the river, and recommencedshooting Watson's pickets and sentinels. Watson posted himself a littlefarther up the river, at Blakely's plantation, where he pitched his campin the most open place he could find, but still Marion kept him in a badhumour, (as his letters from that place indicate, ) and his regulars in aconstant panic. Here he remained for more than a week* in inactivityand irresolution; perhaps he waited for Doyle to make an impressionat Snow's island; but if Marion heard of Doyle, he kept it a profoundsecret. While Blakely's and Witherspoon's provisions lasted, his presentplan answered pretty well; but when they failed, it became necessary tohave more at a greater distance, and these could not be obtained, but bydaily skirmishes. In these Capt. Conyers was greatly distinguished. Hewas most daring, and sat and managed his horse so remarkably well, thatas was the case with the centaur of old, they might have been taken forone animal. Conyers was at this time fighting under the auspicious eyeof a young lady, ** to whom his faith had been plighted, and beneath heralternate smiles and fears, he presented himself daily before the linesof the enemy, either as a single champion, or at the head of his troop. Often did she hear them repeat, "Take care! there is Capt. Conyers!" Itwas a ray of chivalry athwart the gloom of unrelenting warfare. 

 * About ten days, as it appears from the dates of his letters. 

 ** This young lady was Mary, the second daughter of John Witherspoon, who after the war, was married to Conyers. One day when her lover made his appearance as usual, a British officer made use of language disrespectful to him, which she bore for some time with patience; at last he said something indelicate to herself. She immediately drew off a walking shoe from her foot, and flung it in his face, saying, "coward! go meet him. " In those days kid slippers were not fashionable. 

To increase the panic of the British, Serjt. M'Donald, with a rifle, shot Lieut. Torriano through the knee, at the distance of three hundredyards. This appears to have softened even the proud spirit of Watson;for, on the 15th of March, he wrote a letter to Marion, stating, "wehave an officer and some men wounded, whom I should be glad to sendwhere they could be better taken care of. I wish, therefore, to know ifthey will be permitted to pass to Charleston. " Gen. Marion wrote for alist of them, and next day sent the following pass: "Gen. Marion's pass, granted to Lieut. Torriano and twelve privates. --One officer and sixwounded men, with six attendants, of the British troops, are permittedto pass to Nelson's ferry, thence to Charleston, unmolested, " &c. Col. Watson was now literally besieged; his supplies were cut off on allsides, and so many of his men killed, that, he is said by tradition, tohave sunk them in Black river to hide their number. There is a quarry ofrock in the neighbourhood of the place, and the only one in that partof the country, where, it is said, he sunk his men. At length Watson, decamping, made a forced march down the Georgetown road; but paused atOx swamp, six miles below the lower bridge. On each side of the roadthere was then a thick, boggy swamp--trees were felled across thecauseway--three bridges were destroyed, and Marion was watching him withthe eye of an eagle. Thus situated, and having to force a more difficultpass at Johnson's swamp, ten miles ahead, Watson most prudently wheeledto the right, and passed on, through open piney woods, to the Santeeroad, distant about fifteen miles. When overtaken by Marion upon thisroad, his infantry were passing like horses at a full trot. Here hehad not so many obstacles to encounter as on the other road, and, bywheeling covertly and marching so briskly, had gained considerableground. However, Col. Peter Horry now advanced ahead with the cavalryand riflemen, and annoyed him in flank and in front, while Marionattacked in the rear, until they reached Sampit bridge, where the lastskirmish took place. News from Doyle appears to have arrested Marion'sprogress, and summoned him to new perils. 

Watson reached Georgetown, with two waggon loads of wounded men. * It isevident from an intercepted letter of his of the 20th of March, that hehad been hemmed in so closely that he was in want of every thing, andhad taken this route to Georgetown, fifty miles out of his way, toobtain supplies. From Fort Watson to the lower bridge, he had notadvanced more than forty miles on his premeditated route to join Doyle. 

 * Horry's Narrative. 

In the mean time, Col. Doyle, an active, enterprising officer, haddriven Col. Ervin, who commanded only a weak guard, from Snow's island. But before retreating he had Marion's arms, stores and ammunition throwninto Lynch's creek. This, at the crisis, was a most serious loss. 

From Sampit, Gen. Marion marched back towards Snow's island; on the wayhe received intelligence that Doyle lay at Witherspoon's ferry, and heproceeded forthwith to attack him. Doyle had taken a position on thenorth side of the ferry, and when M'Cottry, in advance, with his mountedriflemen, arrived at the creek, the British were scuttling a ferry boaton the opposite side. He took a position behind trees, and gave thema well directed and deadly fire; they ran to their arms and returned aprodigious volley, which did no more harm than that of knocking offthe limbs of trees among the riflemen. Doyle had received news, whichoccasioned him to retreat for Camden. The ferry boat being now scuttledand sunk on the opposite side, and Lynch's creek being swollen, and atthis place wide and deep, Gen. Marion proceeded up the creek, and swamover it at the first place he reached, five miles above Witherspoon's. This was the shortest route to come at Doyle. He pursued all that day, and the next morning till nine or ten o'clock, when he came to a housewhere Doyle had destroyed all his heavy baggage, and had proceeded onwith great celerity towards Camden. This seemed mysterious at the time;but here Marion halted. 

It appears from what follows, shortly, as well as from Horry's account, that this pursuit was undertaken by Gen. Marion with the desperateresolution of either selling his own life and that of his followers, asdearly as possible, or of cutting his way through the enemy to make gooda retreat into North Carolina. Happily for his country, Doyle evadedhim, and thus prevented the dangerous attempt. The general now receivedthe melancholy account of the extent of his loss in ammunition and otherstores on Snow's island, which under present circumstances appearedirretrievable. However he was but little disposed to brood overmisfortunes, and if he had, his enemies were not inclined to allow himleisure. In the mean time Col. Watson, having refreshed and reinforcedhis party, and received a fresh supply of military stores and provisionsat Georgetown, proceeded again towards the Pedee. On his march he hadnothing to impede him but a few bridges broken down. He took the nearestroute across Black river at Wragg's ferry, and crossing the Pedee atEuhany, and the little Pedee at Potato bed ferry, he halted at Catfishcreek, a mile from where Marion court house now stands. --Here Ganey'sparty flocked in to him in such numbers that he was soon nine hundredstrong. Gen. Marion returning from the pursuit of Doyle, and hearing ofthe approach of Watson, crossed the Pedee and encamped at the Warhees, five miles from him. At this place he consulted with his field officersthen in camp, and informed them that although his force was nowrecruited to five hundred men, that yet he had no more ammunition thanabout two rounds to each man, and asked them "if he should retreat intothe upper parts of North Carolina, or if necessary to the mountains, whether they would follow him. " With a firm and unanimous voice theresolution to follow him was adopted. These field officers, whose namesshould be engraved on tablets of brass, were Cols. Peter Horry, HughHorry, James Postell and John Ervin, and Majors John James, John Baxterand Alexander Swinton. 

Not long after this resolution was taken, Gen. Marion met Capt. GavinWitherspoon, who said to him, "General had we not better fight Col. Watson before any more tories join him. " "My friend, " replied he, "Iknow that would be best, but we have not ammunition. " "Why, general, "said Witherspoon, "here is my powder horn full, " holding it up. "Ah!my friend, " said Marion, "you are an extraordinary soldier, but as forothers, there are not two rounds to a man. " Witherspoon passed off insilent sorrow; but as soon as he reached his camp, met Baker Johnson, anold tried whig, who begged him for God's sake to give him something toeat, and he set before him some cold rice in a pot. While Johnson waseating, Witherspoon sat pondering over what he had heard for some time;but at last inquired, "What news, Johnson?" "Fine news, " said he, "I sawa great number of continental troops, horse and foot, crossing at Longbluff. " "Come and tell the general, " said Witherspoon. "No, " replied theother, "I am starving with hunger, and if the general wants the news hemust come to me. " Witherspoon immediately posted off to the general, wholost no time in going to Johnson; around whom some hundreds were sooncollected. The bearer of the good tidings was to be depended on. Thenews was sudden and unexpected, and to men now in a state of desperationnothing could be more transporting. Scarce was there an eye but what wassuffused with tears of joy. All sufferings appeared now to be at an end, and that balm of the soul hope began to revive. But while Johnson wasstill communicating his intelligence, it was confirmed by the sound ofa drum in the rear; and soon after by the arrival of Major Conyersand Capt. Irby, with Lieut. Col. Lee's legionary infantry. By Conyers, Marion received orders from Gen. Greene to join Lee, and cooperate withhim in striking at the posts below Camden, and in furnishing provisionsfor the main army;* and Lee had moved on towards the Santee for thatpurpose. Commencing his march immediately, Gen. Marion crossed the Pedeein his rear, and left Witherspoon with a small party to watch Watson. The line of march was directed through Williamsburgh; and Marion joinedLee near Fort Watson, on Scott's lake. 

 * Greene's letters, 4th and 17th April. 

About the same time, Capt. John Brockington, of the tories, had beenup to his plantation at Cashway, and hearing the same news with BakerJohnson, pushed over the river, and gave Watson the like information. Helost no time, but immediately rolled his two field pieces into Catfishcreek, destroyed all his heavy baggage, re-crossed the little Pedee, andnot venturing by Euhany, he passed the Waccamaw at Greene's ferry, andretreating through the neck, between that river and the sea, crossedWinyaw bay, three miles wide, and thus arrived in Georgetown. To thoseunacquainted with this route, a bare inspection of the map of thecountry will at once give information, how much Marion was dreaded byWatson. 

Upon forming a junction with Col. Lee, it was decidedly the opinionof Gen. Marion, that they should pursue Watson, and either take him orprevent his junction with Lord Rawdon. But Lee was of opinion it wouldlead them too far from Gen. Greene. Gen. Marion must have given up hispoint with much reluctance, for he was afterwards heard repeatedly toregret that his orders did not permit him to pursue Col. Watson. But, perhaps the true reason was that Marion and Lee were both bare ofammunition, and could get it only by taking Fort Watson. It was leftwithout the presence of its commander, and as in that day there wasno road from Kingstree up Black river to Camden, and the swamps wereimpassable except to hunters, by taking a position at Scott's lake, theywould be on the only road there was from Georgetown, on a direct line, to intercept Watson, as he marched up to Camden. --But while Gen. Marionpassed through Williamsburgh, his men having now performed a tour ofduty of more than a month against Watson, which with all its watchingsand privations was unusually severe, and being suddenly relieved fromthat pressure, many of them took the liberty of going home to recruitthemselves; and he was left to his great mortification with only eightymen. However, they soon dropped in, one or two at a time. *

 * Gen. Greene's elegant letter to Marion, 9th May. 

On the 15th of April, Gen. Marion invested Fort Watson, at Scott's lake, without any other means of annoyance than musketry. The fort stood onan Indian mound, about forty feet high, and was stockaded, and had threerows of abbatis round it. * The besiegers took post between the fortand the lake, to cut off the water; but the besieged sunk a well in thefort. As there were no trees or other covering near the fort, Marion'sriflemen were too much exposed at first to fire with effect; but Col. Maham contrived to raise a tower of logs in one night, so high that itovertopped the fort, and the marksmen began to fire into it. Gen. Marionhad no entrenching tools to make a regular approach, but on the dayafter the investment, a party of militia under Ensign Baker Johnson, andof continentals under Mr. Lee, a volunteer in the legion, with a suddenmovement, and much intrepidity, made a lodgment near the stockade, andbegan to pull away the abbatis and fling them down the mound. Lieut. M'Kay, who commanded, then hoisted a white flag, and the garrison, consisting of one hundred and fourteen men and officers, capitulated. Major Eaton had been detached by Gen. Greene, with one field piece, tojoin Marion, but arrived too late to participate in this siege. The lossof the Americans was only two militia men killed, and three continentalsand three militia wounded. --As this fort lay on the great line ofcommunication between Camden and Charleston, its fall was a greatloss to the enemy; and by taking it Gen. Marion obtained supplies ofammunition, which he soon turned to great advantage. 

 * Marion's letter, 23d April. 

During the siege, Col. Watson evaded Marion and Lee. Having arrived inGeorgetown, and not yet recovered from his panic, he crossed the northand south Santee, at the lower ferries, and having surmounted thisdifficulty, he marched up the west side of the river and arrived inCamden by the way of the ferry near the town, with forces much impairedby the incessant attacks of Marion, and long marches, combined with muchdesertion; but his loss is not confessed by the enemy, nor could it bediscovered by the Americans. --Had he been able to have cooperated withDoyle in sufficient time, with their overwhelming force, assisted byHarrison and Ganey, with an equal, if not greater number of tories;there can be little doubt, but Gen. Marion with his scanty means ofdefence, must either have fallen in the conflict or been driven out ofthe country. When he first marched from Scott's lake, Col. Watson hadonly seventy miles to traverse, and only Black river to pass, beforehe reached Snow's island; yet such was the consummate skill andindefatigable exertions of Gen. Marion, that from the 9th of March untilthe 10th of April, he had not reached his place of destination, and thenmade a hasty retreat through roads unfrequented, and over wide swampsand rivers, unpursued. To effect this he took a circuitous route, nearlyone hundred miles out of his way, which detained him until about the9th of May, more than two months from his first setting out on thisexpedition. 

Col. Watson was considered by the British one of their best partisans;yet we have seen how he was foiled. Had his regiment attempted, as wasno doubt intended, to ford the river at the lower bridge, they wouldhave found the passage narrow, and the river at that time deep; or hadhe undertaken to repair the bridge, in either case he must have losta great portion of his men. He was, however, a better officer thanhistorian or civilian, otherwise he would not have justified thepractice of burning houses, in the face of the universal censure castupon Lewis XIV. For adopting the same measure in the Palatinate. Butwhen Watson, Balfour, and other British officers, professing to know thelaws of war and nations, burnt houses and hanged those citizens whohad taken deceptive paroles upon their authority, certainly it may beaffirmed that Marion, who was self-taught, and had no book of the lawof nations, or perhaps any other book in his camp, was justifiable asa matter of retaliation, to shoot down their pickets and cut off theirsentinels wherever he could find them; and always to fight such invadersin their own barbarian manner. Nothing ever showed, in such a stronglight, the plain good sense of Marion. Col. Watson had orders to burnhouses, but did not however appear to wish to carry them rigourouslyinto effect. It is believed he burnt but two; one was the house ofLieut. Dickson, who was with Marion; the other belonged to NathanielDwight, of Waccamaw neck. Upon a retrospection, Col. Watson's characterappears in a favourable point of view; and, as far as was consistentwith orders, his humanity is undoubted. 

On the 18th of April, Col. William Harden, acting under the orders ofMarion, took the British fort at Pocotaligo, with one militia colonel, one major, three captains, three lieutenants, sixty privates andtwenty-two dragoons, prisoners. He writes, "I wish you would send somecommissions, with your orders. It seems they wait for Col. Hayne, and hesays he cannot act without a commission, and I am sure, if he turns out, at least two hundred will join him. If so, I am very certain that thispart of the country may be held. " Every one has either read or heard ofthe subsequent melancholy fate of Col. Hayne; but more of that in thesequel. 

Major John Postell had been pitched upon as the first victim. Afterdistinguishing himself, as related, he obtained leave from his generalto go with a flag to Georgetown, to obtain the release of his father, (who was still a prisoner) and of some others. Capt. Saunders, now thecommandant, detained him, and threw him also into gaol, on the plea ofhis having broken his parole;* and, in a long correspondence with Gen. Marion, he and Col. Balfour, the commandant of Charleston, vindicatedthe measure, as consistent with the laws of war and nations. It appearsBalfour was the civilian of the British while here in power. He was justsuch a minion as would have suited the purposes of Tiberius Caesar. Hehad several hundreds of Americans pining in want and misery in loathsomeprison-ships, and in dungeons under the Exchange, damp and noisome, which he called _his provost_. 

 * By a copy of Major Postell's parole, preserved in Horry's correspondence, it appears he was paroled in Charleston; but, soon after, the British or tories stripped him of all his property, which was a breach of it on their part. In a letter to Gen. Marion, 14th Jan. He says, "My honour is all I have left--my family has been reduced to beg their bread. "

He writes thus to Saunders, concerning Major Postell, "send him bywater, " (by land was not safe) "by a fast sailer--under a guard--_beso good_ as to let him have no chance of escaping. " _Be so good_ here, meant to clap him in irons. This royal tiger, secure in his jungle, wasnow crouching to spring upon what he deemed defenceless prey; but, whilereasoning about the law of nations, Saunders had the folly to send outCapt. Merrett with a flag. Marion immediately detained him, and swore abitter oath, that if they touched a hair of Postell's head he would hangMerrett. Major Postell lost all further opportunity of distinguishinghimself, and underwent a long and rigourous imprisonment; but this hadbecome a common case, and the British knew Marion too well to carrymatters further. On the 25th of April, * Gen. Greene lay at Hobkirk hill, at that time a mile out of Camden, but now partly in the town. His armyconsisted of only about seven hundred continentals, and as many militia;his left rested on Pinetree creek, and his right extended across theroad leading to Lancaster, uncovered by any obstructions. Having justreceived a comfortable supply of provisions, which they much wanted, his men were employed in cooking and washing. At this juncture, Rawdonsallied out of Camden, at the head of nine hundred men, his wholedisposable force. Between him and Greene, along Pinetree creek, werethick woods and shrubbery, and he preferred this route for concealment. His advance was not suspected, until he was fired upon by the Americanpickets; but these received him bravely, and during the contest withthem, Greene formed his army. The Virginia brigade, under Gen. Huger, took the right; the Maryland brigade, under Col. Williams, the left. Thecontinentals were thus disposed in one line, and the artillery, underCol. Harrison, were in the centre. The reserve were the cavalry, underCol. Washington, and two hundred and fifty North Carolina militia, underCol. Reade. Rawdon advanced with the King's American regiment on theright, the New York volunteers in the centre, and the 63d on the left;his right supported by Robertson's corps, and his left by the volunteersof Ireland. Greene discovering his narrow front, ordered Col. Campbell, of the Virginia, and Col. Ford, of the Maryland line, to turn hisflanks; the centre regiments to advance with fixed bayonets, andWashington to gain his rear. Rawdon perceiving his danger, brought upthe volunteers of Ireland into line. The battle opened with vigour, andHuger evidently gained ground. Washington in the rear, was carrying allbefore him, and Col. Hawes in the centre, was descending the hill withfixed bayonets. At this flattering moment, the veteran regimentof Gunby, the 1st Maryland, fired contrary to orders; while Capt. Armstrong, with two sections, was moving ahead upon the enemy. Gunby, being anxious to lead his regiment into battle thoroughly compacted, ordered Armstrong back, instead of making him the point of view informing. Retrograde being the consequence of this order, the Britishshouted and pressed forward, and the regiment of Gunby, considered thebulwark of the army, never recovered from its panic. Williams, Gunby, and Howard, all strove in vain to bring it to order. The Virginiabrigade and second Maryland regiment maintained the contest bravely; butthe 2d Maryland, feeling the effect of the retreat of the 1st, becamesomewhat deranged, and its commander, Lieut. Col. Ford, being woundedin repressing it, this corps also fell back. Rawdon's right having nowgained the summit, and flanking Hawes, Gen. Greene ordered a retreat, which was covered by Hawes. Col. Washington having gained his point ofattack, and taken two hundred prisoners, was confident of victory;but seeing the retreat, he paroled the officers on the field, andrelinquished all the prisoners but fifty. These he brought off, and madegood his retreat, with the loss of only three men. Greene's field pieceswere now likely to fall into the hands of the enemy, and seeing Capt. John Smith, ** with his company of picked light infantry, marching offthe field in good order, he rode up and called to him, "Smith, my bravefellow, save the field pieces. " He immediately fell in the rear, andexecuted his orders, with the loss of his whole company. All were killedbut one man and Smith, and they were made prisoners. Gen. Greene ralliedhis army at the pass of Sanders' creek, six miles from Camden, and soonafter occupied the position Gates had intended to take, at Gum swamp. The British lost between sixty and seventy, and Greene two hundred men. This affair shows upon how small an incident the fate of war generallydepends. 

 * This is partly extracted from Lee's Memoirs. 

 ** Capt. Smith, afterwards well known in this state as Col. John Smith, of Darlington, surrendered himself prisoner to a lieutenant of the British; and after he had delivered his sword, was struck by the lieutenant with the broad side of it. At the battle of Guilford, Smith had killed Col. Stewart, of the British guards, in a single rencounter; and his bravery was otherwise so well known that the British officers invited him to a dinner in Camden. Before dinner, he mentioned how he had been treated by the lieutenant, and it was agreed among them, that, as that officer was to be present at the dinner, Smith should be at liberty to treat him as he thought fit. Accordingly Smith kicked him down stairs; and as he did not resent it, he was soon after cashiered. 

Upon Watson's arrival in Camden, Lord Rawdon being now reinforced, marched out to attack Gen. Greene, at Sawney's creek, on the westside of the Wateree. Greene did not like his position for a generalengagement, and took a new one at Cornal's creek, leaving the horse, light infantry and pickets, at his old encampment. The enemy approachedand drew up on the opposite side of the creek, but did not attempt tocross; and retired into Camden before night. Early in the morning of thenext day (10th of May, 1781, ) Lord Rawdon burnt the mill at Camden, thegaol, his stores, and many private houses, and evacuating it, retreatedtowards Nelson's ferry. Thus was Camden evacuated in less than a yearafter the British obtained possession of it; but during that shortperiod it had become the scene of innumerable spoliations, and otheratrocities. While they held it, the loss of property, and being reducedto poverty, were the least considerable incidents, which happened to theinhabitants. To form an accurate idea, as well of the wretched situationof the people of that town and its vicinity, during this period, as toelucidate a part of history not yet explained, let the reader take thefollowing narrative, partly in and partly out of its due order. Gen. Greene, having traversed that part of North Carolina from Guilford toPedee, and passed through nearly one half the breadth of South Carolina, by the way of Cheraw hill, and Lynch's creek, arrived at Town creek, four miles below Camden, about the middle of April. Except at the Pedee, the country through which he had marched was destitute of provisions, and no where, unless he had impressed salt provisions, could he find anything better than beef driven out of the woods; which in April is wellknown to be lean and nauseating. For the last fifty miles, his routehad been across the sand hills, between Pedee and the Wateree; here hisguide deserted him, and when he arrived at Town creek, he and his menwere at a loss which way to proceed, and were literally starving. Thefine low grounds of the Wateree now lay before him, where he expectedan abundance of provisions, but he was most grievously disappointed. TheBritish had swept away every thing of the kind that could be found, and what little subsistence was left to the planters was hid in smallparcels, and in different places in the swamps. Scarcely any thing fitto eat, was visible, where prior to this period, and subsequently, every kind of provisions had been so abundant. But Gen. Greene, in hisdistress, happily* met with a young man, whom, while he had been atHick's creek in January last, he had appointed assistant commissarygeneral; and who had served him with zeal and ability in thatdepartment. This young man, (the present Gen. Cantey, of Camden, ) hadbut just returned from Dan river, where he had supplied Gen. Greene, with fifteen waggon loads of flour, and nearly one thousand head ofhogs, which he had driven from the Pedee, by private ways, with so muchskill and address, as to avoid Lord Cornwallis, and the numerous toriesby whom he was surrounded; and Cantey was still zealous to serve hiscountry. After gaining some intelligence of the enemy, Gen. Greenerequested his commissary to endeavour to get them some provisions, forthey were famishing. Cantey's father lived not far off, and recollectinghe had some bacon and corn meal hid in a swamp, he immediately went andbrought enough for the general's mess, and in a short time after, drovein beeves, such as they were, sufficient for a supper for the men; butso destitute was the neighbourhood, that Cantey recommended it to Gen. Greene to move above Camden, where provisions might be collected fromthe upper country, and it was more probable he would receive aid fromthe militia. But for this explanation, the good judgment of Gen. Greene, in taking post above Camden, might well be questioned; since his wisest, and hitherto favoured plan, had been to strike at the posts below. It isthought, if he could have taken a position at Town creek, or Swift creekbelow, all surprise might have been prevented. At this time, Gen. Greenesent Cantey to Gen. Sumter, distant more than one hundred miles, torequest him to join him; but Sumter, who was meditating an attack onfort Granby, declined any further cooperation except in that way. When this answer was communicated to Gen. Greene, by Cantey, he wasexceedingly angry, and said he had a great mind to leave _them_ todefend the country as well as they could, without his assistance. Couldhe have concentrated his force, and _had not regarded Ninety-Six_, hemight have driven the British into Charleston, before the sickly seasoncommenced. But the system of leaving fortresses behind an invadingarmy, so strongly recommended by Machiavelli, and so much followed byBonaparte, had not yet been adopted in tactics. But we are anticipatingour narrative. 

 * As all the accounts of the movements of Greene and Col. Lee, into South Carolina, are confused, from a want of information of the local situation of the country, and the clashing of the names of places; the present note has been subjoined to rectify misconceptions. From Ensign Johnson Baker's account we have seen Lee at the Long bluff, since called Greenville, now Society-hill. At that time, the marshes of Black creek, and the bogs of Black river, were impassable (except to Marion, ) on any direct route to Camden, or Scott's lake, or Santee; but there was an Indian path, by the way of the present Darlington court house and Day's ferry, on Lynch's creek, to Kingstree; and from the latter place there was a road to Murray's ferry on Santee. From the necessity of the case, therefore, this must have been Lee's route, for he cannot explain it himself. Lee had been the principal adviser of Greene to return to South Carolina, for which the country can never be too grateful to him; and being now about to invest fort Watson, he sent Dr. Matthew Irvine, for whom both leaders had a great friendship, and who, from his persuasive powers was highly fitted for the mission, to inspire Greene with hope and confidence. Irvine obtained a guide and an escort from Col. Richardson, and proceeded by the route of the Piny lands, back of the Santee hills, then a pathless wilderness, now a thickly settled country, and _on the first broad road_ he fell in with in this tract, he unexpectedly met with Greene, about fifteen miles from Camden. Irvine continued with him, until descending a range of Sand hills between little and great Pinetree creeks, about a mile from Camden, he crossed great Pinetree creek at the place now called M'Crae's mill. From the latter place, Greene proceeded about three miles to an old mill on Town creek, called English's; and here Irvine left him, and Cantey met with him as a general and his army emerging from the wilderness. This _first broad road_ must again from the necessity of the case, for there was no other at that time, have been the road from Cheraw hill to Camden. Thus have the accounts of two respectable witnesses, Dr. Irvine and Gen. Cantey, been reconciled, which appeared at first sight impossible. 

Although so weak after the affair at Hobkirk, Gen. Greene, had sent areinforcement to Marion under Major Eaton with a six-pounder, and on the8th of May, Marion and Lee commenced firing upon Fort Motte. As soon asGen. Greene heard of the retreat of Lord Rawdon from Camden, he decampedfrom Cornal's creek, and moving down on the west bank of the Wateree, took a position near M'Cord's ferry, so as to cover the besiegers. FortMotte stood on a high hill called Buckhead, a little on the right of theCharleston road, where it leaves the Congaree below M'Cord's. Within itswalls was included the house of Mrs. Motte, who had retired to that ofher overseer. --When told it was necessary to burn the house, in orderto take the fort expeditiously, she at once requested it should be done, and, as the means of effecting it, furnished an Indian bow and arrows. On the night of the 10th, the fires of Lord Rawdon's camp were seenon the Santee hills, in his retreat from Camden, and encouraged thegarrison for a while; but on the 12th the house was set on fire, andthe commander Lieut. M'Pherson, and one hundred and sixty-five men, surrendered. This deed of Mrs. Motte has been deservedly celebrated. Her intention to sacrifice her valuable property was patriotic; but thehouse was not burnt, as is stated by historians, nor was it fired byan arrow from an African bow, as sung by the poet. --Nathan Savage, aprivate in Marion's brigade, made up a ball of rosin and brimstone, to which he set fire, slung it on the roof of the house. The Britishsurrendered before much mischief was done to it, and Marion had thefire put out. At the commencement of this siege, Serjt. M'Donald, nowadvanced to a lieutenancy, was killed. He was a native of Cross creek, in North Carolina, and his father and other relations had espousedthe opposite side of the cause. Lieut. Cryer, who had often emulatedM'Donald, shared a similar fate. On the 25th Nov. Last, we have seenGen. Sumter severely wounded at Black Stocks; but on the 20th Feb. Justthree months after, he sat down before Fort Granby, to besiege it, andwrote to Marion, who was his junior officer, to move in such a directionas to attract the attention of Lord Rawdon; but at that time the fortwas relieved. 

On the same day that Fort Motte surrendered, Gen. Sumter took theBritish fort at Orangeburgh, with a garrison consisting of seventytories and twelve British; and in three days after, on the 15th May, he took Fort Granby; long the object of his wishes. This fort wassurrendered to him by Major Maxwell, of the British, with nineteenofficers, three hundred and twenty-nine men, mostly royalists, and fivepieces of ordnance. *

 * Major Burnet's letter, 28th April. He was aid to Gen. Greene. 

Gen. Marion soon after taking Fort Motte, re-crossed the Santee, andencamped at Cantey's plantation, a little more than midway from Nelson'sto Murray's ferry, and here he reposed his men for some time andcollected reinforcements. In consequence of the evacuation of Camden, and recent successes, the militia turned out well and in high spirits. About the 3d of June, he marched for Georgetown, and appearing beforeit on the 6th, began his approach by breaking ground; but on the nightafter the garrison evacuated the town, and took shipping. Remaining herefor some time, the general threw off his old habiliments, furnished hiswardrobe anew, and fitted himself out with a suit of regimentals. He also procured a couple of mules to transport his baggage. Hisprivations, during the period passed over, were so great that he evenwanted a blanket, for on a certain night his bed of pine straw catchingfire under him, while he was soundly reposing after one of his forcedmarches, half of the only one he had was burnt, * and his leather cap waswrinkled upon one side, from the contact of the same element. Hereafterhe indulged himself with the luxury of coffee for breakfast, but oftenwithout bread to it, and he seldom tasted wine or spirits; but was fondof vinegar and water, the drink of a Roman soldier. However, Georgetownwas no Capua to him. He soon returned again to Cantey's plantation, andkept out scouts constantly towards Biggen church, where the enemy had agarrison of considerable force. 

 * Nothing shows the moderation of Gen. Marion more than this simple matter of fact. Although the country at that time was plundered and miserably poor, yet he had only to express a wish and he would have had a dozen homespun blankets. He had then in his pocket a power from the governor to impress them. 

About this period, Gen. Marion sent Col. Peter Horry with a force tonegociate a treaty with Major Ganey and his party. As he could not wellturn his arms against him, and the whig settlements on Pedee were leftexposed to his depredations, it was good policy to awe him, and toendeavour to keep him quiet. After a little time Horry negociated atreaty, humiliating enough to Ganey; by which, among other matters, heand his officers agreed to lay down their arms and remain neutral, to deliver up all those who refused to comply with the treaty and alldeserters from the Americans, and also to restore all negroes and otherplundered property. This treaty was ratified on the 17th of June, butwas not strictly complied with until Marion afterwards found leisure toenforce it; as shall be narrated in its place. 

Soon after the siege of Fort Motte, Gen. Greene proceeding on withhis main army, laid siege to Ninety-Six; in which Lieut. Col. Crugercommanded a garrison of five hundred men, and defended himself withenergy and ability. On the right of the besiegers was a strong stockadefort, and on the left a work called the Star redoubt. On the night ofthe 26th of May, the celebrated Kosciusko, who acted at that time as anengineer for Greene, raised two block batteries within three hundredand fifty yards of the besieged. Soon after a third and a fourth wereerected, and lastly a rifle battery within thirty yards of the ditchof the fort. The abbatis was turned, and two trenches and a mine wereextended within six feet of the ditch. The fort must soon have beentaken; but Lord Rawdon was approaching fast to the relief of thegarrison, with two thousand men, which he had lately received fromIreland; (18th June) and Gen. Greene was obliged to raise the siege andretreat over the Saluda. His loss before the fort was about one hundredand fifty men. Lord Rawdon followed the Americans, as far as theEnnoree; but finding the pursuit fruitless, he drew off a part of thegarrison from Ninety-Six, and fixed a detachment of his army at theCongaree. Gen. Greene, finding the British force divided, faced aboutand offered Lord Rawdon battle; but he, in his turn, retreated toOrangeburgh. 

About the beginning of July, in this year, Lord Rawdon still lay inOrangeburgh, strongly posted, and Gen. Greene was near, watchinghis motions. While thus situated, Col. Cruger evacuated his post atNinety-Six, and marching down through the fork of Edisto, joined Rawdon. As there was no other place at which the Edisto could then be passed butat Orangeburgh, it was out of Greene's power to prevent the junction;and Rawdon's army being thus reinforced, Gen. Greene thought it prudentto retire to Bloom hill, Richardson's plantation, at the High Hills ofSantee. Before retiring, however, he detached Gen. Sumter as commander, and ordered Marion to join him, to strike at the posts below. On his waydown, Sumter made several successful attacks on British outposts, whichwere conducted more immediately by Col. Lee and Col. Wade Hampton. Generals Sumter and Marion formed a junction near Biggen, and marchedto attack the fort there, garrisoned by five hundred infantry and onehundred cavalry, and commanded by Col. Coates, a spirited officer. Hiscavalry at first repulsed Sumter's advance, but were driven in by thestate troops under Col. Hampton. In the evening after, Col. Coates setfire to the church, which contained all his heavy baggage and stores, and retreating by the Strawberry road over Watboo bridge, destroyed it, and thus gained a considerable advance upon Sumter, who had to marchround by a ford in pursuit. Coates, in like manner, threw the plank offHuger's bridge, and proceeded rapidly for Quimby. Here he had loosenedthe planks of the bridge, and was waiting for his rear guard; but, in the mean time, Lee had come up with and taken it. Dr. Irvine, byadvancing too far among the combatants, was wounded in this affair, *together with several of Lee's men. While Coates was waiting, Capt. Armstrong, at the head of five of his own men, and Capt. JamesM'Caulay's troop of militia horse crossed the bridge and charged inamong the enemy, who at first threw down their arms, but seeing theforce so small, soon resumed them, and began to fire; but Armstrong madegood his way through them down the road. In the mean while, the passageof the cavalry over the bridge had opened such a chasm** in the plank, that Lee could not cross to follow up the advantage thus gained, andthe critical moment was lost. The enemy had time to recover from theirpanic, and to post themselves in Col. Shubrick's house and out houses, which were near. After some delay, Sumter arrived and ordered an attack, which was led on by Marion, whose men, and a regiment of Sumter's, underCol. Thomas Taylor, marched up in open ground, with a view of gaininga fence near the houses; and were exposed to a most galling fire, fromriflemen aiming at them from behind cover. More than fifty were killedand wounded, generally of Marion's men, who were most exposed. Capt. Perry and Lieut. June, of his brigade, were killed; and Lieut. Col. John Baxter, who was very conspicuous, from his gigantic size and fulluniform, received five wounds; Major Swinton was also severely wounded. A retreat was ordered. The attack was made against Marion's opinion, who blamed Sumter afterwards for wasting the lives of his men. But, withsuch a force, Sumter had not the disposition to be idle, and wanted onlya field piece to have ensured success. Col. Coates had now the commandof boats, and a wide river before him, and could easily have effectedhis retreat in that way to Charleston; but Sumter did not attackhim again; because, it was said, a reinforcement was coming to hisassistance. After this, Gen. Marion retired to the Santee, and took postat Cordes', and afterwards at Peyre's plantation, near the mouth of thepresent Santee canal, where he reposed his men and horses, until aboutthe 25th of August. 

 * Dr. Irvine was riding between Cols. Lee and Maham, and was wounded by a discharge of small arms from the enemy, as they wheeled at a short turn of the road. Lee had two surgeons in his corps, Irvine and Skinner; Irvine was apt to expose himself to danger, but Skinner, although he had on one occasion killed his adversary in a duel, was a coward; and the method he now took to punish Irvine for what he called his temerity, was not to dress his wounds until the last. 

 ** Lee states that he found such a chasm in the bridge his men could not cross it. 

The British lay near M'Cord's ferry, with a strong party at Monk'scorner and Dorchester, and Gen. Greene was still encamped atRichardson's plantation on the High Hills of Santee, directly oppositethe enemy, where they might easily see each other; but with a wide swampbetween them. About this time Gen. Greene ordered Marion to go to theassistance of Col. Harden, who was then much pressed by the enemy, tothe south of the Edisto. Immediately he detached a party of mountedmilitia under Capt. George Cooper, to the neighbourhood of Dorchesterand Monk's corner, to create a diversion there, whilst he with about twohundred picked men, by a circuitous route and forced march of at leastone hundred miles, crossed the Edisto, joined Harden and approached theBritish. When sufficiently near he drew up his men in a swamp upon theroad near Parker's ferry, and sent out some of his swiftest horse tolead the British into the ambuscade. While lying there a small party oftories crossed at the ferry, and in passing on one of them called outthat he saw a white feather, and fired his gun. This occasioned anexchange of a few shots on both sides; but (as is supposed) it wasthought by Major Fraser, who commanded the British, to be only Harden'sparty that was in the swamp; he pursued the horsemen sent out as adecoy, and led his corps in full charge within forty or fifty yardsparallel to the ambuscade. A deadly fire from the swamp, was the firstnotice he had that a greater force than Harden's was there. He attemptedto wheel and charge into the swamp, but only exposed his men the more, as they were thus delayed before the fire, and were wedged up on acauseway so closely that every shot had its utmost effect. Finding allhis efforts ineffectual, Fraser at length retreated along the road tothe ferry, and thus passed the whole ambuscade. A large body of infantrywith a field piece, were now seen advancing, and Marion retreatedwithout counting the dead, but men and horses were seen lyingpromiscuously in heaps on the road. Although a large body of infantrywas advancing, yet Marion in his situation had not much to fear fromthem, and indeed had often encountered such; therefore the true cause ofhis retreating could not have been because they were advancing; butthe probability is, because he wanted ammunition. How often he was thusimpeded in his enterprizes was known only to himself. A party underCapt. Melton, went out the next day to the battle ground, and countedtwenty-seven dead horses; the men had been buried. As Marion's men firedwith either a ball and buck shot, or heavy buck shot alone, and as nonewould aim at horses, the loss of the British must have been great. --Butthough their loss could not be ascertained, the effect of this wellconducted affair soon became evident, for at the battle of Eutaw, ninedays after, the enemy had but few cavalry in the field. It is not alittle surprising that there is no record or date of this action to befound, but in the thanks of congress to Gen. Marion, which fix it on the31st of August. 

In the mean time, Capt. Cooper passed on to the Cypress, and thererouted a party of tories, and then proceeding down the road, he droveoff the cattle from before the enemy's fort at Dorchester. He next movedon down the Charleston road; a body of tories lay in a brick church, which stood then twelve miles from town; he charged and drove thembefore him. Next, passing into Goose creek road, he proceeded to theten mile house, returned and passed over Goose creek bridge, took acircuitous route around the British at Monk's corner and arrived in campat Peyre's plantation near the canal, where Gen. Marion now lay, withmany prisoners, and without the loss of a man. In his letter of the 10thof August, 1781, noted above, Gen. Greene writes to Marion, "you willsee by Col. Harden's letter, the enemy have hung Col. Hayne; do not takeany measure in the matter towards retaliation, for I do not intend toretaliate on the tory officers, but the British. It is my intention todemand the reasons of the colonel's being put to death, and if they areunsatisfactory, as I am sure they will be, and if they refuse to makesatisfaction, as I suppose they will, to publish my intentions of givingno quarters to British officers of any rank that fall into our hands. This will be delayed for some few days, to give our friends in St. Augustine* time to get off. " The measure thus proposed was quite tooextensive in its nature to have been carried into effect. The truereason why there was no retaliation was the last, respecting the friendsin St. Augustine, and it is suspected that it originated with thegovernor and council. The British army was now no longer commanded byLord Rawdon; he had retired to Europe, and was succeeded by BrigadierGen. Stewart. Lord Rawdon had defended Camden as long as he could withvigour and ability; but lately stained his reputation by the executionof Col. Hayne. In extenuation of this act, it is said by his friends, he only obeyed the orders of his superior; but if he really disapprovedthat act of cruelty, he could easily have avoided taking a part init, for as he was shortly to sail for Europe, he might have left theexecution of it to Col. Balfour; as being congenial to his naturaldisposition. This proceeding was sudden and unexpected, and produceda great sensation in the American army. When Gen. Greene demanded thereason of it, Lord Rawdon had either departed or returned no answer; butBalfour stated, that "it took place by the joint order of Lord Rawdonand myself, in consequence of the most express directions of LordCornwallis to us, in regard to all those who should be found in arms, after being, at their own request, received as British subjects. "Now, although Lord Cornwallis, when flushed with victory, issued cruelorders; yet it is not to be presumed he acted the tyrant so far as tocommunicate private orders to Rawdon and Balfour; but the only case inwhich his public orders directed a capital punishment, is the following:"I have ordered in the most positive manner, that every militia man, who has borne arms with us, and afterwards joined the enemy, shall beimmediately hanged. " But it was never pretended that Col. Hayne hadborne arms with the British; when he submitted, he expressly stipulatedwith Gen. Patterson, that he was not to do so; and when, notwithstandingsuch stipulation, he was called upon for that service, he positivelyrefused, although threatened with confinement. Besides, both Moultrieand Ramsey assert he did not serve with the British; and as far asnegative proof can go, this should be conclusive. But the fact that hebore arms with the British is not charged against him; his accusationwas, "being at his own request received as a British subject. " ThenCol. Hayne neither came within the letter, nor the penalty of the orderissued by Lord Cornwallis; and his blood rests upon the heads of Rawdonand Balfour. A fair state of the case is, that Col. Hayne had beenconsidered by the British a character of great influence, and after thefall of Charleston, having applied to Gen. Patterson, then commandant, for a parole, he was refused one, and was threatened with confinement ifhe would not subscribe a declaration of allegiance. Under the influenceof this threat, by the advice of friends, and the stipulation abovestated, he was induced to sign the declaration; and he was now triedfor a breach of his allegiance. Lord Cornwallis punished for breachesof parole, but this was a new charge, made by Rawdon and Balfourthemselves. But Hayne's signature to that instrument, had been obtainedby duresse, and the part of the country in which he lived had been forseveral months in the possession of the Americans, and the Britishwere unable to protect him in his allegiance. These, and no doubt othergrounds, might have been alleged in his defence, but he was at firstpromised, and afterwards refused to be heard by counsel. The law ofnations, as we have seen, was often on the lips of Balfour, and here wasa case which came clearly within that code. Then the forms of justiceshould have been carefully observed; the accused should have been heardin his defence; the spirit of the law should have been the guide of thejudges, with a leaning in favour of lenity and mercy; the passions oughtnot to have been suffered to interfere, where the minds of the courtshould have been regulated by justice and wisdom; and finally, thejudges should have proceeded deliberately, avoiding every thing likehaste in their decision. Such is the law of nations. ** But neither theforms of justice, nor the spirit of the law were observed; the accusedwas tried by a court martial, in which, after the production of thedeclaration of allegiance, the only inquiry made was, "whether he hadbeen taken in arms?" And that being proved, the defendant received asummary sentence of death. A most feeling intercession was made in hisbehalf, but in vain; all that could be obtained was a few days delay ofthe execution, which otherwise would have been hurried on in the mostindecent manner. Col. Hayne died, not indeed the death, but with thespirit of a soldier, and a martyr in the cause of civil liberty; he methis fate calmly on the gibbet. The character of Balfour was already soblack there was scarcely room for an additional blot; but the executionof Col. Hayne must ever continue a stain upon the reputation of LordRawdon. He had not even the excuse that it was the law of the conqueror;for Lord Cornwallis and himself were conquerors no more. 

 * These St. Augustine friends, were sixty-two influential characters, citizens of Charleston, whom Lord Cornwallis, soon after the town surrendered, had ordered to be sent and imprisoned at St. Augustine, contrary to the terms of the capitulation. 

 ** Vatt. B. 1. C. 13. S. 170-2. Montesq. B. 6. C. 3. 

The two hostile armies still lay encamped and watching each other in thepositions before mentioned, at Bloomhill and M'Cord's ferry; but aboutthe beginning of September, Gen. Greene, for the want of boats, marchedup the Wateree and crossed it not far below Camden, * and marching downthrough the fork between the two rivers, passed the Congaree at Howell'sferry and encamped at Motte's plantation, on a direct route to meet theenemy, who had been encamped but a short distance below him. 

 * It is believed, at English's ferry, nine miles below Camden. 

Here he received intelligence that the British army commanded byBrigadier Gen. Stewart* had retreated and halted at the Eutaw Spring, about forty miles below, that they had been reinforced there, and wereabout to establish a permanent post. To prevent this, he determined torisk a battle, though his force was thought to be inferior. Accordinglyhe sent back his baggage to Howell's ferry, and proceeded by easymarches to Burdell's plantation seven miles from Eutaw, where hewas joined by Gen. Marion. Gen. Stewart had posted himself to greatadvantage at Eutaw; his head quarters were in a strong brick house, which stood at that time a little to the west of the spring or ratherfountain. In his rear, to the south, there was an open field; in hisfront a thick wood covered with pines and scrubby oaks. Below thefountain on his right there was a deep valley, through which the Eutawcreek, five or six feet deep, takes its course towards the north-east. Between the fountain and the brick house the Congaree road passes to thenorth. 

 * Col. Doyle gives him that title in a letter hereafter noticed. 

It was down this road Gen. Greene marched to attack the British army, onthe memorable 8th of September, 1781. The effective force of each armywas nearly equal, except the cavalry, in which Greene would have had theadvantage, if the nature of the ground had permitted the use of it, fornone of the ground was then open, and particularly on his left it wascovered by scrubby oaks. While moving down the road in the morningwith much circumspection, Col. Lee in advance met a party which coveredanother that was foraging. Several of these were killed, and theircaptain and forty men taken. Pressing forward, Lee soon met anotherparty, with whom another action commenced, and he requested the supportof artillery to counteract that of the enemy, which had now opened. Twofield pieces were quickly brought up by Capt. Gaines, and began to fire. 

During this firing both armies formed. The South Carolina militia underMarion, and the North Carolina under Col. Malmedy occupied the firstline; the South Carolinians on the right. The continentals formed thesecond line. The Virginians under Col. Campbell, occupied the right. Gen. Sumner with the North Carolina new levied troops, the centre;and the Marylanders, under Cols. Williams and Howard, the left, on theCharleston road. Lee had charge of the right, and Henderson of the leftflank, with their cavalry. Two field pieces were disposed in the frontand two in the rear line. Washington's horse and Kirkwood's infantryformed the reserve. 

The enemy was drawn up in one line, the Buffs on the right, Cruger'scorps in the centre, and the 63d and 64th on the left. MajorMarjoribanks with one battalion of light infantry was posted on theEutaw creek, flanking the Buffs, and the cavalry under Major Coffin weredrawn up in the open field in the rear; these were not numerous. Theartillery were posted on the Charleston road and the one leadingto Roach's plantation. --The action commenced about a mile from thefountain. Marion and Pickens continued to advance and fire, but theNorth Carolina militia broke at the third round. --Sumner with thenew raised troops, then occupied their place, and behaved gallantly. Marion's marksmen firing with great precision, and galling the enemygreatly, had now advanced more than half a mile, when the Britishcharged upon them with fixed bayonets, and Marion ordered a retreat. The Virginia and Maryland troops now advanced with trailed arms, andscarcely had Marion cleared the right of the Virginians, when the crashof bayonets was heard. But by degrees it receded, and becoming less andless audible, a loud shout of huzza for America! told the issue of thecontest. --Gen. Marion now rallied his men. Col. Henderson of the SouthCarolina state troops was wounded early in the action, and the commanddevolved on Col. Wade Hampton, who made a spirited charge; but beingwarmly received, Col. Washington brought up the reserve to his aid, andat first charged so briskly that the enemy gave way; but advancing intothe thickest part of the woods, Marjoribanks came to the assistance ofthe Buffs; Washington's horse was killed under him, and he was woundedand taken. After this, and the loss of many officers and men, the corpswas drawn off by Capt. Parsons. Marjoribanks though victorious on theright, now fell back to assist Stewart; and Major Sheridan with the NewYork volunteers, threw himself into the brick house. Stewart was busilyengaged in rallying his men under cover of the fire from Sheridan; andGreene now ordered Lee to charge upon Coffin. Lee at the beginning ofthe action had advanced with the legionary infantry upon the left of theenemy, and ordered his cavalry under Eggleston to follow in the rear;but sending for Eggleston, at present, he found that by some mistakenorder he had gone to assist Washington. Thus a most favourableopportunity of completing the rout already commenced, was irretrievablylost. Greene had now brought up his artillery against the brick house, and sent for Marion who came to his assistance; but the weight of hismetal was too light to effect a breach. Here, after losing many men andmaking unavailing efforts, he was obliged to desist, bringing off onefield piece, which he had taken from the enemy, and losing two of hisown. Thus Sheridan and Marjoribanks saved the British army. 

Gen. Greene, in this manner disappointed in the most sanguineexpectation of a complete victory, collected all his wounded, exceptthose under the fire of the enemy, and placing a strong picket on thefield of battle, retired sullenly from the ground in search of water. The battle had taken place on a dry thirsty soil, and in a hot day, andthe want of water was severely felt. Four or five miles up the Congareeroad, there is a remarkably boggy pond, still the dread of travellers;the cavalry had passed through it, twice or thrice in the course of theday; and it was now become a filthy puddle; but into this did the men assoon as they arrived, throw themselves headlong, over the shoulders ofeach other, and drink with an avidity which seemed insatiable. This wasthe _first water in Greene's rear_, which is mentioned by historians, as being resorted to by his army. * The battle had lasted more than threehours. 

 * Plenty of water might have been procured, in Eutaw creek, some hundred yards from the battle ground; and why the retreat was not directed there, or to Santee river, distant a mile, the author is at a loss to discover: unless it was that Greene's force was scattered up the road, and he wished to concentrate it. It was not from dread of the enemy. 

Next morning, Marion and Lee were ordered by a circuitous route to gainthe enemy's rear, in order, as it was expected they would retreat, toretard their march and prevent their being reinforced. On the evening ofthe 9th of September, Stewart piled up the arms of his dead and wounded, and set them on fire, destroyed his stores, left seventy of his ownwounded, and some of Greene's, at the Eutaw; and retreated precipitatelytowards Monk's corner. So hurried was his retreat for fifteen miles, that he brought his first division within a few miles of M'Arthur, coming to his aid, before Marion and Lee reached Ferguson's swamp, theirpoint of destination. To fight between two fires, became hazardous, andthe junction of the enemy was effected. Capt. O'Neal of Lee's horse, fell upon the cavalry of their rear guard, and took most of themprisoners; but Stewart continued his retreat to Wantoot, (Ravenel'splantation, ) about twenty miles below Eutaw, and Greene pursued toMartin's tavern, fifteen miles. In this battle, the British lost byGreene's account six hundred men, killed and wounded, and five hundredmade prisoners. According to Stewart's return, he lost eighty-fivekilled, * three hundred fifty-one wounded, and two hundred fifty-sevenmissing. The loss of the Americans was five hundred killed and wounded;among whom were sixty officers. The disparity in these returns of thedifferent commanders is great, but Greene's prisoners could be countedat leisure. Lieut. Col. Campbell fell as he was leading the Virginialine to the charge. Gen. Greene says of him, "though he fell withdistinguished marks of honour, yet his loss is much to be regretted; hewas the great soldier, and the firm patriot. " Gen. Marion had many ofhis men and Col. Hugh Horry wounded; but fewer killed than at Quimby;among the latter was the brave Capt. John Simons, of Pedee. 

 * Maj. Marjoribanks, by whom in conjunction with Sheridan, the British army was saved, lies buried on the Santee canal road, about half a mile below the chapel; he was a brave and generous enemy; and on an old head board, the following inscription is still to be seen: "JOHN MARJORIBANKS, Esqr. Late major to the 19th regt. Inf'y and commanding a flank bat'n. Of his majesty's army. _Obiit_. 22d October, 1781. "

The British shot generally about five feet too high; but the wind blewthat day favourably for Marion's marksmen, and they did great execution. They fired from fifteen to twenty rounds each man. Both sides claimedthe victory; but the fruits of one were with the Americans. 

It being now autumn, and his men sickly, Gen. Greene retired to the HighHills of Santee, his favourite encampment; Col. Lee calls them, "Thebenign hills of Santee. " At this time Gen. Greene encamped on the rangeof hills immediately below Stateburgh. His head quarters were atMr. James', on the right going downwards, a beautiful spot, but nowdeserted. Many of Greene's wounded officers and men died, and lie buriedon a hill near where the author is now writing. An officer, who died ofhis wound, (Capt. De Wolfe, ) lies interred near De Wolfe's spring, onhis plantation. He was a most gallant soldier. No mound or grave stonepoints out the spot where such brave men repose. Even the mounds, wherethe dead at Eutaw were buried, have been lately violated by the cuttingof a ditch through them. Alas! my country, why have such things beensuffered?

Marion retired to his favourite encampment, at Peyre's plantation, inSantee river swamp. On the banks of the river at that time there wereextensive cornfields on all the plantations, and the most of the lowplaces were cultivated in rice. * The crops of three or four years pasthad been housed, and kept out of the enemy's reach by the difficulty ofapproach and their retired situation. Here the general fixed himself, much to his liking, in a cane brake, about a quarter of a mile from theriver, which however was soon cleared to thatch the huts of himselfand his men. Some lakes which skirted the high land, rendered the postdifficult of approach, and here was forage for horses, and beef, pork, rice, and green corn** for the men, in the greatest abundance. Such aplace suited Marion's views exactly, and here, or in the neighbourhood, he encamped often; but did not stay long at present. It appears nowthere was very little sickness at that day. 

 * Very soon after the revolutionary war, this scene was entirely changed. Planters, in clearing their land, had rolled logs and other rubbish from their fields, into the lakes and creeks leading from the river, and many threw trees into it to get them quickly out of the way. The upper country also soon became more opened, and gave freer vent from above to the waters. There came on a succession of six or seven years, which were wet; and the consequence was, that the usual passages for the waters below being obstructed, they flooded the low grounds, and ruined the planters. Where fine corn grew at that time, trees may now be seen a foot and a half in diameter, in the midst of briars and cane brakes. 

 ** Commonly called _mutton_ corn, a corruption of _matin_, that is _early_ corn. 

Soon after the battle of Eutaw, Gen. Alexander Leslie took command ofthe British army. On the 17th of September Gen. Greene wrote to Marion:"I have the pleasure to congratulate you on the arrival of Count DeGrasse, in Chesapeake bay, with twenty-eight sail of the line, a numberof frigates and six thousand land forces; Gen. Washington isalso arrived in Virginia to take command of the army. From thesecircumstances, and from some further intelligence of Lord Cornwallis'movements, it is highly probable that his lordship will endeavour toretreat through North Carolina to Charleston. I must therefore entreatthat you will use every exertion to collect a large force of militiatogether, and as speedy as possible, that we may be able to intercepthis lordship. " As Gen. Marion's scouts at this time frequently passedround the enemy, and harrassed them much between their camp andCharleston, it has often been a matter of surprise why he should recrossthe Santee; but this letter explains it, for he crossed it to collecthis men, and he encamped at Cantey's plantation a considerable time forthat purpose. On the 1st of Sept. Gov. Rutledge had ordered out only thehalf of the militia; now all were again directed to take the field asformerly. 

Another good reason for Gen. Greene and Marion's lying so long inactiveat this season, is to be found in a letter in the correspondencementioned; and though the date is later than the present period, yetthe fact comes in properly here. Gen. Marion, as it appears from whatfollows after, had written to Greene and the governor for ammunition onthe 9th of October. On the 10th, Gov. Rutledge answers his letter: "Ireceived yours yesterday, by Mr. Boone, and wrote in the most pressingterms to Col. Williams, (Gen. Greene not being yet returned fromCharlotte, for which place he set out on Friday) for a supply ofammunition; I wish to God it was in my power to send you ammunitioninstantly, but it is not. " Col. Otho Williams, who was second in commandof the army, writes to Gen. Marion, and, although his letter is notdated, the connection of the correspondence is evident: "As Gen. Greeneis not in camp, I took the liberty of opening your letter of the 9thinstant. Our stock of ammunition is quite exhausted--we have not anounce of powder, or a cartridge, in store. The arrival of some militarystores which we expect every hour, will put it in the general's powerto supply you amply. His excellency Gov. Rutledge has intimated that youmeditated an expedition over the Santee; in making your determination, if it is not settled, permit me to recommend to your consideration, thatthe general depends upon you entirely for intelligence of the enemy'smotion. " These extracts of letters must be read with astonishment. --Withwhat uncommon fortitude must such men have been endowed, to bear upunder such continued discouragements. As Gen. Marion lay a long timehere, it will give occasion to relate some other matters, which asfortunate events have for some time past thickened, would have perplexedthe narrative to have introduced before. 

About the 10th August, Georgetown was burnt. --One Manson, commanding asmall armed vessel, arrived within gunshot of the town, and sent a partyin a boat under cover of his guns, and set fire to some houses on awharf at the lower end of the Bay, and the wind favouring, the wholetown, except a few houses on the outskirts, was burnt. No doubt Mansonhad his orders from Balfour. 

As the continental troops were without pay and clothing, a plan wasadopted by the governor and council to impress all the indigo for publicservice which could be found, and it was expected that it would nowserve instead of money as a medium of exchange. The principle had beenauthorised by an old militia law, but it was a rigourous measure anda poor expedient, although the best that could be devised at the time. Many thrifty planters had hoarded up their indigo, ever since thecommencement of the war, hoping some day to turn it into money. Capt. Wm. Richardson, of Bloomhill, was appointed commissary general by thegovernor, and assistants were appointed by him in the several districtsof the state; who went about with press warrants in their pockets, andparties to assist them, and set a price upon each man's indigo, forwhich they gave him a receipt, promising payment from the state. Thegeneral depot was fixed at Bloomhill. 

It was in contemplation at the time likewise to raise two regiments ofstate troops to be attached to Marion's brigade, and for this purposeall the horses fit for cavalry were impressed, except those of menactually in service. These were indeed high handed measures, butappeared necessary at the time. Winter was approaching, and Gen. Greene states in a letter to Col. Peter Horry, of the 11th of November, "Blankets are so scarce with us, that more than three-fourths of our menare without. " A few goods fit for service were afterwards purchased forindigo, but at an enormous advance. *

 * Instance--New England rum at $3 75. Soldier's saddles $25. Blankets none as yet. Best indigo in exchange three shillings sterling. Letter 9th October. 

On the 27th of September Gov. Rutledge had ordered by proclamation, thatthe disaffected should come in within thirty days and do duty for sixmonths. --This measure brought down disgrace, and soon after nearly ruinupon Marion's brigade. This proclamation is long but to the followingeffect:--

"That whereas, the British had been compelled to evacuate all theirstrong posts, and could no more give protection to their adherents, and as many of them still remained with the British or lurked in secretplaces. And whereas, the commandant of Charleston, having sent beyondsea the wives and families of all the avowed friends of America in townand country; and the brigadiers of militia had been ordered to retaliateby sending the wives and families of such adherents within the Britishlines; and it is understood that they are in great distress and poverty. Therefore, a free pardon is offered for the offence of having bornearms, provided they surrender themselves up to a brigadier of the statewithin thirty days, and do constant duty in the militia service forsix months; and upon performance of these conditions their wives andchildren were allowed to return; except such as having joined theenemy, were called upon by two proclamations to return in forty days, inpursuance of an ordinance of the legislature. All such as were sent outof the state for refusing to take the oath required of them by law andhad returned. All such as subscribed addresses to Sir H. Clinton andLord Cornwallis, congratulating them on their victories. All such ashold or have held military commissions. And all those whose conduct hasbeen so infamous that they cannot consistent with policy and justicepartake of the rights of citizens. But if they surrender to thecommander in chief for the time, and were judged inadmissible, theyshould not be detained. "

This abstract has been given to show the singular manner of legislatingin those times. * Not, but that it was necessary thus to legislate, asit was certainly better to have some kind of civil government than none. The raising of two regiments of cavalry was suggested by Gen. Greene, and highly approved both by the governor and Marion, and it certainlypromised well at first. Col. Hezekiah Maham, who had been elected bythe provincial congress a captain in the first rifle regiment, whenthey passed an act to raise two such regiments, in March, 1776, was nowappointed commander of one corps, and Col. Peter Horry commander ofthe other; he had been captain in the 2d regiment from the beginning of1775, and was the older officer of the two; the reader will hereaftersee the effect of this observation. 

 * Governor Rutledge had but two of his council with him at this time, Daniel Huger and John L. Gervais. 

As they had no bounty money to give, recruiting went on slowly, andthey fell upon the following expedient, which was warmly opposed by Gov. Rutledge at first, but it is supposed was favoured by Marion. All menthat could hire a substitute in the regiments now raising were exemptedfrom militia duty. --This soon drew from the ranks the best of Marion'smen, men who had served from the first, and had left their families athome in huts, and still in distress; but they could yet spare one or twonegroes, which they did not much value, to hire a substitute to do dutyfor them. The war was now moved comparatively far from them, and theysighed for home. In the mean time, the six months men came tumbling inby scores, to supply their places. Their new white feathers, fine coats, new saddles and bridles, and famished horses, showed they had latelybeen in the British garrison. These were not the men to endureprivations and fight their country's battles. Those of Marion's triedmen who remained, could never confide in them; and now, as is alwaysusual in armies, the most unprincipled men enlisted in the newregiments, but were not kept in the discipline necessary for tamingsuch characters, or making them good soldiers. When Maham had got aboutseventy men and Horry not yet a troop, both their commissions being ofthe same date, they quarreled about precedence in rank; and althoughGov. Rutledge reasoned, Gen. Greene persuaded, and Marion threatened, they could never be reconciled. Maham appears to have been veryrefractory on this occasion, and would listen to no accommodation. Whilein the end, Horry acted much in the wrong. 

There are in the correspondence of that day many letters of Gov. Rutledge, several of which, without the suppression of names, it wouldbe highly injurious to the feelings of many to publish at the presenttime; the rest are not interesting, except a few which show the spiritof the times; and are mostly long and able constructions of militialaws, now obsolete. About this time he issued a proclamation suspendingthe acts of assembly, and making paper money* a tender in law, which, although strong, was certainly a just proceeding. 

 * For an example of its present depreciation, see p. 152. [Detached Narratives for 1781, Paragraph 6--list of prices. --A. L. ]

Col. Maham having now raised and equipped part of his cavalry, passedthe Santee, burnt some British stores in the house of Sir John Colleton, at Fairlawn, and took some prisoners. On the 16th of October, Gen. Greene writes to Marion, "Col. Maham's success is highly honourable tohimself and corps, and I hope will be followed by future strokes of goodfortune. " This hope was not realized. A letter from Col. Doyle, of theBritish, shows strongly what different views, men engaged on oppositesides, will take of the same transaction. It is to Gen. Marion: "Sir, I am directed by Brigadier Gen. Stewart, to represent to you an outragethat has been committed by a party of your corps, under the command ofCol. Maham, upon a parcel of sick, helpless soldiers in an hospitalat Colleton house, on the morning of the 17th inst. The burning anhospital, and dragging away a number of dying people to expire inswamps, is a species of barbarity hitherto unknown in civilizedwarfare. The general expects that those unhappy sufferers will be sentimmediately as prisoners upon parole. Attacks on hospitals are, amongyour own continental army, unprecedented. The hospital at Camden was byGen. Greene's order protected, although it had an armed guard forits internal police. " Gen. Greene, who ere this, the reader must haveperceived, was polite to his friends, and humane to his enemies, foreven they are obliged to confess it, immediately instituted an inquiryinto this complaint;* but how it was accommodated cannot now beascertained. 

 * Greene's letter, 24th Nov. 

On the 9th October, 1781, * Gen. Marion received the most agreeable newsof the surrender of Lord Cornwallis, and the next evening gave a feteto the ladies of Santee, at the house of Mr. John Cantey. The general'sheart was not very susceptible of the gentler emotions; he had hisfriend, and was kind to his inferiors, but his mind was principallyabsorbed by the love of country; and as the capture of Lord Cornwalliswas intimately connected with this passion there is no doubt he felt joyon the occasion. But if he did feel joy upon a few occasions, certain itis that watchful anxiety was the daily inmate of his breast. 

 * This date is given both here and in Simms' Life of Marion, but it must be an error, as Cornwallis did not surrender until the 19th. The 29th October or 9th November are more likely dates. --A. L. , 1997. 

On the same day he received the thanks of congress "for his wise, decided and gallant conduct, in defending the liberties of his country, and particularly for his prudent and intrepid attack on a body ofBritish troops on the 31st day of August last; and for the distinguishedpart he took in the battle of the 8th Sept. " Immediately on receivingthe intelligence of the capture of Lord Cornwallis, Gen. Greene preparedfor moving his army into the lower country. On the 5th November, he writes to Gen. Marion, "Gen. Sumter has orders to take post atOrangeburgh, to prevent the tories in that quarter from conveyingsupplies to town, and his advanced parties will penetrate as low asDorchester; therefore you may act in conjunction with him, or employyour troops on the enemy's left, as you may find from information, theycan best be employed. Please to give me your opinion on which side theycan be most useful. " Gen. Marion four days after passed the Santee, andin a short time took post near Huger's bridge, as it was still termed, though all the bridges in the lower country were taken down, except theone at Goose creek, which seemed to be left by mutual consent of botharmies, for the purpose of reaching one another, by at least one way. Hearrived at Huger's bridge in the night, and in less than an hour afterdetached a strong party by the heads of Huger's and Quimby creeks, toCainhoy, in St. Thomas'. On the 23d November Gen. Sumter was posted atOrangeburgh; on the 17th of the same month Gen. Greene marched for theFourholes. December 7th, he lay at Jacksonborough, and on the 13th ofthe same month, he encamped at the Round O. 

His movements were at this time cautious, in keeping both the Edistoand Ashley between himself and the enemy; because he had heard theywere reinforced, and he was as yet without ammunition. He wrote nowfrequently to Gen. Marion, and almost every letter has a clause similarto the one of the 15th of November: "You are at liberty to act as youthink advisable. I have no particular instructions to give you, and onlywish you to avoid surprise. "

At the close of this year, Gov. Rutledge and his council issued writs ofelection for members of the senate and house of representatives, which, by proclamation issued afterwards, were appointed to meet atJacksonborough. Gen. Greene still lay at the Round O, where he securedthe rice and other provisions from the enemy, by sending out patrolesof cavalry as far as Dorchester: but he had not yet received a supplyof ammunition for his infantry, and Marion was also without thatindispensible muniment of war. As to other necessaries he says, "Ourhorsemen have neither cloaks or blankets, nor have our troops receiveda shilling of pay since they came into this country. Nor is there aprospect of any. Yet they do not complain. "* At length on the 14th ofDecember he received a supply of ammunition and sent _it all_ to Marion, then at Watboo, saying, "he was in expectation of soon receiving more. "

 * Greene's letters, 13th and 14th December. 

The British extended their patroles of cavalry nearly up to Dorchester, but their main body was now confined to Charleston neck. 

Thus, in the course of the campaign of 1781, the American army underGen. Greene, without pay, without clothing, and as we have seenfrequently without ammunition, had driven the enemy from all theirstrong holds but one; had defeated them in battle, and retaken all SouthCarolina but a neck of land. 

*****

Detached Narratives for 1781. 

There was with Marion's brigade throughout, a young man, Robert, commonly called Bob James, but oftener, _the general's right handman_. It was known to very few that Marion employed him often to gainintelligence from the enemy in Georgetown and other places. Thegeneral never suffered him to mount guard or do common duties; being anexcellent woodsman, he was his favourite guide; being an expert swimmer, he was generally by his side when swimming rivers, or paddled him overin a canoe if they had one; being a good fisherman, he often caughthim fish; the general would laugh and joke with him, but with no otherprivate. He did not however employ Bob in these small matters when hehad any thing serious for him to do. Surprised at his exact intelligencefrom Georgetown and other places, the author asked him once "how he gotit?" He related several interesting particulars, among others this one:"Just in the outskirts of Georgetown there is a pond full of bushes, andin the middle of it a large gum-tree with a thick top and branches thatreach the thicket below. This tree overlooked the garrison and bothroads leading out of town. I used to climb into it and watch for daystogether, and if I saw any thing important, immediately came down, mounted my horse, hid in a neighbouring swamp, and told it to thegeneral myself, or sent the only other person we trusted. " The gum treestood there lately, but Robert James sleeps with his fathers. "Alas, poor Yorick! I knew him Horatio. " It was generally thought that althoughhe swam so often on horseback, or crossed rivers in unsteady canoes, thegeneral could not swim himself. His body was sufficient for endurance;and his mind, to sagacity and foresight, united the higher virtues ofpatience and fortitude. In one thing he appeared singular; long swordswere now in fashion as best for attack or defence, but Gen. Marionalways wore the little cut and thrust, which was in use in the secondregiment, and he was seldom, perhaps never, seen to draw it. Hismessmates told a story, whether true or not is of little consequence, as it shows the public opinion. The sum of this story was, that onone occasion he attempted to draw it, but it was so rusty he couldnot extricate it from the scabbard. He had a reason for this apparentsingularity; a long sword might have tempted him, a small man, to actthe common soldier, and he appeared to place no reliance on his personalprowess. Gen. Greene depended entirely upon him for intelligence. --Now, intelligence is the life of an army. Sumter and Greene were then atvariance, and if Sumter gained any, he would not condescend to letGreene know it, but take advantage of it himself. Lee, whose particularbusiness it was to furnish Greene with intelligence, was always toofond of seeing his men and horses in good plight, to expose them tohardships. Marion's were for every day's use. 

An anecdote worthy to be recorded happened at the brick house at theEutaw. Capt. Laurence Manning, since adjutant general in this state, marched at the head of the legion infantry to batter down the door ofthe house. Intent on this single object, and relying confidently on hismen, he advanced boldly up to the door; when, looking behind him for thefirst time, behold his men had deserted him. He stood for a moment atthe side of the door, revolving what was to be done. --Fortunately aBritish officer, Capt. Barry, opened the door gently to peep out, andManning seizing him fast by the collar, jerked him out. He then used himas an ancient warrior would have done his shield, and the enemy, fearingto shoot least they should kill Barry, Manning escaped without a shotbeing fired at him from the house. 

During the struggle of the present year, (1781) Capt. Wm. Allston, ofTrue Blue, on Little river, All Saints parish, served under Gen. Marion. He was a firm patriot and good soldier; indeed he may well be enumeratedamong the martyrs to the cause of his country; for having been seizedwith a fever in camp, he had scarcely time to reach his home, where heexpired at a middle age. He left behind him, by his last wife, twosons and a daughter; his eldest son he named after the illustriousWashington; and he has since proved himself to be highly worthy of thatdistinction. In this son will be readily recognised the distinguishedartist, Washington Allston; whose pencil has bestowed celebrity upon theplace of his birth, and whom every American should be proud to claim ashis countryman. 

Towards the conclusion of this year, Maj. Edward Hyrne, one of Gen. Greene's aids, was commissioned by him to negociate a cartel of exchangeof prisoners in Charleston. He had to conduct this with Col. Balfour, who was haughty and unreasonable as well as cruel; his demands were soexorbitant, that Maj. Hyrne, after waiting upon him several times withmuch patience, at length declared they were utterly inadmissible, andtook his leave. Returning to his lodgings, he wrote a note to eachBritish officer on parole in town, informing him he must prepare tofollow him into the country the next day. His firmness or good policyhad the desired effect; Balfour's quarters were soon besieged by atleast forty officers, many of whom were of higher rank than himself, andMajor Hyrne succeeded to the extent of his wishes. 

The party under Major John Postell, which was ordered out on the 29thJanuary in this year, and succeeded in taking eleven British waggonswith soldiers' clothing at Keithfield, consisted with the officers, commanding of thirty-eight men. * They carried off what clothing theycould, and what they could not they burnt. What was carried away wassold for a division, and bought in, as it appears, in continentaldollars, on the 2d February, 1781. 

 * This statement is confusing. To paraphrase, Postell's party (which made this attack) consisted of thirty-eight supernumerary officers. --A. L. , 1997. 

The prices of a few are inserted; sixteen blankets were sold. 

 1 Bought by Major Postell for $1590 1 do. Capt. Wm. Capers 2200 1 do. (the lowest priced) by Capt. Thomas Potts, 900 1 Loaf of sugar, Francis Greene, 2000 1 Coat by Capt. Capers, 6210 1 Knife and fork, A. Simons, 700 1 Pair of Stockings, Capt. Capers, 800 &c. &c. &c. 

Most of this party were supernumerary officers, who placed themselvesunder the command of Major (then Captain) Postell, who was justlyconsidered as one of the most enterprising officers in Marion's brigade. Of these thirty-eight men, the only survivor is Richard Greene, who hasbeen long a respectable and opulent planter on Black river. The accountof sales is in the hand writing of Capt. Thomas Potts. There is alist of the names of the thirty-eight, many of whom fought then andafterwards with great bravery. --John Futhey, then a lieutenant, afterbeing promoted to a captaincy was killed in a skirmish at Avant's ferryon Black river. Thomas Potts, jun. A lieutenant, was twice wounded. JohnM'Bride, father of the late friend of the author, Dr. James M'Bride, wasalways at his post. What a loss to science was the early death of theson? Capt. Wm. Capers was imprisoned by Balfour in the upper story ofhis _provost_, and made his escape by slipping past the keeper at nightwhen he brought their scanty supper to the prisoners. He had then todescend a steep flight of stairs and pass the guard at the bottom. Luckily he stumbled at the head of the stairs and fell to the bottom, and the guard mistaking him for the keeper, raised him up and gave himmuch consolation. He had only to refrain from speaking and to uttera few groans, which being an indistinct tone of the voice, made nodiscovery, and the guard suffered him to pass. A friend furnished himwith a small boat to pass Cooper river; but now the difficulty wasto get through the British guard ships which lined the river. Being apretty good mimic, he bethought himself of assuming the character ofa drunken sailor _going on board his own ship_, and acted his part soadmirably well, that he was suffered, though often threatened, to passthrough the whole fleet. Capt. Capers lost no time in joining Gen. Marion, with whom he fought bravely in the ranks until the generaladvanced down into St. Thomas' parish, where he commanded a company, andwhere he had left property at the mercy of the enemy. * Capt. Wm. Capers, and his brother G. Sinkler Capers, were often afterwards the terror ofthe enemy, who had early oppressed and imprisoned them, for G. S. Capershad also made his escape from the _provost_. 

 * The following is a curious fact in natural history. When Capt. G. S. Capers returned to his plantation in 1782, it had been completely stripped of all live stock and poultry, except one cock. When the British chased him he had always taken refuge under a kitchen low to the ground. This bird was carefully preserved. After the war, it was the fashion for ladies to wear scarlet cloaks, and so strong was his recollection (must it be so called) of the colour of the British uniform, that whenever he saw ladies in scarlet cloaks, he would squall out, as such birds usually do at sight of danger, and run directly under the kitchen. 

Francis G. Deliesseline, the present sheriff of Charleston district, joined Marion when a boy, and made if possible a still more surprisingand narrow escape out of the same _provost_; but as the narrative wouldexpose certain names which he wishes concealed, he has declined givingit publicity. At so early an age, none behaved better than Deliesseline, and no one has refreshed the author's memory more in the detail of factsof that period. 

Many of the privates of Marion's brigade were men of character andhonour; most of them lost their fortunes by the war, and many made them, or at least handsome competencies, after it; but it is believed thatmore, cast out of the ways of industry and economy, and losing theirall, sunk under the pressure brought upon them. Where they are known, what an injustice would it be to pass over the merits of such men?--Onthe monument erected by the Greeks at Thermopylae, the names of Leonidasand his three hundred men were not inscribed, because it was thoughtimpossible to imagine they could ever be forgotten. 

Pardon me, ye sons of my fellow soldiers! should my memory be found notso tenacious; and should I have passed over the merits of many of yourfathers without even a shade of remembrance. 

Chapter IV. CAMPAIGN OF 1782. 

The military history of this year, is not remarkable for any greatevents; but the most material of these happened in the brigade ofMarion. As they are not altogether of a pleasant nature, it appears tohave been the wish of many to bury them in oblivion, and therefore someof them have been suppressed, and others but slightly recorded. But, the correspondence gives dates and hints, which bring the whole torecollection; and it is the duty of the biographer to be impartial. Itwas hoped that he might have avoided saying any thing more about thedispute which arose between Cols. Peter Horry and Maham; but, as thatdispute terminated in unhappy consequences, it becomes necessary thatthey should be developed. Gen. Marion was returned, at the electionswhich took place for the Jacksonborough assembly, a member of the senatefor St. John's, Berkley. Being about to take his seat, he gave theimmediate command of the brigade to Col. Peter Horry, * subject to hisfuture order. Of this order, all that is necessary to state here, is asfollows: "You will take command of my brigade until I return. You willkeep the guards at Cainhoy and Fogartie's. Their orders are to preventany boats or persons from going to or from town, without a written passfrom me or yourself. Col. Maham's corps will be ordered to Mepkin, toremain there until my further orders. " As the enemy got most of theirintelligence from persons, more especially women, going to and fromtown, this part of the order was very material. In the mean timeapplication was made by Gen. Marion to Greene to decide this unhappydispute between the colonels; and, in a conciliating letter, he decidedit in favour of Horry. (16th Jan. ) On the 18th of January, Gen. Marionwrites to Horry: "I send you Gen. Greene's letter in answer to mine, sent him as soon as I arrived here, and it is determined as I expected. You will keep the letter, and if the enemy should approach yourquarters, and you find it necessary, you must call on Col. Maham'stroops and horse, as reinforcements; and I wish he may not be calledupon for any other purpose. " In a letter from Col. Maham to Horry, of the 20th of January, it is to be inferred that the latter hadimmediately called upon him for a return of his corps, and to submitto his orders; for he answers, "I cannot think of being commanded by anofficer of the same rank. I think it proper not to make you any returnof my regiment, and I shall not obey any order you may be pleased tosend. " It appears from a subsequent letter of Maham's of the same date, that Gen. Marion had not written to him concerning the determination ofGen. Greene; but Gen. Marion's order, both then and subsequently, wascertainly sufficient to convince him he ought to submit. After this Col. Horry writes to Gen. Marion: "Col. Maham interferes with my command somuch that I can scarcely act; he gave passes to several ladies to go totown without my leave, and they accordingly went in a boat, which boathas since returned, and the ladies have since come up. " And again, "Iassure you your presence is much wanted. Your brigade lessens daily. "(31st Jan. ) On the 3d of February, Marion answers: "I am surprised atCol. Maham's interference with your command. I have written him positiveorders not to do so in any respect whatever, and was in hopes Gen. Greene would have prevented such evils before this. " But from a formerletter of Gov. Rutledge, which is a philippic against Horry, and thesubsequent determination of Gov. Matthews, it is evident that Mahamhad got the civil authority on his side, and he did not regard thegeneral's. And thus it is, when civilians interfere with militaryaffairs that they invariably commit blunders. Having premised thesefacts, to show that in Marion's absence there was naught but discord anddissention, we now proceed to state the consequences. 

 * Marion's letter to Horry, 10th January. 

Almost the whole of the warfare was henceforth carried on in St. Thomas' and St. James', Santee. About this time, Col. Richard Richardsoncommanded the post at Cainhoy. A British galley lay in the river Wando, which he watched, and patroled the road down to Daniel's island by day, and returned into the woods and lay without fire by night. A fortnightafter he was posted there, hearing of a party of British which hadlanded at Daniel's island, he immediately sent out scouts to thecauseway over to the island, and wrote for a reinforcement. In themorning Maham's horse arrived, four troops in uniform, and fully equipt;but their colonel, who would have been ranked by Richardson, was notpresent, and they were under the command of Maj. Giles. The British tookthe Strawberry road, and about noon stopped at Bishop Smith's, Brabant, about fourteen miles up the road. To the north of that plantation isa swamp of considerable width, with a causeway and bridge. Beyond thecauseway, on the right going up, was a fence on a bank and a ditchbehind it, with trees in front. Richardson passed the swamp above, and going down to the hill above this fence, immediately went toreconnoitre, but came back with a British troop and Capt. Campbell athis heels. He ordered a charge. At the commencement of the onset itwas easy to be seen that Maham's corps had not yet been trained. Theycharged in some disorder, but at first drove the British horse easilybefore them. At the bridge they met the British infantry, who gave thema volley. All was now confusion, horses and men wedged together upon anarrow causeway. The front striving to retreat, and the rear urging themon. The British horse being rallied, now came in to aid the infantry, and a total rout and scene of carnage ensued. Of Maham's officers, Capt. Samuel Cooper rallied his men, and returning to the road, saved severallives and drove back a troop of black dragoons. In this affair the sixmonths men particularly suffered. Being near the road when the routcommenced, they wheeled their lean horses and ran directly up it, consequently they were trampled down by both parties. Capt. Bennett, with twelve men, after having been pursued by a party of British, doublehis number, and stopped by an impassable creek, when inspiring his menwith courage, and setting the example, they wheeled about and drove backthe enemy. In the course of this day, G. S. Capers took three swordsfrom the British in single rencounters, and Gen. Marion promoted him toa lieutenancy. It appears that the defeat might have been prevented ifRichardson had posted his militia behind the fence described. Twenty-twoAmericans were buried on the causeway; how many were killed in thepursuit is not known. Of the British, Capt. Campbell was killed, andseveral of his men, but the number was not ascertained. 

Gen. Marion had now taken his seat in the senate at Jacksonborough; buthis presence, as will shortly be seen, was much more necessary in camp;but he could not get leave of absence, nor be spared without breakingup the house, for there were but thirteen senators present, which numberwas required as a quorum to do business. They were passing a new militiaact, and one for raising the continental quota of troops for the state;and the confiscation act at that time and place was esteemed of greaterconsequence than the commanding of a brigade. But in all his lettersdated from that place, Gen. Marion expresses the utmost anxiety toreturn to his command. 

In the mean time Horry, by orders of Gen. Marion, took a position on thenorth side of Wambaw, a large creek emptying into the Santee. He lay inthe angle formed by the two roads which pass from Lenud's ferry roadto Mr. Horry's, about a quarter of a mile from the bridge. In his rearthere was a wood. His new raised regiment, scarcely yet half completed, lay at Durant's plantation about a mile above, under the immediatecommand of Maj. Benson. On the 23d of February, Horry had out patrolesupon the Christ Church road, and scouts down in St. Thomas'. Thinkinghimself secure, and being sick, on the 24th he went over the river tohis plantation, and left the brigade under the command of Col. M'Donald, contrary to Gen. Marion's order, which was to leave it in such caseunder Maham. While Benson was at dinner, Capt. Bennett, who commandedthe scouts in St. Thomas', came in with intelligence that the Britishwere approaching, but at that time of day he was an unwelcome messenger. Bennett proceeded down to head quarters at Mr. Horry's, where M'Donaldwas also at dinner. He likewise would not believe the intelligence, because he said he had been down into Christ Church the day before; buthe desired Maj. James who had just arrived in camp, and came for orders, to take command of his regiment. In less than half an hour after afiring commenced at Durant's. M'Donald's regiment was on the righttowards Echaw, and two regiments of six months men on the left towardsWambaw. Maj. James immediately formed M'Donald's regiment in the woodin the rear, and rode to the left for orders from the commanding officerpresent, Col. Screven; but when he arrived, Screven's men had broke, andhe was in the act of rallying them, but the attempt was vain. They ranover the bridge and threw off the planks. Maj. James returned to his ownmen, and as fugitives were now passing in numbers from Horry's corps, he ordered a retreat to the bridge. As he brought up the rear and was onhorseback, two British dragoons attempted in succession to cut him down, but he kept them in check with his pistols, and finally leaped a chasmin the bridge, supposed to be twenty feet in width. He by this meansgained time to rally his men, and checked the British. 

Thus Gen. Marion had not left his brigade more than six weeks, before ithad dwindled away and had been defeated. On the part of Horry's cavalryit was a complete surprise. Major Benson was killed, and what number ofmen cannot be ascertained, but he lost thirty-five horses. 

The British were commanded by Col. Thompson, afterwards the celebratedCount Rumford. Maham having refused to cooperate with Horry, lay stillat Mepkin; and Gen. Marion passing there on the 24th, took command ofhis corps and proceeded towards Wambaw; but the colonel was not present. On his way Gen. Marion was sorely vexed with the disagreeable news ofthe defeat of his brigade; but with such a fine corps as Maham's wasthen he felt sure of beating the enemy should they appear. He proceededdown to Mrs. Tiddiman's plantation, between Echaw and Wambaw, and therehalted for provisions. (25th Feb. ) There was a lane with a high fenceon each side, leading up to the house, and the cavalry picketted in thelane. In front of the lane was an old field, and a little to the righta pond of water. Scarce half an hour had elapsed when the Britishappearing in the old field, displayed their columns and seemed to pause. Capt. John Carraway Smith commanded Maham's corps; he drew up his men insolid column, and Gen. Marion having posted a small body of infantry togreat advantage along the fence of the lane, ordered Smith to charge. He proceeded very well till he got to the edge of the pond, wherean inclination to the left was necessary to reach the enemy, but inperforming this evolution his men fell into disorder, and the enemycharged with a shout. All was now rout and dismay; but the Britishfollowed no further than the edge of the woods. Gen. Marion had rallieda troop there, and checked the pursuit. The loss was but little; Lieut. Smizer and three men only were killed; but the disgrace was great. Hadthis corps been well trained the enemy must have been beaten. Horry hadthus lost a great part of his horses, and Maham's corps was a secondtime shamefully defeated. 

We have seen Count Rumford opposed to Gen. Marion with a degree ofsuccess, which perhaps he would not have obtained had the orders of thegeneral been obeyed. It is well known that Count Rumford was a native ofMassachusetts, and of the town there whence he took his title; alsothat he became after this a celebrated philosopher, and especially ineconomics; his writings have been of great use to the world. It is apity that the career of such a man should have commenced in hostility tohis native country. His life has been published, but we have not yet hadthe pleasure of reading it; and perhaps it may not contain the followinganecdote. After his dashing success at the Santee he formed a grandscheme, which was no less than that of surprising Gen. Greene in hiscamp at Ashley hill. To effect this he must either have crossed Ashleyriver over Bacon bridge, at Dorchester, which was too well secured fora sudden attack of cavalry; or he must cross the river at Ashley ferry, ten miles from town. He determined on the latter, and put his fourtroops of cavalry in motion. When he arrived at the ferry it was ebb oftide, the water was running out as from a millsluice; the banks on eachside were so miry as scarcely to support a crab--the river was at leastone hundred yards wide, and there was not a boat. --He however orderedMajor Fraser to lead on the first troop into the river and swim across. Fraser viewed him for some time with astonishment, suspecting him notto be in his sober senses. But finding he appeared so, he said to him, "Why, Sir, I am not in the habit of disputing, or hesitating to performany order given by my commander; but this thing is utterly impossible. ""How so, " said Thompson, "it may be difficult but not impossible, andif we do not attempt difficult things we shall never be distinguished. Alexander swam across the Granicus, beat the Persians and immortalizedhimself. " "And it would no doubt immortalize you, " replied Fraser, "ifyou could swim the Ashley, and surprise Gen. Greene; but let us put thematter to the test. Here is Serjt. Allen, the best trooper and the bestswimmer in the corps; and here is my horse that cost me one hundredguineas. Let Allen try it first; better that he than that all should belost. " The proposition was agreed to. Allen was mounted on the major'scharger, and was ordered to swim the river. --"I'll try, " said he, "sincethe colonel orders it--but the Lord have mercy upon me;" and havingso said, he plunged into the river. As might have been expected, thecurrent swept him a quarter of a mile below the landing on the oppositeside; he attempted to land there, but the fine horse was swallowed up inthe marsh, and Allen escaped with the utmost difficulty. --This was thelast notice we have of Col. Thompson (Count Rumford) in this country: hewas a burning meteor but soon disappeared. *

 * Count Rumford told professor Pictet, of Geneva, many years after, that he had never been able to efface from his imagination, the horrid spectacle of the dead and wounded upon these occasions. --See Pictet's Tour in England, p. 212. 

After the defeat at Wambaw, Gov. Matthews, having taken much pains tofind out from Gen. Marion who was the best cavalry officer of the two, Horry or Maham, incorporated the two regiments and gave the command tothe latter. The preference appears to have been extorted from Marion. The fact was that Horry, though said to be a good infantry officer, failed in one most essential requisite in the command of cavalry, andthat was horsemanship. In several charges he made, it is said he wasindebted to some one or other of his men for saving his life; yetpossessing great personal bravery, his supreme delight was always tobe at the head of cavalry. From the commencement of this narrative, hispatriotism has been conspicuous: in fact, his property was wasted andhis life often exposed in the cause of his country, and few men weremore devoted to her than Col. Peter Horry. He now resigned, but as someconsolation, Gen. Marion made him commandant of Georgetown, with fullpowers to regulate its trade and defend it from the enemy. It was fromthence and Cainhoy, that Gen. Marion after long perseverance, got muchclothing for Greene's army. But Col. P. Horry, instead of leaving tradeto flow into Georgetown as freely as the tides which passed before him, put it under such restrictions that the merchants soon began to murmur. About the 20th of April, there was an alarm excited among the civilauthority of the state, that the British in Charleston had beenreinforced and were about to attack Gen. Greene. Gov. Matthewsimmediately wrote to order Gen. Marion to his assistance. He lay at thattime near Murray's ferry; his men had been dismounted by an order fromthe same authority, and they now set out for Bacon's bridge on footfor the first time. When they reached within eight miles, the alarm hadsubsided; but another had taken place, that the enemy had sailed forGeorgetown, and the governor ordered Marion there. After a forced marchof four days he arrived at White's bridge; but there was no enemy nearGeorgetown. In this march of about one hundred and sixty miles, Marion'smen had but one ration of rice; all the rest were of lean beef drivenout of the woods in the month of April. As Ganey's party had beentroublesome to the people of North Carolina, and had not observed thetreaty of neutrality with Gen. Marion, made June 17th, 1781, a jointexpedition was concerted between Gov. Matthews, of South and Gov. Martinof North Carolina, to subdue them. * Of this expedition Gen. Marionwas to have the command. His very name was sufficient for the purposeintended. At Burch's mill on Pedee, a treaty was signed, (June 1782)by which Ganey's party agreed to lay down their arms as enemies of thestate, to demean themselves hereafter as peaceable citizens, to deliverup all stolen property, to apprehend all who did not accede to thetreaty now made, to take all deserters from the American army anddeliver them up, to return to their allegiance and abjure that of hisBritannic majesty. From this treaty, Gibson, who killed Col. Kolb, and Fanning and his party were excepted, but they escaped. Fanning wasproperly of North Carolina, but occasionally acted with Ganey, and wasone of the most active men, and one of the most deliberate murderers ofthe whole party. But little defence had been made by the tories; onlyone skirmish took place, in which the general's friend, Robert James, was wounded; and at the Bowling Green, between Great and Little Pedee, at least five hundred men laid down their arms to Gen. Marion. Thusended an opposition to the country, which commenced more from the desireof plunder than from principle, and which, except with regard to sex, and some to age, had been carried on in the true spirit of savagewarfare. Of Harrison's party, many had gone with him to the British;with those who remained a species of warfare was waged even after thepeace with Great Britain. 

 * Capt. Crafton's letter to Marion, 13th June, 1782. 

During Gen. Marion's absence, Gen. Greene appears, from thecorrespondence, to have been very anxious for his return. After theadjournment of the Jacksonborough assembly, he had crossed the Edistoand encamped on the west side of Ashley river, sixteen miles fromCharleston, and here the sufferings of his men had risen to the utmostextremity. They were often without rations, and when served, it wasgenerally with lean meat without bread or rice, or bread or rice withoutthe lean meat. They had as yet received no pay, and their clothes wereso worn and broken, that they were as naked as the Caffres of Africa. Here, in a state of inaction, they became mutinous, and were plotting todeliver up their commander to the enemy. But it is surprising, that whenmischief of any kind began to brew in such a situation, that only twelveshould have been concerned in it, and it is honourable that none ofthose were native Americans. 

About the 9th of July, Gen. Marion had returned to the Santee, andreceived orders from Gen. Greene to remain between that and Cooperriver, as heretofore. The militia were now so far relieved, that, bylaw, they were obliged to turn out only one month in three; but wereordered, as we have mentioned above, to be dismounted, which discouragedthem, and rendered their movements less rapid. The experience derivedboth from the history of the revolutionary and the late war, fully showsthat the militia are effective only when mounted. 

On the 25th of August, in this year, Lieut. Col. John Laurens was killedin a skirmish at Page's point, on Combahee river. He fell in theflower of his youth, and yet had long been the admiration of both thecontending armies. In history the parallel to his character is perhapsto be found only in that of the Chevalier Bayard: the knight withoutfear and without reproach. 

During the remainder of the summer of 1782, Gen. Marion frequentlychanged his encampments from place to place, between Cooper and Santeerivers, with three objects constantly in view; to cut off supplies fromthe enemy, to prevent all surprises from their sudden irruptions, and toprovide for his own men. --His scouting parties still penetrated intoSt. Thomas' parish as far as Daniel's island and Clement's ferry. Atthe head of one of these Capt. G. S. Capers performed a gallant action. Having the command of only twelve men, he encountered a party oftwenty-six of the British black dragoons, and cut them to pieces. They had at the time two or three of his neighbours in handcuffs asprisoners. 

About the 25th of August in that year, Marion lay for some time at theplantation of Sir John Colleton, the first above Watboo bridge, on thesouth side of that creek. This with him appeared to be a favourite placeof encampment. It had been deserted by the owner, who was attached tothe enemy, and the mansion and two extensive ranges of negro and otherouthouses were left open for himself and men. He occupied the mansionand his men the outhouses, on the west towards the bridge; on the backof the outhouses to the east, and directly in front of the dwelling, there stretched towards the road an extensive avenue of old cedar trees, the trimming of which had been neglected for some years; and theirlong boughs now descended nearly to the ground. While encamped in thissituation, Gen. Marion heard of the approach of Major Fraser with theBritish cavalry, towards the Santee, in his rear. On this side there wasnothing but an open old field for a mile. None but the officers now hadhorses, and he immediately ordered out a party of these, under Capt. Gavin Witherspoon, to reconnoitre the enemy. They had advanced butlittle way in the woods beyond the old field, when the reconnoitringparty were met by Major Fraser at the head of his corps of cavalry, and were immediately charged. A long chase commenced, which was soonobserved by Marion, and he drew up his men under the thick boughs of thecedar trees. As the chase advanced towards him it became more and moreinteresting. --When in full view, either Witherspoon's horse had failedhim, or he fell purposely in the rear to bring up his party, and aBritish dragoon was detached to cut him down. He advanced until nearlywithin his sword's length, and was rising in his stirrups to make sureof his blow, but Witherspoon had eyed him well, and at the instant, Parthian like, he fired the contents of his gun into his breast. Thegood omen excited much animation, and the British, still advancing, attempted to charge upon the left, but were received on that side witha well directed fire, which caused them to break and fly in greatdisorder. Had Gen. Marion's cavalry been present they might now havebeen cut to pieces; but scarcity of forage had induced him to quarterthem at the distance of six miles. The enemy rallied and manoeuvredabout in the old field for an hour, making several different feints ofcharging, but never coming in reach of Marion's fire, whose men stoodfirm at their post. Capt. Gillies of the British, and nine men andfive horses were killed. The number of wounded could not be accuratelyascertained; but as the firing was only at the distance of thirty paces, and was made with the usual charge of heavy buckshot, the proportionof these must have been greater than that of the killed on the usualcomputation. (29th Aug. ) On the next day, Gen. Marion called out Capt. Witherspoon in front of the brigade, and gave him thanks for his manypublic services, but more particularly for the deed of yesterday. 

Here ended the warfare of Marion. Its close was as the last ray of thesetting sun; in his progress through the day, at times shining brightly;at others clouded with darkness: but at eventide descending withcheerful brilliancy. Should the exploits performed, or the number of theenemy cut off, not equal the expectation of the reader, he is requestedto recollect the lapse of time which has intervened, and how manycircumstances must have escaped the memory of the writer, andparticularly, that the loss of Col. Watson, with whom Marion had themost arduous of all his conflicts, could never be known. He will alsobear in mind the patroles which went out nightly, and seldom failed todo some execution, which like a perpetual dripping corroded deeply intothe force of the enemy. If the late Guerilla warfare in Spain cut off somany thousands of the French in detail, in a comparatively open country, how much more effect would such a warfare have in woods upon an enemymore weak in proportion and more slowly reinforced. Such a warfare isthe one most fitted for militia and the most dreaded by regular troops. But on the other hand, should it be thought by some that the presentnarrative is too highly coloured, the eulogy of Gen. Greene, certainlythe best judge of Gen. Marion's merit, is here inserted, of which it maybe remarked, that it was written before the latter had performed half ofwhat is here related. 

Extract of a letter from Gen. Greene to Gen. Marion. 

"_Camp, before Camden, April 24, 1781. _

Dear Sir, Your favour of the 21st has just come to hand. When I consider howmuch you have done and suffered, and under what disadvantage you havemaintained your ground, I am at a loss which to admire most, yourcourage and fortitude, or your address and management. Certain it is, noman has a better claim to the public thanks than you. History affordsno instance wherein an officer has kept possession of a country under somany disadvantages as you have. Surrounded on every side with a superiorforce, hunted from every quarter with veteran troops; you have foundmeans to elude their attempts and to keep alive the expiring hopes of anoppressed militia, when all succour seemed to be cut off. To fight theenemy bravely with the prospect of victory is nothing, but to fightwith intrepidity under the constant impression of a defeat, and inspireirregular troops to do it, is a talent peculiar to yourself. Nothingwill give me greater pleasure than to do justice to your merit, and Ishall miss no opportunity of declaring to congress, the commander inchief of the American army, and to the world, the great sense I have ofyour merit and services. "

The letters of Gen. Greene show that he was an agreeable polishedgentleman. Their style is easy, simple and correct; there is no searchafter ornament; they come at once to the point and show him to be muchin earnest. His commands are always requests, and when he might wellhave used the language of reprehension, it is only that of persuasionand friendly admonition. His privations here were great, perhaps he hadnot even the comforts of a common soldier in the British army; yet hestates them fairly, without uttering a word of complaint; hopes theywill soon be remedied, and declares his unalterable perseverance ingaining the glorious prize constantly in his view--the independence ofhis country. 

In reviewing the transactions of the present year, two things passedwhich are well worth notice. Gen. Alexander Leslie, now commander inchief of the British army, a gentleman of enlarged views and humanefeelings, had before this time, as it appears, submitted certain papersto Gen. Greene, through Capt. Skelly, for his inspection, preparatory toa proposal for a cessation of hostilities; and on the 23d of May, writesagain to Greene in substance as follows: "Believing that a treaty forterminating the war is now carrying on, I have therefore to informyou, that those papers were transmitted to him (Gen. Leslie) by hisexcellency Sir Henry Clinton. That such was the manner in which thoseimportant papers had reached him, that he held it a duty he owed therights of humanity, the welfare of this country, and the sentimentsof the legislature of his own, to propose a cessation of hostilities. "Again, on the 13th of August, Leslie proposed, "That the garrison ofCharleston should be permitted to receive rice and other provisions, forwhich a compensation should be made on terms of mutual advantage. " Boththese propositions were at once rejected by the civil authority ofthe state; because it was supposed that Leslie only intended to amassprovisions for the support of the British forces in the West Indies, tocarry on war to advantage with our allies the French. But this mattermight easily have been adjusted by treaty, and the rejection ofthe offer was certainly another piece of blind policy in the civilauthority. They had now no means of taking the town, and by acceding tothe proposals, Greene's army might have been clothed, the wants of thecitizens sooner supplied, and much effusion of blood prevented. 

Early in the month of January, in this year, the Jacksonborough assemblycommenced its session. As might have been expected, it was entirelycomposed of those, who either in a civil or military capacity, haddistinguished themselves in the late contest. In the senate we haveseen there were but thirteen members, which was a bare quorum; and Gen. Marion could not be spared, for it would have broken up the house. Inthe house of representatives, there were but seventy-four members, ofwhom sixty formed a quorum. Both houses were therefore remarkably thin;but what they lacked in numbers they made up in spirit. They passed thewell known confiscation law, avowedly to retaliate on the British forhaving acted in like manner to those who had adhered to the Americans;but privately with a view to enable the state to raise its quota ofcontinental troops; for Gen. Marion, in a letter to Col. Peter Horry, ofthe 10th of February, states, that "Two regiments are to be raised, asour continental quota, giving each man a negro per year, which is to betaken from the confiscated estates. A number of large estates are downon this list, and others are amerced, which will give us at least amillion sterling as a fund. " And a clause in the act passed, enacts, "that there shall be set apart a sufficient number of slaves to raisethe quota of continental troops required of this state. " How far thislaw might be justified, on the plea of necessity and self-defence, isquite a different ground from that of retaliation. In the preamble tothe law, the reason given for enacting it is retaliation upon toriesfor the injuries done to the property of the whigs by confiscations; butthere appears to be no sound reason for passing the law as a retaliatorymeasure. Between rulers and subjects, or citizens, the duties ofsubjection and protection are reciprocal; but, in this case, the rulerswere unable to protect the citizens, and therefore ought not to haveexpected from them such implicit subjection. It was only by a fewdaring spirits, and that generally in places remote from the enemy, thatresistance was kept up; yet, under existing circumstances, it was not tobe looked for from the timid more immediately in their power. But, as ameasure of self-defence, the law was justifiable. 

The governor and council, armed with the supreme power of the state, had impressed the horses, provisions and indigo of the whigs, for publicservices, and that proceeding had scarcely excited a murmur. Theseresources had now failed, and the war was to be carried on withoutmoney; then what good reason could be given for exempting fromrequisition the negroes and other property of the tories. In this pointof view the case against them becomes the strongest of the two. Yet theclamour raised against the law at the time and after, was great; in thelegislature their friends became numerous, and as each particular casewas brought forward and considered, it was made an exception, and theact became a nullity. John Matthews was elected governor of the state, after Gen. Gadsden, for whom a majority of votes was first given, haddeclined serving. A bill was brought in to indemnify several militiaofficers who had been concerned in impressing indigo and other propertynecessary for public service. Gen. Marion's name was at first insertedon the list, but when it came to be read in the senate, he rose andmoved to strike it out; saying, if he had taken the property of any manimproperly or unnecessarily, he was willing to make restitution. The bill passed into a law without the general's name. Before theadjournment, the powers left with the governor and council, were asextensive as usual. Gov. Matthews appears to consider them in a letterto Gen. Leslie, (12th April) as equal to dispensing with parts of theconfiscation act. The evacuation of Charleston took place on the 14thof December, 1782, but the militia were not permitted to be witnessesof the ceremony. The civil authority had interposed to exclude themas dangerous spectators, and Gen. Greene in his letter of the 22d ofNovember, was so much hurt at it, that he takes particular painsto exculpate himself from any participation in that order. In thistreatment, the militia shared the fate usually attending humble friends, who are seldom caressed by the great any longer than they can besubservient to their views or interests. Gen. Marion and his brigadewere now to part forever. But as its movements had always been directedwithout pomp or parade, so its discharge was conducted with republicansimplicity. In his favourite encampment at Watboo, and on the side ofthe cedar trees, he thanked his officers and men for their many anduseful services, and bid them a friendly and affectionate farewell. Twoyears and a half had now elapsed since Gen. Marion first assumed hiscommand; his appearance was not prepossessing, his manners were distant, but not repulsive, yet few leaders have ever been so popular among theirmen; none ever had more of their confidence. He had so much influenceas to settle amicably many disputes among his officers, and evenprivate men; and never was a duel fought by any of them while under hisimmediate command. His stratagems appeared intuitive. Did Gen. Marionmarch in person to the attack?* then the common conclusion was, theenemy is taken by surprise, or we shall fight them on advantageousground. 

 * Nil desperandum, Teucro duce. 

The revolutionary war raged no where more than it did where hecommanded; in all this he had the head to lead and to plan, and thediscernment to choose those who could best execute. His personal braverywas displayed on many occasions, but his own sword struck not the blow, it never was seen stained with blood; cool and collected, he was alwaysthe general, never the common soldier. In short the whole bent of hissoul was how he should best provide for his men, how he could most annoythe enemy, and how he could soonest achieve the independence of hiscountry. The characters of his officers will be best collected from thefacts stated. In taking such wise measures as have been related forthe defence of the lives and property of his friends, Gen. Marion couldextend none of them to his own possessions. His plantation in St. John'slay within a mile of the marches and countermarches of the British, andwas subject to every species of wanton waste and depredation. Onehalf of his negroes were taken away, and the other half must have beenfaithful, or they would not have remained. He had ten workers left, butplantation utensils, clothes for his people, household furniture, andstock of cattle and horses, were all to be purchased without a centof money. * He expected to receive half pay, but even in this wasdisappointed. At a session of the legislature shortly after, a garrisonwas established at fort Johnson, and he was appointed commander, witha salary of about 500 pounds. ** Yet, in despite of his recent andmeritorious services, this moderate appointment became a butt at whichthey who are forever seeking popularity by recommending curtailments inuseful and even necessary expenditures, soon levelled their shafts. His spirit could not easily brook such treatment, but his debts made itprudent to submit. 

 * Marion's letter to Col. P. Horry, 18th Jan. 1781. 

 ** Act, 10th March, 1784. 

At this juncture, his merit and high reputation had made a favourableimpression on the heart of Miss Mary Videau, one of his relations. Shewas observed to be fond of hearing his achievements spoken of in termsof high approbation; some of the general's friends noticed it, and gavehim a hint. He paid his addresses to her and was well received. Theywere soon after married, and he resigned his command at the fort. Shebrought him a handsome fortune, and as there was no great disparity, either in their years or disposition, she made him an excellent wife. She was in countenance the exact counterpart of the general. She partookin all his amusements, accompanied him in his journeys, and in hisabsence could not be better pleased than by hearing his praises. Inshort, nothing could have made this matrimonial connexion more happy, but its being more fruitful. They never had an heir. The general builta comfortable house of a single story, with one sitting room, but manychambers; its materials were of the most durable kind of cypress; butit received no coat either of paint or varnish. Here his friends werereceived with a hearty welcome and good cheer, and the stranger withkind hospitality. His planting interest was judiciously managed, and hisproperty increased yearly. In the summer months he made excursions, intothe upper country almost every year, for the benefit of his health. Inthese journeys he loved to renew former recollections. He had retainedhis marquee, camp bed and cooking utensils, and he always travelled ashe had done in his brigade. To his wife nothing could be more pleasant, and she has often recounted these jaunts to her friends with delight. The old pot, kettle and frying-pan, tin plates, knives and forks werepreserved as precious relics: the sumpter mules as friends. His faithfulservant Oscar, who had accompanied him through all his difficulties, always received high marks of his favour. As to honours, Gen. Marion didnot aspire higher than to a seat in the senate, which he continued tofill as long as he pleased, as a member for St. John's. In May, 1790, hewas a member of the convention for forming the state constitution;after which he declined all public duties. In politics he was a moderatefederalist; such as were many great revolutionary characters. In May, 1794, the militia of the state were re-organized, and soon afterGen. Marion resigned his commission in the militia. Shortly after hisresignation, at a meeting of the citizens of Georgetown, a committeeof four was appointed to draw up an address to the general. These wereWilliam D. James, Robert Brownfield, Thomas Mitchell and Joseph Blythe. An address was prepared by the chairman (James, ) and unanimouslyadopted. Copies were also directed to be distributed through thedistrict. It is as follows:

"Dear General, At the present juncture, when the necessity of public affairs requiresthe military of this state to be organized anew, to repel the attacks ofan enemy from whatever quarter they may be forced upon us, we, citizensof the district of Georgetown, finding you no longer at our head, haveagreed to convey to you our grateful sentiments for your former numerousservices. In the decline of life when the merits of the veteran are toooften forgotten, we wish to remind you that yours are still fresh in theremembrance of your fellow citizens. Could it be possible for men whohave served and fought under you, to be now forgetful of that general, by whose prudent conduct their lives have been saved and their familiespreserved from being plundered by a rapacious enemy? We mean not toflatter you. At this time it is impossible for you to suspect it. Ourpresent language is the language of free men expressing only sentimentsof gratitude. Your achievements may not have sufficiently swelled thehistoric page. They were performed by those who could better wield thesword than the pen. By men whose constant dangers precluded themfrom the leisure, and whose necessities deprived them of the commonimplements of writing. But this is of little moment: they remainrecorded in such indelible characters upon our minds, that neitherchange of circumstances nor length of time can efface them. Taught byus, our children shall hereafter point out the places and say to theirchildren, here Gen. Marion, posted to advantage, made a glorious standin defence of the liberties of his country; there, on disadvantageousground, retreated to save the lives of his fellow citizens. What couldbe more glorious for the general commanding free men than thus to fight, and thus to save the lives of his fellow soldiers? Continue general inpeace to till those acres which you once wrested from the hands of anenemy. Continue to enjoy dignity, accompanied with ease, and to lengthenout your days blessed with the consciousness of conduct unaccusedof rapine or oppression, and of actions ever directed by the purestpatriotism. "

This address was presented to the general and gave him great pleasure;but as he had not latterly been much in the habit of using his pen, hisanswer was a verbal one, expressive of his sincere thanks. 

On the 27th day of February, 1795, Gen. Marion died at his house in St. John's parish. As his fame is yet but indistinctly known, and much ofthat through the medium of fable, the present attempt has been made toarrest its progress, to do honour to his memory, and to transmit hisexample to posterity. 

Gen. Marion's Epitaph. 

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 Sacred to the Memory of BRIG. GEN. FRANCIS MARION, _Who departed this life, on the 27th of February, 1795, _ In the Sixty-Third Year of his Age; Deeply regretted by all his fellow citizens. 

 HISTORY will record his worth, and rising generations embalm his memory, as one of the most distinguished Patriots and Heroes of the American Revolution; which elevated his native Country TO HONOUR AND INDEPENDENCE, and secured to her the blessings of LIBERTY AND PEACE. 

 This tribute of veneration and gratitude is erected in commemoration of the noble and disinterested virtues of the CITIZEN; and the gallant exploits of the SOLDIER; Who lived without fear, and died without reproach. 

 --------

Taken from the marble slab at Belle Isle, this 20th September, 1821, byTheodore Gourdin. 

Appendix. 

_The following is the letter of Dr. Robert Brownfield to the author, giving a detailed account of the defeat of Buford's regiment, referredto at page 39. _ [Chapter II Paragraph 6]

Dear Sir, In obedience to your request, I send you a detailed account of thedefeat and massacre of Col. Buford's regiment, near the borders of NorthCarolina, on the road leading from Camden to Salisbury. This regimentconsisting of three hundred and fifty men, well appointed and equipped, had marched from Virginia for the relief of Charleston, and had advancedto Santee, where they were met by intelligence of the surrender; aretreat then became unavoidable. --Between this place and Camden theyfell in with Gen. Caswell, at the head of about seven hundred NorthCarolina militia, whose object had been the same, and whose retreatbecame equally imperious. At Camden these two corps unfortunatelyseparated; Caswell filed off to Pedee, and Buford pursued the roadto Salisbury. This measure was accounted for by the want of correctintelligence of Tarleton's prompt and rapid movements, who was in fullpursuit with three hundred cavalry, and each a soldier of infantrybehind him. --Neglecting Caswell and his militia, the pursuit wascontinued after Buford to the Waxhaw. Finding he was approximatingthis corps, he despatched a flag, saying he was at Barclay's with sevenhundred men, and summoned them to surrender on the terms granted to thegarrison in Charleston. Buford immediately laid the summons beforea council of his officers with three distinct propositions fromhimself:--Shall we comply with Tarleton's summons? Shall we abandon thebaggage, and, by a rapid movement, save ourselves? or, shall we fortifyourselves by the waggons, and wait his approach?

The first and second were decidedly rejected by the unanimous voiceof the council, declaring it to be incompatible with their honour assoldiers, or the duty they owed their country, either to surrenderor abandon the baggage on the bare statement of Tarleton. They had nocertainty of the truth of his assertion, and that it might be only a_ruse de guerre_ to alarm their fears and obtain a bloodless victory. The third was also negatived on the ground, that although they mightby this means defend themselves against Tarleton, but as no succour wasnear, and as Tarleton could, in a short time, obtain reinforcements fromCornwallis, against which no effectual resistance could be made, thismeasure would be unavailable. 

The discussion soon resulted in a resolution to continue the march, maintaining the best possible order for the reception of the enemy. In ashort time Tarleton's bugle was heard, and a furious attack was madeon the rear guard, commanded by Lieut. Pearson. Not a man escaped. PoorPearson was inhumanely mangled on the face as he lay on his back. Hisnose and lip were bisected obliquely; several of his teeth were brokenout in the upper jaw, and the under completely divided on each side. These wounds were inflicted after he had fallen, with several otherson his head, shoulders, and arms. As a just tribute to the honour andJob-like patience of poor Pearson, it ought to be mentioned, that he layfor five weeks without uttering a single groan. His only nourishmentwas milk, drawn from a bottle through a quill. During that period he wastotally deprived of speech, nor could he articulate distinctly after hiswounds were healed. 

This attack gave Buford the first confirmation of Tarleton's declarationby his flag. Unfortunately he was then compelled to prepare for action, on ground which presented no impediment to the full action of cavalry. Tarleton having arranged his infantry in the centre, and his cavalry onthe wings, advanced to the charge with the horrid yells of infuriateddemons. They were received with firmness, and completely checked, untilthe cavalry were gaining the rear. Buford now perceiving that furtherresistance was hopeless, ordered a flag to be hoisted and the arms to begrounded, expecting the usual treatment sanctioned by civilized warfare. This, however, made no part of Tarleton's creed. His ostensible pretext, for the relentless barbarity that ensued, was, that his horse was killedunder him just as the flag was raised. He affected to believe that thiswas done afterwards, and imputed it to treachery on the part of Buford;but, in reality, a safe opportunity was presented to gratify that thirstfor blood which marked his character in every conjuncture that promisedprobable impunity to himself. Ensign Cruit, who advanced with the flag, was instantly cut down. Viewing this as an earnest of what they were toexpect, a resumption of their arms was attempted, to sell their livesas dearly as possible; but before this was fully effected, Tarleton withhis cruel myrmidons was in the midst of them, when commenced a scene ofindiscriminate carnage never surpassed by the ruthless atrocities of themost barbarous savages. 

The demand for quarters, seldom refused to a vanquished foe, was at oncefound to be in vain;--not a man was spared--and it was the concurrenttestimony of all the survivors, that for fifteen minutes after every manwas prostrate. They went over the ground plunging their bayonets intoevery one that exhibited any signs of life, and in some instances, whereseveral had fallen one over the other, these monsters were seen to throwoff on the point of the bayonet the uppermost, to come at thosebeneath. Capt. Carter, * who commanded the artillery and who led the van, continued his march without bringing his guns into action; this conductexcited suspicions unfavourable to the character of Carter, and thesewere strengthened by his being paroled on the ground, and his wholecompany without insult or injury being made prisoners of war. Whetherhe was called to account for his conduct, I have never learnt. Theseexcepted, the only survivors of this tragic scene were Capts. Stokes, Lawson and Hoard, Lieuts. Pearson and Jamison, and Ensign Cruit. 

 * Not Capt. Benjamin Carter, of Camden. 

To consign to oblivion the memory of these gallant suffering few wouldbe culpable injustice. When men have devoted their lives to the serviceof their country, and whose fate has been so singularly disastrous;there is an honest anxiety concerning them, springing from the best andwarmest feelings of our nature, which certainly should be gratified. This is peculiarly the truth in regard to Capt. John Stokes, althoughin his military character perhaps not otherwise distinguished from hisbrother officers, than by the number of his wounds and the pre-eminenceof sufferings. He received twenty-three wounds, and as he never for amoment lost his recollection, he often repeated to me the manner andorder in which they were inflicted. 

Early in the sanguinary conflict he was attacked by a dragoon, who aimedmany deadly blows at his head, all of which by the dextrous use of thesmall sword he easily parried; when another on the right, by onestroke, cut off his right hand through the metacarpal bones. He was thenassailed by both, and instinctively attempted to defend his head withhis left arm until the forefinger was cut off, and the arm hacked ineight or ten places from the wrist to the shoulder. His head was thenlaid open almost the whole length of the crown to the eye brows. Afterhe fell he received several cuts on the face and shoulders. A soldierpassing on in the work of death, asked if he expected quarters? Stokesanswered I have not, nor do I mean to ask quarters, finish me as soon aspossible; he then transfixed him twice with his bayonet. Another askedthe same question and received the same answer, and he also thrust hisbayonet twice through his body. Stokes had his eye fixed on a woundedBritish officer, sitting at some distance, when a serjeant came up, whoaddressed him with apparent humanity, and offered him protection fromfurther injury at the risk of his life. All I ask, said Stokes, is tobe laid by that officer that I may die in his presence. While performingthis generous office the humane serjeant was twice obliged to lay himdown, and stand over him to defend him against the fury of his comrades. Doct. Stapleton, Tarleton's surgeon, whose name ought to be held up toeternal obloquy, was then dressing the wounds of the officer. Stokes, who lay bleeding at every pore, asked him to do something for hiswounds, which he scornfully and inhumanely refused, until peremptorilyordered by the more humane officer, and even then only filled the woundswith rough tow, the particles of which could not be separated from thebrain for several days. 

Capt. Stokes was a native of Pittsylvania county, Virginia. He wasearly intended for the bar, and having gone through the usual course ofclassical and other preparatory studies, he commenced the practicewith the most flattering indications of future eminence. But thecalm pursuits of peace not comporting with the ardour of his mind, herelinquished the fair prospect of professional emolument, and accepted acaptaincy in Buford's regiment. 

At this catastrophe, he was about twenty-seven years of age. His heightwas about the common standard; his figure and appearance, even in hismangled situation, inspired respect and veneration; and the fire ofgenius that sparkled in his dark piercing eye, gave indications of amind fitted not only for the field, but for all the departments of civillife. 

Shortly after the adoption of the constitution of the United States, he was promoted to the bench in the Federal Court--married MissPearson--and settled on the Yadkin river, where the county is calledStokes, after his name. 

(Signed, )

R. Brownfield. 

*****

The following letter from Major Keating Simons, was received too late tobe inserted either in the body, or in a note to this work, althoughit contains one of the finest traits of the character of Gen. Marion. --Major Muller and Major Simons acted as brigade majors to thegeneral, and both were high in his confidence. 

After the war Major Simons engaged in the useful business of a factor, and received the patronage and approbation of numerous friends. Whilehimself labouring under many difficulties, arising from the war, heextended his helping hand to his old friend the general, strugglingfrom the same cause under still greater embarrassments, and had thesatisfaction to assist in extricating him from many of them. This debtof gratitude was not forgotten; when Mrs. Marion was dying she left theone half of her fortune to the late Keating Lewis Simons, Esq. Eldestson of the major: but two short years since the ornament of the bar andof his country. 

_Charleston, November 17th, 1821. _

Dear Sir, The anecdote of Gen. Marion you requested me to relate to you, I nowtake the first opportunity to mention. It occurred late in the year1782, when the British troops were preparing to evacuate Charleston:they had a covering party on James' island to protect theirwood-cutters, and another on Lamprere's point to protect their gettingwater for their shipping. Col. Kosciusko, a Polander, solicited Gen. Greene to afford him an opportunity of distinguishing himself; andas the covering party to the wood-cutters was the only one which nowpresented itself, the general gave him a command to attack them, whichhe did, and was defeated with the loss of a great many men, and amongthe slain was the gallant Capt. Wilmot. 

About the same time that Gen. Greene gave Kosciusko this command, he wrote to Gen. Marion, "that he understood the watering party atLamprere's point was so situated as to afford him an opportunityof attacking it with success. " Gen. Marion replied, "that he had notoverlooked the situation of the British at that spot, but he viewed thewar in Carolina as over, and as the enemy were preparing to go away, hehad sent a party to protect them from being annoyed by his own men; thathe commanded his fellow citizens who had already shed blood enough inthe cause of freedom, and that he would not spill another drop of it, now when it was unnecessary; no, not for the highest honours that couldbe conferred upon him. "

If you think this anecdote worth mentioning in the biography of thatgreat man, it is quite at your service. 

With much respect and esteem, I am, dear Sir, Yours very truly, Keating Simons. 

Correspondence. 

Gen. Lincoln to Lieut. Col. Marion, at Sheldon. 

 _Head Quarters, Charleston, Jan. 31, 1780. _

Sir, The state of affairs is such as to make it necessary that we draw ourforce to a point as much and as soon as possible. No troops will be keptin the field except two hundred light infantry and the horse. * Youwill, therefore, please to select from the three regiments with you, twohundred of your best men, and those who are best clothed, and organizethem into corps with proper officers. All the remainder with the baggageof the whole (saving such as is absolutely necessary for light troops)will march immediately to this town. You will please take the command ofthe light infantry, until Lieut. Col. Henderson arrives, which I expectwill be in a few days. After that I wish to see you as soon as possiblein Charleston. --Cross will deliver you this with a letter to Col. Parker, and another to Major Jamieson. You will send them towardsAugusta in the common route by four horsemen. Two will guide Col. Parker to this town by the shortest way, the other two will guide MajorJamieson to your camp. 

 * Washington's. 

I am, Sir, Your most obedient servant, B. Lincoln. 

*****

Col. Marion to Col. P. Horry. 

_Lynch's Creek, Aug. 17, 1780. *_

 * Written about a week after Gen. Marion took command of the militia. 

Sir, You will take the command of such men as will be collected from Capts. Bounneau's, Mitchell's and Benson's companies, and immediately proceedto Santee, from the lower ferry to Lenud's, and destroy all the boatsand canoes on the river, and post guards at each crossing place, toprevent persons from crossing to or from Charleston, on either side ofthe river. --You will give all necessary intelligence, and the number ofmen you may have collected as early as possible. You will procure abouttwenty-five weight of gunpowder, and a proportionable quantity of ballor swanshot, also flints, and send them up to me immediately, to theKingstree, by an express. 

I am with esteem, Your obedient servant, Francis Marion. 

N. B. --You will also take the command of Capt. Lenud's company, andfurnish your men with arms, wherever you can find them, giving receipts. 

*****

Extract of a Letter from Col. Marion to Col. P. Horry. 

_Lynch's Creek, Aug. 27, 1780. _

Dear Sir, I am sorry to acquaint you that Gen. Gates is defeated with greatloss; he was obliged to retreat to Charlotte, which obliges me also toretreat. You will without delay retreat with what men you can get, to Briton's neck, where I have encamped. It is necessary to obtainammunition, arms and accoutrements, and as many horses as you can get;also stores from Georgetown, which you will send if possible up theriver to Briton's neck. 

On the 20th inst. I attacked a guard of the 63d and Prince of Wales'regiment, with a number of tories, at the Great Savannah, near Nelson'sferry. Killed and took twenty-two regulars, and two tories prisoners, and retook one hundred and fifty continentals of the Maryland line; onewaggon and a drum; one captain and a subaltern were also captured. Ourloss is one killed, and Capt. Benson is slightly wounded on the head. 

*****

Brig. Gen. Marion to Adjt. Postell. *

 * Major John Postell. 

_Snow's Island, Dec. 30, 1780. _

Sir, You will proceed with a party down Black river, from Black Mingo to themouth of Pedee, and come up to this place; you will take all the boatsand canoes from Euhaney up, and impress negroes to bring them to camp;put some men to see them safe; you will take every horse, to whomsoeverhe may belong, whether friend or foe. You will take all arms andammunition for the use of our service. You will forbid all persons fromcarrying any grains, stock or any sort of provisions to Georgetown, or where the enemy may get them, on pain of being held as traitors andenemies to the Americans. All persons who will not join you you willtake prisoners and bring to me. You will return as soon as possible. Let me know any intelligence you may gain of the enemy's strength ormovements. 

I am, your obedient servant, Francis Marion. 

_Adjt. Postell. _

N. B. --You will bring up as much rice and salt in the boats as possible. 

*****

Gen. Marion to Capt. John Postell. 

_Goddard's Plantation, * Pedee, Jan. 19, 1781. _

 * Snow's Island. 

Dear Sir, I send Lieut. King with fifteen men, to reinforce you. I would have allthe flats and boats you can collect, loaded with rice, and sent to Mr. Joseph Allston's plantation, on Bull's creek, to the north of Pedee, where there is a ferry to Euhaney; and the rice is to be there stored, and the boats kept going until all that is beat out in your districtis carried. From there I will send for it up higher. You must take suchnegroes for the boats as belong to those persons who may be with theenemy, or from those estates which the enemy think forfeited. Gen. Greene is in want of a number of negroes--say fifty--for the use ofthe army. You will collect them in your district, and send them to me;taking care not to distress any family, but taking them where they canbe best spared. I shall detain those negroes that came up with theboats you have sent. One boat has arrived, and I have sent to assistin getting up the others. I beg you would give me intelligence of themovements of the enemy in Georgetown, and, if possible, their particularstrength: what corps of horse and foot, and how many militia, and ifthere are any cannon mounted on their redoubt, and whether they aremaking any new works. You will send Capt. W----, and Mr. S----, and allsuch men (who have taken, or are suspected of having taken part with theenemy) to me. You must not suffer any person to carry property where theenemy has possession, or have any intercourse with them. 

I am, with regard, dear Sir, Your obedient servant, Francis Marion. 

*****

Extract of a Letter from Gen. Marion to Capt. Postell. 

_January 19, 1781. _

Dear Sir, Your father may keep the canoe you mention. I have received theprisoners, by Mr. M'Pherson, * and shall give them the pleasure of seeinghead quarters. 

 * Depeyster's company of grenadiers. 

I am, dear Sir, Your obedient servant, Francis Marion. 

 *****

Gen. Greene to Gen. Marion. 

_Camp, on Pedee, Jan. 19, 1781. _

Dear Sir, The enclosed letter, from Capt. Odingsells, came to hand last evening, I have directed him to apply to you for orders on the subject. I havedetached Major Anderson, with one thousand regulars, and one hundredVirginia militia, to attack and disperse the tories at Mr. Amy's mill, on Drowning creek. The party marched yesterday, with orders to endeavourto surprise them; perhaps you might be able to make some detachment thatwould contribute to their success. By the last accounts, Lieut. Col. Tarleton was in motion, with about one thousand troops, towards Gen. Morgan, who is in the fork of Broad river. Lord Cornwallis is moving inforce to cover him. I wish your answer respecting the practicabilityof surprising the party near Nelson's; the route, and force you willbe able to detach. This inquiry is a matter that requires the greatestsecrecy. 

I am, dear Sir, Your most obedient humble servant, N. Greene. 

 *****

Gen. Greene to Gen. Marion. 

_Camp, * Jan. 22, 1781. _

 * Camp Hicks. 

Sir, I have received your letter of the 18th, containing an account of theseveral little skirmishes between your people and the enemy, which wereclever and do them much honour. I am sorry that so few horses fit forservice are to be had in your quarter, as we are in great want. Get asmany as you can, and let us have fifteen or twenty sent to camp withoutloss of time, they being wanted for immediate service. Major Hyrne whois appointed deputy commissary general of prisoners, has settled thebusiness with Mr. Walter. I beg you will please to favour me with weeklyreturns of the militia serving under you, and the number of horses youhave in service, and the particular duties on which they are employed, to be made every Monday morning. I also wish separate returns of thecontinental troops serving with you, the rank and names of the officers, and the corps to which they belong. 

I am, Sir, Your most obedient servant, N. Greene. 

*****

Brig. Gen. Marion to Capt. John Postell. 

_January 23, 1781. _

Sir, Particular circumstances make me desire that you will immediately marchall the men under your command to join me at the Kingstree; you mustproceed by forced marches until you come up to me, for no time is to belost. Leave your post as secretly as possible, without letting any oneknow where you are going, or of your intention to leave it. 

I am, Sir, Your obedient servant, Francis Marion. 

[Six days after this date Gen. Marion detached Major Postell on theexpedition which we have mentioned, page 91. ] [Chapter III Paragraph7--the party of supernumerary officers, who captured and destroyedBritish supplies. --A. L. ]

*****

Gen. Greene to Gen. Marion. 

_Camp, on Pedee, Jan. 23, 1781. _

Dear Sir, I have the particular pleasure to congratulate you on the entire defeatof the enemy under Lieut. Col. Tarleton. Major Giles, this momentarrived, brings the glorious intelligence, which I have the pleasure totransmit. 

On the 17th, at day-break, the enemy consisting of eleven hundred andfifty British troops, and fifty militia, attacked Gen. Morgan, who wasat the Cowpens, between Pacolet and Broad river, with two hundred andninety infantry, eighty cavalry and about six hundred militia. Theaction lasted fifty minutes and was remarkably severe. Our brave troopscharged the enemy with bayonets, and entirely routed them, killing nearone hundred and fifty, wounding upwards of two hundred, and taking morethan five hundred prisoners, exclusive of the prisoners with two piecesof artillery, thirty-five waggons, upwards of one hundred dragoonhorses, and with the loss only of ten men killed and fifty-five wounded. Our intrepid party pursued the enemy upwards of twenty miles. Aboutthirty commissioned officers are among the prisoners. Col. Tarleton hadhis horse killed and was wounded, but made his escape with two hundredof his troops. This important intelligence I wish you to communicate toLieut. Col. Lee if possible. I have not time to write him. If he hasnot attacked Georgetown, I wish he could privately transmit it to thegarrison. 

I am with esteem, Your most obedient humble servant, N. Greene. 

*****

Extract of a Letter from Gen. Greene to Gen. Marion. 

_Camp, on Pedee, Jan. 25, 1781. _

Dear Sir, Your letter of the 20th is before me; before this I hope you havereceived the agreeable news of the defeat of Lieut. Col. Tarleton byGen. Morgan; after this nothing will appear difficult. 

*****

Gen. Huger to Brig. Gen. Marion. 

_Camp, Hick's Creek, Jan. 28, 1781. _

Dear Sir, Gen. Greene wishes that you will attempt to cross the Santee, and ifpossible reach some of the enemy's magazines and destroy them. I ampersuaded you will not leave any practicable measure unattempted toeffect this business. The execution is left entirely to your judgmentand address. 

I am, dear Sir, With much esteem, Your most obedient humble servant, Is. Huger. 

*****

Gen. Marion to Capt. John Postell. 

_Cordes' Plantation, Jan. 29, 1781. _

Dear Sir, You will cross Santee river with twenty-five men, and make a forcedmarch to Watboo bridge, there burn all the British stores of everykind; it is possible you will find a small guard there, which you maysurprise, but bring no prisoners with you. You will return the sameway, and recross the river at the same place, which must be done beforedaylight next morning. After effecting my purpose at Watboo, it will notbe out of your way to come by Monk's corner, and destroy any stores orwaggons you may find there. You can learn from the people at Watboo whatguard there is at the corner; if it should be too strong you will notattempt that place. In going to Watboo, you must see if there is aguard at the church; if there is you will shun it; you will considerprovisions of all kinds British property. The destruction of allthe British stores in the above-mentioned places is of the greatestconsequence to us, and only requires boldness and expedition. Take carethat your men do not get at liquor, or clog themselves with plunder soas to endanger their retreat. 

I am with regard, dear Sir, Your obedient servant, Francis Marion. 

*****

Gen. Greene to Gen. Marion. 

_Camp, at Guilford Court House, Feb. 11, 1781. _

Dear Sir, I received your favour of the 31st ult. And request you to give myparticular thanks to Major and Capt. Postell for the spirit and addresswith which they executed your orders over the Santee. Your crossingthe Santee must depend upon your own discretion. I think it would beattended with many advantages, if it can be executed with safety. Gen. Sumter is desired to call out all the militia of South Carolina andemploy them in destroying the enemy's stores and perplexing theiraffairs in the state. Please to communicate and concert with him yourfuture operations until we have a better opportunity to have more freeintercourse. Great activity is necessary to keep the spirits of thepeople from sinking, as well as to alarm the enemy respecting the safetyof their posts. We formed a junction at this place last night, butour force is so much inferior to the enemy's that we dare not hazard ageneral action if it can be avoided, but I am not certain that it can. The enemy are within thirty miles of us, up towards the shallow ford onthe Yadkin. 

I am, dear Sir, Your most obedient humble servant, N. Greene. 

*****

Gen. Greene to Gen. Marion. 

_Camp, at Halifax Court House, Virginia, Feb. 16, 1781. _

Dear Sir, I have seen your letter to Gen. Huger of the 6th inst. And am surprisedthat Col. Baker or Capt. Snipes should pretend that they had mydirections for crossing the Santee. I beg you will encourage the militiaand engage them to continue their exertions. --If the supplies expectedfrom the northward arrive in season, we shall be able to assist you. Themovements of the enemy were so rapid, that few of the militia joined uson our march from Pedee, which reduced us to the necessity of passingthe Dan, or risking an action on very unequal terms. The enemy are uponthe banks of the river, but the people of this country appear to be inearnest. I hope we shall soon be able to push Lord Cornwallis in turn. Iwrote to you from Guilford, which I hope you have received. 

I am, dear Sir, Your most obedient servant, N. Greene. 

*****

Gen. Marion to Lieut. Col. Balfour. 

_Santee, March 7, 1781. _

Sir, I sent Capt. John Postell with a flag to exchange some prisoners, whichCapt. Saunders, commandant of Georgetown, had agreed to, but contrary tothe law of nations, he has been seized and detained as a prisoner. AsI cannot imagine that his conduct will be approved of by you, I hopeorders will be immediately given to have my flag discharged, or I mustimmediately acquaint congress of this violation. The ill consequence ofwhich it is now in your power to prevent. I am sorry to complain of theill treatment my officers and men meet with from Capt. Saunders; theofficers are closely employed in a small place, where they can neitherstand or lie at length, nor have they more than half rations. I havetreated your officers and men who have fallen into my hands in adifferent manner. Should these evils not be prevented in future, it willnot be in my power to prevent retaliation. Lord Rawdon and Col. Watsonhave hanged three men of my brigade for supposed crimes, which will makeas many of your men in my hands suffer. I hope this will be prevented infuture, for it is my wish to act with humanity and tenderness to thoseunfortunate men, the chances of war may throw in my power. 

I have the honour to be Your obedient servant, Francis Marion. 

*****

Gen. Marion to Col. Watson, of the British. 

_Santee, March 7, 1781. _

Sir, Enclosed is a letter which I wish may be forwarded as soon as possible. I make no doubt but that you will be surprised to see a flag sent atthe head of an armed party. The reason of it is, that Capt. Saunders, commandant of Georgetown, has violated the law of nations, by taking, detaining and imprisoning Capt. Postell, who carried prisoners toexchange, which was agreed to by him. The hanging of prisoners and theviolation of my flag will be retaliated if a stop is not put to suchproceedings, which are disgraceful to all civilized nations. All of yourofficers and men who have fallen into my hands, have been treated withhumanity and tenderness; and I wish sincerely that I may not be obligedto act contrary to my inclinations; but such treatment as my unhappyfollowers, whom the chances of war may throw in the hands of my enemiesreceive, such may those expect who fall in my hands. 

I have the honour to be Your obedient servant, Francis Marion. 

*****

Extract of a Letter from Gov. J. Rutledge to Gen. Marion. 

_Camp, at Haw River, March 8, 1781. _

I have not yet received the blank militia commissions I expected out. If I do not get some before I arrive at Richmond, I will there have someprinted and transmitted to you. In the mean time you will give brevets, _and in order that you may carry sufficient authority over the severalofficers in your brigade, you may remove any of them, and appoint othersin their stead, from time to time, as you think proper. _

*****

Col. N. Balfour to Brig. Gen. Marion. 

_Charleston, March 12, 1781. _

Sir, I have received your letter of the 7th inst. Respecting the detention ofCapt. John Postell, when charged with a flag of truce to Georgetown, and complaining of the same as a breach of the law of nations. The bestanswer I can return to which is the transmission of his parole, whichwill clearly evince that the breach of such law, as well as those ofhonour, rest solely with that gentleman, who has acted in a militarycapacity when engaged by the most solemn ties to remain in a state ofneutrality. 

*****

Col. Balfour to Gen. Marion. 

_Charleston, March 21, 1781. _

Sir, I am greatly astonished to find that you have detained one of ourofficers, * sent out with a flag of truce to you, and acting under itssanction; this is indeed an infraction of the laws of nations and ofwar, as you complain of in the case of Capt. Postell, and such a one asif not immediately redressed I shall be obliged to punish in the mostexemplary manner by the severest retaliation. If in this action youcould have alluded to the case of Capt. Postell, my letter of the 12thinst. Must surely have convinced you, how truly dissimilar they arein every respect; but as from such conduct I must conceive, Sir, this letter may not have reached you, I now enclose a copy for yourinformation and conviction. Let me observe, as faith had been violatedby Capt. Postell, he naturally became to us an object for capture andpunishment, under whatsoever circumstances he might be met, and to arguefrom his justifiable detention, a right to extend the like to those mostunimpeachably upright in their conduct, is a confounding of right andwrong, and a violation of all principles under which any intercourse cansubsist between powers at war with each other. 

 * Capt. Merritt. 

I am, Sir, Your most obedient humble servant, N. Balfour. 

*****

Col. Watson to Gen. Marion. 

_Blakely's, March 15, 1781. _

Sir, The very extraordinary method you took of sending the letter I receivedfrom you, makes it rather difficult to guess in what way you meanto carry on this war, and therefore induces me to take the mode ofaddressing you through a neutral person. The bearer is a little boyof John Witherspoon's. We have an officer and some men wounded, whom Ishould be glad to send where they could be better taken care of. Iwish therefore to know if they will be permitted to pass, withoutinterruption from any of your parties, to Charleston. 

Yours, &c. (Signed) John Watson. 

P. S. --If you have no objection to their going, you will be so good as tosend a pass for them. 

*****

Col. Watson to Gen. Marion. 

_Blakely's, March 16, 1781. _

Sir, I do not think it necessary to enter into a detail of your conduct, orby words to justify our own. Your mentioning that you wished to carryon the war as usual with civilized nations, led me to mention thecircumstance I did. Care is taken to prevent any thing being taken fromthose who do not bear arms against us, or who do not directly assist ourenemies; whatever other people are deprived of we do not call plunder, but property fairly taken from the enemy; and what cannot be carriedaway conveniently we destroy, if we think proper. _The burning of housesand the property of the inhabitants, who are our enemies, is customaryin all civilized nations. _ But further than the distress that isoccasioned to their families, the distressing women and children, is sofar from being countenanced by any officers in our service, that on thecontrary every assistance possible is afforded them. 

I am, Sir, Yours, &c. (Signed) John Watson. 

*****

Capt. John Saunders to Gen. Marion. 

_Georgetown, March 24, 1781. _

Sir, The enclosed were received from Lieut. Col. Balfour, with orders toforward them to you. There is such an apparent dissimilarity in thecases of Mr. Merritt and Mr. Postell, that I am confident that Mr. Merritt will be immediately sent in. I am happy to hear by Capt. Spencer, who fell into my hands yesterday, that the detention of Mr. Merritt is occasioned equally by that act as by sending an improperperson with a flag. 

I am, Sir, Yours, &c. (Signed) John Saunders, _Commandant, Georgetown. _

*****

Gen. Greene to Gen. Marion. 

_Camp, Deep River, April 4, 1781. _

Dear Sir, This will be handed to you by Capt. Conyers, * who will inform you whatwe have contemplated. He is sent forward to collect provisions for thesubsistence of the army, and I beg you will assist him in this necessarybusiness. The army will march tomorrow, and I hope you will be preparedto support its operations with a considerable force; Gen. Sumter iswritten to, and I doubt not will be prepared to cooperate with us. Thecaptain can give you a full history of Lord Cornwallis' manoeuversin this state, and of the several skirmishes as well as the battle ofGuilford, which finally terminated in a retreat of the enemy, and hislordship was obliged in turn to run hastily. 

 * Soon after Major Conyers. 

I am, dear Sir, yours, &c. N. Greene. 

*****

Gen. Greene to Gen. Marion. 

_Head Quarters, Widow Shoemaker's, April 17, 1781. _

Dear Sir, We are on our march for Camden, and shall be there the day aftertomorrow. I am greatly in the dark respecting the enemy's strength andsituation in South Carolina, and also of Lord Cornwallis' motions. Thislast circumstance is of the highest importance to the safety of ourarmy, and I beg you to communicate to me all the intelligence you canobtain, and take measures to get all you can. Lieut. Col. Lee is gonetowards the Santee; intelligence to him is as equally necessary as tome. You will please therefore to send him information accordingly. Donot spare either time or pains, and forward it as soon as possible. Your present force and situation I should be glad to have a particularaccount of. Please give me an official account of Col. Horry's attackupon a party of Watson's detachment. 

I am, dear Sir, Yours, &c. (Signed) N. Greene. 

*****

Extract of a Letter from Col. Harden to Gen. Marion. 

_Camp, on Saltketcher, April 17, 1781. _

Dear General, I marched on, and got within sight of Fort Balfour, at Pocotaligo, attwelve o'clock in the day; I placed my men, and sent ten of the besthorses to draw them out, but luckily Cols. Fenwick and Letchmere were atVanberst, and were taken with seven of the dragoons, and brought tome; the rest were in the fort. I then sent Capt. Harden with a flag, todemand a surrender of the fort and the men in it; they sent for answer, they would not give it up. I sent the second time, and told them thatif I was obliged to storm the fort, that I would give no quarter. Col. Kelsel then desired half an hour to consider. I gave him twenty minutes:they then agreed to give up the fort on terms which I granted; and intwo hours, the fort with one militia colonel, one major, three captains, three lieutenants and sixty privates of Col. Fenwick's, one lieutenantand twenty-two dragoons with their horses, gave up to me, and theymarched out and piled their arms without the abbatis; and I marched inand took possession of it; and during that night and the next day had itdestroyed. 

(Signed) Wm. Harden. 

*****

Gen. Marion to Gen. Greene. 

_Fort Watson, (Scott's Lake) April 23, 1781. _

Sir, Lieut. Col. Lee made a junction with me at Santee, the 14th inst. Aftera rapid march from Ramsay's mill, on Deep river, which he performed ineight days. The 15th we marched to this place and invested it. Our hopewas to cut off their water. Some riflemen and continentals immediatelytook post between the fort and the lake. The fort is situated on a smallhill, forty feet high, stockaded, and with three rows of abbatis aroundit. No trees near enough to cover our men from their fire. The third dayafter we had invested it, we found the enemy had sunk a well near thestockade, which we could not prevent them from; as we had no entrenchingtools to make our approach, we immediately determined to erect a workequal in height to the fort. This arduous work was completed thismorning by Major Maham, who undertook it. We then made a lodgment onthe side of the mount near the stockade. This was performed with greatspirit and address by Ensign Johnson and Mr. Lee, a volunteer in Col. Lee's legion, who with difficulty ascended the hill and pulled away theabbatis, which induced the commandant to hoist a flag; and Col. Lee andmyself agreed to the enclosed capitulation, which I hope may beapproved of by you. Our loss on this occasion is two killed, and threecontinentals and three militia wounded. I am particularly indebted toCol. Lee for his advice and indefatigable diligence in every part ofthese tedious operations, against as strong a little post as could bewell made, and on the most advantageous spot that could be wished for. The officers and men of the legion and militia, performed every thingthat could be expected, and Major Maham, of my brigade, had, in aparticular manner, a great share of this success, by his unwearieddiligence, in erecting a tower which principally occasioned thereduction of the fort. In short, Sir, I have had the greatest assistancefrom every one under my command. Enclosed is a list of the prisoners andstores taken, and I shall, without loss of time, proceed to demolish thefort; after which I shall march to the High Hills of Santee, encamp atCapt. Richardson's, and await your orders. 

(Signed) Francis Marion. 

*****

Extract of a Letter from Gen. Greene to Gen. Marion. 

_Camp, before Camden, April 24, 1781. _

Dear Sir, I thank you for the measures you have taken to furnish us withprovisions, and for the intelligence you communicate. A field piece iscoming to your assistance, which I hope will enable you and Col. Leeto get possession of the fort. With the artillery you will receive onehundred pounds of powder and four hundred pounds of lead; I wish mypresent stock would enable me to forward you a larger supply, but itwill not, having sent you nearly half we have. 

(Signed) N. Greene. 

*****

Gen. Greene to Gen. Marion. 

_Head Quarters, before Camden, April 26, 1781. _

Dear Sir, I have to acknowledge the receipt of your two letters, dated 23d and25th inst. I congratulate you on your success against Fort Watson. The articles of capitulation I highly approve of, and feel myselfparticularly indebted to you, and all the officers and men under you, for their spirit, perseverance and good conduct upon the occasion. Theenemy advanced upon us yesterday and gave us battle. The conflict wasshort, and seemed at one time to promise us advantage; but we wereobliged to retire and give up the field; though without material loss. We are now within five miles of Camden, and shall closely invest it in aday or two again. That we may be enabled to operate with more certaintyagainst this post, I should be glad you would move up immediately to ourassistance, and take post on the north side of the town. I have detacheda field piece to your assistance, with an escort of a few continentaltroops under the command of Major Eaton. I should be glad you would sendthem a guide and conduct them to your camp. 

I am, Sir, With great esteem and respect, Yours, &c. (Signed) N. Greene. 

P. S. --I should be glad you would move up within seven miles of Camden. 

*****

Gen. Greene to Gen. Marion. 

_Camp, at Cornal's Creek, May 9, 1781. _

Dear Sir, I am favoured with yours of the 6th instant. I am sorry the militia aredeserting, * because there is no greater support. If they were influencedby proper principles, and were impressed with a love of liberty and adread of slavery, they would not shrink at difficulties. If we had aforce sufficient to recover the country, their aid would not be wanted, and they cannot be well acquainted with their true interest to desertus, because they conceive our force unequal to the reduction of thecountry without their consent. I shall be always happy to see you athead quarters, but cannot think you seriously mean to solicit leave togo to Philadelphia. It is true your task has been disagreeable, butnot more so than others. It is now going on seven years since thecommencement of this war. I have never had leave of absence an hour, nor paid the least attention to my own private affairs. Your state isinvaded; your all is at stake; what has been done will signify nothingunless we persevere to the end. I left a wife in distress and everything dear and valuable, to come and afford you all the assistance in mypower, and if you leave us in the midst of our difficulties, while youhave it so much in your power to promote the service, it must throw adamp upon the spirits of the army, to find that the first men in thestate are retiring from the busy service, to indulge themselves in moreagreeable amusements. However, your reasons for wishing to decline thecommand of the militia, may be more pressing than I imagine. I willtherefore, add nothing more upon this subject till I see you. My reasonsfor writing so pressingly respecting the dragoons, was from the distresswe were in. It is not my wish to take the horses from the militia ifit will injure the public service--the effects and consequences you canbetter judge of than I can. You have rendered important service to thepublic with the militia under your command, and done great honour toyourself; and I would not wish to render your situation less agreeablewith them, unless it is to answer some very great purpose; and this Ipersuade myself you would agree to from a desire to promote the publicgood. I wish you success in the fort you are besieging. Lord Rawdon wasout yesterday; we had the night before taken a new position on Sawney'screek, and I imagine he came out to attack, expecting to find us on theTwenty-five mile creek. We did not like the position on Sawney's creekto risk an action on, and therefore took a new one at this place, leaving the horse, light infantry and picketts at the old encampment;the enemy came and drew up on the other side of the creek, but did notattempt to cross, and retired into Camden before night. We are indaily expectation of a large reinforcement of Virginia militia and somecontinental troops; when those arrive we shall push our operations withmore vigour. No further news of Lord Cornwallis. 

 * This letter is an answer to one of Marion's, (which is missing, ) soon after his arrival at Fort Watson, with only eighty men. See page 109. [Chapter III Paragraph 26. See Simms for more complete details. --A. L. ]

I am, Sir, With the highest esteem and regard, Yours, &c. N. Greene. 

*****

Gen. Greene to Gen. Marion. 

_Camp, before Ninety-Six, June 10, 1781. _

Dear Sir, I have to acknowledge the receipt of your favours of the 22d and 29thult. It gives me great pleasure to hear the enemy have left Georgetown, and I am of opinion with you, that it will be attended with many goodconsequences to that part of the country. After you have dismantledthe enemy's works, you will collect your force, take the position youmentioned, and act in conjunction with Gen. Sumter, agreeable to theadvice I gave you before. I have the pleasure to congratulate you on thereduction of the enemy's fort at Augusta. This event took place on the7th inst. By capitulation; and I hope in a few days to have the pleasureof congratulating you on the reduction of this place; but we are opposedto many difficulties, and the garrison resists with great obduracy. 

I am, Sir, With every sentiment of respect and esteem, Yours, &c. N. Greene. 

*****

Extract of a Letter from Gen. Greene to Gen. Marion. 

_Head Quarters, near Sandy River, June 25, 1781. _

Dear Sir, I am favoured with your letter dated at the Congaree. The enemy haveobliged us to raise the siege of Ninety-Six, when it was upon the eveof surrendering. It was my wish to have fought Lord Rawdon before hereached Ninety-Six, and could I have collected your force and thatof Gen. Sumter and Pickens, I would have done it: and am persuaded weshould have defeated him; but being left alone, I was obliged to retire. 

(Signed) N. Greene. 

Finis. 

Notes:

(1) About this etext. 

(2) A. S. Salley's Introduction from the 1948 edition. 

(3) For the purists: A list of changes and corrections to the text. 

(1) About this etext. 

This etext was prepared from the original 1821 edition and the 1948edition. In the case of any differences in the text, the 1821 editionwas used, except where there was an obvious mistake (see the section forthe purists). Although the 1948 edition maintained the original textas far as possible, a few errors crept in--only one which changed themeaning of the text, and only in a minor way. This etext was transcribedtwice, and electronically compared using "diff". This weeds out mosterrors, so that, with the correction of a number of errors in theoriginal, this is very likely the cleanest copy to date. 

As far as I can tell, the original text has only been published twicein unaltered form: in 1821 (Gould and Riley, Charleston, S. C. ) and in1948. That made it very difficult to find this text. I am indebted tothe following for their help in procuring these:

The librarians in the Southern Literature section at the Public Libraryin Birmingham, Alabama, for helping me in the search for the 1821edition. 

Carolyn Lancaster, (lancaster_carolyn/furman@furman. Edu) a LibraryAssistant at the Special Collections Department, Furman UniversityLibrary, Greenville, South Carolina, for kindly aiding me to acquirea photocopy of the 1821 edition. (The Collection contains the SouthCarolina Baptist materials and Furman University Archives and older, non-circulating, "rare books", such as this one. ) Phone: (864) 294-2194. Fax: (864) 294-3004. Mail: Special Collections, Furman UniversityLibrary, 3300 Poinsett Hwy. , Greenville, SC 29613. Web:http://carolus. Furman. Edu/library/welcome

Gary M. Johnson, at the Library of Congress (gjohnson@mail. Loc. Gov), fora great deal of help, including a copy of the 1948 edition. The onlineLibrary of Congress catalog is at: http://lcweb. Loc. Gov/

This etext was prepared by Alan Robert Light(alight@mercury. Interpath. Net), who, as a former member of the SouthCarolina National Guard, has a special interest in the subject. Two