A WOMAN'S LIFE-WORK:

LABORS AND EXPERIENCES

OF

LAURA S. HAVILAND. 

DEDICATION

to

My two sons, and four daughters, and families;

also to the

Home and Foreign Missionary Society, are these pages dedicated. 

 The Author

PREFACE. 

In presenting the following pages to the public, without the trace ofan excellent scholar or eloquent orator, I fully realize my inabilityto compete with writers of the nineteenth century. With thisincompetency in view, I have hesitated and delayed until three-scoreand thirteen years are closing over me. Yet as I am still spared totoil on a little longer in the great field so white to harvest, praying the Lord of the harvest to arm and send forth more laborers, because they are too few, I ask an indulgent public to allow my deepand abiding sympathies for the oppressed and sorrowing of everynation, class, or color, to plead my excuse for sending forth simple, unvarnished facts and experiences, hoping they may increase anaspiration for the active doing, instead of saying what ought to bedone, with excusing self for want of ability, when it is to be foundin Him who is saying, "My grace is sufficient for thee, for mystrength is perfect in weakness. "

LAURA S. HAVILAND. 

OCTOBER, 1881. 

CONTENTS

CHAPTER I. 

EARLY LIFE. 

Parentage--Early Impressions--Childhood Skepticism--ReligiousExperience--The Great Leveler--Marriage--Removal to Michigan--TheSemi-Christian--The Despairing Backslider Restored--Proscription--Withdrawal from the Society of Friends--Founded "Raisin Institute, "

CHAPTER II. 

BEREAVEMENTS. 

Dream--Bereavements--Early Widowhood--Trials--Dreamy--Victory byFaith--A Fugitive Slave Escapes--Marriage of two Older Children, CHAPTER III. 

ANTI-SLAVERY EXPERIENCES. 

Baptist Deacon Convicted of the Sin of Slavery by his Slave--WillisHamilton's Escape with his Slave-wife, Elsie, to Canada--Removal toMichigan--Whereabouts Discovered by Elsie's Master--Deeply Laid Schemeto Capture the Hamilton Family--Threats of Violence--Second Attemptand Defeat--Death of the two Slave-holders, CHAPTER IV. 

AN OHIO SCHOOL-TEACHER. 

A Traveling Agent--Slave Claimant--John White--Threats--Visit to JaneWhite--Interview with William Allen--Escape of Slaves--In Suspense--Death of First-born--Comforting Dream--John White a Prisoner--HisRelease and Subsequent History, CHAPTER V. 

THE UNDERGROUND RAILWAY. 

Two Slave Families Escape--Story of George and James--A Mother andDaughter Leave a Boat bound for the Lower Market--Sarah and two YoungMen join our Party--Seven are Conducted to Canada--Raisin InstituteSuspended for an Academic Year--Return to Cincinnati--Maria--Threatsof her Master--The Escape of two Young Men

CHAPTER VI. 

FUGITIVE SLAVES ASSISTED. 

Clara and Three Children Rescued--Jack Betrayed and Returned toBondage--A Little Nurse Girl taken from her Owners in Cincinnati--HowZack was Saved--Calvin Fairbanks Visited in Prison--Fugitive SlavesForwarded

CHAPTER VII. 

CHRISTIAN AND EDUCATIONAL WORK. 

Visiting and Nursing the Sick--Nine Slaves Arrive from Kentucky--Richard Dillingham Dies in Tennessee Penitentiary--Seven SlavesConducted to Freedom--Teach Six Months in Toledo

CHAPTER VIII. 

FUGITIVES IN CANADA. 

Mission Among the Fugitives in Canada--Religious Revival--Organization of a Christian Union Church--Efforts of Missourians toRetake the Fugitive Slave, William Anderson, from Canada--The KentuckySlave-owner Whipped in the Old Barracks in Windsor in his Effort toDecoy Three Young Men back to Slavery--Reopening School

CHAPTER IX. 

RESCUE OF SLAVES. 

Escape of a Slave Family of Six--A Slave Man Travels for a White Manand Succeeds--Trip to Arkansas--The Story of George Wilson--The Slave-daughter under Mortgage Released by her Mother--Mintie Berry Purchasesher Husband--John Brown Hanged--The War Opens and takes SeventeenStudents of Raisin Institute--First Trip to the Front with Supplies

CHAPTER X. 

HOSPITAL WORK. 

Cairo--Incidents Preparatory to Removing Freedmen's Camp to Island No. 10--Death of a Child--Disbursing Supplies and other Mission Work onthe Island--Story of Uncle Stephen--Hospital Visiting in Memphis, Tennessee--Surgeon Powers Reported--Forty Slaves come into CampShiloh--Seven Slaves come from a Plantation seven miles below Memphis--First Enlistment of Colored Soldiers--Mission Work in Columbus, Kentucky--Young Colored Man Shot by his Young Master--Turning ofTables--Return Home--Our Principal, E. A. Haight, Enlisted

CHAPTER XI. 

SANITARY WORK. 

Organized Freedmen's Relief Association--Solicit Supplies--AcademicYear Opened for 1863-4--Sister Backus and Self leave for Fields ofSuffering--Incidents on the Way--Mission Work in Natchez, Mississippi--Four Hundred Slaves Hanged and otherwise Tortured--Visit to theCalaboose--Mission Work in Baton Rouge--Arrival at New Orleans--Sketchof Persecutions

CHAPTER XII. 

MISSION WORK IN NEW ORLEANS. 

Mission Work in New Orleans--Soldiers and Prisoners Visited on ShipIsland--Petition of Seventy Soldier Prisoners in behalf of ThreeThousand of their Fellow Prisoners--Appeal in behalf of Ship Islandand Tortugas Prisoners--Mission Work at Plaquemine--Natchez--Captureof a Rebel steamer--Arrival at Home--Release of the Three ThousandBanished Union Soldiers

CHAPTER XIII. 

FREEDMEN'S AID COMMISSION. 

Refugees in Kansas--Children of Want--Afflicted Family--Scenes ofDistress--Agnes Everett--Quantrell's Raid--Poor White Trash--Hospitals--Supplies Distributed--Refugee Buildings--Orphan Children--Haviland Home--Thomas Dean a Prisoner--Petition for Pardon--PardonGranted--A Southern Clergyman--Mission School--At Harper's Ferry andWashington. 

CHAPTER XIV. 

HOME MISSION WORK. 

Mission Work and Incidents in Washington--Murders--Alexandria--Richmond, Virginia--Williamsburg--Fort Magruder--Yorktown--Suicide--Gloucester Court-house--Fortress Monroe--Norfolk--Return to Washington--White Woman Whipped. 

CHAPTER XV. 

EXPERIENCES AMONG FREEDMEN. 

A Soldier Prisoner--Interesting Statistics--Schools--Plantations--Incidents--Return to Washington--Return Home with Fifteen Orphansand Fifty Laborers--Change in Orphan Asylum--Mission Work inCovington and Newport, Kentucky--Mission Work in Memphis, Tennessee--Uncle Philip a Remarkable Man--Return Home. 

CHAPTER XVI. 

STATE PUBLIC SCHOOL. 

Board of Directors Arrange for Closing the Home--Discouragements--Relief Comes by Sleigh-loads--Encouragements--Petitions to the StateLegislature to make the Home a State Institution--Petitions Granted, and the Orphan's Home becomes the "State Public School, " located atColdwater--Work in State Public School. 

CHAPTER XVII. 

CHRISTIAN LABOR AND RESULTS. 

Work for the Asylum--Again in Washington--Mission Work--Trial ofHenry Wirtz--Inspecting Soup-houses--Incidents connected with KendalGreen Camp--Peremptory Order of J. R. Shipherd Closing Asylum--Children Scattered--Returned Home with Authority from AmericanMissionary Association to Reopen Asylum--Dangerous Fall--Restored toAsylum Work--Overtaken with Convulsions--Answer to Prayer in beingRestored. 

CHAPTER XVIII. 

PRESENT CONDITION OF THE FREEDMEN. 

Kansas Freedmen's Relief Association--Testimony of Perry Bradley--Incidents--Persecutions--Prof. Greener--Colored Republicans--FurtherTestimony--Negro Woman Killed--Letter from the South--Atrocities--Refugees in Kansas--Bull-dosing--Kansas Overfull--Protection Needed--Michael Walsh--Silver Linings. 

CHAPTER XIX. 

PROSPECTS OF THE FREEDMEN. 

Supplies Furnished--Relief Association at Work--Northern Outrages--Prudence Crandall--Colored Schools--Freedmen's Aid Schools--Industrialand Agricultural Institute. 

ILLUSTRATIONS. 

 STEEL PORTRAIT OF THE AUTHOR THE SLAVEHOLDERS' THREATS. SLAVE IRONS. CLARK UNIVERSITY FOR FREEDMEN (CHRISMAN HALL). MEHARRY MEDICAL COLLEGE. 

CHAPTER I. 

EARLY LIFE. 

At the earnest solicitation of many dear friends I have consented toleave on record some of the incidents that have fallen under mypersonal observation during three-score and ten years. 

My father, Daniel Smith, was a native of Eastern New York, and formany years an approved minister in the Society of Friends. He was aman of ability and influence, of clear perceptions, and strongreasoning powers. 

My mother, Sene Blancher, was from Vermont; was of a gentler turn, andof a quiet spirit, benevolent and kind to all, and much beloved by allwho knew her, and was for many years an elder in the same Society. 

It is due to my parents to say, if I have been instrumental, throughthe grace of God, to bless his poor and lowly of earth, by adaptingmeans to ends in relieving suffering humanity, it is largely owing totheir influence. 

Soon after their marriage, they removed to Kitley Township, county ofLeeds, Canada West (now known as Ontario), where I was born, December20, 1808. I well remember the perplexities and doubts that troubled myyoung mind in trying to find the whys and wherefores of existingfacts; yet I was naturally a happy and playful child. Some remarksmade by my parents over a portion of Scripture father was reading, inwhich was the sentence, "and they are no more twain, but one flesh"--"that is a close relationship; twain is two, no more two but oneflesh"--struck me with wonder and amazement. "Yes, " replied mother, "that is a oneness that is not to be separated, a near relationbetween husband and wife; 'no more twain, but one flesh. ' 'What Godhas joined together let not man put asunder. '" It seemed as if everyword fastened upon my mind a feeling of awe at the new thought, thatfather and mother were one person. "Then they think just alike, andknow all about the other, if true; father and mother believe it, andthey found it in the Bible, and that, " I thought, "must be true. Nowfor the test--If father and mother are one, they must know eachother's thoughts and whereabouts. " After father had been out a fewminutes I asked mother where he was. "Not far off; may be he's gone tothe barn. " But he was not there. At my report she said, "Perhaps he'sgone to David Coleman's, or some of the neighbors. " This settled thematter in my mind, that they were not one. But I gave the same test totry father, which also proved a failure. But not quite satisfiedwithout further investigation, I asked mother for permission to go toDavid Coleman's to play an hour with his little girls. Little did sheknow that the object of her little five-year-old skeptic was topresent the test to their father and mother, to see whether they wereone, and found the same result each time. 

This settled the question in my mind that one thing in the Bible wasuntrue. Father and mother were mistaken in that part of the Bible thatsaid husband and wife were no more two, but one. For a long time afterthis, whenever the Bible was referred to as authority, I would think, "It may be true, and may not, because I tried one thing it said thatwas not true. "

Another mystery was hard for me to solve. In asking mother where weshould go if we should jump off the edge of the world, she replied, "There is no jumping off place, because our world is round, like aball, and takes one day and night to roll around, and that makes dayand night. " After the little child of six years had studied over thismysterious problem a short time, she returned with the query, "Whydon't we drop off while underside? and why don't the water spill outoff Bates's creek and our well?" She replied, "Water, as well as everything else, is always kept in place by a great law, calledgravitation, that our Heavenly Father made when he made the world, "and she said I would understand more about it when older. But this didnot satisfy me; I wanted to know all about it _then_. As soon asfather came in queries were repeated, but he closed as mother did, that I must wait until I was older, which made me almost impatient tobe old enough to know how these things could be. 

Another subject occupied my childish mind a long time, and wasinvestigated to the extent of the miniature ability I possessed. Andthat was the interesting fact that I discovered one bright eveningwhile looking at the stars, that our house was just in the middle ofthe world; and when we went to grandfather's (a distance of sevenmiles), as soon as it was night, I was out in the yard measuring thedistance by stars, but to my surprise, grandfather's house was just inthe middle. For I tried it all around the house, and went to the barnwith my uncles, and could discover no variation. Consequently I musthave been mistaken at home. But on our return I could not find by thestars but that we were just in the center of creation. Whenever I wentwith my parents to a neighbor's for an evening's visit, my first andforemost thought was to see how far to one side they were. But Ialways found myself just in the center of this great world; just asgrown-up children are prone to think their own nation is ahead in artsand sciences, of all other nations--their own State ahead of all otherStates in moral and intellectual improvements--their own town or city, like Boston, the "hub of the universe. " In fact, _we_ are aboutthe center; our pets more knowing, and our children smarter, than canbe found elsewhere. But as the study of astronomy gives ability tolook upon the vast universe of thousands of worlds much larger thanour own, revolving in their orbits, it develops our intellectualfaculties, and enables us to view the concave appearance of theethereal blue from a standpoint widely differing from the occupancy ofthe center. And when supreme self is melted away by faith in the bloodof the covenant, our spiritual vision becomes clearer and ourminiature minds are expanding, and we learn to make due allowances forthe acts and opinions of others, that we have called peculiar, becausethey do not quite accord with our own usages and tastes. 

In 1815 my father removed with his family to Cambria, Niagara County, Western New York, then a wilderness. Soon after we were settled in ournew home, we lost my baby brother Joseph, which made a deep impressionupon my young heart, and gave me great uneasiness in regard to my ownfuture happiness, should I be taken away. I found great relief, oneday, while listening to a conversation between father and grandfather, as to what age children were responsible to their Creator. Father gavehis opinion that ten years, in the generality of children, is the agethat God would call them to an account for sin. Grandfather said thatwas about the age he thought children were accountable, and allchildren that die previous to that age are happily saved in heaven. "Yes, " said father; "where there is no law there is no transgression. "At this great relief to my troubled heart, I ran out to play with mybrother Harvey, to tell him how long we would be safe, if we shoulddie, for father and grandfather said children that died before theywere ten years old would go to heaven, and I would be safe almost twoyears, and he would be safe a good while longer (as he was two yearsand a half younger than myself). "Oh, yes, " said he; "and Ira will besafe a great many years, 'cause he's little, if he should die aslittle Josie did. " This earliest conviction of sin vanished like themorning cloud. This idea was so deeply embedded in my young mind, thatwhenever I heard of a child's death, my first inquiry was for its age. 

If under ten, I was at ease over its safety; but if over ten years, Iwas distressed unless I could hear of some words from the one takenaway, that would indicate a preparation for the change of worlds. Thevividness of those early childhood impressions are frequent remindersof the importance of giving clear explanations to children, in regardto important religious truths, as their young hearts are much moreimpressible than is generally conceded. 

EARLY IMPRESSIONS OF SLAVERY AND RELIGION. 

During the first six years in our new home, there was no school withinthree miles of us, and all the privilege we enjoyed of this kind was aspelling lesson given daily to three of us, the two little girls ofour nearest neighbor and myself. Our mothers pronounced the words forus alternately, at their house and ours. In this way we spelled ourbook through a number of times. This privilege, with four months inschool previous to leaving Canada, proved a great blessing. As Ipossessed an insatiable thirst for knowledge, I borrowed all the easyreaders I could find in the neighborhood. I was especially interestedin memoirs of children and youth, which increased my frequent desireto become a Christian. I wished to read every book that came within myreach. I read a few of father's books, designed for more mature minds. I became deeply interested in John Woolman's history of the slave-trade, of the capture and cruel middle passage of negroes, and of thethousands who died on their voyage and were thrown into the sea to bedevoured by sharks, that followed the slave-ship day after day. Thepictures of these crowded slave-ships, with the cruelties of the slavesystem after they were brought to our country, often affected me totears; and I often read until the midnight hour, and could not restuntil I had read it twice through. My sympathies became too deeplyenlisted for the poor negroes who were thus enslaved for time toefface. 

The third or fourth I had ever seen of that race was an old mancalled Uncle Jeff. He seemed to serve any one who called upon him forchores, in our little village of Lockport, that grew up as by magicupon the Erie Canal. Uncle Jeff was frequently employed by merchantsto cry off their stale articles on the street. At one time the oldman, whose head was almost as white as wool, was crying, "Gentlemenand ladies' black silk stockin's of all colors for sale, " holdingthem up to view as he passed along the street, followed by a group ofboys crying out, "Nigger, nigger, " and throwing grass and clay athim. At length he turned to these half-grown boys, looking very sad, as he said, "Boys, I am just as God made me, an' so is a toad. " Atthis the boys slunk away; and I felt very indignant in seeing the menwho were standing near only laugh, instead of sharply reproving thoseill-behaved children. 

Another colored man, named Ben, came to our town with a family whoopened an inn. He was employed mostly in the kitchen, and while Benwas asleep on the kitchen floor, some rude boys put a quantity ofpowder in the back of his pants, and placing a slow match to it leftthe room, but watched the process of their diabolical sport through awindow, and soon saw their victim blown up, it was said, nearly tothe ceiling. His hips and body were so badly burned that he was neverable to sit or stoop after this wicked act. He always had to walkwith a cane, and whenever too weary to stand, was compelled to liedown, as his right hip and lower limb were stiffened. Yet littlenotice was taken of this reckless act, but to feed and poorly clothethis life-long cripple, as he went from house to house, because he wasof that crushed and neglected race. 

RELIGIOUS IMPRESSIONS AND EXPERIENCE. 

In the Autumn of my thirteenth year, with our parents' permission, brother Harvey and I attended a little prayer-meeting at our Uncle IraSmith's house, near by. Here was singing, experiences given, withprayer and exhortations, in which young people, as well as those moreadvanced in years, took part. All this was new to me, having neverattended any other meeting than of Friends, usually called Quakers. Myfather being a minister and mother an elder in that denomination, theywere very conscientious in training their children in all the usages, as well as principles, of that sect. At this Methodist prayer-meetinga young girl, but little older than myself, related her experience, and prayed so earnestly for her young associates, that it took a deephold on my mind; and on my way home, on that beautiful evening, Iresolved to seek the Lord until I could know for myself that my sinswere forgiven. Oh, how I wished I was a Christian, as was HannahBosworth. She was so young, and yet she told us how earnestly shesought the Lord, and found Jesus so precious in the forgiveness of hersins. It was said in that meeting that God was no respecter ofpersons, and that I had read in the Bible; and then Jesus had said, "Suffer little children to come unto me, and forbid them not;" "andnow, this very night, I _will_ begin to seek the Lord, and I _never_will give up trying, if it takes as long as I live, until I receive anevidence that I am the Lord's child. I want to realize that peace andjoy those men and women expressed in that meeting. " As all hadretired, I placed a candle in my brother's hand, and hurried him tobed, that I might know positively that no human ear could listen to myfirst attempt to address my Heavenly Father. 

I knelt for the first time in my life, in the rear of our corn crib, but no words could I find for prayer, and a feeling of fear came overme, and I arose to my feet. I looked all around me, but no one was insight; naught but trees and shrubs of the garden below, and theethereal blue, bedecked with the beautiful moon and sparkling stars, above. Is it possible that He who created this beautiful world cannotice a little girl like me? And the thought occurred that I hadbetter wait until I was older. But the remarks to which I had justlistened came vividly before me, and I renewed my resolve to pray toHim who had said, "Suffer little children to come unto me, " and againknelt for prayer; but that feeling of fear increased, until it seemedas if some one was about to place a hand upon my shoulder, and I againfound myself on my feet. But as no one was in sight, I queried whetherthis was not the enemy of my soul, to keep me from prayer, and fellupon my knees a third time, determined to remain in the position ofprayer until my first petition to my Heavenly Father was presented. And the prayer of the publican was repeated over and over again, "Godbe merciful to me a sinner. " These words above all others seemed justfor me. I was a sinner, and mercy was what I wanted. I returned to thehouse with a still more fixed resolve to continue asking, with afirmer purpose never to give over until the evidence of pardoning lovewas mine. As I retired, I knelt by my bedside, and repeated the sameprayer, with a few additional words, imploring the aid of the HolySpirit to teach me the way of life, and penitential tears began toflow. Before I slept my pillow was wet with tears, and was turned fora dry place. As I was reading the Bible through by course, it becamemore of a companion than ever before. 

The next prayer-meeting was attended, and as they knelt during theseason of prayer I felt an impression to kneel with them. But thecross was very great and I did not yield. I thought if I did so itwould be reported to my parents, and they would probably forbid mycoming to these little meetings, which I so highly prized. But thiswas unprofitable reasoning, increasing the burden instead of bringingthe relief sought. I wept on my way home, and in my eveningsupplication renewed my promise to be more faithful, let others do orsay what they would, if the like impression was ever againexperienced. With permission I attended the next prayer-meeting at myuncle's, and, as if to test my faithfulness, two young women of myintimate associates came in, and sat one on each side of me. At thefirst season of prayer, as I did not have that impression, I feltquite at ease, and thankful to my Father in heaven for excusing me. But the next united supplication, I felt that I must unite with themin kneeling, and while one tried to pull me up by the arm, with saying"I'd be a little dunce if I was in thy place, " the other sisterpinched the other arm, "Now, Laura Smith, be a little Methodist, willthee? I'd be ashamed if I was thee; every body will make fun of thee. "But I kept my position and made no reply, but secretly prayed forstrength in my great weakness. But my fears were fully realized. Itwas at once reported that Laura Smith would be a Methodist if allowedby her parents. And for a long time no permission was given to attendthose little prayer-meetings, my parents assigning this reason: "ThisMethodist excitement is unprofitable, especially for children. Theyhave an overheated zeal, that is not according to knowledge, and we donot think it best for thee to attend; we want our children at asuitable age to be actuated by settled principle, not mereexcitement. " This reasoning by my dear father strongly tempted me togive up my resolutions altogether. Until I was eighteen I felt noliberty whatever in unburdening my troubled heart to my dear parents. They were unacquainted with the longings of my poor soul. Like thelone sparrow upon the house-top, I mourned many weeks, sought thesolitary place for reading my Bible, and prayer; often watered mypillow with tears, and longed for the day, and during the day longedfor the night, in which I might pour out my sorrows to my HeavenlyFather out of sight of human eye. I was conscious that my sadness wastroubling my dear parents. Oh! how I prayed for light to dispel thisdarkness and doubt--sometimes ready to conclude that, as it was myduty to obey my parents, the Lord would excuse me in waiting until Iwas of age. Yet in reading the many precious promises of the LordJesus, "Come unto me, all ye that labor and are heavy laden, and Iwill give you rest;" "Seek, and ye shall find, " I found fresh courage. But why do I not find this rest for this weary heart? Why do I notfind the way to seek for the hidden treasure I so much longed for?These queries were continually revolving in my mind, without asatisfactory solution. Sometimes I almost concluded that God was toogood to send the beings he created for his own glory to perdition toall eternity, and all would ultimately be saved; at other times, Icould not reconcile universal salvation with the parable of Lazarusand the rich man, and was ready to conclude that salvation was for theelected few, and there were those who could not be saved, and I wasamong the lost. In one of these seasons, of almost despair, Iventured to attend a Methodist meeting held in a private house, incompany with my uncle. Being at his house, I did not go home forpermission. The minister was a plainly dressed man; the opening hymnwas new to me, but every line seemed especially for me:

 "God moves in a mysterious way, His wonders to perform"

It was read and sung in an impressive manner. The fourth stanza seemedspecially suited to my case:

 "Judge not the Lord by feeble sense, But trust him for his grace; Behind a frowning providence He bides a smiling face. "

This gave new light, new courage, and fresh hope sprang up, likestreaks of the morning sunbeam in the Eastern sky, preluding the fullblaze of the orb of day. The prayer and the text upon which he basedhis remarks were all flowing in the same channel. The exhortation wasto the discouraged and despairing soul to remember that the darkesttime of night was just before the break of day, a remark I had neverbefore heard. I returned home stronger than ever before, and venturedto tell mother of the good sermon preached by Isaac Puffer. But shewas again troubled, and reminded me of those we read of in Scripture, who would compass sea and land to gain one proselyte, that whengained, "were twofold more the child of hell than themselves. " Shealso said that my uncles would be well pleased to have me go withthem. I assured her that neither of my four Methodist uncles had everintimated a word to me on the subject. "But, " said she, "actionssometimes speak louder than words. " This was not designed todiscourage me, but darker than ever was the cloud of unbelief thatfilled my heart. Was Isaac Puffer a child of hell? then there isnothing in religion, with any body. It was all a farce--all mere"overheated zeal, not according to knowledge. " All mere "religiousexcitement. " I well-nigh distrusted all religion, and father's andmother's religion was the same as others, of no value. I had groped myway in midnight darkness, trying to find the true way, when there wasnone. In this despairing state, while on my way to my grandfather's onan errand, I halted to listen to the mournful notes of the forestbirds at my left; I looked upon the field of waving grain at my right, and burst into a flood of tears as I exclaimed, Oh, what a sin-stricken world is this! Every head of wheat is bowed in mourning withpoor me! Is there no balm in Gilead? is there no physician there toheal this sin-stricken world, this sin-sick soul of mine? Like a flashthe answer came, Yes, Jesus is that balm; he shed his own preciousblood for me on Calvary, that I might live now, and for evermore! Yes, the healing balm is applied, and I _am saved!_ Oh, what afountain is opened for cleansing! My peace was like an overflowingriver. It seemed as if I could almost live without breathing--my tearswere brushed away by the breath of heaven. I stood a monument ofamazing mercy, praising God with every breath. All nature praising, instead of mourning as it did a few moments before. O, how changed thescene! The birds now sent forth their notes of praise! The leaves ofthe forest clapped their hands for joy, and the branches waved withpraise! Every head of wheat was now bowed in sweet submission. O, whata leveling of all nations of the earth was this baptism. I had beenprejudiced against the Irish people, as I never had seen one of thatnation until they came to our town, Lockport (as it was then called), by hundreds, to work on the Erie canal, that ran through a part offather's farm; and as they were frequently passing our house drunk, Iwas afraid of them. But now every soul seemed so precious, I thought Icould toil all my life long if I could become instrumental in bringingone soul to the Savior who died to save sinners, though they might bethe greatest drunkards in that or any other nation. Jesus shed hisblood to redeem all who would by faith accept salvation so freelyoffered. The African and Indian races were alike objects of redeeminglove. That was a fathomless fountain. After spending a little time inthis reverie, I went from this hallowed place to accomplish my errand, and met a neighbor, who looked at me earnestly and said, "Laura, what's the matter? are you sick?" "O, no; I'm not sick, " and hurriedon. And the first greeting I received from grandfather was the samequery, who received the same reply. I left for home as soon as theerrand was accomplished, but as I was passing out of the door I met myUncle Americus with the same query, who also received the same answer. Oh, how I wished father and mother could understand me, and theoverwhelming sorrow I had waded through in search of this satisfyingportion. 

If any little differences arose among my younger brothers and sister, all melted away with a word from me. This unalloyed peace remainedwith me a number of days, and when the time arrived for the appointedprayer-meeting at Uncle Ira's, I had a great desire to attend it, andI hoped, by asking for permission to go, mother might ask for myreason. In this I was disappointed with a denial. However, I continuedto pray to Him who owned me as his child, to prepare the way in hisown time. My anxiety increased to do something for my dear Savior, whoindeed was chief among ten thousand. I could drop a few words here andthere, but with great timidity, but nothing of my experience in thisnew life; that was hid with Christ in God. I was anxious to attendthat little prayer-meeting, where my mind first was arrested on thesubject of my soul's best interests. I often dreamed of earnestlypraying or exhorting in that prayer-meeting, and would awaken myselfin the exercise. I had a longing desire to invite to this gospelfeast others, especially my young associates. 

As Isaac Puffer had an appointed meeting at a brother Crane's, half amile distant, on Sabbath at four o'clock P. M. , I asked father forpermission to attend, hoping thereby to find liberty to open my pent-up feelings to my dear parents, who so little understood me. But myhopes were vain. Father said, in reply, "Laura, I want thee never toask me to go to a Methodist meeting again. "

O, what a blow was this for my trembling frame! The door closed moretightly than ever before. Not one word could I utter. I left the room, to find my old resort in the grove, to weep bitter tears ofdisappointment. But widely different was this burden, now resting uponmy heart, from that mountain weight of sin and transgression borne afew weeks previously. I read a few days before of the baptism of theLord Jesus, our perfect pattern. But he came to fulfill. Then I readof Philip and the apostles who baptized after his ascension; and to myyoung and limited understanding I accepted the water baptism as anoutward acknowledgment of the saving baptism of the Holy Ghost. Ifully believed I had received the spiritual baptism, but I greatlydesired to follow the Lord Jesus wherever he might lead. I read"Barclay's Apology" on that subject; yet my childhood mind dwelt muchon what I read in these Bible examples. But to no human being did Ipresent these impressions. And I also found the example of singing, that I believed was _vocal_, as I read, "And they sang a hymn andwent out. " And it seemed right, for the present, for me to unite withthe Methodists, were it not for the opposition of my parents, that Ifelt sure would not exist could they but understand me. It also seemedclearly impressed upon my mind that, if my mind should become clear tounite with that branch of the Christian Church, it would be foreighteen or twenty years at longest. But why not always be my place, if it is my duty now? was a query that I much dwelt upon. I earnestlyprayed that God would send Caleb McComber to us, an intimate friend ofmy parents, and a noted minister among Friends. 

Within a week my heart leaped for joy at the announcement by my fatherthat Caleb McComber was in the neighborhood. 

"What has brought him here at this time? His brother (Dr. Smith) isall right; he has made no trouble of late in drinking, " respondedmother. 

"I do not know, I am sure, what has induced him to come here at thistime, as there is no meeting of business on hand, for him to take thisjourney of nearly a hundred miles to attend, " rejoined father. 

Ah, the Lord has heard and answered prayer! He has heard the cry ofthis poor child "Bless the Lord, O my soul, and forget not all hisbenefits. " I could, with David, praise him with a full heart, andsought a lone place to return thanksgiving and praise to him who hadso signally answered my petition, and was confident that the same All-seeing Eye and Directing Hand would prepare the way for the desiredinterview. 

The following day being the Sabbath, we listened to a sermon by CalebMcComber that was thought very singular at that day for a Friend. Histext was 1 Corinthians xii, 6 and 7; "And there are diversities ofoperations, but it is the same God which worketh all in all. " Hereferred to the diversities of denominations, that were as familiescomposing the one true Church. And in this diversity of operationsthere were those whose impressions of duty were clearly given inregard to complying with outward ordinances, water baptism and theLord's-supper; and if these impressions were not complied with, a losswould be sustained in spiritual life. And he exhorted to faithfulnessin obeying our Lord and Master. This discourse appeared as directlyaddressed to this trembling child as did that of Isaac Puffer. 

At the close of the meeting, said one of the elders to another, "Didthou ever hear just such a sermon from a Friend? I thought it soundedlike a Presbyterian discourse. " Said another: "What ails Caleb to-day. I thought he preached like a Methodist. " While these remarks were madeI felt confident we had listened to a message from the Great Head ofthe true Church by his servant. 

As he dined with our nearest neighbor, in company with his half-brother, Dr. Isaac Smith, and wife, we all walked in company nearly toour home, and the two young women invited me to call. I accepted, withthe excuse, for a drink of water (hoping for an opportunity of tellingthat good man that I desired to have a talk with him, and for thatpurpose would call after dinner). 

But while waiting for the glass of water, said Caleb McComber, "Child, how old art thou?"

The reply was, "Thirteen. "

"I want thee to tell thy father and mother to come I here at threeo'clock this afternoon, and I want thee to come with them. "

I gladly performed my errand, and at three P. M. We were there. Aftera little space of silence he addressed the heads of families present, then directed his remarks to us (the two young women and myself), atfirst rather general. Then he said: "I want to say to one of you thatthou hast passed through an experience far beyond thy years; thou hastknown what it was to ask for deliverance from sorrow and darkness, andthou hast also known what it was to receive the answer of peace fromthy Heavenly Father that the world knows not of. Hold fast that thouhast received, that no man take thy crown. Be faithful in the little, and more will be given. Bear in mind that little things are littlethings, but to be faithful in little things is something great. "

With exhortations to faithfulness and encouragement, this was to me anundoubted evidence that He whose ear is ever open to the cry of hischildren had most signally answered prayer in this clear and definitesearching of my heart. Very near and dear was that faithful nursing-father brought to this little child's heart. With all freedom, I couldhave related to him the obstacles that appeared in the way of dutywith me. But at that hour my feelings were too deep for utterance. Instead of remaining longer, as was my impression, I returned homewith my parents, with the view of returning for a more privateinterview when I could better command my feelings. 

When about to return, I began to reason over the propriety of goingback. Certainly that good man had said all I could ask, both in hissermon and in the religious opportunity in the family. And now theremight be danger of going too far. And there are those two young women, who made sport of me in that prayer-meeting, where I knelt whileothers led in prayer. Now they would make more sport than ever, asthere are so many there I could not speak to him without their knowingit, and I shrank from going. I feared John Bunyan's "lions in theway;" but if I had been faithful I would have found them chained, aswere his. For it was hard for me to give up the more privateinterview, as I was very anxious to secure an interview between thatminister and my dear parents, as I was sure he understood me muchbetter than they. But I neglected my duty in this. O, how weak washuman nature!

I had previously thought I would never again offend my loving Savior, but would follow him through evil as well as good report. O, howprecious his cleansing blood appeared to me! It seemed as if the dropsthat fell in his agony in the Garden of Gethsemane possessed power tocleanse a world of sin and pollution. Yet I was not faithful in thelittle. Although my parents never after forbade my going to aMethodist or any other meeting, yet I saw it grieved them as Ifrequently attended those prayer-meetings, but never to the neglect ofour own, and was often impressed to speak or offer prayer, but did notyield. I found, to my sorrow, that these omissions produced poverty ofsoul, and often cried, "O, my leanness! my leanness!" In secret manytears were shed over the loss of that joy that had been my experience. 

Little by little the candle of the Lord that shone so brightly becamedim, and at the close of one year I sought the society of the gay andmirthful, more effectually to drown my bitter regrets for havingturned aside from the path so clearly marked out for me. I fullyrealized that the dark cloud overshadowing me was the result ofdisobedience. 

In company with a few of my companions, I attended the funeral of aninfant in our town. The service was conducted by a Baptist minister, who had just come into the place. There was nothing in his remarksthat attracted my special attention. After the meeting closed, andpeople were leaving, the minister passed on a little distance, andturned back, as if something had been forgotten. Pressing through thecrowd, he ascended the porch, and came directly to me, lookingearnestly at me, as he reached his hand for mine, saying:

"I felt as if I could not leave this place without asking this youngwoman a few questions. Have you ever experienced religion?"

This came upon me like a clap of thunder, he, being an entirestranger, asking a question I never had occasion to answer. Ihesitated, as I had never intimated a word of my experience to anyhuman being. My first thought was to deny, but like a flash came thewords of Jesus, "He that denieth me before men, him will I also denybefore my Father and his holy angels. No; I can not--I will not, though I die. With this thought I frankly replied:

"I think I have. "

"Do you now enjoy it?"

"I do not"

This relieved me from the dilemma of being a disgrace to the cause ofChrist, as a number of my gay companions were with me, also thoseChristian young people to whom I had listened with interest in prayerand exhortations. But searching remarks from him followed. Stillholding my hand, he said:

"You have known of earnest pleading for the pardon of sin; and youhave known what it was to rejoice, as your prayers were answered. Youhave known your duty, and did it not, and have brought yourself intodarkness. Do not occupy this dangerous ground longer. Return to jourfirst love. Do your first work over; and He who is abundant in mercywill again accept you. May God grant his blessing upon you! Good bye. "

And he left me bathed in tears. 

These earnest words reopened the many wounds that many neglectedduties had made. I could not doubt but Elder Winchell was as trulysent from God to deliver this message as was Caleb McComber, for whomI prayed in my distress. But now the Holy Spirit had sought me out, unasked for, to warn me of the danger in the effort to occupy neutralground, as I had concluded to do until I was of age. I saw moreclearly that I was responsible to my Savior, who had done great thingsfor me, whereof I did rejoice with exceeding great joy. 

Again my Bible became my daily companion, with prayer for my Savior'sdirecting hand. But my parents were again troubled, as those firstimpressions returned in full force. I intimated my condition of mindto my parents, but, with my natural timidity, not as freely as Iought. They still attributed these impressions to the influence of myMethodist uncles, and considered their duty was to place theserestraints upon their child. Father and mother had requested to becomemembers of the Friends' Society while three of their children wereunder seven years, and requested for us, making us equivalent tobirthright members, according to the usage of our Society. From thetime of my Christian experience, I was never in sympathy with thesystem of birthright membership. I believed it to be a source ofweakness, instead of spiritual life in this or any other Christianbody, and that all members of the Church militant should become unitedby a heart-felt experience. I fully realized the loss I was warned toshun by yielding to the earnest desires of my dear parents, who wereconscientious in their restraint. They said, in after years, that theywere laboring under a mistake, as was their timid child, in not morefaithfully following those early impressions of duty. I was notfaithful in the little, consequently more was withheld. My greatmistake was the lack of faith, in not fully returning to my Father'shouse, where the little wandering prodigal would have been received, and the new best robe again granted, and the rough way would have beenmade smooth, and the impassable mountain that seemed to rise so highwould have melted away before the life-giving beams of the Sun ofrighteousness. But I yielded to my timidity, and the conclusion wasreached to live a quiet Christian life, with my Bible and secretcommuning with my dear Lord and Savior in secret prayer, as I couldnot give up a strictly religious life. But dimly did die lamp of lifeburn, compared with its former brightness. 

The greatest source of retrograding in the divine life isunfaithfulness in the performance of known duty. Many of the cloudsthat overshadow us we bring by withholding more than is meet, and ittends to poverty of soul. The talent committed to our charge is to beoccupied, and is always doubled when occupied by its possessor; but, as I saw many, in whom I had confidence as living a quiet Christianlife--and this was more congenial to my natural feeling--I reached theconclusion to make my Bible and secret prayer my companions as long asI lived, and a Christian life in the Society of my parents' choice. 

At the early age of sixteen I became acquainted with Charles Haviland, Jr. , a young man who was acquainted with the Savior's pardoning love, whose father and mother were both acknowledged ministers in theSociety of Friends. From him I accepted a proposition of marriage, andon the 3d of 11th month, 1825, our marriage was consummated atFriends' Meeting, in Lockport, Niagara County, New York, according tothe usage of Friends. The following Spring we commenced housekeepingin our own home, in Boyalton Township, nine miles east of Lockport, and my dear parents and family removed to Michigan Territory. Althoughparting from them was severe, yet with my young and devoted husband Iwas contented and happy as was possible to be, with so many remindersof the cloud that rested over me in my spiritual horizon, with all myconstant striving for its removal. Phoebe Field, an eminent ministeramong Friends, appointed a meeting in our neighborhood, in which shedwelt upon the necessity of receiving daily nourishment from the trueand living Vine to become fruit-bearing branches, and remarked thatthere were those whose religious experience seemed divergent from themanner in which they were brought up, and through unfaithfulness hadwell-nigh lost sight of the highway of holiness, in the mistaken viewof neutrality, when there was not an inch of such ground all the wayfrom years of responsibility to the grave. We are gathering withChrist or scattering abroad. This earnest discourse so clearly definedmy own condition, that I renewed my many broken vows, and was almostpersuaded to yield the unsubdued will, and hope was indulged that theFather of unbounded mercy, in his illimitable love, would again revealhimself in breaking the bread of life. 

September, 1829, we removed to Michigan Territory, and settled inRaisin, Lenawee County, within three miles of my parents, brothers, and sister, with our two little sons, to share with others theprivations of a new country, as well as advantages of cheap land. Asthere were a number of our Society in this vicinity, a Friends'Meeting was organized, in which we all had an interest, and endeavoredto maintain it in the usual order of our Society. But no true peacewas mine, I was still a wanderer from the true Church militant. I onceknew the good Shepherd's voice, but was now too far away to recognizeit. In these sad remembrances I sought a subterfuge behind which tohide in a false rest. Eagerly I read a book on that subject, and drankits plausible arguments without stint. It was a panacea, a temporaryopiate to quiet the vacillating condition of a restless mind; yet myBible was not laid aside, and many portions of Scripture werevigilantly brought to prove this specious error to be a radical truth;and two years in this dead faith I lived a dying life. But I found myinvestigations were not for the whole truth, but was dwelling upon thelove and benevolence of God to the exclusion of justice as anattribute of the Lord, as well as mercy, and decided to accept thewhole truth, and abide its searchings; and sought for it in thewritten Word diligently, as for hidden treasures In reading Paul'sepistle to the Hebrews, chapter vi, I found, "It is impossible forthose who were once enlightened and have tasted of the heavenly gift, and were made partakers of the Holy Ghost, and have tasted of the goodWord of God, and the powers of the world to come, if they shall fallaway, to renew them again to repentance, seeing they crucify tothemselves the Son of God afresh, and put him to an open shame. " Oh, how these words thrilled my whole being! Again and again they werereviewed. No Hope! no hope for a lost soul like mine! were likeburning coals upon my poor heart. I was once enlightened and tasted ofthe heavenly gift; but how dark have been these years. Oh! how soondid the lamp of life become dim through disobedience. I can neveragain drink of that fountain of love that once filled my soul tooverflowing. But I had fallen away, and could never again be renewed, having crucified to myself the Son of God afresh, and put him to anopen shame, by not honoring such a glorious Redeemer, as was my ownpersonal Savior. O, what delusion to have indulged in the vain hopethat I was serving him in a silent, quiet life, and then cover overall this unrest with the idea that God was too abundant in mercy tocast off any for whom he died to save. Day and night this terriblethought followed me for months, "I am a lost soul! irretrievably lost. No hope! Eternally lost!"

As I had never intimated to my dear companion the vacillatingcondition of mind, and the effort in finding rest, neither should hebe troubled with the knowledge that his wife was a lost soul; neithershould our little ones on arriving to years of religious understandingever know that their mother was a lost soul. The midnight hour oftenwitnessed many bitter tears of regret over the awful thought. So nearperfect despair, I looked upon beast, bird, or even the most loathsomereptile, and grudged their happiness of living and dying withoutresponsibility. These sad forebodings seriously affected my health, and my anxious husband and parents feared some serious disease waspreying upon me. I sometimes thought the sooner I sank into the gravethe better, as my doom must be met. O, that I could but claim theprivilege of the prodigal, in returning to the Father's house, and ofbeing accepted, though a great way off. O that I never had been born!O that I had followed that loving Savior's voice, so often clearlyheard. It is now too late, too late! O that I had returned to my firstlove when within my reach. But I rejected the teaching of the HolySpirit, and justly am I now rejected. In this distressing despair Iopened a little book--the Christian experience of one whose exercisesof the mind traced through my own experience, even to my presentdespairing state, as nearly as I could have related it in my ownwords. Through the instrumentality of a similar experience inanother, who was restored and was long a useful Christian, I wasencouraged to return, and found the healing balm. Never can I forgetthe thrill of joy that ran through my whole being as I laid aside thatlittle book. I saw that I had misapprehended the meaning of thepassages of Scripture that seemed to describe my condition, and thatserved to confirm my despair. I saw that those referred to, had so farfallen, and so often rejected the Holy Spirit's teachings, as not torealize their condition, and therefore lost sight of the necessity ofa Redeemer. This was not, nor ever had been, my condition. Then I readEsau's seeking the blessing, "carefully with tears, " that I had alsolong dwelt upon as my condition. Here, too, was a vivid thought, thathe sought the lost blessing to subserve self, instead of glorifyingGod. Here the bright star of hope pierced through the cloud. Is itpossible that I can go with confidence to that Father who has so longborne with this unbelieving, doubting, rebellious child? Why has henot cut off this cumberer of the ground long ago? His long-sufferingand unbounded mercy, O how free! how unfathomable! With many tears ofgratitude, mingled with new hope, new aspirations, the bright beam ofday radiating from every promise, I could now fully accept the LordJesus as my mediator and restorer. By faith, I could fully trust thepoor prodigal in his hand. O, what losses we sustain through unbelief. I have felt most easy in leaving my experience on record, as a warningto young Christians to shun the depth of despair into which I tankthrough unfaithfulness and unbelief. "By grace ye are saved, throughfaith. " Increasing faith, strength, and peace, with restored health, was my rich experience. 

ANTI-SLAVERY WORK. 

Our family, with others, united with Elizabeth Margaret Chandler, whoorganized in our neighborhood the first anti-slavery society in ourState. This was unsatisfactory to the ruling portion of our Society, as it had cleared its skirts many years ago by emancipating all slaveswithin its pale. Elizabeth M. Chandler was of the Hicksite division ofFriends, and as Presbyterians and other religious denominations cameinto our anti-slavery society, meetings were frequently opened withprayer, and that was thought to be "letting down the principles ofancient Friends. " And the subject of slavery was considered tooexciting for Friends to engage in, by many Friends of that day. Ibegan to query whether it would not be a relief to me, and also to myfriends, to become disconnected with that body, as I saw clearly mypath of duty would not be in accordance with the generality of ourSociety. After making it a subject of earnest prayer, I became settledas to the course to pursue, and concluded to unburden my heavy heartto my parents as I had done, to my beloved companion, which I didafter our Sabbath meeting. We mingled our tears together. Fatherreferred, to the same proscribing spirit they exercised over me in myearly experience, that was now exercised over them. Father and motherwished me to defer sending in my request to become disconnected withour Society, as they, too, might think best to pursue the same course. This was a severe trial for each of us. Father had been anacknowledged minister of the Gospel nearly thirty years, and motheroccupied the station of an elder nearly the same time. We, too, hadbecome active members in this branch of the Christian Church. But theconclusion was fully reached within two months after our littleconference over this important step, and the following letter ofresignation was sent to our business meeting:

"We, the undersigned, do say there is a diversity of sentimentexisting in the Society on the divine authority of the HolyScriptures, the resurrection of the dead, and day of judgment, justification by faith, the effect of Adam's fall upon his posterity, and the abolition of slavery, which has caused a disunity amongst us;and there being no hope of a reconciliation by investigation, ministers being told by ruling members that there is to be no othertest of the soundness of their ministry but something in their ownbreasts, thus virtually denying the Holy Scriptures to be the test ofdoctrine;--we, therefore, do wish quietly to withdraw from the MonthlyMeeting, and thus resign our right of membership with the Society ofFriends. "

This resignation was signed by Daniel Smith, Sene Smith, CharlesHaviland, Jun. , Laura S. Haviland, Ezekiel Webb, Sala Smith, andfourteen others. A few returned, but the greater united with otherChristian bodies, A few months after this there was a division in theMethodist Episcopal Church, on account of slavery. They were calledWesleyan Methodists. As this branch of our Father's family was thenearest our own views, we were soon united with them. Ourtestifications from Friends were said by other denominations to hesufficient to be accepted as Church letters, as our offenses namedtherein were "non-attendance of meetings for discipline, and attendingmeetings not in accordance with the order of our Society. " This wasthe import of nearly or quite all who were disowned of our company. Atthat day, all were dealt with as offenders, and were regularlydisowned, as our discipline at that time made no provisions forwithdrawals. About a year after this, the yearly meeting of Friends inIndiana divided on the subject of slavery. No slavery existed in thesociety; yet its discussion was deemed improper, and created disunitysufficient for severing that body for a number of years, when theywere invited to return, without the necessity of acknowledgments. 

About this time we opened a manual labor school on our premises, designed for indigent children. With that object in view, we took ninechildren from our county house (Lenawee), and I taught them, with ourfour children of school age, four hours each day. The balance of theday was divided for work and play. The girls I taught house-work, sewing, and knitting. The boys were taken into the farm work by myhusband and brother Harvey Smith. As our county superintendents of thepoor gave us no aid, we found our means insufficient to continue ourwork on this plane. After one year of this work we secured homes forthe nine children, except two invalids, who were returned to thecounty house. We then placed our school on a higher plane, on theOberlin plan of opening the school for all of good moral character, regardless of sex or color. At that day (1837) there was not a schoolin our young State that would open its door to a colored person. Andas my brother, Harvey Smith, had attended the Oberlin Institute, heunited with us in this enterprise, and sold his new farm of onehundred and sixty acres, and expended what he had in erectingtemporary buildings to accommodate about fifty students. The class ofstudents was mostly of those designing to teach. Our principals werefrom Oberlin during the first twelve years of the "Raisin Institute. "The first three years it was conducted by P. P. Roots and his wife, Anna B. , who were excellent Christians. When they left, to open asimilar institution at West Point, Lee County, Iowa, John Patchinbecame their successor, and conducted the school with equal abilitythree years. After uniting in marriage with a teacher in Oberlin, hewas assisted by his wife. These thorough teachers earned for ourinstitute the name of being one of the best in our State. Studentswere sought for teachers in our own and adjoining counties. Althoughour abolition principles were very unpopular at that day, as wegenerally had from one to three colored students in our school, yetthe thorough discipline given in the studies drew the young people ofthe best intellect from the surrounding country. There were those whocame from fifty to one hundred miles to prepare for teaching or for acollegiate course. Hundreds of young people who enjoyed the privilegesour school afforded came to us with their prejudices against coloredpeople and our position in regard to them; but they soon melted away, and went they knew not where. It was frequently said if we would giveup the vexed abolition question, and let the negroes alone, RaisinInstitute would become the most popular school in the State. 

As a sample of many others, I will notice a young lady from JacksonCounty, who was brought to us by her father to become qualified forteaching. But her sensibilities were so shocked at meeting in hergrammar-class a colored man that she returned to her room weeping overher disgrace, and resolved to write her father to come and take herhome immediately. But the other young women persuaded her to attendthe recitations assigned her, when to her surprise the same youngcolored man was in the advanced arithmetic class. And whileimpatiently waiting for her father to come and take her from this"nigger school" (as she and many others called it), a letter came fromhim advising her to remain, as he had expended so much in fitting herfor two or three terms there; although if he had known that a negrowould have been allowed to attend her class he would not have takenher there. She soon became reconciled, and before a half-term closed, when she threatened to leave at all events (as she read her father'sletter), she came to that colored man to assist her in intricateparsing lessons. Before the close of the first term she as frequentlyapplied to James Martin, her colored classmate, for assistance insolving difficult problems in mathematics as to any of the others. Shewas one of our best students; but this deep-rooted prejudice went, sheknew not how, as with very many others. 

As to religious privileges in our school, our prayer-meetings wereheld bi-weekly, Sabbath and Wednesday evenings, and ministers ofvarious denominations frequently appointed meetings in our school onthe Sabbath. While the Rev. John Patchin had charge of the institutionhe generally preached Sabbath evening, instead of the prayer-meeting. 

In the third year of our school our two older sons made a professionof religion, with a number of other students, which was cause of greatrejoicing. Surely, we were blessed above measure. Within two yearsafter we were blessed with another shower of divine favor in theconversion of our two older daughters. Not unfrequently were thesefour children's voices uplifted in vocal supplication at the familyaltar. We were surely repaid more than a hundred-fold for all ourtoiling, and heavy burdens borne in founding Raisin Institute. As thefleeing fugitive ever found a resting-place and cheer in our home, werichly earned the cognomen of "nigger den;" yet Heaven smiled andblessed our work. We had many sympathizing friends in the Society fromwhich we were disconnected as members, even with those who had deemedus too radical. There was unity with us in our work that brought ustogether in after years. 

CHAPTER II. 

BEREAVEMENTS. 

Our last chapter left us rejoicing in success, but how soon diddeepest sorrow take its place. A dream seemed sent to prepare me forthe severe ordeal so near at hand. I thought I was standing in ourfront yard looking eastward and an angel sitting on a bay horseappeared in the place of the sun's rising, coming to earth on somemission, gliding over the tree tops toward our house, where werefather, mother, my sister Phoebe, and my husband, who held in hisarms our little babe. I started to inform them that an angel wascoming to earth on some errand, when his advance was so rapid I waslikely to lose sight of him, and halted to watch his flight. He seemedto alight in our yard near me, and smiled as he said, "Follow thoume. " "I will, " I responded, as soon as I bid Charles and our folksfarewell. The beautiful personage assumed a firmer tone, as he said, "Let the dead bury their dead, but follow thou me. " At this command Iresponded, "I will, " and followed him to the graveyard, where he leftme. And I awoke with that angelic figure, with that sweet, yet solemn, voice ringing in my ear. 

I related the dream, with its clear impression in my mind, to myhusband, who replied, "That is a significant dream, and I thinkindicates death. I think we shall be called to part with our infantdaughter Lavina; and it is quite evident that consumption is fasthastening our sister Phoebe to her long home. " She was my own sister, who married my husband's brother, Daniel Haviland. He continued hisremarks, by making suggestions as to the course we would feel it bestto pursue about a burying-place for our little daughter, in case of arefusal of Friends to allow a plain marble slab, with her name anddate of birth and death in their burying-ground; and suggested thecorner of our orchard as a pleasant place, to which I assented. Afterspending half an hour in this conversation, he went out to his work. Iprayed for my Savior's hand to lead me in whatever trial it wasnecessary for me to pass through. 

Little did I think of the heavier stroke which was first to fall. Afew days after this dream I was charging myself with being visionary;yet a few of these most impressive dreams, I believe, have beendesigned for our instruction. My husband was seized with a heavycold, accompanied by a severe cough, that was increasing; yet he wasable to be about the house and barn, giving directions, as to outdoorwork, but nothing appeared alarming, when I was aroused by a startlingdream of a coffin being brought into our front room by four men, ofwhom I inquired who was dead. The answer was, "A connection of yours. ""I want to see him, for that coffin appears to be for a small man, "was my reply. "He is a small man, " was the rejoinder, "and you shallsee him. " Upon this, the closed coffin was brought to me, and I aroseand followed the pall-bearers to the graveyard. As the people werestanding around the open grave to see the coffin lowered, I saw alittle child standing on the very edge of the grave opposite to me. Iexclaimed, "Do take that child away, for it will cave into the graveafter its father!" At that instant the light sand under its feet gaveway, and, as it struck the coffin, the loud, hollow sound awoke me, trembling as with a fit of ague, and with the strong impression that Iwas soon to part with my beloved companion and infant daughter, although both were sweetly sleeping by my side. With this thrillthrough my whole being, I resorted to prayer for their restoration tohealth, if consistent with the divine will. 

Although my husband had enjoyed good health a number of years, and hadnot for seven years previously called upon a physician, yet I nowresolved to persuade him to call for one at once. As the clock struckfour, and as I was leaving the bed to light the fire, my husbandawoke, and said he had enjoyed the most refreshing sleep he had hadsince taking this cold, and felt so well he thought he soon should berid of it. Whenever I spoke the chattering of my teeth revealed myagitation, and he expressed fear lest I should be ill from the hardchill. But little did he understand the upheavings of my troubledheart. Soon a severe paroxysm of coughing gave the opportunity tosuggest the idea of sending for a physician. At length he consented, as he said, to please me, as he thought this cough would soon giveway. But while I went to our boy's study room to awaken our son Harveyto go for the doctor, a severe pain in the region of the lungs wascutting every breath. 

The doctor was soon with us, but he thought there were no discouragingsymptoms apparent. I seat for Father Haviland, who also thought, asdid the doctor, that I was unreasonably troubled; but during thefollowing night he expressed doubts of recovery himself, and requestedhis will to be written, which was done. As his fever increased, greateffort was made to control our feelings in his presence. At one time, as he awoke, he discovered fast-falling tears, and said: "Do not weepfor me, my dear wife; remember those beautiful lines:

 'God moves in mysterious way, His wonders to perform. '

We are not to

 'Judge the Lord by feeble sense, But trust him for his grace; Behind a frowning providence He hides a smiling face'

Our separation will be short at longest. Then we shall be reunitedwhere there is no sorrow--no more dying--in that glorious home. Twodays ago there seemed a little cloud; but prayer was answered, and thecloud was all removed. The overshadowing now is that of peace andlove. " He called for the children. Looking upon us all, he said, "O, how dear you all are to me!" Calling each by name, he gave advice andexhortations as none but a departing husband and father could leavewith his family--a legacy more precious than all the golden treasuresof earth. Then he added: "I want you, my dear children, to promise methat you will meet your father in heaven. Will you meet me there?"Taking our little babe in his hands, he kissed it and said, "Dearlittle Lavina will soon be with her father, " and closed with theprayer: "O Lord, I commit my dear wife and children into thy bands. Thou art the widow's God, and a loving Father to fatherless children. "

The words of the dying Christian, beginning

 "What's that steals, that steals upon my frame? Is it death-is it death?"

were sung by his bedside, and as the last line, "All is well-all is well, "

was reached, he raised his hands, and repeated, "O, hallelujah to theLamb!" Then, turning to me, be added, "My dear, I want these linessung at my funeral. " His last words were, "Come, Lord Jesus, thyservant is ready, " and with a sweet smile his happy spirit was waftedhome, March 13, 1845. 

His disease was inflammatory erysipelas, at that time entirely new, and not understood by our physicians. It passed through our portion ofthe State, a sweeping epidemic, in the Spring of 1845, and provedfatal in most cases. My dear mother, who was with us during this weekof sorrow, was taken home with the same disease, and in one week herhappy spirit took its flight to God who gave it. She, too, left us hithe triumphs of faith. She had not left us an hour before brotherDaniel came for me to go to his dying wife, as she was calling formother, and he did not dare inform her that mother was dangerouslyill. I took my little emaciated babe upon a pillow, and went to mydear sister, who was so soon to leave us. Her first query was, "How isour dear mother?"

"Mother is a happy spirit in heaven, " was the reply, "and sisterPhoebe will soon meet her there. "

Her reply was: "It is well; but I had hoped to meet her once more inthis world--yet we'll soon meet, to part no more forever. She soonfollowed brother Charles; but I trust we will all meet one day, anunbroken band. O how I wish I could see brother Ira!" an absentbrother for whom she had often expressed great anxiety in regard tohis spiritual and everlasting welfare. 

The same burden of soul for the same brother had also rested on theheart of our sainted mother, whose funeral took place two days later. Within one week sister Phoebe died in peace. Here was the third waveof sorrow rolling over us. 

From this house of mourning I was removed to my home with the samedisease that had taken my husband and mother; and a number of ourneighbors Were going the same way. My father and father-in-law thoughtme dangerously ill-chills and fever, with stricture of the lungs, thatmade respiration painful. They were very anxious to have the best helpthat could be obtained at once; "for, " said father, "what is done forthee must be done quickly" I told him that every one who had beentaken with this disease had died, as physicians of each school did notunderstand it. But I would return to my home, as they suggested; butfelt most easy to trust myself with water treatment, and would like totake a shower-bath every two hours, and try that treatment twelvehours. This was done, and every bath brought relief to respiration, and my lungs became entirely free, though my neck and throat werestill badly swollen and inflamed. Cold applications, frequentlyapplied, soon overcame that difficulty, and in three days the diseaseseemed entirely conquered. 

A relapse from taking cold, however, threw me into a stupor; but I wasaroused by an expression of a neighbor, as he said: "She is notconscious, and never will be, unless something is done; and if shewere a sister of mine a doctor would be here as soon as I could bringhim. "

"I will see if I can get an expression from her, " said my brotherHarvey. 

"If we can only learn mother's wish it shall be granted, " said myanxious son Harvey. 

As I heard their remarks a strong impression came over me that if Iwere placed in charge of a physician I should not live two days, butif I could tell them to shower my head and neck often I would recover. As I looked upon my anxious fatherless children around my bed I madean effort to speak, but my parched and swollen tongue could not forsome time utter a word. The answer to earnest prayer came from Him whonumbers even the very hairs of our head. As my brother took my hand, saying, "If you wish a physician press my hand, or if you wish watertreatment move your head on the pillow, " I could not move my head inthe least, and my only hope was to say no. When asked if I wished adoctor sent for, I prayed that my tongue might utter words ofdirection for the sake of my fatherless children, and said, "No. "

"Do you want cold compresses, or shall we gently shower over a thincloth on the swollen and inflamed portion of your neck and head?"

"Shower. "

"Cold or tepid?"

"Well. "

"If you mean well-water, how much?"

"Big pitcher. "

"How often?"

"Twenty minutes. "

Said my son Harvey, "It shall be done, if I sit by her every minuteto-night"

I felt a positive impression that my Heavenly Father had answered myprayer directly, and granted an assurance, in the token of recovery, and I praised the Lord for his "loving kindness, O, how free. " Withthis assurance I fell back in a stupor, except a dreamy consciousnessof their showering, which was faithfully done, with the assistance ofmy brother. At twelve o'clock I awoke, and inquired where all thepeople were that filled the room a little while before, and wassurprised to learn the hour of night. They said, as my breathingbecame more natural, the neighbors had left and the children retired. 

I could speak easily, and the purple appearance of the skin haddisappeared. In the morning the pain was entirely gone, but thesoreness was still severe. But with frequent changes of compressesduring the day, the swelling very much subsided. I wondered why fatherdid not come, as he had not been to see me since sister Phoebe'sfuneral. My brother informed me that he had a chill during thefuneral, and had not been able to leave. As he had a few fits of theague some weeks previously, I supposed it was a return of thatdisease. The day following brother Sala came, and in reply to myinquiry after my father, said he was no better, but sent me a requestto be very careful of myself, and hoped I would soon recover, and leftin seeming haste to see brother Patchin. But I sent for him to comeand tell me more about father. He soon came with brother Patchin andbrother Dolbeare. He then told me that father had the same diseasethat had taken my husband and our mother, and he also said that it wasfather's request that for the sake of my large family of children, whowere recently bereft of their father, that I would give up the idea ofcoming to see him. 

But I could not be satisfied without going to see my dear father oncemore, and yet, the pleading of my dear children was almost too much toforego. "We have just lost our father; now what should we do if ourmother should be taken from us?" "But if I am rolled in quilts andlaid on a bed in the wagon, I am confident I can be taken to father'shouse safely"--distant nearly three miles. In this way I was taken tomy dying father, though unable to walk across the room withoutassistance. As soon as he learned of my coming, he directed them tolay me on the bed until I was rested. In a few minutes he sent them tobring me to him. As my son and brother led me to his bedside, heplaced the cold purple fingers over my pulse, and said, "I am so gladto see thee, but I feared it would be too much for thee to bear. Thereis a little feverish excitement about thee yet. I am more concernedfor thee than for the rest of my children, on account of thy largefamily, that will so much need their mother's counsel and care. I wantto say to thee, Look up to the widow's God for guidance, for wisdomfrom him is so much needed, with the heavy responsibilities nowresting upon thee. Do not allow these bereavements to crush thy feebleframe. I have feared they had already seriously affected thy health. Iknow thy anxiety to bring up thy children in the nurture andadmonition of the Lord. And he will grant ability to lead them to theLamb of God, who shed his precious blood for us all. " With otheradvice, he became weary, and said, "Now take her back to the otherroom, and lay her on the bed until rested. " And during the few hourshe lived he frequently sent for me to talk a few minutes at a time, watching my pulse each time, until within a few moments of the lastfarewell to earth. 

There were six of his children present, to whom he gave his farewellblessing, leaving a bright evidence that all was well with him. "In methere is no merit. I am fully trusting in the merit of my crucifiedSavior, who shed his own precious blood for my redemption. I can saywith Job, 'I know that my Redeemer lives, ' and because he lives Ishall live also. " His last words, almost with his last breath, were, "Here she comes, " and left this tabernacle for the building not madewith hands, eternal in the heavens. Father and mother were lovely intheir lives, and in their death were only two weeks divided. It seemedthat my last earthly prop was gone. Three weeks later my youngestchild followed her father and grandparents to the spirit home. Withinsix weeks, five of my nearest and dearest ones were taken from me. 

There was hardly a family within two miles of us but was bereft of oneor two loved ones by this epidemic. Five widows (myself included) atone time were standing around the death-bed of a near neighbor. Ourfemale principal at that time, Emily Galpin, was taken with thisepidemic, and died after three days' illness. A few hours previous toher death she requested a season of prayer, in which her husband, Rev. Charles Galpin, led. Her prospect was bright, and, clearly foreseeingthe ransomed throng she was soon to join, said she, "Oh! how vain, howtransitory, does all earthly treasure appear at this hour--a merebubble upon the water. " About a half an hour before she left us, shesaid, "Hark! don't you hear that beautiful music? Oh! what music; Inever heard anything like it! Don't you hear it?" "No, we do not hearit. " Being in an ecstasy, she exclaimed, "Look at that heavenly choir. Don't you see them? Don't you hear that sweetest of all music?" "We donot see them nor hear them. " "There--they have left. " A few minutesbefore her happy spirit took its flight, she again looked up veryearnestly. "There they are again. Oh, how sweet! how beautiful!" Andtaking leave of her husband and two children, sister and brother-in-law, and of all present, committing her dear ones to the keeping ofthe Lord Jesus, with the request that the two lines, "Rock of Ages, cleft for me, Let me hide myself in thee, "

be placed upon the marble slab to mark her resting place, she fellasleep in Jesus. 

Such fatality never before, nor since, visited Raisin as is 1845. Inthose days of sorrow commingled with the rest of faith, that broughtpeace and joy even in affliction, my only reliance was the widow'sGod, for wisdom I so much needed in the double responsibilities nowresting upon me. 

After the death of my sweet babe, twenty-two months of age, and myrestoration to health, I looked over amounts of indebtedness withdates when due. I made an estimate of costs of harvesting andmarketing the twenty acres of wheat and other grains, and what must beretained for family use; and found I would be able to reach only abouthalf the amount due the following Autumn. I called on all ourcreditors within reach to inform them of probabilities, unless I couldfind sale for a portion of the stock. But none of the creditors wantedany of it. Said one, to whom the largest amount was due, "You do notthink of taking your husband's business and carrying it forward, doyou?" I replied, "I thought of trying to do the best I could with it. "With a look of surprise, he said firmly, "You are very much mistaken, Mrs. Haviland; you can not do any such thing; you had much betterappoint some man in whom you have confidence to transact your businessfor you. " I informed him I had seven minor children left me, and Ifound seven hundred dollars of indebtedness, and it would cost moneyto hire an agent Then, I ought to know just where I stand, to enableme to look closely to expenditures. "Well, you can try it, but you'llfind your mistake before six months have passed, and you'll see youhad better have taken my advice. " I knew I was not accustomed tobusiness of this sort. All the other creditors whom I had seen spokevery kindly. Although these words were not unkindly spoken, yet theywere saddening to my already sad heart. 

I was too timid to go to the probate judge with any sort of ease forinstruction. In looking around me for some female friend to accompanyme, I could find but very few who were not undergoing like trials withmyself, consequently I must submit to these new experiences, aswhatever was right for me to do was proper. I depended upon an allwise guiding Hand, who is ever ready to reach it forth to the trustingchild. I wrote to one, a few miles distant, to whom was due eightydollars the ensuing Fall, that forty dollars would be all I should beable to meet. He called in a few days, and introduced himself sayingthat he had received a statement from me that I could only pay him thecoming Fall fifty per cent on the eighty-dollar note he held againstmy husband. Said he, in a hurried manner, "I called to let you knowthat I _must have it all_ when it is due, as I have a payment tomake on my farm at that time, and I have depended on that" I told himI would gladly pay him every penny of it the coming Fall, but it wouldbe impossible, as there were other demands equally pressing. "Verywell, that is all I have to say, madam; I can not accept any sucharrangement; I shall put in a way to bring it. Good-by. "

He left in haste for me to ponder all these things over, in doubts asto my ability to meet all these rough places of outside life. PerhapsI had better leave this business with some man to deal with men. Butprayer to the widow's God and comforting promises were my companions. Here was my only refuge and shelter in these storms. As I retired witha burdened heart, that I was endeavoring to cast at the feet of mySavior, the widow's burden-bearer, I had a sweet dream of an angelichost, that filled my room with a halo of glory, settled on every face, and those nearest my bed appeared in the form of persons dressed inbeautiful attire; others were sweet faces that looked upon me withsmiles of peace. As one took my hand, a familiar feeling sprang up, that gave me confidence to ask for the name. "My name is Supporter. "And looking at the one standing near, "And what is his name?" "That isa woman, and her name is Influencer-of-hearts. " Pointing to anotherstill more glorious in appearance, "And who is that one?" "That isSearcher-of-hearts. " "Then you all bear the name of your missions toearth, do you?" "We do, " replied Supporter. As I looked over this hostthat filled my room I burst into a flood of tears for joy. Iexclaimed, "Oh! what missions are yours! so many wayward hearts toinfluence, so much of sin and wickedness that reigns in this world tosearch out. " At this said Searcher of hearts, "Support her, for sheneeds it" "I do, " and he reached for my other hand, and as both of myhands were held by Supporter, I realized a wave of strength to passover me, filling my soul. I awoke in an ecstacy. Yea, I will cast mycare on Jesus and not forget to pray. Calm and sweet was thisconfidence in being cared for, and supported by an almighty arm. 

A few days after I saw the exacting man coming through my gate, which, for a moment, caused a dread; but the second thought was, _all, _all is with my Savior. I met him with the usual greeting, and said, "You have called to see about that claim you have against me. " "Yes, Ihave called to inform you that I shall not want any thing from younext Fall, and perhaps shall not want more than half next year, as Ihave received one hundred dollars that I had supposed was lost, and asI was coming within two miles I thought I would call and let you knowof my conclusion. " While I thanked him for the favor, secret praiseascended to Him who melts away the mountain that seems impassable, making a way where there seemed no way. 

This may seem a small matter, but for me at that time it was a reasonfor rejoicing at this unexpected turn of affairs. It was but one ofmany similar cases, and none can more fully realize the blessing ofthese reliefs than the widow of nearly two-score years, who neverprevious to widowhood knew the burden of outside work in providing fora large family, which was now added to continued care of the RaisinInstitute. Many night plans, for day execution, were made. I soonfound sale for forty acres of the one hundred and sixty, whichrelieved me of the most pressing demands. 

At times responsibilities were so great, and burdens so crushing, thatI was almost ready to falter. My greatest anxiety was to guide my dearchildren aright. The four older ones had resolved to follow the dearRedeemer, but the slippery paths of youth were theirs to walk in. Theconsideration of these multiform cares at one time seemed of crushingweight. I questioned whether the burden I had so often left at thefoot of the cross I had not taken up again, and whether I had as fullyconsecrated self, with my dear children, to the Lord as he required. Iwas endeavoring fully to yield _all_ into my Redeemer's hands forsafe-keeping. This was my constant prayer, yet this heavy burdenduring a few days seemed unfitting me for the every-day dutiesdevolving upon me. In family devotion I opened to the fifty-fourthchapter of Isaiah, where I found precious promises that I accepted formy own, and the heavy burden for my children was uplifted. Never did Iexperience greater liberty in prayer, or exercise a stronger faith. Surely the silver lining to this cloud appears. "All thy childrenshall be taught of the Lord" were precious words. I was afflicted andtossed with tempest, but a sweet promise followed. All the way throughthat chapter the Comforter appeared with rich promises. With thesebefore me I could freely leave all my burden with the Lord. I saw bythe eye of faith all my seven children made acquainted with theirCreator in the days of their youth. Although I never ceased asking, yet there has seemed an accompanying assurance. When from ten tosixteen years of age, my seven children yielded by living experienceto the Savior's loving invitation, "Come unto me, " that hour and daywas victorious through faith. That weight of burden never againreturned! The entire yielding all into the care and keeping power ofHim who doeth all things well, at that hour was complete. I could say, "He leadeth me, " without a, shadow of doubt. 

As fugitive-slaves were still making their resting-place with us, Ihired one of them, named George Taylor, a few months through hay-making and harvest. He had made his escape from a Southern master whowas about to sell him farther south. Once before he had made anunsuccessful attempt at freedom, but was captured and placed in irons, until they made deep sores around his ankles. As he appeared verysubmissive, the sorest ankle was relieved. Being so badly crippled, hewas thought safe. But supplying himself with asafetida, which heoccasionally rubbed over the soles of his shoes, to elude the scent ofbloodhounds, he again followed the north star, and finally reached ourhome. His ankles were still unhealed. He had succeeded in breaking theiron with a stone, during the first and second days of his hiding inthe woods. He was an honest Christian man of the Baptist persuasion. 

MARRIAGE OF TWO CHILDREN. 

On June 6, 1846, my oldest son, Harvey S. , was married to Huldah West, of Adrian, and my oldest daughter, Esther M. , was at the same hourmarried to Almon Camburn, of Franklin, both of our own county. Themother's earnest prayer was, that these children might prove eachother's burden-sharers, thereby doubling the joys, as well as dividingthe sorrows, of life. My daughter's husband was one of our students, and in some of her studies a classmate. 

We were fortunate in again securing brother Patchin to finish theacademic year in our institution. Though the cloud looked dark thatoverhung our institution, by the sudden deaths of my husband, andsister Emily Galpin, which caused her bereaved husband to leave assoon as his place could be filled by a successor, we had theconsciousness that our school was taking a deep hold on the minds ofthe community at large, as well as exercising a marked influence uponthe young people who were enjoying its privileges. We found anincreasing interest in abolition principles throughout our community. In this we praised God and took courage. 

CHAPTER III. 

ANTI-SLAVERY EXPERIENCES. 

This chapter introduces the reader to representatives of a largeproportion of slave-owners of the Southern States, who were pervertedby a system well-named "the sum of all villainies. "

Willis Hamilton, an emancipated slave, the hero of this narrative, whofled to Canada with his slave wife, Elsie, to seek for her theprotection of the British lion from the merciless talons of thefreedom-shrieking American eagle, was emancipated three years previousto the date of this chapter, together with nineteen others (thereputed goods and chattels of John Bayliss, a Baptist deacon, nearJonesborough, Tennessee). Slaveholder though he was, John Baylissevidently thought his black people had souls as well as those of whiteskins, for he allowed his house servants to remain in the dining-roomduring evening family worship, thus giving them instruction which, asthe sequel will show, made the slave the teacher of the master; forone morning, as "Aunt Lucy, " an old and privileged servant, waspassing through his room, she said:

"Massa John, I's bin thinkin' a heap o' dat ar what you read in theBible t' other night. "

"Ah, what's that, Aunt Lucy?" said the deacon. 

"It's to do oder folks as you'd want 'em to do to you, or somehow datfashion. I tell you, Massa John, 't would he mighty hard for you whitefolks to work great many years and get noffin'. Den, if you dies, whar'd we go to? I specks we'd go down de riber, like Jones's poorpeople did las' week. "

"Well, well, Aunt Lucy, that was too bad; but Jones was in debt, and Isuppose they had to be sold"

"O yes, I s'pose so; but dat you read in de Bible sort o' sticks tome--I can't help it, " said this faithful old mother in Israel, as shewent out to her work. 

In a moment or two Mrs. Bayliss entered the room, and the deacon said:

"Wife, what kind of a text do you think Aunt Lucy has just given me?"

"Text?"

"Yes, text. "

"What's got into her head now?"

"She says she's been thinking about what I read in prayer-time theother evening, referring to the golden rule, and that it sort o'sticks to her. She spoke, of the excitement over Jones's black peoplewho were sent down the river the other day; and I tell you, the wayshe applied her text, it 'sort o' sticks' to me. "

"O hush!" indignantly exclaimed Mrs. Bayliss. "Aunt Lucy's mightyreligious, and has so many notions of her own she's not worth minding, any how. "

"But she asked me what would become of my black people if I shoulddie, and if I thought they would ever be torn apart as Jones's were. Itell you, wife, I have witnessed such scenes too often to feel rightin risking a contingency of that kind, " said the deacon, gravely. 

"Don't be a fool, now, John Baybss, " angrily exclaimed his wife, "about Aunt Lucy's fuss over Jones's niggers. "

"Well, " said the deacon, "I don't wonder at her feeling grieved; theybelonged to her Church, and many of them were her relatives. "

Here, for the time being, the conversation ended; but the soul of JohnBayliss, awakened by the simple, straight-forward speech of his bond-woman, refused to be quieted, and he made this the subject of earnestprayer until the path of duty became so clear before him that he couldnot do otherwise than manumit his twenty slaves, although bitterlyopposed by his wife (who refused to free the three held in her ownright). 

Elsie, the wife of Willis Hamilton, belonged to a neighboring planter. She was sold to a drover for the Southern market, and was being tornfrom her husband and two little daughters. Willis, in his agony, wentfrom house to house, imploring some one to buy her, so that she mightremain near her family. Finally one Dr. John P. Chester, who was aboutopening a hotel, agreed to purchase Elsie for $800, if Willis wouldpay $300 in work in the house, and fare the same as the other servantsin board and clothing. With these conditions Willis gladly complied;but after they had spent a few months in their new home Deacon Baylissexamined their article of agreement and found it to be illegal. Hetold Willis that Dr. Chester could sell Elsie at any time, and hecould establish no claim to her, even had he paid the $300, which, atthe wages he was receiving, would take him nearly nine years to earn, with the interest, and advised him to leave Dr. Chester and work forwages, as he had done since his manumission. This advice wasimmediately acted upon, Willis being permitted to spend his nightswith his wife. Every thing passed off pleasantly for a few weeks, until one of the house-servants told Elsie that she overheard MasterJohn sell both her and Willis to a slave-trader, who would thefollowing night convey them to the river with a drove ready for NewOrleans. Frantic as the poor woman was with terror and grief at thisinformation, she managed to perform her duties as usual until supper-time; and when all were seated at the table she slipped outunobserved, ran through a corn-field into the woods, sending word toWillis by a fellow-servant to meet her at a certain log. The momentWillis received the message he hastened to her with flying feet; andhere the wretched husband and wife, but a few days before so full ofplans for a pleasant future, held their council in tears. 

Willis, in his sudden fright and excitement, could only exclaim: "Whatshall we do? Where shall we go?" Elsie, cooler and more composed, suggested going to Deacon Bayliss for advice. This Willis quickly did, and soon returned, it having been arranged that he should bring Elsiethere and secrete her in the attic until the excitement of the huntwas over. After this they assumed the names of Bill and Jane, abrother and sister who answered to their own description of color andsize on Willia's free papers--the whole list of the twenty slavesemancipated by Deacon Bayliss being recorded on each paper. 

After five weeks hiding at the southern terminus of the "UndergroundRailroad, " they took up their line of march for Canada. In a Quakersettlement in Indiana they found friends to whom they revealed theirtrue relationship, and here they spent a year with a Quaker familynamed Shugart. But the slight protection afforded by the laws ofIndiana did not tend to give them a feeling of security, and so theystarted again for the promised land with their infant daughter Louisa. On this journey they were assisted on their way, and made easy andcomfortable compared with their hasty flight from Tennessee, fromwhence they walked with swollen and blistered feet, and every nervestrung to its utmost tension from the fear of pursuit by theirSouthern persecutors. 

As times were hard in Canada, Elsie consented to come to Michigan withher husband if be could find a Quaker neighborhood. In their searchthey found our house, and my husband, Charles Haviland, Jr. , afterlearning their condition, leased Willis twenty acres of ground, mostlyopenings, for ten years, for the improvements he would make thereon. Here they lived for three years, when one day Elsie saw a strange manpeering through the fence. 

Her first thought was "a Southerner, " and snatching her two Littleones she ran for our house, only a few rods distant. The man pursuedher, and she called for help to a neighbor in sight, at which theskulking sneak took himself off to the woods. This incident sothoroughly aroused their fears that they took another farm, a fewmiles distant, for three years; then a farm near Ypsilanti for a fewyears; from whence they removed to Monroe, where they induced a friendto write to Willis's old friend and master, Deacon Bayliss, makinginquiries after their two daughters, who were left behind in slavery. They received a prompt reply, purporting to come from Bayliss, informing them that their daughters were still living where they leftthem. He would see them, he said, by the time he received their nextletter, which he hoped would be soon, that he might be the happybearer of glad news to the children from their father and mother. Heprofessed great joy at hearing from them, wished them to write all theparticulars about themselves, but cautioned them to write to no onebut him, and all would be safe. He requested them to inform him inwhat town they were living, as he noticed their letter was dated inone town, mailed in another, and he was directed to address them in athird. Their friend, however, strictly cautioned them not to revealtheir definite whereabouts, but to answer all other queries. Williswrote that as his farm lease had expired there, he would have to seekanother farm, and did not know where he would be, but to address aletter as before and it would be forwarded to him. 

Their next move was to return to their first Michigan home on mypremises, a few months after the death of my husband, taking up theirabode in the little log-house built for them a few years before, andworking my land on shares. Another letter was soon received from theirfriend Deacon Bayliss, as they supposed, and they urged me to reply;but I firmly refused to write to any one in the land of theslaveholder, lest the message should fall into the hands of enemies, and advised them to leave their daughters in the hands of the Lord, who would yet provide a way of deliverance for them as he had fortheir parents. In their great anxiety, however, to hear from theirchildren, from whom they had been separated so many years, their pleawas strong and persistent: but I remained immovable to all theirentreaties, and told them of a slave family, who, after living twentyyears in Indiana, had but recently been captured and returned tohopeless bondage. Upon this they yielded to me for the time being, butin a few weeks came again with pleadings made eloquent by suffering. As they had felt the vice-like grip of the peculiar system on theirown hearts and lives, they realized too keenly the fate that might anytime overtake their daughters. But I still resisted all theirentreaties, and in a few days after they applied to J. F. Dolbeare, one of the trustees of Raisin Institute, who, thinking there was nodanger, wrote all they desired, telling the supposed Deacon Baylissall their past life in the free States and all their plans for thefuture. This they kept from me for a time, but Elsie's heart refusedto be quieted, and she finally told me about it, first telling herhusband she believed it their duty "For, " she says, "I have thoughtmore about it since Aunt Laura told me she dreamed of three poisonousgreen vipers which she poked so near the fire that their sacks wereburned to a crisp and the poison all ran out, so that she thought thempowerless for harm, but they still kept their threatening attitude;and who knows but these vipers may be slaveholders?" Willis said hehad felt like telling me all the while, and both came to me with theirstory. 

I much regretted this unwise step, but forbore all criticism, and toldthem we would hope for the best. A few days after a stranger appearedat our gate and inquired for a stray horse, which he said left him atTecumseh. None having been seen he made similar inquiries atHamilton's. 

He also asked for a glass of water, and while receiving it, says toElsie: "Auntie, where does this road lead to, that crosses the rivereast?" "To Palmyra, " she replied, and frightened at being addressed as"Auntie, " in the Southern style, hastened into her house. 

The second night after this, at eleven o'clock, a carriage drove up toa log-house on one of the cross roads, and three men appearedsimultaneously, two at the front and one at the rear window, butquickly disappeared. They had evidently mistaken their place, as itwas a white family up with a sick child. It was a dark night, andthere was a dug way ten feet deep perpendicular, near the fence towhich their team was hitched, which the valiant and mysterious triodid not discover, and when they re-entered their carriage andattempted to turn around they tumbled into it, horses, carriage, andall. This little incident so disarranged their plans that they wereuntil daylight returning to Adrian (only six miles distant), withtheir broken trappings and bruised horses. They told the liveryman, Mr. Hurlburt, that their horses took fright and ran off a steep bank, and begged him to fix the damages as low as possible, as they werefrom home, belated, etc. Mr. Hurlburt assessed them thirty dollars;but he afterwards said, had he known their business he would havedoubled it. 

Three days after this fortunate mishap Willis Hamilton received aletter inclosing three dollars, purporting to be from John Bayliss, who had come up into Ohio on business, and was on his way to visitthem when he was suddenly taken very Ill, and was pronounced by thephysicians in a critical condition--in fact, they gave him but littleencouragement for recovery, and he desired Willis to come and visithim, and bring his wife and children, as he might want him for twoweeks. He closed by saying:

"Whether I get better or die, I am resigned, and can say the Lord'swill be done. I shall have every train watched until you come. Godbless you "Respectfully yours, JOHN BAYLISS"

Of course I was given this letter to read, and I suggested the utmostcaution in obeying this request, for, as the old rat in the fablesaid, there might be "concealed mischief in this heap of meal" Icalled for the other two letters, and found they were written by thesame hand Willis says: "Oh! I know the old boss too well, he's trueas steel; he won't have anything to do with trap business. Besides, I've got my free papers, and I'm not afraid to go, but I wont take mywife and children" I proposed that Mr. Dolbeare or some neighbor gowith him That pleased him, but Mr. Dolbeare could not go. As my sonDaniel and I were going to Adrian, I proposed to get either Mr. Backusor Mr. Peters, both strong anti-slavery friends in the city, toaccompany him to Toledo. As we were about starting, Joseph Gibbons, aneighbor, came with the suggestion that Willis remain at home, andJames Martin, who was about his color and size, go in his stead; asGibbons agreed with me in believing there was a deep laid plot. Tothis all parties agreed, and Willis gave me the letter and the threedollars towards the fare of whoever should go with James, who was anintelligent young colored man in our institution. Everything beingin readiness we now started for Adrian, where we arrived just in timeto jump on board the train, and consequently had no leisure to seekout and make the proposed arrangements with our above mentionedfriends, but sent word back to Willis that we would return thefollowing morning. 

Once fairly settled on our journey the responsibility so suddenlythrust upon me made me cry out in my heart for wisdom beyond my own, and I prayed for a guiding hand to direct our actions in case weshould find ourselves in the camp of the enemy, face to face withtraffickers in human souls and bodies, who considered no scheme toovile or desperate for them to undertake, the success of which would inany way subserve their own interests. 

We arrived at Toledo at 7 P. M. , and as we left the cars James was, addressed by a man with the question: "Is your name Willis Hamilton?"(and without waiting for a reply), "Is your wife with you?"

"No, sir, " said James. 

"Perhaps I am mistaken, " said the questioner, who was the porter ofthe Toledo hotel. 

"Who do you wish to see?" said James. 

"Willis Hamilton is the man I am sent for, by his old friend JohnBayliss, who is at the Toledo hotel, so ill that he is not expectedto live. "

"Where is this Mr. Bayliss from?" said James. 

"Tennessee, I believe. "

"Very well, if there is such a man here I want to see him. "

"Come with me, and I'll take you to his room, " said the porter. 

While this conversation was passing between the porter and James wewere following in the rear, but apparently paying no attention tothem. Our plan was for Daniel to keep James in sight if possible, andwhatever he heard of the sick man to report to me in the parlor. Weentered the hotel nearly together. I was shown into the parlor andJames was taken up a flight of stairs from the bar-room. Daniel wasfollowing, when the porter told him the bar-room for gentlemen wasbelow. He said, "I am taking this man to see a friend of his who isvery sick, and no strangers are allowed to enter the room. " Of course, my son could do nothing but return, so no further observations couldbe taken by us until the reappearance of James. For two long hours weneither saw nor heard anything of him, and becoming very anxious andrestless I told Daniel to ask for James Martin, as he had businesswith him. Twice he made this request, but the porter only said, "Yes, yes, you shall see him in a minute, " and dodged from room to room tokeep out of sight. 

Growing desperate, I finally told my son to tell the porter "if thatyoung colored man is not forthcoming at once, a writ of _habeascorpus_ will be served on him in fifteen minutes, as we must seehim immediately. Also tell Mr. Woodward, the proprietor, that yourmother is here with a message for Mr. John Bayliss, who we understandis very ill at this house. " Mr. Woodward instantly summoned theporter, and we heard him say in an excited undertone: "There's troubleahead unless that young black fellow comes down immediately; tell themto send him down at once. " In a moment the porter, three gentlemen, and James made their appearance, evidently to the surprise of twentyhalf drunken Irishmen who had been chattering all the evening, butwere now so still you could have heard a pin drop, to see Hamilton (asthe sequel shows they supposed) brought down so publicly and withoutfetters. It afterwards transpired that Willis Hamilton, upon comingdown stairs, was to have been put into a close carriage, sent away, and his family then sent for under the plea that he was detained withhis sick friend, and this was the intelligent crowd who were to aid inthe success of the plan. 

I had seen a carriage stand fifteen or twenty minutes at the bar-roomdoor and finally leave without a passenger, and Daniel saw the samecarriage at the rear door equally long, which also left there empty. Upon coming down James Martin evidently took in the situation at aglance, for, giving my son a pinch, he said: "Mr. Haviland, let us gointo the dining-room and call for supper. " This was to give thedrunken rabble time to leave so that he could relate his adventureswith the Southerners after supper. But by this time the porter came tome to inquire if I wished to see Mr. Bayliss, the sick man. I repliedin the affirmative, upon which he said: "He is very low; no strangerhas been allowed to enter his room for three days, but his doctor ishere. Would you like to see him?" "I would, " I replied. A tallgentleman now entered the room and addressed me: "Madam, are you thelady who wished to see me?" "I am, if you are the physician who hascharge of John Bayliss of Tennessee, who we learn is very ill, by aletter which Willis Hamilton received yesterday. "

"I am Dr. Taylor of this city, and have the case of Mr. Bayliss in mycare. His son-in-law is here taking care of him, and they are allgreatly disappointed at not seeing Hamilton this evening, as Mr. Bayliss has sent for him and his family, and they can not imagine whyhe does not come. "

"Well, I can tell you why. We feared a trap, as Willis's wife wasformerly a slave. "

"I don't see, " said the doctor, "how you could suspect any thing wrongin that letter, as I understand they have written them before, and youshould have compared the letters to see if they were written by thesame person. "

"We did so, and found they were written by the same person. But thereare other points to consider: 1st, John Bayliss stands somewhat in therelation of a slaveholder, as in a former letter he spoke of threeaged slaves living with him, and wished Hamilton and wife to stay withhim two weeks if he lived, which was doubtful, and wished them to besure and bring their children, though we all know that four littlenoisy children are not agreeable companions in a sick-room. "

Here my learned doctor gave his head a vigorous scratch, and said:"Well, madam, Mr. Bayliss is probably childish from age, and hissevere illness makes him more so. A nervous temperament like his, affected by disease, often enfeebles the mind, as body and mind are inclose relationship philosophically. Now, he is just childish enough towant to see those children playing around his room, and he says hewould make them handsome presents; and as money seems to be plentywith him and apparently no object, I judge they would be well paid forcoming. "

I did not appear to question this view of the case, but inquired howlong Deacon Bayliss had been ill. 

"About seven days, madam, " replied the doctor. 

"What seems to be the nature of the disease?"

"It was at first a violent attack of bilious fever, but for the lastthree days it has assumed a fearful form of typhus. "

I told him that Hamilton and his wife were both very anxious abouttheir old friend, and wished me to see him personally, and give himtheir reasons for not coming. 

"I should be glad, " said the doctor, "to allow you to see him, were itnot for his extreme nervousness, but I dare not risk it. It seems hardto think the dying request of this poor old man can not be granted. Heseems to consider this family almost next to his own. "

"Yes, " I said, "it is also hard and humiliating to humane andpatriotic Americans that a system of human bondage exists in thiscountry which causes these horrible fears and suspicions to loom uplike specters before the mental vision of this persecuted and down-trodden race. "

"That is very true, " said Dr. Taylor; "slavery is the darkest spot onour national escutcheon. But in this case there is no cause forsuspicion; for I am sure there is no plot with regard to the Hamiltonfamily, and I call God to witness that every word I tell you is truth. As to the three slaves you spoke of, he told me during the first ofhis sickness that he emancipated all his slaves, twenty in number, butthat his wife had three in her right, which she refused to free, andthese have always remained in the family. He manumitted his slavesfrom purely conscientious scruples; and I believe that if there is aChristian that walks God's earth he is one, for he has manifested suchpatience and resignation during his severe illness that he hasentirely won my affections. Now, don't you think you can induceHamilton to bring his family here? I do not believe he will live threedays. "

"I will be honest with you, " I replied. "Although you have talked likea candid man, I do not believe I could transfer sufficient confidenceto the family to induce them to come unless I should see him, as theycharged me over and again. "

At this my tender-hearted Aesculapius sighed deeply, and said: "I amsorry that they or their friends should entertain any distrust, as Ifear he may not be conscious two days longer. A council of physicianswas called this afternoon, and three out of the four gave it as theiropinion that he could not survive, at the longest, beyond three days;and I believe him liable to drop away within twenty-four hours, although it is barely possible he may live a week. "

"Well, " I replied, "one cause of suspicion, both with my neighbors andmyself was that, although the letters from John Bayliss were allwritten by the same hand, the last one was equally well written as theothers, although he was represented as so very low, with little hopeof recovery. "

Here my ready-tongued doctor very thoughtfully placed his hand to hisforehead, but in a moment replied: "I will tell you how that was. Hisfever was off at the time, which enabled him to carry a steady hand. "

"Well, of course, " I replied, "we do not know that any plan exists toremand these people back to slavery, but we only judged of thepossibilities. And for my part I do not believe in regarding thewicked enactments of men which contravene the laws of eternal rightgiven by God, who made of one blood all nations who dwell upon theface of the earth, and of Christ, who left the realms of glory tobring blessings to mankind, and a part of whose mission was to unloosethe heavy burdens and let the oppressed go free. And in view of thegolden rule given by the great Lawgiver, I would not for my right handbecome instrumental in returning one escaped slave to bondage. Ifirmly, believe in our Declaration of Independence, that all men arecreated free and equal, and that no human being has a right to makemerchandise of others born in humbler stations, and place them on alevel with horses, cattle, and sheep, knocking them off the auction-block to the highest bidder, sundering family ties, and outraging thepurest and tenderest feelings of human nature. "

"That is all right, " said the doctor, "and I understand your feelings. Slavery is the greatest curse upon our otherwise happy country. But inthis case there need be no fear of any conspiracy to injure yourcolored friends; and I did hope, for the sake of Mr. Bayliss, theywould come and visit him, and gratify his dying request. "

He then gave me some of the alarming symptoms of his patient, enlargedon the sympathy he felt for him, and finally proposed to go up andconsult with his son-in law on the propriety of allowing me to see himin his present exceedingly nervous state. He said if he was not spokento perhaps I might be allowed to look at him, as he was kept under theinfluence of opiates, and was to-night in a heavy stupor, and notdisposed to talk to any one. 

"Would such an arrangement be any satisfaction to you?"

I replied that, while it was immaterial to me, it would probablysatisfy the Hamilton family; and, after a few minutes' consultation inthe sick-room, be returned with the conclusion that I might enter theroom, but that no loud word must be spoken, nor the sound of afootfall permitted. 

"But you can not see his face, as it is covered with cloths wet invinegar to draw the fever out, and he is now in a doze, and I do notwish to disturb him. "

He then described the terrible paroxysms, bordering on spasms, suffered by his patient, in which it took four men to hold him, andwas eulogizing his wonderful fortitude and Christian patience, whenthe son-in-law suddenly came rushing into the room in his shirt-sleeves and stocking-feet, and exclaimed:

"Doctor, doctor, do come quick; father's got another spasm, and Idon't know what to do. "

"Yes, yes, " said the doctor, "I'll come; don't leave your father amoment;" and jumped up, apparently in great excitement. But at thedoor he halted to tell me that these spasms indicated mortification, when the son-in-law again opened the door with a bang and theexclamation:

"Doctor, why don't you hurry? Father is vomiting again, and I'm afraidhe is dying. "

At this they both rushed frantically up-stairs. In about fifteenminutes the doctor returned, saying he had given his patient a doubledose of an opiate, and would let him rest awhile. He then launched outinto a description of his treatment of Mr. Bayliss; how he hadblistered him, and performed a surgical operation on him which hadgiven him great pain; said he was attending him to the neglect of hisother patients, and after exhausting a large amount of eloquence onthe subject returned to the sick chamber. In a few moments be cameback with the information that I could now be admitted, and conductedme to the room. 

As soon as we stepped within the door the doctor halted, but I steppedto the center of the room, as if I had forgotten that I was only justto enter, and gazed at the bed and then at the lounge opposite. Thedoctor stepped to my side and said, "That is he on the bed yonder. " Istood a moment and took a mental inventory of the sick man, whoappeared full six feet tall and very slender, not at all answering tothe description of the short, heavily built John Bayliss, of twohundred pounds avoirdupois. Of course, a fit of sickness might reducea man's flesh, but it did not appear to me as especially likely toincrease his height. As his face was covered with wet cloths I couldnot see the round physiognomy of John Bayliss, but passing my handover the face I found it long and thin featured. I whispered to thedoctor that I would like to notice his pulse. He said I could do so onthe jugular vein. I did so, and found the skin of this fever-strickenman to be the natural temperature, but I whispered to the doctor thatI was not so accustomed to noticing the pulse in that locality as atthe wrist. After some resistance by the sick man, who finally yieldedwith a long undertone groan, I found his wrist, and the full, strong, regular pulse of a well man. There was now no doubt in my mind that Iwas alone at this midnight hour, far from home, in a room with threeslaveholders. 

As I stepped from the bed the doctor asked me if I was satisfied. Thethought flashed through my mind that I had always contended thatdeception was lying, and that no circumstances could justify it Butother thoughts also came, and I replied that I was satisfied. 

At this the son-in-law, who had apparently been sleeping on thelounge, roused himself and commenced rubbing his eyes, and looking atthe doctor, said, "Oh, doctor, do you think father is any better?"

"I can not conscientiously give you any hope, " replied the doctor. 

"Oh, dear!" he exclaimed, "what shall I do? I am almost sick myself, taking care of him day and night. If I had only known that they werenear Tecumseh, where I lost my horse, I would have seen them; but Ihoped to have found him better when I returned, instead of which hewas much worse, "

At this I stepped towards him, and said: "If you are the gentleman whowas inquiring for a horse in our neighborhood a few days ago, youcalled at Hamilton's house and asked for a drink of water. "

"What, that place where a black woman brought me a glass of water?"

"Yes; that was Hamilton's wife. "

"Is it possible! that little log house where there was a pile ofpumpkins in the yard?"

"Yes, " I said. 

"Oh! if I had only known it, " he exclaimed, "we would have had themhere to help us. What trouble we have had. I reckon father will die, and I shall have to go home alone. God knows we have had a bad trip ofit. "

The careful doctor now began to fear we would disturb the patient, andwe were about leaving the room when he suddenly exclaimed, "I want youto see what black bilious matter Mr. Bayliss vomited a while ago;"and, stepping back, be brought me a white bowl two-thirds full of whatmight have been the contents of a coffee-pot, with a bottle of blackink thrown in, and a few spittles floating on top. This, he told me, indicated mortification. We now passed into the parlor, where we couldtalk without disturbing the patient. "Now, madam, " as you are fullysatisfied with regard to Mr. Bayliss's illness, can't you do somethingto get the Hamiltons here?"

"I am willing, " I replied, "to do all in my power, but see no betterway than to inform them of the state of affairs upon my return, andthe train will leave for Adrian at eight o'clock to-morrow morning. "The doctor went up stairs to see what word they wished to send, andsoon returned with the request that I should write to Hamilton to comeimmediately, and the porter would go with the letter for ten dollars, and his father would send another ten dollars to Willis. I stillinsisted that my original plan was the best, as the road through thecottonwood swamp was almost impassable. 

The son-in-law now entered, and after walking across the floor a fewtimes, with sighs and groans and bemoaning his dire calamities, saidhis father wished the letter written. 

He returned to his father and the doctor went for writing material. They closed the door behind them for a consultation, I supposed. 

The reader will remember that during all this time I knew nothing ofthe experience of James Martin with this afflicted trio, but had beencompelled to grope my way blindly. As the doctor and son-in-law wentout my son came in. He had overheard something about the writing, andsaid, excitedly: "Don't write, mother; there is no sick man here. Thattall man is Elsie's master, and they threatened James's life whenthey" had him up stairs. "

"Daniel, I know there is no sick man here, " I said; "but they do notthink I dream of any plot. It is now midnight, and it is not wise tolet them know that we distrust them. Sit down and let us talknaturally. "

The doctor now returned with writing material, and I sat down to writewhile he conversed with my son on the weather and kindred topics. Nowmy intention in writing to Hamilton was to serve these slaveholders bydefeating them. I knew, too, that disguising my hand-writing was notenough to reveal to the Hamilton's that the letter was a sham, andwhatever I wrote would be subjected to the perusal of my employersbefore it was sent. At this hour, too, a messenger could not probablybe secured, even for twenty dollars. But as I seated myself at thetable and took my pen in the manner in which I could appear to servethe slaveholders, but in reality defeat them, it came to me like aflash, and I cheerfully wrote all they dictated, not omitting the fact(?) that a council of physicians had decided that John Bayliss couldnot live to exceed three days; and after handing it to the doctor andson-in-law to read, I requested permission to add a few lines on myown responsibility, which was readily granted, as I explained to themthat Elsie would not be prepared with regard to clothing, either forherself or children, to be away so long, and I could easily loan hersufficient garments. 

This, of course, was as happy a thought for them as for myself, andwas so received. "Indeed, madam, " said the son-in-law, "that will bevery kind in you. They can get ready so much quicker. " So I added tomy letter to Willis as follows: "Tell Elsie to take for herself theblack alpaca dress in the south bed-room, and the two pink ginghamaprons and striped flannel dresses in the bureau in the west room forthe little girls. To come to Adrian, take the double team and farmwagon. " I signed my name and handed the letter to the delightedstranger. He then gave my son a lighted sperm candle to light us overto the Indiana House, at that time the best hotel in Toledo, and keptby Salter Cleveland and wife, anti-slavery friends of ours. Thislight, however, served them to follow us, as well as guide us to ourhaven of safety. 

After settling ourselves with our friends to tell our adventures I hada chance to hear James Martin's story. After the failure of my son tofollow James and the porter/ up stairs, James was of course entirelyin the hands of the enemy. At the head of the stairs they were met byan elderly gentleman with a lamp, who offered to conduct James to thesick room, and he was told to enter the first right hand door. Onopening the door he found no one inside. "Oh, " said his guide, "theyhave moved him to the next room, as was suggested by the council ofphysicians this afternoon; we will find him there; and opening thedoor the stranger assumed an attitude of command and told him to goin. " James, however, replied: "I shall not go in, sir; you can see aswell as I that the room is empty. " The stranger gave a surprised lookat the interior of the room and said: "Oh, I guess they moved him tothe farther room, as some one suggested, after all. As there is noother room he can be in, you will certainly find him there. "

By this time, of course, James began thoroughly to distrust hisconductor, and hesitated about going farther; but desiring to make allthe discoveries possible, and thinking if violence was attempted hecould run down stairs to us, he passed on to the third door, andthrowing it wide open found this room also empty. 

He was about turning back when two other men suddenly appeared througha door at the left, and the three surrounded him, one leveling arevolver at his head, another at his breast, and the third pointing adirk at his side, all indulging in an indiscriminate volley of oathsand threats. Said his grey-haired guide (who afterwards proved to beJohn P. Chester, Elsie's master, the same who had enacted to me therole of the sympathetic physician), "If you stir or speak one wordwe'll kill you. Go into that room, or you're a dead mail. " In thisposition they entered the room and locked the door. "Now, Hamilton, we've got you, damn you. "

"My name is not Hamilton, but James Martin, " was James' reply. 

"Damn you, " rejoined Chester, "I know you; you were once a slave inTennessee. "

"No, sir, I never was a slave, nor was I ever in a slave state. I wasborn and brought up in the State of New York. "

"Then you're a d----d spy, and I've a great mind to shoot you thisminute, " said Chester. 

"If you call me a spy because I came here to see Mr. John Bayliss forMr. Hamilton, then you can do so, for this is why I am here, and Icame here with no intention of harm to any one, I am entirely unarmed, I have not so much as a penknife with which to defend myself, but Itell you, gentlemen, I have friends here in this house. "

At this they dropped their weapons as by an electric shock, andChester exclaimed, "You shan't be hurt! you shan't be hurt!" Thenturning to his son: "Tom, put up your pistol. "

"But, " says Tom, "I propose to search him and see whether he's clearof arms. "

"No! you shan't do it. I reckon it's as he says. "

James, seeing that they were thoroughly intimidated, now felt at hisease. The Southerners, of course, did not know but a posse of armedmen awaited their actions instead of one little woman and a lad ofseventeen. Chester now addressed James in a subdued tone and manner, asking him to sit down, "and I'll tell you all about it Mr. JohnBayliss is here and he is very sick; he is not expected to live. But Iam Elsie's master; my name is John P. Chester, and I bought her out ofpure benevolence to save her from going down the river with a drove. Willis was going from house to house begging for some one to buy hiswife, crying and taking on like he was nearly crazy, and I felt sorryfor him, and told him if he would help me buy her by paying threehundred dollars in work for me, I could do it, and he entered into awritten agreement with me that I was to feed and clothe him the sameas my other servants, and give him a good price for his work; butbefore he had been with me a year he took my property and ran awaywith it, and now I want to get it back. "

"Why don't you go and get it then?" said James. 

"Oh, there's such a set of d----d abolitionists there I can't do it, "said Chester. "Hamilton wrote to me that he had put in ten acres ofwheat this fall on shares on a widow lady's farm, and that he had ayoke of oxen, two cows, pigs and chickens, "

"Yes, " said James, "that is all true. "

"Well, " said Chester, "you can have all he has there, besides anyamount of money you please to name, if you will assist me in gettinghim and his family here. Will you do it?"

James replied, very carelessly, "Well, I don't know but I will forenough. "

"You see, " said Chester, "if I can get them here, I can get help fromone place to another in Ohio, and when I strike Kentucky I'd be allright. " In laying plans and making arrangements they consumed twohours' time, and, as the reader will remember, I became nervous andsent for James, after which I had my experience with the doctor andthe sick man. 

After finding ourselves quietly seated with our friends in theirprivate parlor, before we had fairly finished relating our adventures, the night watch came in with the report that three men were pacingaround the house at about equal distances, whom he suspected to beburglars. Orders were given to keep the outside rooms lighted, and ifany attempt was made to enter to ring the alarm bell and assistancewould be forthcoming. Morning light, however, revealed to the watchmenthat their suspected burglars were the three Southerners, who hadstopped at the Indiana House a few days, but not finding co-operationprobable in their slave-hunting business, had changed their quartersto the Toledo Hotel. I recognized my doctor and the son-in-law; andthe other, a tall, slender young man, of twenty-two, was my sick andsuffering deacon, who an hour previous had been so near death's door. Their object, of course, in guarding the house, was to see that wesent no messenger to defeat the letter I bad so kindly written forthem. But on this matter I gave myself no concern, as Elsie was aswell acquainted with my wardrobe as I was, and would know at once thatit contained no such articles as I mentioned; also, that the house hadno south bedroom, and no bureau in the west room, neither was there adouble team nor a farm wagon on the place. Consequently I had no fearsthat the letter was not faithfully fulfilling its mission. 

A few minutes before we left the hotel for the 8 o'clock train toreturn home a colored man came to James, evidently quite excited, andsaid: "We have just heard there is a colored man here having troublewith slave-holders; if this is true, there are enough of us here to dowhatever is necessary. " James did not reply, but looked inquiringly atme. I replied, "There is trouble, " and taking him into a back room, gave him a brief sketch of James's experience. I told him I did notthink it probable that violence would be offered in daylight, but asMr. Cleveland and son were both ill, we would like to know who ourfriends were at the depot. He assured me we should have all the aid weneeded. "While at the depot, " said he, "we shall watch both you andthe slave-holders, and whatever you desire us to do, madam, say theword, and it shall be done. " I thanked him, but did not think therewould be any difficulty. 

The three Southerners were at the depot as soon as we were. In theticket office James gave up going, as he thought they intended goingwith us. But this I did not care for, and told James he must go now, as there was no other train until night, and there was no telling whatthey might do under cover of darkness. When we got to the cars thedoctor and son-in-law jumped aboard, but the sick man was determinedto take his seat with me, and followed my son and myself from coach tocoach, and whenever we showed any signs of seating ourselves preparedto seat himself opposite. I looked at his snakish eyes, and concludedto leave my sick deacon to see James, who still lingered in the ticketoffice. 

I again urged him to go with me, as I should take another coach when Ireturned and get rid of the Southerners. When I returned I ran pastthe coach I had left, and Daniel beckoned to me, saying, "Here, mother, this is the car we took. " "Yes, " I said, "but I see a ladyahead that I wish, to sit with. " At this the sick man jumped up andexclaimed, "I'll be d----d if I don't take that seat then. " But Danielpressed his way past him, and noticed his heavily-laden overcoatpocket. By the time my son reached me there was no room near us forthe sick deacon, so he returned to his first seat. 

During all this time about a dozen men, black and white, were watchingus closely. I beckoned the one who called on us at the hotel to cometo our apartments, and told him to tell James to come immediately tomy door. He came, and I opened the door and told him to enter, as thetrain was about moving. When he was inside he says: "I am afraid wewill have trouble. " Just then the conductor passed, and I said to him:"I suppose we will be perfectly safe here, should we have trouble onour way to Adrian. " "Most certainly, " he said (raising his voice tothe highest pitch). "I vouch for the perfect safety and protection ofevery individual on board this train. "

Near Sylvania, a small town ten miles from Toledo, the train halted tosand the track, and our chivalrous friends got off. Chester and hisson Thomas, the sick deacon, stationed themselves about three feetfrom us; and Chester, pointing to James, said in a low, grim voice:"We'll see you alone some time;" and, turning to my son, "You, too, young man. " Then directing his volley of wrath to me, he roared out:"But that lady there--you nigger stealer--you that's got my propertyand the avails of it--I'll show you, you nigger thief;" and drawing arevolver from his pocket, his son doing the same, they pointed themtowards my face, Chester again bawling out, "You see these tools, doyou? We have more of 'em here" (holding up a traveling bag), "and weknow haw to use them. We shall stay about here three weeks, and wewill have that property you have in your possession yet, you d----dnigger stealer. We understand ourselves. We know what we are about. "

"Man, I fear neither your weapons nor your threats; they arepowerless. You are not at home--you are not in Tennessee. And as foryour property, I have none of it about me or on my premises. We alsoknow what we are about; we also understand, not only ourselves, butyou. "

Pale and trembling with rage they still shook their pistols in myface, and Chester, in a choked voice, exclaimed: "I'll--I'll--I won'tsay much more to you--you're a woman--but that young man of yours;I'll give five hundred dollars if he'll go to Kentucky with me. "

Just then the conductor appeared and cried out: "What are you doinghere, you villainous scoundrels? We'll have you arrested in fiveminutes. " At this they fled precipitately to the woods, and the lastwe saw of these tall and valiant representatives of the land ofchivalry were their heels feat receding in the thicket. 

Of course, this brave exhibition of rhetoric and valor called outinnumerable questions from the passengers; and from there on toAdrian, though already terribly fatigued, we had to be continuallyframing replies and making explanations. 

Among the people of Sylvania the news spread like wildfire, and it wasreported that over forty men were at the depot with hand-spikes andiron bars, ready to tear up the track in case the Hamilton family hadbeen found on the train bound for Toledo. 

When we arrived at Adrian my oldest son, Harvey, and Willis were thereto meet us; and when we told Willis that Elsie's old master and hisson had but an hour previously pointed pistols at our heads andthreatened our lives, he could hardly speak from astonishment. Harveysaid my letter arrived before sunrise, but that no one believed I hadany thing to do with it. However, as the porter swore he saw me writeit, Professor Patchin and J. F. Dolbeare were sent for; but they alsodistrusted its validity and the truthfulness of the bearer. 

Elsie had no faith in it at all. "If, " said she, "the old man is sovery sick, as he hasn't seen us for years, they could bring him anyblack man and woman, and call them Willis and Elsie, and he'd neverknow the difference; and as for that letter, Mrs. Haviland never sawit. I believe the slave-holders wrote it themselves. They thought, asshe was a widow, she'd have a black dress, and you know she hasn't gotone in the house. And where's the pink aprons and green stripeddresses? And there's no south bed-room in this house. It's all humbug;and I sha'n't stir a step until I see Mrs. Haviland. "

Said another: "These things look queer. There's no bureau in the westroom. "

The porter, seeing he could not get the family, offered Willis tendollars if he would go to Palmyra with him, but he refused. He thenoffered it to my son Harvey if he would take Wills to Palmyra. 

"No, sir; I shall take him nowhere but to Adrian, to meet mother, " wasHarvey's reply. 

After their arrival in Adrian the porter again offered the tendollars, and Lawyer Perkins and others advised Harvey to take it andgive it to Willis, as they would protect him from all harm. But when Icame I told him not to touch it; and the porter, drawing near, heardmy explanation of the letter, and the threatening remarks of thepeople, who declared that if slave-holders should attempt to take theHamilton family or any other escaped slave from our city or countythey would see trouble. He soon gave us the benefit of his absence, and we went home with thankful hearts that public sentiment had made alaw too strong to allow avaricious and unprincipled men to cast ourpersecuted neighbors back into the seething cauldron of Americanslavery. 

All that day our house was thronged with visitors, eager to hear thestory which was agitating the whole community, but about midnight Itold my friends that rest was a necessity, for never in my life was Iso thoroughly exhausted from talking; but, as the next day wan-theSabbath, I would in the evening meet all who chose to come in theValley School-house (at that day the largest in the county) and tellthem the whole story, and save repeating it so many times. 

When the evening came we met a larger crowd than could find standing-room in the school-house, and report said there was a spy for theslave-holders under a window outside. 

I related the whole story, omitting nothing, and was followed byElijah Brownell, one of our ablest anti-slavery lecturers, with a fewspirited remarks. He suggested that a collection should be taken up todefray our expenses to Toledo and return, and fourteen dollars wassoon placed in my hands. 

From a friend of our letter-carrier, the porter of the Toledo Hotel, we learned that the plans of the slave-holders accorded with thosegiven James Martin in the sick-room. After getting the Hamilton familyin their clutches they intended to gag and bind--them, and, travelingnights, convey them from one point to another until they reachedKentucky. This was precisely on the plan of our underground railroad, but happily for the cause of freedom, in this case at least, not assuccessful. 

The citizens of Adrian appointed a meeting at the court-house, andsent for me to again tell the story of the slaveholder who had sodeeply laid his plans to capture, not only his fugitive slave Elsieand her four children, but also her husband, who was a free man. Othermeetings were called to take measures for securing the safety of thehunted family from the iron grasp of the oppressor, whose arm is everstrong and powerful in the cause of evil; and so great was publicexcitement that the chivalrous sons of the South found our Northernclimate too warm for their constitutions, and betook themselves to themilder climate of Tennessee with as great speed as their hunted slave, with her husband, hastened away from there fifteen years before. 

It may be asked how the Chesters discovered that Hamilton and his wifewere in Michigan. We learned afterward that John P. Chester was thepostmaster at Jonesborough, and receiving a letter at his officedirected to John Bayliss, he suspected it to be from friends of hisformer slaves, and opened it. His suspicions being confirmed, hedetained the letter, and both corresponded and came North in theassumed character of Bayliss. His schemes miscarried, as we have abovenarrated, and Bayliss probably never knew of the desperate game playedin his name. 

About two weeks after the departure of this noble trio I received athreatening letter from John P. Chester, to which I replied; and thiswas followed by a correspondence with his son, Thomas K. Chester (thesick deacon). From these letters we shall give a few extracts. 

In a letter received under the date of December 3; 1846, John P. Chester writes: "I presume you do not want something for nothing; andinasmuch as you have my property in your possession, and are so greata philanthropist, you Hill feel bound to remunerate me for thatproperty. .. . If there is any law of the land to compel you to pay forthem I intend to have it. "

In my reply, December 20, 1846, I wrote:

"First, convince me that you have property in my possession, and youshall have the utmost farthing. But if Willis Hamilton and family areproperty in my possession, then are Rev. John Patchin and wife, principals of Raisin Institute, and other neighbors, property in mypossession, as I have dealing with each family, precisely in the samemanner that I have with Willis Hamilton and family, and I do as trulyrecognize property in my other neighbors as in the Hamilton family. Prove my position fallacious, and not predicated on principles ofeternal right, and they may be blown to the four winds of heaven. If carnal weapons can be brought to bear upon the spiritual you shallhave the liberty to do it with the six-shooters you flourished towardmy face in Sylvania, Ohio. .. . 

"As for my being compelled to pay you for this alleged property, tothis I have but little to say, as it is the least of all my troublesin this lower world. I will say, However, I stand ready to meetwhatever you may think proper to do in the case. Should you think bestto make us another call, I could not vouch for your safety. Thecircumstances connected with this case have been such that greatexcitement has prevailed. A. Number of my neighbors have kept armssince our return from Toledo. I can say with the Psalmist, 'I am forpeace, but they are for war. '

"At a public meeting called the next evening after our return from theToledo trip, fourteen dollars was placed in my hands as a remunerationfor the assistance I rendered in examining your very sick patient. Ifound the disease truly alarming, far beyond the reach of human aid, much deeper than bilious fever, although it might have assumed atyphoid grade. The blister that you were immediately to apply on theback of the patient could not extract that dark, deep plague-spot ofslavery, too apparent to be misunderstood, "

I received a long list of epithets in a letter, bearing date, Jonesboro, Tennessee, February 7, 1847, from Thomas K. Chester, thesick deacon:

"I have thought it my duty to answer your pack of balderdash, . .. Thatyou presumed to reply to my father, as I was with him on his tour toMichigan, and a participant in all his transactions, even to theacting the sick man's part in Toledo . .. , True it is, by your cunningvillainies you have deprived us of our just rights, of our ownproperty. .. . Thanks be to an all wise and provident God that, my fatherhas more of that sable kind of busy fellows, greasy, slick, and fat;and they are not cheated to death out of their hard earnings byvillainous and infernal abolitionists, whose philanthropy is interest, and whose only desire is to swindle the slave-holder out of his ownproperty, and convert its labor to their own infernal aggrandizement. 

"It is exceedingly unpleasant for me to indulge in abuse, particularlyto a _woman_, and I would not now do it, did I not feel a perfectconsciousness of right and duty. .. . Who do you think would parley witha thief, a robber of man's just rights, recognized by the gloriousConstitution of our Union! Such a condescension would damn an honestman, would put modesty to the blush. What! to engage in a contest withyou? a rogue, a damnable thief, a negro thief, an outbreaker, acriminal in the sight of all honest men; . .. The mother, too, of apusillanimous son, who permitted me to curse and damn you in Sylvania!I would rather be caught with another man's sheep on my back than toengage in such a subject, and with such an individual as old LauraHaviland, a damned nigger-stealer. .. . 

"You can tell Elsie that since our return my father bought her eldestdaughter; that she is now his property, and the mother of a likelyboy, that I call Daniel Haviland after your pretty son. She has plentyto eat, and has shoes in the Winter, an article Willis's children hadnot when I was there, although it was cold enough to freeze the hornsoff the cows. .. . What do you think your portion will be at the greatday of judgment? I think it will be the inner temple of hell. "

In my reply, dated Raisin, March 16, 1847, I informed the sick deaconthat my letter to his father "had served as a moral emetic, by themass of black, bilious, and putrid matter it bad sent forth. You musthave been exercised with as great distress, as extreme pain, that wasproducing paroxysms and vomiting, that you had in your sick-room in theToledo hotel, when your physician was so hastily called to your reliefby your son-in-law, as the matter that lies before me in letter formis as 'black', and much more 'bilious, ' and nearer 'mortification'than that I saw there. "

"We thank you for the name's sake. May he possess the wisdom of aDaniel of old, although his lot be cast in the lions' den; and, likeMoses, may he become instrumental in leading his people away from aworse bondage than that of Egypt. 

"According to your logic, we are not only robbing the slaveholder, butthe poor slave of his valuable home, where he can enjoy the elevatingand soul-ennobling privilege of looking 'greasy, slick, and fat'--canhave the privilege of being forbidden the laborious task ofcultivating his intellect--is forbidden to claim his wife and childrenas his own instead of the property of John P. Chester. "

I pitied the young man, whose bitterness of hate seemed incorrigible, and gave advice which I deemed wholesome, although I yielded to thetemptation of dealing somewhat in irony and sarcasm. 

But the next letter from the sick deacon was filled and running overwith vulgar blackguardism, that I would neither answer nor give to thepublic eye. It was directed to "Laura S. Haviland, Esq. , or Dan. " Asit arrived in my absence, my son Daniel handed it to Rev. JohnPatchin, who became so indignant in reading the list of epithets thathe proposed to reply. 

The first sentence of his letter was:

"Sir, --As John Quincy Adams and Henry Clay were seated in Congress, they saw passing on the street a drove of jackasses. Said Henry Clay, 'There, Sir, Adams, is a company of your constituents as they comefrom the North. ' 'All right; they are going South to teach yours, ' wasthe quick reply. And I think one of those long-eared animals hasstrayed down your way, and your ma might have sent you to his school--I think, however, but a few weeks, or your epistolary correspondencewith Mrs. Haviland would have been vastly improved. "

From the report my son gave me of the short epistle, it was filledwith sentenced couched in the same spirit throughout; "for, " said he, "that rabid fire-eater has been treated in a manner too mild. He needssomething more nearly like his own coin. "

I shortly after received a few lines from Thomas K. Chester, informingme that he had my last letter struck off in hand-bills, and circulatedin a number of the Southern States, "over its true signature, Laura S. Haviland, as you dictated and your daughter wrote it; for, as strangeas it may appear, I have the handwriting of every one of your family, and also of Willis Hamilton. I distribute these hand-bills for thepurpose of letting the South see what sort of sisters they have in theNorth. " We learned from a number of sources that to this circular orhand-bill was attached a reward of $3, 000 for my head. 

As for the letter that Chester had richly earned, neither my daughternor myself had the privilege of perusing it, as it was mailed beforemy return home. But I presume the indignant writer designed to closethe unpleasant correspondence. 

SECOND EFFORT TO RETAKE THE HAMILTON FAMILY. 

After the passage of the famous Fugitive-slave Bill of 1850, turningthe whole population of the North into slave-hunters, Thomas K. Chester, with renewed assurance, came to Lawyer Beacher's office, inAdrian, and solicited his services in capturing the Hamiltons, as hewas now prepared to take legal steps in recovering his property. Saidhe:

"I ask no favors of Adrian or Raisin, as I have my posse of thirty menwithin a stone's throw of this city. All I ask is legal authority fromyou, Mr. Beacher, and I can easily get them in my possession. "

"I can not aid you, " said Mr. Beacher; "it would ruin my practice as alawyer. "

"I will give you $100, besides your fee, " rejoined Chester. 

"You have not enough money in your State of Tennessee to induce me toassist you in any way whatever. "

"Will you direct me to a lawyer who will aid me?"

"I can not; I know of none in our State who could be hired to assistyou. And I advise you to return to your home; for you will lose ahundred dollars where you will gain one, if you pursue it. "

At this advice he became enraged, and swore he would have them thistime, at any cost. "And if old Laura Haviland interferes I'll put herin prison. I acknowledge she outwitted us before; but let her dareprevent my taking them this time, and I'll be avenged on her before Ileave this State. "

"All the advice I have to give you is to abandon this scheme, for youwill find no jail in this State that will hold that woman. And Irequest you not to enter my office again on this business, for if itwere known to the public it would injure my practice; and I shall notrecognize you on the street. "

In a lower tone Chester continued, "I request you, Mr. Beacher, as agentleman, to keep my name and business a secret. " With a fewimprecations he left the office. 

My friend R. Beacher sent a dispatch to me at once by SheriffSpafford, to secure the safety of the Hamilton family at once, ifstill on my premises, as my Tennessee correspondents were probably inor near Adrian. I informed him they were safe in Canada within sixmonths after the visit from the Chesters. Mr. Beacher also advised meto make my property safe without delay, but this had been done twoyears previously. On receiving this information my friend Beacherreplied, "Had I known this I would have sent for her, for I'd give tendollars to see them meet. " Mr. Chester heard that the Hamilton familyhad gone to Canada, but he did not believe it, as he also heard theyhad gone to Ypsilanti, in this State, where he said he should followthem. 

We learned in the sequel that he went to Ypsilanti, and took rooms andboard in a hotel, while calling on every colored family in town andfor two or three miles around it, sometimes as a drover, at othertimes an agent to make arrangements for purchasing wood and charcoal. During four weeks he found a family that answered the description ofthe Hamilton family in color and number. He wrote to his father thathe had found them under an assumed name, and requested him to send aman who could recognize them, as they had been away over eighteenyears. The man was sent, and two weeks more were spent inreconnoitering. At length both were agreed to arrest David Gordon andwife, with their four children, as the Hamilton family, and appliedfor a warrant to take the family as escaped slaves. The United StatesJudge, Hon. Ross Wilkins, who issued the warrant, informed one of themost active underground railroad men, George De Baptist, of thisclaimant's business. He immediately telegraphed to a vigorous workerin Ypsilanti, who sent runners in every direction, inquiring for aHamilton family. None could be found; and the conclusion was reachedthat they were newcomers and were closely concealed, and the only safeway was to set a watch at the depot for officers and their posse, andfollow whithersoever they went, keeping in sight. This was done, andthe place they found aimed for was David Gordon's. On entering thehouse the officer placed hand-cuffs on David Gordon, who in surpriseasked, "What does this mean?"

Said the officer, "I understand your name is Willis Hamilton, once aslave in Tennessee. "

Gordon replied, "No, sir, you are mistaken; I never was in that State;neither is my name Hamilton, but Gordon, and I have free papers fromVirginia. "

"Where are your papers? If they are good they shall save you. "

Pointing to a trunk, "There they are; take that key and you'll findthem. "

While the officer was getting the papers, Chester went to the bed ofthe sick wife, placed a six-shooter at her head, and swore he'd blowher brains out in a moment if she did not say their name was Hamilton. "No, sir, our name is Gordon. " Their little girl, standing by, criedout with fear. He turned to her, with pistol pointing toward her face, and swore he'd kill her that instant if she did not say her father'sname was Willis Hamilton. 

At this juncture, the officer's attention was arrested. "What are youabout, you villain? You'll be arrested before you know it, if you arenot careful. Put up that pistol instantly, and if these papers aregood, I shall release this man, and return the warrant unserved. "

He examined them and said, "These papers I find genuine. " He thenremoved the handcuffs from David Gordon, and with the discomfitedThomas K. Chester and Tennessee companion returned to the depot forthe Detroit train. 

While on their way they met a colored man that Chester swore wasWillis Hamilton. Said the officer, "You know not what you are about; Ishall arrest no man at your command. "

On returning the unserved warrant to Judge Wilkins, Chester chargedhim with being allied with the "d----d abolitionist, old Laura Haviland, in running off that family to Malden, to keep me out of my property. "

"I knew nothing of the family, or of your business, until you cameinto this office yesterday, " replied the judge. 

In a rage and with an oath, he replied, "I know, sir, your complicityin keeping slave-holders out of their property, and can prove it. " Hethrew his hat on the floor and gave a stamp, as if to strengthen hisoath. 

The judge simply ordered him out of his office, instead of committinghim to prison for contempt of court; and with his companion he wentback to his Tennessee home, again defeated. 

Thomas K. Chester wrote and had published scurrilous articles inTennessee, and in a number of other Southern States. They werevigorously circulated until the following Congress, in which the gravecharge was brought against the judge, "of being allied with Mrs. Haviland, of the interior of the State of Michigan, a rabidabolitionist, in keeping slaveholders out of their slave property. " Avigorous effort was made by Southern members to impeach him, while hisfriends were petitioning Congress to raise his salary, Judge Wilkinswas sent for to answer to these false charges. Although they failed toimpeach him, yet on account of these charges the addition to hissalary was lost. 

When these false accusations were brought into Congress, and the judgewas informed of the necessity of his presence to answer thereto, heinquired of Henry Bibb and others where I was. They informed him thatI was absent from home. On my return from Cincinnati with a fewunderground railroad passengers, I learned of the trouble JudgeWilkins met, and I called on him. He told me of the pile of Southernpapers he had received, with scurrilous articles, designed toprejudice Southern members of Congress against him. Said he, "Althoughthey failed in the impeachment, they said they would come against mewith double force next Congress, and should effect their object. " Saidthe judge, "I want your address, for if they do repeat their effort, with the explanation you have now given, I think I can save anotherjourney to Washington. The judge was never again called upon to defendhimself on this subject, as their effort was not repeated; neither didtheir oft-repeated threat to imprison me disturb us. "

DEATH OF THE CHESTERS

In the third year of the Rebellion, while in Memphis, Tennessee, on amission to the perishing, I found myself in the city where myTennessee correspondents lived a few years previous to their deaths. From a minister who had long been a resident of that city, and hadalso lived near Jonesboro, where they resided during thecorrespondence, I learned the following facts: A few years prior tothe war John P. Chester removed with his family to Memphis, where hebecame a patroller. His son Thomas transacted business as a lawyer. Iwas shown his residence, and the office where John P. Chester was shotthrough the heart by a mulatto man, whose free papers he demanded, doubting their validity. Said the man, "I am as free as you are; andto live a slave I never shall. " He then drew a six-shooter from itshiding-place and shot him through the heart. He fell, exclaiming, "OGod, I'm a dead man. " The man threw down the fatal weapon, saying tothe bystanders, "Here I am, gentlemen, shoot me, or hang me, just asyou please, but to live a slave to any man I never shall. " He wastaken by the indignant crowd, and hung on the limb of a tree near by, pierced with many bullets. I can not describe the feeling that creptover me, as I gazed upon the pavement where John P. Chester met hisfate, and which I had walked over in going to officers' head-quartersfrom the steamer. Oh! what a life, to close with such a tragedy!

Thomas K. Chester being a few rods distant ran to assist his dyingfather, but his life was gone ere he reached him. A few months laterhe was brought from a boat sick with yellow fever, and died in oneweek from the attack in terrible paroxysms and ravings, frequentlyrequiring six men to hold him on his bed. He was ill the same lengthof time that they falsely represented a few years before in the Toledohotel. Said the narrator, "Thomas K. Chester's death was the mostawful I ever witnessed. He cursed and swore to his last breath, sayinghe saw his father standing by his bed, with damned spirits waiting totake him away to eternal burnings. "

After a long walk one day, I called at the former residence of theChester family, and was seated in the front parlor. It is hard toimagine my feelings as I sat in the room where those two men had lainin death's cold embrace--men who had flourished toward my face thesix-shooter. It was by this kind of deadly weapon the life of one wastaken; and as nearly as words can describe the feigned sickness, thelast week of the life of the other was spent. No wonder the bloodseemed to curdle in my veins in contemplating the lives of these men, and their end. It is beyond the power of pen to describe the panoramathat passed before me in these moments. The proprietor of the Toledohotel lost custom by his complicity in their efforts to retake theiralleged slave property. A few months after the hotel was burned toashes. 

CHAPTER IV. 

AN OHIO SCHOOL-TEACHER. 

In the Autumn of 1847 a gentleman of evident culture called for earlybreakfast, though he had passed a public house about two milesdistant. I mistrusted my stranger caller to be a counterfeit; and toldhim, as I had the care of an infant for a sick friend, he would findbetter fare at the boarding hall a few rods away. But introducinghimself as an Ohio school-teacher, and accustomed to boarding around, he had not enjoyed his favorite bread and milk for a long while, andif I would be so kind as to allow him a bowl of bread and milk hewould accept it as a favor. He said he had heard of our excellentschool, and wished to visit it. He was also acting as agent of the_National Era_, published at Cincinnati, in which he was muchinterested, and solicited my subscription. I told him I knew it to bea valuable periodical, but, as I was taking three, abolition papers hemust excuse me. 

He was also very much interested in the underground railroad projects, and referred to names of agents and stations, in Indiana and Ohio, ina way that I concluded he had been on the trail and found me, as wellas others, and perhaps taken the assumed agency of the _Era_ fora covering. He said it was found necessary in some places in Ohio andIndiana to change the routes, as slave-holders had traced and followedthem so closely that they had made trouble in many places, andsuggested a change in Michigan, as there were five slave-holders inToledo, Ohio, when he came through, in search of escaped slaves. Ireplied that it might be a good idea, but I had not considered itsufficiently to decide. 

Continuing his arguments, he referred to a slave who was captured byMr. B. Stevens, of Boone County, Kentucky. He saw him tied on a horsestanding at the door of an inn where he was teaching. In surprise, Iinquired:

"Did that community allow that to be done in their midst withoutmaking an effort to rescue the self-made freeman?"

"O yes, because Stevens came with witnesses and papers, proving thathe legally owned him; so that nothing could be done to hinder him"

"That could never be done in this community; and I doubt whether itcould be done in this State. "

"But what could you do in a case like that?"

"Let a slave-holder come and try us, as they did six months ago intheir effort to retake the Hamilton family, who are still living hereon my premises, and you see how they succeeded;" and I gave him theirplans and defeat. "Let them or any other slave-holders disturb anescaped slave, at any time of night or day, and the sound of a tinhorn would be heard, with a dozen more answering it in differentdirections, and men enough would gather around the trembling fugitivefor his rescue. For _women_ can blow horns, and _men_ canrun. Bells are used in our school and neighborhood; but if the soundof a tin horn is heard it is understood, a few miles each way fromRaisin Institute, just what it means. "

Looking surprised, he answered: "Well, I reckon you do understandyourselves here. But I don't see how you could retain one_legally_ if papers and witnesses were on hand. "

"Hon. Ross Wilkins, United States judge, residing in Detroit, canlegally require any fugitive so claimed to be brought before him, andnot allow any thing to be done until the decision is reached. Andthere are many active workers to assist escaping slaves in that city, who would rush to their aid, and in ten minutes see them safe inCanada. I presume if the slave claimant should come with a score ofwitnesses and a half-bushel of papers, to prove his legal right, itwould avail him nothing, as we claim a higher law than wickedenactments of men who claim the misnomer of law by which bodies andsouls of men, women, and children are claimed as chattels. " Theproprietor of the boarding hall desired me to allow him to inform thestranger of our suspicions, and invite him to leave. But I declined, as I had reached the conclusion that my visitor was from Kentucky, andprobably in search of John White, whose master had sworn that he wouldsend him as far as wind and water would carry him if he ever got himagain. Professor Patchin and J. F. Dolbeare called to see him, andconversed with him about his agency for the _Era_, etc. ; and brotherPatchin invited him to attend the recitations of the classes in Latinand geometry. The second was accepted, as mathematics, he said, washis favorite study. 

By four o'clock P. M. , the hour of his leaving, the tide of excitementwas fast rising, and one of the students offered to go and inform JohnWhite of the danger we suspected, and advise him to take refuge inCanada until these Kentuckians should leave our State. 

We surmised that the five slave-holders he reported in Toledo were hisown company, which was soon found to be true. One of my horses wasbrought into requisition at once for the dispatch-bearer; but he hadnot been on his journey an hour before we learned that our Ohioteacher inquired of a boy on the road if there had been a mulatto manby the name of White attending school at Raisin Institute the pastWinter. 

"Yes, sir. "

"Where is he now?"

"He hired for the season to Mr. Watkins, near Brooklyn, in JacksonCounty. "

This report brought another offer to become dispatch-bearer to thehunted man. The following day found John White in Canada. 

Two days after George W. Brazier, who claimed John White as hisproperty, and the man who had lost the woman and five children, withtheir two witnesses, and their lawyer, J. L. Smith, who recently mademe an all-day visit, entered the lowest type of a saloon in the townnear by, and inquired for two of the most besotted and wickedest menin town. Being directed according to their novel inquiry, the men werefound and hired, making their number seven, to capture John White. Thefield in which he had been at work was surrounded by the seven men atequal distances. But, as they neared the supposed object of theirpursuit, lo! a poor white man was there instead of the prize they wereso sure of capturing. They repaired to the house of Mr. Watkins, andinquired of him for the whereabouts of John White. The frank replywas:

"I suppose he is in Canada, as I took him, with his trunk, to thedepot, yesterday, for that country. "

At this Brazier poured forth a volley of oaths about me, and said heknew I had been there. 

"Hold on, sir, you are laboring under a mistake. We have none of usseen her; and I want you to understand that there are others, myselfincluded, who are ready to do as much to save a self-freed slave frombeing taken back to Southern bondage as Mrs. Haviland. Mr. White ishighly esteemed wherever he is known; and we would not see him go backfrom whence he came without making great effort to prevent it. "

At this Brazier flew into a rage, and furiously swore he would yet beavenged on me before he left the State. "

"I advise you to be more sparing of your threats. We have a law hereto arrest and take care of men who make such threats as you havehere, " said Mr. Watkins. 

With this quietus they left for Tecumseh, four miles distant from us. 

While at Snell's Hotel they displayed on the bar-room table pistols, dirks, and bowie-knives, and pointing to them, said Brazier, "Here iswhat we use, and we'll have the life of that d--d abolitionist, Mrs. Haviland, before we leave this State, or be avenged on her in someway. " The five men then in haste jumped aboard the stage for Adrian. As the authorities were informed of these threats, and Judge Stacy wasgoing to Adrian on business, he proposed to leave with a friend he wasto pass the import of these threats, fearing they might quit the stagewhile passing through our neighborhood, and under cover of nightcommit their deeds of darkness. I received the note, and told thebearer I accepted this as the outburst of passion over their defeat, and did not believe they designed to carry out these threats, andrequested the excited family to keep this as near a secret aspossible, during a day or two at least, to save my children and theschool this exciting anxiety. But I could not appear altogetherstoical, and consulted judicious friends, who advised me to leave myhome a night or two at least. This was the saddest moment I had seen. I felt that I could not conscientiously leave my home. "Ifslaveholders wish to call on me they will find me here, unless I havebusiness away. " They insisted that I should keep my windows closedafter dark, and they would send four young men students, to whom theywould tell the secret, with the charge to keep it unless disturbanceshould require them to reveal it. We received information thefollowing day that the five Kentuckians took the cars for Toledo ontheir arrival at Adrian. Their threats increased the excitementalready kindled, and neighbors advised me not to remain in my house ofnights, as there might be hired emissaries to execute their will. Someeven advised me to go to Canada for safety. But rest was mine inDivine Providence. 

The following week I accompanied an insane friend with her brother toToledo. The brother wished me to go to Monroe on business for them. Hesoon informed me that the five Kentuckians were in the same hotel withus, and he overheard one say that I had no doubts followed them to seewhether they had found any of their runaways, and that one of theirparty was going wherever I did to watch my movements. This friend alsosaw them consulting with the barkeeper, who sat opposite at breakfasttable, and introduced the defeated stratagem of the Tennessee slave-holders at the Toledo hotel a few months previously. Said he, "Ibelieve you are the lady who met them there. Some of us heard of itsoon after, and we should have rushed there in a hurry if there hadbeen an attempt to take a fugitive from our city. They might as wellattempt to eat through an iron wall as to get one from us. I am anabolitionist of the Garrison stamp, and there are others here of thesame stripe. " And in this familiar style he continued, quite to myannoyance, at the table. He came to me a number of times afterbreakfast to find what he could do to assist me in having the hacktake me to whatever point I wished to go. 

"Are you going east, madam?"

"Not today. "

"Or are you designing to go south, or to return on the Adrian train?"

"I shall not go in either direction today. "

Leaving me a few moments, he returned with inquiring whether I wasgoing to Monroe, and giving as the reason for his inquiries the wishto assist me. I informed him I was going to take the ten o'clock boatfor Monroe. I learned in the sequel that they charged me withsecreting the woman and five children, and aiding their flight toCanada; but of them I knew nothing, until my Ohio teacher informed meof their flight, and while I was suspected and watched by theirpursuers, we had reason to believe they were placed on a boat atCleveland, and were safe in Canada. 

We learned that their lawyer made inquiries while in my neighborhoodwhether my farm and Raisin Institute were entirely in my hands. Whenthey became satisfied of the fact they left orders for my arrest upona United States warrant, to be served the following Autumn, if theyfailed to recover their human property. About the expiration of thetime set George W. Brazier went with a gang of slaves for sale toBaton Rouge, Louisiana, and died suddenly of cholera. There hisprojects ended, and John White soon returned to his work in Michigan. 

These circumstances delayed my prospect of going to Cincinnati andRising Sun to learn the condition of his family, but as money had beenraised by the anxious husband and father and his friends, I went toCincinnati, where I found my friends, Levi Coffin and family. Thevigilant committee was called to his private parlor, to consult as tothe most prudent measure to adopt in securing an interview with JaneWhite, John's wife, whose master, Benjamin Stevens, was her father, and the vain hope was indulged that he would not make an effort toretake the family should they make a start for freedom. The committeeproposed that I should go to Rising Sun, and, through Joseph Edgertonand Samuel Barkshire and families, obtain an interview with JaneWhite, as they were intelligent and well-to-do colored friends of JohnWhite's in Rising Sun. 

Accordingly I went, and called on Joseph Edgerton's eating-house. Onmaking my errand known, there was great rejoicing over good news fromtheir esteemed friend Felix White, as John was formerly called. Inconferring with these friends and Samuel Barkshire, they thought theerrand could be taken to Jane, through Stevens's foreman slave, Solomon, who was frequently allowed to cross the river on business forhis master, and was looked for the following Saturday. But as we weredisappointed, Joseph's wife, Mary Edgerton, proposed to go with me toBenjamin Stevens's, ostensibly to buy plums. As there was no trace ofAfrican blood perceivable in her, and the Stevens family, both whiteand colored, had seen her mother, who was my size, with blue eyes, straight brown hair, and skin as fair as mine, there was no questionas to relationship when Mary introduced me to Jane and her sister Nanas Aunt Smith (my maiden name). It was also known to the Stevensfamily that Mary was expecting her aunt from Georgia to spend a fewweeks with her. When we entered the basement, which was the kitchen ofthe Stevens house, twelve men and women slaves just came in from theharvest-field for their dinner, which consisted of "corn dodgers"placed in piles at convenient distances on the bare table, made of twolong rough boards on crossed legs. A large pitcher filled as full asits broken top would allow of sour milk, and a saucer of greens, witha small piece of pork cut in thin slices, were divided among thehands, who were seated on the edge of their table, except a few whooccupied stools and broken chairs. Not a whole earthen dish or platewas on that table. A broken knife or fork was placed by each plate, and they used each other's knife or fork, and ate their humble repastwith apparent zest. I have given this harvest dinner in detail, asBenjamin Stevens was called a remarkably kind master. It wasfrequently remarked by surrounding planters "that the Stevens niggersthought they were white. "

As we were informed they had no plums for sale, Mary proposed fillingour "buckets" with blackberries, as there were an abundance within ashort distance, and asked Jane if she or Nan could not go and show usthe way. "I'll go an' ask Missus Agnes, " replied Nan, who soon returnedwith the word that Jane might go, as she wanted to make another batchof jam. "But she says we must get dinner for Mary and her aunt first. "A small tablecloth was placed over one end of the table, and wheatbread, butter, honey, and a cream-pitcher of sweet milk was broughtdown for us. Not a child of the nine little ones playing in thekitchen asked for a taste of anything during or after our meal. Allthat was left was taken up stairs, and we were invited to call on Mrs. Agnes, who received us cordially. She was teaching Jane's oldestdaughter, of seven years, to sew. After a few minutes chat with themistress, we left for blackberries. 

When out of sight, I told Jane I was the one who wrote a letter forher husband, Felix White, to her, and directed it to Samuel Barkshire, who told me he read it to her, but did not dare take it from hishouse, but took the braid of his hair tied with blue ribbon, sent inthe letter. She looked at me in amazement for a moment, when she burstinto a flood of tears. As soon as she could command her feelings shesaid her master had told her that he had heard from Felix, and that hewas married again, and was riding around with his new wife mightyhappy. When I gave her the errand from her husband she was againconvulsed with weeping. Said she, "I would gladly work day and night, until my fingers and toes are without a nail, and willingly see mychildren work in the same way, could we only be with Felix. " Poorheartbroken woman, she sighed like a sobbing child. But two of herchildren were out a few miles with one of the Stevens marriedchildren, to be gone two months, and she sent a request to her husbandto come on the sly to assist in bringing their children away after thereturn of the absent ones, so that all might go together. I assistedher in picking berries, as she had spent so much of her time intalking and weeping her mistress might complain. I gave her a littlememento from her husband, and left the poor heartstricken, crushedspirit. 

The daughter and grandchildren of the master withheld them from goingto their natural protector, yet he was called one of the best ofslave-holders. Here was a woman and sister whose widowhood was moredesolate than even death had made my own. And her poor children wereworse than fatherless. I returned to my home and anxious children andfriends. 

But the grieved husband felt confident his intimate friend WilliamAllen, who would have left for freedom long ago but for his wife andchild, would assist Jane and the children could he know from him howmany warm friends there were in the North to assist them. Hisfriends, as well as himself, were anxious to make another trialwithout the risk of his going into the lion's den. Means beingprovided, three mouths later found me again in Rising Sun. After alittle waiting to see William Allen, I took a boat and went four milesbelow on the Kentucky side, and called at the house of his master towait for a boat going up the river within a few hours. 

As they were having a great excitement over counterfeiters, and weremaking great efforts to find the rogues, and looking upon everystranger with suspicion, I was believed by my host to be one of themin disguise. Within an hour after my arrival the sheriff and a deputywere brought into an adjoining room. The lady of the house appearedexcited. Her little girl inquired who those strange gentlemen were;she replied the sheriff and his deputy. I looked up from the paper Iwas busily reading, and entered into conversation with the lady of thehouse, when I overhead one man say, "I don't think there is anythingwrong about that woman. " This remark led me to suppose I might be theobject of the undertone conversation among the gentlemen in theadjoining room. Soon after the three gentlemen came into the room, with whom I passed the usual "good afternoon. " One, whom I took to bethe sheriff, made a few remarks over fine weather, etc. , and all threereturned to their room. Said one, in a low voice, "I tell you thatwoman is all right; she's no counterfeiter. " My excited hostess becamecalm, and quite social, and made excuses for having to look after thecooking of her turkey, as she allowed her cook to spend this Sabbathwith her husband in visiting one of their friends. "And I always burnand blister my hands whenever I make an attempt at cooking. But mycook is so faithful I thought I would let her go today. "

As I gave up the idea of seeing William Allen, I was about to go tothe wharf-boat and wait there for the five o'clock boat. But she urgedme to take dinner with them, as I would have plenty of time. Afterdinner they directed me across a pasture-field that would shorten thehalf-mile. Just out of sight of the house I met William Allen, withhis wife and little girl of ten years. As they were so well describedby John--or Felix, as he was here known--I recognized them, and gavethe message from their friend, from whom they rejoiced to hear. Hesaid he longed to be free, and thought two weeks from that day hecould go over to Samuel Barkshire's to see me. During this time hewould deliver the message to Jane. At present, he said, it would bevery difficult crossing, as there was great excitement over men thatpassed a lot of counterfeit money in that neighborhood, and they werewatching for them. I told him it was not safe for us to talk longerthere, as they were slaves, and I was not free to be seen talking withthem, and gave them the parting hand, informing them that many prayersof Christian people of the North were daily ascending for thedeliverance of the slave. "May God grant the answer!" was theheartfelt reply. 

During the two weeks Mary Scott was introduced, who had recentlybought herself, with her free husband's aid. She related to me the sadcondition of her sister, Rachel Beach, who was the slave of Mr. Ray, the brother of Wright Ray, of Madison, Indiana, the noted negrocatcher. She was the kept mistress of her master, who held her and herfive children, who were his own flesh and blood, as his property. After her sister Rachel's religious experience, she was muchdistressed over the life she was compelled to lead with her master. She had often wept with her weeping sister. When she thought ofescaping, she could not leave her five little children to her own sadfate. As I was informed that Mary Scott was a reliable Christianwoman, I gave her a plan, and names of persons and places of safety, with a charge not to stop over the second night--if possible, toavoid it--at the first place named; for it was too near her master'sbrother, Wright Ray, as he would make great efforts to retake them. 

This plan was adopted. But they were kept two days at Luther Donald'sstation, which brought them into great difficulty. He was so wellknown as the slave's friend it was unsafe to secrete fugitives on hisown premises; and he placed them in an out-house of one of hisfriends. On the second night of their flight, when they were to betaken to the next station, Wright Ray was on their track, and enteredthe neighborhood at dark twilight, filling it with excitement on thepart of both friends and foes. The cry of a child brought a neighborto their hiding-place, who told her she was unsafe; but he would takeher and the children to his barn, where they would be perfectlysecure. Soon after her new friend left her she felt in great danger, and when her children were asleep in their bed of stalls she venturedto place herself by the road-side. Here she heard horses coming, andlistened to hear the voice of their riders, to see if she couldrecognize her first friends, as they had told her they were going totake them to another place of safety that night; but, to her grief, she heard the voice of Wright Ray, with his posse. Filled with fear ofcapture, she groped her way still farther back in the dark. After herpursuers passed she heard two men coming, in low conversation. Sheprayed for direction, and felt impressed, as she said, to tell thesemen her trouble. They proved to be her friends, who missed them asthey went to take their suppers. As Ray and his company were known tobe in town, they knew not but they were captured. Runners were sent tothe usual resorts of slave-hunters, to see if any clew could belearned of the fate of the missing family. 

"O, how I prayed God to deliver me in this my great distress!" shesaid, in relating her flight in my interview with her in Canada. Sheled her two friends to the barn, from whence her sleeping childrenwere removed; but by the time they reached the road they saw thelantern, and heard rustling of stalks by her pursuers. As her newfriend was a well-known friend to slave-hunters, she and her childrenwere still in great danger. She was dressed in men's clothing, and hergirls dressed like boys, and they were taken out in differentdirections. Rachel and the youngest child her guide took to a Quakerneighborhood, while two men took each two girls on their horses andtook different roads to other places of safety; but no two of thethree parties knew of the others' destination. Two days of distressinganxiety were passed before a word reached the mother from herchildren. Not knowing but they were back to their old Kentucky home, she could neither eat nor sleep for weeping and praying over theprobable loss of her children. But her joy could not find expressionwhen two of them were brought to her. At first sight of her darlings, she cried out, "Glory to God! he has sent me two more. But where, O, where are the other two?" The two men who brought these in their closecarriage could give no tidings, as they had heard nothing from themsince leaving Donald Station. Rachel continued weeping for herchildren because they were not. On the following day they were heardfrom, and that they would be brought on the following day, P. M. 

A number of the neighbors were invited to witness the meeting. Amongthem was a strong pro-slavery man and his family, who had often saidthe abolitionists might as well come to his barn and steal his horseor wheat as to keep slave-holders out of their slave property; yet hewas naturally a sympathetic man. This Quaker abolitionist knew itwould do him good to witness the anticipated scene. The knowledge ofthe prospective arrival of the children was carefully kept from themother until she saw them, coming through the gate, when she criedaloud, as she sank on the floor, "Glory; hallelujah to the Lamb! Yousent me all. " She sobbed as she clasped them to her bosom, continuing, in an ecstasy, "Bless the Lord forever! He is so good to poor me. " Thelittle girls threw their arms around their mother's neck, and burstinto a loud cry for joy. "But the weeping was not confined to them, "said our Quaker sister, who was present. "There was not a dry eye inthat house; and our pro-slavery neighbor cried as hard as any of us. "

After the excitement died away a little, said one, "Now, we must adopta plan to take this family on to Canada. "

The pro-slavery man was the first to say, "I'll take my team, and takethem where they'll be safe, if I have to take them all the way. "

Another said, "It is cold weather, and we see these children have barefeet; and we must see about getting them stockings and shoes and warmclothing. "

And the little daughter of him who had so generously offered hisservices in aiding this family beyond the reach, of danger sat down onthe carpet and commenced taking off hers, saying, "She can have mine. "

"But, Lotty, what will you do?" said the mother. 

"O, papa can get me some more. "

"Yes, papa will get you some more, " said her father, wiping his eyes;"and your shoes and stockings will just fit that little girl. " And themother could hardly keep her from leaving them. But she told her towear them home and put others on, then bring them back. 

Said our informant, "I will warrant that man will hereafter become astockholder. "

But the rescue of the Beach family cost Luther Donald his farm. He wassued and found guilty of harboring runaway slaves and assisting themto escape. But not one sentence of truthful evidence was broughtagainst him in court; although he did aid the Beach family when a stayof three minutes longer in their dangerous hiding-place would havesecured their return to a life of degradation. Friends of the fugitivemade up the loss in part, and the God of the oppressed blessed himstill more abundantly. He was diligent in business, serving the Lord. 

While rejoicing over the safe arrival of the Beach family in Canada, heavy tidings reached me from home. In a letter I was informed of theillness of my eldest son. Before the boat arrived that was to bear mehomeward a second letter came with the sad intelligence of the deathof my first-born. Oh, how my poor heart was wrung with anxiety tolearn the state of his mind as he left the shores of time. Why did notthe writer relieve me by giving the information I most needed? And yetI was advised to remain until the weather became more mild. I had asevere cough that followed an attack of pneumonia, and physicians hadadvised me to spend the Winter in a milder climate. But thisbereavement seemed impelling me to return to my afflicted children. But more than all other considerations was to learn the state of thatdear child's mind as he was about leaving the land of the dying forthe spirit world of the living. He had been a living Christian, butduring the year past had become more inactive, and in a conversationon the subject a few days previous to my leaving, he expressed regretsin not being more faithful. He urged me to take this trip, yet I couldnot but regret leaving home. "Oh my son, my son Harvey would to God Ihad died for thee!" In this distress, bordering upon agony of soul, Iwalked my room to and fro, praying for an evidence of his condition. In the conversation above alluded to he expressed a sincere desire toreturn. 

Said he, "I am too much like the prodigal, too far away from mySavior. " How vividly did his words come before me! Oh, how these wordsran through my mind in this hour of sore trial. Is this the Isaac, Idwelt upon as I was leaving my home, that I may be called tosacrifice? I had in mind my son Daniel, who was fearful I would meettrouble from slave-holders, as he remarked to his brother Harvey, "Mother is a stranger to fear, though she might be in great danger. "

"That fact, seems to me, secures her safety, " replied Harvey. 

As I overheard this conversation I shrank from the trial of leaving myhome circle, in which death had made such inroads, and for the timebeing doubted whether I was called upon to make the sacrifice. Butprayer was now constant for an evidence of my son's condition, whetherprepared for exchange of worlds. He who spake peace to the troubledsea granted the answer of peace, with an assurance that my prayer wasanswered, and that in his own good time he would make it manifest. 

I took the boat for Cincinnati, and on the morning after my arrival atthe home of my valued friends, Levi Coffin and wife, I awoke with acomforting dream, which but for the circumstances I would not record. I find in the written Word of divine truth that God, at sundry times, made himself known to his faithful servants in dreams. And he is thesame in all ages, in answering their petitions and meeting theirwants. In the dream I thought I was living in the basement of abeautiful mansion. Being rather dark, damp, and cool, I looked forsome means of warming my apartments, when I discovered the windowsconveyed beautiful rays of sunlight sufficient to dry and warmapartments designed for only a temporary residence, as my future homewas to be in the splendid apartments above, which I was not to bepermitted to enter until the work assigned me in the basement wasdone. While busily engaged in sweeping my room, and arranging my work, I saw my son Harvey, descending from the upper portion of thislimitless mansion, which I thought was now his home. I hastened to thedoor to meet him. As the thought struck me that he had been a slave, Icried out, "My son Harvey, art thou free?"

"Oh yes, mother, I am _free_; and I knew your anxiety, and I cameon purpose to tell you that I went to my Master and asked if he wouldgrant my pardon? And he looked upon me and saw me in my blood as Iplowed in the field, and he said I should be free and live. "

"Oh, what a relief is this glad news, " I replied. 

"I knew you desired me to go for my freedom long ago, but I did notknow that my liberty would be so easily granted--just for asking. I amnow free, indeed. "

This message delivered, he ascended to his glorious home above. Iawoke with the words of this message as clearly impressed upon my mindas if vocally spoken. I opened the Bible at the head of my bed, andthe first words that met my eye were these: "I saw Ephraim cast out inthe open field; I saw him in his blood, and I said live; and he shalllive. " With promises given by him with whom there is no variablenessor shadow of turning, my heart was filled with praise and thanksgivingfor the Comforter who grants peace such as the world knows not of. Very soon a letter came with the detailed account of the last hours ofmy son Harvey, in which he left a bright evidence of his preparationfor the future life. He sent for Rev. John Patchin, of RaisinInstitute, of whom he requested prayer; at the close of which hefollowed in fervent prayer for himself and loved ones. Then brotherPatchin inquired if perfect peace was his at this hour? "It is, " heanswered; "I am ready to go, " and he soon fell asleep in Jesus. 

I remained a few weeks longer; but the close search for counterfeitersmade it difficult for William Allen to cross. 

The request was repeated by John White's wife for him to come forthem. I returned home with the consciousness of having done all that Icould in delivering the messages as requested. The husband and fathercould not feel reconciled to give up his family to a life of slavery, and went for them, and brought them a few miles on the Indiana side, above Rising Sun. They secreted themselves during the day in thewoods, and with the aid of his friend and Solomon Stevens's slave, previously alluded to, who was also attempting to escape with thefamily, he made a raft upon which they were about to cross a creek toreach the team on the opposite side. Suddenly six armed men pouncedupon them, and captured the family, with Solomon. To save John fromthe hazardous attempt to defend his family, his friend held him backin the thicket, knowing the effort must fail. As he was not allowed tomove he sank back in despair in the arms of his friend. He had riskedhis own life and liberty in his attempt to rescue them. He learnedthat George W. Brazier swore he would chop him into inches if he evergot possession of him again. After his unsuccessful effort in Michiganhe offered six hundred dollars for his head, dead or alive. BenjaminStevens also offered six hundred dollars reward for his daughter andhis five grandchildren, with Solomon. He afterwards sold them all forthe very low price of one thousand dollars, with the proviso that theywere not to be sold apart. 

But poor Jane was not left long to grieve over her disappointed hopes. She died of cholera. We heard she went rejoicing in that hope thatreaches beyond the vale. They were taken to Lexington, Kentucky, butthe grieved husband and father again made his way northward. He wastwo weeks in reaching a settlement that was said to be friendly tofugitive slaves. Forty miles distant from his old Kentucky home heassumed the name of James Armstrong. The family upon whom he venturedto call appeared very kind, and the man told him he would take him thenext day to a Quaker settlement, but he suspected he was reported toWright Ray and posse, who came into the house and bound him. Placinghim on one of their horses, they took him through fields and backroads until they crossed the Ohio river, and lodged him in theWoodford jail, a short distance from the river, nearly oppositeMadison, Indiana. Wright Ray had no idea of having in his possessionJohn White, who had so recently eluded his grasp in his unsuccessfultrip with Brazier in Michigan. He found among his papers in which wereadvertisements of escaped slaves, Henry Armstrong advertised asbelonging to the widow Armstrong, of Maysville, Kentucky. With herWright Ray had an interview, hoping to arrange for the reward, whichshe refused to give, for he had been away so long, he would be oflittle use, as Henry was willed free at her death. But she told him ifhe could get enough from him to pay him for his trouble, he might doso. Consequently he made him an offer to release him for four hundreddollars, and encouraged him to write to his friends in Michigan to aidhim to that amount. He wrote to a son-in-law of Mr. Watkins, so as notto mention a name of persons the men had to do with in Michigan, andthe letter was brought to us. We all understood the writer to be ourfriend John White. 

A few friends were consulted as to the measures to be adopted. It wasproposed that I should go to Cincinnati, and there make sucharrangements as the friends might think proper. As they proposed tobear my expenses, I said, "If you send me, I shall go to-morrowmorning. "

"But, " replied the bearer of the letter, "as it is the Sabbath, Isuppose I should hesitate. "

"It was lawful on the Sabbath to lift a sheep out of the ditch in thedays of Moses, and is not a man better than a sheep?"

"I can not answer you. All I have to say is, follow the dictates ofyour own conscience. "

I took the stage at Toledo, and in three days I was consulting thevigilance committee in Levi Coffin's council chamber. As it would notdo for me to transact business with Wright Ray, Micajah White, nephewof Catherine Coffin, offered to go as soon as the money was obtained. Levi Coffin introduced me to Dr. Judkins, of whom I hired the money, but hoped to lessen the amount if possible, in the arrangement withWright Ray. I urged on the nephew the necessity of taking the firstboat for Madison, as every hour endangered the safety of John White. Whatever was done for him must be done quickly. Wright Ray was foundvery willing to accept three hundred and fifty dollars, which wasplaced in the hands of the clerk of the boat until his prisoner wasdelivered to his friends in Cincinnati, when Micajah White agreed tosee the money paid to Wright Ray. This was done, and within threeweeks from the time I left home I returned with John White. The dayafter John's release Brazier appeared at the jail, having heard thathe was there. But he was too late. 

A few months after John White's release from Woodford jail George W. Brazier went to Baton Rouge, Louisiana, with a gang of slaves forsale, and suddenly died of cholera, just before the time fixed for hisreturn. It was said he intended to make a second effort to captureJohn White, or to arrest me with United States warrant. Time rolledon, and John F. White married a young woman in Canada, his home anumber of years. After the late war he removed to Ann Arbor, Michigan, to educate his children. When we last heard of his first children, hisoldest daughter was married to Solomon, the ex-slave of BenjaminStevens. We rejoice that brighter days are dawning. Ethiopia isstretching out her hands to God. 

CHAPTER V. 

THE UNDERGROUND RAILWAY. 

As my married children had charge of the farm, and the younger oneswere in school, and well provided for, I spent a few months in missionwork and nursing the sick. My dear friends, Levi and Catherine Coffin, had given me a very cordial invitation to make their house my homewhenever I was in Cincinnati. Soon after my arrival, at early dawn, nine slaves crossed the river, and were conducted to one of ourfriends on Walnut Hills for safety, until arrangements could be madeto forward them to Victoria's domain. I called on them to see what wasneeded for their Northern march, and found them filled with fear lestthey should be overtaken. As there was a prospect before them of beingtaken down the river, they concluded to "paddle their own canoe. " Theyhad with them their five little folks, that seemed as full of fear aswere their trembling parents. A little girl of five years raised thewindow-shade to look out. When her mother discovered her sheexclaimed, in a half-smothered voice, "Why, Em! you'll have us allkotched, if you don't mind;" and the little thing dropped behind achair like a frightened young partridge hiding under a leaf at themother's alarm of danger. While making our plans, we were greatlyrelieved, to find that the well known Quaker conductor, William Beard, was in the city, with a load of produce from his farm. This coveredmarket-wagon was a safe car, that had borne many hundreds to his owndepot, and was now ready for more valuable freight before the cityshould be filled with slave-hunters. But few weeks elapsed before welearned of the safe arrival of these two families that we fitted fortheir journey to Canada. 

One of our vigilance committee came early one morning to inform usthat there were two young men just arrived, who were secreted in thebasement of Zion Baptist Church (colored). As their home was onlytwenty-five miles from the river, it was necessary to make allpossible speed in removing them before Kentucky slave-hunters shouldblock our track. I took their measures, to procure for each a Summersuit, and went to our store of new and second-hand clothing, at LeviCoffin's, where anti-slavery women met tri-monthly, to spend a day inmaking and repairing clothing for fugitive slaves. In early evening Itook a large market-basket, with a suit for each, and had themconducted to a safer hiding-place, until a way opened for them to goto a Friends' settlement, about eighty miles distant, where Georgechose to remain and work a few months. But James would not risk hisliberty by tarrying, and censured George for running such a risk. "Youneedn't think your new name's gwine to save you when ole massa comes"

But little did James understand the deep-hidden reason that kept hisfriend George behind. He worked faithfully nearly a year, kept thesuit I gave him for his Sunday suit, and used his old Kentucky suitfor his work, patching them himself, until patch upon patch nearlycovered the old brown jeans of his plantation wear. When warm weatheragain returned, without revealing his design of going back to hismaster in Kentucky, for he knew his abolition friends would discouragehis project, he took the eighty dollars he had earned since he lefthis master, and wore the suit of clothes he brought away, and in thedarkness of night went to his wife's cabin. Here he gave a fullhistory of the kind friends who had paid good wages for his work, andsaid he was going to take all to his master, and tell him he was sickof freedom; "and you mus' be mighty mad, " he went on, "'case I comeback; and say, 'If he's a mind to make sich a fool of his self, as tobe so jubus, 'case I talked leetle while wid Jake, long time ago, asto run off an' leave me, he may go. He needn't think I'll take 'imback; I won't have nothin' to say to 'im, never!' Ad' I'll quarrel'bout you too; an' when all ov 'em is done fussin' 'bout me comin'back, I'll steal to you in a dark night, an' lay a plan to meet onLickin' River; an' we'll take a skiff an' muffle oars till we get tothe Ohio; an' I knows jus' whar to go in any dark night, an' we 'll befree together. I didn't tell Jim I's gwine to make massa b'leve all mylies to get you; for I tell you, Liz, I ain't got whole freedomwithout you. "

Before eight o'clock A. M. George stood before his master, with hisold name and old plantation suit, presenting him with the eightydollars he had earned for his master since he had left his home, thathe never wanted to leave again. For he had found "abolitioners thegreates' rascals I ever seen. I wants no more ov' em. They tried hardto git me to Canada; but I got all I wants of Canada, An' I tell you, Massa Carpenter, all I wants is one good stiddy home. I don't wantthis money; it's yourn. "

His master was well pleased, and told all his neighbors how happy hisTom was to get back again, and gave all the money he had earned sincehe had been gone. It was a long time before neighboring planters hadthe confidence in Tom that his master had, and they told him that Tomshould never step his foot on their plantations; but he told them allthat he had perfect confidence in Tom's honesty. "He came backperfectly disgusted with abolitionists; he said they will work afellow half to death for low wages. And he even patched his old suit, himself, that he wore off. And I have found the reason why he left. Heand Liz had a quarrel, and now he don't care a fig about her; and Iheard yesterday that her master says he'll shoot him if he dares tocome on his plantation. But he needn't worry; for you couldn't hireTom to go near Liz. "

Tom's master told him all the planters were afraid of him, and said hewould play a trick on him yet. 

"I'll stay at home, then, and won't even go out to meetin's, till allov 'em will see I means what I says. "

"That's right, Tom; they don't know you like I do. Bat I told them't would do all the niggers good just to hear your story about themeanness of abolitionists. You know, Tom, that was just what I toldyou, that they pretended to be your friends, but they were your worstenemies. "

"Yes, massa, I al'us bleved you; and if Liz hadn't cut up the way shedid I never'd tried 'em. "

All things went on smoothly with Tom. He was never more trusty, diligent, and faithful in all that pertained to his master's interest. Three months still found him contented and happy, and the constantpraise he received from his master to his neighbors began to inspirethem with sufficient confidence to permit him to attend their meetingsoccasionally, though he did not appear anxious to enjoy that privilegeuntil his master proposed his going, and then he was careful to attendonly day meetings. Neighboring white people often talked with himabout his Northern trip, and all got the story he had told his master, until Tom became quite a pet missionary, as his reports went far andnear, among both whites and blacks. After Lizzie's master became quitesatisfied with her hatred toward Tom, he allowed the hound, which hekept over two months to watch for Tom, to go back to the keeper. Though Tom and Lizzie lived eight miles apart, they had a secretdispatch-bearer, by whom they reported to each other; but visits werevery few and far between. 

One day, in her "clarin-up time, " Lizzie came across a bundlecontaining a Sunday suit, placed in her cabin when Tom left for theNorth, which she took occasion to have a good quarrel over. Takingthem into her mistress, the master being present, she said, "Missus, that'll I do wid dese ole close Tom lef, when he get mad an' run'd offto spite me; now I'll burn 'em up or giv' 'em to de pigs for nes', Iain't gwine to hav' 'em in my way any longer. "

"Oh, don't burn 'em up, can't you send 'im word to come and get 'em?"

"I sends 'im no word, if he never gets 'em; I'd heap better giv' 'emto de hogs. "

Turning to another house servant, her mistress said, "Dil, you tellPage's Jim when he goes to that big meeting your people are going tohave next week, to tell Tom to come and take his truck away, or Lizwill pitch 'em in the fire for 'im. "

But there was no hurry manifest, after he got the word. Tom's mastertold him he had better go and get his clothes or Liz might destroythem. Said our George, "One Saturday evenin' I went to have my las'quarrel with Lizzie. I called her bad names, an' she flung back meannames, an' twitted me with runnin' away to make her feel bad, when shedidn't care a picayune for me; an' I tole her I never wanted to seeher face agin, an' we almos' cum to blows. "

A few months after this there was a holiday, and Tom was so faithful, his master gave him permission to visit his aunt, six miles distant inan opposite direction from Lizzie's home, and she too got permissionto visit her friends five miles away, but not towards Tom's master. The plan laid in his midnight visit was to start after sundown, and gountil dark in the direction of the place each had their permission togo, and then go for Licking River; and she was to go up the river, while he was to go down, until they met. He was to secure the firstskiff with oars he could find to aid them down the river with allpossible speed to the Ohio. They succeeded in making good time afterthey met, until day dawn overtook them, when they hid the skiff undera clump of bushes, and the oars they took the precaution to hide somedistance away in case the skiff was discovered and taken away. Theysecreted themselves still further in the woods, but not so far butthey could watch their tiny craft through the thicket. Much to theirdiscomfiture a number of boys found their skiff, and had a long huntfor the oars, but not succeeding, furnished themselves with poles andpushed out of sight to the great relief of the temporary owners, sonear being discovered during the hunt for the oars. At ten o'clock, when all was still, they crept out of their hiding-place, took theiroars, and hunted two hours before they found another skiff. Thoughsmaller and harder to manage than the one they lost, yet they reachedthe Ohio just at sunrise. Two men on the opposite side of LickingRiver hallooed, "Where are you going?"

"To market, sir. "

"What have you got?"

"Butter an' eggs, sir. "

As he saw them in the skiff and pushing toward them, he expected everymoment to be overhauled, but he pulled with all his might for theopposite shore, and did not dare look back until they had reached themiddle of the river, when, to their great relief, the two men hadgiven up the chase and turned back, and had almost reached the placeof their starting. He said Lizzie trembled so hard that the coat overher shook, so great was her fear. Said Lizzie, "I reckon the owner ofthe coat shook as hard as I did when you was pullin' for life. I specsyou sent fear clare down into them paddles you's sweattin' over;" andthey had a good laugh over fright and success. 

With George there was no fear after entering the basement of ZionBaptist Church, his old hiding-place. As soon as the report came to usthat a man and his wife had just arrived, I called to learn theircondition and needs, and asked the woman who had charge of thebasement to tell them a friend would call to see them, as new-comerswere always so timid. A voice from the adjoining room was heard tosay, "Come right in, Mrs. Haviland, we are not afraid of you;" and asthe fugitive clasped my hand in both of his, I exclaimed, "Where haveyou seen me?"

"Don't you mind Jim and George you giv' a basket full of close to las'Summer? You giv' me the linen pants an' blue checked gingham coat andstraw hat, an' you giv' Jim thin pants and coat and palm-leaf hat; anddon't you mind we went out in a market-wagon to a Quaker settlement?"

"Yes, but how came you here again?"

"It was for this little woman I went back. " Then he went over hismanaging process, as above related. 

As I was soon to go to my home in Michigan, it was proposed by ourvigilance committee that this couple, with Sarah, who made her escapeover a year previously, should go with me. Sarah was to be sold awayfrom her little boy of three years for a fancy girl, as she was abeautiful octoroon and attractive in person. She knew full well thefate that awaited her, and succeeded in escaping. She was an excellenthouse servant, and highly respected by all who made her acquaintancefor her sterling Christian character and general intelligence. She hadlived in a quiet Christian family, who gave her good wages, but shedid not dare to risk her liberty within one hundred miles of herformer home. 

A few days after the arrival of George and wife a mulatto woman andher daughter of sixteen, bound South from Virginia, left a steamer andjoined our company. While waiting for a certain canal-boat, the ownerand captain being friendly to our work, another young man joined us. These we received at different points to avoid suspicion. Before wereached the third bridge we were overtaken by Levi Coffin withanother young man, whom he had instructed implicitly to regard all thelessons I might give him. I gave them all a charge to say nothing ofgoing farther than Toledo, Ohio, and talk of no farther back thanCincinnati. 

While on our way George pointed at a wire, and told his wife it was atelegraph-wire, at which she dodged back, and for a moment seemed asbadly frightened as though her master had been in sight. It was alucky thing for us that no stranger happened to be in sight, as herfright would have betrayed them. Even an assurance from George thatthe wires could do no harm, could hardly satisfy her, until he appealedto me to confirm his statement, that it was the operators at each endof the wires that gave information. 

The day before we reached Toledo one of the drivers left, and thesteersman employed our boy William, with the consent of the captain. Itold George to tell William I wanted to see him at the expiration ofthe time set for him to drive. He came into the cabin, while the otherpassengers were on deck, and told me all the hands seemed very clever, and the steersman told him he would find a good place for him to workin Toledo, and that he would see that he had good wages. He asked himvarious questions, that led him to disclose his starting point, Vicksburg, Mississippi. As he was so very friendly he answered all hisqueries, even to his master's name. This I had charged him not togive. As George and the other colored man saw the steersman andanother man employed on the boat so very intimate, and careful to keepWilliam with them, they began to fear for their own safety. There cameup a sudden shower during William's time to drive, and he gotthoroughly drenched; and as he had no change of garments, the steersmanand the other boys of the boat furnished him out of their ownwardrobe. It had now become difficult for me to secure an interviewwith William, on account of his close friends, and I became as fearfulof the telegraph wires as was Mary, over whom we had a little sport. 

But William began to fear all was not right, and regretted having toldthis man of his condition, and made an errand on deck, as he saw mesitting alone. He told me all he had said to the steersman. I told himto appear very careless, and say nothing, but to appear as if he wasgoing with the steersman, as he had suggested. As we should be inToledo in three hours, I would go into the city, and the women andGeorge would follow me to a place of safety. Then I would return formy shawl, that I should leave on the boat. By that time, thepassengers would all have left, and he and the other young man mustremain about the boat. Then I would watch the opportunity, and when Iwent out, I should turn short corners, but give them time to keep mein sight. Accordingly, I returned for my shawl, but made no haste toleave until those close friends entered a saloon; then was our time; Igave them the wink and left for a place of safety. 

After I had put one and two in a place, my next work was to solicitmoney to pay our fare to Canada, on a boat that was to leave at 9 A. M. The next day. Here were six fares to pay to Detroit, as Sarah hadsufficient to pay her own. The friends in Cincinnati had paid theirfare to Toledo. It was now nearly night, and I had but little time;but I succeeded by nine o'clock the next morning, leaving a coloredman to conduct them to the boat; with hardly five minutes to spare Ireached the boat, with my living freight. 

Once out in the lake we felt quite secure. Yet there was a possibilityof a telegram being sent to William's master, and danger of beingovertaken by officers in Detroit. Knowing of their anxiety to seeCanada, I waited until we were near enough to see carriages andpersons on the road on the other side. When I said to George's wife"There is Canada. " "It ain't, is it?" "It is, certainly. It is whereno slave-owner can claim his slave. " She ran to her husband to tellthe good news. But neither he nor the balance of them believed her, and all came running to me. "That ain't Canada, is it?" Being assuredthat the land of freedom was in full view, with tears of joy theygazed upon their "House of Refuge, " and within forty minutes we werethere. And to see them leap for joy was rich pay for all my care intheir behalf. George and Jake had both armed themselves with deadlyweapons, in case of an attempt to capture them, resolving on libertyor death. I left each with fifty cents and returned to my own sweethome. 

I found the large building unfinished. As the first buildings weretemporary, they were unsuitable for students to occupy another Winter, which would be the eleventh Winter our school had been in successfuloperation. Brother Patchin, our principal, was called to another fieldas pastor and teacher, and would go if the new building was not readyfor use by the following academic year. While these probabilities wereunder consideration, brother J. F. Dolbeare was taken from us, after ashort illness. As he was an important trustee, and an active Christianworker, his loss was severely felt. We had a few months previously metwith a similar loss in the death of another trustee, our valued friendand brother, Elijah Brownell, a minister of the Society of Friends. Surely dark clouds again overhung our favorite institution, in whichmany of our students were taught in the school of Christ, before theycame to us, and many out of the hundreds who had enjoyed theprivileges of our school, we had good reasons for believing, yieldedtheir young hearts to the loving Savior's invitation while with us. With the undying interests of the youth so near my heart, it was atrial to have our school suspended a year; but what could I do? I mustkeep up the ten per cent interest on three hundred dollars of myindebtedness, and could not contract five hundred dollars more tofinish the institution building erected on the acre of ground I hadgiven for that object. It was enclosed, and a portion of the floorslaid, and doors and windows cased. This had cost over one thousanddollars for a building thirty by fifty-six feet. 

As the farm was still carried on by my married children, I concludedto return to Cincinnati and engage in nursing the sick during the coldseason, as the cough to which I was subject was returning. All thingsconsidered, the conclusion was reached to suspend Raisin Institute oneyear at least. An Oberlin scholarship was presented me for my daughterLaura Jane, who decided to take a gentleman's collegiate course. Notonly my financial pressure seemed to direct toward that more southernfield, but the cause of those who were thirsting for liberty, and werealmost daily leaving boats or crossing the river, was also a strongincentive to occupy a post near the Southern end of the road whoseNorthern terminus was in Queen Victoria's dominions. 

Many of my friends thought me presuming to venture so near those whohad threatened my life repeatedly, and in the hand-bills of theTennesseans (report said) there was offered $3, 000 reward for my head. Thomas K. Chester stated in a letter that he had sent them to a numberof the Southern States, to let them know what sort of sisters they hadin the North. But J. F. Dolbeare, on the night before his death, called me to his bedside, and, taking my hand in his, said, "SisterHaviland, you have passed through close and trying places in yourwork, and your anti-slavery mission is not yet finished. Your trialsare not over. Greater dangers are for you to pass through--I see it. O, may the Lord prepare you for the work he has for you to accomplish!He has sustained you thus far. He will grant you his protecting arm. Iknow it. " I have often had occasion to remember the words I listenedto in that solemn hour, during thirty years that have since passed. 

A slave-owner from New Orleans, with his wife, three children, andtheir nurse, Maria, were bound for Cincinnati. When at Louisville, hewas told if he was going to spend the Summer in Cincinnati he'd besure to lose his servant-girl, "as that city is cursed with freenegroes and abolitionists. " At this unpleasant information, Champlinand his wife concluded to make their temporary home in Covington, instead of Cincinnati, to the great disappointment of Maria, as sheand her husband had been over two years in saving all their littlesilver pieces, until the amount was one hundred dollars, which was tobe used in taking her to Canada. 

As this "Northern trip" had been calculated two or three years before, and as they went to no place without their faithful nurse, the slavecouple also made their plans. Her husband told her, as she would havea good opportunity to secure her freedom, he would manage to secretehimself on some through boat, and meet her in Canada; and he could gowith less money than she could, and insisted upon her taking all theyhad saved. But after Maria found they were going to hire rooms andboard in a hotel in Covington, she went to the trunk that containedher clothes and the children's, and to her great disappointment herhundred dollars, that she had so securely tied in a little rag androlled in her garments, was taken out by her mistress, who neverpretended to go to her trunk for any thing, having no care whatever ofher children's wardrobe. But she must hide her feelings by putting ona cheerful face, though she felt as though all her hopes of freedom, of which she had so fondly dreamed, were blasted forever. 

She found her task, as usual, was to keep the wardrobe of her mistressand the children in order, and care for the children day and night. Afew days elapsed, and she asked her mistress if she would please giveher money to purchase herself a pair of shoes, as she heard they werecheaper here than at home. She said she would either get her shoes orgive her the money in a few days; but neither shoes nor money came. Two and three weeks passed, and Maria ventured to repeat her request;but the reply was, "Your shoes are good enough for a while yet. "

While her master and mistress were over the river, she frequently tookthe children to the river, to amuse them in looking at boats and inpicking up pebbles on the bank, when her longing look was noticed by awhite man, who ventured to ask her if she would like to go across theriver. She told him, if she did, she had no money to give to any onewho would take her. After learning that her master's residence was inNew Orleans, he told her, if she would never let any one know that hehad ever said or done any thing about helping her, let what wouldhappen, he would take her over without any thing, in the night, whenever she could get away; but if it was ever known there it wouldruin him. She promised; and as no one was near, and the three childrenplaying at a little distance, he pointed her to a large root on thebank, under which she could hide, and there wait until she heard a lowwhistle near the root, when she could come out and step into a skiffwithout saying a word, and he would muffle the oars so as not to beheard, and take her to a colored family he knew over the river, whereshe would be safe until they would send her on to Canada. 

"But how can I go on, when I's got no money?"

"They know of a way to send such people as you without money. You'llget with those over there who will see you safe; never fear. "

"I never can tell you, " she said, in relating her story, "how strangeI felt about sich good news as this, and wondered if it could be true. I jus' trimbled like a popple leaf all the evenin'. Master and missuswas over in the city to a lecture on Fernology, and didn't get backtill twelve o'clock. I kep' the chillen awake later'n common, sothey'd sleep sounder. Then I tied my clothes up in a tight bundle, an'had my shoes an' hat whar I'd lay han's on 'em, an' put out the light. I was snorin', when missus looked in an' said, 'All's asleep--allright;' an' I waited till the clock struck one, an' all still. I crep'sof'ly out on the street, and down to the root, an' waited for awhistle. The clock struck two. O, how long! Will that man come?Chillen may cry, an' missus fin' me gone. Had I better wait till it'sthree o'clock? May be he can't come. He said, if any thing happen hecouldn't come to-night, I mus' go back, an' try another night. An''bout as I began to think I better go back come the whistle. I steppedin, an' we went over; but the clock struck three before we got halfacross, an' he was mighty fear'd he couldn't get back afore daybreak. "

News reached us during the day that a woman crossed the river early, and was so near it as to be dangerous for a hiding-place; and it fellto my lot to see her in a safe place as soon as the darkness of nightwould shield us from being detected by Champlin and his aids, who werealready seen at street corners. I took a black Quaker bonnet and adrab shawl and a plain dress-skirt in a market-basket, with which todisguise our fugitive. 

I found her in a dark room, where I fixed her up for a walk; and shetold me of her loss of the hundred dollars, but I told her all wouldbe well without it. I instructed her to take my arm as we went, andtake good care to limp all the way, for we should pass plenty ofKentuckians. Thickly veiled, we walked half a mile, turning shortcorners to elude watchers, if any, from our starting-point. As we wentup Central Avenue to Longworth, we passed through a crowd, one of whomsaid:

"I'm going to line my pockets to-night. Thar's five hundred dollarsreward out. "

Said another, in a low tone, "When did she cross?"

"Last night some time, they say. "

My Quaker sister, limping at my side, was trembling, I sensibly felt, as she hung upon my arm, as we listened to these remarks from herpursuers. I took her to a very intelligent colored family on LongworthStreet, who were well known to us as true friends. 

Although I had passed her pursuers without fear, yet when Levi Coffininformed me that Ruffin, the greatest slave-hunter in the city, hadjust moved next door to Burgess, where I left Maria, my fears werealmost equal to Maria's. "Laura, thou hast left thy fugitive with agood family, but in a poor place, " said our venerable friend. "Butwait until to-morrow evening, when thou hadst better give her anothermove, as I know they will use all possible care. " The following eveningLevi and friend Hughes were to be on Central Avenue near LongworthStreet, and as I came out with my Quaker woman, they were to walk halfa block ahead and turn on Ninth Street to his house, and if sisterCatherine's sign appeared on the balcony of the second story, we wereto ascend the outside flight of steps, and take her up to the attic inthe fourth story. 

Champlin had doubled the reward, and was raving with rage over theloss of their nurse. He said he would have her if he had to "set onefoot in hell after her, " cursing and swearing in a perfect foam; andsaid a thousand dollars should be doubled but what he would have her. As the streets were too well lighted, to give her the appearance of awhite person through the veil, I called for a saucer of flour, withwhich I thoroughly powdered her face. Before her veil was adjusted shehappened to look up and saw herself in the large mirror before her, and burst into a laugh over her white face and Quaker bonnet. I gaveher a shake as I placed my hands over her shoulders: "Don't laughloud, for your liberty's sake. Remember the next door neighbor wouldget his thousand dollars reward from Champlin, if he could know youare here. " "I won't look at that glass ag'in, I looks so quare. "

I took her on the front walk, and following our previous plans, at theinvitation of the white cloth on the balustrade, we soon foundourselves in the attic. She remained here two weeks, not daring tomove in any direction, as the wealthy New Orleans planter's bipedbloodhounds were seen and heard from in almost every direction throughthe city. 

As there was in this case an unusual excitement, the editor of theCincinnati _Commercial_ inserted a little note in his paper, of theescape of the New Orleans nurse from her owners, who were boarding atWhite Hall Hotel in Covington; and that the mistress had taken onehundred dollars from the nurse previous to their arrival at theirdestination. The day following this notice Champlin came to the_Commercial_ office and demanded the authority the editor had forcharging his wife with stealing from their servant. For whether it washe or any one else, it would prove a dear job to vilify his wife likethis, for he'd have their life or $3, 000; and swore nothing shortwould settle it. He told the editor he would give him till ten o'clockthe next morning, when he should come prepared for the settlement(referring to his pistols, which he knew how to use). At once LeviCoffin received a call from the editor for advice, as he was hisinformant. During this interview, Catherine came into our room, saying, "Laura, they are in a tangle with that New Orleans slave-holder, andthey want thee to help straighten it. " Going in, I was introduced tothe editor, and main proprietor of the _Commercial_, and they relatedthe difficulty. 

"Now, " said Levi, "this young man has invested in this firm all he isworth, and Champlin will probably ruin his business if he fails togive his authority for stating Maria's loss of her hundred dollars;and as I gave him these facts, in case he gives my name as authority, he will then come upon me, and make trouble, as Champlin seemeddetermined upon vengeance. "

After a little reflection over these statements and threats I toldthem I did not see but I came next, as I told Levi these facts, whichI took from Maria and the family where she was first secreted. And asI had no property in Ohio, and the little I owned in Michigan I hadarranged to keep from slave-holders, I would stand in the gap and ouryoung friend might refer to me as authority, if compelled to give it, rather than lose his life, or property even. 

Said Levi, "This is liable to terminate in a serious affair. It wouldlay thee liable to imprisonment if he is so disposed, and thy childrenin Michigan would feel very sad over such an event. "

I replied that I did not fear of remaining long in prison, neither didI believe he was going to be permitted to put me there, but at allevents I was fully prepared to allow my name to be given. With thisconclusion our young friend left us, saying that if he could managethat exasperated man without naming me, he would do so. We were allanxiously waiting to see the result of the fearful meeting at the hourof ten the following day. Champlin was there at the hour, with thestern query, "Are you ready, sir, to give me your authority, or abidethe consequences?"

"I am, sir. The colored family where she first stopped informed us. "

"Do you take a nigger's testimony?"

"Certainly I do. They are respectable and honest, though poor. "

After pouring forth a volley of oaths, and saying he wouldn't stoop solow as to notice what a nigger would say, for they were all a pack ofliars, he left the office, to the great relief both of the editor andourselves. Very soon he came to us with the pleasing report, how thosepistols, so full of powder, flashed in the pan. 

But the slave-hunters were still so numerous, it was thought best todress her up for another walk, and I took her to a family nearFourteenth Street, and wrote a letter in Maria's name to her master, dated it ahead, and from Windsor, Canada West, and sent it enclosed ina letter to a friend at that place, with directions to mail it to themaster at the date I had given. Maria informed her master Champlinthat Canada was not the cold barren country he had always told her itwas, for they raised great fields of corn, and potatoes, peas andbeans, and everything she saw in Kentucky; and that she had found thebest of friends ever since she left home, and signed her name. 

In less than two weeks Kitty Darun's niece came in great haste toinform us that "Champlin had got poor Maria, and Aunt Kitty is nearlycrying her eyes out over the sad news that a colored man brought overlast night. "

"That is all a mistake. "

"Oh, no, it's no mistake, for that colored man worked near White Hallyesterday, and he said the report was just flying. "

I hushed her loud words, and whispered, "I can take you to Maria inten minutes, I know just where she is. "

"Are you _sure_, and may I go tell Aunt Kitty?"

"Go and whisper it, for there are but few friends who know she isstill in the city, because of the close search made for her, that isstill kept up. "

The next day she came to us with another story, "That he didn't getMaria, but got a letter from her in Canada. And that was the currentreport. "

I told her, "I understood that too, and would tell her all within afew weeks. "

The result of this letter was a withdrawal of all the hired hunterswithin twenty-four hours, and during three days' quiet two young mencame from a few miles distant across the river, who got the privilegeof a holiday, and of spending it nearly ten miles farther from theriver than was their home. As they left the night before, they wouldhave until the next morning before being missed. 

As Cazy (one of our vigilance committee) came before sunrise to informus of the new arrival, Catharine Coffin came to my bed-room and gaveme a call: "Come, Laura, here are more runaways; Cazy is here and theywant thee. " In less than five minutes there were four of us to decideon the plan of securing the newcomers and the one on our hands. "Whatshall we do? Our funds are out, we haven't a dime in our treasury, "said Cozy. 

"We must get enough to take then; two young men and Maria out as faras the Stubbs settlement to-night, " I replied; "for you see all isquiet now over Maria, and by to-morrow the city will fill up againwith slave-hunters. "

"That is what I told Cazy before thou came in; but he says he has ajob on his hands he can not leave, " said Levi. 

"Where Is Hughes?"

"I don't believe I could get him to leave his work to see to it; butmay be he'll go for you, " wild Cazy. 

"I'll try. " And throwing on my shawl and bonnet, called on Hughes, andtold him he must go and take Maria and two young men who had justarrived this morning. 

"But what can we do without money?"

"I'll get it to-day. What amount is wanting?"

"It will take eight dollars to hire a close carriage and team to gothirty miles to-night, and I must be back to my work by eight o'clocktomorrow morning. "

"I'll have that ready before night. "

"Then I'll call at Uncle Levis's at noon, and see whether you are sureof success in getting the money; then I will call at the livery on myreturn to my work and engage the carriage and team, to be ready byseven and a half o'clock this evening. "

When he called at noon I had four dollars in money and a travelingsuit for Maria, and knew just where I could get the balance. Now forthe plan of starting. I told him he must manage the two men and Iwould manage for Maria. "But there are two toll-gates that are closelywatched for colored people, and I want you to go with us past thosegates, as two white persons in front would pass the load; not seeingany colored people, they would make no inquiries. As Catherine'shealth was poor, and cholera was raging in the city, she was notwilling I should remain away over night, and Levi secured WilliamBeckley to follow us a little distance behind until we had passedthose gates, when I was to return with him. The carriage, with ourcompany, was to be driven up Central Avenue as far as the orphanasylum, and halt for Maria and myself; and as he passed the street shewas on, Hughes was to take out his white pocket handkerchief and wipehis face, while William Fuller, at whose house Maria was secreted, wasto walk on the street at the time appointed to watch for the signal;when discovered, as he turned toward the house, we were to step out onthe street, and walk the half block where our carriage was inwaiting. "

But in this we found it necessary to adopt my old rule of beingcarelessly careful, as there were Kentuckians in their rented houseseach side of William Fuller's, and they were overheard to say threedays before, that they believed they had "niggers hid at Fuller's, forthe blinds in the second story hadn't been opened in two weeks. " Theweather being warm, and the rising of the full moon, and their nextdoor neighbors sitting on their front porches, all combined to bringus into full view. As we were watching for the moment to start Mariatook up her bundle of clothes; but I told her the least appearance, aside from common callers, would create suspicion, and we must sendthem after her. "But they's all I got, an' I will never see 'emag'in, " said Maria, sorrowfully. 

"But your liberty is of more value than a cart load of clothes. "

"Oh, yes, I knows it; but I can't even change. "

"Hand them to me, " and they were opened and tightly rolled into theshape of a six months' baby in a trice; and, as I rolled it in ashawl, I said, "I'll carry the baby myself. " The watchful wife says, "William is turning back, and I will walk to the corner with you. " Aswe reached the gate, the neighbors in full view, sister Fuller'slittle girl called, "Mamma, I want to see the baby; I didn't know thatwoman had a baby. " The frightened mother tried to hush her in asmothered voice, that I feared would betray her excitement. "Let hergo with us, mother, " said I. "But auntie hasn't time now to let littlesis see the baby; wait till next time we call, because we are late, and our folks will be waiting for us. " And as we leisurely walkedalong, sister Fuller invited us to come another time to make a longercall. 

After turning the corner, our sister and little girl left us, and wequickened our pace to the carriage we saw in waiting. Friend Hughesstood by the hitching-post, but looked wild with excitement when hesaw me turn to the carriage, as he knew there was no baby aboard; andas he had hitched in a darker place than near the entrance, he did notrecognize us. But as I gave my baby a toss in the carriage, saying, "This is part of our company; take care of my baby, " he recognized myvoice. "O, yes; this is one of your tricks. " Soon we were seated, andon our way. We passed the two fearful gates with a sharp look by eachkeeper, and half a mile beyond I proposed to return; but friend Hughessaid there was a short piece of woods ahead to pass through, then thecoast would be clear the balance of the way, and he would rather Iwould go through the woods with them. Just before entering the grovewe heard the loud talking, singing, and laughing of ten or a dozen menwe were going to meet. 

As this boisterous company appeared before us, Hughes turned to thetwo men behind us, and said, "Are your pistols ready?"

"Yes, sah;" and each took from his own pocket a six-shooter. 

"Boys, if those men attempt to take our horses by the bits, and I say, _Fire!_ will you do it?"

"Yes, sah. "

Said I, "Hughes, be careful, be careful. Your excitement will betrayus if you are not _very careful_. "

"We don't know what rabble we are going to meet, and I propose to beready fur 'em. "

"There is nothing known of this company, and I know we are safe. "

"I don't know it; and if they make the first move to stop us, beready, boys. "

"All ready. "

There were two six-shooters behind me, and one in the hand of Hughes, that I feared much more than all the slave-holders in Kentucky. 

But we were soon relieved by the remark of one, as we were passing, "It was well we stopped that bent from falling, or't would have killedSmith as dead as a hammer. " We found by this that they had been to theraising of a building, and a number of them were more than half drunk. 

After going a mile or two farther, and our excitement was over, I tookleave of our company, with a charge to keep quiet and all would bewell, and returned to Levi Coffin's by twelve o'clock. The followingmorning we received a good report from our conductor, Hughes, of thesafe delivery of this valuable freight in the Quaker settlement depot, where they were forwarded to Canada. 

CHAPTER VI. 

FUGITIVE SLAVES ASSISTED. 

The exciting intelligence reached us that Clara and her three littleones were about to be captured by slave-holders in the city, on PearlStreet. I called on her at once, and found the house was surroundedthe night before by strangers, who were followed to a hotel, and onthe record the name of her master's son was found. Poor woman! She hadpassed through great suffering in making her escape with her twochildren; a third was born in Cincinnati--yet it too must share theanticipated fate of its mother. She had always been a house-servant, but found the death of her master was about to make great changes, hebeing deeply in debt. By the aid of a chambermaid she was secreted ona boat, and kept the two children drugged with opiates until shefeared they would never come to life. But after her arrival, under thecare of a skillful physician, they survived. She had found goodfriends among her own people and Church two years. I found herweeping, with the two youngest in her arms, the oldest sitting on astool at her feet. With fast-falling tears she kissed her babes. "Oma's precious darlings, how can I spare you!" I told her if her masterdid not come for her until it was dark enough to conceal her, arrangements were made to come for her with a close carriage, to takethem out of the city to a place of safety. 

"I reckon you can't save us, " she sobbed. 

I told her we would pray the Lord, who knew all her deep sorrow, toopen the way for us. 

"Yes, I cried mightily to him to help me out o' that dark land backyonder, and it 'peared like he did bring me out; but if I had stuckcloser to him I reckon he'd kep' me from this hard trial;" and freshtears freely flowed. 

With my hands on her shoulders, my tears mingled with hers. In brokensentences, she referred to the separation of her husband when he wassold and taken down the river. 

I left her, with a heavy heart, yet strong hope that her young master(as she called him) would be defeated. 

At twilight, I called to assist in getting them ready to jump into thecarriage that our friend William Fuller would drive to the door withinfifteen minutes; and being ready, we were in the carriage turning thefirst corner within a minute, and left them in charge of anunderground railway agent, who took them on his train as soon as theirclothing and pocket-money were forwarded to them, to the great reliefof many anxious hearts. 

A little past nine o'clock, her master and his posse surrounded thehouse, and lay in wait until the stillness of the midnight hour wasthought most favorable to pounce upon their prey and hurry them to theriver, where they had a boat in waiting for them. Then their force wasincreased, and an entrance demanded. The owner of the house (a coloredman) refused admittance without legal authority, although threats ofbreaking down the door or windows were made; but they were resistedwith returning threats of shooting the first man that dared to enterwithout proper authority. As they were expecting an attack, the womenhad left their home for the night. The watch was kept around the houseuntil morning approached, when the marshal, with his official papers, was brought to claim Clara and three children. But to their greatdisappointment, in searching the house, no Clara or children werethere. In great rage her master left, swearing vengeance upon him whohad kept them in suspense all night when he had spirited them away, for he knew he had harbored his property in his house; but all thereply he received was, "Prove it, if you wish. " They got no track ofthem until they heard from them in Canada. 

A fugitive by the name of Jack secreted himself on a large steamerfrom the lower Mississippi, and left it on landing in Cincinnati. Being so far from his old home, he hired himself as a barber, in whichbusiness he was very successful about two years, when his masterlearned of his whereabouts. He made the acquaintance of a free coloredman by the name of Robert Russel, who was an idle, loafish mulatto, sometimes working at little jobs in Cincinnati, and also in Covington. In the latter place he fell in with the slave-holder, who was watchingfor an opportunity to secure the aid of some one who would induce Jackto come to the river, where he would hurry him onto the ferry, and gethim on the Kentucky side, when he could easily return him to the farSouth. As he found Robert Russel a man of no principle, he gave himten dollars if he would decoy Jack to the wharf of Walnut Streetlanding about noon, when men were generally at dinner. He succeeded, when the master with his Kentucky friends slipped hand-cuffs on poorJack, and took him on the ferry for a thief. The more Jack protested, denying the charge, the louder they cried thief! thief! Some of hiscolored friends consulted their favorite lawyer, John Jolliffe, aboutarresting Jack's master for kidnapping, as he had taken him illegally, but they were told they could do nothing with him in Kentucky. Theywere compelled to leave their friend to his fate. 

But the Judas who betrayed Jack ought to be brought to justice; buthow could they do it? As I was at that time teaching a school ofcolored girls, in the basement of Zion Baptist Church, a number ofcolored men came to consult with me. I told them as Robert Russel wasa renegade he was as liable to serve one side of the river as theother, and would as readily bring a slave to the Ohio side for tendollars, as to decoy him back into the hands of his master for thatmoney. They said Robert did not dare come into Cincinnati, fearingthat justice would be dealt out in tar and feathers by the coloredpeople. They learned soon after be came to the city that he ran awayfrom Ripley to avoid being arrested for stealing. I advised them notto take the law of tar and feathers, as they had indicated, in theirown hands; but to spoil the petting he was getting from the slave-holders across the river, by warning them against Robert Russel, forhe would as readily play the rogue one side as the other; and thisthey could do in a little printed card that might be dropped on thesidewalk through a few streets in Covington, and they would run himout of their town in a hurry. This idea pleased them, and they wishedme to draft the card, and they would print and circulate it. I toldthem I would take my noon recess to prepare it, and at 4 o'clock myschool would be out, and they might come for it. I gave it as follows:

 Slave-Holders of Kentucky! BEWARE OF THE ROGUE, ROBERT RUSSEL!

 Who absconded from Ripley, Ohio, to evade the strong arm of the law he richly deserved for misdemeanors in that town. This man is a light mulatto, and betrayed one of his race for ten dollars, in Cincinnati, bringing him into life-long trouble. He will as readily take ten dollars from any of your slaves to bring them to Cincinnati, and again take ten dollars to return them to you, as he has no higher purpose to serve than paltry self. A LOVER OF RIGHT. 

This was printed on a placard of ten by twelve inches. They procuredtwo hundred for distribution, but found it more difficult to get adistributor than they anticipated. I told one of them to go to LeviCoffin's and inform him and his wife where I was going after my schoolwas dismissed, and that I would distribute them through Covington, butto let no one else know of it, except their committee who secured theprinting, as it would produce increased excitement. I went a mile fromthe river before commencing my work, and left one or two in everyyard, when no eye seemed directed toward me, I dropped them by thestreet side until I reached the ferry that returned me to my anxiousfriends in Cincinnati, just as the sun dropped behind the Westernhills. 

The following day report gave an account of the evening's excitementin Covington. A company of slave-holders met to consult over thisplacard, and the conclusion was reached to give Bob Russel until nineo'clock the following morning to leave the State or take theconsequences. Two slaves had left them within a couple of months, andthey charged him with taking them over the river. Some of the moreexcitable were for hauling him out of bed at the close of theirmeeting (ten o'clock), and dealing summary vengeance for their recentlosses, but as he pledged himself to leave their State the nextmorning never to return, they left him to his own uncomfortablereflections. 

A party consisting of four, from New Orleans, came to Cincinnati tospend the Summer, and made their home at a hotel. It was soonascertained by the colored people that their little nurse girl ofabout nine years of age, was a slave, and as the master and mistresshad brought her there, she was by the laws of Ohio free. They took theopportunity to coax her away and place her among their white friends, who they knew would take good care of her. Very soon there was greatinquiry for Lavina. They said she was just a little pet they broughtwith them to play with and mind the baby, and they knew she was stolenfrom them against her will; but that if they could get sight at her, she would run to them, unless she was forcibly held back by some meanperson. Diligent search was made among the colored people whom theysuspected, but no clew could be found of her whereabouts. They werethen advised to visit some prominent abolitionists, where they weresatisfied she had been taken. So close to Elizabeth Coleman's werethey watching, that she felt unsafe, fearing they might come in andfind her alone with her little pet fugitive, so she took her to SamuelReynold's by night. 

The search continued. Samuel met the master on the street in front ofhis house, but had left orders to dress Lavina in his little boy'ssuit; and holding the master in conversation awhile, he said he wouldcall for Jim, to bring them a glass and pitcher of water, havingalready told his wife to give Jim a few necessary instructions hew toappear very smart and active. As she came out to give them drink, Samuel gave the master and his two friends a few lessons in Ohio law, informing him that all slaves brought into the State by their ownerswere _free_. The master contended that it would be very cruel tokeep Lavina from her mother (who belonged to him), and he knew if hecould be allowed to see her it would be sufficient to convince them ofher attachment to him, and promised to leave the child to her ownchoice. "But, " said Samuel, "Lavina is on our underground railroad. "This was as new to the New Orleans slave-holder as were the Ohio lawshe had been explaining. After discussing the right and wrong of hisclaim, Samuel called to his wife to send Jim with a pitcher of water;and out came the little fellow. "Pour a glass of water for thisgentleman, Jim;" and their heated discussion continued. The mastertook the glass from Jim, who looked him full in the face, with onehand in his pocket, while Samuel was serving the other two gentlemenwith a glass of water. The women in the house were filled with fear, as they deemed Samuel rather imprudent. But Jim returned with pitcherand glass, and the master and his friends went back to the hotel nonethe wiser, either of Lavina's whereabouts or of the operation of thisnew kind of railroad. Lavina was well cared for, and her master andmistress returned to New Orleans with a new experience, _minus_ anurse girl. 

Another fugitive, by the name of Zack, came across the river fromVirginia into Ohio. He had lain in the woods by day, and traveled bythe North Star at night, when it was clear, but in rainy or cloudyweather he found he was as liable to go South as North. There had beenmuch rain to impede his progress, and he suffered much from hunger. Hehad advanced only a few miles from the river, when he found a familyof true friends, who replenished his clothing, and was preparing foodfor his journey, when his master, with eight other men, found outwhere he was, and came with officers to search the house and taketheir prey. They came in the night and demanded entrance. "Wife, whatshall we do? There are men under every window. "

"Let them search the two lower rooms first, and while you go with themyou tell Zack to slip into my room while you are with them, and I'llsee to him. "

"But I tell you he can't be got out of this house without beingcaught. "

"Go on; I know that. " And he left her and gave the frightened man hisorders. But before he reached her room she rolled up the feather-bedand drew the straw mattress to the front side of the bedstead, andtold Zack to jump in. Her oder obeyed, she threw back the feather-bed, and before the master and officer entered her room she was occupyingthe front side of the bed. The clothes-press, wardrobe, and under thebed were all closely scrutinized. The husband, pale with excitement, was expecting, in every place they searched, that poor Zack would befound. But they all left satisfied that he was not in that house, though so very sure they had found the right place. The noble womansaid he shook with fear, so as to make the bed tremble during thesearch, knowing but too well his sad fate if he should again fall intothe hands of his master. Every necessary measure was taken to hastenhis progress to Canada. 

In December, 1852, Calvin Fairbanks, who had served a term of threeyears in the Kentucky penitentiary for aiding slaves to escape, calledat Levi Coffin's and informed me of a letter he had received, givinginformation that an interesting slave woman in Louisville, Kentucky, could cross the river, if a friend would meet her at Jeffersonville, Indiana, and take her to a place of safety; and he proposed to be theconductor. I advised him, by all means, not to go so near Kentucky, ashe was so well known through that State. He said he expected we wouldoppose him. I advised him to consult with Dr. Brisbane, as Levi wasabsent. But he chose to keep the matter quiet, and went on hisdangerous expedition. I was called away to College Hill as nurse, andin three weeks, when I returned to Levi's, he called me into thestore, saying, "We have a letter for thee to read; somebody is introuble, and Samuel Lewis, Dr. Brisbane and myself have been trying tofind out who it is, but can make out nothing by the letter. Thesignature is of stars, that he says is the number of letters in thename, but we can make nothing of it;" and he handed me the letter, dated from Louisville jail. 

As soon as I counted the six stars in the first name, I said, "Levi, it is Calvin Fairbanks! Read out the last line of stars, and we'llfind Fairbanks. "

At this point Dr. Brisbane entered the store. 

"Doctor, " said Levi, "Laura has found our riddle; she says it isCalvin Fairbanks. "

Both were astonished, not knowing he was down the river. I told themof his call in Levi's absence, and of his errand. 

"Poor man, how he will suffer, for they will soon find him out, andthey are so very bitter against him, I fear he will die in theirpenitentiary, for they will have no mercy on him, " said the doctor. 

"He sends us an appeal for help, but I see no way we can render himassistance, " responded Levi. 

A few weeks later a colored man, who had been mistaken for a slave, was released from that jail. He came to us telling of the sufferingthe prisoners endured, having no bed but a pile of filthy straw intheir cells; and that Calvin requested him to see his friends, andtell us he must perish unless a quilt and flannel underclothing werefurnished him; and he also needed a little pocket money. No one daredto take these articles to him, for only two weeks previously a man bythe name of Conklin had brought the wife and four children of anescaped slave into Indiana, and was captured in the night. All weretaken to the river, and the poor woman and her children returned totheir owner, without her meeting the husband and father, who had sentfor them. Conklin was bound with ropes and thrown into the river, where he was found a few days after. Four weeks before Williams, fromMassachusetts, followed two little mulatto girls who were stolen fromtheir free-born parents by a peddler, and found them near Baltimore, Maryland. As soon as his errand was made known a baud of ruffianslynched him. 

These two cases of murder, without the semblance of law, had producedmuch excitement in the North, and now the Fairbanks case wasincreasing the exasperation of the South. But here was a sufferingbrother in prison. A few days of earnest prayer determined me to go toLouisville jail with a trunk of bed clothes and under flannels. Ilooked for strong opposition from my friends, but to my surprise whenI proposed the plan to my friends Levi and Catherine Coffin, theyfavored my project. Catherine did her full share in furnishing atrunk, a thick comfortable and pillow; others soon brought a change offlannels; and as Levi met friends and made known my project of goingto Louisville, the mites were brought to the amount of fourteendollars for Calvin, and enough to bear my expenses. Levi saw CaptainBarker, who possessed an interest in the line of packets running toLouisville, and he offered half fare, and promised to send for me intime for the Ben Franklin, No. 2, to leave for Louisville the next dayat 2 P. M. 

Dr. Brisbane, on returning from an absence of a few days, told Levinot to allow so rash a move, and said that I must not go to Louisvillein this excitement, for it was dangerous in the extreme; and hereferred to Conklin's fate, that was just as likely to be mine. Thisso discouraged Levi, that he said, "It may be we have been too fast ingiving thee words of encouragement. " My reply was, "I find nogeographical lines drawn by our Savior in visiting the sick and inprison. "

Here was a suffering brother, who had fallen among thieves, and I feltit my duty to go to his relief. There seemed also a clear answer toprayer that I should be protected; and if time would allow me to callon Dr. Brisbane before I left for the boat, I would do so, as Idesired to see him. 

"If thou art going, I advise thee not to call on the doctor, as I knowhow he feels about thy going, and all thy reasons will not satisfy himin the least. "

I told him if the doctor or any one else would go, I should feel easyto give it up, but otherwise I could not. 

During this conversation Melancthon Henry came in, as he said, "withhis mite" of three silver dollars for brother Fairbanks. He said, "Youare going into the lion's den, and my prayer is that you may be aswise as a serpent and harmless as a dove. I know the venom of theserpent is there in power, but God will give his children the wisdomwithout the poison. " Melancthon was a son of Patrick Henry, who hademancipated him with his slave mother. He was a member of the WesleyanMethodist Church, to which I was at that time attached. 

Soon after Captain Barker sent for me, and told me to refer ColonelBuckner to him in presenting my note of introduction, as he wasfavorably acquainted with the colonel and he should mention me as oneof his friends. 

Arrived at Louisville about day-dawn, I took a hack, and ordered thehackman to place the trunk on the porch of the front entrance of thejailor's residence. As the colonel's wife answered the door-bell, Iinquired for Colonel Buckner. She stepped back to call him, when in anundertone I heard, "Who is it?" "I don't know; she came in the hackand is genteelly dressed, and I think came from the boat. "

He "genteelly" met me, took Captain Barker's letter of introduction, and then introduced me to his wife and daughter, and to his wife'ssister from Boston, who was there on a visit with her daughter, makingquite a lively social circle. My errand was immediately made known, and the colonel excused himself for overhauling the trunk to take itscontents to Calvin at once, as it was in the line of his duty askeeper of the prison to examine every thing brought in for prisoners;not that he expected to find anything improper for Fairbanks toreceive. I told him I designed returning to Cincinnati on the sameboat I came on, and it was going out at 4 P. M. 

"Why go so soon?" he asked. 

I replied, "My errand here is accomplished, when I see that thesethings are delivered to Calvin Fairbanks; and as I have a littlepocket change, sent by his friends in Cincinnati, I would like to seeCalvin, as I shall write his mother after my return. "

"I will see if the sheriff thinks it best. There was a greatexcitement in the city when Fairbanks was arrested and brought here, and Shotwell, the injured man who lost his servant Tamor and herchild, is very much enraged, and being a man of wealth and influencehere, I dare not take you in to see Fairbanks on my ownresponsibility; but I'll see the sheriff, and if he says you can seehim it is all right. "

With a little note from me he took the trunk of things to Calvin, andbrought back a receipt. As he handed it to me he said, "I suppose youwill recognize his handwriting, so you'll know it's from him?"

I replied that I had seen a note of his writing, but was notfamiliarly acquainted with it, but was perfectly satisfied with thereceipt. 

He said he had been to see the sheriff, but he was absent, and wouldnot return for two or three days, "and I think you had better wait, "he continued, "and see him, as you can remain with us; it shall notcost you a cent. "

I told him my friends in Cincinnati would be at the wharf to meet methe following morning; and as I had nothing further to accomplish, being satisfied that the things and money had been received by CalvinFairbanks, I felt free to return. But he urged still harder. 

"It will be too bad for you to return without seeing him, as you arethe only friend that has called to see him since he has been here; andI know he wants to see you, for he asked if you were not coming in tosee him, and I told him I was waiting to see the sheriff; and I thinkyou had better wait till the boat makes another trip, as your stayhere is as free as air, and we would like you to stop over; then youcan see the sheriff, and I reckon he will not object to your going into see Fairbanks, and yet I dare not take you in without hisapproval. "

I at length consented. They were all very polite, and I rested assweetly that night as if in my own room at Levi Coffin's, or in my ownMichigan home. The next day the colonel was very free to talk of thefalse ideas of Northern people about slavery; spoke of ElizabethMargaret Chandler's work on slavery, that I took from their centertable; said his wife's Boston friends sent it her, but "it was nothingbut a pack of lies. "

I told him that she lived and died neighbor to me, and I esteemed heras a noble woman. 

"But she never lived in the South, and had no right to judge of theircondition without the knowledge of it. "

I was introduced to a young man who he said had been suffering a fewdays' imprisonment under false charges, but on the examination, hadthat day, was found not guilty. As the family withdrew from theparlor, this young man seemed very anxious to deliver a secret messagefrom Fairbanks to me; he said he had made a confidant of him, and toldhim to request me to see to forwarding Tamor's trunk of valuableclothing to a place of safety. He then told me the mark on the trunk, and the place in Louisville where it was waiting to be forwarded. Isaid that I had told the colonel I had no idea of Tamor's whereabouts, as I had supposed she was taken with Fairbanks until informed to thecontrary; and that I had no business here whatever, aside frombringing a few articles for his present relief. 

After being absent awhile, he returned with a note purporting to befrom Calvin, inquiring whether I had made the acquaintance of personstherein named. I told the bearer I had not, and if he saw Calvin hecould tell him so. He urged me to send Fairbanks a note, as thecolonel or any one else should know nothing of it; but I refused, becoming satisfied that he was more of a dispatch-bearer for thecolonel than for Calvin Fairbanks. I learned afterwards that this wastrue, and that he was released for the purpose of getting hold ofadditional evidence with which to convict him, and perhaps convictmyself also. 

In the evening a gentleman of their city made a call on the family, and to him I was introduced. He spent an hour or two in conversationwith myself and the others. The jailer, Colonel Buckner, told me justbefore I left that their city papers--Louisville _Courier_ andLouisville _Commercial_--inserted a notice to the effect that"Delia Webster, from Cincinnati, is here, and is quartered for a fewdays in the city. " This little notice created much excitement; and asthe gentleman alluded to knew Delia Webster personally, the colonelbrought him in to make my acquaintance and report accordingly. As hepassed out of the parlor, he told the colonel he might rest assuredthat lady was not Delia Webster, and they had nothing to fear fromthis Cincinnati lady, and he should set the editors right. All thisexcitement was carefully kept from me, as they wished to keep me aslong as they possibly could, hoping to glean some additional evidenceagainst Fairbanks, although the jailer told me they had sufficientevidence to convict Fairbanks for a term of twenty-five or thirtyyears at least, as this was the second offense, and he had no doubtbut that he had been guilty of many others. The papers next day cameout with a correction, "that it was not Delia Webster, but Mrs. Haviland, from Cincinnati; and, as abolitionists generally went inpairs, she had better keep a lookout, or she, too, would find anapartment in Colonel Buckner's castle. "

Delia Webster was arrested near the time of Calvin Fairbanks's firstarrest, and for the same offense, and sentenced to the samepenitentiary, but in six weeks was pardoned. 

The colonel was disposed to spend much time in discussing the merits, or rather demerits, of abolition principles, which seemed to be a newtheme for this Methodist class-leader and jailor. He said:

"I want to convince you that you abolitioners are all wrong, for yougo against colonization, and you can't deny it; and if there was evera heaven-born institution it is colonization. "

"Do you claim that God has conferred the prerogative to a man or setof men to draw a line, and say to you or me. 'You shall go the otherside of that line, never to return?'". 

"O no, that is a different thing. We belong to a different race. "

"Whatever privilege you claim for yourself or I claim for myself, Iclaim for every other human being in the universe, of whatever nationor color. If the colored people choose to go to Africa. I have no wordto say against their removal; it is their right and their privilege togo. And if they wish to go to any other part of our world they havethe same right with me to go. "

"O no, not to Canada; for you have no idea of the trouble it makes us. We expend thousands of dollars in preventing our slaves from goingthere. "

"That is the defect in your policy. It is the existence of your systemof slavery that makes you all this trouble. " "As I told you of MissChandler, so it is with you, because you never lived in a slave State, and know nothing of their contented and happy condition. They have nocare; if they are sick the doctor is sent for, and they are astenderly cared for as our own children, and their doctor's bills arepaid. I know if you would live here a few months you'd see thesethings very differently. You would see our slaves marching out totheir work, singing their songs and hymns as merrily as if they'dnever had a troubled thought in their heads. Here's my wife, born andraised in Massachusetts, and now she thinks as much of our institutionof slavery as any of us who are raised here. "

"If your slaves are so happy and contented, why do they make you somuch trouble in their effort to reach Canada?"

"O, there's free niggers enough to be stirring up the devil in theirheads; for their notions are not fit to mingle with our servants. Andthere's the good the colonization of these free negroes is doing. Iknow of one man that manumitted two of his slaves on purpose to havethem go to Africa as missionaries; and there is the design ofProvidence in bringing those heathen negroes here to learn the Gospelplan by Christ, to save the dark and benighted heathen of their owncountry. We have reports from the two missionaries that I told you wereset free for that object, and their master sent them off to school ayear or more to fit them for their work. "

"But why not give them all an opportunity of educacation, to enablethem to read the Bible and books and papers. That would improve therace at home; and instead of sending them off, as you say, they wouldbe preachers here among their people. "

"I tell you that wouldn't amount to any thing, as there are but fewthat can learn any thing but work, and that they are made for. Theirthick skulls show that they can't learn books; and if you knew as muchabout them as I do you'd see it too, but you are such an abolitioneryou won't see it. "

I told him I had seen colored people in the North who were welleducated and intelligent. 

"O yes, there are a few who can learn, but I speak of the race. Theyare different from us, you know. Not only their skin is black and haircurled and noses flat, but they stink so. "

"But here is your house-servant, Mary, preparing your meals, settingin order your parlor and private rooms, and waiting on the persons ofyour wife and daughter--and her hair is as short and skin as black andnose as flat as any you'll find; and yet this disagreeable smell onlytroubles you in connection with the principle of freedom and liberty. "

"You are such an abolitioner there's no doing any thing with you, " herejoined, and left the room. 

He soon returned, and said:

"There's another thing I want to talk with you about, and that isamalgamation. If you carry out your principles, your children wouldintermarry with negroes; and how would you feel to see your daughtermarry a great black buck nigger?"

"That is the least of my troubles in this lower world, " said I. "Butas far as amalgamation is concerned, you have twenty cases ofamalgamation in the South to one in the North. I say this fearless ofcontradiction; it is a fruitful product of slavery. There are hundredsof slaves held as property by their own fathers. You'll find itwherever slavery exists. You find it here in your own city, Louisville. "

Giving a shrug of his shoulders, he replied, "I will acknowledge thisis a sorrowful fact that can not be denied. "

This ended his talk on that subject. 

After supper we were all enjoying a social chat before a blazing gratein the dining-room, and I was sitting near the kitchen door, that wasajar, where were their slaves in hearing. In their presence I hadavoided answering some of his questions, but now a question was putwithin their hearing, which seemed to demand a square reply, and Igave it. 

"I would like to know, Mrs. Haviland, where you abolitioners get yourprinciples of equal rights. I'd like to know where you find them. "

"We find them between the lids of the Bible. God created man in hisown image--in his own likeness. From a single pair sprang all theinhabitants of the whole earth. God created of one blood all thenations that dwell upon the whole earth; and when the Savior left hisabode with the Father, to dwell a season upon our earthly ball, tosuffer and die the ignominious death of the cross, he shed hisprecious blood for the whole human family, irrespective of nation orcolor. We believe all are alike objects of redeeming love. We believeour Heavenly Father gave the power of choice to beings he created forhis own glory; and this power to choose or refuse good or evil is atruth co-existent with man's creation. This, at least, is my firmconviction. "

No reply was made, but, at his suggestion, we repaired to the parlor, where other conversation was introduced, but no reference made toBible arguments. 

During the time of waiting to see the sheriff the jailer's wifefrequently spent an hour or two in social conversation. She said theynever bought or sold a slave but at the earnest solicitation of theslave. 

"Our black Mary was one of the most pitiable objects you ever saw. Shewas treated shamefully, and was put here in jail, where she lay threemonths, and was so sick and thin there wouldn't any body buy her. Ifelt so sorry for her I used to take her something she could eat, andI had her clothes changed and washed, or I reckon she would have died. She begged me to buy her, and I told Mr. Buckner that if she wastreated half decent I believed she would get well. So I bought her andpaid only four hundred dollars; and now you see she looks hale andhearty, and I wouldn't take double that for her. But there is poorblack Sally, just four weeks ago today she was sold to go down theriver in a gang, and I never saw any poor thing so near crazy as shewas. She was sold away from her seven children. As I heard her screamsI threw my bonnet and shawl on and followed her to the river, and shethrew herself down on her face and poured out her whole soul to God torelieve her great distress, and save her poor children. Oh how shecried and prayed. I tell you no heart, not made of stone, couldwitness that scene and not melt. Many shed tears over poor Sally'sprayer. A man standing by went to the trader and bought her, and wentand told her that he lived only eight miles away, and had bought her, and she should come and see her children occasionally. She thanked himas he helped her to stand up, for she seemed weak. But in just twoweeks from that day she died, and the doctors examined her, and saidshe died of a broken heart. They said there was no disease about her, but that she seemed to sink from that day, growing weaker and weakeruntil she died. That was just two weeks ago to-day. "

Her eyes frequently filled with tears as she related this sadincident, and yet she could cheerfully say, "Oh, Mrs. Haviland, gowith me into the kitchen to see my nigger baby. " As we entered thekitchen there stood the mother by her fat, laughing baby, bolstered upin his rude cradle of rough boards. "There, isn't that a fine boy?he's worth one hundred dollars. I could get that to-day for him, andhe's only eight months old; isn't be bright?"

"He is certainly a bright little fellow. "

As I looked at the mother I saw the downcast look, and noticed thesigh that escaped a heavy heart, as she listened to the claim andprice set upon her little darling. It's mother, Mary, was ebony black, her child was a light mulatto, which was in keeping with the story ofabuse to which she was compelled to submit, or else lay in jail. 

During the afternoon of Friday a Mr. Adams, from South Carolina, cameto recognize and take his slave Jack. Said the colonel: "He wasdecoyed by an abolitioner, and now you can see what your principleslead to. There's Jack in the yard" (pointing toward the man). "Hismaster has just been in jail with me and talked with Jack, and I lethim out, and he's going around town with him to see if he can get hiseye on the rogue that enticed him away. You see he's a great, stout, smart-looking fellow, and the rascal got sight at him, and saw himalone, and asked him if he wouldn't like to be free, and be his ownmaster. He said he would. 'Then meet me at eleven o'clock by that bigtree near the road yonder, and I'll take you with me to Canada, whereyou'll be a free man. ' Jack met him at the place appointed, and theyvent on till daylight, then hid till night, and traveled on. 'Now, 'said this abolitioner if you will let me sell you in this little townahead, I'll be around here till near night, then I'll go on to thenext tavern (or I'll tell them so), but I'll stop in a little woodthis side, and wait for you till eleven or twelve o'clock, and you canmeet me, and I'll give you half I get for you, then well travel allnight again, when we'll be out of reach of their hunting for you. Thenwe can travel by day-time, as you can call me master, and I'll callyou my body-servant. ' Jack was now fairly in his hands, and did as hedirected. As he had divided the money with Jack he had confidence inthis mean fellow, and thought he would take him on to Canada. He methim according to the plan, and, after traveling all night again, another proposition was made to sell him again, and he would againdivide and give him half, which now amounted to a large sum for Jack. But this was not the end of sales; for he played the same game overand ewer, until they reached this city, when Jack was caught and putin jail. After he'd been here three days he told me all about it, andI took the money and wrote to Mr. Adams to come and get him. By thetime that abolitioner got here he had sold Jack seven times, anddivided with him every time. So, you see, that is just the fruit ofyour principles. "

I patiently waited until he finished his story, with its charges, whenit was my time. 

"Colonel Buckner, I do not acknowledge this to be the work of anabolitionist, This was a selfish, unprincipled man; he was makinghimself rich, and probably was taking Jack down the river, and wouldhave kept on selling him, and dividing, until he would have sold himfor the last time, and then have taken from Jack all the money he hadgiven him from these clandestine sales. I have no word of sanction togive to work like this; I should say his place was here in jailinstead of Jack. If Jack had come to us hungry and naked, we shouldhave fed and clothed him; and if sick with fatigue and footsore, weshould have given him a ride toward Canada, if he wished to go there;but as for this man, I will not own him as an abolitionist. Irepudiate his work altogether. "

"Oh, yes, he told Jack he was an abolitioner. "

"Then he was a hypocrite. I want to suppose a case for you toconsider. Perhaps a fine appearing man comes into your city, attendsyour Methodist meetings, and calls himself a Methodist. He speaks wellin your class meetings, speaks, prays, and sings in your prayer-meetings, and you became very favorably impressed with him as aChristian. He engages, perhaps, as clerk or bookkeeper in one of yourlarge business houses across the street, and during three or sixmonths appears so candid and punctual in all business transactions, that they confide to his care important business. But the opportunityarrives when he takes advantage of this confidence, and forges a draftof $3, 000, and it is cashed, and he is off, never to be heard fromagain. Now as you learn of this dark deed, you have no idea ofacknowledging that man as a Christian brother, have you?"

"Oh, no, certainly not; we expect and know there are hypocrites. "

"So do we expect hypocrites in our abolition ranks; but because ofcounterfeit money we would not reject the true coin. "

In the evening I was introduced to Mr. Adams, of South Carolina, withwhom we all seemed to enjoy free and easy conversation. He was quitepleased to find his servant Jack, and a secret thought stole over methat he was also pleased to get with him two or three times his valuein gold. 

Sabbath morning Ben Franklin No. 2 packet came in, and I prepared togo to the boat, as the jailor said the sheriff had not yet returnedfrom the country. Said the jailor:

"I don't like to have you leave without seeing Fairbanks, as you arethe only friend who has called on him. I have a great mind to assumethe responsibility of just taking you into the jail a few minutesbefore you go. "

"I would thank you very kindly, " I said, "if you think it prudent; butif not, I shall not urge you in the least. "

"I reckon there can be no harm done. Come on, we'll go, " and Ifollowed him into the jail, and he called for Fairbanks. 

I met him under circumstances that had caused such bitter prejudicesagainst him that there was no shadow of probability that any thinglike justice would be shown him. Besides, there were forty sad facesbefore me, of persons who, the jailer told me, had committed no crime, but were placed there for _safe keeping_, as they had beenpurchased in different places for the lower market. A gang was beingprepared by a trader, and these were all shades, from the ebony blackto those with fair skin, straight hair, and blue eyes, with hardly avestige of African descent. With this scene before me, I could notrestrain tears, neither were Calvin's eyes dry. As he held my hand inboth of his, he said:

"Let us keep good courage. I think I shall be released after my trial. I want you to see my lawyer, Mr. Thruston; he says he will take mycase through for six hundred dollars. "

I told him I had no power to indemnify a lawyer. And after I receivedhis note urging me to see him, I sent a note back by the keeper tothat effect. 

"But if you can see him, he may fall in his price two hundred or threehundred dollars. Don't leave without seeing him. "

I told him I would have seen him if he had been in town on receivinghis note, and yet I could see no important benefit in securing aninterview with the lawyer, as his figures, unless greatly reduced, were beyond our reach in Cincinnati. 

"Perhaps he may reduce them if you see him. "

With these beseeching words, with tearful eyes that brought tears tothe eyes of the colonel as well, the colonel said at once:

"I think you ought to comply with Fairbanks's request, and stay overone more trip. You can stop with us and be welcome. If you choose tocall on Dr. Field, as Fairbanks has suggested, you can do so; but Ireckon it's your duty to see his lawyer. "

Dr. Field was a practical abolitionist. Like Dr. Brisbane and James G. Birney, he emancipated his own slaves, and left Louisville on accountof slavery, and made a home in Jeffersonville, on the Indiana side ofthe river. 

As it was now ten minutes, double the time suggested by the jailerwhile we were on our way to the jail, I turned to the keeper, and toldhim as my interview was prolonged beyond its limit, I would go; and ontaking leave of Calvin he pointed to four men standing a few feet fromhim, and said, "Do you know those men?"

I looked up and nodded to them a recognition. They were fugitives whohad been recaptured by virtue of the fugitive slave law passed in1850, some of whom had made their escape from slavery many yearsbefore. One, whose name was Baker, with whom I was well acquainted, had hair straighter and skin fairer than very many of our Anglo-Saxonrace. These four answered to the nod, smiling through their tears. They had enjoyed a taste of freedom, and now were to be hurled back toa dark life of bondage more bitter to them than ever before. But not aword could I utter to them. The slight bow, as I was turning away, wasall; and yet that was sufficient to set on fire a world of iniquity inthe four officers in front of the iron grates through which weconversed with Calvin Fairbanks. These officers beckoned to the jaileras we were passing through to the outer gate, and upon his openingit, he said, "Will you please pass through the yard into ourapartments alone?"

"Certainly, " I responded; and turning to me, he remarked, "Thoseofficers beckoned to see me a moment. "

I drew my arm from his, that he had so politely tendered in going toand from Calvin. In passing through the yard I met their slave man, who said, in a low tone, "Did you see Fairbanks?"

I answered, in a like tone, "I did. "

"Glory!" he cried, just loud enough for me to hear. 

Near the door I was met by Mary, who said but little above a whisper, "Did you see him?" As I gave a nod, she said, "Good, good!" clappingher hands for joy. 

I waited in the parlor for the return of the jailer, as he had said hewould go to the river with me. He soon came in, pale and tremblingwith excitement. 

"Mrs. Haviland, those officers are all boiling over with excitement. They wanted to know if I didn't see how just the sight of you was likean electric shock all over that crowd of slaves. " "Didn't you seethose four runaways cry at the sight of her?" said one of theofficers. I told them my attention was all taken up with yourconversation with Fairbanks, and noticed nothing of others. 

"They say it is very evident that you are a dangerous person, anddeserve to be here in this jail just as much as Fairbanks, and theyare for arresting you at once; and I don't know, Mrs. Haviland, thatit will be in my power to protect you. There have been threats in thepapers every day since you've been here; and Shotwell has had hisofficers out hunting in every hotel for you; but we have kept itcarefully from the public that you were with me, until now theseofficers are determined to arrest you. "

Said I: "Colonel Buckner, should your officers come in this moment Ihave nothing to fear. The God of Daniel is here at this hour. Should Ibe arrested, you wouldn't keep me in your jail three days. I have nomore fear than if I were in my own room in Cincinnati. "

His trembling voice became quiet; and more calmly he said:

"Well, it is a glorious thing to feel like you do; but I reckon you'dbetter go over the river to Dr. Field's, and when Mr. Thruston comesinto the city I'll send him over to see you. I advise you not to setfoot on the Kentucky shore again, as I know it will not be safe. There is this morning a great excitement jail over town about you. Soone of the officers told me. But I'll go to the river with you rightsoon. "

We started for the door, when he halted: "I don't think I had bettergo with you now, as these officers may come out and make trouble, andI reckon you'd be safer alone. "

"Very well, I have no hesitancy whatever in going alone;" and I bodehim "good-bye. "

As I was opening the door he reached his hand to return the "Good-bye--God bless you!" and I left the jail and jailer. 

I passed a large hotel, with perhaps fifteen or twenty men standing onthe sidewalk in front. All seemed in a perfect buzz of excitement, --When I saw this company of men, the first thought was to pass over onthe other side. "But I will neither turn to the right nor the left, but pass through their midst, " was an impression that I followed; andso busily engaged were they in their excited conversation that theyhardly looked to see the little passer-by, the subject of theirthoughts and words. Said one:

"Great excitement in town to-day. "

"Yes, sir; you can see a group of men at every street corner. "

I smiled to myself, as I thought, "Little do you think this is thelittle old woman you are troubling yourselves over. "

I soon was in Jeffersonville inquiring for Dr. Field's residence, andwas shown the house across the street, and upon its front porch stooda little group--the doctor and family, with two ministers--watchingme; and as I opened the gate and inquired if this was Dr. Field'sresidence:

"Yes, I am the Jason, " said the doctor. "We're been looking for you, Mrs. Haviland, every day since you've been in Louisville. "

This was an unexpected salutation, and I felt at home again as Iclasped their warm hands of friendship. 

"How is it that you have knowledge of me?"

"Just walk in, and I'll show you the papers; haven't you seen them?"

I told him I had not, and knew nothing of it until just as I wasleaving; the jailer told me there had been threats in the daily papersto arrest me. When I read these little scurrilous articles, calculatedto inflame an already inflamed public, I wondered, as well as thedoctor, that they had not found my whereabouts and made trouble. Ihoped my Cincinnati friends had not seen this, as I had written themthe reason of my delay, and sent the letter by the same boat thatbrought me to Louisville. I enjoyed sweet rest with these Christianfriends, and attended with them their afternoon meeting. The ministerwho preached was as earnest an abolitionist as the doctor, and brotherProctor preached as radical an abolition sermon as I ever listened to;it seemed like an oasis in a desert. 

The day following I sent a note to Lawyer Thruston's office, andreceived in reply the statement that his illness had prevented hisleaving his room during two weeks past, and urged me to come and seehim without delay, and he would stand between me and all harm. Thedoctor said, as he was a lawyer of influence in their city, he advisedme to go; and as it was snowing a little, he gave me an umbrella, withwhich I might screen myself while passing the jail, as well as besheltered from the snow. I found the lawyer very affable in hismanners, and he said they would do the best they could for Fairbanks, and we might pay what we could. I returned without difficulty to our"Jason. "

I wrote a little article under the caption of "Correction, " and sentit to both the _Commercial_ and Louisville _Courier_. It wasinserted, with the following editorial note:

"Notwithstanding the pretended laudability of her errand to our city, we are still satisfied it was out of no good motive, as birds of afeather will flock together. "

Most assuredly I was thankful to see the return of "Ben Franklin, No. 2, " which took me from that nest of unclean birds to those of morecongenial and harmless habits. My anxious friends in Cincinnati hadnot received either of any letters, and had read only thesethreatening cards in the Cincinnati _Commercial_, copied fromLouisville dailies, that caused great anxiety. I sent a letter by bothtrips that this boat made during the week I was in Louisville, andColonel Buckner took both and said he would sec them delivered at theboat. 

While on the boat a gentleman and his wife among the passengers werereturning to their Eastern home, with whom I formed a pleasantacquaintance. Among other topics of discussion was the value ofhygiene and hydropathy, in which a Louisville physician joined, narrating his observations of the system during a practice of fifteenyears in Louisville. As be seemed to be an intelligent and socialgentleman, we all seemed to enjoy our new acquaintances. I remarked tohim that there seemed to exist quite an excitement in his city duringthe week past, over an old lady who took a few articles of under-clothes and a quilt or two to Fairbanks. 

"O, yes; were you in the city?"

"I was, and was surprised at the excitement produced by her presence. "

"Well, I suppose Shotwell did make a great stir over his loss of ahouse-servant. I understand be spent three hundred dollars in hiseffort to find that woman, as be thought she knew where his slave was. I have forgotten her name. "

"Mrs. Haviland, from Cincinnati, was the one threatened in yourdailies, " I replied. 

"Ob, yes, that was the name. I heard you say you are going toCincinnati; do you know any thing of that lady?"

"I do; I have been acquainted with her from childhood. "

"You have! What sort of a lady is she?"

"Well, if you should see her, you wouldn't think it worth while toraise all this breeze over her, or any thing she could do. She is alittle, insignificant looking woman, anyhow; and yet I think she isconscientious in what she does. "

"There wouldn't have been such a stir but for Mr. Shotwell, who felthimself wronged in the loss of his house servant;"

"But he is considered one of your most influential citizens, I amtold. "

"Yes, madam; I reckon we'll have to excuse him, for he is quitenervous and angry over Fairbanks. "

After quite a lengthy conversation on this subject, my new ladyfriend, to whom I had related a portion of my Louisville experience, was waiting for an opportunity to put a joke on the Louisvilledoctor, and called me by name. At this the astonished doctor said:

"I reckon this is not Mrs. Haviland, is it?"

"That is the name by which I am called. "

"Is this indeed the lady we've been talking about, and of whoseappearance you gave such a brilliant description?" And he laughedheartily. "Well, well, Mrs. Haviland, don't judge our city by thislittle flurry of excitement; for we have good, substantial people inour town, and I hope you'll visit our city again sometime, and you'llfind it's true. I reckon if those excited men had arrested you, therewould have rallied to your aid a different class of men; for yourerrand was perfectly proper, and you would have been borne out in it, too, by the more sensible people of our city. "

But my Cincinnati friends were not so confident of my safety. SaidLevi Coffin, as I met him, "Dr. Brisbane has said it was most likelythat we should find thee in prison; and our friend, James G. Birney, is also very much discouraged, and said he was sorry thou went at thistime of excitement, of both North and South, over the lynching ofWilliams near Baltimore, the binding of Conklin and throwing him intothe river, and now the illegal capture of Calvin Fairbanks in Indiana, and taking him over into Kentucky and lodging him in jail there. Butthey have no regard or respect for law. As we knew all this, we haveall been exceedingly anxious for thy safety. "

It was a season of rejoicing with us all that our suffering brother inprison had received present relief; and no threats were put inexecution in regard to myself. I realized an answer to prayer before Ileft for that prison, and not a moment while in Louisville did I inthe least doubt the keeping power to be stronger than the power ofdarkness. Our friend, James G. Birney, being feeble in health, sentfor me to spend a day in his family; and a rich feast I enjoyed inlistening to the experience of that noble Christian man. Worthy was heto have presided over our nation. 

Excitement does not cease, though the base is changed. Tidings came tous that fourteen newly-arrived fugitives were housed in the basementof Zion Baptist Church. I repaired at once to see what was needed fortheir journey, and found a very sick babe, two months old. The mothersaid it was very sick before they left, and she did not expect it tolive, but their arrangements were made to go for freedom, and shewould rather bury her child on the way than to stay behind till itleft her. It died that night, and they were provided with arespectable coffin, and the company, with others, formed a funeralprocession to the burying-ground. After the burial the thirteenfugitives were taken to the Quaker settlement, twenty-five milesdistant, and from thence were forwarded to Canada. The colored membersof our vigilance committee informed me that an infant died in thatbasement once before, and they took up a part of the floor and buriedthe child in the grave prepared for it, to avoid suspicion; for itsparents were the slaves of a wealthy Kentuckian, who was making greatefforts to capture the family. 

CHAPTER VII. 

CHRISTIAN AND EDUCATIONAL WORK. 

Very many incidents of interest we must pass over; but, suffice tosay, there was seldom a week passed without a slave or slaves leavinga boat or otherwise crossing the river in quest of freedom. 

I met on the street a sister White, who was much distressed about herson, who was almost gone with consumption, and yet was unwilling tosee any minister or religious person, to say any thing to him about apreparation for the change. "Do, please, go with me now to see mydying son Harvey. May he'll listen to you. "

I went to her house, and found him too weak to talk much. The motherintroduced me as her friend who had called on her. I took hisemaciated hand, and said, "I see you are very low and weak, and I donot wish to worry you with talking, but you have but little hope ofbeing restored to health I should judge from your appearance. "

He turned his head on his pillow as he said, "I can never be anybetter--I can't live. "

"Then your mind has been turned toward the future, and may theenlightening influence of the Holy Spirit lead you to the GreatPhysician of souls, who knows every desire of the heart, and is ableto save to the uttermost, even at the eleventh hour. " I saw thestarting tear as he looked earnestly at me, while I was still holdinghis feverish hand in mine. "Will it be too much for you, in your weakcondition, if I should read to you a few of the words of our Lord andSavior?"

"O no, I'd like to hear you. "

I opened to John xiv; and upon reading a few verses I saw that theimpression made was deepening, and asked if it would worry him toomuch if I should spend a few moments in prayer. 

"O no, I'd like to hear you pray. "

Placing my hand on his forehead, I implored divine aid in leading thisprecious soul to the cleansing fountain, and that his faith mightincrease, and in its exercise be enabled to secure the pearl of greatprice. 

As I arose from his bedside, he reached out both hands for mine, andsaid, "I want you to come to-morrow. " He wept freely; and I left withthe burden of that precious soul upon my heart. 

The mother and sister, who were both professors of religion, stoodnear the door weeping for joy over the consent of the dear son andbrother to listen to the few words of reading and prayer. 

The day following I met the sick man again, and as soon as I enteredhis mother's room she said, "O, how thankful we are to God for thisvisit to my poor boy! He seems in almost constant prayer for mercy. Early this morning he spoke of your coming to-day. "

As I entered his room he threw up both hands, saying, "God will havemercy on poor me, won't he?"

"Most certainly, " I responded; "his word is nigh thee, even in thyheart, and in thy mouth. "

"Do pray for me, " he requested. 

I read a few words from the Bible, and followed with prayer, in whichbe joined with a few ejaculations. I left him much more hopeful thanon the previous day. 

The next morning his sister came for me in great haste, saying, "Brother Harvey wants to see you, quick. "

It was not yet sunrise; but I hastened to obey the message, as Isupposed he was dying. Not a word passed between us until we reachedher brother's room. Upon opening his door he exclaimed, "Glory, gloryto God, Mrs. Haviland! Come to me quick, I want to kiss you; for Godbrought me out of darkness this morning about the break of day. Ohallelujah! Glory to Jesus! He shed his blood for poor me; and Ishouted louder than I could talk for a good many days. O, how I wish Ihad strength to tell every body that I am happier in one minute than Iever knew in all my life put together!"

He became quite exhausted in shouting and talking, and I advised himto rest now in the arms of the beloved Savior. 

"Yes, I am in his arms. Glory to his name for what he has done for me!I want you to see my cousin George; he is sick, and not able to cometo see me to-day. "

I told him I would within a few days, and left him, with his cup ofsalvation overflowing. 

About two hours before he died he looked at his mother, smiling, andsaid, "There's Mary; don't you see her, standing at the foot of mybed?"

"No, my son, mother don't see her. "

"O, how beautiful she looks! It seems as if you _must_ see her, "and he looked very earnestly at the object. "There, she's gone now. "Fifteen minutes before he breathed his last he said, "Here she isagain, and so beautiful! Mother, can't you see her?"

"No, son, I can't see her. "

"Beautiful, beautiful she is. There, she's gone again. " Just as thesoul took its flight, he upraised both hands, with a smile, and said, "Here she is, with two angels with her. They've come for me;" and thehands dropped as the breath left him, with the smile retained, on hiscountenance. 

The sister Mary, that died a number of years previously, was aboutfour years old; and his mother told me she had not heard her namementioned in the family for months before Harvey's death. 

My time was fully occupied in caring for the sick and dying, ascholera had become very prevalent and fatal. Among the many who diedwith that disease were Levi and Catherine Coffin's daughter Anna, about ten years of age, and a lady, the mother of three children, whose dying request was that I should take charge of her childrenuntil the return of their father, who was in California. 

A few weeks passed, and my promise to Harvey White was forgotten, until one morning it rushed upon me with such force that I trembled. Ihastened to see him, and, to my surprise, he too was very near todeath with consumption, and without hope. His mother was a widow, alsoan earnest Christian; but her son George would not allow her or any ofthe ministers of her acquaintance to talk with him on the subject ofreligion. But he was glad to hear that his cousin Harvey had died sohappy; and she thought if I should tell him about Harvey he wouldlisten to me. He could speak but little above a whisper, I told him ofmy reading to Harvey, and asked if he would like to hear me read thesame to him. He said he would; and I read the same words, and told himhow earnestly his cousin Harvey had prayed, and God, who hears andanswers prayer, answered him, and he died a happy Christian. Hisfeelings became tender, and I knelt by his bedside in supplication. AsI was about to leave, he said:

"There is a difficulty in my way, and I think you can remove it; but Iam more rested early in the morning, and if you can come to-morrowmorning I will tell you what it is. "

I told him I would be there if life and health were spared. 

The following morning I met him more rested. He said:

"I have tried to pray to God; then it seems as if Jesus Christ standsthere, and if I pray to Jesus it don't feel quite clear, because Iwant to go to head-quarters, and I am confused, and don't know whereto go or what to do, and so I've given it all up; for it's all darkbefore me, and I've concluded to die in the dark. "

This sorrowful condition of unbelief brought secret prayer for divineguidance in words to place the divinity of the Lord Jesus as clearlyas possible before him. I read a few passages where he manifested hispower by miracles, "that ye may know that the Son of man hath power onearth to forgive sins. " He heard me attentively, and suddenlyexclaimed:

"Now I see it; now I see it; now I've got a foothold. Now I can pray. I want you to pray for me. "

He followed in earnest prayer. At the close he raised his claspedhands: "I've found him; I've got him. O, how I wish I could have voiceand strength to tell you how happy I am! I want to go to my Savior; heis my all. But I can not tell it here; I will tell it in glory. It'sall light now; the darkness, is all gone. "

He seemed much exhausted, and took leave of his mother and mister, andsank into a stupor, and quietly passed away that afternoon. 

I felt under renewed obligations to praise Him for his lovingkindness in reminding me, so vividly of the promise I made to thatdying young man, Harvey White. How careful we should be to attend, toevery little errand as we are passing through our life-work. I feltto upbraid myself for being so inattentive to that request. Had thatprecious soul left the shores of time without hope in Christ, I couldnever have forgiven myself for my neglect. There are neglected dutiesthat dot my life here and there with regrets, that have been lessonsto teach the necessity of greater faithfulness in the Master's work. 

The daughter of John Hatfield came to me with the word that there wasa woman at their house who wished to see me. Her father being amember of the vigilance committee I went without delay, and found thewoman in great distress of mind. She said she was a slave, but hadthe privilege of working in Cincinnati at house-cleaning, washing, orany jobs she could get, by paying her mistress three dollars per week. In this way she had managed to lay aside for herself over twentydollars during nearly two years. She had a husband and nine children, "An' las' year, " said she, "missus was gwine to sell my oldes' gal an'her baby to get money to keep her two gals in school Norf somewhars, an' she tuck her baby an' run off for Canada, an' now she says she'sgot to sell my Mary;" and her tears came as from a fountain. 

"Why don't she come away as your other daughter did?" I asked. 

"Oh, she can't; missus won't let one o' my family come but me. Shelet's me come an' do all her marketin' arter I gets all her work a-goin', so my man an' chillen goes on wid it; she lets me come to decity to work, an' I pays her three dollars every week. Now I'se fullo' trouble over my Mary;" and she wept so freely that it was some timebefore she could give me this little sketch. I found they livedfifteen miles from the river, and she had placed her money in thehands of a colored man by the name of Bailey, to keep for her to useat some future time in going to Canada with her family. He had toldher when the right time came he would have her money ready for her, and would help her. I told her I would gladly relieve her were it inmy power; but all I could do was to advise her to bring her family inthe covered market wagon, and throw a quilt or blanket over them; thenthe hay she always put in for her team over that, and a bag of apples, and another of potatoes, or any thing she generally brought intomarket, placed in front so as to present the appearance of a load ofmarketing. As she had been over so often, she said, the ferrymanhardly ever asked her for her pass, for he knew her so well. "Don'tyou see you are the very one to bring yourself and family here? Youcould drive over and take your family to either of three places: to acolored family on Macallister Street, by the name of Hall; or to LeviCoffin's, on the corner of Ninth and Walnut Streets; or bring themhere to John Hatfield's. At either of these places you are as sure ofgoing through safe as if you were already in Canada. " She listenedwith great attention, and her tears dried away as she looked up, withher face shining with hope, and said, "I do b'leve I can do it; Inever thought o' that. I'll go to Bailey for my money fus thing, an'I'll go mighty soon. " I charged her not to name to Bailey or any otherhuman being this side or the other, the plan I had given her, exceptto her own family. She promised, and left with a much lighter heart. 

A few days later I was requested to meet Mary French, who would be atJohn Hatfield's house at twelve o'clock. Her friend said, "She isnearly crazy, an' I coaxed her to see you. She's los' faith in everybody I reckon, for 't was a good bit afore I could get her to see youagin. She said she did see you wonst, an' you couldn't do nothin' forher. She's bin house-cleanin' wid me, an' it 'pears like she's 'cryin'all the time, day an' night, an' me an' another woman got her to seeyou, if I'd git you to come to Mr. Hatfield's at noon. " I found herwringing her hands and weeping bitterly. As I looked upon that poor, despairing woman that I had left so hopeful a few days previously, Ifelt that I could say or do nothing for her but to point her to theGod of Israel, who is able and willing to lead his oppressed children. I said, "Were you ever a Christian?"

"I was three years ago, an' I lived a prayin' life a year; then thewhite folks did so bad, it 'peared like I couldn't live 'ligion, an' Igiv' it all up. Missus sole my poor gal down de river, to sen' her twogals to de Norf to school now she's gwine to sell my Mary, kase they'srunnin' short o' money; an' she missed sellin' my gal las' year. If Ihadn't lef de Lord maybe dis hard trouble wouldn't come 'pon me. " Andagain she began to wring her hands with convulsive weeping. 

As I looked upon that poor, crushed spirit, the most frantic withgrief of any person I ever saw, a feeling of confidence sprang up inme that she would become free. Said I, "You have known what it was toask God to give you freedom from sin, and make you free from thebondage of Satan. Now go to him with full purpose of heart, and hewill restore the joys of his salvation and again will set you free insoul. Then, I feel confident that the Captain of the soul's freedomwill open the way for freedom from this chain of slavery that nowbinds you as a family. Now go to Jesus; he will do great things foryou. You lose confidence in your friends, you lose confidence inyourself; but go to the Lord Jesus, and believe he will direct you, and he will do it. Let prayer be thy constant work, then faith willincrease--that will not fail. " At these few words she became calm, andsaid, as she looked up, "Can you tell me where my daughter is?"

"Certainly, " I said, "I heard from her yesterday; she is inCarthaginia, Indiana. I had supposed she went directly to Canada, andI was sorry she stopped so near to the line--not more than one hundredmiles off. "

"I was tole she went through this city with her baby. "

"It was true, " I answered. I was astonished to see her wipe her tearsaway and become calm so soon, and converse with so much composure. 

"If we come soon can you go a piece wid us?"

"It will make no difference whether I am here or not, if you go toeither of the places I told you of. There are a great many safe placeshere, but I gave those places you know so well, and can find day ornight I shall probably go to my home in Michigan next week, and it isuncertain when I return; but don't forget to carry your burden to theLord by constant prayer for his directing hand; and whatever way heopens, take it; if it should be any other way than the plan Isuggested, take it, regardless of what I have said, except to mindclosely the impressions you feel confident come from an All-wiseDirector. Do this, and I have great faith in your success. 

"Never have I had the strong faith that I have at this moment, that ifyou go to the Savior for his help in this time of your great need, hewill lead you out of slavery. I advise you not to wait for Bailey. Ifyou come here you can all be taken to Canada without a dollar. "

This seemed to surprise her. She said she could get a few dollars, asshe was earning good day wages. 

"One thing more I would say, " I went on, "and that is, wherever I maybe, whether in my Michigan home, or here in this city, I shall notforget to implore divine aid in the deliverance of this family fromslavery. "

With this solemn interview we parted, and the burden of prayerfollowed me to my home. Hardly a day passed without presenting thatpoor family at a throne of grace for their preservation. 

Two months later found me again in the exciting scenes of Cincinnati. My first inquiry was for Mary French. "Yes, I heard a few days agothat her mistress had forbidden her ever to come to this city again, and had threatened to sell the whole family down the river, and Isuppose they are all sold by this time, " said John Hatfield. He saidshe remained in the city three or four weeks after I saw her, to getmoney to start with, but she was too late. Her Mary was sold justbefore she returned home, and the poor woman grieved so for her poorgirl, that he heard her mistress abused her, and threatened to sellthem all. It seemed as if I could hardly endure the thought, when Ihad indulged such strong hope of her success, but I could not yet giveher up, though I regretted exceedingly her delay, as I felt greatconfidence that He who notes the falling sparrow, and hears the youngravens cry, would have brought that family out of bondage. 

While in charge of the sick, word was brought by a workman in a shopthat there was an exciting report in town that a market wagon broughtover a load of nine slaves early that morning, and that a reward offive hundred dollars was offered for information of their whereabouts. While my heart leaped for joy, hoping it might be Mary French andfamily, yet as I was in a pro-slavery family, my feelings were kept tomyself. The man of the house said:

"What a pity to lose that amount of property! But according to yourprinciples, Mrs. Haviland, I suppose you are glad of it. "

"Certainly. As I told you the other day, the negroes have the samerights from their Creator that we have, and no man or class of men hasthe right to take them away. "

"Now can't you set aside these notions of yours? You can easily findout where they are, and slyly report them, and here's your fivehundred dollars. "

"I would not for ten times that amount. Would you do it?"

"Certainly I would, and should think it my duty. "

"I am astonished to hear this from one who professes to be a followerof the Lord Jesus, a part of whose mission was to unbind the heavyburdens and let the oppressed go free. It is pain to me to hear youadvance the sentiments you do in the presence of your children; and aclass-leader in the Methodist Protestant Church. I can nothenceforward acknowledge you as a brother in Christ. "

"Why, Mrs. Haviland! You are the most uncharitable person I ever met. This hurts my feelings more than anything you have said in presentingyour radical position. "

"I do hope and pray that the enlightening influences of the HolySpirit may lead to a far different view from your present one. I amgrieved to hear this from one who is looked upon as a leader to theLamb of God, who shed his blood for the whole universe of man, regardless of color or nation. "

His reply was, "I want to refer you to a few more Scripture argumentsthat I have not mentioned. To-night, from seven o'clock till nine, Iwant to talk with you on this subject. "

I told him I would be ready, but I had one request, and that was tomake this a subject of prayer, as I should myself, during the day. Hesaid he would seriously look it over, and left for his business. 

At nine o'clock my patient was comfortably cared for, and I had beentalking of going to Levi Coffin's on an errand for a number of days. Iasked permission of her to be absent an hour for that purpose, and herconsent for two hours was given. On my way I called on John Hatfield, to know whether this company of slaves was not the Mary French family. 

"Oh, no, that poor family has gone down the river. I heard some daysago that they were sold to a trader. "

"The market-wagon was the plan I gave Mary, and I hoped so much thatit was her family. "

"Yes, but we should be just as glad for other slaves panting forliberty, as for her, " and I accepted the remark as almost a halfreproof for being more anxious for her than for other slaves. 

As I entered Catherine Coffin's room I inquired whether she knew thismorning's company of the nine slaves to be Mary French and family. "Iknow nothing of the name, but a woman and little child are up in ourattic; but nobody knows it about this house but Levi and I. "

"Please go up and tell her a friend is going to call on her, so as notto frighten her. "

"Go on; she'll know we would let no one but a friend go up. " I walkedslowly up to the fourth story, and lo! on a box in the corner sat MaryFrench with her little grandchild sitting at her feet. "Is it possiblethat is Mary French?" I exclaimed. She sprang to me with outstretchedarms, clasped me with tears of joy and leaning her head on my shouldersobbed. 

"O, my God has saved me so far, but my pore Mary was sole down deribber, when I is here in de city to git a little money to start wid. When I gets into missus' door, I sort o' felt somethin' wrong, an' axther, 'Whar's Mary?', She say, 'I sole her las' week, ' an' I cried, 'Omy God! save my pore chile Mary!' an' she kotched up de tongs an' beatme on my head 'til I loss my min', and when I come to I was layin' onde floor bleedin'. You see here is a sore yit" (pointing to her head). There was a gash that must have been three inches long by theappearance of the scar and sore, yet unhealed. "Missus said I never, the longes' day I live, should set foot in Cincinnati, 'case freeniggers ruin me, an' afore she have such a fuss as dis, she put dehull of us in her pocket. I knowd what dis mean, and I tried mightyhard to cheer up afore her. But my tears was my meat and drink a fewdays. I 'membered your word to go to de Lord day an' night, 'case Icouldn't come to you no mo'e. In three days he answered my prayer, an'jus' tole me I's gwine to be free, an' I tole my husban' so, but hecouldn't git faith in me. I tole 'im to put faith in God, as I didnow. But I did lose faith in my bes' frien' when Bailey tole me youan' Hatfiel' betrayed my gal Mary, an' got a hundred dollars reward;den I was mos' crazy. And when dat 'oman tole me to go to you, an' Itole her I did talk to you, and tole her what Bailey said 'bout youan' Hatfiel', she said he was a bad man, an' lied only to keep mymouey. She begged me so hard I tole her if you'd tell me whar Mary is, I'd have faith in you, an' when you tole me so quick, all my faith inyou come back. How I wish you could see my man, for he's so surethey'll cotch us. I don't know whar he is, for we's scattered amongde good people. O, what a time I had wid 'im to git 'im started. Iloaded an' unloaded four times afore he'd come. At las' a pore whiteman tole me he hear missus say she gwine to sell us all to de firs'trader come along. I say, 'What shall I do?' He say, 'If I was you, I'd run away. ' I say 'Here's my man an' chillen, can't go widout 'em. 'He say 'All go, an' if dey cotch you 'twon't be no wuss dan to go tode trader, and if I can do any way to help you I will, for I feelssorry for you. ' When I tole my man, he was so skeered he didn't knowhisself scarcely. He was ready to do anyhow I wants 'im, au' I went todis white man, an' ax 'im for his boy ten year ole, to go wid me tomarket, an' take all my family, an' I'd cover 'em up in de marketwagon. 'An' I'll tell your boy I wants 'im to watch my team for me, an' I'll gib 'im a dollar. ' 'All right, only tell 'im what you'll do, an' tell 'im to come an' ax me an' he musn't know I knows about it. 'An' I tuk missus' young hosses, an' put my man an' chillen in, cover'em up, den put a bag o' taters an' apples an' a basket o' chickens infront. An' I had dis little boy by de chickens, so if he cry or make anoise I shake de basket an' de noise of de chickens kill de noise ofde boy. An' I drove de fifteen miles to de ribber by daylight, anddrove back of Covin'ton till de smoke of de ferry boat rise; den Iprayed God to keep de ferryman from axin' me for my pass. For I'smighty feared he would, 'case I hadn't been here in so long. An' jus'afore sun up my man crawled out de back of de wagon. I told de boy tohol' de hosses till I fix somethin'. I whispered, 'Get back quick, forGods sake, ' an' he whispered, 'Let's go back, I knows dey'll cotchus. ' 'Go back! Man, its death to go back; we'd be in jail in no timewaitin' for de trader. ' An' he crawl back an' I tuck 'im up agin, an'we trimble like a popple leaf. Den de smoke jus' rise on de ferry-beat, an' I drove on wid de white boy by my side. I prayed dat de Lordwouldn't let de ferryman ax me for my pass. If he did I's gwine tosay, 'Dis white boy my pass;' but he didn't say a word, an' I praiseGod for answerin' my prayer. " I told her she had nothing to fear fromthe five hundred dollars reward; she was in good hands; all she had todo was to go when they were ready to take them; but I would write afew lines for her to take to the first stopping place after leavingthe city, advising to go by way of Carthaginia. "Write me from thattown, and tell your daughter to go on to Canada with you withoutfail. "

I left her with a lighter heart, rejoicing with that rejoicing family, though yet trembling with fear. The time appointed for the two hours'discussion on the subject of slavery arrived. My pro-slavery friendwas not disposed to open the conversation he desired in the morning. After waiting until one hour had elapsed, I asked if he was preparedto bring the Scripture arguments he had for my consideration at thishour. He replied that he had thought of but little else during thewhole day; but on the whole doubted whether his reasons would standthe test, and declined saying any thing farther in defense of theposition he had advanced. A few weeks later he died of cholera. Icalled on his widow, who said he died a happy soul, and often spokeof his confidence in me as an honest-hearted Christian, and she neverheard him speak disparagingly of the colored people after the longconversation we had on that subject. I regretted the loss of anopportunity of seeing him after Mary French and family were safe inCanada. I wished to give him their history, as I felt sure it wouldhave been "like a nail driven in a sure place. " He had lived in theSouth, and the subject of slavery had never been placed before him inthis way. 

The reward for the nine slaves was doubled on the second day of theirexodus. All the clew the hunters got of their whereabouts was from theboy they met at the ferry. He could not read the names on the streets, and could only point as near as he knew in the direction where theyall left. He told them he didn't know there were any in the wagon but"black Mary, " till they all got out; then she told him to go toWalnut Street ferry, and he drove two or three blocks when he stoppedand cried, because he didn't know where to find Walnut Street. Then aman came and told him to stop crying and he'd drive him to the ferry. They went to Hall's, on Macallister Street, but not one was left therefive minutes. They were conducted to different hiding-places, and notone was left within a half a mile to a mile from that part of thecity. Slave-hunters were paid from three dollars to seven dollars aday for watching around those suspected streets and those leadingnorthward. The family were dressed in disguise and taken out in threecarriages, closed, and two white men in front, that gave an impressionat sight of a load of white people. At noon-day, in this manner, theyrounded the corners, where were standing some of their hunters whowere receiving their seven dollars a day, as was ascertained by ascheme gotten up by the colored people. 

The next evening after the nine fugitives were taken northward, theydrove a double carriage into an alley near North Street, and the samenumber of colored people, so closely watched for, were hustled in withhaste, and driven off with speed. The call to "_Stop_, HALT, " wasnot heeded, until the police rushed at the increased cry, "_Stopthief_, STOP THIEF, " and slackened their pace. But while theexcited crowd gathered to see the police arrest the thieves, thecolored man beside the driver demanded the reason why he and hisladies should receive this insult to hinder their pleasure ride. Bythrowing a light from their dark lantern in the faces of theirpursuers, the hunters they had suspected were recognized, to theirgreat annoyance. There were those among them who would not have beenexposed, perhaps, for half the amount of the reward. 

A few days subsequent to this little episode I received a letter fromMary, after their arrival at Carthaginia, where she met her daughter, who, with her child, made their party number eleven. They very soonreached the "land of the free. " Nothing further was heard from themuntil I went with my two daughters to Windsor, Canada West, to attendtheir first of August celebration, in commemoration of West Indiaemancipation. There were gathered a very large congregation in agrove, of both colored and white people. While listening to aneloquent oration delivered by Samuel J. May, of Boston, I was takenfrom my seat and borne away a few rods, hardly touching the tops ofthe bushes with my feet. I turned first one way and then the other, until I discovered the sable face of Mary French, with big tearsrolling down her cheeks. Not a word was spoken until we were entirelyaway from the congregation, and I said, "Mary, haven't we gone farenough?" when she let me down, and caught bold of my bands and kissedthem, while tears of joy were still falling. "O, how happy we is to beall free. Can't you go to Malden an' see all my family? I knows my manwould come all dis way afoot if he knowed you's here. " I told her Icould not, as I must return the next day with my two daughters. 

"Is dey heah?"

"They were sitting by my side, " said I; "those two girls dressed inwhite are my daughters. "

"Sweet creturs! de little angels; I mus' go see 'em. I's got two galshere, too, an' I'll bring 'em to see you. " And soon her hands wereplaced on the shoulder of each, still weeping for joy as she said:"God bless you! You tinks it strange to see an old black 'oman come toyou like dis, but you wouldn't if you know'd what your mother has donefor me an' my family. If it hadn't been for her we should all been inslavery to dis day. I wants you to go out dar whar you see your motherstandin' afore a great while. I'm gwine back to her now. " She camewith her two girls, who were also very demonstrative in shaking andkissing my hands; but they laughed instead of weeping as did theiroverjoyed mother. By the time my daughters came to us we were servedwith cake and ice cream. As she and her daughters had on the ground alittle stand from which they made sales, their favors in this linewere repeated. 

Instead of one year's suspension, as we designed, we had deferredfinishing our institute building in Michigan from time to time, untilfour years had elapsed. As the Ohio school law made provision tosupport a colored school in any town or place where there were as manyas fifteen regular scholars, my daughter Anna and myself taught aschool for them of one hundred scholars one term, in the basement ofZion Church, Toledo. The expenses were paid from the school fund. 

With several fugitives, I started on my way to Toledo from Cincinnati, and spent a day at our friend William Beard's. From thence we weretaken to Newport, Indiana, where was a meeting appointed in behalf ofCalvin Fairbanks, in which I gave a sketch of my visit to Louisvillejail in his behalf. I read the letter I had received from his lawyeron leaving Cincinnati, containing a proposition to do the best hecould for him, and with that object in view he staved off the case tothe next session of their court. At the close of the meeting fifteendollars were raised, Bishop Quinn, of the African Methodist EpiscopalChurch, giving one-third of it. As there was a fall of snow a footdeep, the friends concluded to take us across a swamp, which wouldsave a number of miles; and as there were indications of a thaw, oneman offered his team and double sleigh if a certain colored man wouldgo that night and drive it. We were soon well protected from theprospective inclement weather, with the buffalo-robe presented to me, and quilts around the balance of our load. 

The shifting wind brought quite a snow-storm, that covered us overabout three inches deep. My company being very cold, I advised to stopat a house, the dim light of which was so tempting to the shiveringcompany. I went to the door and asked permission to enter, giving ournumber, and our object in going through the swamp before a break-up. The two old people granted the favor; but when the old lady saw thecolor of my company she became rather suspicious. Said she, "If theseare slaves we don't want any trouble, because you know the Fugitive-slave Law makes a deal of trouble in some places. " I assured her theywould have none of that character on our account, for these youngpeople were going with me to attend my school. When we were warmed andthe horses fed, we left our kind friends to borrow no more trouble forfear of being disturbed with slave-hunters. 

About three o'clock we came to a large half-finished frame house, brilliantly lighted, and the man seemed to be preparing his team forleaving. I called with our driver to see if we could warm ourselvesand feed the team, giving our reason for crossing the swamp to savedistance, and as there were indications of a thaw in the afternoon, wechose to come through that night. The man said that was his reason forgoing for a load of lumber so early--he fearing a break-up. They werevery kind, and insisted on our resting till daylight, and taking awarm breakfast. The invitation was accepted with gratitude. I spent mytime in conversing with our kind hostess, while my company slept anhour. 

At nine o'clock we reached Carthaginia. The first one we met was acolored woman, of whom I inquired where we could find a place to tarryfor a night, and find provender for our horses. She took in oursituation at once, and pointed to a large frame house in sight, thehouse of Samuel Jones, half a mile distant. While she was giving thisinformation, a man ahead of us, with his carriage, stopped and turnedback, saying, "There is Mr. Jones now, coming to see you, I reckon. "As he came to us, I told him of the inquiry I made for a resting-place. "And that is my house for you and barn for your horses, " hesaid. After giving each of us a shake of the hand, he said, turning tome, "I know you, though I never saw you before, and I will tell you ofa circumstance, after we get home, whereby you will recognize me. " Wefollowed him to his very comfortable home. We were soon seated at aluxurious table. Breakfast being over, he related a circumstance inwhich I had taken a deep interest, and by corresponding, the releasefrom slavery of his relative was effected. 

Brother Jones gave me ten dollars for brother Fairbanks, in theKentucky prison. Here we took leave of our conductor, Henry Marshal, and a team and teamster were provided to take us on by way ofBellefontaine. The anticipated warmer weather overtook us, and with awagon we left Carthaginia. Streams with floating ice made fordingdifficult, especially Mosquito Creek; but our driver and Simonmeasured the depth of water, and with rails pushed the floating icefrom the ford, to enable me to drive through. Working as they did withall their might to keep the cakes of ice from running against thehorses and from impeding the wheels, when we reached the swift currentof the stream a cake blocked the wagon so as to stop the horses a fewmoments. One horse became discouraged and began to lie down. At thisthe three women jumped upon a large floating cake, from which theyreached the shore with the help of the men. Our teamster found his wayinto the wagon; and by pushing and crowding this way and that heloosened the wheel, and with continued urging and Simon's wading tothe horses' heads, they finally pulled through. We drove to a house, where the men changed their socks, and rubbed their horses with straw, they said, two hours, and then fed them. We pursued our journeywithout further difficulties to our school in Toledo. 

Often did my whilom slave scholars refer to the excitement at MosquitoCreek ford. I found the prejudice here very bitter against a coloredschool; but the colored people had combined their weak forces andbuilt a church, designed for school, as well as their occasionalmeetings. My school averaged nearly twenty scholars during the term, at the close of which we put in a petition for a support from theschool fund. But a majority of two ruled against us; for, although theState law required them to support this school, they had alreadycomplied with the requirement. 

Although I had designed to return home and re-open Raisin Institute, yet to press the board of education into its duty I reopened theirschool for the second term; and every time that board met I met withthem with my petition, informing them, at their first refusal to adoptthe school, that this petition of the importunate widow would standbefore them until it was granted. They frequently inquired of thecolored people how long I was going to teach for them. The answerevery time was, as I told them, until the board of education took it. In their discussions in the board I understood it was frequentlyremarked by our opposers "that the end of that negro school would bewhen Mrs. Haviland left, and that wouldn't be long, for the negroeswere too poor to pay her. " But it was not for money that I taughttheir school, but to see justice meted out to them. 

There were fifteen families of the lower class of Irish who lived inshanties near the canal that ran within a few rods of our school-house, and as the most of our school passed them, or would have to gohalf a mile farther, we got from one man in particular a systematiccursing; beginning with cursing my feet, and cursing every toe onthem, and cursing every nail on every toe, and so on, to cursing myhead, and cursing every hair on it. This regular set of curses werefor me every time I passed when he was in his cabin, and frequently anumber of others standing by would join him. But as he or some of theothers were so often drunk, it was a long time before I could find thesuitable opportunity to go to their cabins and have a talk with them, as I desired. As some of their company were so boisterously furious, the children did not dare pass them unless I was with them, for inaddition to cursing they were stoned. 

When the second term was two-thirds through I proposed a picnic forthe school and its friends, and had the scholars declaim a few pieces. An eloquent speech delivered in the House of Lords, when immediateemancipation was discussed in the English parliament, was wellcommitted and declaimed by one of the young men. A number of thecolored people feared a mob, but the majority were willing to risk anymeasure I thought best to adopt. I trained them thoroughly inspeaking, and they trained themselves in singing, and the schoolselected a little girl to be crowned as their queen of May, and on the25th of May we marched through town to a grove, with two beautifulbanners. The one borne by the young woman who walked by my side borethe motto, "God is love, " and next to it all the girls followed incouples. Then followed the young men and boys in the same manner, headed by the banner, upon which was inscribed, "Knowledge is power. "I instructed the children and young people to walk straight forward, and not even turn their heads to the right or left, and not to noticeby look or word any remark that might be made, not even to talk toeach other until we reached our little stand in the woods. Not a wordof disrespect was heard, and some of the white people who drove outwith their carriages told me they had not seen such order in marchingin any of the May picnics that the white schools had had that Spring. They were highly delighted with our exercises. At the next session ofthe board my school was recognized as a public one, and the chairman, Rev. Dr. Smyth, was authorized to hire me to teach the next term. Hemet me on the street and said, "Mrs. Havilland, the importunate widow'sprayer is answered; your petition is granted at last, and I aminstructed to hire you for the next term. "

"Then my work is finished with this term, " said I. "My object isaccomplished. I have business at home that I hoped to have enteredupon when I closed last term; but as your board refused to do its dutyI continued, although I have not averaged twenty-five cents a weekduring the six months, as a large majority of the colored people hereare very poor. "

"I know that, and I have contended from the first that they ought tohave a school; but I am surprised at your not remaining in the school, as you shall have a fair compensation now. "

I told him I would give him the name of a competent teacher, who wasnow working himself through college at Oberlin--John Mitchel--a worthyChristian young man of their own color, with whom they couldcorrespond and secure his services. His parents were living in Toledo, and he would be pleased to accept the position. I thanked the boardthrough their chairman for the favor they had granted in behalf of thecolored people in Toledo. 

It being the seventh day of the week, as I was passing my Irishfriends, and all quiet, and a company sitting on the grass in theshade of their cabins, I accepted this as my long-sought opportunityto talk with them. Addressing a group of half a dozen women, I said:"I have long desired to talk with you, as I am confident you do notunderstand me in teaching this colored school. I have felt it my dutyto aid the most neglected class of people. We are apt to indulge inprejudices against certain classes or nations of people. Some peopleare prejudiced against the German people. They'll say he's nobody buta Dutchman, he's not worth noticing; and others are prejudiced againstthe Irish, and will say, 'They are nobody but Irish people, they arenot worth noticing;' and others are prejudiced against black people:'They are nobody but negroes, and they are not worth noticing. Andthen there are some who are prejudiced against soldiers, or sailors, as classes of men. People are too apt to despise other nations andclasses of men. All this is wrong; God made us all as it pleased him, and it is not for us to find fault with our Heavenly Father, who lovesall the human family alike. As we acknowledge the fatherhood of God, we should also acknowledge the brotherhood of man in all nations andclasses. "

Said one man to his friend sitting by, "In faith, Pat, that's gooddoctrine. " "Yes, indade, that's the doctrine Father Mathew prached, yeknow. " "Jamie, that's all right, " said another. One of the womenconcluded she would know the truth of the reports they had gotten upamong themselves. 

"An' did ye not marry a nagur?"

"Why, no! my husband was a white man, who died a number of years ago. "

"And was he a black man?"

"He was a white man, and he left me with eight children, all underage, and the youngest and the oldest have followed their father. "

"In fath, ye've seen a dale of trouble, I'm sure; and we heard thatblack man we often saw comin' from schule with ye an' that yellow lassan' boy was your chilther. "

"That mulatto girl and boy live near my boarding-place, and theygenerally come and go with me to school and return; and that black manis a young man who has never had the privilege of going to school andlearning to read and write and the use of figures, until I opened thisschool. Now he can read, write, and can use figures to goodadvantage. "

"But it's a pity we didn't know ye before. We've been hearin' all thisabout ye, an' not a bit of it true. Our people was about to set fireto your schule-house--in faith, they said they'd give ye a dressin' oftar an' fithers, an' our praste forbid it. "

"I knew nothing of that, " said I; "but I wanted you to understand mebefore I left, which will be in four weeks. Then they will have a fineyoung colored man from Oberlin College to teach their school. "

"But what a pity that is, for I'm sure they'll not get another such atacher as you. Indade, I'm sorry to hear you're to lave us; I'd liketo have my little gal go to your schule, if ye'll take 'er. "

The man who was the systematic curser came to his door: "Indade, missus, we didn't know ye; an' now we'll fight for ye, an' we aresorry we didn't know ye for so long. "

When I left them I shook hands with them all, for by the time ourconversation closed about all their little community had convened, andI took occasion to speak highly of Father Mathew, the great temperancereformer of Ireland; and my little congregation pronounced as strongblessings upon me as they had curses. Even my systematic curser wasamong my best friends after that, and my scholars, as well as myself, were treated with the utmost respect ever after, and two of them sentfor me when very sick and not expected to live, one of whom died a fewdays after. As she was in great distress of mind, I read to her someof those precious promises of our Savior, from which she drew greatconsolation. It would seem to many like casting pearls before swine toturn aside to present the truth to such ignorant and disliking people, but it is ours to obey these little impressions, and leave the resultwith the All-wise Director. 

During my work in Toledo I called on a colored woman to solicit alittle change for a very sick man who was very low with consumption, and was being cared for by a very poor family, and as she gave metwenty-five cents a beautiful white girl was sitting by, who gaveanother quarter. After school I called again and inquired for thatyoung woman who gave for that sick man, without giving me time to askfor her mite, and to my surprise, found she was an inmate of a houseof ill-fame, and tried to make Mrs. Buck promise not to tell me whereshe was living; for if I knew it I would never speak to her. I sentfor her to meet me the following day after school, at her house. Ifound her sitting in the parlor waiting for me. As I took her by thehand, placing the other on her head, I said, "My dear girl, you are anunhappy child. " And she burst into a flood of tears, and as soon asshe could sufficiently command her feelings to relate her history Ifound she was compelled by her stepfather to live away from home. Shehad lived a year or more with a worthy woman, who kept a boarding-house in Cleveland; and there came to board a few weeks a fineappearing young man, who professed great affection for her, andproposed marriage. He told her his father was a very wealthy merchantin Toledo, and he was there on business for his father. After he hadwon her affections he proposed to take her to Toledo, and place her ina boarding-house until she could make up two rich silk dresses andother clothing suitable for her, as he was not willing his folksshould know he was marrying a poor girl. He could easily take a dresspattern from each bolt of silk and his father never know it, and anyother goods she needed. As his father was going to New York for a newsupply of goods, he would supply her with other goods to make up untilhis father's new goods came, then he would hire a dressmaker to makeup her silk dresses. All this she fully believed, as from a true andfaithful lover, to whom she had given her heart's best and purestaffections. She said, "A number of days I hesitated, because I wantedto tell my mother all about it, but he persisted in leaving Clevelandsecretly, and return on our bridal trip to surprise my mother and thatcruel stepfather. At last I foolishly consented, to my ruin andsorrow, for I haven't seen one moment of peace since I was deserted bythat man;" and again bathed herself in tears. Recovering herself, shecontinued, "I wouldn't have my mother know this for the world. She isa good Christian woman. She's a Methodist, and has seen a sight oftrouble with my stepfather; and, if she knew this, it would break herheart. " On further inquiry I found he brought her to this house as anexcuse to keep her secluded until they were about to be married, whenhe would pay her board a few days in the finest hotel in the city. "The next day after our arrival he brought me a beautiful lawn dress-pattern and a package of other material for me to make up whilewaiting for his father's goods. And not till then had he offered inword or act any thing amiss from a perfect gentleman. It was the nextday after our arrival in this city, and to this house, that heproposed to live two weeks as if we were married, as it would be abouta week or two at longest when the goods would be here, and he wouldget one of two dressmakers to prepare me for my wedding. I cried twodays over this proposition, and by this time I had learned thecharacter of this house. Here I was, a stranger to every body, butstill had confidence in my new friend; and again, to my bitter sorrow, I yielded. But day after day of anxious waiting passed until two weeksexpired, and no new goods yet, but another lawn dress-pattern came forme to make for myself, and another two weeks rolled away with onlyhearing (he said) that the goods were on the way. But at the close ofthe third two weeks he was missing. Daily I waited his coming. Atlength I went on the street. I inquired for his name and the name ofhis father's store, when, to my utter astonishment, no such store ornames were found in the city. Here in a strange place, deserted, ruined, and filled with shame, I had no heart to go to my friends. "She had been here six months. I advised her not to remain in thishouse another twenty-four hours. 

"But what shall I do? Mrs. Cassaday will lock me up if she knows I amgoing to leave her. She called me a fool for giving you that quarter;she says these Christians are down on us; and if any of us should die, there wouldn't one of them come to pray for us. I told her I believedyou would, " I told her to pack her trunk, and if she was down townnear the time for the boat to leave for Cleveland, to call a draymanto take her trunk to the boat and follow it, if possible, before Mrs. Cassaday came in. I told her how to manage in going to her oldemployer, and to tell her you were deceived by that young man, but youfound him untruthful. "As you say Mrs. Cassaday kept you sewing mostof the time, you can tell her you were employed most of time insewing; but do not, at present, tell her or your mother of the lifeyou have lived, and place of your residence while here. " She promisedshe would gladly take my advice, and leave for Cleveland the firstopportunity. As we parted she leaned her head upon my shoulder, withfast dropping tears, and said, "I shall always thank you for actingthe part of a mother in helping me away from this horrible place. "The following morning she called to leave word with Mrs. Buck, thatfortunately for her Mrs. Cassaday was out just in time for her to calla drayman, that had just gone with her trunk to the boat, and she wasnow on her way to Cleveland, happier than she had been in six months, and that she should do, in all respects, as I had advised. Here was abeautiful girl decoyed and led from the paths of virtue by an artful, designing, and licentious young man, who basely sought her ruinby winning the affections of an innocent girl. Hundreds and thousandsof these girls are in like manner led astray, and might be saved ifmothers in Israel would take them by the hand of sympathy and liftthem from the mire of this moral pollution. 

At another time a request was left with my hostess to go to see a verysick woman, who was thought nigh unto death; but for a little girlthat heard the request I should not have received it. She said, thesepoor white trash would curse me in health, and when they thought theywere going to die, they were ready then to send for me to pray forthem; and, as I was tired enough to rest after teaching all day, shedid not think I ought to go for their calls. I told her if she wouldbe so kind as to deliver all errands of that character I would be verythankful, and hastened to the bedside of an old soldier of the cross, who, with her aged companion, were visiting their children. She saidshe did not expect to remain much longer in this world of checkeredscenes; but her son had been here a short time only, and had notformed any acquaintances among Christian people, and their hired girlsaid "she was passing your school-house one morning and heard youopening your school with prayer, and I told her to find your boarding-place, and leave word for you to come after your school closed, as Iwanted to hear the voice of prayer once more. " I read a chapter andoffered prayer by her bedside. She and her weeping husband andchildren thanked me for the call, and desired me to call the dayfollowing, after school. I found her somewhat improved, and the nextdoor neighbor said Dutch Mary was in the adjoining room, and seemedmuch affected, and said that was the first she heard read from theBible in seven years, and the first prayer she had heard in that time, and she would be glad to see me, but she would not disgrace me bycoming to her house. Then the woman told her she would ask me to seeher in her room, and send for her when I came to see the sick woman. 

I met her in great distress of mind. She told me of the wicked lifeshe had spent during the last seven years of her widowhood, and wantedto know if I thought there was any hope whatever for her. "Do youthink God can forgive me? I have never so much as opened my Bible thatlies in the bottom of my chest all these seven years, until yesterday Iwent home and took my Bible for the first time to read in these years;and I felt so condemned after I read awhile that I laid it back, anddidn't know whether it was of any use; for I have lived such awretched life so long I doubt whether God can forgive me, for I feelworse and worse. Do you believe he can?"

"Certainly he is able to save to the uttermost. It is the enlighteninginfluence of God's Holy Spirit that is showing you the exceedingsinfulness of sin. "

I read to her the readiness of the Lord Jesus to forgive sin. "Howready to bless the humble and contrite heart! Only believe this withall thy heart, and the blood of Jesus is sufficient to wash away everystain that sin has made. Though they be as scarlet, he will make themwhite as snow. " We knelt together, and she too offered earnest prayerfor strength to live the new life, which she firmly resolved to do. 

I saw her a week later, and she said she informed those men with whomshe had committed those darkest of sins of her firm resolution to livea virtuous life, and she locked her door; but they persisted introubling her through the night, threatening to tear her house down orburn it. 

"Three nights I suffered from them. But by constant prayer, believingGod would take care of me, I was delivered from them. And I haveplenty of washing, ironing, and house-cleaning to do; and I get alongso much better than I expected I could. I do want to go to meeting;but so many know of my wicked life I am afraid to go inside of achurch. "

I told her to go to whichever Church she felt most at home, and theLord would open the way for her, and enable her to bring up her littlegirl of eight years in the nurture and admonition of the Lord. 

At the close of my school I left this field, so white to the harvest, to enter, as I supposed, upon a field of home missions. At theexpiration of a year I visited Toledo, and inquired of one whooccasionally employed Dutch Mary, but knew nothing of my experiencewith her, how she was prospering. The cheering reply was, "Splendidly;I haven't heard a disparaging word of her for months, and there usedto be hard stories about her. " I heard she had united with the BaptistChurch, and I think she is trying to live a Christian. If she had notleft town on a visit to her friends I should have seen her, but thereport I heard of her was heart-cheering. May God bless her, and allwho are receiving life-giving power who were dead in trespasses andsin. 

CHAPTER VIII. 

FUGITIVES IN CANADA. 

While visiting friends in Detroit and Canada previous to reopeningRaisin Institute, as I designed, I was earnestly solicited by HenryBibb, Horace Hallack, and Rev. Chas. C. Foote, the committeeauthorized to employ a teacher, to open a school in a new settlementof fugitives, eight miles back of Windsor, where the RefugeeAssociation had purchased government land, on long and easy terms, forfugitive slaves. 

They had erected a frame house for school and meeting purposes. Thesettlers had built for themselves small log-houses, and cleared fromone to five acres each on their heavily timbered land, and raisedcorn, potatoes, and other garden vegetables. A few had put in two andthree acres of wheat, and were doing well for their first year. 

After prayerful consideration, I reached the conclusion to defer foranother year my home work, and enter this new field. 

In the Autumn of 1852 I opened school, and gave notice that at eleveno'clock the following Sunday there would be a Sabbath-school forparents and children, after which a little time would be spent inother religious exercises, pursuing the same course I did in Toledo, Ohio. This drew a number of callers who had no children to see if anycould come to my Sabbath-school; and when I told them it was forevery body of any age who desired to come, my school-house was filledto its utmost capacity. Many frequently came five or six miles withtheir ox-teams to attend these meetings, with their families. Everyman, woman, and child who could read a verse in the Testament, evenwith assistance, took part in reading the lesson, and liberty wasgiven to ask questions. It was not strange to listen to many crudeideas, but a more earnest, truth seeking congregation we seldom find. An aged couple, past eighty, missed very few Sabbaths during the yearI spent there. The man was a fugitive slave, and his companion was anIndian woman, converted under the preaching of a missionary among theIndians. She had taken great pains to talk and understand the Englishlanguage, and was an interesting woman. 

As there was an increasing interest both in day and Sabbath schools, Igive liberty for all who wished to enjoy a sort of class or inquirymeeting, following half an hour's service for exhortation afterSabbath school. 

One couple desired a private interview with me, as they had beenmarried only after "slave fashion. " They said "It is not right tolive this way in a free country. Now we wants you to marry us. "

"I am not legally authorized, " I said, "but I will send a note tobrother Foote, and he will come at once and marry you legally. "

"We thought you preached, an' made notes for us, an' could help us outin dis matter too. "

Charles C. Foote came, and we called at their house at the appointedtime, with a few neighbors, to witness the solemnization of themarriage that would have been accomplished three years before had theylooked at these things from the same stand point they now did. 

A few days after another couple came on the same errand. Said this man"We wants you an' Mr. Foote to marry us, case we's bin troubled 'boutdis many days, case we wa'nt gwine to let nobody know it, but Godknows all 'bout us, an' now we's free indeed, we wants every thingstraight. "

"But why do you put me with Mr. Foote, " I asked, "to marry you?"

"Didn't you an' Mr. Foote marry dat brother an sister week aforelas'?"

"No; only brother Foote. "

"Brother Foote repeated the questions, " they answered; "then hepronounced them husband and wife; then they were married according tolaw. But he axt you to pray after he said dem words. "

In all this ignorance they were like confiding grown-up children, patiently listening to every explanation. 

The unbounded confidence they placed in me was surprising; for theyoften brought their business papers for me to examine, to see whetherthey were right. One man brought me a note, as the employer could notpay him for his work in money. He said it was a note for groceries;but the grocer refused to take it, and said it was not good. I toldhim there was neither date nor name to it. I wrote the man a letter, asking him to rectify the mistake, which he did; but he gave hisemployee credit for only half the days he had worked. They were sooften deceived and cheated in many ways, because of their extremeignorance, that I did not wonder at the conclusion one escapedfugitive had reached. His master was a Presbyterian minister, but hehad known him to whip his sister, the cook, after coming home fromChurch; and he said then he never would have faith in white folks'religion. Since coming to this colony he watched me a long whilebefore he made up his mind that white people could have a purereligion. But now he believed "that the Lord hid his Spirit in thehearts of white people at the North; but it was a make-believe inslaveholders. "

I was surprised one day to meet the mother of three of my scholars, who gave her thrilling experience in her escape from slavery; but shehad little more than commenced her story before I found her to be onefor whom I laid a plan with her sister, who had bought herself. As Inamed a circumstance, she exclaimed in surprise, "Why honey! is dispossible? God sent you here to larn my gals to read, an' we didn'tknow you, " and tears began to drop thicker and faster, as sherecounted the blessings that had multiplied since her arrival inCanada. She had in the three years worked for a little home. Her twoolder girls were at work, and they were all so happy in their freedom. 

These fugitives often came five or six miles for me to write lettersto their friends in the South, with whom they left a secretarrangement very frequently with white people who were their friends, but secretly, for fear of the ruling power, as were the disciples ofChrist who feared the Jews. Their notes, or articles of agreement, were generally brought to me to draft for them. 

In six weeks of steady attendance fifteen young men and women couldread the second reader, and write a legible hand, and draft anegotiable note. I took a specimen of a number of my scholars' hand-writing to an anti-slavery convention in Cincinnati, Ohio, and left afew with the Rev. John G. Fee, whose life had been threatened if hedid not desist from preaching a free gospel in his home State--Kentucky. But the brave Cassius M. Clay told him to go on, and hewould go with him. He went to one place from whence he had receivedrepeated threats, and trouble was anticipated; but Cassius walked intothe church by his side, and placed the Constitution of the UnitedStates on the Bible, and over both his brace of pistols, with which heinformed the audience he should protect free speech. At the same timehe cast a glance at the threatening group in a farther corner, wholeft one by one, until the church was cleared of all but eagerlisteners. Brother Fee said his object in requesting these specimensof the fugitives writing was to exhibit to those who were constantlyasserting that negroes could not learn. He wished them to see thelegible hand-writing of those who had only six weeks' training fromtheir alphabet. 

After spending a few days' vacation, I returned to the toiling day andnight in my school. As there were twelve heads of families anxious toread the Bible and hymn-book, and this seemed to be the height oftheir ambition, I opened an evening school for that class. It wassteadily attended four evenings in each week, and this, with oneevening devoted to prayer-meeting, filled the week, leaving only oneevening free; and frequently they came with their ox-teams to take methree miles to lead a prayer-meeting for them in an adjoiningsettlement. 

The Winter was quite severe, and I frequently was awakened with thesnow sifting in my face, and not unfrequently found the snow half aninch or more deep over my bed on rising in the morning; but my healthwas firm, and I often thought I never enjoyed a year of toiling betterthan the one I spent here. 

There were in this colony a mixed religious element--Baptist, Methodist, Presbyterian, and Free-will Baptist--deeply interested inSabbath schools and class-meetings, open to all who wished to enjoythem. An organization was proposed. The proposition came from theMethodist element, but I did not deem it wise to organize from any onedenomination, as divergent opinions would create controversy thatwould bring harm to many tender minds. Consequently I proposed toorganize a Christian Union Church, without disturbing the Churchrelationship of any one. I prepared an extract from Gerrit Smith'sconcise plan of organizing, on a liberal-scale, a Christian UnionChurch, with but little change, and read it to them; and, after alittle discussion and explanation it was readily adopted. I think thenumber of new converts was thirteen, who expressed a desire to bebaptized by immersion. I exhorted them to attend to their ownreligious impressions, as I was not there to present particularreligious tenets, but to present the crucified, risen, and glorifiedSavior. Brother Foote came and complied with their wish. 

I closed my evening school two weeks to hold a series of meetings, inwhich a young Baptist brother assisted. We all continued to worktogether for the highest good of all around us. 

I noticed a settled sadness in the countenance of a young man oftwenty-five years, recently from Missouri. During recess he took butlittle interest in any thing outside of his book or writing lesson. After attending my school a few days he invited me to go to hisboarding-place to spend the night, as he wished me to write a letterfor him. I found his history was a sad one. He was sold from his wifeand four little children to satisfy a heavy debt. The master tried toreason with him, and the man he owed would not take any of his slavesbut him. He called him aside to have further conversation concerningthe proposed sale; his wife presented herself also to plead that theymight not be separated. Both knelt before him, beseeching with tearsto allow them to remain together. Said he, "I tole 'im I'd serve 'imfaithfully all the days of my life, if he'd only let us live together;and he seemed to give way a little, and said he did not want to sellme, as I was his foreman, and he thought he would make otherarrangements. I watched him closely as I had but little confidence inhis words, and armed myself with a dirk. One day he called me to go tothe woods with him, to show me the trees he wanted chopped. As I wasgoing I saw the end of a rope under his coat-skirt. I kept at areasonable distance all the way, and when we came to the tree hewanted I should chop, he attempted to come near me and I stood back;then he told me plainly I must yield. I said I never would permitmyself to leave my family, and, if he was so determined, I shouldnever be of any use to any one, for life to me was of no value if I amto be taken from my wife and four little children. At this he, withthe other man, who came out of the bushes, ran towards me, but Ioutran them. About seven miles distant he overtook me with a number ofhis slave men, and told me I had to give up. I flourished my dirk andtold them that I would kill the first man that touched me, or theyshould kill me. At this they all stood back except the master himself. He flourished his bowie-knife and I my dirk, for the space of a fewminutes, when he made a rush upon me, and he met my dirk before I methis bowie-knife. As he fell back I ran for the woods. In the darknessof the night I made my last visit to my wife and little children. "

Here he became convulsed with weeping. When he could command hisfeelings to pursue the sad story, he said:

"Oh, that was an awful parting! The moment I entered my wife's cabinshe threw her arms around my neck, exclaiming, 'Oh, my dear Bill, don't stay a minute, for they say you've killed Master Riggs. They sayhe was dyin' this evenin', and he's dead afore this time, I reckon, an' they swear vengeance on you. Some said they'd chop you in pieces--some said they'd burn you alive. ' I told her if God would help me toCanada I would write after awhile to her father (he was free, havingbought himself), and may be he could manage to send her and ourchildren to me; and I tore her arms from my neck. "

Again he was overcome with grief. I advised him not to write atpresent. I never saw a more grief-stricken man. He was boarding withHenry Bibb's mother, who said she knew he was a man of deep trouble, "for he looked so sad and groaned so much nights; but I couldn't bearto ask him, because I thought it would be harder for him to forgetit. " Having been a slave herself, she could easily anticipate thecause of his sadness. Notwithstanding this, he made fair progress inreading, writing, and arithmetic in one term. During this timevigorous efforts were put forth for his capture. 

While I enjoyed my work so much with these people in the woods, inschools, in meetings, and in their improvements generally, I do notsay I found with them perfection. There were causes for reproof aswell as of encouragement. They made great effort to improve theirhomes by taking trees from their woods to the saw mills to be cut upinto boards for better floors than split logs, and for partitions tomake their little houses more comfortable. Perhaps their improvementscould not find better expression than the report of one of ourneighbors, in reply to an inquiry of a friend in Detroit, as to howthey were prospering in their refugee colony, "Fine fine we've allcome to life, an' are in a state to see who'll make the bes' house. "

Frequent arrivals of their friends from slavery often produced muchexcitement. At one time a company of twenty seven arrived, brought byJohn Fairfield, a Virginian. He often went into the heart of slaveholding States and brought companies away, passing himself as theirowner until they reached a free State. He telegraphed some friends inWindsor, and a dinner of reception was provided in one of the coloredchurches, and a great jubilee meeting was held. One very old woman, between eighty and ninety years old, shouted as she jumped aroundamong the people, "I's young again. Glory! glory! Jesus is our Masterfor evermore, honey, " shaking hands with the new-comers. "Glory toJesus! I's sixteen, " and she clapped her hands as she gave anotherleap. Said John Fairfield, "This pays me for all dangers, I have facedin bringing this company, just to see these old friends meet. "

Our young brother Campbell, the literate Baptist minister who hadlabored with us in our series of meetings a few months previously, returned, and with the three Baptist families in that communityconceived the idea that as I was soon to leave, they could organize aBaptist Church, and induce nearly all in that colony to unite, andthey went to work industriously to secure the individual consent ofour Christian Union members; but the plan was, with one accord, rejected, except by our Baptist friends. As they said nothing to meconcerning it, each day brought some complaints about their organisinga Baptist Church "over our heads, " as a number expressed themselves. But I told them "not to feel hurt over their desire to organize aBaptist Church. We will give way for them to occupy half the time. "Brother Maglothin, who had just come with his family from Virginia, was an earnest Christian man and a licensed Wesleyan minister, and hewas ready to take my place in keeping up our Sabbath-schools andmeetings. 

Rev. N. P. Colver, of Detroit, had appointed the Sabbath to meet thefriends in our school-house, for the purpose of organizing a BaptistChurch and of ordaining brother Campbell to take charge of it. I toldall of our people to be sure and attend it with me. As I retired onthe night previous to the proposed meeting, I read the sweet promiseof the loving Savior, "I will be with you to the end, " with anassurance of entire trust. 

The hour arrived, and our house was well filled, but with manysaddened faces. Brother Colver gave a short discourse, and ordainedbrother Campbell, who was left in charge of the Baptist branch of thelittle flock. At the close of the exercises I remarked that I hopedwe would all manifest the same abiding interest in each other'sspiritual and temporal well-being as we had heretofore done; thatthere was a fair understanding between the brethren and sisters thatevery other Sabbath was to be occupied by brother Maglothin, thusalternating with brother Campbell; and as the next Sabbath would be mylast for the present with them, it would be my duty to explain thebasis upon which our Christian Union Church was organized. My earnestand constant prayer was and ever would be, whether present or absent, that the love of the Lord Jesus Christ would ever dwell richly in eachheart of his followers in that community, with whom I had spent a yearthat I could class with the most pleasant of my life. 

The following-Sabbath found our house well filled. After singing anappropriate hymn, and prayer, I read 1 Corinthians iii, with remarks;after which I read the license from the Wesleyan Methodist Conference, acknowledging a qualification to preach the Gospel of our Lord JesusChrist. In it was granted liberty to organize a company of believersinto a Church; and I presented our articles of agreement to build eachother up in the unity of the Spirit and in the bonds of peace, regardless of name, in this "Christian Union Church. " To this we allassented without a jar, and some of our Baptist brethren present votedin favor. 

At this their minister, arose with an acknowledgment that he had notunderstood the foundation of this organization before, and regrettedvery much what he had said against it, and would ask pardon of allthese brethren and sisters and of myself. Before I had an opportunityto reply their deacon and another followed, asking pardon for whatthey had said, for now they saw the wrong. I replied that if feelingshad been hurt by whatever had seemed unkind, they were now healed bythe same love and unity that had so universally prevailed in ourlittle band, that had given courage and strength all through the year. Here were sad faces brightened; and others followed me, manifestingthe healing power of love. The Lord was in our minds reconciling tohimself, and melting away every apparent root of bitterness. 

I left them again united, but our little Baptist organization livedonly till their fourth meeting. From their own choice it wasdiscontinued; and, as the majority in that community were of Methodistproclivities, it has never ceased to be of that family name, being afew months after reorganized under the auspices of the MethodistEpiscopal Church. 

I had, previous to leaving this field, written to William Anderson'swife, Maria, directed to her father, and dated in Adrian, Michigan, and I instructed letters from her to be sent to that city in my care. Soon after my return a letter came from her father, as William haddirected. I opened it, and found the very plausible plan of bringingWilliam's wife and four children to him. Her father wrote of the lossof his own wife; and as the size and color of Maria answered to thedescription of his own wife, as recorded on his manumission papers, beproposed to take Maria and the children a few miles away in the night, where they would be kept secreted until the excitement of hunting forthem was over, when he proposed to take them a night's journeynorthward. By that time he hoped that he could travel openly, with hisfree papers. I replied as William requested, in his name, andforwarded both the letter and a copy of my reply to him, with arenewed caution for him not to cross the Detroit River, as it waspossible that all these plans were devised by his enemies, instead ofthe father-in-law and his wife. They had desired him to meet them ontheir way, and also inquired for names of places and persons who aidedhim, for the purpose of passing through safely to some point wherethey could meet to part no more until death itself should separatethem. I wrote him to wait patiently the result, and not allow himselfto become too much elated over this plausible plan, for I had written"that there were many friends who assisted him, whose names he hadforgotten, neither could he call to mind the names of the many placeshe passed through, for he was taken from place to place in haste. They, too, would find no lack of friends; and if they brought hisfamily to Adrian, Michigan, and inquired for Mrs. Laura S. Haviland, awidow, they would learn where he could be found. "

Not many days elapsed before the answer came in the person of aSoutherner, accompanied by Mr. Warren, of Detroit, with my letter inhis hand and with the statement that I would know the where abouts ofWilliam Anderson. He said his family had arrived in Detroit with hiswife's father and that they were in the family of a colored minister bythe name of Williams. 

I told him I was acquainted with the Williams family, and was veryglad to hear of the arrival of William Anderson's family, over whom hehad been very anxious, and inquired when they came. 

"Yesterday, about four o'clock, " was the reply. "There seems to bequite an interest in the family by the white people. Mr. Hallack gaveme five dollars to pay William's fare to Detroit to meet his family, as I volunteered to come for him. And here's a letter he sent to hisfather in law, you can read for yourself. "

I took it, and as I opened it recognized the letter I wrote for him. "Yes, this is all right, it is the letter I wrote for William. "

Beginning to appear quite nervous, he said "You see in that there is astatement that you would know where he's at work, and, " taking out hiswatch, "I see we'll have to hurry to get to Adrian by train time andif you'll be so kind as to tell me where to find him as they are veryanxiously waiting for us, I shall be obliged to you. It would be agreat disappointment if we should fail to reach Detroit when the nexttrain goes in. "

He walked to and fro across the room, first to the door, then to thewindow, in a hurried, excited manner, while I was purposely detaininghim to see him tremble. I was quite satisfied that he was a bogus coinby the index of his face. When I told him, at length, that he wasworking in Chatham, Canada West, and that I wrote this direction toavoid any possible scheme or plot to return him to hopeless bondage, his face reddened and voice trembled as he replied "I don't know anything about it, only what Mr. Hallack told me. That is every thingthat I know in this matter. "

I told him what Mr. Hallack had informed him was all right, and hecould tell him to send the family on the first train from Windsor toChatham, and they would meet William there. He bowed, "I thank you;"but looked as if his words very much misrepresented him. 

By the time he was out of sight I had my horse and buggy ready, tofollow him to Adrian, to telegraph Horace Hallack and George DeBaptist to forward a dispatch to William Anderson, Chatham, CanadaWest, to leave that city without an hour's delay, as I was satisfiedhis enemies from Missouri were after him, and probably would take himas a murderer. The telegram was sent, and he obeyed its request. 

Within two days my caller was there, inquiring for William, and wastold by a number that he had been at work in town some time, but lefta couple of days before, but knew not where he went. After a few days'search and inquiries in that town, he returned to Detroit, and for thefirst time called on Horace Hallack to inform him that he was insearch of a colored man by the name of William Anderson, who was afree man, that had committed in the State of Missouri a cold-bloodedmurder of a Baptist deacon, for the paltry sum of five dollars, and heunderstood he had been quite recently in Chatham, Canada, but had leftthat city. He, would like advice as to what course to pursue toascertain his whereabouts. Horace Hallack referred him to George DeBaptist, who was well acquainted with leading colored men in manylocalities both in Canada and this side the river. 

Our Missourian was now in good hands, as I followed my dispatch tothem with a long letter, giving William Anderson's experience indetail. George De Baptist told him if he had been a slave, he wouldhave taken every measure within his reach to protect him in hisfreedom. 

But as he said he was always free, and such a high-handed murderer ashe represented, he would go just as far to bring him to justice. "Iwill tell you what I will do; I will write to an intelligent coloredman in each of the largest settlements of colored people, Chatham, Amhurstburg, and Sandwich, and will receive replies from each withinfour days, and I will give you the result of their inquiries. " At thetime appointed the Missourian returned for tidings. 

Said George, "I have received answers from each letter, and fromAmhurstburg and Sandwich they write they have known or heard nothingof a man by that name; but the man to whom I wrote in Chatham hasknown all about him, being well acquainted with him, and he writesthat William Anderson had been talking of going to Sault St. Marys, and that he left two weeks ago, rather mysteriously, without tellinghim or any one else where he was going; but the greaterprobability was he went there. "

He gave the letters to him, to read for himself. Consequently he hiredMr. Warren and another man, and took the trip to Sault St. Marys, where he spent a week inquiring for William Anderson; but be failed toget the least clew to his whereabouts, and returned to Detroit. Heleft a power of attorney with his friend Warren to arrest him in casebe could be decoyed over the Detroit river; if that plan did notsucceed, he was to telegraph him if he found his whereabouts inCanada. If these plans failed, he left directions to arrest me with aUnited States warrant. But about the time I was to have been arrestedMr. Warren, the man who was empowered to arrest me, died with cholera--a singular coincidence. Mr. Warren's brother expressed deep sorrowand regret to find the papers granting legal authority to transactsuch business in his brother's possession at the time of his death. Heallowed George De Baptist to see them before they were destroyed. Thiswas the second time cholera defeated my arrest. 

Pursuit was still continued for William Anderson. Three years after Ifell in company with D. L. Ward, attorney of New Orleans, in a stagebetween Ypsilanti and Clinton, Michigan. He was making some complaintsabout the North, which drew forth a few remarks from me. "Oh, I amglad I've got hold of an abolitionist. It is just what I have wishedfor ever since I left my home in New Orleans. Now I want to give you alittle advice, and, as it will cost you nothing, you may accept itfreely, and I hope you will profit by it; and that is, when youabolitionists have another Sims case, call on Southern legalgentlemen, and we will help you through. We would have cleared Sims, for that Fugitive slave Law is defective, and we know it, and we knowjust how to handle it. "

"Why did you introduce a defective bill?"

"Because we made up our minds to bring you Northerners to our terms, whether it was constitutional or not, and we have done it, because weknew we could do it; not because we cared for a few niggers; for Isay, if a nigger cares enough for freedom to run for it, he ought tohave it. Now we knew that was an unconstitutional thing before we putit before Congress; but we put it there to let you know we could driveit down Northern throats, and we did it, too. "

"I acknowledge, " I replied, "that there is too much servility in ourNorth; there is too much crouching and cringing, but I am prepared tosay there are more than seven thousand that have never bowed the kneeto your Baal of slavery, and never will. We never shall do homage toyour Southern goddess, though you may cry loud and long in demandingits worship. You say if we have another slave case, if we come to youto help us through, you will do it, and that if a slave wants hisfreedom bad enough to run for it, you think he ought to have it?"

"Yes, madam, we will aid you, for we know just how to handle thatthing. "

"Supposing a man is about to be sold from his family, and he falls athis master's feet, and pleads in tears to remain with his family, andpromises to serve him faithfully all the days of his life, if he willonly permit them to remain together; but the master persists in thesale; the slave makes his escape; is overtaken by his master, yet, severely wounding him, he succeeds in gaining his liberty. Now what doyou say in regard to this supposed case?"

Looking me full in the face, he asked my name, which was given. Saidhe, "I think I am acquainted with that case. Is it not WilliamAnderson, a runaway from Missouri?"

"William Anderson's case is very similar to the one I have described. "

"Oh yes, madam, and you are implicated in that affair, but as you area lady I will not disturb you; but you are liable to great difficultyin that case, and I will tell you we are going to have Anderson byhook or by crook; we will have him by fair means or foul; the South isdetermined to have that man, and you'll find your House of Refuge willnot protect him either. "

"This is the way I perceive you Southern legal gentlemen will help us. But you will never get Anderson from Canada. Your determination willfail. "

"We shall not fail, but I will tell you after I return from ourfilibustering tour, as we am going out next month. We are confident ofsuccess in that, too, for our fleet is in good condition. We shallthen take Anderson, if not before, and let you see how much your Houseof Refuge will do to hold that man from the South. "

I never heard from D. L. Ward from that day. I had written previous tothis interview to the governor-general, Lord Elgin, of the firsteffort to retake him as a murderer. He replied that, "in case of ademand for William Anderson, he should require the case to be tried intheir British court; and if twelve freeholders should testify that hehad been a man of integrity since his arrival in their dominion, itshould clear him. " This information, however, I did not reveal to ourSouthern lawyer. 

Three years later, in which time I had succeeded in finishing myRaisin Institute building, and reopened the institution in charge of aprincipal from Oberlin College, the sad tidings reached me thatWilliam Anderson was lodged in jail in the city of Toronto, undercharge of murder committed in the State of Missouri. He was awaitinghis trial, and Gerrit Smith was one of his legal advisers. I wroteimmediately informing him of the previous efforts to search out hiswhereabouts, and that his pursuers at that date (1853) alleged that hewas a free man, and had never been a slave. In reply, Gerrit Smithwrote:

"I am glad you have given me so much of his history. Poor Anderson! Ivisited him in jail. I will send you my speech in his behalf. I hopethe friends will purchase his family. I have volunteered to do all Ican for the poor man. Lord Elgin is removed; the present governor-general is a stranger to this case. God bless you. 

"I am truly your friend, GERRIT SMITH. "

A few days later, I received the thrilling speech of Gerrit Smith, like the man, full of pure and soul-inspiring thought; but I trembledwith fear when two of the three judges were in favor of returningWilliam Anderson to the State of Missouri, and that Riggs the claimantwas liable to succeed; but through the efforts of his friends, and theopposing judge, the case was appealed to a higher court, and WilliamAnderson was sent to England, where he remained in safety until thewar opened, in which time the case was adjusted in his favor. TheMissouri agent, Riggs, failed, and the friends of liberty rejoiced. 

Three young men fled from Daniel Payne, Kentucky, and succeeded inreaching Canada, where they had proven themselves worthy of theirhard-earned freedom. A few months elapsed, and their master came forthem, and tried to hire them to go back with him, promising to makeover to them manumission papers as soon as they returned. But hefailed to inspire Alfred and his two brothers with confidence in hispromise of freedom and fair wages for their work. He then secured theaid of a colored man to invite them to a dancing party in Detroit afew days after, but the boys mistrusted that their old master had thehandling of this invitation, and did not accept it. 

As they had been annoyed two weeks by the various plans of "Master DanPayne, " they concluded the next time he gave them a call to appearmore social, and gave their plan to forty or fifty of their friends, who were to lie in ambush near the old barracks, where one of thebrothers was to have a chill, and appear too sick to go over theriver. But two days passed before the opportunity arrived that enabledthem to carry out their plan. When Alfred informed the ex-master ofthe illness of his brother, of course he must hasten to the sick boywith a nice brandy-sling for the chills, and he purchased a goodquantity for them all. While he was handing a glass of sweetenedbrandy to the sick man, a company of men rushed in and held him, whileAlfred and two brothers stripped him of his coat, vest, boots, socks, and pants, and tied him with a rope in the same way the master hadtied their mother, when he compelled her to be stripped, and tied herwith his own hands, and whipped her until the blood ran to the ground. Alfred and his brothers applied dexterously the slave-whip, which theyhad provided for the occasion by borrowing a plantation slave-whipkept by Henry Bibb as a reminder of his slave life. Daniel Paynebegged heartily for mercy. Alfred replied: "Yes, this is just the waymy mother begged for mercy; but you had no mercy for her, and this isto show what she received at your cruel hands. " They applied the lashuntil the forty stripes their mother had received at his hands hadbeen given. Then they unbound him and gave him fifteen minutes todress and leave Canada, and gave him a quarter to go with, keeping hiswatch and purse, which contained about forty dollars. He crossed theriver within the given time, and sent an agent to call on theauthorities, to whom he entered a complaint of being robbed of a goldwatch and one hundred dollars, but made no complaint of the whipping. He affected to be too lame "with rheumatism" to return to his Kentuckyhome for a number of days, in which time the boys returned his watch, but kept the money. Alfred and his brothers said Mr. Payne was asuntruthful about the amount of money as he was in calling his oldsilver watch gold. Suffice it to say, the young men were never aftertroubled or annoyed by Daniel Payne, of Kentucky. Although it was acourse I would never have inaugurated, yet it was largely in humannature to requite the cruelties heaped upon their mother when it wasbeyond their power to protect her. 

With very many pleasant remembrances, I left this laborious field oflabor for home work, where I spent nearly three years looking afterthe best interests of my children, and making preparations to reopenRaisin Institute, for the moral, intellectual, and spiritualimprovement of our youth. 

CHAPTER IX. 

RESCUE OF SLAVES. 

A family of six left their old Kentucky home in search of freedom. Ayoung wife who was sold had made her escape three years previously. Inoticed a stranger passing through my gate, and as he was a mulatto, Iwent out to see where he had gone. I found him sitting in the porch, waiting to see some one of whom to inquire whether he was at the rightplace. He handed a paper directed to me by an under-ground railroadticket agent, who informed me there were six fugitives in his company. "Then there are six of you?" I asked; "and where are the balance?" "Mytwo brothers are back a-ways, " he replied, "'cause we's feared itwasn't the right place. "

Being assured all was right, he went back for them. They had lefttheir mother, with her two little grandchildren, in Carthaginia, untilthe boys could find a safe home for them, but they knew not whetherthey should go on to Canada or find the object of their search shortof that place. They heard in Carthaginia that Michigan was the lastplace she had been heard from, and that was a short time after passingthrough that town. They were directed to me as being most likely toknow the whereabouts of the young wife. They had been in my home anumber of hours before the elder brother dared make the inquiry. Inoticed the frequent heavy sigh and sad countenance, and I thought hewas probably very anxious over the safety of his mother, and I assuredhim that she was in good hands, for I knew them to be true friends. While he assented, yet all my words of encouragement did not seem tocheer him, while the two younger brothers were happy. I went throughmy usual course of giving them new names. As they left that entirelywith me, I gave as the family name Koss, and their given namesBenjamin, Richard, and Daniel. But I came to the conclusion that theolder brother was troubled over some friends he had left behind. Atlength, in a half hesitating and trembling manner, he ventured to askif I knew any thing of a colored girl by the name of Mary Todd. 

"Certainly I do, " said I; "and did you know her?"

"Yes, ma'am, " was his reply. 

"Do you know whether her husband was sold? She worried a great dealabout him. "

"No, they talked of selling him lately. " Then, after a pause, "Sheisn't married again, is she?"

"Why, no, she is a very steady, nice young woman. Every one in theneighborhood where she lives takes a great interest in her. Perhapsyou are acquainted with her husband; why don't he come? He promised tofollow her as soon as he could. "

While his countenance lit up with joy, I had no suspicion of who hewas until he said, "I am the man. I am her husband. "

"Why didn't you tell me that before?"

"I was 'fraid of bad news if I got any. "

"Afraid she was married?"

"Well, it's been mighty nigh three years, an' I couldn't go for a longtime off the plantation, after she left. "

As she was twelve miles from our school, and by this time it wasnearly night, I hastened to inform brother Canfield, a Wesleyanminister, that the older brother of these fugitives was Mary Todd'shusband. "Is it possible, " he asked, "that Mary's husband has come atlast?"

Soon, quite an excitement was produced in our neighborhood over thearrival of Mary Todd's husband. The next morning brother Canfield tookhim in his buggy to meet his wife and little son he had never seen;and a time of great rejoicing was in the whole neighborhood. As theywere married after slave style, brother Canfield solemnized themarriage legally. The minister said we all forgot the black skin, whenwe saw that couple fly to each other's arms. Surely, "Skins may differ, but affection Dwells in black and white the same. "

Mary had lived most of the time in the family of Fitch Reed, ofCambridge. They soon had a home for their mother, with her two littlegranddaughters, and were all happy, industrious, and highly respected. 

One of the common trials of life, to mar our happiness in our family-like institution (February 23d) was the listless waywardness of someof our dear students, in a determined purpose to attend a dancingparty under the guise of an oyster supper. How many delusive snaresare laid to entrap and turn aside the youth into divergent paths. Wefound it necessary to suspend eight of our students for the remainderof the term. It is a painful duty of the surgeon to amputate a limb, yet it may be an imperative duty, in order to save the life of thepatient, and restore the body to health. 

This evening a very remarkable fugitive slave came from Tennessee. Hehad been five weeks on the way, in which time he had slept but onenight, having traveled at night and buried himself in hay and straw inbarns in the day-time to keep from perishing with cold, and to avoiddetection. He says six years ago his wife and child were sold fromhim, which caused him days and nights of bitter tears. He then firmlyresolved to make an attempt to gain his freedom by flight. He wascaptured in Illinois after a severe struggle. He showed us fourpistol-ball holes in the arm he was most dexterously using in his owndefense, and two large scars which he said were gashes made at thesame time with a Bowie-knife, which enabled his enemies to capturehim. After they secured him in jail he was advertised in papers, whichhis master saw, and came and took him back, and caused him to bewhipped on the bare back until the flesh was so badly torn that he wascompelled to lie on his stomach four weeks. During this time he wasnot able to turn himself. After recovering his master put him in theiron works, of which he was proprietor. "If I hadn't been one of hisengineers he would have sold me instead of giving me that awfulwhipping that he thought conquered me; but he was mightily mistaken;for it only imbedded in my heart a more bitter hate than ever. Iappeared contented and performed my work well. After a few months, hesaid one day, 'I've made you a good boy, Jim, and now I'll let you goto the big city with me. ' I was very obedient, but he little knew ofmy determination to leave him as soon as I could make sure work of it. That is the reason I would not make friends with white people till Ifound Michigan, for we have heard that people in this State arefriendly to us, and that it is next to Canada. "

As this man was above mediocrity as to intelligence, his two days staywith us had a salutary influence over our school. He could not beprevailed upon to rest longer, as he could not be easy until hereached Victoria's dominions. His clothes were made comfortable, andI called on a few friends for a little pocket change, and sent by hima little note to the next station, where he was aided on to Canada. 

Our Spring term opened with fair prospects. A number of our studentswho were suspended last term returned to us, they said, to redeemthemselves, and they were as good as their word. 

During our long vacation I attended an anti-slavery convention inCincinnati, where I met a white slave man from Little Rock, Arkansas, who left his home in the night and by morning took public conveyanceas any other white man would. On reaching Cincinnati he found friendsof the slave to whom he revealed his condition. Levi Coffin advisedhim to go with me to Michigan. As he was in greater haste than I was, he proposed to go on at once. Consequently I wrote a letter ofintroduction to my friends, requesting them to furnish him with work. In two weeks I returned and found my young friend, Charles McClain, (for that was the name I gave him in Cincinnati) at work with afriend, who said it was a pity that I had introduced him as a fugitiveslave, for they would not have believed it if the statement had notcome from me. 

He came to our school and improved very much upon what he had pickedup from the white children who were going to school, and by the aid ofa colored minister who could read and write, and by that means couldread in the second reader and write a little. He was often seen intears, and was very anxious to have his sister with him, who was aswhite as himself and, like him, had straight auburn hair, blue eyes, and perfect Caucasian features, without a vestige of African descentthat could be detected. A deep sympathy was enlisted in his behalf. Hewas very anxious to convey intelligence to that sister of the easewith which he effected his escape, and that she too could free herselfas easily. A number of the friends offered to aid, and one friendplaced thirty dollars in my hands to bring about this result. I wroteto a colored minister in Little Rock, who replied, with a graphicaccount of their rejoicing at his success, and of his sister Ann'sanxiety to come to him, but that she had no means. Charles wrote toher that he would send means with instructions. As I had for manyyears had a great desire to see more of the system of slavery in itsown territory, as so many people of the North were insisting upon ourexaggerations, and that we were judging the majority of slave-holdersby the few unprincipled men we had seen, I concluded to become thebearer of this message. 

With a well-defined plan of the streets and houses I left my home, inconfidence that the God of Daniel would return me unharmed. After alittle visit with my dear friends, Levi and Catharine Coffin, inCincinnati, I resumed my journey. I felt a little disappointed at theleaving of a through boat an hour earlier than reported. Levi said, "Perhaps thou'lt find it's all for the best, " and so it was. For thesecond day after leaving Cincinnati the vessel was burned and sunk, with great loss of property, and many of the passengers were seriouslyinjured, and some fatally. As I soon after passed the wreck ofpartially burned furniture floating near the shore, and some hauledout lying on the bank, I was thankful for the disappointment. 

At Napoleon I left the boat for another to go up the Arkansas river, and waited at the best hotel in the place, kept by the widow Reeves. She was probably a fair specimen of Southern women. The appearance ofthe people made me feel as if I was out of these United States. Therewas quite a company waiting to go up or down the river. Among themwere six or eight young people--Colonel Thompson with his son anddaughter, whom he was taking home from their school in Helena, Arkansas, and a young Dr. Jackson, who was very talkative and filledto over-flowing with affectation. With a twirl of his little cane, andhalf-bent bow, in a simpering manner he addressed the four youngladies sitting on the sofa before him:

"How did you rest last night, ladies?"

"Quite well, I thank you. "

"Indeed, I am very happy to hear it, for I did not. I was dreaming allnight of shooting and stabbing, and I had an awful time. I suppose itwas owing to the awful time we had when I was here last over a niggerfight, or rather a fight over a nigger. It seems he had started to runaway and they overtook him here, and he fought like a tiger. He hadarmed himself with a six-shooter, and I tell you he made the bulletsfly lively, and they shot him before they could catch him. He shot oneman dead and wounded two or three others, and I was called upon toextract a ball from the shoulder of one man. "

During this conversation, and much more not recorded, I was writing aletter home, directed to a friend in Covington, Kentucky. There was anunderstanding, while in Cincinnati, that Levi Coffin was to take myletters from our Covington friends, and mail them home. 

To my great relief, the small boat, "Rough and Ready, " came in, andwas to leave for Indian Territory, up the Arkansas River, in twohours; but a large boat was going up the next day. I went on both tosee what they were, and I found the large boat looked more like an oldslaver than a civilized craft, and made my choice without making knownthe reason. There was in the hotel an old lady going on the largeboat, and she urged me to accompany her, and a young woman was goingon the "Rough and Ready, " who was anxious I should go with her, as shewas alone, and going to her mother in Little Rock. The old lady saidshe was alone, and was going to her daughter, and asked Mrs. Reeves tointercede in her behalf. "Now, Mrs. Smith, I'll make a bargain withyou. There is a rich widower on the big boat, and he's got lots ofniggers and money. I'll give him to you if you'll go on that boat;and, I tell you, he's rich as Croesus. " I had to enter somewhat intothese familiarities, and told her I would not think of being soselfish as to take him from her. 

I finished my letter-writing, and her Pomp was told to take my satchelto the boat with the young woman. There were Colonel Thompson and sonand daughter, who made themselves quite too familiar to becomfortable. I soon noticed the captain seemed quite disconcerted, andmade many excuses. His cabin help were set to cleaning and settingthings in order, and his cook sent ashore for nuts, candies, andfruits. We hardly had started when Colonel Thompson charged me withbeing a reporter for some periodical. I assured him of his mistake. 

Said he, "I knew you were a reporter; and when Mrs. Reeves was urgingso persistently to have a dance, I whispered to my young folks not tohave any thing to do with it, for you'd have us all in somenewspaper. "

I told him I was writing a letter to my folks. 

Said he, "You need not think you are going to fool us in that way. Isaw you write a few minutes, then stop, and listen awhile to Dr. Jackson and those young ladies, and then write again, then stop tolisten to Mrs. Reeves, and then write again. I told my children theycould see you had five or six pages for some paper; and you can nevermake me believe that was all for a letter. Now, if you will answer onequestion I'll release you. Haven't you written an article for a papersome time?"

I hesitated, for the next query would be, "What paper? At length Ithought of the note of correction I wrote for the Louisville_Courier_, while in that city, in behalf of Calvin Fairbanks, while he was there in prison. I finally told him I would not say I hadnever written any thing for a paper. 

"Now, if you will pardon me, just one more question, and if you willanswer that I will be as good as my word, and trouble you no more onthat score. What paper have you written for? I would like to knowwhether it was a Helena paper or any one in our State. "

"No, not in this State, " said I; "I did write a little card for theLouisville _Courier_. "

"Ah, yes, that's it; that is a good Democratic paper. I am acquaintedwith the editor. I knew you were trying to cheat us all the while. Iwish you would write an article for the Little Rock _Democrat_, If you will I will send the editor a letter of introduction; and Iknow he will pay you well for it. "

But I declined, and was very much relieved when the Thompson familyreached their home in Pine Bluff. Here I saw their slaves come to meetthem for their baggage. They urged me to stop with them and spend aweek or two, and they would take me out into the country to see somebeautiful plantations, as they had an excellent carriage driver. Theyoung woman said "Pa has owned him a number of years, and could alwaysrisk us with him anywhere. Our plantation is not a very large one, aspa has always had a store on his hands, but there are some very largeand beautiful ones beyond us. "

A sense of relief came over me as I saw them leave the boat, and wewere the next day landed in Little Rock. Being after dark, I spent thenight at the Anthony House. Before sunrise I was at the house of ourfriends, who were greatly rejoiced, and sent for the minister, withwhom we consulted. After making all necessary arrangements, with thesigns fixed upon whereby I might understand when the expected boatwould arrive, whether any unfavorable indications were noticed, etc Iinquired for a private and convenient boarding house where I couldremain a few days waiting for tidings from a through boat. The familythey named happened to be where the young woman who came on the sameboat with me was boarding, with her mother and brother in law, who waskeeping a tailor's shop. I inquired of this young woman and her motherif they thought I could secure board there a few days, while waitingfor tidings from a brother. They thought Mrs. Shears might not have aconvenient room for me but they would be glad to have me in theirroom. Soon the matter was settled. The son in law brought in sewingfor his mother and sister in law, and I made myself useful byassisting them. The mother, Mrs. Springer, had a nice shally dressfor me to make, that she said she couldn't have got made to suit heras well for eight dollars, and urged me quite hard to go in withherself and daughter in opening a shop for dress-making. I also didsome sewing for Mrs. Shears, who also became quite social. 

Mrs. Shears was very cruel to her slaves, and complained of theindolence of Jack, a boy of twelve years. "But I haven't got himfairly broke in yet. Don't you think, after I paid eight hundreddollars in gold for that nigger, and set him to shell a barrel ofcorn, he spent all that day in doing nothing? I was just ready to goaway, when a nigger-drover brought a few he had left, and said he'dsell cheap, as it was the last he had on hand. He wanted nine hundred;but I told him I'd give him eight hundred in gold, and at last heconcluded to take it. Well, as I told you, I set him to shelling onthat barrel of corn, and I don't s'pose he shelled a dozen ears afterI was gone. Don't you think, that nigger spent all that day in bawlingafter his mother--a great booby, twelve years old! He might have somesense in his head. I gave him one dressing, to begin with; for I foundhe'd got to know who was master. I've had him six weeks, and he isn'thardly broke in yet. "

Poor motherless child! No doubt she too wept bitterly over theseparation; but no word of pity, or even a sigh of sympathy, must beallowed here. I must listen to this, and a great deal more, withstoical indifference. 

As Mrs. Shears had more company than usual, she came to me oneevening, and asked if I would take her daughter's bed in her room, shielded with curtains, for the night. This was satisfactory to me. The following morning, at gray dawn, the two little boys, Jack andJim, came in with fire from the kitchen, with kindling. The mistressrolled out of bed, and took her heavy-heeled shoe, dealing blows upontheir heads and shoulders, and said:

"How come you niggers till this time o' day in here to build fires?"

"Aunt Winnie didn't wake us. "

"I'll wake you up; here almost daylight, and not a fire built yet, when these four fires ought to have been built an hour ago. And didn'twake up, ha? I'll teach you to wake up. "

And so she kept up the heavy blows, chasing them round and round thechairs, and the boys crying, "I will get up early, missus; I will getup early, " till it seemed to me an unreasonable punishment. 

Just as the two fires were going, and the little fellows went tolight the other two, the son, Joe Shears, came in. 

"What are these niggers about, that these fires are not all goinglong ago?"

"O, they had to sleep this mornin'; they say Aunt Winnie didn't wake'em. "

"I'll wake the young devils; I'll see whether they'll sleep tillbroad daylight. It's their business to have these fires going an hourago;" and out he went. 

At breakfast, I noticed Jim, the waiter, was missing, and Jack wasnot at his wood-chopping as usual. Soon after, as I passed throughthe rear porch, I saw the two little boys hanging, as I supposed, bytheir wrists, to a pole over the bay in the barn. The door was justopened by Joe Shears, to commence his day's work of whipping, as Isoon heard the cries of one, then the other, alternating in stripesheard with their cries, by spells, until noon. During this time JoeShears was sitting before the fire, playing cards and sipping hisbrandy between the whippings. Whenever he was out the whipping andcries were heard. 

At noon little Jim was let down, very hoarse from crying, and hiseyes red and swollen. By his walk I knew the little fellow hadsuffered intensely. But the little wood-chopper was not at his post. Soon after dinner the lash was again heard, with the hoarse cry oflittle Jack; and each time Joe Shears sat down to his card-table Ilooked for Jack, but after a game or two of cards he was out again, and the lash and cries resumed. I became so distressed that at fouro'clock I took a walk on the street, ostensibly to rest by exerciseafter a day of sewing, but really to give vent to tears that had beenall day pent up, for all appearance of sympathy must here berestrained. On my return I heard the battling of the paddle, with thecries of poor Jack, so hoarse that I could hardly have recognized itas a human voice had I not known what it was. I got no glimpse of thepoor child until the next morning. 

As the tailor, Joseph Brink, came in, the sister-in-law said, "Weought to have a lamp or candle lit before this time. "

Said the mother, "We don't feel half thankful enough for this grate-fire. Just think, Joe Shears has been whipping those two little boysall this blessed day, and I should think they must be half dead to-night. "

"What have they done?" said Joseph. 

"I don't know; do you, Mrs. Smith?"

"Yes; you know I slept in Mrs. Shears's room last night; and the boyscame in at nearly daylight with their pan of fire and kindling, andthe mistress wanted to know why their fires were not all builtbefore, and they said Aunt Winnie didn't wake them. And she whippedthem with her shoe quite a while; then Joe Shears came in, and sworeat them, and said he would wake them. "

"And that was it? Only think, " said Mrs. Springer; "you know AuntWinnie was sick yesterday. And just because they hadn't these firesall built before daylight they've had them tied up in the barn allday; that cowhide Mrs. Shears keeps hung on her door-knob her Joe hasswung over those two little niggers all day. I tell you, if the devildon't catch such people there's no use of having a devil. "

Her son-in-law, in an undertone, said, "Be careful; don't talk soloud, or it will make a fuss here. "

"Well, I don't care, I am mad. I tell you, Joe, hell is lined thisvery minute with just such folks as these. "

"Well, I think they are more cruel here than they are in Georgia. "

"I've seen just such work in Georgia and in Alabama, and it's allover. I tell you, there's more in hell to-night for treating niggersthis way than for all other sins put together, and I know it. "

"Be careful; they'll hear you, and it will make trouble. It's theirproperty; it's none of ours. "

"I don't care for that; they are human beings, and have feelings aswell as other folks. There's that little nigger, Bob, they've hired ofDr. Webb, down street; they whip him and pound him about, and they'llkill him some day. And I think somebody ought to report to Dr. Webbhow they are treating that young nigger. He is a mighty nice-lookingboy. He is almost white, and they've got him all scarred up. "

"Well, what of that? The doctor himself is no better. About threemonths ago his boy Tom was throwing wood in his cellar, and he didsomething he didn't like, and he kicked him down the cellar, thenjumped down after him and took a billet of wood and was pounding Tomover his head when two white men were passing by and saw the wholeaffair; and as Tom fell the doctor came up out of the cellar and wentdown town and reported his Tom had a fit. But the two men went intothe cellar after the doctor left and found him dead and his skullbroken in. They reported what they saw and had a coroner's inquestover him, who found that Tom came to his death by too severepunishment. They arrested the doctor and put him in jail a few days, when his trial came off. The doctor was fined five hundred dollars, and he paid it and went free. "

"Yes, that is the doctor we've been sewing for, is it?"

"Certainly. "

"I tell you, hell is heaped with just such people. "

She went on in that strain that reminded me of St. Clair's "cursing uphill and down" that almost frightened the New England old maid of"Uncle Tom's Cabin. " I trembled myself, expecting every moment thatsome member of the family would hear her. 

Two days later was washing-day, and the cook, Aunt Winnie, told hermistress she was too sick to do the very large washing for threeboarders besides the family. I heard the mistress cursing her, andtelling her she could if she had a mind to, and charged her with beinglazy. 

In came her son Joe. "What's all this fuss?"

"O, it's Winnie says she's sick and can't do the washing this week. "

"Sick! I'll see how sick she is, " and he took up a billet of stove woodand commenced beating her over her head and shoulders, and swearingthat he would give her something to be sick for. Mrs. Springer calledmy attention to the quarrel of Mrs. Shears with her cook before JoeShears came in. Then said she, "Poor Aunt Winnie will catch it now, I'll warrant. There, just hear those blows; they sound like beatingthe table; he'll kill her. " And table, stools, and tin-pans or pailsmade racket enough for the whole kitchen to be falling down. Thestruggle with a volley of oaths lasted a few minutes. 

Mrs. Springer, up to boiling rage again, "Hear that; what devils theyare; don't you believe Aunt Winnie will die? Why, I can't hold still. "In as careless a manner as I could command I said, "We can do no goodby saying any thing. You know what your son said the other night. "

"I know it; but there isn't a particle of humanity about them. I feelas if I want to pitch into the whole Shears family. " Soon all wasquiet. 

"I believe Aunt Winnie is dead, don't you?"

"I think not. "

"I am going in there to see. "

As she got up to go to the kitchen she took the pitcher for water. While she was pumping the water near the kitchen-door, Aunt Winniestaggered to the door trying to wind a cloth around her bleeding head, and one eye was swollen shut. As she came in and reported how badlyshe was bruised up, she wanted me to take the pitcher and go to thepump for water; but I told her I would wait a little, for they mightthink we went on purpose to see Winnie. 

"Poor thing, I know she came to the door on purpose to let me seeher. " And Mrs. Springer could not rest satisfied until I drew the nextpitcher of water, when the poor woman reeled to the door with her handon her head and the cloth around it saturated with blood. I could notsleep a wink after the day of the unmerciful whipping of those twolittle boys. Again the night after this unmerciful beating of thispoor woman was spent in weeping, and prayer to Him who hears the criesof his oppressed children. 

A few days after Aunt Winnie came to Mrs. Springer and asked her ifshe would cut and make a green delaine sacque for her, and cut acalico skirt, as she could make that in the night, and charged her notto let her mistress see it or let her know she had it, because herhusband got it for her and gave her seventy-five cents to get Mrs. Springer to cut it; "for he is going to take me away three weeks fromnext Saturday night, 'cause the people are so hard here; he says Ishan't stay here any longer. " "I am so sorry for her, I told her tocome in when her mistress and Joe Shears's wife are away making calls, and I would take her measure and cut and baste it: then for her tocome in after they are all in bed and I would fit it and make it anytime, keeping it under a sheet I've got to make, and in that way I cankeep it out of sight; and I told her you and my daughter will saynothing about it. Said Winnie, 'I knows that by her face. ' Do you knowhow quick these black people read faces?"

While she was sewing on Aunt Winnie's sacque, Joe Shears's wife cameinto our room a little while, and the daughter looked out the backwindow, where Jack was chopping, and said, "I don't think your Jack isgoing to live long. "

"Why? I'm sure he eats hearty. "

"He looks so bad out of his eyes; I've noticed it a few days past, andI've noticed he sort o' staggers sometimes, and he don't talknatural. "

She jumped up and looked at him and hastened to her mother in law'sroom. 

"Mother, Miss Springer says Jack is going to die. "

"What makes her think Jack is going to die? I don't see any thing ailsJack, he eats hearty. "

Miss Springer (laughing): "I thought I'd scare her out. I wish I couldscare them to death, so they would treat their niggers like humanbeings. "

"Well, you've got her out of the way long enough to get Winnie'ssacque out of sight before our Joe comes in, for he's so mightycareful for fear we'll get into trouble; I know he'd scold if he knewit. "

Strange position I was occupying, here among the most cruel of slave-holders. And they were calling me a superintendent of the undergroundrailroad at home; and here was the starting-point on our undergroundrailway, but a silent listener, and in surprise, I said, "Where canAunt Winnie and her husband go? As you say, he is a slave. " "I don'tknow, but they do go somewhere out of the way of their owners, thoughthey keep up a mighty hunt for a long time; yet a good many of 'em arenever heard from; and I don't know where in creation they do go, and Idon't care, so they get away from these hyenas that have no morefeelings for their niggers than a wild animal, nor half as much. Ijust wonder sometimes that the niggers don't turn upon 'em and killsuch devils. I know I would if I were in their places. " "Yet there arethose who treat their servants kindly, " I replied. I felt sometimes asif I was compelled to be indifferent. 

My friend passed the window at which I was engaged in sewing. After afew moments I made an excuse to rest myself by taking a little walk, as each of us frequently did. I soon overtook this friend who informedme that Ann wished to see me after her tea was over, when she would bereleased for a half hour to walk out on the back way with a freemulatto girl, who was her intimate and confidential friend, and I wasto go in a large yard of shrubs and fruit trees where I was to meetthis friend who would call for Ann, with whom we were to take theproposed walk. At the appointed time and place I met the friend, whodirected me to stand in a place out of sight of the street, or littlecabin, the home of her very aged and decrepit parents, who were worn-out slaves, and as I understood were given their freedom. Their slave-daughter was permitted to step in and do little chores for them afterher day's work was done. 

While waiting in this lonely and solitary nook, three largebloodhounds came in sight. I remembered of hearing about their beinglet loose after sunset, to reconnoiter the premises, and I called tomind what I had heard and read in history, that however ferocious ananimal is, a stern and steady gaze in the eye, by a human being, woulddisarm it of ferocity, and cause it to leave. This course I resolvedto pursue with these three formidable enemies, that were alreadyassuming a threatening attitude, with a low growl, showing theirteeth, with hair on end--the leader as large as a yearling calf, thetwo following him slightly smaller. I fixed my eyes upon the sparklingeyes of the leader, that came within six feet and stopped; soon thegrowl ceased, the lips dropped over the long tusks, the hair smoothedback, and he quietly walked off with his companions. Soon came thegirl, all out of breath: "Did the hounds come to you?"

"They did. "

"Oh, dear! what did you do?"

"I stood perfectly still, " I answered, "and looked in the eyes of theleader, and they soon became quiet and walked away. "

"Oh, dear, that was the only thing that saved your life. If you hadstirred a particle they would have torn you in pieces. I was soanxious to have Ann see you, I forgot the hounds until I started back, and I liked to have fainted, for I know they were awful. I liked tohave screamed out 'God have mercy on that dear friend, ' for I was'most sure I'd find you killed. "

"Oh, no, the Lord has preserved me, and I am not harmed. " She was sobadly frightened that it was some time before her voice ceasedtrembling; but He who is ever present with his trusting children wasthere. 

Arrangements were made for Ann to go North, but if a word of suspicionwas heard, I told her she must defer going to a future time; that shemust go as her brother went, perfectly independent of any one, whichshe was confident of doing; but she wished to go on the same boat withme, if no one else was going from their city. I learned through herfriend that she was overheard to ask a friend of hers for a shawl fora journey. I sent her word to abandon the idea of going then at once;that I should take the first boat for home. 

She did not obtain her freedom until after her mother's death, two orthree years later. I did not regard the trip lost, painful as it was. There was on the boat a sad couple, taken from a number of theirchildren by a young beardless boy, perhaps eighteen or twenty, smalland slender. I noticed them frequently in tears. They were noticed bya few of the passengers, who made remarks about the sad faces of thosenegroes. Said one heartless woman, "Look at that nigger cryin'. Idon't see what she's cryin' about; she's got her young one and man toher heels. " I carelessly watched for an opportunity to speak with oneor both of these children of sorrow. As they sat on a pile of cable onthe rear deck I caught the opportunity to inquire where they weregoing. 

"We don't know; our young massa got to frettin', an' ole massa gib usto him and some money, an' tole him to go. We lef' three biggerchillun behin'; never 'spects to see 'em ag'in; I wish he'd buy aplantation somewhar, so we could go to work; 'pears like thar's nocomfort for us poor people, only when we's got work, an' stopsstudyin' so much. "

As the tears began to fall thick and fast, I took them by the hand andtold them Jesus was the friend of the poor, and he had many followerswho also remembered them in prayer. And he knew of their sorrow, andas they went to him he would comfort their sorrowing hearts. Pointingto his wife, he said, "She knows that, and I wish I did. " I chargedthem to make no mention of my having spoken to them. For while theywere slaves, I was not free. This young man with his heavy-heartedcouple left our boat at Pine Bluff. 

Surely I had seen enough of slavery in its own household. Three weekswas long enough to see and feel its virus. I met my old friends inCincinnati with a glad heart, where I could draw a free breath. Icould visit them but two days before I was on my way home, where weremany glad hearts to listen in private circles to my experience in aslave State. More than ever they were convinced that the cannon andsword would, at no very distant day, destroy the monster. 

Our institution was now in its second academic year, in charge ofJoseph D. Millard, of Oberlin College. The stockholders had turned itover into my hands, making me sole-proprietor of the institution, withall its multiform cares and responsibilities. I had also frequentcalls from fugitives in flight for freedom, whose claims were secondto none other. But to see prejudice in our students melt away by anacquaintance with our work, richly repaid me for all my day and nighttoiling and cares, that seemed almost crushing at times. I purchasedfor the young men's hall a building that was erected for a watercure. That project failed, and the building that cost $2, 000 toerect, was offered for three hundred dollars for my institution. Imoved it one mile, and repaired it with fifteen rooms; and it was wellfilled the first year. This academic year of our usual three terms ourstudents numbered over two hundred, mostly of those who had beenteaching, or preparing themselves for teachers, or for a collegiatecourse. I served as preceptress, and was closely confined in schoolwork. Realizing in a great measure the importance of molding the mindof youth for usefulness, these years of constant care passedpleasantly with the hundreds of young people of our own and adjoiningcounties. 

A colored man, with a farmer's bag swung over his shoulder, approachedtwo men at work on the railroad between Palmyra and Adrian, andinquired how far it was to Michigan. 

"You are in Michigan, you fool you, " was their reply. 

"Then, will you please tell me how far it is to Canada?"

"You go to Adrian, about a mile ahead, and take the cars, and they'lltake you to Canada in two hours; or, if you haven't money to go thatway, you can go up that road till you come to the Quaker meeting-house, and go direct east two miles to the Widow Haviland's school, and she will tell you how to go to Canada, and it won't cost you anything. ' She is a great friend to your people. "

He soon found me. I got my supper out of the way, and my men folks outagain at their work. I then inquired who directed him to me, and hetold me "two men six miles from this school said you was a frien' tomy people; an' I thought if folks knew you six miles off I would besafe to come to you, 'case I wants to go to Canada right soon. Istarted once before, and traveled three nights by the North star; andas Indiana was a free State I thought I would stop and buy me somebroad, an' the people was mighty kind, and said I could rest a week, and they would pay me for the work I did, to help me on to Canada. Butfirs' I knew my master come for me, an' I seed him pay them money--s'pose 't was reward. "

This time he was so cautious that he would make a friend of no oneuntil he reached Michigan. They had always heard people were friendsto colored people in this State. He was six weeks from Kentucky, andhad not dared to make his condition known to any one, white or black, until he saw a colored man in the yard at Dr Bailey's, of whom heinquired for my house. I told him that his coat and pants were tooragged, and that I must repair them. As he had not a second shirt, Itook one of my son's, and gave him a couple of towels, soap, and apail of warm water, and told him to take off his coat for me to mend, while he went up stairs to the room over the kitchen to change hisshirt. He hesitated about taking off his coat, until I told him hemust. "I am not your mistress, " said I, "and yet you must mind me. "Tears started as he slowly drew it off, when the torn and bloodyshirtsleeves revealed the long sears, and a few unhealed sores on hisarms. Said I, "Are these the marks of the slave whip?"

He nodded assent, while tears were falling. 

"When was this done?"

"Two nights afore I lef'. "

"What was jour offence?"

"Dis was what I got for runnin' off, an' I fainted, an' master draggedme in my cabin, and didn't lock me in, 'case I's so weak. I reckon hethought I's safe. But I got an ing'on to rub over the bottoms of myshoes so dogs couldn't foller me, an' I got four loaves o' bread and abig piece o' boiled meat, an' crawled into de barn an' tuck dis bagan' buffalo-robe for my bed, an' dragged it into de woods, and tuck mybes' frien', de Norf star, an' follered clean to dis place. "

"What did you do for something to eat?"

"I tuck corn in de fiel'. When I foun' log heaps an' brush burnin' Iroasted a heap to las' a few days; but I was weak an' trimbly tostart, an' kep' so all de way. "

After this little history I made him take off his vest, which was alsovery reluctantly done. But what a sight! The back of his shirt waslike one solid scab! I made him open his collar, and I drew the shirtoff from his shoulders and from the appearance of the shoulders andback it must have been cut to one mass of raw flesh six weeks before, as there were still large unhealed sores. I told him he must sit hereuntil I called in my son and son-in-law to see it. As they looked uponthat man's back and arms, and walked around him, said Levi Camburn, myson-in-law:

"Mother, I would shoot the villain that did that as quick as I couldget sight at him. "

"But, Levi, " I replied, "he is not fit to die. "

"No, and he never will be; and the quicker he goes to the place wherehe belongs the better. Indeed, I would shoot him as quick as I would asquirrel if I could see him. "

Joseph, my son, responded:

"I think Levi is about right, mother; the quicker such a demon is outof the world the better. "

"I know this is a sad sight for us to look upon; but I did not callyou in to set you to fighting. "

Many of my friends, and my son-in-law Levi, had thought me rathersevere in judging the mass of slaveholders by the few unprincipled menwho had fallen under my special notice; but I never heard of anyremark whatever from my son-in-law or neighbors, after this incident, that charged me with being too severe in judging slaveholders. Ifurnished the poor man with healing salve, and tried to persuade himto rest a few days until he would be able to work; but no, he must seeCanada before he could feel safe. He was very loath to sleep in anybed, and urged me to allow him to lie on the floor in the kitchen, butI insisted on his occupying the bed over the kitchen. I gave him anote of introduction to the next station agent, with a little change;and a few weeks after I heard from my friend, whose name was GeorgeWilson. The reporter said: "The first two weeks he seemed to have noenergy for any thing. But then he went to work, and quite disappointedus. He is getting to be one of the best hands to hire in Windsor. "

This was the second fugitive from slavery who slept in my home--minebeing the first house they had dared to sleep in since leaving theirold home. A few days later another fugitive came from Louisiana. Hewas a black-smith. I wrote to a wealthy farmer in Napoleon, Michigan, to learn whether he could not furnish business for one or the other oftwo new arrivals from slavery. To show the feelings of thousands ofour citizens at this date, I will extract a portion of his letter:

"There are constantly in our moral horizon threatenings of strife, discontent, and outbreaks between liberty and slavery. The martyrdomof John Brown only whets the appetite of the monster for greatersacrifice of life. The continued imprisonment of Calvin Fairbanks andothers are not satisfying portions. I read your letter to our Arkansasfriend, and we are glad to learn that another has escaped from theland of bondage, whips, and chains. In view of the wrongs and crueltyof slavery, how truly may it be said:

 'There is no flesh in man's obdurate heart; It does not feel for man. '

"The natural bond of brotherhood is severed as flax that falls asunderat the touch of fire. Let the lot of bitter poverty be mine, and thehand of man blight every hope of earthly enjoyment, and I would preferit to the condition of any man who lives at ease, and shares in everyfancied pleasure, that the toil, the sweat, and blood of slaves canprocure. Alas for the tyrant slave-holder when God shall make hisaward to his poor, oppressed, and despised children, and to those whoseek a transient and yet delusive means of present happiness bytrampling his fellow and brother in the dust, and appropriating thesoul and body of his own crushed victim to the gratification of hisdepraved appetites and passions. I would rather enter the gloomy cellof your friend Fairbanks, and spend every hour of this brief existencein all the bitterness that the hand of tyrants can inflict, than livein all pomp and splendor that the unpaid toil of slaves could lavishupon man. Yours, etc. , "July 27th, 1860. R. B. REXFORD. "

Our blacksmith, whom we called Charles Williams, proved to be anhonest and industrious man. 

We solicited over seventy dollars for a poor woman by the name ofJackson, from Marseilles, Kentucky, who had bought herself by washingand ironing of nights, after her mistress's work was done. Duringseven long years she did not allow herself to undress except tochange. Her sleep was little naps over her ironing board. Seven yearsof night work brought the money that procured her freedom. She had ason and daughter nearly grow up, and to purchase their freedom she wasnow bending her day and night energies. Her first object was topurchase the son, as his wages would aid her to accumulate morereadily the amount required for the daughter, as she had the promiseof both of her children. But her economizing to purchase the son firstfor the sake of his help failed, as the master's indebtness compelledhim to sell one of them, and market was found for the girl of sixteen. Nine hundred dollars was offered, and the distressed mother had butfour hundred dollars to pay. 

She had trusted in her Lord and Savior in all these years of toiling, and now must she see that daughter sold down the river? In herdistress she went from house to house, to plead for a buyer who wouldadvance the five hundred dollars, and take a mortgage on her until shecould make it. At length she found a Baptist deacon who purchased herdaughter, and she paid him the four hundred dollars. He was to keepher until the mortgage was redeemed by the mother, who was compelledto abandon her first project, and bend her energies toward making thefive hundred dollars. After working very hard one year, she was ableto pay but one hundred and fifty dollars to ward the mortgage, whenher health began to fail. The deacon told her the money was coming tooslowly, and that he could not wait longer than another year, before hewould have to sell her to get his money back. "Weeping and prayer wasmy meat and drink day and night. Oh! must I see my poor chile' goafter all my hope to save her?" A merchant in that town by whom shehad been employed, told her he would give her a little secret advice, which was, to go to Louisville as she had done before, but not to stopthere, but to go on to Cincinnati, and he would give her a goodrecommendation to his brother, Mr. Ketcham, who was a merchant andknew the abolitionists. They would aid her in raising the threehundred and fifty dollars; but she must not let it be known that hehad advised her, or that she was going North. Mr. Ketcham introducedher to Levi Coffin and lawyer John Jolliffe, who gave her letters ofintroduction to friends at Oberlin, and other places, and by the timeshe was sent to me she had over two hundred dollars toward the releaseof the mortgage on the daughter. As her health was poor from constantoverwork and troubles incident to slave life, to give her rest I tookher papers, and while calling on the friends of humanity, did notslight some of my Democratic friends, some of whom had some yearspreviously told me if I would go to work and purchase the slaves theywould aid me. 

Consequently I called on one who was living in splendor within hismassive pile of brick, and reminded him of the promise he made me on acertain occasion. Now was his opportunity, as I was assisting a motherto purchase her daughter. I gave him the line through which I hadreceived the best of endorsements as to her industrious and honestChristian character, and what the friends had done for her upon whom Ihad called, and but for her poor health would have brought her withme. After listening attentively to all my statements, he arose fromhis chair, walked nervously to and fro across his room, as if strivingto his utmost to brace against sympathy, and said, "Mrs. Haviland, I'll not give a penny to any one who will steal slaves; for you mightjust as well come to my barn and steal my horse or wheat as to helpslaves to Canada, out of the reach of their owners. "

"Did I do right, " I asked, "in rescuing that Hamilton family from thegrasp of those Tennessee slave-holders?"

"If I had taken a family under my wing, of course, I should calculateto protect them. "

"That is not the answer I call for. I want from you a direct reply;did I do _right_, or wrong, in that case? You remember all thecircumstances. "

"Oh, yes, I remember it well, and as I tell you, if I had undertakento protect a family I should do it. "

"I shall accept no prevarication whatever, " said I; "I demand a squareanswer, and it is your duty to give it; did I do right or wrong inthat case?"

He drew out his pocket-book, and emptied it in my lap. "There ishardly a dollar, and if I had more you should have it; of course youare right, and every sane man or woman knows it; but my politicalrelations are such I wish you wouldn't say anything about it. "

It is no new thing for politics to stand in the way of humanity. A fewweeks later the glad mother returned and redeemed her daughter. I sawthem together at Levi Coffin's, in Cincinnati, happy in their freedom. 

Another woman was directed to me by William King, who, with Rev. C. C. Foote, had founded a colony a few miles from Chatham, Ontario, forfugitives from slavery. She managed to escape with seven children, andher husband's master offered him to her for six hundred dollars, twohundred dollars less than the market price. I went with her a fewdays, and received from the friends one hundred and thirteen dollars. Then the sight of one whom she recognized hastened her back to Canada, a proceeding which probably saved us the fate of the Oberlin orWellington rescuers, who spent a few weeks in jail. A year after weheard the husband and father was with his family in Canada. 

A few weeks elapsed when another woman from Cincinnati learned thather husband could be bought for a low figure because of a rheumaticdifficulty. She had been freed three years previously, and by industryhad accumulated three hundred dollars. She came well recommended byLevi Coffin and others. While making calls in her behalf in a storeowned by a Democratic friend, upon presenting her claim to theproprietor and a few bystanders, a gentleman stepped into the doorwith, "I see you come to Democrats for aid. "

"She knows her best friends, " said our merchant. 

"I slight no one, " I answered. "I call upon my acquaintancesregardless of politics. 

"I will give you _five_ dollars for every _one_ you'll getfrom an abolitionist in this place, " said the sparkling, black-eyedstranger. 

At this quite a shout arose in the store. 

"That speaks well for your abolition friends, " was the ironical retortof another bystander. 

"Who is that gentleman?" I inquired. 

"Mr. Lyons, the banker on Main Street, " was the reply. 

"All right, " I said, "I shall remember him. " I stepped into EdwinComstock's and mentioned this proposition. 

"Very well; I will give five dollars for the sake of twenty-fivedollars from Mr. Lyons, " and I placed that in my book. I next metStephen Allen on the street and I told him Mr. Lyons's pledge. 

"All right, " he said; "I will give four dollars, and that takes all Ihave in my purse to-day; but I am glad to give it for the twentydollars we are to get from Mr. Lyons. "

I called upon Anson Backus with my report and he said: "Here is fivedollars for the twenty-five from Mr. Lyons. " I then stepped into theLyons's bank. "This, I believe, is Mr. Lyons, the proprietor, whopledged a few minutes ago five dollars for every one dollar I wouldget from an abolitionist in this place. " His face flushed in readingthe names with the fives and four dollar bills in the book I handedhim. 

"There is no abolitionist's name here. "

"Isn't Edwin Comstock an abolitionist?"

"No, he isn't. "

"Isn't Stephen Allen an abolitionist?"

"No, he isn't?

"Isn't Anson Backus an abolitionist?"

"No, he isn't. "

"Then I ask you to define an abolitionist, for I call these men asradical abolitionists as we have in our country. "

"Well, they are not. "

"Please define them that I may know who they are. "

"They are those who go down South and steal slaves away from theirowners and report that they whip men and women and sell husbands andwives apart, and separate children from their mothers, and all thatsort of thing, when it's all an arrant black-hearted lie. "

"Mr. Lyons, you know all these flat denials are substantial truths. Asyou say you have lived in the South, you know in your own heart thatmen and women are cruelly whipped, and that families are separated, and these cases of cruelty are neither few nor far between. I willtell you what I have done for a woman who was a slave in Kentucky whenshe came to me for advice in Cincinnati, as she had a daughter to besold, and her mistress was going to sell the whole family down theriver. She was permitted to do her mistress's marketing in Cincinnatibecause she had confidence that she would not leave her family. Iadvised her to put her husband and children in that market-wagon andcover them with hay and bring them to a certain place I designated, and she would be aided in her flight to Canada. She took the plan Isuggested, and her whole remaining family, nine in number, foundthemselves free in Canada. Was that the work of an abolitionist?"

"No, it isn't. "

"Then I know not where to find one, for I see I too am out of thecatalogue. "

While this conversation was in progress he took three dollars from hisdesk and handed it to me; but as much as ever, I stopped to thank him, and told him the worst wish I had for him was that he would repent ofhis wicked position before the hour of death overtook him, and that hemight find peace and pardon for these Satanic assertions he had made. He sat quietly listening while I gave out my indignation withoutstint. "Hand me back that three dollars, " and it was as freelyreturned as I received it. He put it back in his drawer, took out fivedollars and handed it to me, and hardly took time to nod "I thank you"for finishing my speech, which was not in the least interrupted, evenwith the increased subscription. 

Poor man, I pitied him, for it was more than a year before I could getanother opportunity to speak to him. His clerk left the bank as soonas he commenced his tirade. Although it is unpleasant to meet withsuch spirits, yet I never flee from them. If my cause is owned by theauthor of the _Higher Law_, none of these things move me. A fewmonths after this we received a letter from Mintie Berry, the anxiouswife, for whom we succeeded in raising enough to reunite the longseparated couple, saying that their happy reunion was the result offavors from their many friends, to whom they returned grateful thanks, while they praised the Lord for the blessing. 

I received a letter, July 4, 1859, from poor Calvin Fairbanks. Eightlong years of the fifteen he had suffered in a Kentucky penitentiary. How sad are these lines, containing some of his prison reflections! Hesays:

 "Speak kindly, ye muses, my spirit inspire, Breathe softly and sweetly, sweep gently my lyre; There's gloom in my harp-string's low murmuring tone, Speak kindly, speak gently, to me here alone. 

 My spirit all broken--no soul-cheering ray To warm, and illumine my cold dreary way, No kind and beloved ones of days that are gone-- There's no one to cheer me, I'm alone, all alone. 

 From friends fondly cherished I'm severed away, From the hills where I laughed at the bright early day; And the morning of life like an arrow is gone, Like a shadow, a moment, and here I'm alone. 

 The guardians of childhood, like the bright early flower. Have blossomed with fragrance, and are lost in an hour; And the cycle that brought them has eddied and gone, And left me behind them, alone, all alone. 

 How solemn and dreary, how somber with gloom, Are my lonely reflections, of the cold silent tomb, The abode of a father once fearless and bold, Of a sister once lovely, now silent and cold;

 Of a mother lamenting her lost, lonely son, Awaiting awhile, but a day to be gone, And to mingle with spirits of blest early love, And to rest in the bosom of Jesus above. 

 The thought of these loved ones, now silent for aye, Or lingering and trembling, and passing away. Breathes sadness on nature, most cheerful and gay, And traces these numbers--we're passing away. 

 But cease my complaining, we'll soon be at peace, We'll rest from our labors, forever at ease; There's rest for the weary and joy for our gloom, For God is our refuge, in heaven our home. 

 Yes, earth with her pleasures, and all that we love, We shall leave for the land of bright spirits above; No blasting nor mildew, nor soul-blighting care, No sorrow, no dying, no sin shall reign there. "

The year 1861 opened full of excitement. Both North and South assumedthreatening attitudes. Raisin Institute was affected by it; yet thework of the Lord prospered with us. Within three weeks fourteen ofour students experienced the new spiritual life. But soon our rankswere broken. The seventy-five thousand men in arms called for at thefirst by President Lincoln were not sufficient to suppress the slave-holders' rebellion. Seventeen of our students enlisted for the bloodyconflicts of civil war. 

Our principal, F. M. Olcott, had purchased my institution, and Ilooked forward to a happy release of the $15, 000 indebtedness thatwas resting over Raisin Institute. The room-rent was not sufficientto meet the interest and other incidental expenses, and the tuitionfees were required to pay the teachers. This indebtedness rested uponmy shoulders. But for the salutary influence it exerted in moldingthe characters of our youth, I should have failed. 

The declining health of our dear brother F. M. Olcott broughtincreasing darkness over our future prospects, and the memorablebattle of Bull Run increased the shock that startled the libertylovers of our nation at the firing upon Fort Sumter. The cloud thathung over our nation also overshadowed our beloved institution. Weclosed this year with sad forebodings. Our beloved principal was fasthastening to his reward. He suggested a friend of his to fill hisposition the ensuing year, and died of consumption within six weeksof our vacation. He was a noble Christian man, and had endearedhimself to all who enjoyed the privilege of his acquaintance. His losswas severely felt by his students, who enjoyed his faithful teaching, and especially by myself, as I had indulged the fond hope that hewould become the efficient permanent principal. 

The following year the institute opened with as fair prospects ascould be expected, in charge of Edward A. Haight. Until the third yearof the war our school was continued in successful operation. Butduring the last term of 1863-4, when the war had taken seventeen ofour noble young men into the field, and the condition of our soldiers, daily reported as suffering and dying in camp and hospital, called fortender nursing, I offered myself for that work. 

Leaving an excellent young woman as preceptress in my stead, Igathered from eighteen hundred to two thousand garments for freedmen, and hospital supplies for soldiers, and with papers from Austin Blair, governor of our State, from F. C. Beaman, member of Congress, and fromothers, I left my sweet home and the loved ones who still clusteredaround it. On my way to the depot I was met by Rev. P. Powell, whoinquired how much money I had. "Fifteen dollars, " was my answer. 

"Why, Mother Haviland, " he exclaimed, "you can never go with only that. Stop a day or two, and I'll get up eighty or a hundred dollars foryou. "

"But I have arranged for all my supplies to go on today. There arethree or four boxes waiting for me at Hillsdale, and I wrote them Iwould be there to-night. I have not asked for money, but for supplies. I have a free pass to Chicago and return, and if I can get a pass freeto Cairo and return, I think I can get along, and perhaps lives may bein peril in the twenty-four hours I might be waiting here for money. "

"Will you telegraph me if you do not succeed in getting the passes inChicago?"

"I will, " I said, and went forward. 

As I was taking leave of my son Joseph, and was about to enter thecar, he held me by the hand, and said: "One promise I want you to makeme, and make it so strong that your conscience will come in for ashare; and that is, that you will stop, once in a while, to thinkwhether you are tired or not. You are going among the suffering anddying, and I know you so well that you will go and go and do and do, until you will drop before you will think of yourself. If you willmake me this promise I will feel a great deal better about you. "

"Joseph, " I said, "I will promise to do this, " and we parted. 

On visiting the sanitary rooms in Chicago I met Mrs. Hague, Mrs. Livermore, and others, who thought it very doubtful whether I couldsecure a fare free to Cairo, as President Arthur had shut down thegate on free, or even half-fare, passes. He had told them thatassociations might pay their agents enough to pay their fare. But Iwas under the auspices of no association. I was only a self-constituted agent, and I must try. Leaning on the arm of my guide, Iwent to President Arthur, and introduced myself by handing him mypapers. On reading them he asked, rather sharply, "What do you want?"

"I am hoping to obtain a free pass to Cairo and return, " I replied, "and free transportation for the supplies referred to in thosepapers. "

"Are you alone, madam?"

"I am alone. "

"Well, I think this is a heavy responsibility for a lady of your age. Are you aware of the responsibility you assume in this?" holding thepaper up. 

"I think I am aware of the responsibility. I do not know but theexperience of age, however, may somewhat make up for the strength ofyouth. "

"Well, I guess it will. "

Settling himself back in his easy arm chair, he said again, "How longa time do you want it for?"

"I can not answer intelligently, " I said, "I may wish to return formore supplies, within two or three months, and I can not say how longit will take to disburse these supplies judiciously. "

"Very well, " and he took my papers to his chief clerk, and soonbrought me back passes, saying, "There are your passes, and they'llbring you back any time this year. " He gave me also an order for freetransportation. I left his office praising God for another victory. 

I was met in the door of the sanitary rooms with "Did you succeed ingetting a half-fare pass?"

"A free pass to Cairo and return, " I said, "and free transportationfor all my supplies from President Arthur. "

The clerk clapped his hands, cheering: "You are a favored one; not oneof us would have got that favor. "

Not till then did they know of my leaving home with only fifteendollars; yet it was sufficient. 

A few hours more landed me in Cairo, where the wharf was lined withcannon, and piles of shells and balls. My first work was to find asoldiers' home, and visit hospitals. Oh, what scenes at once werepresented to my view! Here were the groans of the wounded and dyingsoldiers. Some were praying--a few were swearing; and yet even thesewould patiently listen to reading the promises of Jesus and his lovinginvitations, and become calm. 

CHAPTER X. 

HOSPITAL WORK. 

Our last chapter left us in hospital world at Cairo. A portion of thefreedmen's camp of three thousand the officers proposed to remove toIsland No. 10, and wished me to take most of my supplies to thatplace. While waiting for their arrival I visited the United StatesHospital at Mound City, a few miles up the Ohio River. Here, too, weredying soldiers, one of whom especially attracted my attention, as hewas perfectly sane and rather unusually intelligent. I immediatelyaddressed him: "My son, are you prepared to go hence?"

"Mother, " he said, "that is a matter which I ought to have attended tolong ago, but I did not, and now it is too late! I am dying. "

"Oh, do not say _too late_! Remember the condition is, '_Believe_ andthou _shalt be saved_;' 'As thou hast _believed_, so shall it be untothee. ' These are the sure promises of our merciful Redeemer. Rememberthe thief on the cross looked at him with repenting spirit and livingfaith, and said, 'Lord, remember me when thou comest into thykingdom;' and the quick reply was, 'This day thou shalt be with me inParadise. ' Can you not trust such a Redeemer?--such a loving Father asis our God, who saves to the uttermost all who ask with believinghearts?" He firmly held my hand and said, "I will try. "

Our prayers were mingled in asking for the enlightening of the HolySpirit, and while he was asking for the forgiveness of all his sins, that he might receive an evidence of acceptance, he seemed encouragedand gave me the names and address of his parents, for me to write themof his hope, in departing, of a better future. 

There was also great suffering in the camp of freedmen. The officerswished me to aid them in persuading these people to go down to theisland, as they were afraid of being returned to slavery at the closeof the war, and desired to push as far into the free States aspossible, and very loath to go back "an inch, " as one of the officersexpressed it. I took the names of these almost nude people, whom Iinstructed to come to my tent; as the officers said I should have onefor the purpose of giving out clothing to the most needy among them. They assured them that their freedom was a fixed fact; that they wouldnever see the day again when they would be separated by being soldapart. This, I found, has a greater inducement for them to consent tothe request of the officers to go to the island than all the clothingI could promise. 

But one poor woman came to the captain weeping, saying, "My poor babyis dying' an' I can't leave him. He is my only child left me. " In thegreat hurry and bustle of business the quick reply was, "Go back andI'll see to it. " As she left the office he turned to me and said, "Idon't know whether it is so or not; they get up all sorts of excuses. "As she was not yet out of sight, I followed her to the slab hut andfound it true. An hour later and the baby of eight years was in thespirit world. 

"Now, missus, I can't go an' leave my dead baby for de wharf-rats toeat, an' de boat goes out at three o'clock. "

I reported the death of the child and of the distress of the mother. "Tell her, " said the officer, "we will see that her child is buriedthis afternoon, and I want her to go on this boat. " I told the motherof the captain's wish, and that I would see that her child was buried. 

"Ob, missus, it 'pears like I can't leave him so; they'll leave himhere to-night, an' dese wharf-rats are awful. Da eat one dead chile'sface all one side off, an' one of its feet was all gnawed off. I don'twant to leave my chile on dis bare groun'. "

The grief of this poor mother was distressing in the extreme. She knewnot whether her husband and three older children, sold away two yearspreviously, were still slaves or living, as she had never heard a wordfrom them since they were taken from her. Those sad separations, shesaid, were much harder to bear than the death of this child. But sheconsented to go, on my promise to see that her child was buried beforenight. After she left for the boat I went to the captain to see hispromise performed. He seemed very indifferent. 

"What is the difference if that child shouldn't be buried thisafternoon or whether wharf-rats eat it or not?"

"You promised to have it buried this afternoon, " I said, "and I toldthat poor woman I would see that it was done; and I see no other waythan to hold you to that promise, for I shall meet her on the island, and I must report to her. "

Said the captain, "You won't allow such things as these to break yourheart, after being in the army a little while and seeing our soldiersburied in a ditch, with no other coffin or winding sheet than thesoldier's dress. For the time being we bury hundreds just in that way;and when from five to fifteen die in one day, as sometimes is the casein these large camps, we can not make coffins for them, but we rollthem up in whatever they have. If we can get a piece of board to laythem on when we put them in their graves we do well. " "But here youhave lumber and plenty of carpenters, and you can have a plain coffinfor the dead, and I do hope one will be made for this child. As I toldthe mother I would see that a coffin was made for her child and haveit buried this afternoon, I will do it. " He called the sergeant andgave the order for a carpenter among the soldiers to make it, and Isaw the pine board coffin go to the burying ground with the child justbefore sunset. 

Colonel Thomas and the captain doubted whether I could securetransportation from General Taliaferro, who was in charge of thatpost. They said he was a cross old bachelor, and had said he would notgive another woman transportation to go into the army. "But, " saidColonel Thomas to the captain, "she will be more likely to succeed ifshe goes herself without any word from us. "

On the following day my car-load of supplies arrived, and I began toregret that I had not waited a day or two longer at home for the onehundred dollars that could have been placed in my hands, so that Icould use it in an emergency if I should be refused transportation. With some misgivings I entered the general's office and requested aninterview. I introduced myself by handing him my papers, which helooked over, and pleasantly asked what I wished. 

"I am hoping, " I said, "to secure transportation to Island No. 10, andto Memphis, Tennessee, for myself and the supplies referred to inthose papers. "

"Well, madam, I think your papers are worthy of attention, and I willgrant your request. "

This was said in such a pleasant manner I almost concluded the generalhad been misrepresented, but how changed his tone when he called hisadjutant, who in an instant stood before him. "Go tell my clerk tocome in. " He hurried to obey his command, and returned with thereport, "He is gone. "

"Gone! where has he gone?"

"He went a few minutes ago to Church. "

"Gone to Church! He has no business to go to Church, or anywhere else, without my permission; he has no right to leave his office without myorder. "

This he said in such a stern, vociferous manner that I wished myselfout of his presence. But turning to me, in a mild tone, he said:

"Mrs. Haviland, you don't want transportation tonight. You come to-morrow morning at nine o'clock, and you shall have the papers. "

With heartfelt thanks I left his office. On my return I found ColonelThomas and the captain anxiously waiting to learn the result of mycall on the general. They met me at the door of their office, andasked:

"What is the news?"

"The general grants transportation for myself and supplies to IslandNo. 10 and to Memphis, " I said. 

By their clapping of hands one would have thought they had gotcheering news from the army. I found they too felt the weight ofresponsibility in this, as they had solicited my aid in getting thesefreed people to go to the island. 

The following morning I found a boat was going to leave at half-pasteight o'clock, but too early for the promised transportation, I toldthe captain of the boat of my wish to go with supplies to Island No. 10 and to Memphis, but had the promise from the general to have thepapers at nine o'clock. A captain in the army, standing by, told himhe could take me with supplies with all safety; for if GeneralTaliaferro had promised transportation he could rest assured thegeneral at Columbus, Kentucky, would be sure to give it. 

"Very well, " he said; "where are your supplies?"

They were pointed out, and he ordered them to be put on board at once. 

On landing at Columbus I called on the general, and securedtransportation from Cairo to places of destination. Now I thought allwas straight; but as I handed my paper to the captain he said:

"This is an order for transportation. The captain-quartermaster is tofill it out, to be good for any thing. "

I confessed my ignorance of army red-tape, and took back the papers tohave them finished. He inquired for my pass from the provost-marshal. That, too, I knew nothing about; but the army captain came to myrelief, taking my papers and getting the transportation filled, with apass from the provost-marshal. These lessons I found important in allmy after work. 

We soon landed at Island No. 10, the area of which was two hundred andfifty acres of available plow land, with an excellent orchard of threehundred bearing apple and peach trees. Upon this island were sevenhundred freedmen, who were making good use of the rich donations oftwenty-five plows, with harrows, hoes, axes, rakes, and garden andfield seeds, from Indiana and Ohio. Their superintendent, ChaplainThomas, told me that he never saw a more willing and obedient people. They mostly lived in tents. Government had furnished lumber to erect afew temporary buildings. An old dilapidated farmhouse, and a few log-huts formerly occupied by the overseer and slaves, were the homes ofCaptain Gordon and Surgeon Ransom, with their families, who seemed toenjoy camp life as well as any I had seen. They had in charge fourcompanies of soldiers. Their hospital assumed an air of neatness andcomfort. 

We took a stroll over the battle-ground, and saw the deep furrowsplowed by the terrible shells, in which a horse might be buried. Hereand there were interspersed "rebel rat-holes, " as they were called, dug seven or eight feet deep, and nearly covered with planks and twoor three feet of earth, in which they dropped themselves, afterfiring, to reload and be secure from flying shot and shell. I pickedup a couple of cannon-balls about the size of a small tea-cup, ofwhich a peck is used for a load. An officer told me that he sawtwenty-five rebels killed with one discharge of these balls. O, whatslaughter of human life!

Government provided a physician and dispensary for the freed people. Their hospital was a tent, like the majority of the regimentalhospitals in the army. The first tent I visited was occupied by anaged pair, with two grown children, who appeared quite intelligent. Hard treatment and cruel separations had filled the greater portion oftheir lives. As I was making remarks on the wickedness of slavery, said the old man, with tearful eyes, "Please stop till I bring in mydaughter and family from the next tent. " They soon entered. "Pleasego on, " said the father. While tears were coursing down the old man'sfurrowed cheeks, in undertone he ejaculated, "O Lord, I did not expectto live to see this day. "

At the close of my remarks he arose to his feet, and in the mostpathetic manner addressed his family as follows:

"My wife and children, have you thought we should ever see this? Ifear we are not thankful enough to God. Do we prize this preciousprivilege as we ought? That dear wife was sold from me nearly twentyyears ago; soon after my children were sold, and I thought my heartwas broke. They punished me because I grieved so much, and then soldme to be taken another way. O, how I prayed for death to hide me frommy troubles, for I thought none could see as much as I did. Manygloomy nights and days of sorrow I spent. I could hear no word from mywife, and nothing from my children. My master told me I should neverhear from them again, because I made so much trouble over it; he wouldsend me as far as wind and water would carry me, so I would never hearfrom them again. I remembered the words of my poor old father upon hisdeath-bed, when he gave me this Bible: 'My son, the same God that madethat Bible learned me to read it, and learned me to endure hard trialspatiently. Remember, my son, the same God will do the same for you ifyou go to him for help;' and so he has. Praise be to the Lordforever!" He took from a box a Bible, all spotted over with mold, without and within: "This Bible has been manna to my soul for manyyears. God has learned me to read, as he did my poor father. He hasbeen my support. I have prayed these many years for deliverance frombondage, and my faith told me it would come; but I didn't know itwould come in my time. O, what a Savior is our Jesus! That dear wifewas compelled to marry another man in these long years of separation. He was taken into the rebel army, and she came to the Union camp. Afew days ago we met at Fort Pillow; and there we met our two long lostchildren; and here we found this daughter and family. O, how wonderfulare God's ways! O, my wife, my children! let us live nearer thatAlmighty Deliverer than ever before, and praise his holy nameforever. " And the tall figure sat down, amid sobs and tears. Thespirit of that family sermon I can never forget. 

This noble man, Uncle Stephen, was but a few days before a slave; yetwith the dignity of a patriarch he assumed his new relation. He wasevidently a self-taught man, more intelligent, and using more correctlanguage, than any I had met on the island. 

On leaving my tent, tickets were given with explanations of mymission, which was both new and strange to them. In another tent Ifound a young man who had attempted to escape to our lines more than ayear before, but was overtaken and shot by his master, shivering thebones six inches above the ankle, making amputation necessary. He wasbeginning to use his wooden leg. His master was taken prisoner by ourmen a few days before, and he, with one hundred fellow-slaves, fellinto the hands of the Union army. He was fitted with a whole suit. This was done in but few instances, the general destitution forbiddingit. It would have pleased the donors to see me with open boxes, takingout garment after garment, measuring and delivering, upon presentationof tickets previously given, to fifty or a hundred at a time; and tolisten to the many thanks and hearty "God bless you!" as each garmentwas taken. 

At breakfast the adjutant told me of five little boys belonging tosome of the Fort Pillow families that were almost naked, and that hehad given one little fellow a pair of his own pants. I told him tobring them to the commissary tent any time from nine to twelveo'clock, as I had arranged to meet the children to whom I had giventickets; and if he brought them or gave them a slip of paper with hisname, it would serve the same purpose. Soon we were beside the boxesin our commissary tent measuring, fitting, and handing out, when upstepped the little fellow of eight summers with the tall man's pants, rolled over and over at the bottom, with one suspender tied aroundhim, the other placed over his shoulder to hold them on. His eyessparkled as a new suit was thrown over his arm; calling out, "Seehere, Johnnie, what I got!" "Yes, look at mine!" was the quick reply, while on the other side stood a little girl who exclaimed, insurprise, "Oh, Milla, my dress has a pocket, and see what I found, " asshe drew out a rag doll two inches long. Then a dozen other littlegirls instituted a search and found similar treasures, which Irecognized as coming from certain little girls in Hudson, Michigan. All were on tip-toe with excitement, and these remarks were flyingthrough this crowd of little folks when the adjutant came to the tentdoor. Laughing through tears, he said, "Have you ever thought of theSavior's words, 'Inasmuch as ye have done it unto the _least_ ofthese, ye have done it unto me?'"

"That thought had come to my mind before engaging in this mission, and it is that which drew me from my Michigan home. "

"Doesn't this pay you, " he continued, "for coming all this distance, to see those sparkling eyes and light hearts dancing with joy?"

"Here is verified the declaration that it is more blessed to givethan to receive, " was my reply. 

A woman came one evening with the following queries:

"Missus, whar all dese clo'es come from? Does gov'ment send 'em tous?"

On listening to my explanation, "An' don't gov'ment pay you forbringin' 'em to us?"

After all her questions had been disposed of she sat for a moment ina deep study; then said in surprise, "De Norf mus' be mighty, mightyrich to send so much money down here to carry on de war and send somuch to eat, and den da send so many clo'es an' keep so many menhere too; indeed da mus' be mighty rich. "

They were preparing to open a school for them. Henry Roundtree, amissionary, was laboring among them, and would disburse clothing sentto that point. 

After spending over a week on this beautiful island, on my way to thesteamer, I was hailed by a female voice calling out, "Missus, missus, don't pass by dis yere way. " Turning in the direction of the call, Isaw a very old woman sitting on a log, clad in a man's coat, hat, andshoes, with an old patched negro cotton skirt. On approaching her Iremarked, as I took the bony hand, "You are very old. "

"Can't tell how ole I is, only I knows I's been here great while. Yousee dat white house over de river dar? Dat's been my home great manyyear, but massa drove me off, he say, 'case I's no 'count, gwineround wheezin' like an ole hoss, an' snap a gun at me an' say heshoot my brain out if I didn't go to de Yankees. An' missus come outan' say she set fire to my cabin some night an' burn me up in it. 'Go'long to de Yankees; da wants niggers, an' you ain't no 'count nohow. ' An' I tole 'em, 'Wa'n't I 'count good many years ago?' But dasay, 'Clar out wid you. ' An' I seed some boys fishing' on de bank, an' da fetch me over. "

Looking down at her stockingless feet she said, "Missus, I ain't had asuit o' clo'es in seven years. " I told her if there was a woman'sgarment left she should have it. And I would tell the good peopleabout her, and they would send her a suit of clothes. 

"Tank you, missus; God bless you!"

And I left the giant-like old woman, whose head was bleached by thefronts of eighty or ninety Winters. While waiting on the gunboat forthe steamer, I referred to the old woman I had seen, when one of themen turned to his comrade and said, "That's the same strange-appearingold woman we brought over, " and he repeated the same story she relatedto me. Said one, "Such people ought to be made to bite the dust. Hermaster took the oath of allegiance to save his property; but he has nomore principle than a hyena to turn out such an old white-headed womanas that to die like a brute. "

Such are some of the incidents that gradually changed the politics ofthe army. They made our Butlers and Hunters by scores. They saw thatman's inhumanity to man was the outgrowth of slavery. They clearlyperceived that the iron rod of oppression must be broken, or theunholy rebellion would succeed. 

At four P. M. I embarked for another field. On board the steamer werea number of officers and soldiers, and three women who were ex-slaveowners. They had quietly listened to the conversation of the officerson establishing schools among the freed men, and taking them into thearmy as soldiers. I, too, had been a silent listener. After theofficers had left the cabin, one of the women drew her chair near me, and in a subdued tone said:

"Do you believe it is right to set up schools among niggers?"

"Certainly I do, " was my reply, "as they have as good a right tobecome intelligent as any other class of people. "

"Do you think that it is right to make soldiers out of niggers?"

"Certainly, if it is right for any class of people. "

After looking around to see whether any officer was in hearing, sheadded:

"And do you think it right to rob us of our niggers, as the Yankeesare doing?"

"Certainly, if you call it robbery to allow the negroes to go wherethey please. "

My replies were in my common tone of voice, yet it seemed to frightenher. She would take a look to see whether an officer was near. Thenwould go on with her queries in an undertone. 

"I tell you it is mighty hard, for my pa paid his own money for ourniggers; and that's not all they've robbed us of. They have taken ourhorses and cattle and sheep _and every thing_. "

As I had my little Bible in my hand, I turned to the predicteddestruction of Babylon in Revelation, and read, "Fine flour, andwheat, and beasts, and sheep, and horses, and chariots, and slaves, and souls of men. " "You see here, " I said, "are the very articles youhave named. And God is the same unchanging Lord to-day. "

"But I tell you, madam, its mighty, mighty hard. "

In all this conversation she closely watched the officers, and oftenraised her handkerchief to her face while talking with me, as if tocheck the sound of her already stifled voice. How widely differentwere our positions, compared with six years before, when going downthis river on an errand for a white fugitive from slavery. Then mythoughts could find no place even in a whisper, and slave-holders werecursing and threatening abolitionists. What a turning of tables! Now Icould say all that was in my heart on the sin of slavery, and theslave-holder was now hushed. The coal-barge "L. S. Haviland, " that Isaw on my other trip tied up a little way above Memphis, was not nowto be seen. I had not yet learned the fate of those Tennessee slave-holders who had so often threatened my life, and a number of myfriends had advised me to keep a proper distance from them, as thismight be the time for their opportunity. When I left my home I had noidea of going as far as Tennessee, or my children and friends wouldhave feared for my safety; but, as for myself, I knew no fear. 

In Memphis I found many hospitals filled with sick, wounded, and dyingsoldiers; and in better condition than I had anticipated, except theJackson Hospital, which was one of the largest in the city. I askedpermission of the guards to enter, but was informed their orders werevery strict to allow no one to go in without permission. 

"Very well, " said I, "please inform me where I can find the clerk, andI will secure a permit. "

The surgeon in charge was just passing out of the main entrance, andthe guard introduced me. I informed him of my wish to visit hishospital. In a very surly manner he inquired:

"Have you a son here?"

"I have not, " I answered. 

"Then what do you want to go in here for? It is no place for a lady tostep her foot over the threshold of a hospital. "

"I perceive you and I differ widely in that; but if you doubt myfitness to visit your patients, you can examine my papers from thegovernor of my State and a member of Congress and others. "

"If you have no son here, I don't see that you have any businesshere. "

"Every soldier is some mother's son, and I wish to visit them, andhere are my papers; you can read them if you wish. "

Throwing out his hand angrily, he said:

"Go along, then; go along. "

I went, but he took good care to bear me company. 

As we entered each ward, every soldier who was able to bear his weightsprang to his feet, and stood by his cot during our stay in the ward. I saw at once that it was in pursuance of an order. I had made it apoint to shake hands with every soldier that was awake and conscious, but the surgeon hurried through without giving an opportunity to speakto a half-dozen in the whole hospital. One poor skeleton of a man satbolstered on his cot, eating his dinner, and had on his plate aspoonful of cooked onion. 

"Where did you get that onion?" cried the surgeon. 

"I paid my own money for it, doctor. "

"Who said you might have it?"'

"Dr. Spears. "

"Very well, then;" and passed on. 

Here my disgust filled up to the brim. I cared but little for hisattempt to browbeat me; but when he treated a helpless soldier likethis I could hardly keep my indignation from boiling over. The firstwords spoken to me after entering the hospital were:

"Do you want to go into the kitchen?"

"I would like to pass through your kitchen, " was my reply. 

"Very unfavorable time, madam--very unfavorable; about dinner-time. "

Very favorable, thought I, and went in. I could see at a glance thatthe large caldron of potatoes was boiled half an hour too long. Theirbread looked well, and I suppose it was good. As we passed out, takingmemoranda and pencil, I said:

"You have a very large hospital. How many will it accommodate?"

"Fifteen hundred, madam. Very few, very few at present, only fourhundred and eighty-four. "

"How many nurses have you?"

"Twenty-three. "

"No female nurses?"

"No, madam. As I told you, a woman has no business to step inside of ahospital. "

"As I told you, we evidently differ in that respect. Where I havefound judicious female nurses it seems more home-like, and oursoldiers feel more contented. "

"Very few, very few judicious female nurses. "

"They exist, notwithstanding. How many surgeons have you?"

"Only four at present. "

"You are the surgeon in charge; please give me your name. "

"My name is Surgeon Powers, of the Seventh Missouri Regiment. "

His name and figures were too plainly recorded to be effaced. Here heturned a perfect somersault, if words could perform the feat. With anaffected politeness, bowing himself almost double:

"Madam, I hope you will call again some time; call in the middle ofthe forenoon or afternoon--very unfavorable about meal-time. "

"If I remain a week or ten days longer in the city, " I replied, "Ishall do so. "

"I would he very happy to have you call again, madam; very happy tosee you again. "

I left with a heavy heart, and called at the sanitary rooms toascertain the location of five unvisited hospitals. I found the roomfilled with officers and a few generals of high rank. I introducedmyself, as usual, by handing Dr. Warrener, sanitary agent, my papers. 

"Then you are visiting the hospitals, with supplies, etc. , are you? Iam glad to see you, as we have had no visitor from so far North. Howdo you find them?"

"I have found them, " I answered, "more satisfactorily conducted than Ianticipated, with but one exception. "

"Have you visited the Jackson?"

"I have just come from there. "

"To-day is not the visiting day. Did you see Surgeon Powers?"

"I did. "

"Did you get into that hospital without trouble?"

"We had a parley. "

"What did he say to you?"

I gave his objection and my reply in a low tone. To my annoyance, thedoctor repeated it in a loud voice, and continued:

"You certainly could have given no better reason than that everysoldier is some mother's son. What do you think of Surgeon Powers?"

I hesitated in view of all these officers; but my second thought was, no matter whether the President himself were present; and I franklyreplied:

"I think he is a tyrant brandy-cask. Why do you allow such a man tooccupy the responsible position of surgeon in charge of hundreds ofthe sick and wounded soldiers?"

"We tried once to get him out, and failed. You ought to see themedical director, who is in the city. "

He gave me the location of the hospitals I desired, and I left. Remembering the promise I made my son Joseph, I returned to head-quarters, and spent the balance of the day in writing for soldiers andfor myself. 

The following morning I resumed hospital visiting. On the street I metan officer, who reached his hand with a smile, saying, "You do notrecognize me, but I recognize you as being the lady in Dr. Warrener'soffice yesterday, after visiting the Jackson Hospital. "

"I do not know but you thought me severe in my remarks concerningSurgeon Powers. "

"Not at all--not by any means, for I had two sons under him six weeks, and they both declared they would rather die in the open field than beunder the care of that drunken tyrant again. "

"Why do you permit such a surgeon to have the care of the sick, wounded, and dying soldiers?"

"Well, it is difficult for us to do much with each other, but there isthe medical director just ahead of us; you ought to see him; I'llintroduce you. He is very much of a gentleman. "

The first query of the medical director, after reading my papers, was"Have you visited the Jackson Hospital? And did you see SurgeonPowers?"

"I undertook to visit it yesterday, " I said, "but was hurried throughin such haste, by Surgeon Powers, that I could not speak to any of thesoldiers, or stop to write for them to their home friends, if theydesired. "

"What do you think of Surgeon Powers?"

"I think he is an unfeeling tyrant. The white of his eyes had thecolor of red flannel, and the unmistakable brandy breath madestanding near him very unpleasant. Besides, his ungentlemanly, morosetreatment of helpless soldiers indicates his entire unfitness for theposition he occupies. If the milk of human kindness is more loudlycalled for in one position than another, it is in the surgeon incharge of sick, wounded, and dying soldiers. "

"We know, Mrs. Haviland, this is true, and we made an effort todisplace him once and failed, because the medical director over thewhole of us in this division, next in rank to Grant himself, isdetermined to hold him here. But if you will make out your report, with the recommendations from your governor and Congressman backingit, we can make that efficient. You may make your report as strong asyou please. "

I left him with cordial thanks, and soon the report was handed him. Ivisited all the hospitals in that post, and on my second visit to theJackson found Surgeon Powers filled to overflowing with affectedpoliteness; but it did not brighten the bleared eye, or straighten thezigzag gait of the surgeon. 

A few weeks after I met a Memphis officer, who informed me thatSurgeon Powers was relieved of hospital work altogether very soonafter I left the city. A few months later he filled a drunkard'sgrave. 

In one hospital in Memphis I found in one corner a female soldier, Charlie. She was in both Bull Run battles, and four others she named;besides, she had endured long marches. Here she was taken violentlyill with typhoid fever, and for the first time her sex became known. She was large and rather coarse-featured, and of indomitable will. Shesaid the cause of her enlistment did not now exist, and she wanted togo home as soon as able. She intimated that her betrothed had recentlydied, and she had no desire to remain in the army. 

While in Memphis a telegram came from President Lincoln ordering fourhundred colored men to be enlisted, and no more, until further orders. Colonel Eaton took this work for his breakfast spell. As he came inrather late for his morning meal he said, "I have enlisted therequired number, and quite a company went away crying because theycould not enlist. I comforted them by telling them that I presumedthere would be another call soon. " I had built a bed for myself in onecorner of the commissary building, and as we were occupying theweakest point at the post, we were ordered to have no light in ourtents, but before dark to have every needed article at our bedside, ready at a moment's warning to be conducted to Fort Pickering. Soldiers were kept in readiness for action, as the enemy wasthreatening to retake Memphis. At two, o'clock A. M. The loudcry, "Halt!" at the corner where I was sleeping, aroused me. This wasquickly followed by a still louder "Halt! May be you don't know who Iis; I holds a gun, an' her's off. "

"Well-well, I only want to come to you; I don't want to go farther. "The officer approached, saying, "That is right; if I had taken onestep after you cried halt the third time, you should have shot methrough, no matter who I am, if it was the President himself. "

At the breakfast table Colonel Eaton remarked: "A number of our newcolored soldiers were put on picket guard last night on trial, and notone sleepy head was found among them. Since we accept these men assoldiers I am confident it will do away the necessity of drafting men, as some think must soon be done. "

I spent a few days in visiting hospitals, often reading portions ofScripture, and kneeling by the cot of the suffering and dyingsoldiers, imploring the Great Physician to heal the sin-sick soul. Forsome I wrote letters to their home friends, which I found was oftenvery gratifying to poor homesick boys. One very sick with pneumoniawished me to write to his folks in Kent County, Michigan, that he wasin the hospital from a little cold, but would soon be able to join hisregiment again. I dared not write according to his directions, andtold him I would finish his letter at head-quarters. When he asked myname, he wanted to know if I was a relative of Rev. D. S. Haviland, inKent County, Michigan. When I told him he was my son, he held my handin both of his and burst into a flood of tears, and said he had heardhim preach many times, and thought he was such a good man. I saw hisfeelings were deeply affected, and I feared it would increase thefever, and I promised to come and see him again in a day or two. I satby him with my hand upon his head and consoled him as best I could. When he became calm I left, and called on his physician for hisopinion concerning him. He said he was still in a critical condition, but thought the disease was turning in his favor, and advised me notto write to his friends until two days more had passed, as he wouldthen be able to judge better of his case. Two days later I calledagain and found him much better, but the doctor thought the excitementof my leaving him increased the fever during the afternoon. He was nowa little stronger, and he said I had better not let him know that Idesigned leaving the city. I finished the letter with greaterencouragement than I could have done conscientiously on my firstvisit. 

As I was passing out one of the convalescents said, "Frank, here isthat woman you wanted to see;" and he came on a run. 

"Are you from Michigan?" I asked. 

"Not quite, " he said; "but I've been in Michigan. I am from Ohio, andthat is its next neighbor;" and he seemed as glad as if he was meetinghis mother. "O, how much you remind me of my mother! Your advice to usboys is almost in the same words my mother gave me when I left her;"and tears spoke louder than words of his appreciation of visits fromhis mother's representative. 

I visited many camps of the freedmen, where there were two thousand, with daily additions. Forty came into Bethel Camp one afternoon. Iwent among them, and said to the man I met first:

"You concluded to use your freedom in coming into the Union camps?"

"Freedom!" looking up in surprise. 

"Yes; you know President Lincoln has proclaimed all slaves free. "

"Is dat so?"

"Certainly; you have heard about it, I suppose. "

"No, missus, we never hear nothing like it. We's starvin', and we cometo get somfin' to eat. Dat's what we come for. Our people home tell usYankees want niggers to kill; an' da boils 'em up in great caldrons toeat, 'case da's starvin'. But all de white men gone into de army, an'lef' us all wid missus, an' da locks de bacon up for de sojers, an'gib us little han'ful o' meal a day, an' we's got weak an' trimbly. An' I tole my people we's gwine to die anyhow, an' we'd try deYankees. "

They were all so surprised at the idea of freedom that they couldhardly credit the fact until their own people confirmed what I hadtold them. Rations were given to that hungry company at once. I toldthem this did not look like killing off colored people. 

"No, missus, dis 'pears like makin' alive, instead of killin'. Godbless sich people as dese, if dis be Yankees. "

A couple of young men followed me from tent to tent, as I was readingportions of Scripture, and advising them how to live in their newrelation as a free people. I advised them to live soberly and honestlyin the sight of all men; that our Heavenly Father looks upon all hischildren alike, and that our Lord and Savior died upon the cross forall alike, because he is no respecter of persons. The young men, askedto be excused for following me; "for, " they said, "we never heard, white folks talk like you talks in our life. Da never talks fur ourown good, an' dis is so new we wants to ax you please excuse us. "

Our head-quarters were most of the time at Camp Bethel; but I spent aportion of my time in Camp Shiloh, which was in sight. On the SabbathI attended a very large meeting in a grove of pecans, oaks, andmagnolias. The minister was a colored man of considerableintelligence, could read quite well; and perhaps there were nearly orquite one hundred of our soldiers in attendance. I spoke to one mannear the stand while they were singing, informing him that I wouldlike to make a few remarks if their minister was willing. The ministersaid, before dismissing the congregation, he would give liberty for awhite lady present to speak. "I do not know who she is. She may behere inquiring for some of her people; but we can tell better as toher object when we hear her;" and he invited me forward. 

I saw at once the minister took me to be one of those slave-holderswho were coming into their camp almost daily to persuade their slavesback, though not one of them ever succeeded. I told them my object wasto inquire after the health of this people, body, soul, and spirit--and my people were all who accept salvation through our Lord andSavior Jesus Christ; that our Heavenly Father made all the nations ofthe whole earth of one blood, and never designed that one race shouldhold another in bondage. I had hardly finished my first sentencebefore the minister and those near him were urging me to step to thetop of their platform, as I had only taken one or two steps forward. "Come up here; our people all want to see you. " I had to obey. Tenminutes' talk did not satisfy. The minister and others in that largecongregation bade me go on; and ten or fifteen minutes more wereoccupied. 

At the close a few hundred of those whose families had been broken upby cruel separations came to me, and many tears were coursing down thesable cheeks of many gathered around me to shake my hands, which wereactually lame and swollen for three days after. 

Said the disappointed minister, "It 'pears like an angel dropped down'mongst us, in place of the slave-missus come for her people. "

Said one woman: "My ole missus come las' week to get all fifty-five ofus back again, and she tried mighty hard to get us to go back wid her. Den she went to General Grant, an' he say, 'If your people want to goback they may. ' Den she try us again; but not one would go, 'case weknows her too well--she's mighty hard on us. Den she went back to thegeneral, an' begged an' cried, and held out her han's, and say, 'General, dese han's never was in dough--I never made a cake o' breadin my life; please let me have my cook. ' An' she tuck on so I jus'trimble; I's feared he'd tell me to go wid her. But all her cryin'didn't help her. General say, 'I can't help you, madam; if your cookwants to go wid you she can; but she is free, an' can do as she likesabout it. ' An' she went off cryin'; an' we could jus' kiss de groun'General Grant walks on ever since. "

Among the most affecting scenes were meetings of members of familieslong separated. In passing out of this multitude my attention wasattracted to a group who were singing, shaking hands, shouting, andreciting their afflictions and sore trials since they were parted. Onewoman found her sister, who was sold from her fifteen years before. They had not heard from each other till just here they met. "O sis'Susie, you know my two nice boys was sole from me two year afore I wassole off dat plantation down de river, an' it 'peared like my heartwas broke; an' missus had me hit fifty lashes 'case I cried so much. An' de Lo'd has been my sun an shiel' all dis time. An' here I foun'my two boys; da's heap bigger, but da's my own dear boys. I's prayedlong for freedom, an' God did come down and make us free. _Glory_, GLORY be to his name!" And they embraced each other inwild excitement during some minutes. Then they went to another part ofthe camp to meet some of their friends Susie told her of. 

I hastened back 'to Camp Bethel, to witness the marriage of twentycouples that Colonel Eaton, who was a chaplain among them, was tomarry with one ceremony. Many of the men were of the newly-enlistedsoldiers, and the officers thought they had better be legally married, although many of them had been married a number of years, but onlyaccording to slave law, which recognized no legal marriage amongslaves. At the appointed hour the twenty couples stood in a row, eachcouple with right hands clasped; and among them one young couple, thatbeing their first marriage. All gave affirmative answers at the sametime; first the men, then the women. After the ceremony Chaplain Eatonoffered an earnest prayer; all kneeling. Then he shook hands with themto signify his congratulations, and I followed him in like manner. Itwas a novel scene, and yet solemn. 

On the morning I was to leave Memphis I saw an old woman wringing thebottom of her cotton dress a few rods from the door. I inquired howher dress came so wet half a yard deep. "I come up in a leaky skifflas' night wid six boys dat do oberseer whip de Yankee out, he say;an' da say da go to Yankees now any how, an' I begged 'em to let mecome, for da knows I has sich hard times. But da say, 'Aunt Peggy, deskiff leak so bad. ' But I tole 'em I's comin' wid a basin, an' Ireckon I dip fas' enough to keep us 'bove water. An' da let me come, an' it tuck all night to come seven miles up de river. Dar was fortyof us on dis plantation. Massa is a big man in Secesh army, an' sentmore'n a hundred of our people 'way off to de big plantation: an', missus, da all wants to come mighty bad, an' begged us to go see debig man right soon, an' tell him da wants to do any thing he wants 'emto do, if he will only let 'em come. For missus is mighty rich, an'don't need us, 'case she's got barrels of meal, an' flour, an' plentybacon in de smoke-house, da keeps locked up, da say for de Seceshsojers. An' missus had us put a tin trunk of gole an' silver money, an' a big ches' of all her silver plate way up in de lof' few daysago. Missus, do please go tell de big man how da all begged us so hardto ax him, soon as we got here, if he 'll let 'em come. "

I told her I would see the colonel, and inquired for the boys who camewith her. She pointed to the six young men standing outside our door. I approached the young men, who were between twenty and thirty yearsof age, and shook hands with them, saying, "It seems your overseerdidn't succeed in whipping the Yankee out of you night before last. "

"No, indeed, " said one; "he drove in the Yankee deeper every lick;"and another said, "I reckon he'll find out this mornin' how muchYankee he whipped out. "

I informed Colonel Eaton of his new comers; and of the earnest appealof the old woman in behalf of the remaining thirty-three, and how shebacked her pleading, with enumerating the abundance of every thing hermistress possessed. He said he would see General Veach, and he mightconclude to send a gun-boat for them. 

On May 17, 1863, I called at Dr. Warrener's office on my way toGeneral Veach's office for transportation to Cairo, but designedcalling at Island No. 10 and Columbus, Kentucky. The doctor kindlyoffered to take my papers and get transportation and pass from theprovost marshal for me, and allow me to rest the while. I was glad toaccept the favor; but he soon returned, rather discouraged, and said, "I think the general rather cross today, and I don't know whetheryou'll get transportation or not. After reading your papers he askedwhere you were, and I told him you looked tired and were resting in myoffice, and I offered to do this errand for her, as it would save hera mile of walk. 'I'd like to see the lady, ' he said, as he handed backyour papers; and you'll have to go and see him. " Here was anothernarrow place. I took my papers to General Veach in haste, as there wasa boat which I was anxious to take going up the river that afternoon. I entered his office and handed him my papers, telling him I hoped toreceive the favor of an order for transportation to Cairo, with theprivilege of stopping at Island No. 10 and Columbus. He neither askedme a question nor opened my papers, but threw them to his clerk, withdirections to give the order. Then he sent it to the quartermaster tofill. On my return I called on the provost-marshal and secured mypass. Said the doctor, "What did the general say?"

"Nothing, " I answered; "he only looked at me when I gave him mypapers, and passed them over to his clerk to make the order. "

"I think he might just as well have sent them by me; but the generalhadn't seen a Union woman for so long, he just wanted to take a lookat one. "

I was soon on the steamer that took me from this city of many excitingscenes. Here I learned the sequel of my Tennessee correspondents, formerly mentioned, and was shown the house where they had both laindead men. 

I found on the island many waiting for the remainder of my supplies. The number in camp had now reached about 3, 000. I also spent a littletime at Fort Pillow, where a company of ex-slaves, thirty-seven innumber, had just made their escape from their old home. They hadtraveled all night to get to our lines. They took two mules and twocarts to bring their bundles and little folks. Men, women, and largerchildren walked twenty-five miles, to get to Fort Pillow. "What timedid you start?" I asked one of the tired women. "Early moonrise, " wasthe reply. That was about 11 o'clock P. M. , and they had made allpossible speed to get to our lines, and seemed very much pleased toget clear of pursuers, as some in their neighborhood had been shot andkilled in their attempt to come. The officers took charge of the mulesand carts, and sent the people to Island No. 10. Here I took a steamerfor Columbus. 

After landing I saw a funeral procession of colored people, and anumber of officers and soldiers. I joined the procession, and learnedit was the only son of a slave mother who, two days previously, hadleft their plantation. He had heard that colored men were accepted assoldiers, and was exceedingly anxious to enlist. When they were nearlyhalf across the river their young master reached the bank and badethem return or he'd shoot them; but the son pulled for the oppositeshore, when a ball passed through his right arm, breaking the boneabove the elbow. The mother took the oars and pulled with all hermight, when a second ball entered the lungs of the son. They were metby a few of our soldiers, who took him from the skiff to the hospital, where he received the best surgical attendance, but without avail. Much sympathy was manifested in behalf of the bereaved mother, who wasleft with two little girls. Bereavement was no new trial for her. Herhusband had been sold from her a few years before. I asked her ifthese three children were all her family. "O, no, honey; I had twobig boys sold jus' afore the war. Don't know whar they went. An' nowmy poor boy is shot dead by that young massa I nussed with my own boy. They was both babies together. Missus made me nuss her baby, an' sether little girl to watch me, fur fear I'd give my baby too much, nomatter how hard he cried. Many times I wasn't allowed to take himup, an' now that same boy has killed mine, " and she buried her facein her faded calico apron until it was wet with tears. A soldier toldme a large company of them were only waiting permission from theircommander to go to that plantation and strip it. He said she seemedto be such a nice woman; that they all felt so indignant they hardlyknew how to wait for orders. 

From this sad scene, walking to the Soldier's Home, my attention wasarrested on seeing a white man with a ball and chain attached to hisankle, with brick and his ball in the wheelbarrow, wheeling towardthe soldier's camp, guarded by a black soldier. As I stood looking atthe black soldier walking leisurely beside the white man in irons, an officer accosted me with, "Madam, that prisoner you see wheelingbrick to our camp is a strong secessionist, and was a hard masterover a large plantation with more than one hundred slaves, and he wastaken prisoner, and all his slaves came into our camp. The youngermen enlisted as soldiers, and that man made an attempt to escape andwe put him in irons and set a black soldier, who had been his ownslave, to guard him. "

"What a turning of tables!" I said. 

"Yes, you will find the same turning of tables within our lines allover the South. "

At the door of a tent I saw a large, square block of iron, weighingsixty or eighty pounds, to which was attached a ring. I inquired of acolored man what it was for. 

"That belonged to our plantation, and when master had a mind to punishus he ordered us locked to that block, and from one to a dozen of ussometimes were locked to it with a long chain; and when we hoed cornwe'd hoe the chain's length, then the one next the block had it totote the length of the chain, and so on till we did our day's work. Since we've been here we've seen nine of our masters chained to thatsame block and made to shovel sand on that fortification yonder. Therewere forty of us that belonged to our plantation standing in this yardlooking on. "

"How did you feel to witness such a scene?"

"O, I can't tell you, madam; but I cried like a baby. "

"Why did you cry?"

"O, to think what great things God is doing. Man could never, never doit. "

"Did the others feel as you did?"

"O no, some laughed, and one man said, 'Ah ha, you see now how sweet'tis to tote the old block, don't you?'"

"Did he say that in his hearing?"

"O no, we's five rods off. "

There were a number of houses burned down, May 28th, three milesbeyond our lines. Mrs. Samantha Plumer inquired of Curlie, one of ourboys of the home, if he would take us to that biggest house burning onthe Moss plantation. No sooner was the suggestion made than Curlie gothis ambulance ready for us, and we were soon in front of thesmoldering mansion. The proprietor was raking over the debris for goldand silver or other imperishable treasure. Among the ashes; were hand-cuffs, chains, shackles, and other slave-irons. He was occupying oneof his slave cabins, as the long row was vacated by seventy of hisformer slaves. He was said to be one of the wealthiest planters inKentucky. One year previous to the war, report said he lost sevenvaluable slaves, and one from each of three adjoining plantationsescaped at the same time. After a consultation over their loss theyplaced the blame of their escape on a carpenter from Illinois, whohad been a few weeks working at his trade in their midst. To beavenged on the poor carpenter, a band of men came upon him in thenight, took him out of bed, gave him a coat of tar and feathers, andtreated him to a ride on a rail-horse. Then they furnished him withsoap and lard with which to disrobe himself, and charged him to leavethe State within twelve hours, never to be seen there again, or acalamity far exceeding this would be his portion. All his assertionsthat he knew nothing whatever of their slaves were of no avail. Heleft the State as requested, but wrote back to the chief leader, Moss, that if an opportunity ever presented he would be avenged onthose who had heaped upon him these abuses. Mr. Moss said he sawthat same carpenter a few days previous to the house-burning, withthree other men, in soldier's dress, but he did not believe he was asoldier, but only in borrowed clothes, as he did not think a Unionsoldier would do so mean a thing. An officer remarked, however, thathe was a hard master and a firm secessionist, but was now very tame. On our way back Curlie informed us that he had taken us three milesbeyond our lines, and we were very near being caught just oppositethe line at the firing of the sundown gun. But with Curlie's earnestpleading the guards consented to allow us to cross the line. 

In one cabin there were two quite intelligent mulatto women, betterclad than any I had met in the camp, one of whom was the mother ofthree fine-looking children. I remarked to one of them that they hada better chance for life than others I had seen, and inquired howlong they had been within our lines. 

One of them answered, "Only ten days. Thar was thirty-three when weleft our plantation seven miles below Memphis, 'bout three weeks ago, but some of our people stopped at Memphis when we came up the river. "

As I was interested in her recital, she became more excited in givingdetails, and said:

"Mistess got mighty feared of black smoke, an' watched boats mightyclose. One day as she was settin' on the sofa she say, Mill, I reckonthar's a gunboat comin'; see de black smoke, an if they do come, Ireckon they won't fin' that trunk o' money, an' ches' of silver plateyou put up in the lof t'other day. ' Lookin' out for the boat, 'Yesthat's a gunboat sure. Now, if the Yankees do stop, you all run andhide, won't you?' I looked too, but didn't answer till I see the bigrope flung on the bank. An' mistess got wild-like. 'Yes, they arestoppin'. Mill an' Jule run, tell all the niggers in the quarters torun to the woods an' hide; quick, for they kills niggers. Mill, whydon't you go? I said, 'I ain't feared the Yankees. ' 'Jule, you run andtell all the niggers to run to the woods, quick. Yes, here they arecoming, right up to the house. Now, Mill, you won't go with them, willyou?' As the men had started for the house I felt safe, and said, 'I'll go if I have a chance. ' 'Jule, you won't go, will you?' 'I shallgo if Mill goes. ' She began to wring her hands and cry. 'Now, 'memberI brought you up. You won't take your children away from me, will you, Mill?' 'Mistess, I shall take what childern I've got lef. ' 'If theyfine that trunk o' money or silver plate you'll say it's your'n, won'tyou?' 'Mistess, I can't lie over that; you bo't that silver plate whenyou sole my three children. ' 'Now, Jule, you'll say it's yourn, won'tyou?' 'I can't lie over that either. ' An' she was cryin' an' wringin'her han's, an' weavin' to an' fro as she set thar. 'Yes, here theycome, an' they'll rob me of every thing. Now, 'member I brought youup. ' Here come in four sojers with swords hangin' to their sides, an'never looked at mistess, but said to me, 'Auntie, you want to go withus?' 'Yes, sir, ' I said, an' they look to Jule an' say, 'You want togo?' 'Yes, sir. ' 'Well, you can all go; an' hurry, for we shall staybut a little while. ' An' Jule jus' flew to the quarters, an' they alltied up beds an' every thing, an' tote 'em down, to the gunboats in ahurry. An' two sojers went up-stairs an' wa'n't gone but a fewminutes, an' don't you think here they come, with that tin trunk o'money an' ches' of silver plate, an' broke 'em open an' tuck out a bigplatter an' water-pitcher an' a few other pieces an' say, 'See here, Tom, haven't we foun' a prize of solid silver for gov'ment, ' an' heput it all back. An' another open the trunk, ' O, see here, Jim; seewhat a mine of money we foun' for General Veach, ' as he tuck up ahan'ful of gole an' silver money an' sif it through his fingers, droppin' in the trunk, sayin', 'Ain't we got a pile o' money forgov'ment. ' An' he han' it over to a sojer to tote to the gunboat. An'two ov 'em went down cellar an' come back with stone jars of butter, an' pezerves, an' opened 'em. 'Tom, see here, what a lot of goodies wegot; won't we live well?' An' he cover'd 'em up agin an' toted 'em tothe gunboat. Then they broke open the meal-room, an' rolled outbarrels of meal and flour, saved for secesh sojers, an' rolled 'emdown to the gunboat. An', last of all, they went to the smoke house, an' broke it open an' got a lot of bacon. 'Now, auntie, you allready, ' they say? 'Yes, sir, ' I tell 'em. 'Here's a roll of linsey forour cloze, shall we take it?' 'Certainly, an' any thing else you'r amine to. ' As we started for the door mistess followed us cryin' an'wringin' her han's. 'Now, Mill an' Jule, I know you'll suffer whenyou leave me. ' One o' the sojers turn to her and said, 'They won'tsuffer again as they have done with you. ' An' this was the firs' wordsshe spoke after they come in, an' the firs' they said to her. An' weall got on the boat in a hurry; an' when we's fairly out in themiddle' of the river, we all give three times three cheers for thegunboat boys, and three times three cheers for big Yankee sojers, an'three times three cheers for gov'ment; an' I tell you every one ofus, big and little, cheered loud and long and strong, an' made theold river just ring ag'in. "

She became so excited she acted the part of her mistress admirably inthe half-bent, whining, crying, and wringing of hands, as she followedthem to the door. 

"How did you feel about that silver plate that was bought with theprice of your three children? Didn't you think you ought to have it?"

"O'no, I couldn't touch it. It was part o' my poor dear childern; butI didn't want mistess to keep it. I was glad to see it go togov'ment. "

The tears coursed down her care-worn cheeks as she related the sale ofher three older children. 

"I fell upon my knees afore master an' mistess, an' begged 'em not tosell my poor childern down the river, whar I could never see or hearfrom 'em any more. But master say it's none o' my business, an' Ishould stop my noise, or he'd have me punished. An' mistess say shewon't have all this cryin' round her. 'Your childern belongs to us, an' you know it; an' it's not for you to make all this fuss over it, either. ' I said, 'Mistess, wouldn't you grieve over your childern, ifsomebody take 'em from you?' 'You hush your sauce, or I'll have youpunished. That's another thing; my childern's white. ' An' then theyhad me punished. "

Her husband was sent, with many others, to what they called the "bigplantation, " in the interior. She said her master was a "big man" inthe secesh army. I found they called all officers big men. After shefinished her story I told her I saw the seven she said went toMemphis, a few days before they left, and how Aunt Peggy begged me sohard to tell the big man that they all wanted to come. And to impressme with the idea that the mistress could do without slaves, she toldme about the trunk of money and chest of silver plate; but I had nomore idea of its being confiscated than had Aunt Peggy in her appeal. 

My attention from this episode was arrested by another scene of adifferent character, but truly revolting--a young mother of onlyfourteen years, with a very sick infant, pale and emaciated herself;the grandmother of a very light complexion, and the great-grandmothera mulatto. All these four generations were the children of their oldmaster, whose hair was white with age. He was the father of the great-grandmother, and of each generation to the fourth, and master, all inone. As revolting as this fact was, I was compelled to believe it, ashis former slaves told me of his licentious character from his earlyyouth to eighty years! He was never married, and was the owner of alarge plantation, and his many slaves sought the first opportunity tomake their escape. The condition of these women was truly appalling, and the history of their base and degraded master and father toorevolting for the public eye or ear! I turned away with utter disgustat their recitals. The child soon died, and I thought it seemed a pitythat its demented mother could not have gone with it; but I did what Icould to relieve their wants. 

The hospitals at this post were tolerably well cared for, except oneregimental hospital, where were a number of sick and emaciatedsoldiers, who had no pillows but their haversacks, and no covering buttheir overcoats, and they piteously begged for milk. I went to theirsurgeon, and inquired whether boiled milk would not be allowed forthose men who were so low with camp diarrhea, and whether I could notbring them quilts and pillows. "Madam, you can bring them milk, or anything you've named; but I tell you, if you undertake to listen to allthese soldiers' teasing, you'll have your hands full. As like as not, any way, they'll trade whatever you give them for whisky the firstchance they have. " I could not sleep until I secured the aid of twosoldiers to go with me to carry milk, pillows, and quilts for thosesick men. Their tears of gratitude, as I handed each his bottle ofmilk, and placed a pillow under their heads, and a quilt for those whohad only an overcoat for a covering, paid me well. I returned to theSoldiers' Home quite relieved, but wearied and sick, with a severecough, that had followed me for more than a month. I found itnecessary to hasten home to rest. 

I left this field of suffering and constant excitement May 30th, fordear home and anxious children and friends. A few days' rest restoredhealth and strength, but we were not relieved from excitement. Ourprincipal, E A. Haight, enlisted soon after closing the Spring term ofour school. Preparation for another school-year was before me, besidethe necessity of calling on friends in various places for supplies. Iwas informed by officers that I could now secure passes andtransportation for an assistant as readily as for myself alone. Myschool vacation was fully occupied in preparing for the followingacademic year, and in looking for a congenial companion to share withme in this work, --one who was willing to sacrifice all upon ourcountry's altar. 

CHAPTER XI. 

SANITARY WORK. 

We found a necessity for organized work, and formed a Freedmen'sRelief Association, in Detroit, with Captain E. B. Ward, president;Rev. William Webb, vice-president; Benjamin C. Durfee, secretary; andFrancis Raymond, treasurer. These did what they could in gatheringsupplies in that city for me to take South the coming Autumn. BrotherAldrich was engaged to act as principal of Raisin Institute, and thisgave me leisure to hold meetings in towns and county school-houses forsoliciting help for my Southern work. During vacation our two hallswere made ready for opening the Academic Year, as usual, on the firstWednesday in September, 1863-4. The school, though smaller than beforethe war, opened with fair prospects, and I felt at liberty to leave. The institution, being in competent hands, I obtained as a companionin labor one of the most devoted of Christian woman, my dear sister, Letitia Backus, of Pittsford, Michigan. With a car-load of supplies weleft our homes for fields of greatest suffering, where least help wasfound. Well furnished with documents from our governor, Austin P. Blair, and two members of Congress, we secured passes to Chicago andreturn, then to Cairo and return, and from thence to Vicksburg, Mississippi. Waiting a few days at Cairo, for our supplies to reachus, we visited the hospitals and camps. Here we met a company of menwho were called "Jay-hawkers. " They were all tall, large men. One ofthese carried the treasure-bag, but I do not think he was a Judas tothe government. A pillow-case was nearly half full of gold and silverwatches, diamonds, and gold jewelry, which they said was confiscatedfor the government. They said wealth gave the rebellion strength, nomatter in what it consisted. 

After the arrival of our supplies we took a steamer down theMississippi, and stopped a short time at Columbus. A little beforelanding I discovered an Irish woman had in her possession a six-quarttin pail of whisky, and a gallon jug that she seemed very careful tokeep out of sight under the sofa; I took a seat by her side, and knewI could not be mistaken as to the contents of her pail and jug, and asI understood it was a forbidden article, I penciled on the margin ofmy official paper to the inspector to look well to the whisky thewoman at my side had in her possession. As he came to inquire for mybaggage to inspect, I told him where he would find it, and he wouldsee by my papers what were their probable contents. Taking a look atthe lady by my side, as he handed back my papers he remarked, "I thinkI'll not take the trouble to inspect your baggage, as I see you areall right. " As we were going ashore, my red-shawled companioncarefully gathered her pail and jug under her shawl at each side ofher, and hurried to bury herself in the crowd. The inspector followedclosely, and as he took hold of the pail to see what she had hangingon her arm, in her effort to get away from him it fell on the cabincarpet. As the cover came off we had quite a shower of whisky aboutour feet. At this the jug was seized by the inspector, amid shouts of"Good, good, " and the laughter of the crowd, with muttering andswearing by the Irish woman. She hastened out of the crowd, leavingher pail and jug behind her. 

At the Soldiers' Home we found Samantha Plummer and her excellentassistant. The following three days we spent in visiting hospitals. Hospital No. 2 was miserably cared for. The matron was a Southernwoman, who had lost her husband in the Confederate army, but sheprofessed to be a Union woman, and said her husband would never havegone on that side but for compulsion. Our officers seemed to pity herand her two daughters, and gave them a home in the hospital. Themother held the position of nurse, but not one of the three was asuitable person to be there. The sick and wounded soldiers did notlook as if their beds or apparel had been changed in two weeks. Thefloor was filthy, and the scent was sufficient to sicken well people. From the appearance of the wash-boiler, running over with dried applesthat were being boiled without care, I judged every thing to be doneafter the same style. I inquired of one of the convalescents in theyard when their supper hour was, and proposed to return to see how thebrethren fared. Sister Backus was rather fearful I might make mattersworse, as they might suspect we had an object in revisiting thehospital so soon; but we were on hand to see the burned and sourbiscuits dealt out to those sick and wounded soldiers, with the half-stewed apples, and a choice given between rancid butter and a poorquality of black molasses. I hoped to see something better when thepail with a spout appeared, out of which was turned a substance halfway between pudding and porridge, I asked if it was farina. "It's cornmeal mush, " and mush it was, running all through whatever was on theplate. I passed from one plate to another, tasting the biscuits andcutting pieces of apple to see if I could find one without an uncookedcenter, but with little success. 

In going around I came to half a dozen of the boys trying to while thetime away with a pack of cards. Having an armful of Testaments, Iproposed to make an exchange. This was readily agreed to, as each ofthem had left his home with one, but had lost it in battle or storm. I gave them advice to commit at least one verse from their Testamentsdaily while in the army, and each promised to do so. 

All this time of investigating their supper and making this bargain, sister Backus was busily engaging the attention of the matron. I leftthat hospital with a heavy heart, and spent a sleepless night. I toldsister Backus I must remain there until that hospital was renovated. Iwanted to go into it and "make things fly, " right and left, if therewas no other way. In the morning I found the medical director, andasked if he had visited Hospital No. 2 recently. He said he had not, but thought the surgeon having charge of that hospital a very cleversort of a man. 

"I think there is not a single officer in that establishment, " saidI, "that is at all suitable to be there. Perhaps that surgeon is tooclever. I tell you he is defective, or he would not allow such ahospital as that under his charge. But I find I am ahead of myself. You may take me to be some nervous mother, but I only claim to be arepresentative of common-sense women. Here are papers from thegovernor of my State, and from two members of Congress. "

After reading them he said, "I will take up that hospital within twoweeks, I think. "

"Two weeks!" I exclaimed; "many of those soldiers will die before thattime. I can not leave them for two weeks. "

"Then I will tell you what I will do; I will bring the sickest oneshere to this hospital, and put the rest on a boat and take them toMound City, to the United States Hospital, and take up No. 2 withinthree days. "

"That will do, " I said; "I am satisfied with Mound City Hospital, andwith this one. If you will do this I will go on to-day with oursupplies for Vicksburg, Mississippi. "

"Mrs. Haviland, it shall be done within three days, " he replied, andI left him with a lighter heart. 

We went on our way with a number of officers and soldiers on board. Aswe were on the boat over Sunday, I asked permission of the captain totalk to the soldiers. He gave me leave, saying it was a veryunsuitable place for ladies on the rear deck, over cattle, sheep, andhogs, but they would prepare a place as soon as possible. Whilepreparation was being made, a young man who had been studying for theministry of the Cumberland Presbyterian Church, proposed to thecaptain to address the soldiers. As he was a minister the captain cameand informed me that he had granted his request. I told him I supposedwe could attend. "Certainly, certainly, if you like, only as I toldyou, it is an unpleasant place for ladies. " Unpleasant as it was, welistened to a long sermon, and remained a few minutes longer to givethe boys a mother's advice, as they were leaving their Northern homes, not to allow themselves to become demoralized by the many dangers andhardships they would have to endure. 

About 8 o'clock the boat stopped a little below Napoleon, Arkansas, towood. As it was very dark, our torches were lighted, and we saw alight advancing so fast on the bank that I thought it must be borne onhorseback. "No, it's too low, " said a woman standing near me. But itwent out as soon as it came to the landing, and our light wasimmediately extinguished, the cable was drawn back, the men leapedaboard, and the boat was wheeled so suddenly into the stream thatthere was great danger of bursting the boiler. We heard many inquiriesas to what was the matter. But the fact ran quickly over the boat thatthere were guerrillas after us. The running lantern we saw was carriedby an old white man, who overheard the talk of more than forty men, who were secreted in a clump of trees and bushes near the landing. They had planned to capture the first steamer that stopped to wood atthat place, to take all on the boat as prisoners, strip it ofeverything on board, and let it float down the river. The old man toldthe men not to let it be known, if we were captured, that he hadinformed them of this, as it would cost him his life. Such a scene ofexcitement I never witnessed; men, as well as women, turned pale, andtheir voices trembled. Yet many of them flew to their card tables, expecting every moment to be shot into, and trembling with fear so ashardly to be able to hold their cards. The captain said if pouring tarinto the furnace would send us beyond a bayou near by before theycould overtake us, he thought we should escape. After passing thatpoint our colonel came to me and asked after my companion. I told himas she was not well she had retired very early, and I thought she hadbetter not know any thing of this excitement until morning, If weshould escape; if not, it was time for her to become excited when wewere taken. 

"How do you feel in such an hour as this?" he asked. 

"The God of Daniel lives at this hour, " I answered, "and in him Itrust. "

"I see, you take it coolly, " he replied, and looked surprised. I toldhim I pitied those card-players, for it was a hard play for them, while standing face to face with danger. "You see it is an effort, " hereplied, "to keep danger out of mind as much as possible. "

"But see their pale faces and trembling hands. O, what a poorsubstitute they have for substantial trust in an Almighty Power! Yousee that gentleman and his wife sitting on the other side of thecabin. They are calm and perfectly composed; they, too, have theirpocket Bible in hand. They are trusting children of the Most High, nodoubt. " He thoughtfully looked over that crowded cabin a moment, andwalked away. 

Very few retired before 12 o'clock, and those men and women were allthat time making an effort to quiet their nerves at their card-table. The next morning our colonel called again with a little joke: "Youmeet danger so coolly, I think we had better take you with us to Texasfor a general. "

I was thankful for the improvement in sister Backus's health by a goodnight's rest, and that we had escaped. Without further trouble wereached Vicksburg, but learned that the loudest cry for aid was inNatchez, and we hastened there with our supplies. We were offered ahome with Lieutenant Thirds and family, who had been invited to occupyrooms at Judge Bullock's. The judge was too strong a secessionist totake the iron-clad oath of allegiance, though solicited by his wife;for she feared they might lose their property by confiscation. To saveit, he very blandly offered his parlor and best rooms in his largethree-story brick house, where we found very comfortable quarters. Through Colonel Young, we obtained the use of a good-sized store onMain Street for our goods, and the surgeon of the freedmen's campprovided for us a small room near the camp, where were congregatedfour thousand freedmen in condemned tents. These tents were so leakythat, from exposure, after heavy rains and wind, we had from five tofifteen deaths in a day. Here we found constant work for head, heart, hands, and feet. 

But few days elapsed at any time without hearing the roar of battlenear by, and sometimes the cloud of blue smoke met our eye. One battlewas fought within two miles by the negro soldiers, only a few daysafter the terrible Fort Pillow massacre. They fought desperately. Oneof their officers told me they had to command their soldiers to stop, and they obeyed only at the point of the bayonet; for they mowed theenemy down like grass, although they lowered their colors and began tostack their arms. Their officers told them to stop firing; but anumber of soldiers replied, while reloading, "They hear no cry forquarter at Fort Pillow, " and fired again. But when the enemy stackedtheir arms they were peremptorily ordered to stop. I didn't blame theboys for feeling as they did over that awful massacre. But strange asit seems, not one of our soldiers was killed, or even wounded. Therewas a white regiment in reserve, if needed; and the colored soldiersalmost resented the idea that they needed any assistance whatever. 

There was great excitement in the freedmen's camp that day over theirvictory. Said one woman, whose husband and two sons were soldiers inthis battle:

"Why didn't you shoot away as long as one was lef'?"

"Our officers compelled us to stop. "

"I don't care for that; they need killin', _every one_. "

Said I, "You wouldn't kill the women, would you?"

"Yes, I would, " she answered; "for they's wusser'n the men. "

"Well, there are the innocent little children--you wouldn't kill them, would you?"

Hesitating a little, she said:

"Yes, I would, madam; for I tell you nits make vermin. "

She and all her family had belonged to Judge Bullock's wife, and shewas still living in her little cabin and doing the work for thefamily, as she had done heretofore, though she did not work so hard. She would take the time to do our washing for us. She said JudgeBullock was harder to please than her mistress; but he was afraid ofour soldiers, and when Natchez was taken he kept hid in a thicket ofbushes in the garden a number of days. They took his meals to him whenno one was in sight, expecting the Yankees would kill every man theymet; but as he found it otherwise he came into the house, and now hetalked with us quite freely. Their slaves were mostly house-servants, and better treated than many others. Judge Bullock was formerly fromthe North, and married in the South, and his wife inherited theslaves. Their cook was a mulatto, of more than ordinary intelligence, and she told me of the most terrible scenes of barbarity that she hadwitnessed. 

The marks of cruelty were in that camp so frequently seen--men withbroken shoulders and limbs--that it was heart-sickening to listen tothe recital of their wrongs. 

One man I saw with a shred of an ear, and I inquired how his earbecame torn like that. He hesitated to tell me, but one of his fellow-slaves said it was done by order of their master; that he was strippedand fastened by a large nail driven through his ear to a tree, and theoverseer was directed to whip him on his naked body until hiswrithings tore his ear out, and that only ended the punishment. Oneman by the name of Matthew Lasley, living within two miles of thiscity, owned one hundred slaves, and was his own overseer. He workedhis slaves early and late, and was proverbial for cruelty to them. They were not half fed or clothed. A few days after he had sold thewife and child of his slave Jack, they were burning log heaps andclearing off a few acres of new ground. They had worked until aboutmidnight, and were preparing to "turn in. " Jack had split an armful ofkindling-wood, and was now ready to go to his lonely hut. Then hisutter desolation rolled in upon his mind. When his master stooped overto light his cigar, the thought came to him like a flash to kill him, and then he too would die, and so would end his bitter days. No soonerwas the thought conceived than the act was done. The ax was buried inLasley's head; and he sank, a dead man, without uttering a word. Jackcame immediately to the city, tapped on the window of Dr. Smith'ssleeping apartment, the son-in-law of Lasley, and told him he wantedhim to go at once to the new clearing with him. When the doctor wentout Jack told him that he had killed his master. 

"What did you do it for?"

"Master sole my wife and chile, an' I don't want to live any longer. Now, master, you may shoot me, or take me to jail, or do any thingyou're a min' to. "

"Well, Jack, I know you've had a hard time; but I shall have to takeyou to jail, any how, and see what the court will do. "

After ordering Lasley's body to be taken care of, he returned to hiswife and told her all, and added that he wondered he had not beenkilled long before, as it was what he had looked for. Dr. Smithemployed one of the best lawyers in the city to plead Jack's case, andhad all the Lasley slaves brought into court, not one of whom waswithout marks of cruelty--a broken arm or leg, an ear cut off, or aneye out. They were all in a nearly nude condition, three childrenunder ten years of age entirely so. The daughter begged her husband toallow better clothes for them; but the doctor and the lawyer insistedupon their coming into court with just the clothing provided for themby their master The lawyer made an eloquent plea for Jack, and pointedto the hundred slaves, maimed and crippled and almost naked, and Jackwas acquitted. Lasley's extreme cruelty had created a public sentimentin Jack's favor, so that unexpectedly to himself his life was saved. Jack was hunting for his wife and child among the multitude, but hadnot yet succeeded in finding them. 

Week after week was spent in making personal investigations, measuringand preparing bundles for those nearly naked. As new refugees weredaily coming in, the officers found it necessary to organize a newcamp over the river, in the rear of Vidalia, Louisiana, on the Ralstonplantation. As a few hundred were gathered there we went over andfound them exceedingly destitute. There were twenty families, mostlyof those recently enlisted as soldiers. Some of them were almost readyto desert. Said one, "They say we are free, and what sort of freedomis this, for us to see our families without a board, shingle, orcanvas to cover their heads? We are concluding to leave our regimentand build something to shelter our wives and children. They haven'tgot a place to sleep at night except in the open field. " We told themwe would make their families our first care, and advised them not toleave. Upon this they became more calm, and concluded to wait armpits, as I chose to keep my arms out in case of tipping over. Here camebrother Reed, one of the teachers, offering to aid me; but he had nopass or transportation, and no time to get it. I called the attentionof a passing general to my necessity for help, to be able to returnbefore the firing of the sundown gun. He said if he was in command hewould allow him to go with my load, and advised him to try it. On wehastened, but met an ambulance that Captain Howe had sent to the newcamp for a sick woman with two small children. It was obliged toreturn, not being able to pass through the lines, as the provostmarshal was not to be found. The supposition was very strong that thelines were closed, as it was the weakest point in the post, and thesmoke of rebel fires was in sight on Lake Concordia. A battle had beenfought a few days before, and another attack was-daily threatened. Thedriver and brother Reed were doubting the propriety of crossing theriver. "For if the lines are closed, " they said, "the Presidenthimself would not be permitted to pass. " But I told them as they didnot positively know that the lines were closed, we had better cross. 

"It is your load, and if you say go we shall go, " said brother Reed. 

"I say go, " was my decision. 

Soon we were in front of the provost marshal's office. But he was notthere, and no one knew where he was. After a long search, inaccordance with my plea, some of the guards discovered and brought himback, reeling, with his head of long hair thoroughly decorated withfeathers and straws. I met him in his office and read to him mypapers, holding, them before his face as I would exhibit a picture toa two-year old baby. After explaining all, I made my request to passhis lines with my load of supplies. 

"Who--who's there?"

I told him who he was that so kindly offered to aid me in disbursingthese supplies just as I was starting; and that a general advised meto take him with my load, as he would pass him, if in command. 

"Well, well, I don'--don't--li-like--this--whole--whole-sa-salebusiness. "

But I pleaded for those suffering women and children with all thepoliteness I was capable of mastering, with disgust boiling over. Withstuttering and mumbling his dislikes, and shaking his head, with thefeathers and straws waving and nodding in every direction, he took hispen and scribbled a pass that was difficult to decipher. The next lineof guards hardly knew what to do with it until I told them the provostmarshal was drunk. 

"O, yes, and it's no new trick; go on. "

And without further difficulty we reached the group of sufferers, whowere shivering as if in an ague fit. I threw to each family twoblankets or quilts, and more than forty children were crawling betweenthem within three minutes. I gave to each of those twenty women a suitof men's clothing that day to help them out of this intense suffering. I gave them also three rag-carpet blankets out of the four that weresent me by a woman who took up a new rag-carpet she had just putdown, and cut it into four pieces after listening to the recital ofthe great suffering in these camps. She said she should put no morecarpets on her floor as long as the war lasted. 

Although I had seen so many marks of cruelty among these people, yet Isaid to myself, O that these poor people had remained in their oldhomes a little longer! Surely they can not suffer there like this. Alittle girl came for me to go to the old blacksmith-shop used as atemporary hospital, as her mother thought her brother was dying, andanother brother was very sick. I entered that shop, and listened tothe groans of the dying. I repeated to myself, O that they had waiteda little longer! Four men and the little son of the distressed motherthat sent for me were evidently dying, and four others were sick withpneumonia. The mother of these two sick boys was doing all she couldfor them all. I gave her ground mustard to make poultices, and gingerfor those who had chills, and told her how to use them. I had a fewpounds of each, and generally took a little package with me, especially after a storm. This miserable shelter leaked but little, but one side and one end were so open that we could throw a hatthrough the wall. 

I saw a pile of irons by the door. Placing my foot on a queer doublejointed ring, I said:

"I wonder what that queer sort of a ring could have been used for, "looking toward the old dilapidated cotton-gin near by. 

"That's a neck iron, " said an old woman standing near me. 

"A neck-iron! What do you mean?"

"Why, it's an iron collar to wear on the neck. "

"But you are certainly mistaken, " said I, picking it up; "you seethese joints are riveted with iron as large as my finger, and it couldnever be taken off over one's head. "

"But we knows; dat's Uncle Tim's collar. An' he crawled off in datfence-corner, " pointing to the spot, "an' died thar, an' Massa Georgehad his head cut off to get de iron off. "

"Is it possible for a human being to become so brutal as to cut aman's head off when he is dead?"

She looked as if she thought I doubted her word, and said: "It didn'thurt Uncle Tim when he was dead as it did when de iron wore big soresway down to de bone, and da got full o' worms afore he died. His neckan' head all swell up, an' he prayed many, many prayers to God to comeand take him out his misery. "

"How long did he wear it?"

"'Bout two years. "

"Two years! It is impossible for any one to live that length of timewith this rough heavy iron. "

[Illustration: SLAVE IRONS IN POSSESSION OF THE AUTHOR]

"We work two seasons, any how, over in dat cotton-fiel', " pointing tothe two-hundred-acre cotton-field at our right. 

I took up another iron, and inquired, "What sort of an iron is this?"

"A knee-stiffener, to w'ar on de leg to keep 'em from runnin' off indat swamp, " pointing to the dark swamp bordering Lake Concordia, sofully draped with long Southern moss that in many places in it nothingcould be discovered three feet in the thicket. 

I went to the rear of the shop, with the ring under my shawl. Herestood a dozen or more of old and crippled men and women. 

"Did any of this company, " I asked, "live on this plantation beforethe war?"

"Yes, missus, six of us live here. I live here seven year. "

I drew out the collar, and asked if any one could tell me what thatwas. One looked at another, and asked where I found it. 

"In that pile of irons by the door, " I replied. 

One said, in a low tone, "Dat's Uncle Tim's collar. "

"Yes, missus, dat is iron collar to wear on de neck. "

"But you see it is fastened with heavy iron rivets. "

"Yes, de way you see it is 'case Massa George Ralston order UncleTim's head cut off to get de collar. "

"I want this collar, " I said, "and another heavy iron a woman called aknee-stiffener. This plantation is confiscated, and these ironsbelong to you as much as to any body. Will you give them to me?"

Each seemed to wait for the others to speak, but the one to whom I hadmostly directed my conversation at length replied:

"I reckon you can have 'em; for we's had all we wants ov 'em. "

"I thank you; and if you can find any other slave-irons in that pile Iwish you would pick them out for me to take home to Michigan, to showwhat sort of jewelry the colored people had to wear down here. "

They turned over the heap, and found iron horns, hand-cuffs, etc. , andexplained how they were worn. They showed me also where the iron rodupon which was suspended a bell was cut off of Uncle Tim's collar. 

Among the group was a crippled man walking with two canes, clad intattered cotton clothes, that were hanging in frozen strings from hisarms like icicles. I selected a whole suit for him, and a soldier'sovercoat. He stepped in the rear of a cabin and changed, and came tome weeping. 

"I come to show you, " he said; "dis is de best dressin' I's ever hadin my life. An' I thanks you, an' praise God. "

As we were standing on the bank of the river waiting for the return ofthe ferry on her last trip that day, there were thirty or forty menwaiting, who by their favorite gray appeared to be rebel citizens; butour many bristling bayonets kept them in subjection. The ferry soontook us over the river, and we were within our post before the sundowngun was fired. 

As I had brought the sick woman and two little children that CaptainHowe had sent his ambulance for in the morning, in one wagon, I mustgo to his hospital with them. This made us so late that the guard saidI could not be allowed to enter the camp without a permit from theofficer of the night. I told him where I had been all day without afire; and as he knew the storm had continued until late in theafternoon, and this sick woman whom the captain had sent for could notget through the lines in the morning, I hoped he would read my papers. He held up his lantern to see them; but as soon as he caught sight ofmy old portfolio he said, "Go on, I know who you are; I've seen thatbefore. " I was permitted to leave my sick family in the hospital, anddrove the two miles to our head-quarters by eight o'clock. Althoughvery much chilled, I felt relieved, notwithstanding I had witnessedsuch scenes of suffering and dying during that eventful day. 

One morning the little drummer-boy of twelve years of age marched intocamp with seven men that he had taken prisoners, ragged and almostbarefooted. The suffering men were glad to find comfortable quarters. Occasionally we found them tamely submitting to be taken, on accountof their sufferings for want of food and clothing. One entire company, who suffered themselves to be captured, told our officers if theywould allow them to wear out of sight some sort of a Union mark, so asnot to meet with trouble from our soldiers, they would go and bring intheir entire regiment, as they all wanted to come into our lines. Theywere furnished with a badge of national colors to wear under theircoats. Soon the whole regiment were with us. One of our officers saidthey were among our most efficient helps. One of them told me if theyhad known the real object of the war they would never have gone intoit; for more than half of them had never owned a slave, and those whodid were better off without them. They were surprised to find anattendance of supplies. They had always been told that all thedifference between the Northern people and their slaves was the colorof their skin. 

There was great excitement during the last presidential campaign. Theslave passed through terrible experiences during 1860-61. It seemed tobe accepted as a settled fact, that if Lincoln was elected it wouldresult in war; and in many places regular drills were instituted. InNatchez the half-grown slave boys got together on Sunday afternoons, and drilled with sticks for guns. At first it attracted no particularattention, and the boys became as expert in handling their stick gunsas were their masters. Two slave men were overheard repeating whattheir master said, that if Lincoln was elected he would free all theslaves, for he was a Black Republican; and they declared that if thiswas true they would go to the Yankees and help to free their nation. This talk was sufficient to raise the report of an insurrectionthroughout all that part of the State, and a large vigilance committeewas organized to meet once a week and report what they might hear bylistening outside the negro cabins. All slave men or boys who wereoverheard to pray for freedom, or to say any thing indicating a desireto be free, were marked; and in the discussions of this largecommittee of a hundred men, every thing that had occurred during a fewyears past, in efforts among the slaves to learn to read and write, was magnified and construed as pointing toward a long and settledpurpose among the slaves to rise in insurrection. A majority of thiscommittee decided by whipping and other torture to compel confessionsfrom all these marked slaves, and then to hang them. A number of thecommittee resigned because they would not consent to these severemeasures. Many negroes were dragged out of their cabins or yardswithout knowing the cause, stripped, tied to the whipping-post ortaken to the calaboose, and given as many lashes as could be endured. At the close of each whipping the sufferer was called upon to make afull revelation of every sentence that he or she had heard in favorof liberty, or of the Yankees, among their people, either inconversation or prayer, and by whom, with a promise to be releasedfrom further punishment. Never was one released, but on Saturdaygenerally ten or twelve of these sufferers were thrown into a wagonand conveyed to the gallows, where they were placed in a row, and allwere hanged at the same instant. 

Some hundreds were thus hanged in the edge of the city, and on anadjoining plantation. I carefully investigated the facts, and gatheredthe following statement from both white and colored citizens. I havegood reasons for placing entire confidence in its correctness. A largenumber of slaves were hanged, owned by the following persons:

Frank Susetts, 26; James Susetts, 7; Dr. Stanton, 8; Dr. Moseby, 26;widow Albert Dunbar, 48; Mrs. Brady, 12; widow E. Baker, 28; Mrs. Alexander, 16; Dr. George Baldwin, 8; Stephen Odell, 5; G. Grafton, 5;James Brown, 3; Mr. Marshall, 1; Mr. Robinson, 2; Melon Davis, 1;widow Absalom Sharp, 3; Miss Mary Dunbar, 3; Joseph Reynolds, 2; BakerRobinson, 3; Lee Marshall, whipped to death 1; Mrs. Chase, whipped todeath 1; a total of 209. 

I was told by a number of persons, both white and colored, that therewere over four hundred tortured to death in this reign of terror, before Natchez fell into Union hands, but I put in my diary only suchas I found were proven to be facts. 

Miss Mary Dunbar was very much distressed over the loss of one of herthree slaves who were hanged, and offered the vigilance committee tenthousand dollars for his release, but to no purpose. Joseph Reynoldsalso offered the committee $100, 000 for the release of his two, butwas denied. One little boy of twelve years of age was taken to thecalaboose and whipped, then taken with the wagon-load of other victimsof their unrelenting cruelty to the scaffold, followed by his motherin wild despair, praying as she went through the streets, tossing herhands upward: "O, God, save my poor boy! O, Jesus Master, pity my poorchild! O, Savior, look down upon my poor baby!" The woman who wentwith her to the scaffold said she cried these words over and over;"and when we got there, " she said, "she fell on her knees before thehead man, and begged for the life of her baby. But he kicked her onher head, and cursed her, and told her the boy had got to die. The boyexhorted his mother not to grieve so for him, 'for I'm going to Jesus;meet me in heaven;' and he, with eleven others, were swung off. Themother cried out, 'Oh, my God! my poor son!' and feinted. " So perfectwas this reign of terror that not even slave-owners, in many cases, dared to protest against this wholesale butchery. The repeatedwhippings mangled the bodies of many so badly that they were taken tothe gallows in a dying state. One man died while being taken upon thescaffold; his sides were cut through to the entrails, and even a partof them protruded. I visited the calaboose, which had two apartments. The first entrance was large enough for two persons to be fastened tothe strong iron staples. There was room for two men to each victim, one on each side, who, seated on a stool, could alternate the strokesupon the writhing sufferer. The floor of this calaboose was of hardwood, but it was so thoroughly stained with human gore that the grainof the wood could not be distinguished. Into the second room not a rayof light entered except on opening the middle door. 

Frank Susetts was a millionaire in the city of Baton Rouge, Louisiana, and made his boast that he had no fear of Yankees, for he had goldenough to cover his front walk from the door to the gate, and couldbuy up any Yankee who might attempt to trouble him. "There are twothings, " he said, "they can never do: First, make me poor; second, make me take the oath of allegiance. " He owned nine plantations, besides very much city property. Though hundreds of his slaves hadleft him, he felt himself secure in the abundance of his wealth. Thegovernment engineer, who had been casting about for the best place tolocate a fort, had been looking over Frank Susetts's place and said itwas the most elevated and desirable location he had found in the city, but he rather hesitated because of the magnificent buildings it woulddestroy. When Susetts's independent words reached his ear he at oncedecided, and took his men the second time to look over the ground. Standing near the palatial mansion, and within hearing of the owner, he said to his men, "Yes, yes, this is the place for our fort. "

Frank Susetts approached him with the offer of thirty thousand dollarsin gold if he would spare his place. 

"I can not accept it, sir, " said the engineer. 

"I will give you fifty thousand dollars in gold if you will save it. It cost me one hundred and seventy-five thousand dollars to build thishouse and the out-houses. "

"Should you offer all that you say it cost you, it would be of noconsequence. We give you ten days to take away every thing movablefrom your premises, for this house will then be destroyed to make roomfor the fort. This is the site we have selected. "

At the expiration of the time set, it was in flames. Frank Susetts andwife stood a block distant weeping. Two of their former slaves werelooking at the conflagration. 

"Ah, " said one, "a little while ago it was massa Susetts's time, whenhe had so many of our people hung; now it is God's time. Praise deLo'd, he's here to-day for sure. Glory to Jesus, massa Susetts's dayis over; he can never have any more of our people hung. "

It was now the 21st day of March, 1864. Many complained of theseturned tables. Judge Bullock remarked that he couldn't even go tomeeting without a "pass;" just what used to be required of the sixthousand freed slaves who were then in this city of refuge. Painterswere seen in various parts of the city dexterously using their brushesin wiping out standing advertisements for the sales of slaves. I saw anumber of these whitewashed signs. In some cases the paint was toothin to hide them. "Slaves, horses, mules, cattle, plantation utensilssold on reasonable terms. " They knew these advertisements were notagreeable to Northern eyes. But I fear the covering of many of thesehearts was as frail as the thin whitewashing over theseadvertisements. 

On the Ralston plantation we visited families, gave tickets, anddirected them to meet us at the place and hour appointed. Hundreds insqualid wretchedness were supplied. The following day, in theafternoon, all orphan children were to meet us. One hundred andtwenty-two ragged children came. We placed them in two rows, the boyson one side and the girls on the other. Selecting each an assistant, we commenced measuring and distributing, keeping them all standing intheir respective places until we had given every one something, butyet too little to meet their necessary wants. There were at that timetwenty-seven teachers and missionaries in the city representing nineStates. Six day-schools and three night-schools were established bythem. Two other schools were taught by colored teachers; one of thesewas a slave woman, who had taught a midnight school for years. It wasopened at eleven or twelve o'clock at night, and closed at two o'clockA. M. Every window and door was carefully closed to prevent discovery. In that little school hundreds of slaves learned to read and write alegible hand. After toiling all day for their masters they creptstealthily into this back alley, each with a bundle of pitch-pinesplinters for lights. Milla Granson, the teacher, learned to read andwrite from the children of her indulgent master in her old Kentuckyhome. Her number of scholars was twelve at a time, and when she hadtaught these to read and write she dismissed them, and again took herapostolic number and brought them up to the extent of her ability, until she had graduated hundreds. A number of them wrote their ownpasses and started for Canada, and she supposes succeeded, as theywere never heard from. She was sold after her master's death, andbrought to Mississippi, and placed on a plantation as a field-hand;but, not being used to field-work, she found it impossible to keep upwith the old hands, and the overseer whipped her severely. 

"O, how I longed to die!" she told me; "and sometimes I thought Iwould die from such cruel whippings upon my bared body. O, what a valeof tears this was for poor me! But one thing kept me from sinking, andthat was the presence of my dear Savior. "

Her health so far gave way that she reeled with weakness as she wentto and from her work; and her master saw she was failing, and gave herpermission, to go into the kitchen a part of the time. 

"O, how thankful I was, " she went on, "for this promotion! and Iworked as hard to keep it as any Congressman could work for some highoffice. "

At length her night-school project leaked out, and was for a timesuspended; but it was not known that seven of the twelve years sinceleaving Kentucky had been spent in this work. Much excitement over hernight-school was produced. The subject was discussed in theirlegislature, and a bill was passed, that it should not be held illegalfor a slave to teach a slave. 

"All this time, " said this dear woman, "I constantly prayed that Godwould overrule this to his own glory, and not allow those I had taughtto read his Word to suffer, as we had been threatened. I can not tellyou how my heart leaped with praise to God when a gentleman called tome one day on the street, and said he would inform me that I couldteach my midnight school if I chose, as they found, no law against aslave teaching a slave. "

This was accepted by that trembling teacher and scholars as a directanswer to prayer. She not only opened her night-school, but a Sabbath-school. I found more intelligence among the colored residents of thiscity than any other Southern city I had visited. Milla Granson used asgood language as any of the white people. 

We found many little incidents to cheer in all our rounds of pitiablescenes of sorrow. We sometimes met men and women among theseSoutherners of correct views on secession. One man said he neverbelieved that slavery was right; all the arguments brought forward inits favor never convinced him. Although he held a few slaves byinheritance, he never could buy or sell one. His black people remainedwith him, and he paid them wages now that they were free by law, andhe was glad of it. As he was nearly sixty years of age he had managedto keep out of the army, but had to keep quiet on the subject ofsecession. From the first he thought it the height of folly to resortto arms, as the Lord could not prosper their undertaking. I believethat man was a conscientious Christian; very different in spirit fromJudge Bullock, who said one day in rather a careless mood, "I thinkyou have one class of men in your North the most despicable I everknew. " Now, thought I, we abolitionists are going to take a blessing. "Who are they?" I asked. "They are that class you call Copperheads. They are too dastardly to come down here and help us fight, and theyare too pusillanimous to fight for their own side. "

Our daily work was very wearisome, having to walk from four to sixmiles each day. Fresh arrivals daily required our attention, and afterwind or rain pneumonia and deaths were frequent. Bible-reading andprayer were also a part of our mission. One day, while sister Backuswas opening barrels and boxes, and sorting and arranging theircontents in our store, I went with a load, in a recently confiscatedstage-coach drawn by mules. One of the mules the colonel said he wasafraid to allow me to ride after; but I thought a little mule could dobut little harm with the experienced driver, and I ventured the ride, taking in a poor crippled man on the way, who was just coming intocamp. He was clad in a few cotton rags that he had patched with oldstocking-tops and bits of old tent-cloth, to hold them together, andit was impossible to detect the original fabric. In passing down the"Paradise Road" to the camp in Natchez-under-the-Hill, the unruly mulepranced, kicked, and reared, until both of them became unmanageable, and the dust rolled up a thick cloud, hiding the way before us, aswell as the galloping mules. 

I believed that we should turn over at the short curve near the baseof the hill, where was a number of large stumps; and that if we shouldstrike one of them we should be dashed in pieces. But prayer for aguiding hand seemed in a moment to bring relief. We were overturnedamid stumps, and were dragged a few rods on the side of the coach, when the canvas covering was detached from the wheels. Our driver wasdragged a few rods farther, while the crippled man and myself weredoing our best to crawl from under the canvas. By this time fifteen ortwenty men reached us. I was out and hauling the canvas off thegroaning man, whose head and face were covered with blood. I told oneof the men to run for a pail of water, for I thought the poor man mustbe dying. 

"O, no, it's all right, --it'll make me a better man, " said he, whilecatching his breath, and wiping the blood from his mouth. 

"You had better sit down yourself; you are badly hurt, " said one ofthe men. 

"O no, I am not hurt, " was my reply. 

But as I was getting a little child's shirt ready for the men to washthe crippled man's head, I found the front breadth of my dress tornacross, and I had to throw back my bonnet to see; but I knew my limbswere all sound. Although it seemed as if we had turned manysomersaults in a second, yet I never felt more vigorous. I knew thesurgeon of that camp was within a few rods of us, and requested someone to go for him to care for my comrade. I saw a man carefullywashing out the large gashes on his head, and I left for the surgeon, holding my torn dress-skirt in my hand. Just as I reached his officehe was jumping on his horse, starting for me. He exclaimed insurprise, "Why, Mrs. Haviland! I've just this moment got the word thatyou were nearly killed, and I was going to see you. "

"I am all right, " I said; "but I wish you would go and see to thatcrippled man, for I am afraid he is nearly killed. "

"Very well, but I shall look after you first. "

By this time he was handling my arms, and pressing here and there onmy body, I thought pretty harshly; for he either found or made somesore places. He ordered his ambulance, in which I was taken to head-quarters. As I was badly bruised, the surgeon urged me to takemorphine. I was sure of not needing it, but promised to call for it ifneeded, and he allowed me to go without it. I found myself too lame toresume work for a couple of days; then I commenced again moderately, but carried marks of bruised flesh for a month or more. 

About two weeks after this, while investigating a new arrival of acompany of slaves, I learned that some of them were shot by theirpursuing masters, and one woman's babe was instantly killed in itsmother's arms; but the mother succeeded in passing into our lines, with her dead child in her arms, to be buried, as she said, "_free_. " A woman and a little boy of three years, with dressestorn with briers to shreds, and feet and limbs swollen and bleedingwith scratches, came in, from whom I was getting her sad history. Twogentlemen passing by, halted, and said one:

"This looks as if these would have been much better off at their oldhomes. Don't you think so?"

"I think this picture shows great effort in escaping from their oldhome, " I replied, "Do you live here?"

"I am only a temporary resident here. My home is in Michigan. "

"May I ask your name?"

I gave it, and he continued:

"And so am I from Michigan. I've heard of you before, I thought thiswas some good Samaritan, " giving his hand for a hearty shake. 

"And who is this?" I asked. 

"I'm Dr. ----, from one of our Michigan cities. And what are you doinghere?"

"I am doing just the work you see before us. "

"Yes, and I saw a span of mules trying their best to kill her twoweeks ago, when they came sailing down that Paradise Road up yonder;but they couldn't do it, " said his guide. 

I asked him what he was doing. He said he had just come to see ifthere was any thing he could do. I told him of the new camp on theRalston plantation, and of this camp of four thousand. I hoped hewould look after these, as we proposed to leave soon for other fieldsof labor below. 

On March 24, 1864, I took letters to post-office, and found one fromour dear friend, Addie Johnson, assistant matron of Soldiers' Home, inColumbus, Kentucky. I went to General Tuttle for an order fortransportation to Baton Rouge, and, as usual, introduced myself byhanding my official papers. Being a very large man, he was inproportion consequential. 

"What do you want?"

I told him I would like transportation to Baton Rouge. 

"I don't know, " he said; "that I am here to make the Government agreat benevolent society, by giving every thoroughly loyal and earnestChristian man or woman transportation. "

"Is there not an order, " I replied, "from Adjutant-general Thomas, granting us transportation, rations, and quarters?"

"I have received no such order personally. "

I bade him good morning, and left his office, fully determined tobring him an order, although I knew he must have seen one. My purposewas to take the first boat to Vicksburg, as General Thomas was then inthat city, to see whether his order was to be honored. Passing ColonelYoung's office, I called to see if he could grant the favor, and foundthat he could give the transportation desired, consequently I left thegeneral without troubling him further. On my return I called at theother mission store, and met brother Burlingame and Isaac Thorne, whoalso wished to go below, but were doubtful whether General Tuttlewould give them transportation They said they were waiting to learn ofmy success, and were surprised to find that Colonel Young had thepower to grant it. 

We took the steamer "J. H. Russell" for Baton Rouge. On March 27thSunday morning, we passed the mouth of Red River, where was a gunboat, from which a few prisoners were taken aboard of our boat. Awoman named Crosly was also taken on board, to go to New Orleans forthe purpose of exposing those who had run through our lines contrabandgoods. There was a woman of property and standing on the boat, whostill held her household servants, and made her boast that no onecould even hire her slaves to leave her. 

"I'd like to see any one offer my niggers a book, " she declared. "Ireckon they'd take it as an insult. They'd tell you mighty quickthey'd no use for books or schools. The niggers never will be as happyas they have been. They'll soon die out. It's fearful to see them dieoff as they do in these camps. They know nothing of taking care ofthemselves. They are cared for by us as tenderly as our own children. I tell you, they are the happiest people that live in this country. Ifthey are sick the doctor is sent for, and they are cared for in everyway, they know nothing of care. "

"If they are such a happy class of people, how was it that you hadsuch a time of punishing and hanging them within the last two years?"I asked. 

"O, that had to be done to save our lives, because they were about torise in an awful insurrection. "

"But what would induce them to rise in insurrection, when they are sohappy and contented as you have described?"

"O, there is always somebody ready to put the devil in their heads, "was her ready reply. 

But Mrs. Crosly's report was of a very different character. She said, "There has never been the half told of this hell upon earth--the awfulwickedness on these Red River plantations, where I have lived eversince I was fifteen years old. If you knew what I have passed through, you would not wonder that there is nothing but a wreck left of me. Imarried a plantation blacksmith when a young girl of fifteen, and leftmy people in Indiana, as my husband was hired by a rich slave-holder, Mr. Samuel Lay, who lived on Red River. We lived on his plantationmany years, though he used to do a great deal in ironing negroes forneighboring planters. "

I told her of the slave-irons I had found on a deserted plantation, totake to my Michigan home. 

"Don't let the people here know it, " she said, "or they will take themfrom you and drop them in the river; for they bury them, or throw themin the river or creek, to put them out of sight of Yankees. When thecity was taken they sent painters all over the city, with brushes andpaint-buckets, to paint over all advertising signs of slaves forsale, and hid all slave-irons they could lay hands on. "

I told her that was done in Natchez, when that city was taken. 

"And that is just what they did, " she went on, "in Vicksburg. Amongthe slave-irons you found, were there any of those new-fashionedgags?"

I told her that there were not. 

"You ought to get some of them. If I were at home I could get you twoor three kinds; but you ought to see the new gags anyhow. They aremade with barbs, as they make on fish-hooks, and they pierce thetongue if they attempt to speak or make a noise. They can't live manyhours with one of them in their mouths, for the tongue swells up so. Mr. Lay had an old slave woman we called Aunt Hannah whipped, andgagged with that new gag, and left her all night in her cabin; andwhen I opened her door her tongue was swollen out of her mouth andlooked so awful, I wouldn't have known her if she hadn't been in herown cabin. I told 'em she groaned so, I reckoned she was dying, andthey sent for the doctor to come and cut the barbs out, and he toldMr. Lay she would have died in an hour longer. It was a long timebefore she recovered from it. But as near as she was to dying, theoverseer left Ben all night with that kind of a gag; and they foundhim dead in the morning. You of the North have no idea of the perfecthell upon earth we've had down here. Mr. Lay brought Alice fromKentucky, and she'd been a kitchen-maid, and never worked in thecotton-field till she came here. The overseer was a mighty hard man, and he drew that long whip of his over her shoulders so often becauseshe couldn't keep up with the other hands, that she ran away in thebush and was gone two days before they caught her. Then they whippedher awfully, and in two or three days they drove her out in the field. Within a week she ran away again, and was gone about two weeks. Theycaught her with the help of bloodhounds; and when she was brought in, her arms were torn by the dogs, and I trembled for the poor girl, forI knew they'd nearly kill her. Sure enough, the first I knew myhusband had her at his shop, to iron her with a full set. There was aknee-stiffener, an iron collar with a bell, and a pair of handcuffs, with a chain between to allow her to use the hoe. When I saw the heavyirons I went to the shop and begged Mr. Crosly not to iron Alice likethat, for it would kill her, as she was badly torn by the dogs. But heswore at me, and told me to go back into the house, were I belonged;this was his business. I went back and cried over it till it appearedI couldn't live; and I went out again and begged him not to put on allthese irons; for he knew they were heavier than the law allowed, andhe would commit murder, for she could not live in this way. But heonly swore at me the more. At this Mrs. Lay came out in a rage, andsaid she would see whether any one could come in and interfere withthe punishment of any of her slaves, and ordered another slave to cutacross both of her feet with a pocket-knife, through the skin, so thatblood was left in her tracks. I turned away, for I thought they wouldmurder the poor girl before my eyes; and I cried myself sick andcouldn't sleep, for I thought she must die before morning. The cotton-field was opposite my window, and after breakfast I watched to see thehands go to their work; and, sure enough, there was poor Alicehobbling out into the cotton-field. They had been at work but a littlewhile when a heavy blow from the whip-handle on the back of her headbrought her to the ground. 'O, my God!' I cried, to see that overseerhit her like that because she couldn't keep up her row. I prayed Godthat Alice might die at once and be out of her misery; and, sureenough, they brought her out of that field dead! I was glad of it. Poor girl! she could suffer no more under their hands. "

"And did not her death call forth some action from the law?" I asked. 

"Nothing of the kind was ever noticed on our plantation. I tell you itwas a perfect hell on earth down here; you don't know anything aboutit; and yet, if these things are told, they'll deny it, and call themblack abolition lies, when it's God's truth, and they know it. Therewas Uncle Jack, poor fellow! He ran away, and they brought him in withthe bounds, after he'd been gone a week, and they made him strip andlie down on his face, and fastened his hands and feet to iron rings. Then a man sat on each side of him to do the whipping, alternating intheir strokes from his feet to his head, then back to his feet, and soback and forth until they'd given him one hundred lashes. I passed bythem, and saw his back cut up to a raw jelly, and the flesh twitchedas you've seen newly killed beef. But this was not all. They tookburning pitch-pine slivers and held them over his quivering flesh, dropping the melted blazing pitch from his head to his feet. Afterthis awful torture, the two men carried him to his cabin, I thought, to die; and I had another all-night cry over Uncle Jack, He was notable to go out in the field again for two weeks. "

Mrs. Crosly related many other incidents in her own experience, some ofwhich are too shocking for the public eye or ear. 

"My husband, " she said, "bought two slave women, one of whom was themother of two illegitimate children, that my children were compelledby their father to address as brother and sister. He also brought themother to my apartments, and occupied my parlor bedroom with her foryears--all to aggravate me. I didn't blame the woman Molly, for shecouldn't help herself. She and I cried together over this state ofthings for hours, many a time. She often begged my husband to let herlive a virtuous life, but it was of no use. He would only threaten topunish her. Poor thing! we felt sorry for each other, and she used todo all she could for me. I am so thankful she can now go where shepleases. She took her two children, and with the other woman went assoon as they could get through the lines. I am so glad all the slavesare free. Mr. Crosly has got our oldest boy with him in the army, andthreatens to take my youngest boy of fourteen. But the Union officerssay they will confiscate our property and make it over to me and myboys, so that Mr. Crosly can not take it from me. "

The terrible scenes she had passed through, and witnessed, substantiated our oft expressed opinion that unlimited power on thepart of slave-owners was equally degrading to the slave-holder and tothe slave. Even more: it fostered the worst passions of a depravednature. Her experience was no isolated one. Such cases in manylocalities were neither few nor far between. 

On March 28th we learned, with surprise, that the bright light we sawthe evening before, as we came from the soldiers' meeting, was thesteamer "J. H. Russell" burning to the water's edge. No lives werelost, but all the baggage of passengers and many mules, horses, cattle, and sheep and other government supplies were destroyed. O, howthankful we were that we exchanged boats when we did, and were safelylanded here in Baton Rouge. "Bless the Lord, O my soul! and forget notall his benefits, " was my first thought. How many favors are oftenbestowed in disguise!

At three o'clock, P. M. , I attended a meeting of colored people at theMethodist Episcopal Church, which was built by themselves, and uponinvitation addressed them. I spoke perhaps twenty minutes, taking formy theme Psalm cxi, 12: "I know the Lord will maintain the cause ofthe afflicted, and the right of the poor. " At the close of the meetingthe colored people gathered around us, and gave us such a hand-shakingand "God bless you" as we seldom find outside of this oppressedpeople. 

In the evening more than a dozen came to our lodgings and spent twohours recounting the trials of their slave-life, which were ofthrilling interest. O, what a bitter draught was theirs, even to thevery dregs! One poor man named Henry, owned by John Reese, near BatonRouge, for the crime of visiting his wife and children oftener thanonce a month against his master's command, was ordered to be nailed toa tree by his ear, and whipped until it tore out. But even more awfulscenes of persecution and outrage these people passed through, whichwe can not record. We closed our interview, after listening to theirsad recitals, with prayer, in which all took part. A solemn season itwas, to mingle our tears and voices with those who had passed throughsuch scenes of suffering and were now praising the Lord for freedom. 

On Tuesday, 29th, we visited the general hospital in the noble asylumfor the mute and blind. Of the latter there were thirty inmates. Theyplayed on the piano and sang very sweetly, and we were interested inseeing the mutes converse with each other in their sign language. Onelittle fellow was asked by the matron to give us their name forYankee. He quickly passed his fingers through each other, and we alllaughed to see ourselves with such an unstable name. All seemed muchpleased to receive our visit. 

We found here our sick and wounded soldiers with nothing but armysupplies, boiled fat pork and bread. Surgeon Pole told us they wereout of other supplies. We sent immediately to New Orleans for driedfruit, crackers, etc. , and within four days they came rolling in bythe barrel. We left this marble-faced edifice to visit a few campssurrounding the city of Baton Rouge. By request I attended a sixo'clock meeting in the chapel for soldiers at the general hospital, accompanied by Rev. Joel Burlingame and Rev. Mr. Merryfield. 

On Wednesday, 30th, we spent some time in visiting and distributingtracts and Testaments, and conversing with soldiers. We also visited acolored school of two hundred and twenty-four pupils. All were muchengaged in study. We were invited to address them. Sister Backus andmyself complied, and it seemed gratifying to them and satisfactory tous. We returned to our pleasant boarding place, wrote a letter, andmade a number of calls. We found a woman who used to sympathise withEliza Wilson in her slave-trials previous to her escape to the North. Through her we heard from Eliza's little girl, whom she left with herold master Bissel. A few days before she had come to her aunt, inPlaquemine, about nine miles, in the night, she heard that Yankeesoldiers were in possession of that town. She had been told that acertain road led to Plaquemine, and took it in a moonlight night andfound her aunt. Although she was only about ten years of age, andcould not remember her mother, yet this woman said the child had heardI was going to take her to her mother, and that she was nearly insaneover it. I had previously sent word to them by a soldier who was adispatch-bearer, that the mother was very anxious to get her child ifshe was within our lines; and when he returned to Plaquemine he foundthe child and helped her to escape from Bissel with much less troublethan her mother had had seven years before. 

About the close of the month we took a long walk to Fort Williams, where were three thousand sick and wounded soldiers. The scenes herewere indescribable. The mingled language of acute distress, in prayer, groans, and occasional oaths from the profane, could be heard. Oneyoung man seemed too near death's door to survive. Said he: "If I dieit will be suddenly, upon the amputation of this arm. It is too latefor me now; but if I am spared I will seek an interest in Christ. " Butwe had heard the cry of despair before, and could not give him up. Thearm was taken off without causing instant death, as he was fearing. Hethen became an eager listener, and said he could now pray for pardon, and believed that the merciful Redeemer would grant the earnest desireof his soul. We found a few men, whose lives were given up by thesurgeon, who were trusting, and possessed the comforting assurance ofa glorious future. As we were about to leave, another soldierattracted our attention, who said he was not a Christian, but wishedto be, and after repeating a few promises and praying with him weleft. In tears, he requested us to see him again. 

While we were waiting for a boat for New Orleans we again visited thehospital, and found both of those who were anxious at our previousvisit rejoicing Christians. 

I went to the office to inquire for a steamer for New Orleans, and onleaving was accosted by a young man with the query whether I waslooking for a boat. As he saw that I noticed the feather in his drabhat, and star, with stripes on the sleeves of his gray coat, heremarked that he was an exchanged prisoner, and was on his way to hishome at Atlanta, Georgia. Said I:

"You appear like a young man of intelligence, and I hope by the timeyou reach your home you will conclude to cast your net on the rightside. "

"We've been fishing on the right side these three years, " he replied;"and we'll fight three, ten, or twenty years longer, if we live solong, but what we will have our rights--the right to hold our slaveproperty without interference from Northern abolitionists. You neednot judge of our strength because you have a little strip of thisriver, and our folks are rather discouraged here, and tired of war. Ifyou could see our troops in Virginia, you'd see as hopeful and jolly aset of fellows as you ever saw. Give up? No, never! I tell you, madam, we are determined to have our independence if we fight till we die. "

"I am sorry, " I answered, "you can not be induced to adopt a courseworthy of your zeal. Young man, the worst wish I have for you is thatyou may be prepared to die, for the fiat of the Almighty is againstyou. The sword and the boys in blue are going to bring you to terms. You will never again buy and sell men, women, and children likehorses, cattle, and sheep in the market. The judgments of the Lord areupon you for these things. "

"You needn't think God is on your side, for you've made our niggersour masters. Look! within, four rods of us stand nigger pickets, withtheir bayonets, and we can't pass those bayonets without a pass--andour own niggers, too. I tell you, madam, if I could have my way, I'dhave a rope around every nigger's neck, and hang 'em, or dam up thisMississippi River with them;" and his black eyes flashed with fury. "Only eight or ten miles from this river slaves are working for theirmasters as happily as ever. "

"We know that they are remaining on many plantations; but we know of anumber of plantations that are worked by their former slaves becausetheir former masters are paying them wages. But if they are as happyand contented as you describe, why do we see them daily coming intothese camps, frequently for twenty to fifty miles, wading swamps andcreeks, with swollen and bleeding feet? Why all this painstaking toget away from their masters, if they are so attached to them?"

"They are poisoned by the Yankees. You talk about the justness of yourcause--any thing but justice to put arms in the hands of theseniggers, to be our masters--to set our slaves over us with gun andbayonet. God Almighty will never prosper you--never. "

"I see I can say nothing that will avail with you. I perceive that itis beyond the power of man. Hoping that a Higher Power may reach you, I bid you farewell. "

With these words, I turned away; but had not advanced five feet whenhe called out:

"Madam, I hope we'll get the same boat. I'd like to see you again; forI like to meet people who stand up for their own principles. "

Widely differing from this captain's spirit was another, who was theowner of a large plantation, with numerous slaves, yet a strong Unionman, and his wife and daughters sympathized with him. Before the fallof Vicksburg he called all his slaves together, and told them this warwould result in the freedom of every slave in the United States, andhe wanted now to make an arrangement with them to work for him asheretofore. He promised to pay all the grown hands eight dollars amonth, and board them with their families as he had done before, andto pay them at the close of each month. With tears of gratitude, theyaccepted his proposition. He told them that this arrangement must bekept secret, for their safety as well as his own; for they all knewthere had always been a prejudice against him because he allowed themprivileges that other planters adjoining them did not. They said tohim, "Your niggers think they are white, " because he never would havean overseer on his plantation, and would not have whipping andpunishing among his grown people, and the families among his slavesmanaged their own children. He came into our lines as soon as hecould, to save his life; and he told us he had not visited his homefor a long time, except at night, as his life had been threatened, andthat his wife and daughters, for their own protection, kept loadedpistols at their bedside. He had also armed a number of his servants, as they were likewise exposed to an attack. He was a noble-appearingman, and said, in conversation: "Mrs. Haviland, I have always held thesame views on the subject of slavery that you do; but it was againstthe law to free them and allow them to remain here, and we could notsend them away without breaking up some of their families. But Irejoice that it has come to an end; and I know of others who rejoice, but they do so secretly. " His wife came to see him while we werethere, and seemed to be a woman of sterling principle. She said theyhad to watch day and night, fearing their buildings would be burned, and perhaps some of them murdered. 

We called on a widow and her two daughters who were in deep afflictionon account of the bitterness of feeling toward them in consequence oftheir Union principles. They were a Christian family, and owned someproperty in the country, besides their residence in town. A number ofour officers boarded with her. I was in her family a day or two, andas I left I took out my purse to pay her. "Don't open that, " shecried; "I can't take a farthing. You don't know what we have toendure. I have two brothers in the rebel army, and when they camehome, because I told them they were fighting against God in fightingagainst the Union, they swore at me and threatened to take my life;they said I was a Southern Yankee, and they were the worst of all. Iexpect they'll burn my house some night or get some one else to do it;and I know there are enough that would gladly do it. O, you can't tellhow much good your prayer did us this morning. I do feel a dailynecessity of looking to God to keep us. I want to make a request ofyou to remember us at God's throne, for we know not what a day maybring forth. Do plead for us in prayer, my sister. " I left her and herdaughters bathed in tears. We the took steamer _Niagara_ for NewOrleans, April 2d. It being dark, the captain concluded to wait tillmoonlight, when an order came to go up the river, near Port Hudson, for twenty soldiers and thirty thousand dollars in contraband goodswith two men prisoners, who had been in charge of these goods for therebels. While they were loading the goods sister Backus and myselftook a long walk to the residence of John Buhler, aged seventy-fiveyears, who lost a few weeks before one hundred and thirty slaves. Theold man and his wife took us into their flower-garden, where were onehundred and twenty-five varieties of roses and many kinds ofshrubbery, and the greatest variety of cactus I ever saw; many of themwere six and eight feet high. One large pecan-tree was almost coveredwith a small yellow rose-climber in full bloom, presenting a beautifulappearance. They gathered nearly an armful of flowers for us, and tookus into the room in which a bursting shell made sad havoc. They mademany excuses for the weedy flower-beds in the yard and garden, as theynow had no servants to keep them. Two drunken women came aboard theboat and were put off by our captain, but through the influence oftheir friends came on again. We turned from this scene, and took astroll to another residence, where we found the former slaves of theowner the sole occupants. They had a hearty laugh when I asked if the"smoke-house key was frowed in de well?" "Yes, yes, missus, " theyanswered; "we's got de managin'. "

We returned to Baton Rouge (the place where we halted some time iscalled West Baton Rouge), arriving late in the afternoon. We walked upto our old boarding-place, and took supper with our dear friends. 

On April 3d we arrived at New Orleans at nine A. M. , in time to attenda colored Sunday-school. At its close I gave them a little talk. Fromthence we were piloted to the Bethel Methodist Church (colored) andfound a quarterly meeting being held. Here we listened to a veryinteresting and intelligent discourse by Rev. William Dove. I made afew remarks on the comparison of present times with the former. At theclose of the service many came forward to shake hands and tell us ofthe time when ministers and people were hauled out of this church oftheir own building and taken to jail. The free people were compelledto pay twenty-five dollars' fine, and slaves were punished withtwenty-five lashes on the bare back, well laid on. This persecutionthe authorities deemed necessary in order to keep these poor peoplefrom rising in insurrection. They locked up their churches two yearsand a half, until the Union soldiers unlocked them. Though theauthorities forbade their meeting at all, they often stole away twoand three miles and held little meetings in deep ravines and inclumps of bushes and trees, to hide from their cruel pursuers; butthey could not even there long escape their vigilant enemies. "_Insurrection_! INSURRECTION!" was constantly inflaming theguilty multitude. Imprisoning, putting into stocks, and all sorts ofpunishments seemed to be the order of the day. 

A few months after the closing of their church the spotted fever brokeout, slaying its thousands. An old pious colored woman said to one whowas losing all his family, and called upon her to assist them: "Now, who is plotting insurrection? Who you gwine to take to jail now? Whoyou gwine to whip an' hang now? You can't take God out to jail. " Theyheard that their enemies had concluded to stop their praying, for itwas thought to be through the prayers of the colored people that allthis trouble was sent upon them; for the plague was almost entirelyconfined to the white people. This class of accusers became even morebitter than before. 

No one can look at this volume of history without calling to mind thehardness of heart of the ancient Egyptians. 

CHAPTER XII. 

MISSION WORK IN NEW ORLEANS. 

At New Orleans, where we arrived April 6, 1864, our home was a verypleasant one. Beneath the windows of our room was a grove of fig-trees. We had the kindest of friends. 

We visited ten colored schools in the city, filled with eagerlearners. One was taught by Mrs. Brice, who had in charge sixtyscholars. She had been teaching here three years, under muchpersecution, and stemmed the torrent of opposition, sometimes insecret, before the war. Sister Brice and her husband had beenstruggling in this city nearly five years, through this bitter hate tothe North, contending for Unionism everywhere, through civil, religious, and political life. We called on them, and spent two hoursin eating oranges and listening to the fanaticisms and wildconceptions of this misguided people and terror-stricken multitudewhen the "Yankee" soldiers marched up the streets from the gun-boats. Schools were dismissed; the children cried as they ran home, tellingthose they met that the Yankees had come to kill them and theirmothers. But there were those who cried for joy at the sight of thenational flag. The starting tear manifested the deep feeling of thesefriends as they attempted to relate the scene, but said it wasimpossible, as it was beyond description. It seemed like an oasis in adesert to meet such kindred spirits. We left them, with their urgentrequest to make, another call before we left the city. 

We were invited by the pastor to attend a love-feast meeting at half-past six o'clock, P. M. , where we met a large congregation. Theservices were opened as usual. 

Soon they were "breaking bread" with each other, shaking hands, andsinging. Many were weeping. Some broke to each other the bread, exclaiming, "Praise God for this day of liberty to worship God!" Oneold man said to one of the ministers, as he placed his hand on hisshoulder: "Bless God, my son, we don't have to keep watch at thatdoor, " pointing to it, "to tell us the patrollers are coming to takeus to jail and fine us twenty-five dollars for prayin' and talkin' ofthe love of Jesus. O no, we's FREE! Yes, thank God for freedom!"Clapping his hands, his shouts of "Glory, glory, hallelujah!" werefollowed by others, until "Glory, hallelujah to the Lamb forever!" washeard from many voices. Men clasped the necks of their brethren, andshook hands with the sisters, singing, weeping, shouting, jumping, andwhirling. Said one woman, as she clasped another, "O sister, don't you'member when da tuck us over in dat jail dat night, an' said da wouldwhip us if we didn't stop prayin'?" and then they both jumped andshouted, throwing up their hands in wild excitement. A half-hour wasspent in these outbursts of long pent-up feelings; then they settleddown into comparative quiet, and the pastor exhorted them to be briefin their remarks. Perhaps an hour was spent in the relation ofexperiences, and the meeting closed with singing:

 "The jubilee has come; And we are free, we are free. "

Then there was again the shaking of hands, and another half-hour wasspent in overflowing manifestations, as at the opening of theirmeeting. This long-oppressed people realized their great change beyondour conceptions. 

At the Christian Commission rooms, No. 69 Carondelet Street, Dr. F. B. Smith, agent, we met brother Merrifield, of Baton Rouge, and brotherHorton, who took us to visit a school of sixty pupils, taught by twocolored men, Baptist ministers. They had opened it before thegovernment or missionaries opened a school in this city for coloredchildren. We had visited and addressed a number of other schoolsamong these people of this city, one of which numbered over fourhundred scholars, in a confiscated college; but this in interestsurpassed them all. Here in an old slave-pen, where hundreds andthousands had been cried off to the highest bidder, where the criesof parting mother and child had been heard and unheeded, where thepleadings of husbands and fathers were only answered by the lash, those many tears, sighs, and groans were exchanged for intellectualculture and religious instruction. Here were sundry Union flags wavingand a large portrait of Abraham Lincoln hung on the wall behind thedesk. The scene was inspiring. 

After returning, two colored women, genteelly dressed, and quiteintelligent, called on us and gave us a thrilling history of the past. They gave us some startling facts of the efforts made to returnslaves, who had come within our lines to their masters, by makingfriends of our officers and soldiers. Men had enlisted from this State(Louisiana) and Mississippi as Union soldiers from selfish motives. Their sole object was to assist in getting their slaves back, bytaking them out of houses when employed by colored people, and fromthe street when sent to market, and placing them in jail. After orderswere passed to give rations to the families of colored soldiers, oneyoung girl, whose name was Rhoda, was doing well until she wasovertaken with chills. Her brother gave her a paper certifying he wasa soldier, and requested rations for her, but she was arrested on thestreet, and lodged in jail, where she remained three months, sick withchills and fever, and without change of clothing, although her femalefriends made many efforts to get food and clothing to her. At length adeliverer came, who found three hundred miserable, vermin-eatenprisoners, and set them _free_. A more grateful company was neverfound. Find fault who will with Benjamin F. Butler, this was just thework he did; and many lives were saved, and much suffering relieved, under his administration. 

We dined with, a widow who had paid $1, 800 for herself, and lived ingood style by boarding her friends, who paid her extra board-bills toassist her. A Creole lady called to see us who could converse a littlein English. The Creoles in New Orleans generally spoke French. Thismadam was a woman of wealth and position, and well pleased with thefreedom of the slave. 

We heard of a project devised by many masters to massacre all theblacks. One brought in three hogsheads marked sugar. A little slavegirl, hearing her master say at dinner-table, that he had one filledwith loaded pistols, another with dirks, and the third withbowie-knives, went and told her mother. She was directed to be carefuland listen, while busy about the room, to all her master said, andreport to her. In this way she heard the plans that her master and hisfriends designed to carry into execution, and informed her mother. Theplan was to paint a large company of their men black, who shouldassume the attitude of fight; then all were to cry out "_Insurrection_!INSURRECTION!" and fly to every negro man, woman, and child, and killthem all off. The mother made an errand down-town with her littlegirl, and called on General Butler, to whom they told all. A party ofofficers and soldiers were dispatched at once, who visited that house, demanded the keys, and searched the premises. There they found thehogsheads, broke in the head of each, and found all as reported. Themaster was banished from the city, his family sent outside the lines, his property confiscated and his slaves set free. No wonder theydisliked General Butler, when he defeated their base designs. 

The convention which met in the City Hall to frame a free constitutionfor Louisiana created considerable excitement. Many slave-owners wereconfident they would have all their slaves back again, or get pay forthem. 

As there were no sanitary agents at Brazier City, and we learned ofmuch suffering there, we called at the Christian Commission Rooms tomake further inquiries, and found brother Diossy had just sent both anagent and a teacher to that point. "But if you are hunting fordestitute places, " he told us, "I wish you would go to Ship Island, inthe Gulf of Mexico, as there are soldiers and many prisoners there, and they have no chaplain or agent to look after their sanitarycondition" While I was inclined to go, sister Backus thought, in viewof the very warm weather, and because we were so nearly worn out withseveral months constant toiling, we had better turn our faceshomeward. I knew there was but little more than shadows left of us, yet I could not rid myself of the impression that it would be right togo; but I told her I would not draft her into service, or persuade heragainst her judgment. 

I met at these rooms brother Merrifield and brother Horton, and thechaplain of the Michigan 6th Infantry. By their request we attended asoldiers' prayer-meeting. Near the close one soldier expressed hisgratitude for the privilege of listening to the voice of mothers incounsels that reminded many of them of their own mothers far away. Hecould say no more for a moment, being overcome with emotion. "You maycall me weak, and if this be weakness, then I am weak, " he said. Another requested prayer for his sick soldier brother, and for thepreservation of the Northern ladies who were laboring for them. 

After this meeting I called at the office for transportation; butthere was no encouragement that I could get it for a number of days, "perhaps two weeks, " as General Banks had nearly all the boats up RedRiver, in his fleet. But as I was passing the gulf office I called andfound the steamer _Clyde_ going out for Ship Island in fourhours, and at once secured transportation for us both. I returned toour boarding-house, and reported what I had done, and told sisterBackus if she was willing to go the sea-breeze might do more to restus than the labors would add to our weariness. She consented toaccompany me, and we provided ourselves with half a bushel of readingmatter at Christian Commission Rooms, and secured the aid of a coupleof soldiers to carry our books to the street-car, from thence to asteam-car that landed us at the _Clyde_. As there was no berthfor us we obtained a couple of blankets, but there being room for onlyone to lie down, we managed, by taking turns, to get considerablesleep. On April 8th, at ten A. M. , we landed on Ship Island. It was ofwhite sand, that resembled, at a distance, a huge snow-bank. We founda little sprinkle of brown sand, upon which grew a few scrubby treesand a species of cactus that spread out in clusters as large as adinner-plate. The island is eight miles in length, and from one-fourthto three-fourths of a mile wide. The captain told us he should notleave until four o'clock, P. M. , and we made use of our timeaccordingly. When we landed with our large market-basket heaping fullof Testaments and other reading matter, the gunboat boys and prisonersgathered around us like hungry children. Prisoners in irons cameholding the iron ball in one arm, while the other hand reached for aTestament, crying out, "Please give me a Testament, I lost mine inbattle;" "Please give me one, I lost mine in a long march;" "Pleasegive me something to read, I lost my Testament in a rain-storm. " Manyhands were reached over the shoulders of others, until thirty or fortyhands at a time were extended. We soon exhausted our basket-supply. Wehad a few in our satchels, but we reserved them for the hospital andmilitary prison. As we had disposed of the most of our books in anhour, we spent an hour on the beach gathering sea shells until noon, then took our rations, and spent the remainder of our time inhospital-visiting, and in learning from the officers what was neededto be sent on our return to New Orleans. 

While engaged in other matters, we found our boat had left us, and wassteaming away perhaps a mile from us. Sister Backus was greatlydisappointed at being left, and gave way to despondency; but I assuredher it was all for the best, and that as the Lord had heretoforeprovided for us, so he would provide for us now. We returned to thetent of Mrs. Green, a tidy mulatto woman, where we had left oursatchels. As she met us and learned of our being left, and heardsister Backus lament over "not having where to lay our heads, " shequickly replied: "Yes, you shall have a place for your heads. In thatchest I have plenty of bedding, and I'll dress up this bed for youtwo. My husband can find a place with some of his comrades, and I'llmake a bed for myself on the floor till the boat comes back. " "There, sister Backus, " I said, "the Lord is providing for us already. " Tearsfilled her eyes. She replied, "I will not doubt any more. "

Mrs. Green had a nice dinner prepared in the best style; table-linenof the finest damask, chinaware and solid silver spoons, pitcher, forks, and plated table knives, etc. I inquired how this came about, as I had not seen a table so richly set since coming into the army. Her reply was, that both of their fathers were wealthy planters, whomade them free when they died. Her husband received by will twenty-five thousand dollars, and she also received from her father's estatea fine brick residence. They had it nicely furnished, and theirproperty was valued at fifty thousand dollars. Her husband was makingin his business from seventy-five to one hundred dollars a month, buthe was so confident that this war would result in the freedom of theirrace that he, with others, enlisted in a colored regiment for sevendollars a month, under the rebel government, with a secretunderstanding among themselves that they would all go in with theUnion army as soon as opportunity presented. The opportunity wasfurnished on the taking of New Orleans by Union troops. The regimentwas officered by men of their own color, but the indignities theyreceived at the hands of Union commanders caused their officers toresign their positions. One of the many was on one occasion of anorder by one of their captains for shoes and blankets for hisdestitute men. It was not honored, and he went in person to inform thecommander how needy his men were. The reply was that he need notexpect negro regiments to be supplied the same as white soldiers. Thiswas thrown in their teeth by Confederates: "You see what you get bygoing over to the Yankees. We never served you like that, " said aConfederate. 

We found Mr. Green an intelligent and pleasant man. Just as our dinnerwas ready, Captain James Noyce called to see us, and urged us to makeour home with his family during our stay on the island. We told him ofthe kind offer of Mrs. Green. "I know, " was his reply, "that Mrs. Green has the nicest things of any one on this island, but my wife andI want you with us. " He said he should call for us in two hours, whichhe did; and we felt that our lots were cast in a pleasant place. Therewere two lieutenants boarding with them, both of whom, with thecaptain, appeared like men of sterling principle. 

While enjoying a very pleasant social visit with our new friends, sister Backus espied the life of Orange Scott on their center table (agoods-box with a newspaper spread). In surprise she exclaimed: "SisterHaviland, here is the life of Orange Scott! Isn't this home-like? awayhere in the Gulf of Mexico!"

"Do you know any thing of Orange Scott?" inquired our hostess. 

"I guess we do. We know all about him, " replied sister Backus. 

"You are not Wesleyan Methodists, are you?"

"Indeed we are, both of us. "

She almost flew at us, placing her hands on our shoulders. "I don'twonder you seemed so much like relatives. Orange Scott is my father, and Mr. Noyce and I are Wesleyans, " and she laughed and cried at thesame time. The dear little homesick woman was overjoyed. She had beenon the island a long time with her husband, and in poor health, sickand tired of army life, and longing for her Northern home. Yet shewould not consent to leave her husband so long as he could stay in oneplace a sufficient time for her to be with him. But he was fearful itwas impairing her health. On her account, as well as our own, we werethankful for the privilege of mingling with kindred spirits. The twolieutenants who boarded with them brought in their new mattresses tomake a double bed for the captain and his wife, as they gave up theirown bed to us during our stay. This left the lieutenants to sleep onthe bare tent floor, with their blankets only. But we did not know ofthis arrangement until the day we left. 

April 9th was very windy. We could not go out for the drifting sand, without being thickly veiled. I walked to the beach, near thesoldiers' burying-ground, and stood two hours watching the waves asthey lashed the bars of sand. Their briny spray bedewed the graves ofsoldiers, who had fallen far away from their kindred and their lovedones, in their Northern homes. I could not repress the tear ofsympathy as these reflections came to me, and I listened to the solemnmoan of the ocean. Yet here is the God of peace and love. 

 "He plants his footsteps in the sea, And rides upon the storm. "

This evening we listened to Lieutenant Kingsley's thrillingdescription of the cruel irons he filed off from a number of slaves, who were too intelligent to be held without severe measures. He saidthese men made soldiers who hesitated not to brave the greatestdangers. His experience reminded us of the words of another:

 "Beware the time when that chain shall break, That galls the flesh and spirit; When the yoke is thrown from the bended neck, That is chafed too much to hear it There's a God above, that looks with a frown, To see how long you have trodden him down. "

In distributing the remainder of our tracts and Testaments toprisoners we met a number of very intelligent men, who appeared to bemen of Christian principles. I always made it a point to say nothingto a prisoner of the particular crime that placed him in confinement, but directed his thoughts to the Lord Jesus, the lover of sinners. Asmy sympathies became deeply enlisted in behalf of many of theprisoners in irons, I inquired of Captain Noyce, in whose charge theywere, what crimes these soldiers had committed, that they should beconfined in irons. "No crime, " he answered. 

"Then please tell me, " I said, "why they are here?"

"For drunkenness, being late at roll-call, absence without leave, andselling government property, mostly exchanging rations for groceries, such as sugar and tea. "

"Is this possible?" I exclaimed. "All these trivial offenses have beensettled in their own regiments wherever else I have been. "

"So they have wherever I have been, until I came here. But you seemalmost to disbelieve my word. If you do, you can step into my officeand examine the record for yourself. You will find these men sentencedfrom one year to thirty-eight for the offenses I have named. "

"I have no reason to doubt your word, but I will thank you for theprivilege of examining that record. Who pronounced these sentences?"

"Judge Attocha. "

"Who is Judge Attocha?"

"He was a rebel captain, but after New Orleans fell into our hands hetook the oath of allegiance, and General Banks promoted him by givinghim the position of judge advocate. "

"That man is a rebel still, " I said. "He is doing for the rebel causemore than when at the head of his company, in the rebel ranks. You saya few over 3, 000 have passed through your hands here and on the DryTortugas. We read in the paper, the day we left New Orleans, an orderfrom President Lincoln to draft men, and here are three wholeregiments laid upon the shelf. Are all these Union soldiers?"

"They are all Union soldiers. We had a Confederate here for murder, sentenced for a year. He was here only three months, when he waspardoned; and on your return to New Orleans you may see him walkingthe streets as independent as yourself. "

"This is a flagrant wrong in holding these 3, 000 men. Why don't youreport Judge Attocha?"

"He outranks me, and should I presume to do it I would be put into adungeon myself, and probably die there without an investigation. "

Sister Backus and I went into the office, and the captain brought us agreat roll, as large around as a man's hat. I unrolled a few feet, andread the name, regiment, company, offense, and penalty of each man, thus: For drunkenness, fifteen years hard labor with ball and chain, and all wages forfeited, except three dollars a month; for sellinggovernment property, eight years hard labor, with ball and chain, andall wages forfeited except three dollars a month. Some prisoners weresentenced to longer, others to shorter, terms; but upon all wereimposed the same forfeitures, and all were put in irons. One man fromnear Battle Creek, Michigan, was sentenced for life. His offense wassimply "suspicious character. " No other reason for his sentence wasgiven. I handed this fearful record to sister Backus, and we both readwith heavy hearts. Every free State was represented. What can we do, we asked ourselves, for these poor men, some of whom are sick anddying with scurvy? This was a query hard to answer. I retired to bed, but not to sleep, wrestling in prayer to Him who hears the sighs ofthe prisoner to lead me to a door that would open for the 3, 000 men inirons. The captain was a kind-hearted man, and told me that he had inmany cases put the irons on so loosely that they could relievethemselves when out of his sight, but he charged them to be carefulnot to allow him to see them off. On account of the injustice of theirsentences, he had favored them wherever he could do so, and keep hisown record clear. 

The next day, April 10th, was Sunday. The morning was clear andbeautiful. Sister Backus said:

"You are sick, or very weary; for you groaned in your sleep so muchlast night. "

"I am not conscious of having groaned, " I said; "but I did not sleep awink. I am distressed, and have spent the night in prayer for aguiding hand to open a door of relief for these prisoners, and I mustsee them before I leave this island. I am this morning bearing asheavy a heart as at any period of this deadly strife. "

"Try and dismiss this subject if possible, " she returned, "as theyhave appointed a meeting for us in the regiment, and I presume therewill be an opportunity for you to see the prisoners. "

As best I could, I dismissed the all-absorbing theme; and accordingto previous arrangement we met the regiment, with a few gun-boatsoldiers and the officers. We enjoyed a favored season, and found aliberty of spirit our dear Redeemer only can give. After closing theservices to the peace of my own mind, and to the apparent satisfactionof the large congregation, Captain James Noyce came to me and said:

"You are certainly too weary to visit the prisoners now. "

"O no, " was my reply, "if you will allow me that privilege. "

"They are in very large barracks, and it is a very unpleasant placefor a lady to visit; but if it is your wish, these gun-boat officerswanted me to ask you if you had any objections to their going. "

"Not at all; all can go who wish. "

Captain Noyce and wife took us to the barracks, where the prisonerswere arranged in rows, six men deep, on both sides and at the end, leaving an aisle three feet in width between. In every berth there wasa man in a horizontal position; and all were in irons, either inhandcuffs with chain, or in a clog for the ankle, to which wasattached the chain and ball. What a scene! The click of the irons atthe least move greeted our ears. We walked midway of the long aisle, and looked over the sad faces before us. Upon the necks of those whostood near vermin were to be seen. Filthy and ragged were many ofthese poor boys. Some had been there a year, without change ofraiment. I could say nothing of the injustice of their punishment; butI exhorted them to come forth from this furnace of affliction withhigher, nobler, and holier aspirations than ever before, and to liftup their heads in hope of better days, although the heavens might thenseem as brass and the earth as bars of iron. I spoke a few minutes, and as I closed my remarks I turned to sister Backus, standing by, andasked her to say a few words of encouragement, but she declined. Shesaid that all she could do was to weep with those who wept. I knelt topour out the overflowings of a full heart in prayer, and as I did sothey all knelt with me, amid the clank and clatter of irons that madeit necessary to wait a moment to be heard. 

As we were leaving, two prisoners advanced a few steps toward us andsaid, "In behalf of our fellow-prisoners, we return to you our thanksfor the kind words which you have spoken to us, and pray God torestore you safe to your Northern homes. " We bade them adieu, withmany tears. After leaving this place we visited other quarters equallylarge, with similar experiences. 

I had become very much interested in a number with whom I conversed, who were very thankful for the Testaments we gave them. They gaveevidence of possessing an earnest trust in God and of enjoying thecleansing power of the blood of his dear Son. 

Accompanied by the captain and his wife, on Monday we visited thelight-house, and ascended the flight of steps of sixty-four feet. Theweather was clear and calm, and we had a fine view of the Gulf ofMexico on one side and the grand expanse of the ocean on the other. After dinner with the same party, accompanied by Lieutenant Kingsley, we took a ten-oar row-boat and went to see the burial-ground of fourhundred deceased soldiers. The graves were all plainly marked withhead-boards. These soldiers were mostly from Maine and New York, witha few from New Jersey, Wisconsin, and Michigan. This was anothersolemn place for reflection. The soldiers' grave-yard on this islanddiffers somewhat from all others. Here their funeral dirge will nevercease; the requiem of the ocean's surge will ever sound as if saying, "Sleep on undisturbed until the last trump shall wake the nations ofthe dead!"

We returned to our boat, and pursued our way to the extremity of theisland. Here the picket-guards were much pleased to see us. They hadbeen on the island about two years, ever since it was taken from theConfederates. We gathered a basket of shells, and our men gathered aquantity of crabs for breakfast. We were presented with some beautifulshells by one of the pickets. We returned home, having had a tenmiles' ride. We passed the wreck of a ship burned many years ago, which gave this island its name. We could clearly see its charredcabin twenty or thirty feet below the surface. So clear was the waterit did not seem more than eight or ten feet deep over the white sand, upon which beautiful shell-fish were crawling, as if to beautify thegrand scene so new to us. 

In a long conversation with Lieutenant Kingsley concerning hisreligious experience, he said he was not satisfied with hisattainments in the divine life, and very earnestly requested to beremembered at a throne of grace. The moon rose full and clear on thesparkling face of the deep, reminding us of David's sublime thoughtswhen he exclaims in the eighth Psalm: "When I consider thy heavens, the work of thy fingers, the moon and the stars, which thou hastordained; what is man, that thou art mindful of him? and the son ofman, that thou visitest him? For thou hast made him a little lowerthan the angels, and hast crowned him with glory and honor. "

After our return we enjoyed a season of prayer, in which LieutenantKingsley was earnestly remembered, and he expressed himself greatlyencouraged. Leaving all those burdened souls with the Lord Jesus, whocares for all that he has redeemed with his own precious blood, Iretired to rest. 

The next day one of the prisoners came to inform me that their keeperhad granted them the privilege of asking me if I would take a petitionfrom them to General Weitzel, former commander of seventy of theirnumber. They had heard he was then in New Orleans, and they thought ifhe could do any thing for their release he would, as he was a verykind officer. I cordially assented to his request, of course, and hethanked me with tears. In company with the captain and wife we visitedthe gigantic fort that had been two years in building, but was not yetcompleted. It was to cost two million dollars. The brick wall at thebase is six feet thick, and about two hundred and fifty men wereemployed on it when we were there. It is constructed to mount fortycannons. 

At supper I received a request from Lieutenant Foster, who was sick, to visit him. I found him in low spirits. He wished me to write arequest to his wife to come to him, which I did. I read to him someextracts from an excellent little work, "The Soldier's Armor, " and achapter in the best of all books, closing with prayer. LieutenantFoster seemed a devout Christian man, and expressed great satisfactionwith this interview. The captain smiled on my return, saving I had"better remain with them and be their chaplain. "

On April 13th we made a few calls, and two of the soldiers' wives camefor us to dine with them. I made a copy of the record of the soldierprisoners, as a specimen of their alleged crimes, and the penaltiesimposed upon them. One of the prisoners brought me their petition, which reads as follows:

"SHIP ISLAND, April 12, 1864. 

"MAJOR-GENERAL WEITZEL: _Sir_, --We whose names are affixed, prisoners on Ship Island; respectfully beg our release, and that we beallowed to return to our respective regiments. We are here for variousmilitary offenses, and for nothing criminal. Nearly all of us haveparticipated in the engagements under your lead in this department, both on the battle-field and on the long, wearisome marches we havebeen called to undergo; and we have always followed cheerfullywherever you have led. We naturally feel that you are the properperson to appeal to to give us one more chance to redeem ourselves. And we solemnly assure you that we never will, by any unsoldier-likeact, give you any occasion to regret any act of clemency that you mayexercise toward us. Many of us have families dependent on us forsupport, and are suffering for our forfeited wages. Many of us arealready suffering from that dread scourge--the scurvy--which mustincrease to a fearful extent in this tropical climate as the seasonadvances and sweep, us away. And now that the campaign is open andadvancing, and men are needed, we hope we may be permitted to returnto the field, and by future faithfulness in our country's cause beable to return to our homes with what all good men so highly prize-_untarnished characters_. Should you exercise your influence inour favor in procuring our release, rest assured you will ever beremembered with gratitude. "

This petition was signed by "Moses Fuller, " sentenced to three years'hard labor, with belt and chain, and forfeited wages, except threedollars a month, charged with selling government property, to wit:exchanging his surplus rations; but Judge Attocha would listen to nowitness in the case. Sixty-nine other names were appended to thispetition. 

Our anxiously looked for steamer, the _Clyde_, came in view, butit was too windy for it to land until noon. It brought about thirtyprisoners, who had come in with a flag of truce, mostly whiterefugees. One family was from Mobile. The woman said the sufferingfrom the war was not much there, and all she knew any thing about hadenough to eat and wear. "But I reckon poor people suffer, " she said, evidently wishing us to understand she was not poor. She had twoservants to wait on her and five children. But her servants seemed tothink they were free here, and said they should leave her unless shepaid them wages. There were a number of slaves who came here forfreedom. I called on Colonel Grosvenor, the commandant of the post, who appeared like a kind-hearted officer, and he approved of thepetition. The next day, April 14th, we took the _Clyde_ for NewOrleans, after being a week on the island. On our way to the boat asoldier came running to overtake us, with a message from anothersoldier that he had that morning found peace in believing. He wouldhave come himself, only that he was on picket-guard and could notleave; but he wanted us to know that our mission was not in vain. 

As Ship Island receded from view sister Backus, as well as myself, felt thankful that our Heavenly Father had ordered all things well inregard to our having been left "'way off in the Gulf of Mexico. "

We reached our pleasant New Orleans home, at Elder Rogers's April16th, and were as kindly received as if we had been friends of manyyears' standing. The next day, after a good night's rest, we made aneffort to find General Weitzel, but failed. At two P. M. , we attendedprayer-meeting and had a rich season of communing with our HeavenlyFather. There were present two chaplains, one of whom had been atvarious points in Arkansas, and he gave a thrilling account of someengagements his regiment had had with the enemy. The other was justfrom the dreadful fight at Alexandria, up the river. It is reportedand believed by thousands that the rebel general came to General Bankswith a flag of truce and informed him that, unless he withdrew hiscolored troops, he should take no prisoners and give no quarter. Report said further that they were withdrawn and were not permitted toadvance on the enemy, as they desired, and the consequence was anawful slaughter of our Northern men. The colored troops complained ofinactivity in the field more than any thing else. We found along thewhole length of the river fortifications built, streets in citiescleaned, and the greater part of manual labor performed by coloredsoldiers. 

We renewed our efforts to find General Weitzel, visiting all theoffices of the army we could hear of. Some reported that he was up RedRiver assisting General Banks, but at length, with thoroughlyblistered feet, I found him. I introduced myself, as usual, by handinghim my papers from Governor Blair and F. C. Beaman, member ofCongress. After looking them over, he asked:

"What can I do for you?"

"I hope you can do something, " I said, "toward releasing threethousand of our soldiers now confined on Ship Island and the DryTortugas, seventy of whom have served under you; and here is apetition from them. "

He took it, and read the petition, and not more than a half-dozennames perhaps, before he became too much excited to read further. "Mrs. Haviland, " he said, "these are as noble soldiers as I ever hadserve under me. I don't think Moses Fuller, or any of the others, iscapable of doing a wrong act. They are the most conscientious men Iever knew. Judge Attocha has no right to give these sentences; he hasno business in this department of the work. "

"Can't you do something for their release?" I asked. 

"If I were in command I would tell you very quick; but General Banksis the one you ought to see. "

"I am aware of that; but he is beyond my reach up Red River. And theytold me they sent him a petition similar to this three months ago; butthey had heard nothing from it. "

"I will do what I can toward getting up a committee to investigate andreport these facts. "

"Do you think you can accomplish any thing in their favor?"

"I fear it is doubtful, but will do what I can. "

This was but little relief to me; but what could I do further? Icalled at the Christian Commission rooms, discouraged and weary, while sister Backus returned to our quarters. These rooms I found wellfilled with officers, among whom were generals of high rank, indicatedby the eagles and stars on their shoulders. 

"Here comes Mrs. Haviland, from Ship Island. And how did you findthings there?" said brother Diossy. 

"Sad enough, " was my reply; and I handed him a copy of the petitionthat I gave General Weitzel, with the extract of the record of fifteenprisoners, detailing the offense and penalty of each. The officersgathered around to see and hear. 

"This is too bad, " said one. 

"Can't you do something for these soldiers?" I inquired. 

"I wish I could; but I can't leave my post. "

Said another, "It is a pity some one doesn't. "

I turned to him with, "Can't you do something for their release?"

"It is the same with me, " he answered; "I can not leave my post. "

"Some one ought to see to their release. Can not you see to theirrelease?"

"I tell you, madam, it is hard to do much for each other. "

"Gentlemen, " I responded, "I have learned one thing thoroughly sincebeing with the army, and that is, it is almost impossible to get oneofficer to touch another's red-tape. But position or no position, heador no head, these flagrant wrongs ought to be plowed up beam deep. Here comes an order from President Lincoln for drafting men, and JudgeAttocha has laid three thousand on the shelf, when all they ask is tobe permitted to return to their respective regiments. That man isserving the rebel cause more effectually than when at the head of hiscompany in the rebel ranks, by decimating the Union army; and here youhave it in a tangible form. I am informed that Judge Attocha was arebel captain. He is a rebel still, and in the exercise of thisauthority is banishing your soldiers for trivial military offenses, inirons, with forfeited wages; for which their families are nowsuffering. "

The thought struck me, What will these officers think, to see a littleold woman talking to them like this? for I addressed them as I would agroup of ten-year-old boys. I had lost all reverence for shoulder-straps, and cast a glance over my audience, when I saw a number intears. Surely there are hearts here that feel, I thought to myself. Iturned to brother Diossy, and said, "You can leave your position, andget another to occupy your place here?"

"Yes, I could, if it would avail any thing; but it would be impossiblefor me to accomplish what you have done on Ship Island. "

"Why? The idea seems to me perfectly preposterous. "

"I will tell you why. There is so much wire-pulling here in the army. I would be suspected of trying to displace an officer for the positionfor myself, or for a friend standing behind me. Consequently I couldnot have examined the record as you did. "

"That is true, " rejoined a general. "I presume there is not one of usthat could have had access to those records that you had, for thereason that Mr. Diossy has given. They know you have no such object inview, but see you as a sort of soldiers' mother; and records, or anysort of investigation, would be opened to you when it would be closedto us. "

I told them I had not viewed it from that stand-point. 

One of the officers, a very large man, six feet and four inches tall, I should judge, stepped up to me in officer-like style. "What do youpropose to do with facts you gathered on Ship Island?"

I looked up in his face, a little hesitating. 

"I say, madam, what do you propose to do with these papers?"

"I can hardly answer intelligently, " I replied; "but I will tell youone thing I do propose to do, and that is, to take these facts fromone officer to another, over all the rounds of the ladder, until theyreach the highest official at Washington, but what justice shall bedone to those poor soldiers in irons. "

He settled back, with softened tone. "Well, it ought to be done. "

The commanding appearance and tone, with the changed mellow voice, ofthat officer is still vividly remembered. 

There were two chaplains in this company who said they would unitewith General Weitzel on the committee he proposed, and they couldlearn within a week whether they could accomplish any thing in theirbehalf. If favorable, Chaplain Conway said he would write me atAdrian, as we were soon to return to our homes, and would write, as Irequested, by two boats in succession, as guerrillas were at that timefrequently interrupting boats. If no letter was received within twoweeks I was to accept it as granted that nothing could be done forthem in that department. 

At 2 o'clock we attended prayer-meeting, where we met many soldiersand two chaplains. I was called upon to give a sketch of our ShipIsland visit, and at the close a frail and spoke encouraging words tothem, in passing through this transition state. From them we went tothe river bank to see five hundred prisoners of war, captured up RedRiver. Many of them were citizens of New Orleans. 

On returning we went to a meeting of the colored people, where wefound Uncle Tom's spirit waiting confidently for the "better day a-coming. " A number of white soldiers present encouraged us with kindwords. After refreshments we attended another meeting, and listened toan instructive sermon by a colored chaplain, of the Second "Corpsd'Afrique, " as the colored regiments were called in that part of thecountry. He was the first colored man who received an appointment fromthe government. 

At 4 P. M. We visited the colored Sabbath-school of seven hundred atthe Medical College. Chaplain Conway superintended. Colonel Hanks, General Banks's wife, and a number of other visitors were present. Dr. John P. Newman addressed the school, and gave a thrilling narrative ofhis visit to the Holy Land, exhibiting the native scrip, sandals, girdle, goat-skin bottle, a Palestine lantern, and sundry othercuriosities. After a few encouraging remarks by Col. Hanks, thesuperintendent unexpectedly called upon me to address the school. After the session closed I was introduced to Mrs. Banks, who wished meto write out the sketch of the facts I had gathered on Ship Island forher to send to her husband. This I did. She said that Judge Attochapromised General Banks that he would do all in his power for the Unioncause, and now in this way he was paying him for his promotion. 

After giving my statements to Mrs. Banks, and the petition to GeneralWeitzel, I felt that I could leave for home on the first boat goingNorth; yet we had but little hope of success in behalf of the 3, 000prisoners in this department. We took passage on the hospitaltransport _Thomas_, bound for Cairo, with eighty wounded soldiersfrom the Red River expedition, all discharged or furloughed for home. Medical Inspector Stipp kindly gave us a state-room. We were gratefulto our Heavenly Father for the many kind friends we everywhere found, although surrounded by bitter enemies. The boat did not designstopping until it reached Baton Rouge; but I wanted to stop atPlaquemine to get the little girl Matilda, previously mentioned, totake to her mother, who had made her escape a few years before. 

After breakfast, dressing wounds was the order of the day. I kept offthe flies during the process, as it was very difficult otherwise tokeep them away, the stench being so great. Poor boys! there were allsorts of wounds among them, --saber-cuts and bullet-wounds in thehead, neck, shoulders, arms, hands, body, legs, and feet, of allshapes and sizes. O what horrid mangling! Yet the same patience thatso remarkably characterized the Union soldier everywhere was seenhere. It was hard to restrain tears in their presence, but we gavevent to them when in our state-room. 

I was unexpectedly called for at Plaquemine, as I was informed thatMedical Inspector Stipp had ordered the _Thomas_ to stop for me. They were already landing before they found me. I caught up my bonnetand shawl and threw them on while hastening through the cabin. SisterBackus ran with me to the plank, where we snatched a parting kiss. Ijumped ashore, sister Backus, surgeons, and a few others waving good-by signals with their handkerchiefs. The _Thomas_ pushed out intothe channel, and the next moment found me without my official papers, pocket-book, or portfolio; all were gone on to Baton Rouge with myfriend Letitia Backus. In my haste they had been forgotten. As I wasinquiring for the name of Eliza's sister of a colored picket, herecognized me at once, being from Detroit. He said he had beard mespeak in the colored church in that city, and urged me to speak forthem the next evening in their confiscated Methodist Episcopal Church. I consented, and found the two sisters, with little Matilda, almostwild with delight. 

I soon had the pleasure of introducing my Detroit acquaintance, whocalled with a few other young men that knew me; and here, too, I wassurrounded by friends, but they expressed fears of my not securingtransportation to Baton Rouge, because their commander was cross andwas known to issue but few orders for transportation. But I went tohis office and told him what my business was in the army, and why Icalled there; that, on leaving the floating hospital in haste, Iforgot my official papers, and consequently had nothing by which hecould judge whether my statement was correct or not. I, however, hadpresumed to call on him to see if I could secure transportation formyself and that little girl of twelve years. 

"Well, I think your motherly face will take you to Baton Rouge, " heanswered. "There is a regular packet running to that city, and I willsend a note by you to the captain that will secure your passage, although it is not a government boat. The captain has received favorsfrom me, and will gladly make this return. "

He handed me a paper that requested a state-room and board for us, forwhich continued thankfulness filled my heart. 

The friends of Eliza and of another escaped slave, Fleming, came in toinquire after them, and to tell long stories of the efforts put forthfor their capture. But Bissel, Slaughter, and "Old Eaton, " as theycalled him, only had the opportunity of gratifying themselves inthreats. 

The colored minister in the regiment took much pains in circulatingnotice of the meeting, and the church was well filled. We enjoyed thepresence of the Lord Jesus in our midst. There were those there whohad felt the bitter pangs of family separations, with cruel treatment, who wept for joy in speaking of the precious boon of freedom. Some ofthem were fearful that it would last no longer than the war; but Iassured them, as officers and soldiers had done, that it was a fixedfact. 

The packet _Bank_ came in at five o'clock, P. M. , April 21st, when we took leave of kind friends who accompanied us to the boat. After a pleasant trip, we were received with joy on our safe arrivalat Baton Rouge. The next day we visited the Forty-eighth IllinoisRegiment, and distributed a quantity of reading matter. We alsoattended the funeral of a deceased soldier, where the privilege wasgranted me of making some remarks. I endeavored to enforce the solemntruth, "It is appointed unto man once to die, and after this thejudgment. " I exhorted those present to prepare to live in friendshipwith God, as that alone would enable them to gain the victory overdeath. 

On April 23d we visited the jail, in company with brother Merrifield, and distributed Testaments and tracts, which were gladly received. Here we met a rebel captain, who said he was a rebel of the strongestkind; had been fighting to establish his government, and should do itagain if he lived to get to his regiment. I told him I had no hope inhis case, unless he would accept the truth contained in the Testament, which I presented to him, and said that if he would read carefully andprayerfully, and drink in its spirit and practice its teachings, hewould find a religion pure and undefiled. 

"Madam, " he answered, "if I thought reading that book carefully andprayerfully, and accepting pure and undefiled religion, would lead meto lay down arms in defense of the Confederate Government, I wouldnever read a word in it or take one thought of religion; no, not tosave my soul. "

This he uttered with a change from a flushed to a blanchedcountenance. We afterwards learned he was a captain of a guerrillaband, and had been sentenced to be shot, but the sentence had beencommuted. A Union man who was a citizen here knew him, and said heordered a Union man out of his buggy, and shot him dead; then hebayoneted him through and through, in the presence of his wife andchild; then ordered them out, took the horse and buggy, and left thedistracted wife and child to wait by the mangled body, until a passerby hastened to the city and sent a hearse for the body. On the way totown for burial, the same band of guerrillas captured the team andhearse, and left again the distressed mother and child to get themutilated body of the husband and father taken to burial as best theycould. "Such horrible deeds, " said a Union man of this city, "willcontinue until government takes a more decided policy. "

On Sunday morning, April 24th, we attended the sunrise prayer-meetingamong the colored people, and more earnest prayers I never heard forUnion soldiers: never heard more earnest pleading for the triumph ofliberty. God was truly overshadowing his own. Before the rising of thesun, there was a large congregation. At nine o'clock we were invitedto make some opening remarks in brother Tucker's Sabbath-school ofthree hundred children. Then we were conducted to another Sabbath-school, where we were invited to make a few closing remarks. At 11o'clock we attended a meeting led by Chaplain Berge. On returning toour boarding-place, we were called upon by brother Merrifield, whoaccompanied us into the fort to address the colored troops. SisterBackus referred to the importance of making themselves intelligent, sothat when their rights were established as citizens, they would beprepared to vote understandingly. This brought smiles from theofficers, and frowns from a few of the white soldiers. We alsoattended a meeting conducted by the chaplain of the general hospital, who preached a very appropriate sermon for officers as well assoldiers. He warned against the truckling, time-serving, and cotton-speculating manifestations in this war, and also the influence ofSouthern women in sympathy with the rebellion. 

This was the sixth religious service we attended during the day, infour of which we had taken an active part. We retired to rest untilthe 6:30 o'clock meeting at the Methodist Episcopal Church, now turnedover to Chaplain Brakeman, who was called away the previous day. Hehad left an urgent request for me to address the soldiers on Sabbathevening; but I told the chaplain who brought the word we could make nofurther engagements, as we were waiting hourly for a boat going up theriver. Before six, a steamer stopped, and we took passage for Natchez, as we had business to see to concerning an orphan asylum. One of thechaplains said if we could realize the good it was doing the soldiers, we would visit them oftener; that there were more conversions duringthe week after we left than in many months previously. An exhortationfrom a mother reminded the soldiers of home and home influences. 

We had a conversation with a colored captain, who had just resigned onaccount of the constant indignities heaped upon the colored troops. Hewas a man of wealth and intelligence, and gave us an account of areview by General Sherman, after General Butler left. When GeneralSherman came to him, he stopped to look at the bars on his shoulders, and gruffly asked, "Are you a captain?" "Yes, sir, " was the reply. "O, you are too black for a captain, " said the general. At Fort Hudson, when our troops were retreating under a galling fire, a coloredcaptain, with his men, at the risk of his life, ran to bring outGeneral Sherman, who was badly wounded, and would have died but forthe daring feat of the colored soldiers. The colored captain lost hislife, but General Sherman was rescued. Since then he has spoken highlyof colored soldiers, and of the brave captains that led them. Myinformant said that after General Banks assumed command they hoped forbetter treatment, but their hopes were vain. As the men in Decemberand January were in want of shoes and clothing, he told General Banksthat they were not in a suitable condition to work on thefortifications where the detachment was ordered, but no attention waspaid to him. He inquired why his men could not be supplied the same asthe white soldiers. The reply he received was, "Don't you know you areniggers, and must not expect the same treatment?" "From that moment, "he said, "I resolved to resign; but after waiting a little, and seeingno better prospects, I did so, and shall not resume arms until we canbe treated as men. "

In New Orleans two regiments of free colored men were raised in forty-eight hours. They were officered by men of their color in grades ashigh as major by General Butler, who said they were as good officersas he held under him. We arrived in Natchez on the 26th, where we metrejoicing friends. We found a number of the missionaries sick, amongthem sister Burlingame. 

The day following we spent chiefly in writing, and distributingTestaments and tracts among soldiers. In the evening we attended aprotracted meeting, conducted by two sisters. They acquittedthemselves nobly, and had three conversions. They exhorted earnestlyand prayed fervently. They invited us to take part with them. One ofthe ministers told me they had worked in this meeting until they weretired out, and then gave it over to these mothers in the Church, whoselabors the Lord was blessing in the conversion of precious souls. 

We made an effort to secure a house for an orphan asylum. 

Rebel sympathizers were making trouble all along the line of our work. They tried every plan that could be devised to drive the refugees backto their old plantations. An infamous "health order" was issued, compelling every colored person, not employed by responsible partiesin the city or suburbs, to go into the "corral, " or colored camp. Manywere employed by colored citizens, who were doing all they could tofind work for them. But on the day this order took effect soldierswere sent to hunt them out of all such places, as no colored party wasdeemed responsible; and all who were not actual members of thesecolored families were driven out at the point of Union bayonets. 

They gathered two hundred and fifty, mostly women and children, anddrove them through the streets of Natchez on a chilly, rainy day, andmarched them into the camp of four thousand in condemned tents. One ofthe colored citizens told me that she was paying her woman wages, andallowing her to have her three children with her, but the soldiersdrove her out into the rain. Men and women tantalized them as theywere marching through the streets, saying: "That's the way the Yankeestreat you, is it? You'd better come back to us; we never treated youlike that. " Many of the women went into camp crying. Said an oldcolored man: "Never min', thar's a better day a comin'. 'Twould bestrange if Uncle Sam hadn't a few naughty boys. " He was one of thegroup that was driven in. 

We heard, April 30th, that there was a skirmish near our lines theevening before. A party of scouts had shot into the pickets, and theyretreated; but we did not learn whether any were killed. News came tous of Calvin Fairbanks's release from the Kentucky penitentiary. Wetrusted that the same Deliverer would open the prison-door for thethree thousand soldiers on the two islands in the Gulf. 

At nine o'clock A. M. , May 1st, we attended the organization of thefifth colored Sabbath-school in the city. At eleven A. M. We went toWall Street Church, and listened to an interesting discourse byChaplain Trask, of the Fourth Illinois Regiment. At two P. M. , at theColored Methodist Episcopal Church, we heard brother Burlingame. Aftera short exhortation by brother Fitzhugh, twelve came forward forprayer, and some were blessed with pardon. At six P. M. We attended asoldiers' meeting at Wall Street Church, in which we took a part; alsoa number of soldiers spoke and prayed. Between meetings I wrote aletter for a colored man to his wife, who is still a slave inWoodville, twenty miles distant. 

I was sick with a chill and fever May 2d, and the nearest to beinghomesick since I left Michigan. The next day I was better. Here I metJoseph Warner, with whom I had been acquainted from his childhood. Hewas a lessee at Waterproof. He had a large plantation, and two hundredhands employed. He was twice taken by guerrillas. He told them theycould hang or shoot him, but they might rest assured that forty oftheir men's lives would pay for his, and forty men stood ready to takehis place; and they let him go each time. A distressed mother came tous to inquire for her two daughters, that her mistress had sent toTexas to elude the effects of the Proclamation of Emancipation. Shehad begged her mistress to allow them to remain in town, if she couldnot have them with her. The mistress said, "No you shall never haveyour girls with you again, not even to give you a drink of water ifyou are dying. " This was at the retaking of Baton Rouge, when themistress considered herself again in full power; but she was soon tosuffer herself. When that city was retaken by Union men, the only sonof the mistress was burned to death in the house at which he wasboarding. Upon this she fell into fits. Yet, Pharaoh-like, shepersisted in keeping the slave-girls in Texas. 

A number of missionaries called on us, and urged me to remain withthem a few weeks longer; but for two reasons I had to decline: First, those three thousand soldier prisoners were daily on my mind; and, second, my poor health made it a duty to return home. 

Skirmishing four miles off took place May 5th, and we could see theblue smoke of battle. The shooting seemed near us. How little thisterrible war was realized in our own free State homes!

I met on the street a mulatto girl seventeen years old, weeping, andinquired the cause of her grief. She said her owner, Mrs. Morehead, had been beating her. 

"Why do you remain with her?" I asked. 

"She keeps my baby locked up, " was her reply; "and she says if I leaveI shall never have him. "

I told her that I could take her to the provost-marshal, who wouldgive her an order for her child. At this she cheered up, and went withme, and received an order, in case she could not get it without. Shesaid she would go back and pack her few things in her old trunk, andthen watch her opportunity when the mistress was out to bring her babyto the freedmen's store. After the child was secured I sent a soldierwith her, who brought her trunk, without letting any one in the hotelknow of her movements. Only a short time elapsed before we saw Mrs. Morehead in front of the hotel, looking up and down the street for herDelphine, who kept herself hid in the freedmen's store with her littleCharlie, about two years old. Just before the war Mr. Morehead hadbrought her away from her mother in St. Louis, Missouri, and theheight of her ambition was to get back there. I secured transportationfor herself and child to Cairo, and paid her fare to St. Louis. Butshe was in constant fear of her former owners. 

Her history was a sad one. She was bought for their hotel fancy girl, and the father of her child was her own master. The child resembledhis father so much that he was frequently taken by strangers to be thechild of the mistress. The mother was two-thirds white; and the Roman, nose, straight hair, and white skin of the child would not give astranger the least idea that he had even the sixteenth part of Africanblood in his veins. 

As a boat was expected to arrive within an hour, we took leave of themany kind friends, and repaired to the wharf-boat. Soon Mrs. Moreheadfollowed, and called for Delphine; but the trembling girl caught herbabe and hid. 

But as her mistress repeated the calls, she at length came to me withthe child, asking, "What shall I do? I would rather throw myself andbaby into the river than go back to her. " Said her mistress, "I tellyou, Del. , I've got an officer to come and take you to jail forstealing. " I told Delphine she could rest assured that none of theofficers would trouble her, for they informed me they should notnotice her mistress's complaints, let them be what they would, as theyhad had more trouble with that rebel family than a little ever sincethey occupied the city. I told her to leave Charlie on the boat, andgo out on the levee and tell her mistress plainly that she was goingto St. Louis to her mother, and not be so excited. She did so, andMrs. Morehead kept her nearly an hour, trying to coax, hire, andfrighten her, but without avail. Delphine all this while was tremblingwith fear. I believe if she had seen an officer coming with hermistress, she would have thrown herself and child into the river. Mrs. Morehead at length came upon the wharf-boat. When Delphine saw hercoming she snatched up her child, and ran to the rear of the boat, andthe mistress after her. Again she came to me with "What shall I do?" Ireplied, "Sit down here by me and hold your child, and she will notdare touch you. " She trembled as if having an ague fit. Soon a hermistress stood before us in a rage, and turned to me:

"You came into my kitchen with an order, and took her, when she wasdoing better than you ever dare do. "

"I never went into your kitchen, " I said. "A soldier went with her forher trunk. I understood an officer called on you and called for herchild, at her request, before she came to me. "

"It's a lie. Delphine lied about me. "

Said sister Backus, "I shouldn't think you would want such a personabout you, if that is true. "

"Well, the child seems so near to me. I've always had the care of it. "

She left us at length with a threat that she would bring the officersto take her to jail for stealing. 

The _Kennet_ came in at 11 o'clock A. M. , May 6th, bound for St. Louis, Missouri, and we went aboard. As we pushed out from shore, Delphine clapped her hands. "Now I know Mistress Morehead can troubleme no more; thank God, I've got my Charlie too! Nobody knows what Ihave gone through since I've been in this city. " We arrived inVicksburg May 7th, and took breakfast at the Soldiers' Home, where wemet Ex-Governor Harvey, a soldiers' friend. Here was a lady who hadcharge of the body of her brother, killed up Red River, taking theremains back to Iowa. 

After spending a little time in this large city of soldiers, whosetents whitened the adjoining fields, we left. On the day this cityfell into Union hands, report said, there was an old man veryconfident of the success of the Confederate government, and he saidthat God could not let it fail; if he did, he would never believethere is a God. When, the gun-boats came in, and he was told the citywas taken, he would not believe it, until he rose up from his chairand saw marching columns of soldiers, with their bayonets glisteningin the Fourth of July sun. He immediately sank back in his chair in afaint, and soon died. 

May 8th was a sort of a war Sabbath. The night before our boat ranaground, and it took three hours to get her off. Many of thepassengers dressed, and made ready to escape at the first possiblechance, in case she should become wrecked. We were told that at onetime the water was three feet deep in her hull. By making great effortthe men succeeded in pumping it out. She run slowly, being a verylarge boat. We had a variety of passengers on board, officers ofvarious ranks, soldiers, missionaries, preachers, and a fewsecessionists. Major-general Hunter remained with us two days. 

Quite an excitement arose over the arrest of a smuggler of goodsthrough our lines. He was thought to be connected with the littlesteamer _Baltic_. There was a major and a provost-marshal, fromBaton Rouge, who followed up the matter. When the prisoner wasbrought to the rear of the boat, with his hands tied, it created muchfeeling among a dozen colored people, until they heard the major askhim if he had taken the oath of allegiance. He answered gruffly, "No, and I never will. "

This led the major to ask other questions concerning the trade of the_Baltic_. 

"I will tell you nothing about it, if I stand here till I die, and youmay go to--. "

This brought the sympathy of the colored people, as well as of therest of us, down below zero. Said one colored man, "Let him standthere, then, until he dies. " But within an hour he consented to besworn to tell the truth, and nothing but the truth, and the majorexamined him in the presence of many witnesses, Major-general Hunterone of them. 

On Monday I introduced myself to General Hunter, as usual, by myletters. 

"How long have you been in the army, " he asked, "and how far?"

In reply to his queries I gave him a sketch of our work. I mentionedGeneral Tuttle's refusal to grant us transportation, the wrongs of thecolored soldiers, and the history of the three thousand prisoners onShip Island and Dry Tortugas, and stated the fact that somemissionaries and missionary teachers had advised me to say nothing ofthese wrongs, however flagrant. I also called his attention to theprinted order placed in our hands, that we were not to report anymovements in the army, either verbally or by writing, and asked hisadvice whether it was wiser to report or to keep silent. 

"Mrs. Haviland, " he replied, "I am glad you have been in the army solong, and I am glad you went so far, and I will explain that order. 

"You have observed movements of troops from one place to another juston the eve of battle. These are the matters you are not to report; butthe wrongs you have met you may proclaim on your arrival at home fromthe house-tops. "

I thanked him for this advice, for it was to me a great relief. Itseemed to trouble him. After pacing the cabin to and fro a fewminutes, he came to me and said:

"Mrs. Haviland, we have had a good deal of sifting done in the army, and more must be done yet. Did General Tuttle see those papers yougave me?"

"He did, " I answered. 

"Copperheads have no business in the army in the exercise of suchauthority as this. General Tuttle ran for governor on the Copperheadticket in Iowa last year. What right has a copperhead to be lifted uphere, where loyal men are needed? I have never seen the least cause toabandon my first conclusion, that the only way to crush this rebellionwas to emancipate and arm the slaves; and if I could have beenpermitted to carry out my plan of taking Kentucky into my field, as myrank and position entitled me to do, I should have proclaimed freedomto the slaves as fast as I reached them. The strength I could havegathered from the slave population would soon have been two hundredthousand men, and that number of stand of arms was all I asked. Butthe vacillating policy of the government would not permit it. I sawclearly that this was the only policy that would prove successful, andI thought every body else must see it when I first proclaimed it inSouth Carolina. It seemed there were others who took a different view, and my order was superseded. "

Said sister Backus, "You have the satisfaction of knowing that yourpolicy had to be adopted before the nation could succeed. "

"O, yes, " replied he reluctantly; "but it is with regret that I thinkof the drafting of thousands, which might have been avoided just aswell as not. There was no necessity for the draft. "

Sister Backus remarked, "As a nation, we must suffer defeats until itreaches the right position, not only in arming colored men, but inpaying them just wages; for they make as good soldiers as white men. "

A bystander said, "I don't know that they make as good soldiers aswhite men, from the fact that they are not so intelligent. Here isGeneral Hunter, and I presume he will say the same thing"--turning tohim for an answer. 

In a decided tone the general said, "I shall say no such thing. Theymake the best of soldiers; for, first, they are kind and docile; and, second, they are apt to learn. They learn military tactics veryreadily, and ought to have the same wages as any other soldier. Allalong this river I find one continued series of wrongs inflicted uponthe negro. "

We told him of the infamous order by Dr. Kelley, sanctioned by GeneralTuttle, and published under the specious guise of "Health Order, " todrive the slaves back to their masters. He shook his head in disgust. 

"Why does the head of this serpent rise up at almost every point? Whenit appeared in the department under my command I crushed it at once. "

At the mouth of Red River three women came aboard, by permission ofthe gunboat officers stationed there. Their object was to hire men, whom they wanted to gather cane for working up into weaving reeds. Oneof them reported to Dr. Long that she had been watching a couple ofladies on our boat, and she believed them spies, for they seemed tohave a great deal of writing to do. Dr. Long happened to know enoughabout the ladies reported as spies to allow sister Backus and myselfto pass unmolested. But these ladies were themselves suspected ofbeing spies. 

We reached the city of Memphis May 10th. Sister Backus had been quitesick for three days, but was now a little better. We called at theChristian Commission Rooms, and got a market-basket full of readingmatter for distribution. 

The next day was quite cold and freezing. We stopped at Columbus ashort time. Here we secured a paper giving an account of the terribleslaughter at Fredericksburg. Rumor had it that fifteen thousand werekilled and wounded; that Lee was driven back thirty miles; Grant andButler were said to be pushing on to Richmond, and were now within ashort day's march of the rebel capital. General Hunter was quitesanguine in hope that Richmond would soon fall. 

On May 13th we arrived at Cairo, and took leave of the friends whomour few days' acquaintance had made dear. We reached home on the 18th, amid the rejoicing of dear children and friends. It is no wonder thesoldiers we met were delighted to see a Northern face, for it remindedthem of their home associations. Intercession unceasing went up forthe three thousand soldier prisoners banished to the Gulf Islands. Themail had brought nothing from New Orleans. By this I was to understandthat nothing could be done for them there. Congress was still insession, and I immediately wrote a full account of their wrongs tocongressman Beaman, and urged the presentation of the case to the wardepartment. 

Without giving myself time to rest, I hastened to Detroit, to reportour work and give an account of the unjust sentences of thoseprisoners at Ship Island and the Tortugas. While making my statementsin Captain E. B. Ward's office, he took them down to forward them toB. F. Wade, chairman of the Committee on the Conduct of the War; buthe said, "You must go to Washington and report these facts to thecommittee in person. " I told him I had written the full details to myfriend, F. C. Beaman, member of Congress, and I thought he would doall that could be done. He answered, "I shall send these items to B. F. Wade, and our letters will make good entering wedges; but theliving tongue will do more than the pen. " I told him I was ready to goor do any thing I could for their release, but still hoped to hearfrom New Orleans. I would wait a week longer and rest. Then, if I hadmeans, I would go. He said he would see to that, and I returned to myhome. 

Within a week I received a note from him, stating that he had justreceived a letter from B. F. Wade, requesting me to come at once andbring my extracts from the record I had examined on Ship Island. I wassoon on my way to Detroit, and at nine o'clock, A. M. , on thefollowing day, I was in Captain Ward's office, ready to take the boatfor Cleveland on my way to Washington. I waited but a few minutes whenthe captain came in with a letter, which he threw in my lap, saying, "There is a letter for you to read. " The first sentence was, "Theexhibition of these letters before Secretary Stanton has provedsufficient. Judge Attocha was dismissed immediately, and a committeeis to be appointed to investigate and release those prisoners at once. There is therefore no necessity for Mrs. Haviland's presence on thatscore. General Tuttle is already relieved. " On reading these gladwords, I remarked that I never had been a shouting Methodist, but Ifelt more like shouting over these glad tidings than I ever had donein all my life. If I had not been spoiled for singing by being raiseda Quaker, I would have sung the doxology. 

I wrote an article for the Detroit _Tribune_ containing thesefacts, and stating the prospects of the immediate release of the threethousand prisoners on Ship Island and Dry Tortugas. I sent the paperto Captain J. Noyce, and very soon received a reply that my letter, with the _Tribune_, was the first intimation they had received ofany thing being done in their behalf. He said, "I sent the letter andpaper to the prisoners, and they eagerly read them in all theircompanies, until I doubt whether a whole sentence can be foundtogether. " A few weeks later I received another letter from CaptainNoyce, in which he stated that the committee was investigating, andthat but one person in seventy-five was found unworthy of beingreleased at once; but that very soon all would be restored to theirregiments. 

CHAPTER XIII. 

FREEDMEN'S AID COMMISSION. 

Our Freedmen's Aid Commission was enlarged in June, 1864. Dr. GeorgeDuffield was made president; Drs. Hogarth and Chase, vice-presidents;David Preston, treasurer; and B. C. Durfee, secretary. The board ofdirectors appointed me its agent, and allowed me a salary of fortydollars a month. This is the first remuneration I received for mylabors; but seeing unfaithful officers dismissed, prisoners released, and the suffering and dying relieved, was a satisfaction far exceedingdollars and cents. 

I received invitations to address congregations in large towns, wheremuch was done in gathering supplies. At a Union thanksgiving meetingin Jackson, $97 was collected, and at a similar meeting at Grass Lake, the same day, $70; at Luce's Hall, Grand Rapids, $55; at MethodistEpiscopal Church, Pontiac, $44; and at Leoni Wesleyan MethodistConference, $68. 65. Many other liberal donations were also received. Auxiliaries were organized, and I prepared to return to the field ofdesolation, whither duty seemed to be loudly calling me. I concludedto suspend Raisin Institute until the close of the war. I receivedpropositions from a number of graduates of the Michigan University totake it in charge; but the care of preparing for another academic yearwas more than I could properly undertake, and do justice to thelimitless field of mission work that was open before us. 

In September I had a car-load of supplies ready, and $400 in money. Ofthis amount, $298 was placed in my hands by friends at Adrian, withthe request of the donors that it should be retained in my own handsfor disbursement on reaching the scene of suffering. At Chicagoappeals were made to the Soldiers' Aid Society and Christian Commissionfor aid in the freedmen's department, and also to myself personally, on account of the great distress in Kansas after General Price's raidthrough Missouri, followed by Colonels Lane and Jennison, who drovethousands of poor whites and freedmen into that young State. I decidedto hasten thither, with Mrs. Lee, of Hillsdale, as an assistant. 

At Leavenworth we met J. R. Brown, half-brother of Captain John Brown, of Ossawatomie, who had charge of both white refugees and freedmen anda sort of soldiers' home, under General Curtis. He kindly offered meheadquarters in his establishment, consisting of two large two-storyframe buildings, with one hundred occupants each. I called on GeneralCurtis, who telegraphed for my goods to be forwarded in preference toother army supplies, and gave me passes through the State to FortScott. My object was to investigate all intermediate towns whererefugees and freedmen were congregated. He also gave me liberty to usean order he had given J. R. Brown, to call upon quarter-masters forhalf, whole, or quarter rations, wherever suffering for food existed. These investigations enabled me to judge of the amount of aid neededat each point. 

As my supplies had not reached me, J. R. Brown filled two large trunkswith sanitary supplies for the greatest sufferers. Thus supplied, Itook the stage for Fort Scott. My first halt was at Quindaro, a smalltown built on rocky bluffs and in deep ravines. A few yearspreviously it was designed by a few speculators to be an importantlanding on the Mississippi; and they built a few stone houses, a longwood store-house, and a number of small log-houses, which had beenleft untenanted, but were now filled with white refugees andfreedmen, A large majority were women and children. The able-bodiedmen among the freedmen were in the Union army, but many of the menwhose refugee families were here were in the Confederate army. GeneralPrice had made terrible havoc of all who were suspected of beingfavorable to the Union. Then followed Colonels Lane and Jennison, whomade as great havoc of the remainder. Those who fled for their liveswere crowded into every niche of available room. 

In one open log-house I found twenty-three wretched inmates. Four ofthem were women, two of whom were sick from exposure in husking cornduring cold, snowy weather. Eight of the children had the measles, andthree of them died; two others seemed near death's door. Two womenwere hauling a small tree-top to their door to chop for night-wood. The feet of these poor women were exposed to the mud and snow, whichwas melting. O, what squalid wretchedness was here! Not a bed, chair, table, or whole dish in this gloomy abode! I inquired how they slept. I was shown a rag-carpet on the fence, which they obtained for washingfor one of the neighbors. This was spread before a large fire-place, and all lay down upon that but two, who kept up the fire, and watchedto keep those asleep from burning. They said the man who owned theadjoining wood-land kindly allowed them all the wood they needed thatwas on the ground. They borrowed an ax to chop it. I found the fourwomen had husked corn on shares until two were sick with pneumonia;and the corn, boiled without salt, was all they had to eat during thefive weeks they had been there. Now they were nearly out, and what todo they knew not, as they were forbidden to go into the field to huskmore. I made out an order for rations, and measured their bare feetfor shoes and stockings. I took one of the women to the post-office, where I had left my trunks, and gave her four army-blankets, six knitwoolen socks, six pairs of drawers, four pairs of stockings, and twopairs of shoes, which were all I had to fit them. As I piled the abovearticles upon the shoulders and arms of the poor woman she wept forjoy. 

The postmaster said, "Is this your business here?"

On receiving an affirmative reply, he said, with tearful eye:

"To-morrow morning the ground will be frozen, and I will go with youwhere the most of these poor people are. "

I procured lodging with a widow Johnson and her son, who was withCaptain John Brown's party all through the border-ruffian troubles. Mykind friend regretted my having made the mile and a half walk to thelog-house in the field and back to the post-office before supper, as Ihad not taken refreshments since leaving Leavenworth, very early. Butwhen I told her of the distress I found, she rejoiced with me at thepartial relief I had given them. 

After a good rest and an early breakfast, I went with the kindpostmaster to visit the most wretched tenements of both white andcolored, and found eighty-one to report for rations to the commanderin Wyandotte. The postmaster and Mr. Johnson agreed to go with theirteam every week and distribute to the destitute; and if others werefound equally needy they would report them to me on my return. Afterdescending steep cliffs and climbing rugged rocks until past noon, wereturned for dinner; but before it was finished the stage came along, and I took it for Wyandotte, where we arrived late in the evening. Theweather for October was cold, and freezing quite hard. 

When I informed Mrs. Halford, the landlady of the Garno House, of myerrand, she was much pleased, and said that her duties forbade her toassist me, but she would do her part in giving me a welcome home whilein their town. She introduced me to a family of benevolent ladies, whopromised to aid me in my investigations, but did not think I wouldfind the suffering in their city that I found in Quindaro. One of mynew friends went with me to a neighborhood where there were newarrivals, and found many in a perishing condition with cold andhunger. From thence we went to old stables and sheds crowded withdestitute human beings, both white and colored. The dear friend whovolunteered to guide to these children of want wept herself sick as welistened to the stories of their flight from homes in Missouri andArkansas. Here was a woman, named Melinda Dale, with six smallchildren and a sick husband, who had to flee for their lives. A fewpieces of old tent-cloth, picked up about an old camp, made their bed. Children were crying for bread, the mother was sick with grief, andthe father had a high fever. A blanket was given them, with a fewloaves of bread; and after the reading of Scripture and prayer we leftfor the relief of others. 

Our next call was upon the wife and five small children of LieutenantMiller, who was supposed to be in a rebel prison. The wife was ingreat distress, not knowing whether her husband was living orperishing by starvation. He was taken prisoner one year before and sheand her children were in a starving condition. They occupied an oldSibley tent. These were also, with many others, reported for rations, and immediate relief was given. A few weeks previously rations werewithheld, which caused great suffering with many. I gave rations toBarbara Stewart, with two sick children, whose husband was murdered byguerillas because he was known to be a Union man. I next called onGreen F. Bethel, who left his Arkansas home with a large family, consisting of his wife, nine children, and aged mother. All excepthimself were taken down with the measles, soon after passing throughFort Scott. His mother soon died, and was buried by the way-side. Aday later his wife and infant child died, and were also buried by theway. Not long after the last three children died, and were also buriedby the road-side. He said, "O, what sorrow was mine! One-half of myfamily are gone! The light of my household seemed vanishing! Were itnot for the help of my Lord I should have fainted under this sweepingaffliction. My wife and mother were Christians many years. We weremembers of the Cumberland Presbyterian Church. " We found the poor manin a hard chill. It came on every third day, and was followed withhigh fever. The two intervening days he was able to use his team inlittle jobs of hauling, and thus he kept his children and team alive. I inquired why he did not make his condition known to the citizens ofthat town. He said no one knew any thing about him, and there were somany making pretensions to loyalty who were not loyal, that none wouldknow but he was of that class. "My wife's brother, " he said, "camewith his family when we did, and he also lost his wife on the way, following the Union soldiers. Our lives were threatened, and the ropewas placed around my neck once, but by the entreaties of my wife andchildren the rebels concluded to let me go a day or two longer; thenif I would not join with them in supporting the Confederategovernment, I was to be hung or shot. The same threat was made to mybrother-in-law, and we hid in the woods three weeks, before we left inthe night for the lines of the Union soldiers. We started with twowagons, and had nine horses and three cows. But they gave out oneafter another, and we had to leave them all on the way, except theyoungest and best team, which I have yet. I have a good farm, and sohas my brother-in-law; but if we are ever permitted to return to ourhomes, it is doubtful whether we shall find a building left. "

He wept freely, as well as his children. The oldest daughter, Amy, ofseventeen, leaned her head upon my shoulder, and wept aloud. She said, "We could all bear this furnace of affliction much better if our dearmother had been spared us. "

With prayer we left this house of mourning, with a request for theafflicted brother to call at head-quarters for the rations I shouldreport for the six in his family. Said he, on taking the parting hand, "One favor I ask of you, my dear sister; and that is, your continuedprayers that the Lord may open a way for us where there now seems tobe no way. "

My friend who served as guide said, "My head aches with weeping, inwitnessing these heart-rending scenes. I must decline going with youfarther this afternoon. I shall be obliged to take my bed. I do notsee how you live, as you meet similar scenes so frequently. "

These visits made us quite late for dinner, but my kind hostess keptit waiting for me. With interest, she sat by my side to listen to areport of my morning calls. She was surprised to learn of so muchsuffering near them. After dinner I resumed my work. On my way I met awoman shivering in an ague chill, thinly clad, and weeping. I inquiredfor the cause of her grief. She said she had been hunting for washingor something to do, to purchase bread for her three little children, for they had had nothing to eat for a whole day. I told her I wouldcall on her before night. I found a number in as great distress as inmy morning calls. One man, who lost his wife, leaving him with sixsmall children, had found work six miles away; but he returned atnight to care for his little ones. The oldest child, ten years of age, was left during the day in charge of the five younger ones. For thesake of furnishing bread for his children, he walked the twelve milesback and forth daily. I found the woman whom I had met on the streetin a high fever, with an infant of eight months in her arms, and twoof her children crying for bread. I took them a few loaves, and gaveher an order for rations. The husband had been pressed into servicewhen they had been but two weeks from home, and was not allowed to seehis wife and children to say good bye. She had heard nothing from himsince. In the corner lay a crippled discharged colored soldier, whowas also suffering for food. I stepped into a grocery and purchasedsugar and crackers for the sick and for the children. 

My next call was on another woman with six children. 

Her husband had been in the army a long time, and she had not heardfrom him. She feared he was suffering in a rebel prison. Near thiscabin was Agnes Everett, with five children between the ages offifteen months and twelve years. Her two youngest children were in astarving condition--the baby, she said, had been too sick to allowher to do much in procuring food. Her boy of twelve years was her onlydependence in getting little jobs of wood-sawing or doing chores forcold victuals, or a pint of meal which she made into porridge. Thelittle emaciated baby was fed with the porridge. Its face was wrinkledlike an old person's of ninety years. Its eyes were sunken and glassy;its hands looked more like birds' claws than like human hands. "Don't, Clarkie; poor little Fannie is so sick she must have this, " said themother to the little fellow who watched the mother when her attentionwas occupied for a chance to snatch a floating lump. As I looked uponthese famishing children I could not refrain from weeping. Her husbandand grown son were in the army. She had been looking for money fromthem for a number of months, but had heard nothing from them. I gavethem two loaves of bread for their supper, and directed them to meetme at the post-office the next day at ten o'clock A. M. , and I wouldgive her an order for six half rations until she received help fromher husband. This closed my day's work. On my return to the GarnoHouse, Mrs. Halford informed me that the lady who went with me in themorning was sick, for she had hardly ceased weeping over those pitifulfamilies we visited in the morning. 

At the time appointed I met a number at the post-office, among whomwas Agnes Everett, to receive orders for half, quarter, or wholerations, and gave out a few articles of clothing. As I gave Agnes theorder for rations, I charged her strictly to give the two youngerchildren no strong food for a few days, but only a little at a timeand often, especially the youngest, as it would live but a few hoursif she allowed it to eat all it craved. A number of gentlemen listenedto my charge, and as the little group left the office one of theminquired where I was from. With my reply I gave them my papers fromthe governor and members of Congress of Michigan. After reading theyintroduced themselves, --Dr. Wood, Dr. Speck, Lawyer James, and others. Dr. Speck informed me of a family whose youngest child actuallystarved to death three days before. He was called when it was dying, but too late to save it. He said, "There were two other families whowould have died soon if the citizens had not rendered the aid needed;and there would have been another death by starvation before we shouldhave known it, here in our midst, but it took you to come fromMichigan to find it out. " Lawyer James said there was a family on thehill opposite the ferry he would like to see visited, but there wereso many crowding in here of late that it seemed as if they had doneall they possibly could. They were rejoiced to learn of the libertygranted, by General Curtis to issue orders for rations. Said Dr. Wood, "The freedmen are seeking for work, no matter what kind, but the whiterefugees are the most do-nothing set I ever saw. " While I acknowledgedhis position true in most cases, yet there were noble exceptions and Imentioned the Bethel family and stated their condition. One gentlemansaid he would look after that family. In confirmation of his remarks Itold of a family of poor whites in Quindaro who were asked to assist aneighbor in sickness. As there were the mother and two growndaughters, it was supposed one of them could be secured a few dayswith the promise of provisions or money; but the mother contemptuouslytossed her head to one side and drawled out the reply, "I reckon wehain't come down so low yet as to work" I told them they must come uphigh enough to work before I could do any thing for them, and leftthem to sit in their own filth and rags. 

My order from General Curtis was to report none for rations who couldobtain work for wages. I passed on to other scenes of sorrow toonumerous to narrate here. 

One hundred and four rations I ordered in Wyandotte. This timelyrelief given, I crossed the river, and in Kansas City, Missouri, metbrother Copeland and wife, who were efficient agents and teachers inthat field. I secured a pass to Lawrence, where, late in the evening, I was directed to a family that had suffered much in the Union cause. This was the important stamping ground of Captain John Brown. Thiscity had passed through two terrible raids during the war. It is herethat Quantrell rushed upon the unsuspecting citizens with a host ofConfederate soldiers about daylight, and murdered men at their owndoors, and when they could not call them out they rushed into theirhouses and made terrible havoc of human life. There was a woman herewho was a spy. She had been in the city a few weeks taking horse-backrides two hours each morning, ostensibly for her health, but probablyto report the most favorable time for attack. She was never seen afterthe raid. I attended the Methodist Episcopal Church, where seventywounded, dying, and dead soldiers and citizens were brought in afterthat raid. The stains of blood were still left on the floor and someof the seats. 

The house where I was kindly invited to make my home was entered, andthe owner, brother Hockins, was demanded. His wife told them she sawhim run up the hill a few moments before, which was true; but onseeing the Confederate soldiers entering the town he hastened back tohis house and ran down to the cellar. A squad of them entered andplaced the bayonet at his wife, and threatened her life if she did nottell the whereabouts of her husband; but she persisted in pointing upthe hill. They went down the cellar, but returned without finding him, and set the house on fire. Then they ran up the hill after him. Shesucceeded in putting out the fire, and went into the cellar and calledher husband. He answered from between the earth and the floor. Thiswas his hiding-place until the Union soldiers rescued the city fromfurther trouble. A strong Union force was now kept at this point. 

I found fewer suffering for want of rations at this town than in otherplaces I had visited, and took the stage for Fort Scott. We wereadvised to keep out of sight any appearance of watches or any sort ofjewelry, as guerrillas were sometimes lurking in the woods andattacked the stages. We came in sight of Indians on horses who dartedinto the woods, fearing we were guerrillas, who had stolen or robbedthem of their ponies. One man shouted, "We are all for the Union. "This was on Price's track, where they lost their horses, and did notdare come in sight. 

Late at night we reached Fort Scott. My first call was on ColonelBlair, commander of the post, who, with his wife, kindly offered me ahome with them while I remained at that point. They introduced me toDr. Slocum, who gave a sketch of the terrible destitution of the fortythousand refugees and freedmen, who passed through this greatthoroughfare. Many of them had stopped here. He took me to a number ofthe destitute families, and gave directions to others, and left me tomy work. Here was a great number of the poor whites, called "Clay-eaters, " who complained about government dealing rations to coloredpeople. I heard one of them, say that "if niggers would stay wherethey belonged, with their masters, they would have more white-breadand beef. " I told them, I had learned that many of their husbands werefighting against the government while the husbands of many of thecolored women were fighting to sustain it, and I should favor thosewho were on the side of the government. I asked them why they did notthemselves remain in their old homes? "We came 'case our men wasconscripted, " they said. One woman and her daughter of eighteen hadeach a filthy, ragged bed quilt over her shoulders, and their faceswere so swarthy that their eyes and teeth presented as great acontrast as those whose natural skin was of darker hue. As the littleboy of four years had no shoes, and I had a pair left that would fithim, I told the mother to wash his feet and try them. "Sal, bring methat cup thar, " said the woman. Their drinking cup with water wasbrought. "Han' me that rag thar, " and she wet her hand and wet thefeet, and was wiping off the mud, when I told her they were notwashed; to look at the mud on the bottom of his feet and between histoes. "O, yez'm, " she drawled out, and wet one end of the rag in thecup, and made a second effort. When the shoes were put on, he couldnot walk without holding to his mother or sister. They were probablythe first he had ever had. 

Most of the day was spent in visiting this class of persons--the mostignorant, listless, and degraded of any people I had ever met. Ongiving a description of the ignorance and filth, of the poor whites Icalled on, Colonel Blair inquired "What would you do with them?"

"I would keep body and soul together till Spring opens, " I answered, "and then load up your great army wagons, and take them out upon therich prairies and dump them out, giving them the homely adage, 'Root, pig, or die. '"

The greatest difficulty in managing this class was to get them to doany thing. Not so with colored people; they would do any thing theycould find to do. 

I found in this camp of two thousand, a colored woman of an earnestChristian principle. Colonel Blair gave her an excellent character. Hesaid that I might place implicit confidence in any statement she wouldmake. Her history was a novel one. She ran away from a cruel master tothe Indians, and married an old Indian, and had four children. Shesaid her husband came in great excitement and asked her if she wantedto run away to the Yankees? She said no, because she thought they wereanother tribe of Indians. He ran out, and soon came back, and said, "If you run, go quick. I am old; they can't rob me of many days, butthey sha'n't have the children to punish. " He threw them on a horse andran off into the woods. She supposed her old master had found her out, and ran another way. Then she heard that her husband was dead, But theLord hid her from the cruel master, though he broke up her family. 

After spending three days in this place, including Sunday, I took theMonday morning stage for Leavenworth. In sending packages to all theseplaces, to reliable friends with whom I had made acquaintance, Irequested that no clothing be given to healthy men and women whorefused to do work when they could get it. 

In one of the hospitals at Leavenworth were two Confederates, one ofwhom had recently become a Christian. He said when he went into thisarmy he knew not for what they were fighting, but when he learned thereal cause, he was for the Union, and should do all be could for it. 

During the month of December, we relieved four hundred and forty-fourfamilies. There were thirty children in both buildings under my care. 

By request of J. R. Brown, the Freedmen's Aid Commission of Michiganconsented to allow me to take charge of white refugees in connectionwith the freedmen. General Curtis detailed a sergeant for myassistant. Another important helper was a noble young woman, Amanda A. Way, who opened a school for children of inmates of the two buildings. I found it difficult to bring into school the white children, and onlyby a requisition could I accomplish it, or induce the mothers to washthe hands and faces, and comb the hair of their children, to fit themfor school. 

This, like all previous fields of army mission work, was a laboriousone. Our Sundays were spent in teaching a large class in threeSabbath-schools, besides attending the public services and generallytaking part in them. At the close of one of the meetings a deacon andhis wife rushed through the crowd to me, and gave such an exhibitionof joy that it drew the attention of the congregation. He gave aglowing account of my visit to Little Rock, Arkansas, and of my life-long work for their down-trodden people. The hand-shaking for half anhour made my hands lame for three days. The deacon bought himself whena young man, and acquired a property worth four thousand dollars. Slave-holders often said that he knew too much, and thought he was adamage to their slaves. If they lost any, they charged him with aidingthem away. He was often lodged in jail and fines imposed upon him. Atlength he sold his property at half its value to come to Kansas, wherehe could breathe freely. 

On New Year's day I found a poor woman in the last stages ofconsumption. She could not speak a loud word. I hired another poorwoman to care for her, by giving bed and wearing clothes for herselfand children. I left them in tears, saying, "We thank you, honey, andpraise God. When my poor mother died in that old out-cellar, neitherfather nor one of us was permitted to give her a cup of cold water, but the last words she was heard to say was, 'I'm going home to die nomore. '"

I visited ten families and sent four boxes more of supplies to FortScott. The next day I took a barrel of hospital supplies to FortLeavenworth. 

My supplies were now low, and the money nearly spent. I received aletter from the chairman of the committee having charge ofpreparations for the Ladies' State Freedmen's Fair, to be held inDetroit, soliciting relics of the war. J. R. Brown proposed that Ishould attend the fair and take his brother's sharp-shooter, that thecaptain carried through the border-ruffian conflict in Kansas, andduring his movement at Harper's Ferry. After a few days' reflection Ireached the conclusion to go. General Curtis gave me a pass to Detroitand return. 

The John Brown gun created much interest. Besides this relic, thefifty pounds of slave-irons, which we picked up on desertedplantations in the far South, were exhibited in this fair. A petitionfrom Lenawee County was sent to the committee having charge of thefair, to place the avails of our county, one thousand dollars, in myhands for distribution. This money relieved much suffering, and nodoubt saved many lives. 

During my visit home I sold Raisin Institute and ten acres of land, with an excellent orchard, to the State Freedmen's Aid Commission foran orphans' home. I donated three hundred dollars of the purchasemoney to this enterprise, stipulating that the premises were to beused for no other purpose. In my absence the friends gave the asylumthe name of "Haviland Home for Homeless and Destitute Children. " Thishome I intended as a nucleus for a State Orphan Asylum, as the war hadincreased the necessity for such an institution. 

After two weeks' absence I returned with supplies. Spring waslessening the suffering, yet sickness from long exposures stillprevailed. Miss Fidelia Phillips, a teacher, came with a letter fromthe Michigan Freedmen's Aid Commission, for us to locate and secureboard, which duty fell upon me. I hired a conveyance and took her toOskaloosa, Jefferson County, and found board for her in the kindfamily of Dr. J. Nelson, who proposed to assist the colored people insecuring a house for the school at once. 

I found here a poor sick woman with her five children, who was orderedout of her cabin, as she could no longer pay the rent. Dr. Nelsonpromised to see that she was not disturbed until she was able to bemoved, when he would take the family to Leavenworth to go with me toour Home for Homeless Children in Michigan. Her husband was in thearmy, and she had not heard from him since he enlisted. On my returnto Leavenworth I received an order from our Freedmen's AidCommission, to send twenty-five children with five mothers to assistin caring for them. I accompanied them as far as Quincy, Illinois, with Mrs. Lee and a teacher who had been in the work a few months. They pursued their journey, and I went back. 

On April 15th the sad news reached us of the assassination ofPresident Lincoln! A nation in mourning! Every house of any note orsize was draped with black. 

We were now preparing to close the two refugee buildings beforeleaving for Michigan. I offered the women the best dresses for findingtheir own places for work, and by this means many found places, ifonly to work for their board till they could do better. A good oldwoman we called Aunt Phoebe came to us with her four grandchildren, and begged to go to Michigan with me. She said the father of thechildren ran away to enlist in the army, and his master followed him. After an absence of three days, he returned with the report that hehad got sight at him, and ordered him to come to him, but he refused, and he shot him dead. At this report his wife (the daughter of AuntPhoebe), gave a scream and fainted. Both master and mistress were verysevere, and whipped her severely for making so much fuss, as theycalled her grief. She sank under their severity, and died, leaving herinfant, a week old, with her mother. Within a few days the oldest boywas taken with small-pox, but as he was not very near the other sickchildren, Dr. Carpenter thought the others would escape. I rolled himin a couple of quilts and sent him to the pest-house. Aunt Phoebe weptbitterly, as she said she should probably never see Jerry again, andhe was such a good boy to help her take care of the other children. Afew days later she was taken with a low type of lung fever. I had oneof the colored women in the place nurse her. 

The white refugee women took but little notice of my offer of bestdresses, in finding homes for themselves. I found these women of thelowest class of humanity. I called on General Curtis, and told him Ihad expended my fund of lecturing material upon these white women inthe refugee building, and now I had come to report to him as I had oflate threatened them, that, while I was willing to do to the extent ofmy ability in relieving and improving the most degraded, I could notconsent to keep under my charge a house of ill-fame. "I will give youa good honest guard day and night over that building, " said the noblegeneral. This did more than all things else to scatter them. Theyswore they would not be tyrannized over by that Yankee woman anylonger, and left, very much to my relief. 

Within four weeks our little small-pox boy was returned, but not assafe as the surgeon reported I took him into the wash-room and gavehim a thorough cleansing, before taking him to see his grandmother, who wept for joy. 

I spent a few days in revisiting Quindaro, Lawrence, Wyandotte, andKansas City. I found seven homeless children, and a mother of three ofthem who wished to go with me to Michigan. During the day and night Iwas in Kansas City I was taken with a severe attack of pneumonia. Icalled on an army surgeon for mustard, of which, I placed a plasterover the seat of the pain, that had become so severe as to cut everybreath. I could neither lie down nor sit still, but walked the room. Placing the children in charge of the mother, I telegraphed mysergeant to meet me at the boat with a hack. I took the boat forLeavenworth, where the carriage met me, and I was taken to our home, with a high fever, but the pain not quite so severe, as the mustardwas serving its purpose. Dr. Carpenter said I could not go to Michiganunder a month. Although my side remained very sore, yet I managed tosell the furniture. I took a hack to General Curtis's office, andmanaged to secure transportation for seventy-five, myself and Mrs. Leeincluded. There were three sick children, and I very much doubted thepropriety of removing them. Dr. Carpenter said they would be morelikely to live than if taken to the hospital, as I proposed. 

We left the city May 28th, with a cloud resting over the nation. Myhealth was still poor, and we had three sick children, whose motherwas with them; three other children began to complain of chills andfever soon after leaving. These cases soon developed in measles, butmy haste to reach home urged me to proceed against my better judgment. While it looked like presumption in others, I felt safe, as prayer forguidance was my daily bread. While waiting at St. Joseph, Missouri, for the train, I obtained rations for the company. Susan B. Anthonyhad provided a lunch-basket, well filled, for Mrs. Lee and myself, toserve for the entire journey. 

While we were handing around rations, various remarks were made as towhat I was going to do with all this company. Said one, "I reckon, she's got a big plantation to stock with a picked set of youngniggers, she's going to train to her own liking. " Said another, "I amgoing to ask where she is going with them. " At length one ventured, "Will you please excuse me, madam, if I ask you where you are takingall this company?"

"Certainly, " was my answer; "I am glad to inform you. I am takingthese orphan children, who have been picked up on the streets, and outof freedmen's homes, to an orphan school in Michigan. By order of theState Freedmen's Aid Commission, they will be sent to school untilgood homes can be secured for them, where they will be taught habitsof industry, as well as to improve their intellects. We of the Norththink they can learn, if an opportunity is provided. "

At this he was much pleased, and, as it was communicated to otherbystanders, a number came to congratulate me in my good work. One, whohad a large number of slaves, said he wished they were with me, "as itwould be a right smart of a while before it'll be settled here to haveschools for 'em. "

All stood ready to put the sick ones on the train. Mrs. Lee took careof the sick during the night, and I had them in charge during the day. 

After our arrival at Quincy, Illinois, and our transportation paperswere filled out for Chicago, with a little difficulty I secured thelargest coach for the seventy-five passengers. By 9 P. M. All were intheir beds. A few men were disposed to trouble us, because we did notallow them to enter. I called for the night policeman, and told him offour drunken men who were disposed to give us trouble, and as thetrain was not going out until eleven o'clock I appealed to him foraid. He assured me we should not receive further annoyance from them. We arrived in Chicago thirty minutes before the Michigan train leftfor Adrian. I bought tickets for four omnibus loads, but the driverswere determined to crowd them all into two. As they were puttinglittle folks from four to eight years old on the tops I ordered themdown. "We are capable of taking care of these children, madam, " saidthey; "you take that one. "

"So am I capable of taking care of them, " I replied, "and of you too;I paid for four omnibuses and must have them. " They had their ownsport over their countermanded orders. 

We arrived at Adrian June 1st, and met the superintendent of the"Haviland Home" with teams for the women and children. Here my heavyburden fell off, and I dropped into the home of my children to get therest which I so much needed. 

A few week's rest restored my health. Meanwhile I visited our StatePrison, and one of the convicts, Thomas Lean, requested an interviewwith me, which was granted by the officer. He appealed to me to aidhim in securing his pardon, as he had served seven years of his termof fifteen. He pleaded as earnestly in behalf of his wife and twolittle children as for himself. I told him I would do what I could, but as efforts had been made twice before, I thought success quitedoubtful. I drafted a petition, and secured a letter of recommendationfrom Governor Blair, and a strong letter from Judge Ross Wilkins, whogave the sentence, and from the prosecuting attorney who acted inbehalf of the United States in his case, and also secured fifty othernames to the petition. With six hundred dollars placed in my hands byMrs. Campbell and Mrs. Pappineau, committee who had charge of thefunds of the Freedmen's Fair, I left for Washington, D. C. , August 3d. At Pittsburg I spent one night, and on the following day visited theState Prison at Allegheny City. 

The next morning I took the early train for Baltimore, and from thenceto Annapolis, to learn the result of Elizabeth L. Comstock's petitionin behalf of fifteen convicts in the Maryland Penitentiary for aidingslaves to escape from bondage. I found ten of those men had beenpardoned, but as four of them had used weapons in defendingthemselves, and one had taken a span of horses which the friendsengaged in their behalf deemed theft, they were retained in prison. Ifound another on the governor's record for the same offense. I tookthe names of the six on my list, as the governor thought they were asworthy of release as the others, since the weapons were designed forself-defense, and the horses were only used to take them to the river, and were left to return to their owners. I saw the names of thefriends who co-operated with E. L. Comstock on the petition, andcalled on James Bains, who introduced me to Judge Bond. The judge saidhe thought I was correct in my views as to the worthiness of the sixmen presented for his recommendation to the governor for clemency, andthat he would attend to it soon. Said the Friend: "If thou feel'steasy to petition for their pardon I think thou hadst better remainwith us until it is accomplished, as they have such an amount ofbusiness on hand at this time. "

The judge seemed to think himself distrusted, and said: "Mrs. Haviland, I will attend to this within a week. " With this assurance Itold the judge and the Friend that I should feel easy to pursue myjourney the first of the week. 

From this office I was accompanied to the penitentiary and introducedto the warden, who sent a guide to conduct me through the shops andgranted me the privilege of addressing the sixty-eight femaleconvicts. A large majority of them were colored, placed there by theirformer owners for trivial offenses, the real cause being that ofleaving them, but ostensibly for stealing a dress, a pair of shoes, ora dollar or two, etc. One smart-looking octoroon girl of eighteenyears was about to be whipped by her mistress, but she had heard ofthe proclamation of emancipation and concluded that she had beenwhipped long enough, and snatched the cowhide from the mistress andwhipped her. For this she was arrested, had a sham trial, and asentence of nine years' imprisonment in the penitentiary. One man toldme that the mistress reported that the girl half killed her, but hesaw her riding out within four days after the whipping, and she lookedas well as usual. I visited a very sick white woman in her cell, towhom I read a portion of Scripture, and at her request led in prayer. She said she was going to meet her Judge, in whom she trusted. Jesushears the cry of a repentant sinner, and she was confident. 

The following day was the Sabbath, and I accompanied my friend to thepenitentiary, where he opened the Sabbath-school and invited me toteach a class of thirty men. There were nearly five hundred inmates inprison. As we were leaving the yard a request from the warden reachedme to conduct the funeral service of the woman I had visited. She diedwithin a few hours after I left. Three o'clock P. M. Was the hourappointed. I met them in their chapel, that was well filled, someladies of the city being present. Many of the convicts were muchaffected. They also manifested great interest at the meeting on theprevious day. 

On the following day I arrived at Washington. I found the White Houseperfectly besieged with pardon-seekers from ex-slave States. I calledon a number of the officials, who said that the severity of ThomasLean's sentence made the case look dark. I told them of one who hadrobbed the mail of five thousand dollars and was pardoned in threeyears, whose term was ten years. But he had wealthy and influentialfriends to intercede for him, while this man robbed the mail of forty-two dollars and had served over seven years of the fifteen, and waspoor. Besides, his wife was in poor health, and was supporting herselfand two small children. I was advised to take the letters, withpetition, to Postmaster-general Dennison, from whom I secured arecommendation for his pardon. From thence I went to the capitol andsecured the names of Hon. F. C. Beaman, Member of Congress, Senator Z. Chandler, and all other Michigan members of both Houses to mypetition; and through Mr. Wade, the President's house-keeper, Isecured an audience with the President, who took my letters with thepetition and said he would refer them to the Attorney-general, and dowhat seemed best in the case. I then left him with his room crowdedwith Southern pardon-seekers. 

While in the Postmaster-general's office the chief clerk said, "Comeinto this, office at nine A. M. , next Wednesday, as I think that willbe his pardoning day, and you will learn the result. " I waited untileleven A. M. , fearing for the worst. As I opened the office-door theclerk threw up both hands, crying, "Your man is pardoned! your man ispardoned! Come and see the notice in this morning's paper. " A heartyhand-shaking followed the good news. 

I told him I did not know that he had taken such an interest in mycause. He replied, "I have had an interest in this case from the firsttime you came into this office. " A few days after I received a notefrom the pardoned man conveying his tearful thanks. Here was anotherburden laid aside, for which grateful thanks were tendered to theHealer of broken hearts. 

I received a permit from Secretary Stanton to trade at the governmentstore, where new goods were being sold at auction rates. For fivehundred dollars I purchased two thousand dollars' worth of supplies todisburse among the sick, crippled, and aged, both colored and white. There were many in Washington and Georgetown relieved from greatsuffering. I learned of much suffering at Harper's Ferry, and tookfour hundred dollars' worth to that point. 

On my way I called at the Baltimore penitentiary. As I entered thewarden's office he informed me that our men had been released tendays before, except one, who was going out within a week. Anotherburden left me. These men were making efforts to free their familiesby flight, and were caught and received long sentences, according tothe number in their families. Three men of the six had boughtthemselves, and in their efforts to free their families received fromten to thirty years' sentence, although two of these families wererecovered by their owners. They all looked like intelligent men. Itook an early train for Harper's Ferry. In the seat opposite sat aPresbyterian D. D. , with his body-servant, who was very attentive inbringing him his coffee, books, or roll of manuscript "How far areyou going on this road, madam?" inquired our dignitary. 

On informing him he inquired, "Have you friends there?"

"I have, " I said, "but I never saw them. They are the poorest of thepoor, the sick, lame, and blind, of all classes, black, white, red, oryellow. I draw no lines of demarcation. "

"Well, madam, that is a noble work, and God will bless you in it. I amnow on my way to Vicksburg. I preached in that city a number of years. I own a plantation near that city, and had forty slaves. A littlebefore Vicksburg fell I moved with them to Richmond, Virginia, andwhen that city fell I set them free, and they are now as free asmyself. Madam, I will tell you what your duty is. It is to go to NewYork, Philadelphia, and Boston, and gather up fifty thousand dollars, and follow Sherman's track through to the Gulf. You will find plentyof suffering to relieve among both white and black; and you can doit. Those cities I have named are wealthy, I have been there myself. Ispent a few months in New York, and I know you can gather up thatamount easy, and it's your duty, madam; and God will bless you in it. "

The consequential air be assumed would give one an impression that he, at least, considered himself, inspired with power from on high. He didnot feel quite satisfied without repeating his command on our arrivalat Harper's Ferry: "Do as I have told you, madam, and God will blessyou; good by. "

I found my goods had just arrived, and the commander of the postkindly offered to store the bales of supplies and furnish anambulance and driver whenever I desired. My first inquiry was for aboarding place, as the house where the colonel was boarding was full. Mrs. Johnson was about opening a boarding-house, and I called on herfor a few days' board. 

"Where are you from?"

"From Washington, " was my reply, "with supplies for the poor freedmenand whites who are in a suffering condition. "

"Oh, you are a Bureau woman then. We don't have nothin' to do withBureau folks. I can't board you. "

After being directed to two others, who made like inquiries, andreceived like replies, I found I was going to have an all-day job onhand in feeling the public pulse at Harper's Ferry. After making eightcalls, chatting a while at each place pleasantly, for I would talk inno other way, although I was told in nearly every place that no onein that town would disgrace himself by walking on the streets with anigger teacher, or speaking to one, on my way to report myunsuccessful day's work to the colonel, it being after sunset, Ifound an army surgeon sitting on his front porch. 

"Have you found no place for dinner?" he asked. 

"O no, " I said, "I have been amusing myself over Confederate feverthat I find runs too high for health in your town. "

"My mother-in-law is away, " he answered, "but my wife and I will giveyou our room to-night, and we will see that you have supper at once. "

At Mrs. Bilson's (the mother-in-law) I remained during the week. 

At the close of the week I attended a quarterly-meeting of theMethodist Episcopal Church. When the minister invited all who lovedthe Lord Jesus to testify, I, with others, accepted and took part. Atthe close he came and inquired who I was. I introduced myself asusual. After reading my papers from the Governor, Members of Congress, and a few ministers of Michigan, I received a number of invitations totheir houses, which gave me an opportunity to relate my first day'sexperience in their town. They made a number of excuses. Among themwas the fact that Miss Mann (Horace Mann's sister), kept herselfexclusively with the colored people. She not only taught their school, but boarded with them, and made no calls on white people. Theyacknowledged that those upon whom I had called were not in sympathywith the Union. 

Here, as in other places, were those in extreme suffering, both whiteand colored. One blind man, and an old white man and his wife, weretoo sick to take care of each other. One sick woman, whose husband wasin the army, had no fire, only as the little girl of three years oldgathered old boots and shoes around an old camp with which to buildit. All of these cases were relieved. 

One day it rained too hard to be out. A little girl brought anumbrella with a request from her folks for me to call on them. I wentand met about a dozen men and women, who wished to consult with me. The troops were liable to be withdrawn. If so, their lives would notbe safe an hour. A few nights before a mob broke their windows andrushed into their grocery and took sacks of flour and meal, pies, cakes, and crackers, and strewed them over the street, in front oftheir grocery, and broke up their chairs and tables, and swore that nonigger should have a business place on Main Street. They threw stonesand brickbats into their living rooms, and the men, women, andchildren ran to the soldiers for protection, with bleeding bruisesthat were bound up at the time of my call. A sad picture theypresented with their broken furniture and injured bodies. 

"What use is there in gathering more? Can you tell us what to do? Yousee our lives are in danger as it is. If the troops shall bewithdrawn, what shall we do?"

There was a Free-will Baptist just arrived, who proposed opening amission school in that town, and had just sent word that he wanted tomeet them at their prayer-meeting. Of this I, as well as they, wasglad to hear. I met with them, and was pleased with the Christianspirit of this brother, and the prospect of his school among themseemed like a silver lining in their dark cloud. We learned of hissuccess in opening and continuing that school, which a few years afterassumed the character of an academy. 

The following day I took the train for Washington, and was accompaniedto the depot by a number of the citizens, who manifested very kindlyfeelings, I was told by some to be sure to call on them if I evervisited their town again, and they would see that a weeks or a monthsboard should cost me nothing. One man and his wife pointed to theirbrick house to which I could come, and be more than welcome. I leftthem, and soon met kindred spirits in Washington. 

CHAPTER XIV. 

HOME MISSION WORK. 

There were many sick, crippled, aged, and blind sufferers inWashington to visit and relieve, but the severest trial I endured wasencountering the virus of disloyalty wherever I went. Women were moreoutspoken than men, because they could dare be. Men were more subtleand appeared more pliant, only to hoodwink government. They said insecret, "We'll yet gain by the _ballot_, with the help ofNorthern sympathizers, what we failed to accomplish with the bullet. "By order of President Johnson the colored soldiers were every wheredischarged and withdrawn from forts and garrisons, at the request oftheir former masters, only to be left to their unrelenting hate. Onecolored man returned to the plantation of his wife's master, and askedhim if he could take his wife and children to himself, as he hadmeans, after two years of service to support them. The only answer hereceived was the contents of a pistol, that took his life instantly! Iheard of similar murders in this vicinity, of which no notice wastaken by the State authorities. 

I visited a number of large schools in Alexandria, September 14th, andwas invited to address them. Two of these were kept in two of thelargest slave-pens in the city. Alexandria was one of the greatestslave marts in Virginia. In the Avery slave-pen there was a dungeon-like room, designed for one standing, with iron staples to which thewrists were locked, and a sort of stocks for the feet, when a streamof cold water was pumped over the nude form of the refractory slave, from ten minutes to an hour or more, according to the offense. Theytold me they had known them taken down chilled to death. It was saidto be one of the most cruel punishments. They showed me the stump ofthe whipping post, where hundreds of writhing victims had sufferedthis kind of torture. But it did seem as if the better day was coming, to see a hundred and fifty-three black children here so eager tolearn, and to hear them read so well after only four months'schooling. I met a woman on the street in deep mourning who wasweeping. I inquired the cause of her grief. She said: "I have been tovisit the grave of my only son. His father died a few months ago, andthis darling son was my only child. He died in the Union army; butwhat does all this terrible sacrifice amount to? President Johnson isgiving strength to the rebels. Every rebel general has been pardoned, and the vast amount of land restored to them is increasing theirpower. You see, wherever troops are withdrawn they commit murders, and no notice is taken of it. I feel as though my son's life andthousands of other precious lives have been sacrificed for nothing. " Icould say but little to comfort that poor, broken-hearted, widowed, childless mother. I could only commend her to our Heavenly Father, who alone can console the widow's aching heart. 

On September 15th I took a steamer for Richmond, Virginia, andarrived on the 16th at Fredericksburg. Here were standing manychimneys, showing us the waste places and burned houses in this smallbut quaint old city. I called at the teachers' boarding-house, kept bya good Union family, Wm. J. Jeffries. Mrs. King accompanied me to thesoldiers' hospital. Here, as elsewhere, the poor suffering soldierseemed rejoiced to see and hear the representative of their mothers. After reading the Scripture and prayer I left a number in tears. 

Here was the home of General Washington's mother. I visited the house, and a feeling of solemnity came over me as we passed through hersitting room into the large bed-room, where report said she died. Nearby is her tomb. The pedestal only stands erect, but badly marred bythe chisel in chipping off pieces, by hundreds of visitors Ourteachers inquired if I would not like a chip from the tomb. I toldthem that no chisel or hammer should be applied for me; but I pickedup a little piece at its base. We had gone but few rods before acarriage drove to the tomb, and the chisel and hammer were flaking offkeepsakes for four men. The long block of marble designed to havebeen placed on the pedestal lay near it half buried in the groundwhere it had lain nearly or quite a century. 

After inspecting the rebel earth-works and rifle-pits, I visited MissStrausburg's school of 181 poor white children, quite unlike anycolored school I had visited any where, as to order. They commenced tosneer at me the moment I entered, but their teacher invited me tospeak to the school, and they became at once quiet and respectful. Little James Stone asked permission to sing for me, and he sang areligious hymn in which nearly all the school joined. To my surprisethey sang the "Red, White and Blue" and "The Soldier's Farewell to hisMother, " for which I thanked them. In passing along the street afterthe school was dismissed, many of the children came out with theirmothers, pointing toward me. At two places I halted to speak to themand their mothers, which pleased them very much. 

The next day I visited a few Union families, who gave some interestingfacts concerning their trials. I left two dollars with one sick woman, who wept as I left her. I called at Major Johnson's headquarters. Hewas very anxious to send on an orphan baby one year old to Camp Leeorphanage, in Richmond. He gave me a paper that would secure itsadmission. On arriving at Richmond I left my charge at the orphanage. As no name was on the paper, or was given to me with the child, thematron, Mrs. Gibbons, named him Haviland Gibbons. 

I visited the orphanage a number of times. The matron said the littlefellow learned his name very readily. Here was a pair of twin boys, about two years old, very black and smart. As they quarreled so muchof the time, Judge Fitzhugh proposed to name them Abe and Jeff, afterthe two Presidents. Though a strong Confederate, he said they weresmarter than any white children he ever saw, and to prove his positionhe called them out to dance, as he had taught them to step the figure. He sang for them, and they danced to his music. 

"There, I'll venture to say, " he said, "you never saw two whitechildren of their age do that. I tell you the negro race is naturallysmarter than the Anglo-Saxon. "

I told him I was surprised at this remark, when he had told me a fewminutes before that the negroes would soon die out, because they couldnot take care of themselves. 

"That is true, " he rejoined, "and I have written a book in which Itake the same position, and can prove it. They will do more work thanwhite people can, but they lack calculation; hence the necessity oftheir being under the supervision of the whites. " We have the planningfaculty, and they have the ability to do the work. There is thereforea necessity for both races to work together to be a successful people. I repeat what I told you before, that we never shall prosperseparated. The power of governing must remain with the Anglo-Saxonrace, and God has so designed. The Yankees have made a sad mistake infreeing the slave, for in time they will become extinct; but God willnever suffer this state of things to remain, and you will see theSouth in power in two years, and the North minus the power she nowwields. 

I cited him to black men in Canada, who had escaped from slavery andwho had acquired wealth, and to one of the wealthiest livery men intheir own city. I also referred to a shoemaker who had been free buta few months. 

His credit was sufficient to purchase ten dollars' worth of stock, which he made up and sold, paying for his stock; he then made anotherpurchase and was hard at work to purchase a little home. His wife waswashing and house-cleaning, with the same object in view. They told methey allowed themselves meat but once a week, and lived on corn-bread, mush, and molasses, and that they intended to live and work in thisway until they should succeed. 

"Does not this look like calculation?" I asked. 

"I admit, " he said, "there are isolated cases, but it is not therule. "

He gave me his book to read, entitled "Sociology of the South, by J. Fitzhugh, Att'y. " I found it a perfect bundle of inconsistencies. Hegoes into a labored argument against free-labor, free-schools, free-press and free-speech, as destructive to a prosperous people. Heclaimed to be a cousin of Gerrit Smith's wife, and said that they werecrazy over slavery. He also claimed that President Johnson was doingall he could for them, and that through him they were going to havetheir rights restored. He knew of men who had gathered half a bushelof Confederate money, and said they should keep it until it would beworth as much as greenbacks. He also knew men who had bills of sale ofnegroes, a foot deep, that they were keeping to recover their slaves, or pay for them; and he was confident that it would be accomplishedwithin two years. This I found to be a very general feeling among themost prominent Confederates. 

On September 20th I visited a number of sick that I supplied withbedding and clothing. I walked six miles that day, and then went tothe office of the Freedmen's Bureau, where I was furnished with anambulance and driver to take things to the sufferers I had visited. 

After spending several days in this work, visiting schools and givingattention to many sufferers, I returned, weary in body but restful inmind, and thankful that the friends of humanity had made me thealmoner of their gifts. 

On October 2d I spent some time in Libby Prison. My sanitary goodswere stored in one apartment of it. The prisoners were under guards, and were permitted to assist me in opening, closing, and movingbarrels and boxes, a portion of which I prepared to take to Ashland. One of the keepers took me to the long, deep tunnel which the Unionprisoners had dug under the building to escape from their terriblesufferings. To look at the great risk they were running in theirfruitless effort to escape, speaks loudly of the desperation to whichthey were driven. My guide gave me a few of the hand-cuffs that ourofficers removed from some of the emaciated prisoners when Richmondwas taken. The doors of Castle Thunder and Libby were opened, and thehand-cuffs were placed on their cruel keepers, who had made a boast ofkilling as many Yankees in these prisons as their troops were killingin battle. 

I went out some distance, October 3d, to an old camp, where a schoolwas organized in an old slave-pen. Here was the stump of the whipping-post cut even with the ground. I was shown where stood the auction-block. As I listened to a history of cruelties inflicted here I didnot wonder that our nation was compelled to pass through this baptismof blood. Pointing to a large plantation in sight, said one: "Therelives my old master, who said in the beginning of this war, 'Before mychildren shall ever be disgraced with work I will wade in blood to thehorse's bridle. ' He did fight hard as long as the war lasted. But lastweek he told his two sons that they must go to work or die. He cameinto my shoe-shop the other day with his feet almost bare, and I tookthe best pair of boots I had and gave them to him. I know he thoughtof old days, for I did. "

After talking to the children at school I visited the aged and sick. Anthony Wilson, very aged, said, "Dun kno' how ole I is. White folkssay I's more'n eighty. Had heaps o' ups an' downs; good many moredowns dan ups; my big family all tore to pieces two times. " I gave hima whole suit of clothes. "Bress de good Lo'd, " he exclaimed, "dis isde best suit I eber had; dis I reckon is my freedom suit. " MaryBrackson, also very old, had two little grandchildren with her. Theirmother was sold down the river when the youngest was a year old. Herlife had been a sad one. She was crippled with rheumatism, and her armhad been broken by an overseer's club. I gave her a bed-tick, quilt, blanket, and a few clothes for herself and grandchildren. Then Ivisited and relieved four other families, to whom I gave advice, andwith the most I read and offered prayer, which always seemed to be agreat comfort to them. 

Two days after I took a train with supplies for Ashland. I arrived inthe afternoon and met an excellent Union family, formerly fromEngland, Judge James, whose house was battered on each side withbullets and shells in the severe battle fought at that place. Thistown, the home of some strong political men, seemed dilapidated andforsaken. Judge James's wife and daughter were noble women, and Ifound a very pleasant home in this family. They directed me to themost suffering families and individuals. My first call was onCharlotte Boles, whose reply to the query for her age was, "I dunkno'; missus 'specks I's eighty, large odd. " She had served threegenerations. 

"I's had so many children, " she said, "I can't tell till I call denames: Pomp, Jim, Tom, Sol, Sue, Dick, an' Dilcy; den some babies I'sgot in heaven. I seed heap o' trouble in my time. I nursed at debreas' eleven of my firs' massar's chillen, Isaac Wiston, and six ofhis gran'-chillen. I dress 'em firs', an' some on 'em for de grave. Mysecon' massar, William Winfield, Jun. , da have six chillen, an' Idress 'em all firs', and most all at las' for de grave. O my God, Ican neber, neber tell de trouble I's had. O how hard I prayed forfreedom, an' de Lord come at las'. I's praise his name. De one dat Inurst when a babie ordered me whipped 'case I cried so much when dasole my chillen down de riber. But I hear dat de war free five of mychillen, an' I's prayin' God to sen' 'em to poor me. "

Notwithstanding her great age her mind was unusually clear, and thefrequent starting tear manifested strong maternal affection. 

There was not a house, yard, or grove but bore the mark of shell orbullet. 

An exciting scene passed before us October 15th. Young Mrs. Pollard, daughter of my host, who had became the wife of the noted Confederateeditor of the most rabid paper in Richmond, had been forbidden tovisit or even to correspond with her parents. Her husband said if sheshould attempt it, it would be at her peril. She found him to beinconstant, as he had become the paramour of a Cyprian in New Yorkcity, where he spent several weeks writing a book on the bravery ofConfederate soldiers. "When she discovered these facts, with her heartfull of grief, she told him the reports she had heard of hisinconstancy. He acknowledged all, and entreated her pardon. But hesoon became as cruel as ever. During his absence in New York she tookher son of less than two years and came to her father's house, a poor, heart broken woman. A divorce was immediately sued for, and shereceived a summons to appear in court in Richmond. Although her fatherwas there to receive her, she feared Mr. Pollard would take her life, also her father's, at their parting. She threw her arms around hermother's neck and wept upon her shoulders; then, sobbing, said, as sherested her head upon my shoulders:

"Mrs. Haviland, you won't leave me after our arrival in Richmond untilI am with my father, will you?"

With an assurance that I would remain at her side until her fathertook her under his protection, she left her babe with her mother andwe departed for Richmond. We met her father, with whom I felt shewould be safe. I find these extremes of love and hate more prevalentin the South than in the North. 

On the 18th of October, after visiting fifteen suffering families, Icalled at the office for an ambulance and driver to go to Libby Prisonfor supplies. These were obtained and distributed, and such gratitudefrom the recipients I never found elsewhere. Same of them wept aloud. A number of the women kissed my hands as I left them, and the hearty"God bless you, honey, " was an everyday blessing from these poor-crushed spirits. 

One of our officers came to me with the urgent request of two women, living in a large brick house, to see me. I obeyed the summons atonce. As I rang the door-bell, a genteelly dressed lady in black satinmet me at the door. I inquired if there were two ladies here who hadsent for me? She replied in the affirmative. By this time the otherlady appeared in the hall, also dressed in rich silk. 

"What are your greatest needs, " I asked, "that will come within mypower to supply?"

"We want money, madam, " they said, "and must have it. "

"Are any of your family sick?"

"No, madam, but money we must have. "

"Will rations answer your purpose?"

"No, madam, we want no such thing; we want _money_, and must haveit. "

I told them I had no money to disburse, and only supplied food andclothing to those who were suffering from greatest destitution, andleft them without being invited inside their house. I saw at once theywere most accustomed to the imperative mood. 

The captain came to me a few days after and inquired if I found it inthe way of my duty to relieve the wants of those two ladies? I toldhim I asked them a few questions and did not think it worth the moneydemanded. He said they had sent for him, and a number of otherofficers, making the same demand, and as they had not succeeded theysent for me, and he was not disappointed at the result. 

As I was passing their news depot, I saw blazoned in red letters, "No_New Nation_ sold here" I stepped in and inquired for their bestpaper. The _Examiner_ was handed me, edited by Pollard, thewhilom son-in-law of Judge James, one of the most rabid Confederatesheets in Richmond. I inquired where the _New Nation_ was sold. They said nowhere, unless a few "niggers" might be found selling iton, the street. One of them poured forth a long catalogue of epithets:"Arrant liar, " "reckless villain, " and finally a "crazy scamp. "

As I was passing the street one day, and saw "New Nation, " I thoughtI would call on the "insane editor, " Mr. Hunnicutt. I ascended to thethird story, where I found the busy editor and his son. They weresurprised to see a lady of sufficient moral courage to call on them. The editor exhibited a pile of anonymous letters, threatening hislife. He was an outspoken Union man, and had received over onehundred of these nameless letters within three months. He was a nativeof Virginia, and said:

"The Union of the States is a fixed fact, and I will advocate itsquarely, though it cost me my life, but Union principles must andwill prevail. "

I left a dollar for a subscription to the _New Nation_ for sixmonths. As I was about to leave, said he, with tearful eye:

"A select few in this city meet once a week for a prayer-meeting, butI can not attend it in the evening, as it is unsafe for me to be outafter dark. "

I told him I had received a secret invitation, and had attended eachmeeting since my first knowledge of this praying band. I told him itwas one of the most solemn meetings I had ever attended. As in thedays of the apostles, we met in an upper room at the hour of prayer, where I had heard the editor of the _New Nation_ remembered. 

"I know, " he said, "that I have friends in this city, and some I knoware secretly friends for fear of this bitter spirit that reigns to afearful extent. Don't forget to pray for me and my family. I dare notbring my wife and daughter to this city. "

My work kept me here many days. November 25th I spent mostly at thesanitary rooms in Libby Prison, with Miss Morris, a French lady, whoserved as a spy for the Union generals. Report had it that she waswriting a book of her exploits. A soldier told me he saw her aprisoner in Southern hands before the fall of New Orleans. But shemanaged to make her escape from that city, and in disguise revisitedit, and reported to our generals. She could speak French and Germanbetter than our own language. She often disguised herself mosteffectually. Her French politeness would have been quite annoying tome had it not been for the faithful assistance she rendered in seekingout the sick and dying, not hesitating to enter filthy alleys, dark, cold cellars, or with me to climb rickety flights of stairs into darkattics. I have found in almost every place one or more Christian womenwho kindly offered to assist me, but few would dare visit those filthyplaces, fearing contagious diseases. Having had the small pox, and allother common contagious diseases, with my very plain habits of living, I dared to visit the sick and dying in any of these loathsome places, many of which I found in Richmond. 

The next day, being Sunday, was spent as usual in attending Sabbath-schools. I spoke in two of them, and in one meeting. At night I wasat Camp Lee Orphanage with Annie Gibbons, the matron, who had aninteresting group of little folks. As they gathered around the table, at the tap of the bell, with clasped hands and closed eyes, theyrepeated the verse:

 "Lord, teach a little child to pray, Thy grace to me impart, " etc. 

I met a colored man from Raleigh, North Carolina, who gave a few itemsof Andrew Johnson's early history, in regard to his apprenticeship intailoring. If there was a dance within reach, black or white, it wasall the same to "Andy, "--he was sure to be there. His boss, Mr. Selby, lectured him about his late hours, and to evade these lectures heoften "turned in" with Handy Luckett, a steady old slave man, whosebed was in the loft of J. O. Rork's carriage house. 

At a shoe-shop, I met John Blevins, a noble appearing John Brown sortof man whose sentence was forty years in the Virginia Penitentiary inRichmond. His crime was, aiding slaves to their God-given rights. Hehad served sixteen years when Richmond was taken. The Union soldiersopened the prison door, and John Blevins, with four hundred otherprisoners, walked out free men. His intelligence speaks of betterdays. He is sixty years of age, and hard treatment had added ten yearsto his appearance. During the first few years of his prison life hecould tell when a master had lost his slaves, as they would then placehim in the dungeon, where he was kept for weeks at a time, to compelhim to give the names of other abolitionists, but they neversucceeded. He was at this time teaching a colored school. Out ofschool-hours, he worked in the shoe-shop, and was trying to makeenough to purchase for himself a suit of clothes, when he designedreturning to his home in Philadelphia. He had just heard from a familythat he assisted to their liberty, some of whom had become quitewealthy, and were trying to find him. 

He had written to them and was expecting to receive assistance. Whenever he went out on the streets he was annoyed by half-grown boyshooting after him, "Old John Brown, nigger thief. " At the time he wasarrested, they took all of his money, amounting to five hundred andfifty seven dollars. 

I visited a Baptist Sabbath-school where three thousand members wereenrolled. Over one thousand five hundred were present. They wereaddressed by Professor Johnson, who introduced and invited me toaddress the school. They very cautiously discussed the comingholidays, as they had never held one there on their own account. Theydecided to observe Thanksgiving, Christmas, and celebrate theProclamation of Freedom on New Year's day. Their minister advised hispeople to be very careful in word and deed, so as not to give theleast occasion for misconstruing their motives. Some of the whitepeople said it ought not to be allowed. They feared an "uprising, " butour soldiers said they should have the privilege. 

I visited Howard Grove Hospital, under the charge of Miss MarciaColton, matron. She was a missionary among the Choctaw Indians nineyears, and was a noble, self-sacrificing woman. The surgeon of thehospital was D. R. Browery. I found a little boy of about eight years, whose mother he said was "done dead. " He knew nothing of his father. Itook him to Camp Lee Orphanage. Here and there I find kindred spirits, but none more devoted to the cause of Christ than sister MarciaColton. She gave herself entirely to the advancement of his causeduring nine years of labor among the poor, despised Indians. Duringthe terrible conflicts of the war she unreservedly gave herself to thesuffering and dying soldier, and she said that when, no longer calledfor in that field her life was just as cheerfully given to upliftingthe lowly among the freed slaves of the South. 

On visiting the State Penitentiary, the keeper hesitated aboutallowing me admittance. Said he: "I am afraid you'll give a badreport of us, as did Miss Dix, who gave us a bad name, and I thoughtof her as you entered my office. You look like her, and I am afraid ofyou. You know we don't have our prisons like yours of the North, likegrand palaces, with flower-yards; and I reckon I had better not letyou in. " I told him I perceived they were rebuilding the part burnedawhile ago, and would make due allowance for bad house-keeping. 

"Well, if you'll do that, I reckon I'll have to risk you, for you'llsee we are whitewashing the old cells and other parts of the prison, and then you must make allowance for its age. It was built in 1800, and is the first penitentiary in the world, and you Northerners havehad all these sixty-five years to improve in, and then your gardensabout your prisons are all so grand that I am a little afraid of yourreport. But, steward, you may take her through, and well see whatshe'll do for us. "

I discovered a contrast, it is true. But, as in other places in theSouth, they seem a century behind the times. I found here, as in ourState prisons, a majority of the convicts were left orphans inchildhood. The number of inmates was at that time two hundred andtwenty-four. I called on the general in command to inquire for OliverWilliams, whose wife requested me to see if I could find him. She wasin Washington, D. C. , and had not heard from him for a long while. Ifound he had been sentenced to three months imprisonment to hardlabor, with ball and chain, but the time had now expired. The generalreferred me to Fortress Monroe, as the military prisoners had beenremoved to that prison. He advised me to call on Governor Pierpont, who gave the same reference, and gave me some interesting itemsconcerning this State. He said that, but for slavery, Virginia wouldhave been one of the richest States in the Union in mines. Colored menwere then making a dollar a day in gathering gold dust without thefacilities of enterprising men with capital. There were also silver, copper, nickel, and a fine quality of kaolin or porcelain clay. Heexhibited a specimen of each metal, and two bowls made of the nativekaolin, a very fine material. To show the absorbing interest in slave-dealing he gave the figures of income, as shown during the discussionsin their State Convention in 1861. The _Metropolitan Press_reported that "the income from slaves for the last twenty yearsamounted to twenty millions of dollars annually, and from all otherproducts eight million dollars annually. " This Governor Pierpontbelieved to be a true estimate. 

I called at Sarah E. Smiley's Teachers' Home. Here I found RachelSnell, daughter of Richard Snell of Lockport, New York, my oldchildhood home. With this group of kindred spirits I spent arefreshing season during a hard rain. 

New Year's Day, 1866, was long dreaded by a large majority of thewhite citizens of Richmond. Great excitement prevailed over itscelebration by the colored people. Soldiers were seen in everydirection. A few companies of colored men went on the common toorganize for the day's procession. The citizens were excited overthat, and said they were preparing for "insurrection. " They hadpermission from the governor to form in front of the State House. Inthe park were rustic seats of ancient style, chipped off and notchedhere and there, yet a colored person had never been allowed insideunless as the body servant of his master. But now their banners ofvarious devices were floating, interspersed with United States flags. Each society had its motto, such as, "Peace, Liberty, and Freedom withall Mankind;" "Union, Liberty's Protecting Society;" "Peace, Good Willto all Mankind;" "In Union there is Strength;" "In God we Trust. " On ablue satin banner were initials of a Benevolent ProtectiveAssociation. The religious exercises were opened in the morning byreading the eighth chapter of Deuteronomy and singing an appropriatehymn. The text of the minister's discourse was a part of the secondverse, "And thou shalt remember all the way which the Lord thy God ledthee forty years in the wilderness. " The minister could read quitewell, though his life had been spent in slavery. He presented the pastand present prospects of his people in a clear and affecting manner, and the necessity of remembering the past, to be fully prepared topraise God for the precious boon of freedom he had bestowed upon theirrace. There were four very large congregations opened this morning ina similar manner, and songs of praise were heard from the marchingmultitudes wending their way to the State House Park. There wasshooting from a hotel window. Two of the suspected men were taken toLibby Prison. With the soldiers on the alert, and an increased forceof policemen, they had no further trouble. 

At the meeting of fifteen thousand or more in the park good orderprevailed. I passed along through the moving masses, a silent listenerto many outburstings of joy, contrasting with past sorrows--a greatchange indeed. Editor Hunnicutt, of the _New Nation_, was calledupon to make a speech, and he exhorted them to cultivate industry, honesty, and virtue. He was followed by a number of others. At threeo'clock the crowds began to disperse, so as to reach their homesbefore nightfall. It is passing strange why the white people here wereso much excited over this celebration. There were two colored BaptistChurches burned two nights before, and on the night previous threatswere made that all who took part In the celebration would lose theirplaces of business. 

The Episcopalian rector came after ten P. M. The same night to advisethe two teachers, Mrs. Starky and Miss Hicks, to continue their school, and persuade the scholars to remain, and take no part in it themselveswhatever, as the white people said this rejoicing was over the fall ofRichmond and the downfall of the Confederacy. This idea was dwelt uponto such an extent that the Committee of Arrangements printed circularsand scattered through town during the week previous, stating theirobject in full, "that it was only to celebrate the day that God gavefreedom to their race, and nothing more. " But _"insurrection, "_"_uprising_ among the negroes, " had been household words since thedays of Nat Turner. The rebel flag was carried past Sarah E. Smiley'sMission Home for Teachers twice that day. Had the fact been reportedat head-quarters, the bearers would have found themselves in themilitary prison. 

As the army was being disbanded, and rations curtailed, and thesuffering for want of them equaled that for clothing, I was informedby the general in command that there were more calls for rations bywhite than the colored people since the fall of Richmond. Said he: "Iwill mention a few to show the importance of investigation. DanielLacy had nine houses and servants and applied for and drew rations forhis whole family. John Kimbo had servants out at work and drew rationsfor all his family, and had a number of houses. Mrs. Mary Ann Mosebyhad a grocery store well supplied, and drew rations and sold them. Mrs. Elizabeth Hunt also kept a full grocery, and drew rations tosell. Mrs. Sophia Coach, whose husband was a plasterer, drew rations. Mrs. Miller represented herself as a widow, and drew rations all theseason, but I found out that she had a husband at home all this time. Mrs. Houston had a husband, but represented herself a widow, and drewrations and wood, as did all the others. The whole of two blocks drewrations, and most of them wood. Joseph Mayo, who is mayor of the city, and was when it fell into Union hands, drew rations, and owns a numberof houses, and has servants. Ten years ago his slave Margaret's babedied with the croup, and be charged her with choking it to death, andhad her hung on the scaffold after being whipped almost to death. Hesent one of his slave women to the penitentiary six months ago, for atrivial offense. I heard by one of her friends, that she said it was arelief, for she was treated better there than at her master's. She isso rejoiced to learn that when she comes out she will be a free woman, and never again be compelled to serve that cruel master. But whatcontrasts we find here in both races! I have never found as muchlying, misrepresentation, and cheating, among the negroes as among thewhite people, in my experience in this four years of war. Our recordsshow more rations, wood, and coal issued to the whites than to theblacks in the State of Virginia. "

I was careful to take down these items, in writing, as he gave them, in his office. O, what changes, what reverses, were here experienced. A. R. Brooks, who bought himself fourteen years ago, was now a wealthyman, owned ten horses, and six fine hacks and carriages, and hisformer master, by the fall of the Confederate government, was reducedalmost to beggary. A few months ago he sold his plantation of threethousand acres for Confederate money, and is now penniless. LastFebruary his wife died, and his former slave, A. R. Brooks, bore theentire expense of her burial. He said he praised the Lord for givinghim the ability to do it. But how greatly was that wealthy planter, Henry A. Winfy, now changed in his prospects, when, a few monthsbefore, he considered himself the owner of three thousand acres, "wellstocked" with slaves to work it. 

With every day come new scenes, and yet such a similarity;investigating, relieving, reading Scriptures, advising, and often bythe cot of the sick and dying. I often felt myself a stranger in astrange land, and yet I was never alone. Although, boisterous wavesdashed around me, yet the dear Savior was near at hand. 

I learned of much suffering on the Peninsula, and decided to take therest of my supplies down the James River to Williamsburg. Whilearranging my packages for leaving Libby, a multitude of people werethronging the street near the prison. I inquired for the cause of thisexcitement, and was informed that a Union soldier was about to beexecuted for murdering a man for his money, horse, and buggy. As hewas led out of prison upon the scaffold I hurried away, trembling withthe terrible thought that a young life was about to be taken. As itwas impossible for me to speak to him I hastened to escape the soundof the drop, but did not succeed. The horrors of war no pen candescribe, no tongue can utter, no pencil can paint. The demoralizinginfluence over the soldier is dreadful. No doubt desertion was thisfellow's aim, and, to serve his purpose, he fell into this strongtemptation and crime. Desertion cost the life of one whom I saw inMississippi sitting on a white-pine coffin and followed by his armedcomrades, who were soon to take his life. It was then as now, too lateto speak a word to that soldier-boy. And I hastened to outdistance thereport of the guns that took his life. But I failed, as in the presentsad event. 

I called on a number of friends and co-laborers in Richmond; for here, as in every place, I have found kindred spirits. I spent the nightwith dear sisters in Christ, who labored in his vineyard to uplift thelowly. Scripture reading and prayer closed this eventful day. 

On March 3d, at six o'clock A. M. , I left Richmond and took thesteamer _Martin_ at the Rockets, followed by my friend, Mrs. Morris, with a basket of fresh cakes, apples, oranges, and a bottle ofwine. I asked her to excuse me for objecting to the bottle of wine, asI never drank it. 

"O, indeed, you must take it; your royal highness may be ill, and youmay find it quite proper to take a little wine for your 'stomach'ssake. ' Don't, my dear madam, refuse your most humble servant theprivilege of presenting this basket and its contents, wine and all, tomy royal madam. "

And I saw by the starting tear that she would feel quite hurt if Irefused her, and accepted her gift. 

As we steamed down the river I saw many little hillocks where wereburied the fallen soldiers who left their northern homes with highhopes of saving the nation's life from the hand of treason. Here theyfell long before Richmond was taken. We passed Burmuda Hundred andCity Point, upon which stood General Grant's headquarters. Next cameHarrison's Landing, near President Harrison's birth-place, an ancientappearing building situated upon a high bluff. 

At Wilson's Landing and Clarmount Landing there was a high bank, uponwhich lived one of the wealthiest men in the State of Virginia, William Allen, who adopted the name of his father-in-law for the sakeof his immense wealth. William Allen, sen. , had no son, but an onlydaughter, and he offered his entire estate to any young man whom hisdaughter might be pleased to accept, if he would assume his name; hecared not how poor he might be, if he was only respectable. Thedaughter had many suitors, but at length a young man won this brideand adopted the whole name--William Allen. At the death of the father-in-law he came into possession of thirteen plantations and over fourthousand slaves. All these plantations were managed by overseers. Oneman told me he had seen him take a keg of gold and silver coins downto the sand-bank, with a company of his comrades, on a holiday spree, and when they were all thoroughly drunk he would take up a handful ofgold and silver pieces, throw them in the sand, and tell them toscramble, and he that got the most was the best fellow. He, with therest, "scrambled, " as he called it. William Allen declared that theYankees had robbed him of fifty thousand dollars worth of negroesunder ten years of age, and more than one hundred and fifty thousanddollars' worth of slaves above that age. 

At twelve o'clock we landed at Jamestown. In this old, dilapidatedplace were yet standing brick walls of three old buildings open to thebirds and the bats. The brick of these half-torn down buildings weretransported from England more than two hundred years ago. I saw apiece of a marble slab from the graveyard dated 1626, broken in piecesby soldiers for relics. We were soon met by the ambulance-driver, andhe took us through a nice field of wheat owned by William Allen, justreferred to, who was one of our passengers to the ancient city ofWilliamsburg. Here was a large insane asylum, built of importedbricks from England, with a marble front, erected, by Lord Bottetourt, governor of the colony. It was founded in 1688. The tower was ninety-six feet high, and the number of inmates one hundred and one, forty-two of whom were colored. Robert M. Garrett was the physician andsuperintendent. This is the oldest institution of the kind in theUnion. In the front yard of this asylum stands, in life-size, thestatue of Lord Bottetourt. As we were passing through the apartmentswe listened to a very sweet voice singing a hymn. Said my guide, "Mr. Scott is singing for you. He is General Winfield Scott's nephew. Hebet both of his plantations that the Confederates would succeed inthis war, and when Richmond fell he became insane and was brought heretwo weeks ago. "

I was shown an old brick church in which was a colored school of onehundred and ninety-six scholars, taught by Miss Barton, ofConnecticut, and a gentleman from Michigan. Here I found myself athome at once. There were here, previous to the late war, twoinstitutions of learning--the William and Mary College at one end ofthe main street, and at the other, three and a quarter miles distant, the female seminary. The college was burned in the war of 1776, againin the war of 1812, and, for the third time, a few months before I wasthere. There was no school now in the female seminary, and it lookedas if waiting for repairs. Here is the old ivy-bound church in whichGeorge Washington was married. The bricks of this building were alsobrought from England. This town was the capital of tins State previousto its removal to Richmond. 

I walked nearly two miles to Fort Magruder, where I found a coloredschool of one hundred and fifty-eight members, taught by Maggie Thorpeand Martha Haines, of New York, under the auspices of the Society ofFriends. To accommodate men and women who could not leave their workduring the day they opened a night school, and had fifty of thatclass. Half of these did not know their letters when their schoolopened in February, and could then read quite fluently in the secondand third readers. A few miles further there was another school ofthirty scholars who had made commendable progress. 

The teachers informed me that there were many very old people on theoldest plantation near King's Mill, who needed help. I was furnishedwith an ambulance, in which I took a bale of bedding and clothing, andwent from cabin to cabin to visit twenty-seven aged people, from sixtyto a hundred and five years of age. After learning their most urgentneeds, I selected supplies for each. When I expressed my surprise atseeing the old plantation with such a grove of woods, Uncle Bob Jones, the oldest of them all, said:

"Missus, all dat woods on dat side I helped clar off when firs' woodswas thar, beech, maple an' linn wood, only now an' agin a pine. Den wework it till it wore out, an' wouldn't noffin grow on it, an' we lefit to grow up to dose pines you see. "

"Is this possible?" I said. "I saw men chopping sawmill logs as I camethrough that wood. "

"Yes, missus, " he answered; "shure's you are bo'n, my sweat lies darunder dem big tree roots. My Milla an' me was married when we'schillen, an' we's had a good many chillen, but de Lo'd knows whar da'sgone to; da sole down de riber, many, many year ago. But we prayed toLo'd Jesus to take keer on 'em all dese years, an' we'll go home toglory soon. "

In answer to my query as to his age, he said:

"Massa Moses' book say I's a hundred an' five, an' my Milla's ahundred an' three. I might slip count a year or two, but I reckonnot. "

I never before met one couple living to this advanced age. I gave themthe best new quilt I had, made by a class of Sabbath-school girls, from eight to fifteen years of age, in Wayne County, Michigan. Thenames of the little girls were written on the blocks they pieced. Theold man was quite blind, but he felt of it; then he exclaimed:

"Missus, did you say little white gals made this? Lo'd bless thelittle angels! Honey, look at dis; we's neber had sich a nice bed-kiver in all our lives. "

To this she assented:

"I see it's a beauty; we's neber had sich a kiver afore, missus; tellde sweet little angels we'll pray for 'em as long as we live. "

"Yes, tell 'em we won't stop prayin' for 'em when we gits up yonder, in de mansions, " rejoined the old man. 

It seemed to them wonderful that white girls should make such a nicequilt for black folks, and they were in an ecstasy over the surprise. Aunt Milla could see to do considerable work in their little gardenpatch, that some of the younger men among them had spaded for her. Every thing about their little cabin was neat and clean, and theirclothes were well patched. Uncle Bob had been off this plantation buttwice in his life; then he went to Williamsburg. It was affecting tosee these old, worn-out slaves rejoicing over freedom, but it seemedto be more on account of their children and of their race. They hadpassed through many hard trial but their faith was strong that theywere soon going to rest with Jesus. 

A colored man brought two cripples to me, in his cart, for relief andtheir wants were supplied. He said he wished I could see two old menwho were living in the mill. One of them was an old soldier in theJackson war. My ambulance friend took me to the old brick mill thatwas the first one built in that country, they said more than a hundredand fifty years ago. The roof was covered with thick moss. The cedarshingles, as well as bricks, were brought from England. 

I found here an intelligent mulatto man of about sixty years who hadhad a fever sore a little above the ankle a number of years. He wasthe eldest of twenty seven children. His mother had thirteen pairs oftwins and he the only single child, and they were all sold to slave-dealers of the lower States. 

"When my mother died in the cold cellar' he told me 'I begged to seeher but my old master said he would shoot me if I dared to set foot onhis plantation case I'd been with Yankees and she died one year agowithout a child to give her a sip of water. My wife and seven childrenbelong to another man who said he would shoot my brains out if I daredto come on his plantation. But I pray God to help my wife to go to thesoldiers before they are all gone and get them to help her to come tome with our children. I was one of the slaves that master promisedfreedom, at the close of General Jackson's war and the general promisedus ten dollars a month besides during service which was one year andeight mouths. There were five regiments of colored men. Some got theirfreedom as promised but my master and many others were more severethan ever. On my return home I reminded my master of the promise offreedom by him and General Jackson but I found it unsafe to say anything more about it. We thought General Jackson ought to have seen thepromise made good, as long as he promised freedom as well as ourmasters. He gave us credit for being among the best soldiers he had. But we never would have fought as we did had it not been for freedomahead. We pledged ourselves to each other, that we never would fightfor white folks again, unless we knew our freedom was sure. And neverwould our people have gone into this war had it not been for theProclamation of Emancipation from the President of the whole UnitedStates. "

This man was the most intelligent and used the best language of anycolored person of his age I met in this portion of Virginia. Hismother's name was Maria Sampson. She lived and died in King WilliamCounty, Virginia. There were twenty sons and seven daughters of herown. Yet, through wicked enactments, her master tore from her everyone, and claimed her own body besides, as a valuable piece ofproperty. 

My next visit was to an old brick kitchen. In the "loft, " lived twoaged sisters of seventy-five and eighty years, whose youngest brother, of about sixty years, was insane. His sisters said about twenty yearsago he "lost his mind. " His wife and children were all sold from himdown the river, and he grieved so long over it, he lost his mind, andnever came right since. As I entered, I took him by the hand andinquired for the aged women in that house; he pointed to the stairway. As I was going up the stairs, he danced to and fro, slapping hishands, "Glory, hallelujah to the Lamb!" I paused to look at him. Hissisters met me at the head of the stairs, and said, "Don't mind him, he has no mind, and is rejoicin' to see a white woman come up thesestairs, for it's a new thing. I reckon there hain't been a white womanup here more'n twenty year, an' he don't know how to tell hisgladness. ". They said he was good to bring them wood and water, andtake care of himself in washing and patching his own clothes. Ipresented him a suit, and when he found they would fit him, thedancing and singing were resumed. I should judge from the history hissisters gave of him, and from his high forehead, that he had been aman of more than ordinary talent. These sisters, too, had been madewidows and childless by slavery's cruel hand. This I found to be thehard lot of all these old people. They told me of many cruel over-seers, that would take the life of a slave, to get their names up as"boss overseers. " I told them I had heard of instances where anoverseer was missing occasionally. One old man dropped his head, thenlooking up said, in a hesitating manner, "I's knowed that in my time, but massar keep it mighty still, an' say de overseer runned away, an'he git one right soon agin. " I talked and read, and offered prayerwith these stripped and lonely ones. 

During my three weeks' stay in Williamsburg, Fort Magruder, andvicinity, I had a number of meetings with these newly freed slaves, three of them in those old slave-pens in which were large schoolstaught. 

I took a stroll through the old graveyard which surrounded the oldivy-covered church. The marble slabs were mostly in a horizontalposition, with quaint inscriptions. In these J, or I, was often foundin place of the figure 1. The spelling, too, we should call badlywarped. I copied a few of the epitaphs, as follows:

 Here lyes the Body of Mr John Collett, who departed this life February 24th, 1794, aged 52 years

 Sacred to the memory of James Nicholson, late stuard of William and Mary College. Was born in the Town of Invenck, North Britton, ano 1711, died the 22nd of January, 1773. Frugality--industry, and simplicity of manners and independence of Soul Adorned his character and procured universal esteem. 

 READER, Learn from this example as the most exalted Station may be debased by vice, so there is no situation in life on which virtue will not confer DIGNITY. 

 Mrs. Catharine Stephenson died April 22; born in Nottinghamshire, 1778. Her body now slumbers along with the dead;

 Her Savior hath called, to him she has gone, Be ye also ready to follow her soon. 

 Under this marble lieth the body of Thomas Ludwell, Esq. , Secretary of Virginia, who was born at Britton in of Summerset in the kingdom of England, and departed this life in the year 1678; and near this place lye the bodies of Richard Kerdp, Esq, his predecessor in ye Secretary's office and Sr. 

 Thomas Lunsford, Kt. , in memory of whom this marble is placed by order of Philip Ludwell, Esq. , nephew of the said Thomas Ludwell, in the year 1727. 

As Yorktown was an important post, after three weeks' work in thissection, I repaired to that ancient place. There I found two largecamps. A few large freedmen's schools were established under theauspices of Philadelphia Friends, and of these Jacob Vining hadsupervision. Two others were under the supervision of the AmericanMissionary Association. Both were doing a noble work for these people, who were like hungry children, grasping at the food handed them bythese Christian teachers. 

We had a very large meeting in the old barracks fitted up for schooland meetings. There were more than could get inside, and groups stoodat the door and outside the windows. Here I met two young men who hadwalked all the way from beyond Fort Magruder, eighteen miles, toattend this meeting. They were more intelligent than the largerportion of life-long slaves. They were encouraged in the futureprospect of freedom. They said the white people declared they wouldsoon have all their slaves back again, the same as they had before thewar. Said one, "They talk it so strong it makes us trimble. For we-unsthink they'd be harder on us than ever. " I told them to look at thatstrong fort built by Confederates, which they had said "all theYankees of the North could never take. " "And where is it now?" I said. "You may rest assured it will be as I repeated to-day, 'Except theLord keep the city the watchman walketh but in vain; except the Lordbuild the house they labor in vain who build it. ' The Lord will neverpermit the house of bondage to be rebuilt, for the cup of our nation'swickedness has been filled to the brim. They will never again barterfor paltry gold the bodies and souls of those whom Christ died toredeem with his own precious blood. No, never. " They wept, whiletalking over the past, with new hopes before them of their future. They said they were well paid for their long walk, though they shouldwork the next day with blistered feet. They were working for their oldowner, as he had promised to pay them. They had sometimes felt fearfulas to the final result of this war. If there were doubts, they wouldgo as far North as they could while they were enjoying their presentliberty. 

A number lingered to talk with me on the prospect of freedom orslavery for them, telling me of the positive expressions of theirformer masters, and of their threats of having them all back againwithin a few months. They wanted to know what the prospect was inWashington. 

"Do you think we are sure to come out of the wilderness?" said one. 

"Will this sun of freedom, now peepin' troo de black cloud, come cl'arout, an' make a bright day?" said another. 

I found many of these people in trouble, because they saw plainly theold slave spirit reviving, and they were trembling with fear; butothers had stronger faith. There was one poor woman, whose husband andfour children were sold to a trader, to be taken down the river in agang. When the news came to her master's home that Richmond hadfallen, she said:

"Missus an' all was cryin', and say da catch Jeff. Davis. An' Ihurried de supper on de table; an' I say, Missus, can Dilla wait ontable till I go to de bush-spring an' git a bucket o' cool water?' Shesay, 'Hurry, Mill; an' I seed 'em all down to table afore I starts. Den I walks slow till I git out o' sight, when I runn'd wid all mymight till I git to de spring, an' look all 'round, an' I jump up an'scream, 'Glory, glory, hallelujah to Jesus! I's free! I's free! Gloryto God, you come down an' free us; no big man could do it. ' An' I gotsort o' scared, afeared somebody hear me, an' I takes another goodlook, an' fall on de groun', an' roll over, an' kiss de groun' fo' deLord's sake, I's so full o' praise to Massar Jesus. He do all disgreat work. De soul buyers can neber take my two chillen lef' me; no, neber can take 'em from me no mo';" and the tears fell thick and fastas she told me how she clung to her husband, then to her children, asthe trader took them to the slave-pen to lock up till they were readyto start for the river. Her mistress ordered her to be whipped becauseshe cried so long for her husband and children. I did not wonder ather ecstasy. 

A poor old slave, called Aunt Sally, came to me April 15th; crippledwith rheumatism, and walking as well as she could with two canes. Sheasked for a blanket or quilt, saying that one old blanket had been heronly bed for seven years. I told her I should pass her home the nextday, and would bring her some things. She said, "I mus' hurry back, ormissus will fin' me out. You gib 'em to the man choppin' wood in deyard; he'll put 'em in de cellar for me. Missus is mighty hard on youalls;" and she hobbled back as fast as she could with two canes. Buther mistress found out that she had been to see me, and told her sheshould never set her foot inside her yard again, neither should aYankee. The day following I took a package for Aunt Sally, containinga straw bed-tick, quilt, blanket, and a good suit of clothes; for Ihad learned that Mrs. Pendleton, the daughter of ex-President Taylor, was a hard mistress. Aunt Sally had served her father, and helpedbring up his children, and was now seventy-five or eighty years old. From the cold, damp cellar, with only one blanket to cover her, shehad become badly crippled, and was left to die, like an old worn-outhorse. 

The colored man near the fence of the back yard told me I would findAunt Sally in a little cabin he pointed out, with two old coloredpeople. I found her crying. She said her mistress had turned her out, and told her she should never come inside her yard, nor eat a kernelof the corn that she had planted in ground all spaded by herself, andit was growing so nice. The old people very kindly offered to sharewith her. He was a cobbler, and made all he could, but he said theyhad but one bed. I furnished one for her, and gave the old people aquilt and a few needed garments for their kindness to Aunt Sally. They, too, had been stripped of all their large family, as well asAunt Sally of hers. 

As I passed Mrs. Pendleton's front yard I saw a large bloodhound on thedoor-step as sentinel. Even a look at him from the street brought athreatening growl. 

Here, too, were William and Phillis Davis, over eighty years of age, they think. They had fourteen children, "all sold down the river, "they said, "except those we's got in heaven. We's glad they's safe, an' we trus' de jubilee trumpet will retch their ears, way down Souf, we don't know whar. We's cried for freedom many years, an' it comeat last, " said the old, tottering man. 

Eva Mercer, over seventy five years of age, had a large family. Herhusband and all her children were sold twenty years ago. She has beenleft to perish alone, and had had no underclothes for seven years. Shewas supplied, and made more comfortable than she had been for years. 

David Cary, one hundred years old, in great suffering, was relieved. He, too, had a large family. Three wives were sold from him, and hischildren, one, two, and three at a time, were sent down the river, never to be heard from again. He said he forgot a great many thingsevery day, "but I can never forget the grief I passed through inparting with my good wives and chillens. "

Pross Tabb, ninety years old, was turned out of his cabin, and came tothe captain crying. He said, "Massar Tabb turn me out to die by deroadside. I begged him to let me build me a cabin in de woods, and hesay if I cut a stick in his woods he'll shoot me. " The captaininformed J. P. Tabb that he would violate the martial law, and befined and imprisoned, if he turned that old man out of his cabin, where be had lived and served him many years. The poor lone man waspermitted to remain. J. P. Tabb owned twelve thousand acres of land, and had called himself master of one hundred and sixty slaves; now allhad left him. 

Sunday, May 3d, was a beautiful Sabbath. In the morning I attendedservice at the school-house, conducted by a Baptist minister, whoexamined nine new converts. Among them was a little girl, SusanMonroe, eight years old. The preacher asked her, "What have you got tosay 'bout Jesus, sis?"

"He tuck de han' cuffs off my han's, " she replied, "an' de spancelsoff my feet, an' Jesus made me free. "

With a few other satisfactory answers he passed to the next, a man offorty, perhaps: "And what have you to tell us?"

"It 'peared, " he said, "like I's so heavy here, on my heart. I coulddo nuffin but groan, 'Massar Jesus have pity on poor me;' an' as I wasa walkin' 'long de road, he cum sure, an' poured hisself all over me, an' cover over my han's an' my feet, an' made me all over new. I sayis dis me? Glory, hallalujah! dis is me. I went on an' met sis Molly. 'What's de matter o' me? it's all full tide here, ' I says. 'Whyhoney, ' she answered, 'you's got 'ligion; praise de Lord! Now keep depure stuff, don't trade it off for de devil. ' An' by de help o' deLord, I don't do any sich tradin'. "

The next was queried. "Ah, I's played de fool, " he said, "in jist datkind o' tradin'. I's an ole backslider. Ole Satan had me, sure, an' Icried, 'Massar Jesus, save me from dat horrible pit, ' an' he fotch meout, an' put dese feet on de rock, and here I means to stan'. "

Others were examined, and a season of prayer followed. Their prayerswere marked for their originality and earnestness. Said one woman, "OhLord, do please hitch up your cheer a little nearer your winder--drawaside your curtain, an' look down 'pon us poor creturs, an' gib yourtable-cloth a good shake, dat we may pick up a few crumbs. "

There were many of these much more intelligent than I supposed Ishould find them, and used as good language as the white people. House-servants and body-servants were more intelligent than those wholived only in the field. They were very imaginative, and talked withGod. One woman in giving a sketch of slave life, said a young girlwent to a night meeting contrary to orders, and for so doing wasstripped naked and whipped in the presence of the other slaves, themaster himself plying the lash. While she cried for mercy her masterreplied, "I'll give you mercy. " "Good Lord do come and help me. " "Yes, I'll help you" (and kept plying the lash). "Do, Lord, come now; if youha'n't time send Jesus. " "Yes, I'm your Jesus, " retorted the inhumanpersecutor, and he continued to ply the lash until thirty strokes werewell laid on. 

The colonel commanding this post called on me with a request to go toGloucester Court-house, to look after the condition of the freedmenthere. There were several very old, crippled people in Gloucester, inalmost a nude condition. I agreed to go, and the colonel went toprocure a buggy, as his own was broken; but he failed to get one, though more than a double price was offered, because he was a Yankee. He returned discouraged, as he was unwilling to send me in a Virginiacart, the only government conveyance. I told him I had frequently seenthe wealthiest ladies sitting on straw, with no other seat in thecart. "O yes, " he answered, "the F. F. V. 's ride in that way here. Butyou look too much like my mother to see you go in that style. I couldnot bear to have your children in Michigan know that I sent theirmother out to ride thirty miles in that way;" and tears filled hiseyes, as he referred to his own mother in his far off Northern home. Itold him if I could accomplish any good by going, I was more thanwilling to take the cart-ride, as I could make a seat with my bale ofclothing, and thus I went. 

I crossed York River at Gloucester Point, and stepped into a store towait for our soldier driver. Here a Southern brigadier-generaladdressed me in the following style:

"I reckon you are from the North, madam. "

"I am from the State of Michigan, " I said, "but more directly fromWashington. "

"You Northern people can not be satisfied with robbing us of millionsof dollars in slaves, that were just as much our property as yourhorses and cattle, but you stole our sheep and horses, or any thingelse you could get hands on; and yet that was not enough. Now you havea bill in Congress to rob us of our land, and of course it will pass. Then we'll go to work and mix up a little cake to bake for ourfamilies, and you'll come and snatch even that away from us. "

"You probably refer, " I said, "to the bill just introduced, to allowthe _leaders_ in this Rebellion no more than twenty thousanddollars' worth of real estate, confiscating the balance, to sell inparcels to the soldiers and poor people, black or white, on liberalterms, to liquidate the _war debt_. This debt would never havebeen contracted, had not the South brought on the war. You fired uponSumter; you determined to sever the Union. It was a bargain of yourown making. You determined to make slavery the chief corner stone ofthe Republic, but another stone, _Liberty_, has ground it topowder. We had better accept the situation as we find it, and not calleach other thieves and robbers because your chief corner-stone is nomore. God never designed that we should make merchandise of humanbeings. In the written Word we find that God made of one blood all thenations of the earth. We find there no lines of distinction because ofcolor or condition. Now let us drop slavery and hold it no longer asthe bone of contention, and live henceforward a united nation. "

With flushed face and flashing eyes he said, "_Never_, NEVERshall we give up our rights. We acknowledge you have overpowered us, but you have not, and _never will_, conquer us; we shall yet insome way secure our _rights_ as Southerners, notwithstanding allyour Northern preaching. "

"If you carry out your position, " I rejoined, "you will unite withsome foreign power to break up our government, or to grind itsrepublican form into powder and scatter it to the four winds. "

"Of course we should, and you can't blame us for doing that. It isjust exactly what we shall do if we have the chance. "

After a few minutes unpleasant talk of this sort our soldier drove infront of the door for me. We borrowed a little box, upon which acoffee sack of clothing was laid, and we thus made a comparativelycomfortable seat. 

We reached Gloucester, and, on May 10th, went to the office of CaptainMcConnell. He was engaged all the morning in hearing complaints on thepart of the freedmen and in adjusting their wrongs. Some of them werepitiable cases of outrage, but we can not report them here. There wereeight difficulties settled within the few hours that I remained in theoffice. I resumed visiting and supplying the wants of the destitute asfar as my means would allow. There were some old and crippled peoplehere in the same condition as those whom I had relieved in otherplaces in this part of the State. As usual, I took with me my Bible, for these colored people had none, because they had never beenpermitted to learn to read. Many of them gave thrilling sketches oftheir experiences in slave-life. 

On May 13th, at four o'clock P. M. , I found myself back at OldYorktown. Here I visited the cave in which General Cornwallis wasfound. The old wood house in which the treaty was signed is coveredwith thick moss. A two-story brick building was Washington's head-quarters after he took possession of Yorktown. It was also the head-quarters of the Union generals after it fell into their hands. Herewas the stamping-ground of two great armies. The contention was notnow with British red-coats, as in the Revolution, but with ourbrethren in gray. Richard Lee, an ex-slave-holder, undertook to whip acolored man with the help of his overseer, after the old style, but inthe struggle he found himself cut in two or three places, and theblood was flowing pretty freely from the overseer. The colored mantold them whipping days were past, and he came out of the affray withbut few scratches. His offense was refusing to work on Sundayafternoon. They entered no complaint at the office of the Freedmen'sBureau, and the colored man went about his business unmolested. 

After taking leave of many dear friends at this place, through thekindness of sister Ailsgood, the matron of the Teachers' Home, I wasconveyed to the boat in Lieutenant Massy's carriage. We enjoyed abeautiful run on the Chesapeake. Among our passengers for Norfolk wasa young lady who seemed bright and gay, but had nearly spoiled herselfwith affectation. She was going to visit her aunt previous to enteringupon her new duties in teaching a school. 

"I never did do any thing of the kind, " she told me; "but pa says Imust; now that we have lost all our servants by this awful war. But Idon't know how I'll do. Do you think I can teach a small school?"

Receiving a word of encouragement, she went on:

"I reckon I'll have to try. We've always had a lady preceptress at ourhouse, besides the nurse, to take care of us. "

A few minutes after I saw her weeping bitterly, as if her heart wasnearly broken. Placing my hand upon her shoulder I inquired if she hadheard bad news that was grieving her? She sobbed and sighed with quitean effort in commanding her feelings to speak. 

"No; do you see that man yonder with a light hat on?"

"Yes. "

"Well, he winked at me, and I was never so insulted in my life. "

And she burst again into tears. 

"Don't grieve over that, " I said; "I wouldn't look at him. "

"But I never was so insulted. I'm so glad my brother ain't here; Itell you there'd be trouble. "

"Never mind; don't notice him. "

"Won't you stand by me?"

"Yes; I'll stand here, " I answered. And she soon became calm, when Ithought it safe to leave. But a few moments later I saw her weeping ashard as ever. I went across the cabin to her relief the third time andinquired, "What is the trouble now?"

"He winked at me again, and I never, never was so insulted. I know ifmy brother was here he'd shoot him, for he'd never stand this. "

I stood by her this time till I saw her in the ladies' dressing-room, by her request remaining between her and the object of her fears, whowas at least fifteen feet from us, sitting in the farthest end of thecabin. After she had washed and combed her hair she asked, "How doesmy hair look? I never combed my hair myself. Our nurse did thatalways, until six months ago our last servant left us, I don't know ifit looks well anyhow, for I don't know how to dress it. And do my eyeslook as if I'd been crying?"

"Not to be noticed, " I said. "You look all right. "

"Will you see if that fellow has gone out?"

On the report that he had left she returned. I inquired if she wasalone. 

"O, no, not entirely; pa put me under the care of a splendid man; Ireckon he's on deck; O, he's such a beautiful gentleman; he was pa'soverseer a good many years; pa thought he couldn't carry on ourplantation without him; when I see him I'll be all right. I reckonyou've heard of my pa. Everybody knows him--Mr. Hampton--in GloucesterCounty, one of the most splendid counties in the State. "Were you everin Gloucester County?"

"I was there last week, " I answered. 

"Isn't it the most beautiful county you ever saw?"

I replied, "Nature has done enough to make it so. "

"It was a grand county before the war, " she said. "Everybody thinksit's the best county in the State of Virginia. "

But my opinion widely differed from hers. It seemed to me one of thedarkest and most God-forsaken corners of the earth. But the influenceof slavery had its deleterious effects upon whites as well as blacks. 

Laura Hampton knew nothing of self-reliance. All she knew was to be aconsequential young lady of distinction, full of exalted qualifyingadjectives in the superlative degree. But she was not so much toblame as her parents for her simpering and tossing the head withoverstocked affectation. She was to be pitied for her unfortunatesurroundings. Her "splendid man, " a "beautiful gentleman, " was acoarse, burly headed "Legree" in appearance. 

I arrived at Norfolk at four o'clock P. M. , and found a pleasant homeat the Tyler House. Here, I met eighteen teachers, with whom I enjoyeda refreshing prayer-meeting, led by S. J. Whiting, a missionary, whogave an interesting sketch of his experience in the Meudi Mission inAfrica. I gave an account of the work accomplished through theblessing of God in the Mississippi Valley, while I was accompanied bymy dear sister Backus, and spoke of trials I had recently passedthrough. Here were kindred spirits, with whom we held sweet communion, and with our Heavenly Father, who is ever near at hand. 

While in this part of the State, I saw a white woman who had beencruelly assaulted and beaten with a raw-hide by her sister and niecefor associating with the teachers of our freedmen's schools. Theythought she had disgraced the family; but she said she would not turnaway from those Christian ladies, however her own kindred might treather. O the wrongs and outrages which the spirit of slavery inflictednot only on the blacks, but also on the white people of the South!

CHAPTER XV. 

EXPERIENCES AMONG FREEDMEN. 

I was told by General Armstrong, commander of the post in ElizabethCity, that twenty-five thousand inhabitants had been supplied withfood, and that more whites than blacks had called for rations. Therewere six thousand freedmen in this district. Twenty-six hundred oftheir children were in schools; and thirteen hundred were half orentire orphans, that drew rations. They had had no civil court heresince March 20th, and no justice was shown to freedmen. There was asmuch complaint here as elsewhere about their unwillingness to work;but the general said it was only because they got no pay. A fewplantations were rented here by Northerners; but they made nocomplaint for want of hands, and had more applications for work thanthey could furnish. 

General Armstrong secured a carriage, May 18th, to take his wife andmyself to the Downey School, a few miles distant, to see what a noblework the two Stewart sisters were there doing. He took us to a largefarm of eight hundred and six acres, rented by a Northern man by thename of Jackson, who said he had worked it three years, and had takenit for two years longer. He had no difficulty in keeping good help. "All these people want is fair and kind treatment" he said, "to makegood and faithful hands the year around. I can not employ all who comefor work. I have seen them leave weeping over their disappointment. "

Near this place was the school conducted by the two sisters, Emily andJennie Stewart, of South Hill, Steuben County, New York. They had onehundred and eighty-five scholars, and were doing a grand work amongthe white people in that community. Two young men were convertedthrough their instrumentality, and were exerting a powerful influenceover the white people. They were attending the school, to which anumber of white families sent their children. It widely differs fromall others I have visited In the South. These earnest Christian girlswere emphatically teaching a school of Christ on week-days as well ason the Sabbath. The two young men referred to had the ministry inview, and were very earnest in their exhortations. I addressed theschool, and conversed with those young white men, who seemed in a verytender frame of mind. These dear sisters urged me to spend a week withthem; and General Armstrong kindly offered to send his conveyance forme at the close of the week, or whenever I might fix the time. But asmy supplies were out, I wished to hasten back to Washington. 

During the day's ride we passed the place of a large Sabbath school, which was first opened by a soldier, W. Badger, Jun. , a faithfullaborer in this work. It had flourished ever since. 

We visited a number of plantations with which the general wasunacquainted. He hailed a passer-by to inquire the distance to the OldBrick Church. "O, you're smash up to it, " he said. I looked up to seeit, when he continued, "'T ain't but two miles ahead. " The generalthought it was three miles, at least, before we reached the oldcolonial church, built one hundred and twenty-five years ago, out ofbrick brought from England. 

We passed through, a forest of young pines that had been rented threeyears to colored people in five and ten acre lots. They were toreceive one-fourth of all they raised, and pay the remainder as rent. Said the general, as we came opposite a ten-acre lot where a man, hiswife, and daughter were all hard at work grubbing. "That man willhardly get a meager subsistence from one-fourth of that land. " And heinquired of the man if he expected to get his living off the fourth ofthat lot. 

"I reckon so, " was the answer. "After we gets the crop in my wife andgal can tend it, and I'll get work by the day while its growin'. "

Sunday, May 20th, was a pleasant Sabbath. I attended a large meeting, and listened to a very interesting discourse by a freedman. At theclose he earnestly exhorted his hearers to purity of life in their newfreedom. He wanted to see all filthy habits left behind with bondage. "Do not let us take with us, " he said, "any habit of drinking--noteven using tobacco. Let us search ourselves, and see if we areworshiping God with clean hearts and mouths. "

Opportunity being offered, I made a few remarks from II Chronicles, xv:12, "And they entered into covenant to seek the Lord God of theirfathers with all their heart and with all their soul. " After meeting, minister and people gathered around me to shake my hands, until theywere lame a number of days. Said one, "Da's took de bridle off ourheads, an' let us loose to serve God. " Near the place was the ZionMethodist Church, that had been used occasionally for _auction salesof slaves_. There were thirty acres here, purchased by coloredpeople, laid out in two-acre lots. Most of them had built littlecabins, but others were working out by the day to earn means to payfor their lots before they built. 

In the evening I visited a school of twenty-five adults, who could notattend during the day. A number of them read for me very intelligibly. James Wright did not know his letters at Christmas, but could now readfluently. He was sixty years of age. Robert Bell, aged fifty, who didnot know his letters in March, could now read in the second reader. 

Captain Flagg and wife invited me to take another ride out in thecountry where colored people had rented land. 

On our way we met five carts laden with F. F. V. 's. The captaininquired of one man how far it was to Providence Church. "Sir, " heanswered, "you are slap-jam on to it; only a mile and a half, sure. "As usual we went twice the distance; the captain said he alwayscalculated a Virginia mile to be double the length of ours. Thischurch had been built one hundred years before with brick brought fromEngland. We called on six families. Said one woman, "I tried hard toserve God forty years ago, but mighty idle; Massa's lash so sharp, 'peared like we poor creturs never rest till we drop in our graves. "

We visited Ex-Governor Henry A. Wise's plantation of five hundredacres, with fifty cabins in the negro quarters. This was confiscated. There were many of his former slaves here, aged and helpless, and asuccessful school was taught in his dwelling-house. Here wereseventeen schools under the charge of the American MissionaryAssociation, which were taught by eleven lady teachers and sixgentlemen. H. C. Perry was the superintendent of schools in NorfolkDistrict. 

The Taylor plantation was the next which we visited. It containedseventeen thousand acres, seven hundred acres of which were worked, and ready for renting to freedmen. In Captain Flagg's district therewere three thousand four hundred and eighty-six freed childrenattending day-school, and five hundred and one scholars in the night-schools. One hundred and ninety-two of these were over sixteen yearsof age. The above included seven counties: Norfolk, Princess Ann, Nansemond, Isle of Wight, Southampton, Accomack, and Northampton, thelast two on the eastern shore of Chesapeake Bay. It is well to notethe _income_ of these confiscated plantations, that had, up toMay 25, 1866, been returned to original owners. There had been paidover by Captain Flagg to government toward liquidating the war debt, thirteen thousand dollars. All of this was the avails of negro help onthe government farms, except the Wise and Taylor plantations, thatwere still occupied for the benefit of the aged, sick, blind, andcrippled men, women, and orphans. 

I returned to Washington, where I found a request that I should takefifteen colored orphans to our Home in Michigan. 

The commissioners having charge of money sent here by all the FreeStates, for sanitary purposes, proposed to place five hundred dollarsin my hands for the two orphan asylums in Michigan, out of the ninehundred dollars that came from our State. This was to be equallydivided between Detroit Orphan Asylum and the one in Raisin Institute, known at that time as Haviland Home. A majority of the commissionersobjected to its being placed in the hands of a woman, to select goodsto be purchased at auction rates. Consequently, a young man was sentwith me to see that wise selections were made for the little homelesswaifs for whom the relief was designed. Being somewhat acquainted, with my work, he said he was ashamed of the vote of the board, indistrusting my ability to select goods for the little children of theasylums, when I had been at this work all my life, and constantlyduring three years past. But I told him I was thankful to get the fivehundred dollars, and could waive their notions of woman's inabilityvery comfortably. He assented to all the selections I made, and Iarranged to return home with the fifteen orphans and forty laborers, who wished to go to Cleveland, Ohio, where their friends had gone forwork and reported to them favorably. 

I found in these people a strong attachment to their own color; hencethe unwillingness for a few to go a great distance without a prospectof others to follow. It was a heavy pressure of persecution that coulddrive them from their old Southern homes to Washington for protection, and the heavy pressure of want staring them in the face that couldinduce them to leave for Northern States to find work. Fifteenthousand were then huddled in and about Washington. Hundreds could notget work at ten cents a day, besides rations. General O. O. Howardgave transportation for many car-loads to go to the States of NewYork, Pennsylvania, Ohio, and other free States. But the freedmencould not be persuaded to go into the former slave States, afterhaving left them. General Howard said Northern humanitarians ought tohave a share in this Christian enterprise of furnishing work for theable-bodied and assisting to care for these indigent children; and heurged me to bring as many as practicable. 

Mrs. Ricks knew of fifteen who wished to follow their friends that hadgone to Ohio, and said she would assist me in going through to Adrian, where Joseph McKenzie had spoken to me for eight or ten strong men forhis brickyard. If they had families he said he would help them inbuilding houses on his own land, and if both were suited he wouldeventually sell lots to them. 

While calling on F. C. Beaman, member of Congress, and wife, I wasurged to rest three or four days, at least, before leaving for home. But I told them I must hasten home to rest. Transportation was securedfor fifty-five adults and fifteen orphans. Before we reached Altoona Ifound rations had not been provided for adults, and that we mustpurchase at least seventy-five loaves of bread at that town. As thetrain halted a few minutes, I left for the bakery, but found that ithad been removed a block further. We went on a run, and secured thebread; and I sent the men running with it, so as to reach the carsbefore they should start. But I was left behind, with three young menwho refused to desert me. The men with the bread reached the cars justas they were beginning to move. Mrs. Ricks being with them, I was easyas to their condition. I found I had better keep as quiet as possible, as I was threatened with an attack of dysentery. But transportation, with my official papers, had all gone on, and there was not a soul inAltoona that I ever knew. Yet I was not discouraged, but took thethree young men with me to the railroad superintendent's office, andtold the superintendent I had come on a queer errand, and told myshort story. "And now I solicit the favor of a pass for myself andthese three young men. But you do not know whether I have given you atruthful representation, for I have not so much as a scratch of a penwith me to prove it. "

Said he: "You say your name is Laura S. Haviland. Did you not secure apass to Chicago and return, three years ago, of Mr. Campbell, atAdrian?"

"I did, " was my reply, "as I was going South with sanitary supplies. "

"I thought I had seen you before, " he said. "I was his chief clerk, and made out those passes for you; and I will give you a pass, as yourequest. Would you like to telegraph to the lady assistant?"

"I suppose, " I said, "she will stop over at Pittsburg until I overtakethem; but it would be a favor if their baggage could be properlyrechecked at Pittsburg to stop over one train at Cleveland, as aportion of the adults are to stop there. "

"I will telegraph the freight agent to take special care in recheckingtheir baggage, and request the operators to telegraph to railroadauthorities at Cleveland that this car-load of blacks in charge ofMrs. Ricks are to wait over one train for you. "

I told him if that could be done without fail it would be a greatfavor, as I was sick, and Mrs. Ricks would have time to send thesecolored people up town to their friends. He telegraphed all thesedirections, and also requested the ticket agent to meet me with thepasses. 

While waiting for the train I was furnished with a sofa by the kindmatron who kept the ladies' waiting-room. I was met at the Pittsburgdepot with passes, and conducted to the waiting-room for a fewmoments, when the young man came to assist me on the right car. Bythis time my fever ran high, but higher still on reaching Cleveland, and finding that all had gone on to Adrian. Here tickets to Adrianwere waiting for me. 

I met brother J. Berry at Adrian depot, who informed me that all werecared for. I left all with the Lord and the good people of Adrian, whoknew nothing of my trying experiences. 

My children were urgent to send for the doctor at once. I insisted onmy water treatment, but promised to comply with their request if notmaterially better in twelve hours. A few days of rest and quietrestored my health. 

Although Adrian was a little alarmed at this new experience of armystampedes, yet in due time places were found for all to work, andeventually many of them became owners of their own homes. 

The children of soldiers and other homeless waifs, needed attention, and I found more than a dozen in our Orphans' Home without a shirt fora change. But sister Annie Berry donated forty yards of heavysheeting, and within two weeks we had a hundred yards made up intosubstantial garments for these little homeless ones. My health beingstill too poor for hard work, I spent a few weeks with my son, JosephB. Haviland, at Acme, Grand Traverse County. 

On my return home, I found our commission had concluded to close theasylum work, and expend its means in supporting schools in the South. They had sold the West Hall, and it had been removed to Tecumseh, andthey were about to sell the team and other property. I now stated themotive I had when I gave the deed with a proviso, and said thatremoving the building was a wrong step for our commission to take, inview of the proviso. I met the commission in Detroit, and laid beforethem my object, and my desire to make it a State asylum, for thechildren of soldiers and all others who were in our county poor-houses, that were mere nurseries for the prison. I had inquired ofsuperintendents of penitentiaries, how many of the convicts had beenleft orphans in childhood; and the average in Virginia, Maryland, Pennsylvania, and our Michigan State Prison was more than three-fourths. Emma A. Hall, matron of the female prisoners in the Detroithouse of correction, informed me that every girl and woman under hercare had been left an orphan in childhood. In view of this record, andof there being a greater number of that class since the war than everbefore, I had felt the necessity for this asylum. 

George Duffield, D. D. , the president of our commission, replied: "Weknow not but this check is of the Lord, for we are finding it hardwork to secure homes for the forty children now in the Home who areunder ten years of age. " And he moved that a month be allowed me tomake satisfactory arrangements according to my design. While I wasendeavoring to secure ten-dollar subscriptions to effect this result, J. R. Shipherd, secretary, of the Western Division American MissionaryAssociation, sent an agent to purchase the asylum and continue it inits present form. He stated the American Missionary Association couldnot take it with the proviso, but would pay me two hundred and fiftydollars of the five hundred dollars I had agreed to deduct out of thetwo thousand dollars purchase money, if I should relinquish theproviso. I feared the result, thinking the enterprise might be only anexperiment, and might close at some future period, leaving thesechildren a public burden. But J. R. Shipherd pledged his word that nochild of whom the American Missionary Association should take controlshould become a public burden, and would further agree to expend onthe building and grounds, at least from three thousand to fivethousand dollars within a year and a half or two years at longest. 

From the confidence I had in the association I yielded, thoughreluctantly. The agent desired me to take charge of the asylum asmatron, ten days or two weeks, as Mr. Shipherd could secure a matronfrom Vicksburg, Mississippi, in that time. I agreed to do this free ofcharge. Mrs. Edgerton, whom se engaged as matron, arrived in fourweeks. 

It was now late in October, and my Winter cough began to trouble me. This the Southern Winters had melted away during three Winters past, and I concluded to resign my agency in our State Freedmen's AidCommission and work under the auspices of American MissionaryAssociation of the middle division. I secured transportation fromGeneral O. O. Howard to Atlanta, Georgia, and again left my dear onesat home for that field. I spent a few days with my dear friends, Leviand Catharine Coffin, at Cincinnati. As the secretary, brotherCravath, was on an investigating tour in the South, Levi Coffinproposed that I should go to work over the river, in Covington andNewport, Kentucky, as there were a few thousand freedmen congregatedin those towns. He introduced me to a lieutenant, in whose charge thefreedmen's department was left, who took me to a number of barracks, where the sick and suffering were occupying bunks with a bed sack thathad, when possible, been filled with hay, leaves, or husks. 

One poor woman had nothing in her sack, and that was all she had forher bed, aside from an old condemned blanket. She was sufferingintensely with rheumatism. Her limbs and hands were all drawn out ofshape, thus disabling her from dressing herself. I purchased some hayimmediately and had her moved so as to have her bed-sack filled, andthen furnished her with a warm quilt. I procured quantity of thick redflannel and made her a long-sleeved garment to reach over her feet, and made it before I slept. The next morning I took it to her and sawit on her. The poor woman could say nothing for weeping, but aftercommanding her feelings, she said, "This is more than I deserve. Allthe sufferin' I's had all the year is nothin' compared to thesufferin' of my Jesus for poor me. " The colored woman who had the careof her said she never had seen such patience in all her life. The nextday I took her another flannel garment, and relieved many othersduring the month I spent in this field. 

Our lieutenant was an excellent man. One day he wished me to go withhim to see his old building that he had ordered fitted up for a schoolfor three hundred freed children in that part of his district. But hefound that nothing had been done. "Upon my word, " he exclaimed, "not astroke, not a stone, not a window. O, I can't stand this red tape; Ijust want to leave every other duty and pitch into this house. I knowI am too impulsive, but that is the way of an Irishman. I have oftenthought Peter was an Irishman, he was so impulsive. "

I spent the greater portion of New-year's day, 1867, in calling upontwelve families and taking to the sick and aged ones, blankets andclothing. I walked nearly a mile to the ferry, and called at themission-rooms, where I found the secretary, E, M. Cravath, justreturned from his Southern tour. He thought my work was most needed inMemphis, Tennessee. I received from him my commission for that field. I met in his office Rev. A. Scofield and daughter, just driven fromCamp Nelson, by returned secessionists. After a very busy New-year'sday, I returned to Levi Coffin's for the night, and the next day leftfor Memphis, which I reached on the 6th, spending two days in Cairo. 

In the evening I attended a large colored church, and at the close ofthe service introduced my work. The meeting, as usual, was verydemonstrative. The home assigned me was a Mission Home, with thirteenteachers, Joseph Barnum, formerly of Oberlin, Ohio, beingsuperintendent. It was a rich treat to meet several who had been co-workers in the field of clashing arms and roar of cannonading. But fewcan realize the strength of the tie that binds those who have laboredtogether in the lion's den. One of the teachers being sick, at therequest of the superintendent I temporarily took her place. 

On my way to school, one morning, I was conducted to the place wherelay twelve dead bodies till the third day after the terrible riotwhich occurred a few months previously. One of the bodies was halfburned. I was shown another corner of the streets where lay six bodiesmore at the same time. O what horrible scenes were enacted then. Myconductor pointed to a charred spot of earth where had stood a cabinin which lay a very sick woman, whose daughter of sixteen years stoodin the door pleading with the infuriated mob not to burn their housefor her mother was near dying, and it was impossible for her to carryher out. One fiend caught her up on his bayonet and tossed her intothe midst of the flames of an adjoining cabin. In a moment her screamsof agony were hushed by the crackling flames. Fire was then throwninto the dying woman's cabin, and both mother and daughter perished. Their charred bodies were taken out by their friends and buried withothers slaughtered in the riot of May, 1866. In that riot there wereforty-six negroes killed, seventy-five wounded, five rapes werecommitted, ten persons maltreated, and one hundred robbed, and ninety-one houses and cabins burned, besides four churches and twelve school-houses reduced to ashes. These facts were given me by white witnessesas well as colored, and they probably may be found in General Kiddoo'smilitary record, as he was one of the officers with armed soldiers whoquelled the terrible riot. I was soon relieved of school duty, and asI received a few boxes of goods, a portion of which were from England, I found constant employment in the ever-varying mission work. 

The grandmother of a little girl who had died a few days before wasvery sick and in great distress of mind when I entered her cabin, shesaid imploringly, "O missus, do pray for poor me. Can God forgive sichan ole sinner as me? Can I fin' Jesus so quick as poor Mary Jane didafore she died? I knows she went so happy; I prayed all night, but'pears like so dark; don't see de place o' de candle. " I read to herof the readiness of Jesus to forgive, and how he forgave the thief onthe cross, because he repented and looked to Jesus in faith even inhis last moments. As I knelt by her cot I implored unbounded mercy inthe Spirit's teaching this precious soul the way to enter in throughthe door. I left her more calm. She lingered a few days, but her mindbecame clear from the shadow of a cloud. She died in the triumphs offaith, leaving, she said, her little lambs with the dear Shepherd, "Dat hunted de lost sheep an' foun' her 'mid de wolves, dat scratchher mightily. " The children were taken to the orphanage. 

While pursuing this work our lives were daily threatened, and some hadfears of another riot. One Union woman on our block told me that shehad often spent sleepless nights on our account. She had heard suchfrequent threats that "Nigger teachers should be cleared out, as wellas free niggers, " that she expected every day would be our last, andevery pistol shot she heard in the night, or the alarm of fire, shelistened and looked in the direction of our Mission House. But I toldher I did not believe we should have another riot; I believed the Godof Daniel was able and willing to protect us, and that in him was myconfidence. 

"But you don't know these people as I do, " she said, "for I havealways lived here. I have sometimes thought I would not tell you. Andthen I made up my mind that I would, so you could be more on yourguard; because they threatened, just as they do now, before that awfulriot a few months ago. "

The teachers who were my room-mates said they had heard of the samethreats, but there were soldiers near at hand now, and when the riotbroke out there were so few here they had to be called from otherpoints to quell it. 

On April 13th I visited the sick and relieved eight families. Then Iwent over old Fort Pickering and through the freedmen's hospital, containing one hundred and eighty-eight inmates, four of themcripples, and fifteen very old. Of one I inquired how old she was:

"I's goin' on two hundred, " she answered. "Massa's book say I's onehundred and eight, an' dat is eight years for another hundred, ain'tit? Dey name me Esther Jane. I was sole at sheriff's sale for debt toMassa Sparks. In de ole war Massa George Washington was a mighty kindman. He boarded wid Massa Sparks four or five weeks. He wore shortbreeches an' knee-buckles an' a cocked hat I kep' his room clar'd up. "

She was not as blind as a number who were much younger. But her skinwas full of fine as well as deep wrinkles, and of an ashen hue. I gavea little sugar and some crackers to many of them. 

I returned to find a colored man who had been directed to me. He hadmade his escape the night before from his old master, who seemed tohave no more idea of his leaving him than if there had been noproclamation of freedom. His wife had been sick a long time, and hestayed to take care of her till she died, then he watched anopportunity to bring his two little children with him. But his masterhe supposed was also watching, for he soon overtook him with help andtook his children away from him, and his bundle of clothes that he wasgoing to put on when he got far enough from the house to feel safewith his children. He said it was his best suit. The shirt and drawershe had on were good, and they constituted his entire wardrobe. I laidout a number of garments, and told him to go into the store-room andselect a whole suit that would best fit him. The next thing to be donewas to accompany him to Colonel Palmer's office, where he told his ownpitiful story, and the colonel asked him if he could take care of hischildren if he got them. 

"If you'll be so good as to help me get them, these hands, " (holdingthem out toward the colonel) "shall take as good care of them as theydo of me, " and his eyes filled with tears. I left him with thecolonel, who told him he would send with him an escort of soldiers thenext morning, "and the master will not dare refuse to give up thechildren on reading the note I shall send him. "

A little excitement existed over the murder of Mr. Errickson, a Unionman, who fled to Memphis with his family for safety during the war. Afew weeks before the present time, he returned to his home inSummerville. He had been home but a few days before he was shot deadin front of a store. His poor wife and two daughters were almostinsane over his untimely death. He thought the country was becomingmore quiet, and he could risk going quietly to their home. There was avery smart colored woman in town who witnessed his murder. She was atMemphis ostensibly to do a little trading; but her errand was toinquire of the real friends of the colored people which man they hadbetter vote for--Parson Brownlow or the conservative candidate--forgovernor. The men did not dare to come, for fear they would bemistrusted; and she came to learn from Union men their choice forgovernor, to take back word, and report at Summerville. 

I was one day passing the old barracks of soldiers, then occupied byfreedmen. I heard distressing groans, and called to see whence theycame. I found an old man of ninety-seven years, called "Uncle Philip, "in great bodily distress. "How long have you been suffering likethis?" I inquired. 

"Only two years, " he said. 

"Two years must seem a great while. "

"O no, it's only a little minute, compared with eternity of rest inglorious mansions Jesus went to prepare for me; for I knows I's got ahome thar', missus, I knows it, 'case I's seen it, an' I feels it. "

"How long have you felt this evidence?"

"I seen it cl'ar as sunshine when I was ten year ole. My massa was amighty wicked, swearin', cruel man. An' his overseer was a mighty bigwicked black man; his name was Munday. An' all the seventy-five grownhan's on the plantation was mighty wicked too. I hear so much swearin'I had a bad ide' of God and Jesus; I reckon'd they's some great men, that sent people to a mighty bad place. One day a Methodis' ministerstop to Massa Malachi's for dinner. When he lef' massa call me tobring his hoss to 'im. An' de preacher put his han' on my head an'say, 'Philip is a smart little boy. An' if you'll ask God to make yougood he'll do it. Then when you die you'll go to that great, beautifulcity up yonder, where it's all light and beautiful. Here little Philiphas to go 'round among stubs and stones, barefoot; there he'll walkthe golden streets in silver slippers. Here he wears his slip; therehe'll be dressed in a beautiful white robe. Here he goes bareheaded;there he'll wear a beautiful crown, all glittering with stars. Wouldn't you like to go to such a beautiful city as that when youdie?' 'Yes, sir, ' I say. 'Well, ask God to make you good, and thatwill be your home; for Jesus loves little children. ' An' he jump'd onhis hoss and rode away, while I stood thar, wonderin' what sort of aman that could be, that knew so much 'bout God and heaven. Now I mustfin' God, to ask 'im to make me good; an' f'om this man's 'scription, he must be settin' on some cloud. Day and night I watch for 'im; an'when I looked upon the stars I wondered if these sparklin' stars waswhat God put in de crowns he put on de heads of all good people an'good chillen. 

"One day Aunt Milla, the cook, sent me to pick up an armful of woodfor her. While I stood lookin' up to de clouds, huntin' for God, Ihear a sweet soft voice say, 'Chile, pray. ' I look all 'mong de tree-tops, to see who's thar, an' it say, 'Chile, pray, ' again. An' I wassure somebody up in de tree-tops, an' I got scared, an' drop my armfulof wood, an' run to Aunt Milla, all out o' bref. 'What ails you, Phil?What's the matter?' she said. 'Somebody's in de tree-tops, an' say, "Chile, pray. "' 'Hush, chile, ' Aunt Milla said, 'dat's God talkin toyou. ' 'No 't ain't. I's been huntin' for God a good many days, an'can't fin' im. ' 'Honey, you can't see God wid de eyes you sees AuntMilla. God is a great good spirit dat knows all 'bout what you want, an' what you're thinkin' 'bout. I wish I was a Christian, but I ain't. I's hearn Christians talk, an' I knows dat God's talkin' to you, honey. Now, you go by yourse'f, alone like, an' ask God to make yougood, as you say you want to, an' he'll do it, sure. '

"Here was a new thought, dat I could fin' God, an' not see 'im. But Idid as Aunt Milla tole me. It 'peared like I must fin' God. My heartached like, all thro' me, I's so anxious. Only a few days after I wastotin' an armful o' plates to the dinin'-room for Aunt Milla. All atonce I's so happy I didn't know myse'f. I drop my plates, an' broke Idon't know how many. But I didn't stop for plates; I shouted, 'BlessMassa Jesus! Glory! Glory hallelujah to God! I 'a foun' 'im; I knowsit's God. ' I got hold of my papa and mamma, an' tole 'em to ask God tomake 'em good, an' he'd do it; an' took hold of my little mate July, 'bout my age, an' tole 'im he mus' pray, an' I'd pray for 'im. In afew days he got 'ligion too. An' two young white ladies, MassaMalachi's nieces, lived thar', an' learned us to sing the sweet hymn:

 "'My Savior, my Almighty Friend, When I begin thy praise, Where shall the growing numbers end, The numbers of thy grace?'

An' I tole July we'd have prayer-meetin's in our cabin of nights, an'de ole folks gathered 'round us, an' our cabin was full. Massa MalachiMurphy was angry 'bout it; sometimes he'd scold, sometimes make fun o'me, an' call me de 'big preacher, Howlin' Phil. ' But as all dat didn'tput me down, he call me to 'im an' say, 'You shall stop this prayin'an' singin' in your cabin, or I'll whip you to death, ' an' he swore Iwas ruinin' his plantation. My papa an' mamma tried to get me to stop. They said, 'You know Massa Malachi will do jus' as he say. ' 'O no, Ican't stop prayin' to Jesus, he's so good to poor me. I can't stopprayin', I said. But we did stop our prayer-meetin's in our cabin, butwe had our night meetin's in a deep ravine over a quarter of a mileaway. Forty or fifty of our fellow slaves would, meet us thar to hearus pray an' sing. At las' massa set de overseer, Munday, to watch us, an' he found us out. He ordered Munday to bring July an' me to 'imafore sun up. When we come in sight of de yard we seen two ropeshangin' to a big tree limb, an' I stop an' look to July, an' to dewoods, wid a half a min' to run. But July says, 'We knows we can'tstop prayin', an' we knows what we'll take jus' as well firs' aslas'. ' Then I was 'shamed to think I was firs' in de cause, an' Julystronger'n me. An' we went through de gate an' stood afore massa, settin' in de back door in his night shirt. He began to swear we wasruinin' his whole plantation, an' now he was goin' to have us whippedto death. 'Now you see you've got to die or stop prayin'; will youstop this d----d prayin'?' 'O massa, do please let me pray to God, doplease. ' 'Strip off your slip, tie 'im up thar, Mun, an' give 'im afull round. ' It was done accordin' to order; twenty lashes with thebull whip, an' twenty strokes with the paddle. Turning to July, hesaid, 'Will you stop prayin' or die?' 'Massa, do please let me pray toGod, ' said July. With an oath, he was bidden to take off his slip, an'tied to the other rope with a rail at the lower end, nearly touchingthe ground. The paddle was an inch board four inches wide, three orfour feet long, whittled at one end for the handle, having six oreight inches bored full of holes, each hole drawing a blister at everystroke. The full round was given to July as ordered, twenty lasheswith the bull whip and twenty strokes with the paddle. With an oath heturned again to me, 'Now, have you got enough to stop your praying orwill the devil die?' 'O massa, do please let me pray to God, he is sogood, ' I answered. 'Mun, give 'im another full round, ' and twentylashes with the whip, and twenty strokes with the paddle was againgiven. Again he queried July, who gave the same reply as before, andthe full round was ordered and given again. Then he ordered him to becut down, swearing that he would whip him to death the next time heheard of his praying. But he swore he'd have the little devil, Phil, whipped to death now, as he was first in this 'devilish' praying. As Iexpected to die, I prayed all through this terrible ordeal that Jesuswould come near to help me endure it, in his name. 

"I felt him like he was by my side, " continued Uncle Philip, as thetears dropped thick and fast, often stopping a moment to findutterance. "Massa bid July go home an' behave, an' he order' deoverseer to give me another round unless I'd promise to stop prayin'. But it 'peared like I felt stronger in de Lo'd, an' I give de sameanswer, and I can't tell how long I was whipped an' paddled, for whenI cum to, I was cut down, and layin' in de blood on de groun'--Ifainted away. Massa was lookin' at me thar in his night shirt; I seehim as cl'ar as if't was done yesterday. He swore I should never cumin his sight again, or cum inside dat gate, pointing to it. I prayedin my heart for God to give me strength to git up and walk to dequarters, for the pain an' loss of blood made me so weak an' faint. But de good Lo'd was thar, an' I presently got strong enough to get upan' took my slip in han', an' staggered out dat yard, and cum up toJuly. He stop on de way to see if I was 'live. When we pass dequarters all along, de old men an' women stood at their doors cryin'. 

When we got out o' sight of de great house, one ole man an' 'omancalled us to 'em an' oiled our backs. Da said we was all cut up to ajelly, an' put soft cloth over de gashes. Our people tried harder'never to stop our prayin' an' singin', caze Massa Malachi sure to killus. 

"A few days after massa sent for me, an' I 'spected he'd finish me distime sure. But I felt Jesus was close by me; I was weak in de body, but strong in de Lo'd. I obeyed, as I stood all trimbly afore 'im. 'Well, howlin' preacher, if you are boun' to preach you shall preach, 'an' he swore I should have enough of it. 'Next Sunday, at eleveno'clock you shall preach; I'm going to invite all the white folks an'black people 'round here to cum to hear de big preacher. I'm going tohave a pulpit built under that big tree' (pointing to one in the yardtwo rods from the one the ropes were tied to when we was whipped). 'Now we'll have a big meetin' to hear de big preacher. You understan', do you?' 'Yes, massa, ' I say, an' he sent me away. I tol' July whatmassa said. 'Now we mus' pray to God to sen' a minister, an' pray Godto soften massa's heart, to let 'im preach, for you knows MassaMalachi mil do jus' as he says he will, an' God will answer ourprayer. ' At nights I went to one plantation an' July went to another, an' we tried to git some Christian man or some Christian woman topromise to preach if massa would consent. But not one would promise. They all knew it was just for sport. Sunday morning came with a greatparade of hauling boards, an' a pulpit was built. "

Uncle Philip said it looked more terrifying to him than would agallows if built for his own hanging. People gathered from alldirections, both white and colored, and filled the whole yard. Thehour of eleven brought the master to the door in his arm-chair, withhis family Bible in his lap. Taking his watch from his pockets, hecalled out, "Come on, my big preacher. "

"I obeyed the command, " said Uncle Philip, "as I stood afore 'im. 'Nowwe are to hear this howling preacher, ' he said, sneeringly, 'ad youcan't preach without the Bible, an' I'll hold it wide open, an' youmust look right at me when you preach. The time is up; go to yourpulpit. ' I asked July if he would go up with me and help me sing--

"'My Savior, my Almighty Friend'

Nodding an assent, we went on. It 'peared like I was too weak to go upfour or five steps. I trimbled an' sweat all over. But once I was upmy strength cum to me, and we sung so loud de people say da hear ev'ryword all over dat great yard. By de time we got to de las' line ofthird verse de people was cryin' for mercy an' down on dair kneescrying, 'Lo'd, what shall I do to be saved? 'Lo'd have mercy on me, asinner!' 'Be merciful to poor me, or I'm lost. ' These cries we hear'nfrom every side. I never felt happier or bolder in my life, whiletears of joy ran down as I faced my ole massa. He slam de door shut, an' da said he jumped between two feather-beds to keep from hearin' decries of de people. I tell you, honey, de Lo'd made dat hymn my sin-killer on dat blessed day, long, long to be 'membered. "

"And did you preach?" I asked. 

"Preach, chile; de Lo'd did all de preachin' dat day. We finish' dehymn, an' we went down an' talked an' prayed wid de seekers, an' westaid dar all night, an' afore next mornin' twenty-three was convertedan' praisin' God. Massa call for me, an' I 'spected my time cum nowanyhow. But I was ready for death or life. I went without fear of anything. He looked at me as mile as a lamb, an' said, 'Phil, my boy, youmay preach, pray, or sing as much as you please, an' go where youplease, an' you shall never be hit another lick as long as I live. ' Ibowed low an' said, 'Thanky, Massa Malachi; God bless you, massa. ' Ipraised God as I turned away from, him who had caused me so muchsufferin'. 

"But God turned it into a great blessin'. He dismissed his overseer, an' never 'lowed one of his slaves to be punish' after that great day. In one year seventy-three on dat plantation was converted. Two niecesof massa's was 'mong 'em, besides a few other white folks. But MassaMalachi tried to git 'em to give up 'ligion, an' sent 'em to dancin'frolics. An' da come to me for advice as if I was deir brover. I toleem Massa Malachi took keer of 'em, 'caze day was orphans, an' de sinwould res' on de uncle dat make 'em go agin deir will, and not on dem. Two years after one of 'em got married an' moved thirty miles away, an' she got leave of massa to let me go an' stay a week or two at atime. At las', poor gal, she died of consumption, and sent for me amonth afore she died to stay wid her, an' she often asked me to praywid her. O how happy she died, in full faith in de 'ligion she foun'on de blessed day massa compel me to preach, little thinkin' he was'pointin' a meetin' for de Lo'd of hosts instead of little Phil. Butmy people on other plantations often sent for me to preach, but Inever call it preachin', only 'ligious talks. Da would have me helporganize Churches all 'roun' thar. In four years we organized sevenChurches an' the cause prospered. 

"At las' so many persecutions an' sufferin' was goin' on I gotdisheartened. I began to question whether it wan't me causin' all dissufferin', an' I stop goin' to prayer-meetin' four months, an' deministers an' Christian men an' Christian women come to see me an'say, 'Brodder Philip, why don't you come to meetin', as you use' to?'I tole 'em, 'caze I didn't feel like it. Said one man, 'I's feared dedevil's got hold of you. ' I tole 'im I 'spected he'd had hold o' me along while, for I felt bad enough to be his work. I tole 'im MassaMalachi made me preach, an' God didn't have nothin' to do wid it, forhe knew massa was a wicked man. "

These doubts and fears seemed to follow Uncle Philip day and night, until, as, he said, his distress was great. Then, he fell into aninsensible, lifeless state, in which he lay fourteen days. Said he:

"My mother dressed me for de grave; but as my limbs did not stiffen, Mada Malachi sent for a doctor who placed a glass before my face, an'moisture gathered on it. He tole 'em it was not entirely cole over deheart, an' da mus'n't bury me until decomposition took place, cuze itmight be a trance. An' da kep' me in de kitchen wid Aunt Milla, decook, to watch me. It 'peared like I's goin' down into a horribleplace of awful soun's an' rattlin' of chains; an' I prayed mightilyfor help, an' Jesus reached down an' took my han' an' lifted me up toa glorious palace so beautiful, an' every thing was light. Stepsseemed built out of light, somehow made into sub'sance, I can't'escribe it. My guide tole me I was wrong to doubt, when God had beenso good to me in all my hard trials. He showed me de windows dat letlight down to dis earth, an' to de churches I helpt organize. Itseemed like bein' led from place to place into a mighty big country. When I seen 'em all dress' in pure white robes an' singin' suchsplendid music, I look at myself and see how filthy an' ragged I look;I say to my guide, 'I can never go in dat company. ' 'Yes you can whenJesus wash you in his blood. All you see was as filthy an' ragged asyou. But da is made clean. ' An' we crossed over a line like, an' firs'I know I's in de pure white robe too, an' singin' wid all dat greatcompany. O I can't 'escribe, how happy I felt in rangin' wid my guidede fields of light an' sich glorious visions. At las' he said, 'Youmus' go back to earth an' teach your people de way to dis glorioushome, dat is your home if you be faithful in readin' dis book. ' Isaid, 'I am a slave back thar, an' can't read. ' 'But this book youcan read, ' an' he laid de open book on my outstretched lef' arm; detip of de golden leaves reach the tip of my fingers, an' the other tipof the leaves touch my head. He took me two or three little steps, an'I thought I was back to earth, an' I ask Aunt Milla for a drink as Iwas so thirsty. And she said de bucket of water was on de bench, an'my little cup by it. 

"When I cum to myse'f I was standin' by de bucket drinkin' out o' mycup. But nobody was in de house but Mina, a little gal 'bout eightyear ole, massa bought out of a drove was passin' by de kitchen door, and run to the fiel' shoutin' all de way 'Phil's alive! Phil'salive!' An' all de han's on de plantation cum runnin' to de house, an'my mother caught me firs', 'Praise God, my chile's alive. ' De firs' Isaid, 'I's been wrong to doubt God, I never, never will doubt him anymore. ' I never can, for I's had a glimpse of hell, and have been indat beautiful world of light. "

I have given Uncle Philip's narrative in his own language as I took itdown in my note-book at the time of my interviews with him. His wasindeed a green old age; his mind remarkably clear, and his memoryretentive. From time to time, as I read a chapter or a psalm, he oftenreferred to certain passages that he had dwelt upon since I had lefthim. In relating his history be often shed tears; at one time with hiselbows resting upon his knees, and face buried in the calico 'kerchiefuntil it was wet. At another time he was just raising himself up fromthe kneeling position--when I came in. "I's jus' bin prayin' for you, "he said. "I did't know as you's so near, but I felt your spirit. Itsort o' lifs me up to talk wid you. I prayed dat de good seed you'ssowin' 'mong our people may lodge in good groun' an' bring a hundredfol'. De men you talked to on de bridge 'bout swearin' never'll forgityour words. You's doin' more for our poor, ignorant people dan youknows on. "

He lived about a year after I left Memphis, Tennessee. I sent himoccasionally two or three dollars, through Superintendent Barnum orhis wife, who often called to see his wants supplied. The last wordshe uttered were a few lines of one of his favorite hymns, "Give mewings, " and his happy spirit took its flight; having faithfully readthe book he said he had always kept in his heart. I was often forciblyimpressed while conversing with that aged saint. How manifest is thepower of our Wonderful, in his dealing with his followers, justaccording to their needs. That poor ignorant man could not read thewritten Word, but God took his own way to lead and instruct him, tofit him for an instrument in his hand of turning many souls to theknowledge of the truth as it is in Jesus. 

On May 11, 1867, I took the cars for home. Having instructions fromthe American Missionary Association and transportation, I took fifteenhomeless orphans to our asylum in my former school, Raisin Institute. I left this field of arduous toiling, often passing the formerresidence of John P. And Thomas K. Chester, who had so oftenthreatened my life. Both closed their earthly career by untimelydeaths. I reached home on the 14th, praising the God of Daniel for hiskeeping power in the lion's den. 

CHAPTER XVI. 

"STATE PUBLIC SCHOOL. "

After my return my health gave way, as did also that of our worthyagent, Catherine Taylor. She endured great suffering from inflammationof the sciatic nerve, and was entirely disabled from labor for months. Late in the Autumn our supplies ran very low, and our self-sacrificingpresident was also in poor health. She, with a few other members ofthe board, visited the asylum, and found nothing on hand but corn-mealand turnips, which, with a little milk that was made into a gravy, wasall there was to keep the children from starving. Our president ran indebt twenty-six dollars at the mill and grocery; but on Thanksgiving-day a collection of sixty-six dollars was taken for the asylum. Thisliquidated the debt, and furnished the necessary food for the timebeing. But Winter was approaching, and the failing health of theworkers seemed to forebode the necessity of closing our asylum work. 

Mrs. Catherine Rice corresponded with friends of the work in GrandRapids, asking them to unite with us in a petition to the StateLegislature to establish a State manual labor school in Grand Rapids, as the friends in that city were arranging for a local orphan asylum. The subject was discussed in the board, but a small majority votedagainst uniting their local interests with the State work. During thistime, all new material sent in for clothing was exchanged for food, and Jane A. Smith and our faithful teacher applied to a few friendsand received temporary aid. On December 15, 1870, we found theprovisions too short to last for two weeks. The question came up, Whatshall be done for the twenty children for whom no homes are provided?Under the circumstances, there seemed no alternative but to return thechildren to their respective county infirmaries. When this decisionwas reached by the board of managers, and made known to the matron andteacher, on the evening of their week-day prayer-meeting, the matroninformed the children of it. Eleven of them had made a profession ofreligion, and had given evidence of having found Him who said, "Sufferlittle children to come unto me, and forbid them not" Each of theseoffered earnest prayer for God to help them live so faithfully thathe would make friends for them, to bring them something to eat, "so wewon't have to go back to the county poor-house. "

All this time my children and friends had not allowed me to know thecondition of the asylum. Our firm friend, Rebecca Bennett, and ourpresident called on my physician to ask permission to see me foradvice as to whom they could write for aid. He replied, "With yourcalm and judicious manner, I can risk you. " But they came far short ofmaking a full revelation of the true state of things. I advised themto write the superintendent of the Congregationalist Sabbath-schoolat, Franklin Center, and to the pastor of the Methodist EpiscopalChurch in Tecumseh. They proposed that I should dictate to mydaughter what to write. This was done, and my appeal was read in theirrespective congregations. Within a week two sleigh-loads, containinggrain, flour, meal, and beef, and a whole dressed sheep, came fromthose places. The drivers rolled in barrel after barrel from each ofthe sleighs, and said they would bring more before this was gone. Onelittle boy of eleven years said:

"Mrs. Smith, don't you think God sent all this 'cause we prayed sohard the other night?"

"My child, " she answered, "the Lord has heard our prayers, and hasanswered; and, although it is snowing hard, yet you must hurry, andhitch Jack to the buggy as quick as possible, so that we can let Mrs. Haviland know this; for I have been afraid she has been worse sinceshe learned we were so nearly out. "

Soon she came into my room with the glad tidings: "Do not take anotheranxious thought over our asylum. We had more supplies come to us to-day than we have had for two months--two heavy sleigh-loads. " Weclasped each others' hands and wept for joy, and praised God, fromwhom all blessings flow. 

This news revived the spirits of those whose hands were hanging down, and gave them courage to reappoint officers. Rev. Dr. Asa Mahan's wifeserved as president, with other officers, duly elected. A petition tothe Legislature was drafted and industriously circulated, and printedcopies were sent to a number of the superintendents of counties whohad favored our project. Though the Legislature was in session, andthere was not time to circulate it as extensively as desirable, yet Dr. Mahan and others thought it might succeed, although there were heavydrafts upon our Legislature of 1870-71. The State Prison was to beenlarged, the Insane Asylum to be improved, and additions to Ann ArborUniversity made, while there were still other calls forappropriations. All these made the success of our scheme look doubtfulto many. All I could do was to continue in prayer that senators andrepresentatives might feel the importance of looking after thepressing wants of our future men and women, soon to fill our vacatedplaces. I found many children in the county poor-house through thedebauchery of their fathers, and occasionally mothers. 

The improvement, both in conduct and in morals, of the neglectedlittle waifs whom we had gathered into our asylum, urged us on in ourwork; for we realized that our experiment was a success. Our friendswere thus encouraged to press forward with the petition. 

Dr. Mahan and his wife, our president, went before the Legislaturewith the view of pressing our claims. Members of the Senate and Houseproposed to grant Dr. Mahan one evening in representing the project, and left it in the hands of the Committee on Petitions. SenatorRandall, of Coldwater, put it in the form of a bill that covered thespirit and requests of the petition. Being chairman of the Committeeon Bills, he presented it in the Senate. It was passed in that body, to our great joy, and soon after was passed in the House, and receivedthe governor's signature, making it a law. 

Though only thirty thousand dollars were appropriated by theLegislature with which to commence operations, yet I knew the Statewould carry on the work hereafter. The site for the new asylum was tobe selected at whatever desirable locality offered the most liberaldonations. As Coldwater offered thirty thousand dollars toward the newenterprise, it was located in that city. While the buildings for theState school were being erected, our asylum was moved into the city ofAdrian, as at that point it was more convenient for the sisterscomposing the board of managers to care for it. When the "State PublicSchool" should be opened, all in our asylum not provided with homeswere to be transferred to it. 

My health improved sufficiently to enable me to make a few appeals tobring up arrears in our work. The matron and myself had received butvery little, as all went to the support of the children. I cared butlittle for myself; but for sister Smith, who had been such afaithful, mother to these poor children, I was more anxious. At lengthI secured permission of my tender care-takers--my two daughters--to goamong my friends in Detroit. To most of them I appealed by letter, andmade but one personal call. That was more particularly in theinterest of a prisoner for whom I solicited a pardon. This was atlength granted. Governor Baldwin had known of my asylum work, andinquired after its interests. He gave me twenty dollars towards it. Mr. Crapo's son gave me twenty-five dollars, and Captain E. B. Wardfifty dollars. Others responded to my letters, and I obtained over twohundred dollars. 

The great fires in Chicago and Northern Michigan stopped farther workof this character; but we did what we could toward cancelingarrearages, being confident that were it not for the continued andfaithful toiling of Jane A. Smith the asylum would have died during mylong and serious illness. It must have died, even after its removal toAdrian, had it not been for a faithful few. 

A few months after the State Public School was opened at Coldwater, incharge of Professor Truesdell, superintendent, and Miss Emma A. Hall, matron. I went into the school as seamstress and nurse, and remainedthere nearly two years. Instead of overhauling, cutting, and makingover second-hand clothes for the three hundred little homeless waifswe had cared for in our orphans' home, we were now well supplied withbolts of substantial new material, out of which we made comfortablebedding and clothing. Here we had no care about furnishing, and noanxious fear for their support. With pleasure we saw the vast contrastin conveniences and supplies compared with our little rill in which weso long paddled our own canoe, and in which faithful laborers werestill at work. It matters not by whom this great work wasaccomplished; it matters not by what agencies our prayer of more thanfour years long, previous to the adopting of this work by the State, was answered. Through an overruling power clouds and icebergsvanished, and in lieu thereof the massive brick buildings of the StatePublic School in Coldwater were raised, instead of the old RaisinInstitute, where it drew its first breath. 

CHAPTER XVII. 

CHRISTIAN LABOR AND RESULTS. 

It seemed refreshing to meet with sympathizing friends after toilingfor months among false brethren. It was a relief to enjoy a few daysof freedom from care. After asking a few friends to sign an article ofagreement to pay one dollar a year during five years for the orphanasylum, and mailing a couple of letters to Levi Coffin and Rev. E. M. Cravath, of Cincinnati, I took from the office a drop-letter from Mr. Burton Kent, County Superintendent of the Poor, containing thefollowing notice:

"MRS. LAURA S. HAVILAND, --Many persons transported by you last yearhave become a county charge, and it has become an intolerable burdento the tax-payers. Any person bringing a child or indigent person intothis county without being legally indentured, shall be prosecuted tothe full extent of the law. "

Within five minutes after reading the above notice I was on my way toour County Poor-house, three miles from town. To my surprise I foundthat no colored child had been there, and of the fifty-one inmates butthree were colored, and only one man (Mr. Morris Brown) who came withme the previous Summer had been received. He was discharged in a shorttime. A stay at the infirmary for two months and a half was a_burden_, but was it "intolerable to the tax-payers" of ourcounty?

I felt that I must search diligently to discover all the facts. Icalled on Mr. Helms, who said there was widow with four or fivechildren that was sick a couple of weeks, and he had supplied her witha load of wood and groceries. I asked for the cost, but as it was notconvenient for him to give the figures then, he said he would furnishthem the following Tuesday. Mr. Young had told him that he had burieda family. I called to learn what family it was in his ward. He gavethe name of the man who died after a short illness, and to whom he hadtaken a load of wood, a small sack of flour, and some other groceries. I inquired if he had taken these things to them more than once. Hesaid he had not, as his wife was all there was to look after, and shetook care of herself after her husband's death. He gave me theexpenses--eight dollars and ninety-six cents. I called on Mr. Helmsat three appointed times, and failed to get his precise figures, but, placing them at highest rates, from all I could gather it could nothave been more than thirty-five dollars. I wrote an article for theAdrian _Times_, in which I stated the figures, and informed thecitizens and tax-payers of Lenawee County that this orphan asylum wasunder the auspices of the American Missionary Association, which wasresponsible for its support. I solicited some mathematician to give usthe fraction of a mill to each taxpayer as his share of this"intolerable burden upon the tax-payers. "

Our county superintendents of the poor, Burton Kent and Alice Warren, the officials from whom I received the notice, were surprised to learnthat the American Missionary Association was the responsible party. But all these threats sprang from prejudiced parties, and clearlyindicated the necessity of a few strokes of the reconstruction brushnorth of Mason and Dixon's line, as well as south of it, to obliteratethe color-line. Friends here and there paid me a dollar on theirpledge of a dollar a year, and our colored friends in the city ofAdrian--Sarah Lewis, with her brothers and Mr. Wilson, managers of afestival--realized thirty-two dollars and sixty-one cents, cash, andfifty pounds of meat, beans, fruit and clothing, valued at fiftydollars. 

July the Fourth was a merry day for the forty little folks at theasylum. At dark fire-crackers, torpedoes and sky-rockets flew inevery direction for an hour, when all were arranged in a semicircleand sang "John Brown, " "Red White and Blue, " "Rally 'Round the Flag, Boys, " and a few temperance songs, in great glee. It was a happygroup. We had a few visitors, who left us the happier for seeing thechildren and listening to their sweet voices in song. 

I was often engaged in procuring good homes for these orphans. A fewhomes were found that were not suitable, and the children werewithdrawn and placed in other homes. 

On September 19th I met Mrs. Edgerton, the matron of our asylum, withT. D. Allen, of Kalamazoo, agent under J. R. Shipherd, secretary ofthe American Missionary Association, who were authorized to build aschool-room for the asylum. Heretofore the children's play-room hadbeen used for the school during the warm season. As the AmericanMissionary Association was doing a great work in the late slave Statesin maintaining freedmen's schools, the officers concluded to solicitaid, in the State of Michigan for the building of the much neededschool-room. They urged me to engage in this work, but I thought thatI had done my share, in giving the time I had to soliciting money forthe purchase of supplies. Besides Elizabeth L. Comstock had given onethousand dollars in money, with which to enlarge the little farm tothirty-five acres, buy a horse, and furnish the little folks withhats, etc. Then I wanted to look for a home, as I was becoming ratherweary of singing the old song, "No foot of land do I possess, No cottage in this wilderness. "

This had been my condition for nearly three years; but with all mypleading, I failed to be released. As it was already cooler weather, and Winter would soon overtake us, T. D. Allen said I had worked longenough without reward, save that of blessing these little homelesswaifs, and now, if I would take hold of this enterprise, I should bepaid the same amount he was receiving. 

At length I agreed to spend a week or two at least, and took from himthe bill of all the kinds of lumber needed, and left for Detroit. Judge F. C. Beaman furnished me with a letter of introduction, indorsed by Rev. Dr. George Duffield, of Detroit. I called, as headvised, on Samuel Pitts, who subscribed one hundred dollars inlumber. I selected out of my bill what was first called for to enablethe carpenters already engaged to commence their work. I then calledon Mr. Cooper, freight agent, to secure, if possible, freetransportation to Adrian; to him I gave my introductory letter. Whenhe glanced at the heading, without reading it, he gave it a toss onhis table toward me, with a look of disgust, saying, "I've seen thatthing before, and I've nothing to do with it. "

"That is a mistake, " said I; "that paper is from F. C. Beaman, and nota week old. "

"If I'm not _very much_ mistaken I've seen it before. "

"Well, you are very much mistaken, for I brought it to this city withme yesterday, and I have not been in your office until this minute. But I am not soliciting money. I only called to see if I can securefree transportation for one hundred dollars' worth of lumber to Adrianfor an orphan school-room, as forty little homeless waifs, under ourcare, have no school-room, except a wood-house and play-room. The coldweather will soon overtake us. "

He listened patiently to my short speech, and said he had no authorityto grant such a favor; that I would have to write to C. H. Hatch, thenin Chicago. 

"I know he would grant it, " I said, "for he granted this quarter passon his road for my mission work, " showing the pass. 

He turned it over and spent double the time in examining it that hedid on my introductory letter, and said, slowly, "I think I will risksending this car-load, " and wrote an order to his assistant to send itforthwith to Adrian. 

I thankfully returned to my duty of calling on the list of thebenevolently inclined wealthy persons whose names Dr. Duffield and J. F. Conover had furnished. Rev. Dr. Hogarth, Mr. Raymond, the book-merchant, and Rev. Dr. Duffield gave sufficient to pay the cartage ofthe lumber to the depot. Soon it was on its way. I dined at MosesSutton's, who gave $5, and his sister Annie $1. Mr. Brooks gave me $25in lumber. Mr. Bronson gave five thousand shingles; another gave $2. 50in shingles. 

After a few days at home I returned, October 25th, to Detroit, andtoiled, like the fishermen, nearly all day, and caught nothing. Weary, and almost discouraged, I was about to retire to my resting-place atAugustus Leggett's, when one gave $5, another $2. The following day Icalled on C. Merrill, who gave $5; another gave $5; Mr. R. C. Renuickgave $10; Mr. Whitney gave $5. Weariness coaxed me to another sweetresting-place, the home of my dear friends J. F. And Hannah Conover. Icalled on a few persons whose names had been given me by Mr. Palmer, from whom I received $17; and from a few others I received $15. JohnBagley gave $10; another gave $5; Rev. J. A. Baughman, $5; and Mr. King, his son-in-law, $5. I also called on Governor Crapo, who gave$5. Others gave $5, $2, and $1, until I had forty dollars more to aidin constructing our school-room. 

We secured sufficient means to build our school-room. In all, with thefavors granted by the Michigan Southern and Lake Shore Railroad, wereceived about four hundred dollars. 

Through the kindness of my friend, L. Tabor, Esq. , who purchased ahouse and small lot for me, I again had a place for my children tooccupy, which I could call my home; for which I praised the Lord, fromwhom all blessings flow. 

As our orphan asylum was now in a good condition, Mrs. Edgerton, thematron, said the secretaries of the three divisions of the MissionaryAssociation, Chicago, Cincinnati, and New York, met and voted her onehundred dollars a month, with which to carry forward this asylum. Shedeemed this an ample supply, with what had been raised on the place. She said it was then on a more substantial basis than it had beenduring the year she had had it in charge. 

Through General O. O. Howard I learned that mission work was muchneeded in Charleston, South Carolina, and received from himtransportation to that city by way of Washington, District ofColumbia. 

My health being now restored, on January 29, 1869, I left my sweethome and loved ones at three o'clock P. M. , and spent the night inToledo, with my old friends, William Merritt and wife. I attended withthem the prayer-meeting in the new colored church. I arrived atPittsburg with but little detention. Passing through the mountains, wefound the snow deeper than when I left Michigan. At seven A. M. Wepassed the wreck of three cars which had run off the embankment andwere still burning. Among the killed taken from the wreck was a womanpartially burnt. I did not learn the number of killed and injured. Among these dead and dying I should probably have been had I not spentthe night in Toledo, as this was the train, I would have been on had Iremained on the one I left. O, how sad to look upon this smolderingwreck, from which I had so narrowly escaped! This was the thirdaccident of this kind which I had thus providentially missed in mytravels by river and rail of three thousand miles. Many are thedangers, seen and unseen, through which I have passed, and theremembrance of this disaster calls forth a renewed song of deliveranceand praise for the Guiding Hand that preserves through thevicissitudes of this ever-changing life. 

I arrived in Washington early in the morning, and took breakfast withmy friend Dr. Glenan. Here I found my brother, Harvey Smith, and hisson, who were teaching freedmen's schools, and with them I spent theSabbath, In the evening I attended the Colored Methodist EpiscopalChurch, and was invited to address the large meeting. I spoke half anhour, and told the history of Uncle Philip, and how, amidst thepersecutions and sorrows to which his slave-life subjected him, he hadkept his hand in the hand of his Savior all these ninety-seven years. 

While speaking of his being whipped until he fainted, a few weptaloud, and after meeting a number came to tell me of their beingwhipped for praying. One woman was whipped until she fainted, and oneman was kept in the stocks all night after being whipped, and camenear dying. His master told him he "would whip the praying devil outof him, " using the same words that Uncle Philip's master used to him. 

The surgeon-in-chief, Dr. Reynolds, wished me to remain in Washingtonanother day, and thought General Howard would permit me to stay therefor a time, to engage in sanitary work. I had an interview with thegeneral, who thought I was most needed in Washington, during theWinter season at least. He gave me authority to visit the free soup-houses, and investigate the sanitary work generally. After reading mycommission, I told him I had a request to make, and that was that theauthority with which I was vested, might be kept secret. Toinvestigate to the best advantage was my object. I was also appointedto examine, as far as practicable, the condition of applicants forcharity, and the manner in which the charity was applied. My officewas furnished, and board was allowed me at the head-quarters of thefreedmen's hospital in Campbell Camp. 

On February eth I called at Josephine Griffin's relief office before10 o'clock A. M. Between sixty and seventy persons called on her, mostly for work. I followed a number of the applicants for soup-tickets to their homes. In visiting twenty families during the day, Ifound a number of persona in squalid wretchedness. One man was verysick with a high fever, and unconscious. He had received no help, because unable to make personal application, and he had no family tointercede for him. His bed was a pile of rags in the corner on thefloor. I called for the Bureau physician and saw that he had suitablebed-clothing and food. The physician said he must have died within twoor three days in that condition. Among the applicants for relief wasan Irishwoman, who had a brick house she was renting, except the backroom, which she occupied, and had another nearly finished. She and herfamily for whom she was begging soup, lived in good style. 

The fourth day of my investigations revealed great deficiency inproperly looking after applicants for aid. The greatest sufferers wereoften too diffident to ask for help. The soup-houses were generallywell managed. I called as one whom curiosity had drawn into the motleycrowd, and was treated to a taste of fine soup, even at the "SavageSoup-house, " where I saw two caldrons of soup. The one from which Iwas served might well tempt the palate of an epicure, but the otherlooked too forbidding for a human stomach. I soon found the good soupwas being given to the white applicants, who were first served, whilethe colored people, standing in the yard, were waiting their time. Policeman Ross told a shivering colored man to go inside and put hispail on the farther block for soup. 

"I shall be sent out, " he replied. 

"I tell you to go in, " said the policeman; "I'll see to that. "

He obeyed the order, only to receive curses: "You know better than tocome yet; another thing you know, this soup is for white folks, theother is for niggers. "

At this, Policeman Roes canoe in: "I have seen, " said he, "fish madeof one and flesh of another long enough. Here are women and childrenstanding out on the ice and snow, waiting all this afternoon for youto serve the white people first. Another thing I'd like to know, whyis this difference in the soup? That black stuff is hardly fit forpigs to eat, Mr. Savage, and you know it. "

"Our citizens furnish material for this soup, " replied he, "and ourcitizens shall have it. "

"Doesn't General Howard furnish a hundred pounds of beef and twohundred loaves of bread each day? and on Saturday it is double. Another thing I'd like to know--are these not our citizens?" pointingtoward the yard full of colored people. 

"There are ten thousand too many of 'em, and it's none of yourbusiness; I shall do as I please. "

"I will let you know; I shall make it my business to report you toGeneral Howard. "

Mr. Savage poured out a horrid volley of oaths at him, adding thatall his reporting would make no difference with him. One Irish womanreceived three loaves of bread, four quarts of soup, and a large pieceof meat. After nearly all, both white and colored, were served, thelieutenant policeman left, but Mr. Ross remained until the end of thedisbursing. I was tempted to cheer the policeman for his bravery, butthought silence the better part of valor. 

When Aunt Chloe's "cl'arin' up time" was come, I took my departure. Isaw the policeman standing near the gate, and said in low tone, as Ipassed out, "I thank you for your words. "

"Stop; do you live here?" he said. 

"Temporarily. "

"Go slowly till I get my club, so I can catch up. I want to see you. "

He soon overtook me, and inquired whether I was one of the visitingcommittee. I told him that I was authorized by General Howard toinspect the soup-houses. He asked whether I was going to report Savage"I am on my way, " I said, "to the general's office for that purpose. ""I will give you my name and number, " he replied, "and will run to seethe lieutenant of police, who will give his name and number forreference also; I'll overtake you by the time you reach PennsylvaniaAvenue" And off he ran. As I wished to inspect the poor soup morethoroughly, I called at a cabin, the home of the poor man that thepoliceman compelled to go in and demand the good soup. I found hisquart of excuse for soup, on the stove to cook the half raw bits ofturnips and potatoes. I tasted of what the policeman said was hardlyfit for pigs, and fully agreed with his assertion, for the man said itmade them sick to eat it without cooking it over. This man had beensick with pneumonia, and his mother very sick with it at this time Ihurried to the nearest grocery, where I bought crackers, sugar, rice, bread, tea, and mustard for a plaster to put on her side. The man hadreceived only a slice of bread with his quart of soup, for the sevenreported in his family, four of whom were sick. 

When I reached the avenue, I met the policeman who had nearly runhimself out of breath. He was delayed in hunting for the lieutenant, who sent word that he would call on the general to confirm my reportif necessary, and gave his name and number. The result of the reportwas, that a notice was sent at once to Mr. Savage that there must beno difference in giving to the poor, either in quality or quantity athis soup-house, and that the difference mad between white and colored, as reported to him, could not continue. In reply, Mr. Savage deniedhaving made any difference in his soup-house, and charged the reporterwith being an arrant liar, and he also made the same statement in the_Daily Chronicle_. 

I wrote a confirmation of my report, using his own words in connectionwith the remarks of policeman Ross, and took it to Dr. Reyburn, Burgeon-in-chief in the sanitary work. The doctor approved mystatement, and wrote a few lines of preface himself. As I used Mr. Boss's name, I called on him, who also approved, and referred to thelieutenant of police, who was present; and both sanctioned my report. This was published in the _Chronicle_. 

At this Savage raved, and swore he would arrest me for defamation. Neither did the policeman whose name I used as reference go unscathed. The chief of the police force requested Mr. Ross to see me and learnby what authority I was acting, as there seemed to be none indicatedin my article in the _Chronicle_. Mr. Ross said the chief ofpolice did not doubt my authority, but would like to know, if I had noobjection. I presented my paper, with a request that the matter shouldbe held as confidential, as I did not wish to make it public. 

After reading the paper he said: "I think you are authorized toinspect the work of the whole of us; I see in this the whole field isincluded. Would you object to my taking this to the chief of police, if I bring it back within, an hour or two? We may in some cases renderyou assistance. "

I had no objection, and he took it. I found their assistance in a fewcases very important, as well as convenient. But with all the Savagethreats, nothing was done, and not even a reference was made to thesubject in either of the papers. Surgeon Reyburn told me, as he waspassing a corner where a group of secessionists were discussing thesubject quite freely, that one man said, "Why don't Savage dosomething about that soup-house affair, and not be a numb-head, andlet that woman wind him around her finger like that?" Another said, "If I'd lied once over that old soup-house, I'd lie again, before I'dhold still and take all that" He changed his soup-house policy for alittle while; but the complaints among secession friends and whitecustomers caused him soon afterward to backslide. 

Mr. Carpenter, treasurer of the Provident Aid Society, wrote a letterto George Savage that he thought might improve him. But SurgeonReyburn sent for me, and requested me to prepare for running theFourth Ward soup-house, as he had heard they were going to dischargeGeorge Savage. I called on Mr. Shepherd, the proper authority todischarge him. He said that in a week or two all the soup-houses wouldclose for the season, and, as Savage had received letters that hethought he would improve by, he would release me from the task ofrunning the soup-house. I therefore continued visiting and relievingthe sick and suffering. 

I met in my rounds Dr. Cook, who said there was a child frozen todeath in Kendal Green Barracks, nearly two miles away. Neither thedoctor nor myself knew who had charge there. I went, and found a childof ten months old that had chilled to death. The mother said hers wasthe fourth child in that row of cabins that had died; and that none ofthem were allowed more than two four-foot sticks of fire-wood fortwenty-four hours. I called at the other cabins, and found themwithout fire, and all told the same story of lack of wood and no coal. There was neither bedding nor clothing enough among them all to make asingle family comfortable. The mother of the dead child had been tosee the superintendent of the poor of the city to get a coffin. Withshoes but little better than none, she had waded through melting snowuntil her dress was wet four inches, at least, around the bottom. Iinquired who the superintendent of this camp and barracks was, andthey said, Major Thompson. I went to his head-quarters, but found thatbe and his family had gone to the Capital to learn how PresidentJohnson's impeachment trial was likely to end. I repaired to GeneralC. H. Howard's office, and reported the condition of these families. He sent me back in his ambulance, with fifty loaves of bread, a coffinfor the dead child, and two quilts and a few blankets for thedestitute, with instructions to give the bread, except one loaf toeach of the four families I had visited, to Major Townsend, a man thatI had met in the Sabbath-school he superintended. He was surprised tofind those families under his care in such a condition. The generalfurthermore requested me to make a thorough investigation of KendalGreen Barracks and camp. 

The following day I visited forty families, and found twelve sick, andnot sufficiently supplied. I listened to many sad stories by a whiteman, who had been one of Major Townsend's police guards while he hadcharge of Campbell Camp, before I went to Washington. I was informedthat the major had charged his two police guards to bring the womanthat was interfering with his camp to his office till he returned, ifshe should come again in his absence. Although they were quite cross, they did not take me to the major's head-quarters, as I told them Iwas calling by request. The major had no more idea of who theintruder was than I knew who the superintendent was until I made myreport to the general, when he informed me that it was not Thompson, but Major Townsend, to whom I had been introduced in a coloredSabbath-school. But as he knew by the supplies which I took to thefamilies that they came from head-quarters, he called on GeneralHoward, and from him learned who the inspector was, and he told thegeneral he would aid me in calling on the poor who needed aid. Whilehe spent most of the day in calling at my office and going to see thegeneral, I was visiting the barracks. 

For sundry misdemeanors while in office the major was relieved, andanother appointed in his stead. Though I did not think he was theright man for the place, yet I felt sorry for his excellent family. His wife and two young lady daughters I had called on, and was muchpleased with their self-sacrificing Christian spirit. 

There was much excitement in Washington during a portion of May, onaccount of the impeachment and trial of President Johnson. At length, on the 16th of the month, the news spread that he was acquitted of thehigh charges made against him by the House of Representatives, andthat his power was left uncurtailed. But he had turned his back uponour brave soldiers, who bled and died to save the nation's life, andmade no serious effort to put an end to the Kuklux outrages in theSouthern States. For this reason many demanded that he be removed fromhis office. With them his acquittal foreboded ill; but we hoped forthe best. 

Uncle Dodson, aged sixty-five years, a plantation preacher and aresident of Campbell Camp, caused great excitement when he found hislong-lost wife and she found her long-lost husband. Twenty yearsbefore the husband and wife were torn apart by the unrelenting slave-master. Weeping and begging to be sold together, while kneeling at themaster's feet, they were only answered by a kick and the lash. Nowthey met again. In the front yard the wife came running to him cryingout, "O Ben Dodson, is dis you? I am your own Betty. " And she claspedhim closely. "Glory! glory! hallalujah! Dis is my Betty, shuah, " hesaid, pushing her away to look at her face. "I foun' you at las'. I'shunted an' hunted till I track you up here. I's boun' to hunt till Ifin' you if you's alive. " And they both wept tears of joy. "Ah, Betty, we cried harder'n dis when da sole us apart down dar in Egyp'. " Andanother, outburst of joy followed. They were soon happily livingtogether in their own little cabin. 

The old man had some queer Scripture quotations. One he recited inmeeting twice before I had an opportunity of correcting him, and thatwas, "Adam called his wife's name Eve because she was the mother ofall evil. " As Uncle Dodson often wished me to read a chapter in theirchapel meetings "an 'splain it to us, " I took occasion to read thethird chapter of Genesis, and when I read, "Because she was the mother of all living, " he called out "ebil, ebil, sistah Hab'lin. " Uncle Dodson was learning to read, and could readeasy words in the first reader. I placed the Bible before him andpointed to the word "living. " "Dat is so in dis place, " heacknowledged, "but it's some place in de Bible. " "Father Dodson, " Isaid, "I have read every word in this Bible a number of times, andthere is no such sentence between the two lids that Adam called hiswife's name Eve because she was the mother of all evil, " and a smileran through the entire congregation. I added that it was not a wonderthat these poor people should misquote Scripture, as a few years agomany of them were not allowed to learn to read. At this three of thatcompany testified to being punished severely for learning theirletters of a little white boy. I told them it was a greater wonderthat they had passed through such privations and retained as muchintelligence as they possessed. "O yes, well do I 'member when I waspunish' too, " said another, "for tryin' to learn to read. " Turning toa young exhorter sitting by him, Uncle Dodson said, "Brodder Davis, I've labored in de Gospel mor'n forty years wid de white ministers andwid de black ministers, an' I neber foun' one so deep in de Scriptur'as sistah Hablin. " We continued our exercises with good satisfaction. 

Another of Father Dodson's comforting passages was, "Blessed is thecorpse that the rain falls on. " If the departed one had left no otherevidence of being, prepared for the great change, then a rain on theday of the funeral was sufficient. I found this was quite generallyaccepted as a sure evidence with many of them. 

As I was passing through the hospital yard a number of theconvalescents were in a group discussing the subject of charity, thinking that some one had been too harshly judged. Said one man, "Paul said faith, hope, and charity. An' de greates' of 'em all waschar'ty. An' I knows what a bigger man nor Paul said, better man too. "

"An' who dat, an' what he say?" rejoined another. "He say, 'Judge notan' ye shan't be judged. '" "An' who said dat?" "'T was GeorgeWashington. "

On inquiry I found his parents lived many years in the vicinity ofMount Vernon, and probably the colored people heard George Washingtonrepeat that text, and it was handed down among them as an originalsaying of the Father of his Country, in their minds a greater andbetter man than Paul. 

While engaged in my work, as the weather became very warm, I oftenrested an hour or two in the capitol to listen to the many witnesseswho testified to the awful condition of our soldiers at AndersonvillePrison, under Henry Wirtz. At the statement made concerning hisstabbing and shooting the soldiers for leaning against the "dead line, "the guilty man, Wirtz, shook as he arose from the sofa upon which hewas reclining, and swore "that was a lie;" but General Auger, thepresident of the court, told him that he had nothing to say, and badehim sit down, which he did with cursing in great excitement. I some-times spent two or three hours in listening to the tale of theheartless cruelties that unprincipled wretch had committed. Onewoman, whose son died in that prison, was listening one afternoon. Shestood in the corridor, and as he passed with his guards for theambulance, which was to bear him back to the prison, she followed withher best weapon, a large umbrella. This she nimbly used, thrusting thepointed end into his side or back, or wherever she could hit him, saying, "You rascal, you villain, you murderer, you murdered my sonin Andersonville. " Her thrusts were in such quick succession that hebegged the guards to protect him; but they did not interfere with thebereaved woman until they got the prisoner into the ambulance. 

While I did not feel like following her example because of hismurdering my cousin, yet I told General Auger that it was well forHenry Wirtz that his case was not tried by mothers and sisters of thethousands who had suffered and died under his cruelties. Said thegeneral, "I do not know but it would be the best thing for him ifmothers and sisters were his judges. " But if they were the ones togive the decision, _justice_ and _mercy_ would never kisseach other over him. I never was an advocate of capital punishment, but I must acknowledge I did feel at times, while listening to HenryWirtz's trial, that I would like to see that tiger in human form takea _hemp swing. _ But when at last he received his sentence andswore he "always thought the American Eagle was a d--- buzzard, " I hadno desire to mingle with the multitude to witness the execution, though he well deserved the execration of all. 

On May 14th I received a note from Mrs. Edgerton, stating that aperemptory order from Rev. J. R. Shipherd, secretary of the AmericanMissionary Association at Chicago, had been received, to close theasylum immediately. From her note I learned that this was the day forthe auction sale of the asylum personal property. I was confident thatforty or fifty little folks could not at once be properly situated incompliance with such an order, and wrote J. R. Shipherd a proposition, reminding him of his verbal pledge and proposed terms on which wecould reopen the asylum for all for whom no suitable homes might befound. I also wrote an appeal to Rev. Geo. Whipple, of the New YorkDivision, and sent with it a copy of the proposition I had made to J. R. Shipherd. I received in reply a request to remit to that divisionthe reply I should receive from J. R. Shipherd, or a copy, by thefirst mail, for they thought my proposition would be accepted. I wrotethem they should have whatever reply I might receive from J. R. Shipherd, but I did not look for any word whatever from him. In themean time I received a letter from Adrian informing me that four ofthe little children were already in the county poor-house, and thatothers would soon be taken there, that four of the younger ones wereleft in the streets of Adrian to find their own homes among coloredpeople, and that four were left with a poor colored family who werepromised pay for keeping them until other homes could be found. Fourmore were also left with a white family in Palmyra, with the promiseof pay until other arrangements were made. One little girl of tenyears was left with a woman of ill-fame and of drinking habits, andthe little girl had been seen drunk. 

I wrote to Rev. E. M. Cravath, secretary of the Middle Division, atCincinnati, and to Levi Coffin, and learned in reply that eight of thelittle children were found one morning sitting on the stone steps ofthe office of the American Missionary Association, with a note in thehand of the oldest, aged ten or eleven years, the purport of whichwas, "These children were sent by you to the asylum near Adrian, Michigan. It has closed. You must take care of them. " They said thatMrs. Edgerton brought them from the asylum, and sent them here in theexpress wagon. The office being locked, the driver left them on thesteps at 6 o'clock A. M. As they had eaten nothing during the night, Levi Coffin furnished them with food, while Rev. E. M. Cravath went tothe colored orphan asylum of the city, and made arrangements by payingthe board of managers one hundred dollars for their admittance. Theletter from Levi Coffin contained the following queries: "What ailsMichigan, that she can not care for thirty or forty of these poorlittle homeless orphans, when we have had a few thousands to lookafter in this great thoroughfare? Where is the Christianity andphilanthropy of your great State, to send these children back to us, who took them from those crowded camps, where there was so muchsuffering and dying, for the purpose of their being properly trained, and fitted for usefulness, amid humane surroundings?" They soon foundthe whys and wherefores in my letter and appeal to allow the asylum tobe reopened. 

After writing a number of letters to the New York Division, containinga full account of the condition of the children, and sending them acopy of the letter from Adrian, I inquired whether as a Christian bodythey could allow these children over whom they had assumed control, and for whom they were responsible, to be turned out into the streets, to be lodged in the county poor-house, and to be left in the house ofill-fame, and appealed to them as Christian men to make some suitablearrangements for them. Their reply was: "We can not afford to allowthis condition of those children. We have not received a communicationin this office that has produced the deep feeling that your lastletter has. We have telegraphed Mr. Shipherd to dispose of nothingmore connected with that asylum. How long would it be before it couldhe reopened, should we replace it in the hands of its friend?" Ianswered, "It shall be re-opened as soon as I receive officialauthority from your association to do it, and I will resign myposition in this work. " In reply to this, the Rev. Mr. Smith, a memberof the New York Division, came to Washington and authorized me tosecure a part of the asylum building, and reopen it for the childrenthat were in improper houses. I secured a pass by way of Cincinnati, in accordance with the request of Levi Coffin and Rev. E. M. Cravath, of the Middle Division. They had secured good homes for two of thechildren. I took the others home. 

The secretaries and a few other members of the three divisions met inOberlin to consider further concerning the asylum that had been sounwisely closed. At the close of this consultation I received a letterfrom Mr. Whipple, of New York, in which he stated that there was muchsympathy expressed for me in behalf of the asylum by all except Mr. Shipherd, who said be had done nothing of which I or any one else hadany right to complain. He was ordered to return twenty-three boxesand packages of asylum goods to me, as I was acting under their ordersin reopening the home; and they sent me fifty dollars for supplies. Igathered in between twenty-five and thirty children that hadpreviously belonged to the home, and bought back what furniture Icould that had been sold at a great sacrifice. The corporationappointed me general superintendent of the asylum, and engaged me todevote my whole time to it. 

Although to provide means to carry it on was no small task, yet theburden to me seemed light compared with its importance. It had costgreat anxiety and effort to accomplish what we had already done. Isecured a horse, repaired the buggy, and employed our soldier, CharlieTaft, whose health was much impaired from service in the army. Heoffered to spend the Winter with us, and render what assistance hecould, for his board. Just now our prospects were brighter than at anyperiod since Raisin Institute was converted into a home for harmlesslittle people, to train for useful citizens, instead of tramps, orinmates of prisons. 

But, alas! we were doomed to a heavy draft upon our faith. After avery busy day of measuring, cutting, and fitting garments for thelittle ones, I went in haste to place a bundle of patches in the boxin the hall room. It was now dark twilight, and I mistook the cellardoor for that of the hall. Passing through, I fell headlong seven feetagainst the corner of a hard-wood beam. I received many bruises, andthe concussion fractured both the inner and outer layers of the lefttemporal bone, and severed the temporal artery. I was taken upinsensible, and it was supposed that life was extinct; but in a fewmoments signs of life appeared, and a physician was immediately sentfor. Great consternation prevailed among the children, and muchsympathy was expressed, as well as many prayers offered by them in mybehalf. 

Brother Smart, pastor of the Methodist Episcopal Church in Adrian, wasthen holding a series of meetings; and being told of the accident atthe evening meeting, he said: "Elder Jacokes informs me that sisterHaviland is supposed to be in a dying state from a dangerous fall inthe orphan asylum this evening. I propose to pursue my subject nofurther, but to turn this meeting into a season of prayer for herrestoration, if in accordance with the Lord's will; if not, that hermantle may fall upon another, to carry forward that enterprise. TheLord can hear and answer here as readily as by her bedside. " He thenled in fervent supplication, followed by a few others. Said a friendpresent: "The announcement fell upon us like an electric shock, and Inever heard brother Smart, or those who followed, pray with suchpower. Then brother Bird arose and said, 'I feel confident that weshall have an answer to our prayers, that sister Haviland will berestored or another take her place. '"

My dear sister in Christ, Elizabeth L. Comstock, was at that timelaboring in the Master's vineyard in Chicago. Hearing of the accidentby means of the telegram sent to my daughter residing in that city, she mentioned it at the Moody noon prayer-meeting, and requestedprayer for my restoration, if it were the Lord's will. I was made thesubject of prayer also at Pittsford Wesleyan Methodist protractedmeeting. 

A letter came from Rev. E. M. Cravath, of Cincinnati, addressed to me. In answer, my daughter, L. J. Brownell, wrote that "mother isunconscious from a dangerous fall, and we (her children) are earnestlypraying for her restoration. If our Heavenly Father sees meet to grantour petition, you will receive a reply from her when practicable. " Theimmediate reply was: "You may rest assured our All-wise Father willrestore your mother if he has further work for her to do. You may alsobe assured that her friends in this city are uniting in prayer withher children for her recovery. "

I was so nearly conscious at one time that I heard some one say, "Shewill never speak again. " The thought struck me forcibly that I wasgoing to get well, and yet I had no sense of being ill. But Ireflected that my children must be very sad at the thought of givingme up, and I would try to say, "I am going to get well. " With all theeffort I could command I could not utter a syllable. Then I tried tosee if my children were present; but I seemed to be in a pure, soft, white cloud, such as we sometimes see floating in the ethereal blue, where I could discover no countenance of those moving around my bed. Consequently I gave over the effort, and was again lost to allconsciousness until three days and nights had passed. Then the firstreturning consciousness was the passing away of that beautiful whitecloud, and I recognized my three daughters standing before me. One ofthem said, "Mother looks as if she knew us. " Why, yes, I thought, theyare my daughters; but what are their names? and what is my name? ThenI surveyed the room. The papered wall, maps, pictures, and furnitureall looked familiar; but where am I? Am I in some large city, or in acountry place? I am advanced in years; and what have I done in all mylife? But I could recall nothing. 

While in this mental soliloquy, it came to me what my name was, andthat this was the orphan asylum. 

"Do you know me, mother?" said my daughter Jane. 

It was a matter of reflection before I could utter the word "yes, " andthen a study to give her name. At length I pronounced it. Anotherdaughter made the same query, and I had the answer, "yes, " ready, butit seemed a hard study again to recollect the name Mira. The sameeffort brought to my lips the name of Esther when she addressed me. 

"Don't have the least anxiety or care, " she said, "about this orphanasylum, for the friends have brought gram, flour, meal, meat, andgroceries in abundance. " O what a relief these words brought! Surelythe Lord is the Father of the fatherless. 

After studying for words I said, "What is the matter?" for I felt thatmy head was very sore, and my face swollen. When told that I hadfallen down cellar and was badly hurt, I was surprised, for I couldrecall nothing of the fall. After calling to mind the variousresidences of my daughters, and words to inquire how they knew of theaccident, I was told that my son-in-law telegraphed them. At length Ireached the conclusion that I became stunned by the bruise on my head, and fell asleep and slept my senses all away, and that was the reasonI did not know any thing. I thought, must I learn to read again? ShallI ever know any thing? How sad it will be not to know how to read ordo any thing; but I will leave all in the hands of the dear Savior. They gave me medicine that I knew I had taken. Did I not take this anhour ago? "O no, mother, not since yesterday. " What day of the week isto-day? "Monday. " Then to-morrow will be Tuesday. "Yes. " I have got sofar, I will remember that, thought I. Again another dose of medicinewas given. Did I take this yesterday? "You took this two hours ago. "It is certain that I do not know any thing. How sad it will be when Iget well of this hurt (as I had no doubt but I should) and not knowany thing. But, then, the second thought of leaving it with the Lordwas a resting-place. But consciousness was gradually restored. Thenext day my son Daniel came; but he did not dare to approach the frontdoor, fearing that a tie of crepe on the knob would be the first totell him the sad story of his mother's departure He was met at theback door by his three sisters, one of whom informed him of a fainthope of my recovery, as there was evidence of returning consciousness. 

A day later the fourth daughter, Anna H. Camburo, arrived. I was thuspermitted to meet all my children save one, whose infant son had diedthe day after the news reached him of my fall. But as the childrendaily informed their brother Joseph of increasing hope of my recovery, he, of my six children, was the only absent one. Through their tendercare and the blessing of God, in answer to many earnest prayers, I wasspared to toil on a few years longer. To him alone be all the praise!My Savior never seemed nearer. 

It was January, 15, 1869, when I fully realized that consciousness wasrestored. I renewed my entire consecration to the service of my Lordand Master. All was peace and quiet within. The inmates of the asylum, between twenty-five and thirty, were so quiet that it seemed as if nomore than my own children were moving around me. During the secondweek, through my dear friend Elizabeth L. Comstock, seventy-fivedollars was sent to us from friends in Chicago. A few days laterthirty dollars came from the same city. The fourth week after the fallI was removed to my home in the city of Adrian, accompanied by my fivechildren, three of whom then returned to their homes. In four months Ihad so far recovered as to be able to do moderate asylum work, and inone year I solicited and received one thousand dollars for the asylum, aside from the means sent during my inability to labor. This kept theasylum in supplies, we hardly knew how, only as it came from theFather of the fatherless. Within ten days after my arrival at home Ireceived three checks of fifty dollars each from the Cincinnati Branchof the American Missionary Association, from the Friends' Sabbath-school, in Syracuse, New York, and from John Stanton, Washington, D. C. 

In all this severe trial I had no regrets in making this schemeanother specialty in my life-work. I visited nine county poor-houses, learning the number of children in each, and noting their condition, with the view of reporting to our next Legislature. In three of thecounty houses were girls, half idiotic, who had become mothers. In onethere were twenty children of school-age, sent to school four hourseach day. As I followed the matron through the dormitory and otherparts of the house, I saw by the filthy appearance of the sheets andpillows, as well as a want of order generally, a great need of system. As I was about to leave I remarked to the matron, "You have manyunpleasant tasks to perform here. "

"La me, I guess we do, " she said. 

"You have plenty of vermin to deal with, I suppose?"

"Indeed we do. You can scrape up quarts of 'em. "

I added her testimony to my report. Then, after visiting many of theinfirmaries on April 6th, I attended meetings of our countysupervisors and superintendent of the poor. I reported our work, andpresented an order for dues for the previous month. Having arranged mymonthly report, I presented it to the monthly meeting of our asylumassociation. 

I retired weary, and awoke to see Dr. Pearsall about to leave my room. He was giving directions to my two anxious daughters. To my surprisemy son-in-law remarked, "Mother is so much better, I will returnhome. " Here was a mystery I was unable to solve, and I insisted onknowing why the doctor was there, now nearly 2 o'clock in the morning. I was informed that I had suffered an attack of apoplexy. I was notthe least startled, but told them if I had had a fit of thatcharacter, I was liable to go at any time, and I wished to say a fewthings and then I would sleep: If I should be taken away in anunconscious state for them not to have the least uneasiness about me, as my way was clear. I wished my children to live nearer the Savior, and meet their mother in a fairer clime than this, and I requestedthem to tell my dear absent children the same. I then directed how mylittle effects should be divided among my six children, and restedwell in sleep until the usual hour of waking, and was able to dress inthe afternoon. 

Within ten days I rode to the asylum, made arrangements to rent theland of the asylum farm for the coming season, and wrote to brother G. A. Olmstead to take my place in looking after its interests for a fewmonths, as my physicians told me it was unsafe for me to continuemental labor, and I must rest at least six months. This was anotherheavy drawback upon our faith and work, as we had designed tocirculate our petition during the remainder of the year, so as to haveit ready to present to the next Legislature. Rev. G. A. Olmsteadundertook the work of soliciting, and kept the asylum comfortablysupplied until his health failed. Then a devoted and self-sacrificingsister, Catharine Taylor, took the field, while I spent six monthsvisiting my children. The severest prescription I ever took fromphysician, was to _think of nothing. _ But I succeeded admirably, and spent much time in drawing bits of clippings and rags of diversecolors through canvas, making domestic rugs for each of my children. Icalled upon various physicians, who gave it as their opinion that Icould safely accomplish one-fourth of my former work, but I did noteven reach that amount of labor. In a little over a month's work, witha petition to the Legislature in my pocket, and at the home of AnsonBarkus and wife, I was taken with another midnight fit, and was muchlonger unconscious than before, but I returned home the followingafternoon, accompanied by brother Backus. Twenty-five miles ride onthe car and a mile in the hack did not improve the strange pressure inmy head. Within a week I had five terrible spasms, lasting at timesfrom five to twenty minutes; during consciousness I was not able tospeak a word. When I appeared more comfortable, and my head morenatural, greater hopes of my recovery were entertained by my physicianand children. 

I thought these fits were faintings; for I felt as if I had waked outof sleep each time. But the purple fingernails on the last day led meto suppose that I would die in one of these faints. Between the fits Imost earnestly prayed that, if it was the Lord's will, I might berestored to work for him a little longer; but, if otherwise, I wouldpraise him still for taking me over the beautiful river. O what amistake to call it a dark, deep river, when it is only a bright, rippling stream, just across which all is peace and joy for evermore!This was the constant breathing of my soul all day; and it vividlyflashed upon my mind that fifteen years were added to Hezekiah's lifein answer to prayer. This prayer, followed by these words, ran throughmy mind during all that happy day. Can death, that is called the lastenemy, look pleasant? It did look pleasant to me. Praise filled mysoul. 

That day will never be forgotten as long as memory and reason endure. In the evening I slept three minutes, they said, by the watch, andwhen I awoke I could talk as easily as ever. From that day I improvedin health. These spasms were caused by the pressure of blood inreopening the temporal artery, or forcing its way through a newchannel. I again received the tenderest of nursing on the part of myfour daughters, and praise is due only to him who is the prayer-hearing God. With the fervent prayers of that memorable day come thewords of the poet:

 "'Tis a glorious boon to die, A favor that can't be prized too high, "

because of an abundant entrance to be administered to us into theglorious mansions prepared by our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ. 

CHAPTER XVIII. 

PRESENT CONDITION OF THE FREEDMEN. 

Our investigations have proved to the friends of the former slavesthat their emigration from the South was not instituted and put intooperation by their own choice, except as the force of circumstances, in their surroundings, pressed them into this remarkable movement. Monthly reports of the Kansas Freedmen's Relief Association have alsoproved satisfactory to thousands of donors toward their relief. Theincreasing intelligence among the four millions and a half of slaves, declared free by the nation's pen in the hand of her President, Abraham Lincoln, they found did not bring with it the glorioussunlight of freedom the proclamation promised in its dawn. Afterfifteen years of patient hoping, waiting, and watching for the shapingof government, they saw clearly that their future condition as a racemust be submissive vassalage, a war of races, or emigration. Circularswere secretly distributed among themselves, until the conclusion wasreached to wend their way northward, as their former masters' powerhad again become tyrannous. This power they were and are made to seeand feel most keenly in many localities, a few incidents will show. 

Elder Perry Bradley left Carthage, Leek County, Mississippi, inJanuary, 1880, and testifies to the following facts:

"In October, 1879, twenty-five or thirty masked men went into PeterWatson's house, and took him from his bed, amid screams of 'murder'from his wife and seven children; but the only reply the wife andchildren received at the hands of the desperadoes was a beating. Theirboy of twelve years knocked one down with a chair. While the fightingwas going on within, and in their efforts to hold their victimoutside, he wrenched himself from their grasp--leaving his shirt intheir hands--and ran through the woods to my house, around whichcolored men gathered and protected him. Although twelve gun-shotsfollowed him in the chase, yet none hit him. By the aid of friends hetook the first train he could reach, which, to his surprise, took himtwenty-five miles southward, instead of in a northern direction. AtCassiasca, Attala County, Mississippi, not knowing whether they werefriends or foes, he told them he wanted to go to Kansas. They told himhe should swear that he could not make a living there, before theywould allow him to go North. As he found they were all Democrats atthat depot, he consented to their demand; consequently they broughtthe Bible, and he took his oath 'that he could make a living there, but could not get it. ' The Democratic 'bull-dozers, ' who had swornthey would hang him if they ever caught him, took his span of horses, wagon, three cows, and his crop of cotton, corn, sugar-cane, andpotatoes (all matured), and gave his wife money with which to pay thefare for herself and seven children, the twenty-five miles on the carsto meet her husband. The colored men were told 'that if they would beDemocrats they could stay; but Republicans and carpet-baggers couldnot live there. '

"Austin Carter, a Methodist preacher, was an earnest temperanceworker, and was prospering in that part of his work. He was also astrong Republican. He was shot dead in August, 1878, near New ForestStation, Scott County, Mississippi, on the railroad running east andwest between Jackson and Meridian, Mississippi, while on his way home, between the hours of six and seven o'clock P. M. He received fourshots in the back of his head, which instantly took his life. His wifeand children knew nothing of it until the shocking tidings reachedthem the following morning. Thomas Graham, a wealthy merchant atForest Station, reported that the man who shot him had gone to Texasand could not be found or heard from; and nothing was done to find themurderer or to bring him to justice. "

Elder Perry Bradley was told by a number of this class of Democrats, at various places where he was accustomed to preach, that he could notlive there and preach unless he would vote the Democratic ticket andteach his people to do the same. Said he, "In the town of Hillsboro, at one of my meetings, the bulldozers came into the congregation andtook me out of the meeting, held in a school-house one mile fromHillsboro, on April 15, 1879, at ten o'clock P. M. , where I hadpreached during our day meetings without disturbance. Captain Hardy, leading the band, took me into the woods to an old deserted house, inwhich was their general or chief commander, Warsham, who asked thefollowing question: 'Will you stop preaching to your people thatChrist died to make you all free, body, soul, and spirit?' 'I can notstop preaching God's truth as I find it in the Bible, ' was my answer. 'I want you to understand now that you can't preach such doctrine toour niggers, ' was the rejoinder. He then directed them to give me twohundred lashes. They took me out in the front yard and drove fourstakes in the ground, to which each wrist and foot was fastened. Afterbeing disrobed of my clothing and fastened, face downward, two menwere selected to do the whipping, one on each side, alternating theirstrokes, while the rabble stood around until the two hundred lasheswere given. Then they were told to stop and let me up. Too weak andtrembling to stand, I was again queried whether I would not now preachthe Democratic doctrine and vote that ticket? I replied, 'I can notconscientiously make such a promise. ' 'Why not? 'Because I do notbelieve there are Democrats in heaven. ' Said their general, Warsham, 'We'll turn him loose with this brushing; may be he'll conclude tobehave himself after this. ' Turning to me he said, 'Remember, this isbut a light brushing compared with what you'll get next time; but welltry you with this. ' I returned to my home with my back cut in manydeep gashes, the scars of which I shall carry to my grave. Yet Ipraised God in remembrance that my loving Savior suffered more thanthis for me, and that this suffering was in his cause. As soon as Iwas able to continue my work for my Lord and Master among my people Iwas again enabled to proclaim the riches of his grace. A few weeksafter resuming my work I preached on the Dan. Lewis' place, in ScottCounty, where I had held meetings undisturbed. But the same companysought me out, and took me out of an evening meeting into the woodsabout three miles distant to hang me. After due preparations were madethey passed their whisky around, of which they all drank so freelythat in their carousings they got into a fight, and while drawingpistols at each other young Warsham, the acting captain, in whosecharge I was left, cut the rope that bound my hands behind me, andtold me to 'go. ' And gladly I obeyed the order and left them engagedin their fight and too drunk to notice my escape. I left that land ofdarkness as soon as possible for this free Kansas, and I have myfamily with me, for which I thank my Deliverer from the jaws of thelion of oppression, and praise the Lord of hosts for a free country, where I can vote as well as preach according to the dictates of my ownconscience without the torturing whip or the hangman's rope. "

Professor T. Greener, of Howard University, Washington, D. C. , who hasbeen prominently identified in the new exodus lately returned from atrip to Kansas, where he visited the colored colonies, and gatheredinformation regarding the black emigrants. He reports them as doingwell, constantly receiving accessions to their numbers, and welltreated by their white neighbors. He says: "Indications point to acontinuance of emigration during the Winter, and increase in theSpring, not in consequence of any special effort on the part of thosewho favor this solution of the vexed Southern question, but becausethe emigrants themselves are proving the best agents and propagandistsamong their friends South. " Professor Greener is warm in his praise ofGovernor John P. St. John and the people of Kansas. 

A staff correspondent of the Chicago _Inter-Ocean_, writing fromTopeka, Kansas, December 31, 1879, says: "During four weeks' travelthrough the State, I estimate the number of colored emigrants atfifteen, or twenty thousand. Of these one-fifth probably are able tobuy land, and are making good progress at farming. Most of the othershave found, through the Freedmen's Relief Association, places aslaborers, and are giving good satisfaction; and in no county are theyapplying for aid, nor are burdens upon corporate charities. The demandfor laborers seems stretched to its fullest capacity, as theaccumulation of refugees at the barracks (now nearly seven hundred), for whom no places can be found, clearly indicates. Judging from whatI learn from the refugees themselves, and from the increasing numbers, now from twenty-five to fifty arriving every day, we predict that themovement to Kansas will soon assume such proportions as to astonishthe country, and unless the tide can be turned, or the charity of theNorth be more readily bestowed, the suffering which the reliefcommittee, although laboring faithfully with the means at theircommand, has not been entirely sufficient to relieve during the pastcold weather, will soon be turned to general destitution and greatsuffering among the pauper refugees. "

The greatest crime in many portions of the South is being aRepublican. This has added largely to the emigration, and the tide hasreached not only Kansas, but the older States of the North. It hasentered Indiana, Ohio, and Illinois, and soon will find its way intoWisconsin, Iowa, and Michigan. We find no political chicanery of theNorth in this universal uprising of the colored people of the South inleaving the home of their birth. But it is the mistaken policy of theSouth that is driving their laborers northward; that is, compellingthem to flee to more congenial surroundings. It is among the wondersthat they waited so long and so patiently for the better day to come. Not long ago one thousand arrived in Parsons, Kansas, in the south-western part of the State. Governor St. John gave them a temperancespeech with other good advice. Two hundred and twenty-five arrived inTopeka, and while I was at the barracks over seventy came in fromTexas. Hardly a day passed while I was there but we heard of fresharrivals. Eleven wagon-loads came into Parsons, and two of the mencame to Topeka and reported the condition of many of them as verypoor. We relieved within three weeks over one thousand persons. 

_The crime of being a Republican_, in many portions of the South, is shown by the following testimonies. I interviewed an intelligentcolored man, John S. Scott, of Anderson County, South Carolina. Hecame well recommended as a well qualified teacher. He had taughttwenty-eight terms of school in South Carolina and six terms inGeorgia; but if he succeeded in collecting half his pay he did well. He handed me a package of certificates and commendations. His friendswere about to run him for office, but his life was threatened, and hewas informed that they were determined to have a "white man'sgovernment, " and gave him to understand that if he got the office, his life would be worthless. 

Abbeville district, in that State, was Republican, and John Owen wasan influential colored Republican. During the election he was arrestedand placed in jail, under the charge of selling forty-eight pounds oftwisted tobacco without license. When arraigned before the court itwas proved that he had no such article, yet they fined him fiftydollars. He had raised tobacco, but it was still in the leaf. The finewas paid, and after the election he was released. 

In the Seventh Congressional District, on Coosa River, September 24, 1877, a white man by the name of Burnam offered to purchase a smallcotton farm near his, owned by a colored man, and offered him fortydollars for it. The owner replied, "I will sell to no man for thatamount. " Nothing more was said on the subject, and the colored manpurchased a few pounds of bacon of Burnam and left for home. As he hadto pass a little skirt of woods, Burnam took his gun, crossed thewoods, and came out ahead of the colored man and shot him dead! Heremained at his home two weeks, when the excitement over the cold-blooded murder became unpleasant for him, and he left theneighborhood, and had not returned in March, 1878, the date myinformant left the country. The murdered man was a Republican. 

Sanford Griffin was an honorably discharged soldier, and he testifiedthat Columbus Seats was shot dead by Frank Phillips, in Clarksville, Tennessee. Griffin made an effort to have the murderer arrested, butfailed. No difference was known to exist between them, except on thesubject of politics. Seats was a Republican, and could not be inducedto vote the Bourbon ticket. 

In the autumn of 1878 Vincent Andersen was brought into Clarksville, Montgomery County, Tennessee, at eleven o'clock A. M. The followingnight a mob took him out of jail and hanged him on a locust tree onthe Nashville Pike, near Clarksville. This case Griffin made an effortto bring before the court, but failed. The jailer, Perkins, said themen who brought Anderson to the jail, came in the night, and havingoverpowered him, forcibly took the jail key. But a girl of thirteenyears testified that she saw the men in conversation with the jailer, and was confident they paid him money. Vincent Anderson had purchasedten acres of land, and had paid every installment promptly, and was onthe way to the railroad station to make his last payment, when the mobtook him to jail, until the darkness of night favored their wickedpurpose of taking his life. He could not be prevailed upon to vote theBourbon ticket. 

One more incident this intelligent ex-Union soldier gave to which hewas a witness: A young white woman, Miss Smith, purchased a pistol andremarked, "I am going to kill a nigger before the week is out. " Duringthat week her father and Farran, a colored man, had a dispute, butFarran had no thought of any serious result from it. But as LydiaFarran, the wife of the colored man, was on her way to the field tohelp her husband, Miss Smith, the white girl of eighteen or twentyyears of age, took the pistol she had purchased a day or twopreviously, and followed Lydia and shot her dead! She left two littlechildren, then a colored family got to their distracted father, whoescaped for his life. He had not known of any difficulty between hiswife and Miss Smith, or any other of the family, and could attributethe cool calculating murder of his wife to no other cause than thelittle difference of opinion that was expressed a few days previous tothe fatal deed! Sanford Griffin succeeded in bringing this case beforethe court. But the charge of the judge to the jurors was, "You mustbear in mind that Miss Smith was the weaker party, and if the shootingwas in self-defense, it would be justifiable homicide. " The jury soreturned their verdict, and the case was dismissed. 

The Freedmen's Aid Commission in Kansas relieved the wants of many ofthese refugees from the South; but the number of colored people was sogreat that, until they could find places to work for others or forthemselves, the Commission had difficulty to care for them. A circularletter was issued, appealing to the friends of the cause for help. Tothis letter, sent out in December, 1879, these few telling words, fromour dear friend and Christian philanthropist, Elizabeth L. Comstock, were added: "The treasury is nearly empty; city and barracks very muchcrowded; refugees coming in faster than we can care for them; moneyurgently needed for food, fuel, and medicine, and also to provideshelter. " We take pleasure in announcing that our appeals from time totime met with responsive chords in many hearts, and relief was sent tothe perishing. 

It is needless to speak further of the causes for emigration, soclearly set forth in the foregoing facts; but we give a late one, which in its section of country caused considerable anxiety and stiramong this oppressed people. About the close of July an articleappeared in the _Mercury_, edited by Colonel A. G. Horn, atMeridian, Mississippi, in which occurs the following: "We would liketo engrave a prophecy on stone, to be read by generations in thefuture. The negroes in these States will be slaves again or cease tobe. Their sole refuge from extinction will be in slavery to the whiteman. " Do not forget, dear reader, that though ignorant, as a largemajority of ex-slaves are, yet their children read these sentiments, which are more outspoken than that which characterizes SouthernDemocracy; yet re-enlivened treason is nevertheless the true sentimentand ruling power of many places in ex-slave States. It is so acceptedby the negroes, who, to avoid extinction or slavery, seek refuge amidphysical and pecuniary hardships. Indeed, this exodus from the South, is not ended--a move for freedom is not easily extinguished. 

To aid the reader fully to understand the needs of these poor peoplein the southern portion of Kansas, I insert an appeal of a constantand self-sacrificing worker for them, Daniel Votaw, of Independence, Kansas: "It appears that the southern portion of this State is havinga larger share of emigrants than any other part of it. For this reasonI ask the philanthropist to send aid quickly. I believe clothing willcome; but who will send money to buy bread? Most of them say, 'Justgive corn-bread, and we are satisfied. ' I have never seen nor heard somuch gratitude come from any people as flows from the hearts of thesepoor colored refugees. Our granaries are full, our groceries groanwith the weight of provisions; but these sufferers have nothing to buywith. My blood almost runs chill when I remember that there are twoexcessive luxuries used by persons who call themselves men, thatwould, if rightly applied, fill this crying bill of want; namely, tobacco and whisky. Come, erring brothers, to the rescue. Can you notdonate these expenses to this good cause? Do it, and Heaven will blessyou. Those who may send provisions, clothing, or money, will get acorrect account, if a note of donor or shipper is found inside thepackage, to enable us to respond with a correct receipt. "

I have a letter from a colored man in Mississippi, addressed toGovernor John P. St. John, which he turned over to me to answer. Igive an extract: "Please advise me what to do. The white men here saywe have got to stay here, because we have no money to go with. We canorganise with a little. Since the white people mistrust ourintentions, they hardly let us have bread to eat. As soon as we can goon a cheap scale, we are getting ready to leave. Some of us are almostnaked and starved. We are banding together without any instructionfrom you or any aid society. We are all Republicans, and hard-workingmen, and men of trust We have to keep our intention secret or be shot;and we are not allowed to meet. We want to leave before the matter isfound out by the bulldozers. There are forty widows in our band. Theyare work-women and farmers also. The white men here take our wives anddaughters and serve them as they please, and we are shot if we say anything about it and if we vote any other way than their way we can notlive in our State or county. We are sure to leave, or be killed. Theyhave driven away all Northern whites and colored leaders. A littleinstruction from you will aid the committee greatly in our efforts ingetting away. Hoping to hear from you soon in regard to the request, we remain, Very truly yours, " etc. 

The foregoing from which I purposely omit the name and address of thewriter is a sample of many hundreds of letters received by Governor StJohn. Many of them he placed in our hands to reply. But neither thegovernor nor our association could do any thing to bring these poorpeople to Kansas. Our sole object is to relieve them after theirarrival. Consequently, it is but little encouragement we could givethese sorrowing hearts as to any preparations for leaving thatpoisoned land. One family told us "We were compelled to lay our plansin secret, and we left our bureau and two large pitchers standing inour cabin and took a night boat. " What a misnomer to call our formerslave States "free!"

The cry has been, "The sooner Northern carpet-baggers leave the South, the better for them, and the sooner the nigger finds his proper place, and keeps it the better for him. " The following incidents will serveas data from which we have a right to judge of the manner used tobring the colored people into what they deem their proper place. Butthey are becoming too intelligent to endure subjugation when they canevade it by flight. 

Robert Robinson on the road between Huntsville, Alabama, and ColdSprings hired a colored man for three months, and he called at hisstore for his pay "All right, " said Robison, "step back and we'll lookover the books and pay you. " After entering the room the door waslocked, and Robinson placed a pistol at his head, while his brotherbeat him with a pine club, which disabled him from labor for threeweeks. This was his pay. 

Giles Lester was taken to jail, and was in the hands of BailiffDantey. A mob of fifteen or twenty men took him out on Friday night, to a piece of woods, and hanged him--not so as to break his neck atonce; but they were three hours in beating him to death. A white manliving near by said he never heard such cries and groans of agony inall his life as during those three hours. These atrocities werecommitted within two years past. 

During the Mississippi riot that fiercely raged during 1875-6, theobject of which was to secure a solid Democratic vote at thepresidential election, innocent men, without the shadow ofprovocation, were hauled out of their houses and shot, or hanged; andno legal notice was taken of the murderers, for they were men ofproperty and standing. General J. R. Chalmers was a leader in one bandof these rioters, and is now honored with a seat in Congress. The mobtook Henry Alcorn out of his house to the woods and shot him, leavingthe murdered man to be buried by his friends, who mourned over his sadfate. But there is no redress where this corrupt public sentimenttakes the place of law. This band of rioters called up Charlie Greento cook for them all night at one of their places of rendezvous. Atearly morn, Charlie being tired, fell asleep sitting on a dry-goodsbox. One of the party said he wanted to try his gun before starting, and discharged its contents into Green's body, taking his lifeinstantly!

One or two instances of Southern malignity and outrage were reportedto me by one of these refugees. A woman residing near some of thosewhom I interviewed during my stay in Kansas, in 1879-80, was calledout by the "Bourbons" or "Regulators" who were in pursuit of herhusband, and questioned as to his whereabouts. Suspecting that theirobject was to take his life she refused to tell. Upon this a rope wasplaced around her neck and tied to a horse's tail, and she was thusdragged to the nearest wood and hanged to the limb of a tree until shewas dead. Her husband made his escape as, best he could with hismother-less babe. 

There was a plantation in Mississippi rented to six colored men, threeof them with families. At Christmas they called for a settlement. Morgan, the proprietor, brought them into his debt, and swore "everynigger had eaten his head off. " He took seven hundred bushels of wheatthat they had raised, and fourteen fat hogs, the corn, and even theteam and wagon they brought on the place. They concluded to resort tothe civil authorities, hoping to recover a portion of the avails ofthe season's hard work. But Morgan gained the suit. At this thecolored men told him just what they thought of this wholesale robbery. Within a week after the six men were taken out of their beds in thedead of night, by a company of masked "Regulators, " who stripped thebedsteads of their cords, with which they were hanged and then lashedto boards and sent floating down the Mississippi River. A white clothwas fastened over their bosoms, upon which was written: "Any onetaking up these bodies to bury may expect the same fate. " They weretaken out of the river one hundred miles below. Two of the widows sentfor the bodies of their husbands, and a number whom I conversed withattended the funeral and read the notice on the linen, which had notbeen removed from their persons. Surely we have a right, and it is ourduty to ventilate these facts, though we may be deemed sensational. Wecan not be charged with political wire-pulling, as they are beyond ourreach. But I ask, in the words of Elizabeth H. Chandler, who has longsince gone to her rest and reward--

 "Shall we behold unheeding Life's holiest feelings crushed? When woman's heart is bleeding, Shall woman's voice be hushed?"

Is it a wonder the freedmen flee by hundreds and thousands? They arestill coming into Kansas. There are many sick and dying among them. Let every man, woman, and child arise and work for the refugees, whoare suffering for food, fuel, and clothing. There is great necessityfor immediate and vigorous effort, in taking the place of the GoodSamaritan in caring for the robbed and bruised stranger, who find manypriests and Levites passing by. During the Winter all money andsupplies for Kansas refugees should be directed to Elizabeth L. Comstock, North Topeka, Kansas. 

Our work is by every possible means aiding these poor people to helpthemselves, which they are doing wherever work can be found. ButWinter season overtaking them on the way to Kansas, and no work to beobtained, the philanthropy of our North will not withhold her liberalhand. It is a debt which we owe to this people. Comparatively few callfor assistance who have been in the State a year, and most of theseare aged grandparents, the sick, and widows with large families ofsmall children. 

Of those who came early in the Spring of 1879, many have raised fromone hundred to four hundred bushels of corn each year, but they dividewith their friends and relatives who follow them. Some raised a fewacres of cotton in their first year, and they are jubilant over theirfuture outlook. They say, "Kansas prairies will blossom as the rose, and whiten her thousands of acres with their favorite staple. " One oldman whose head was almost as white as the few acres of cotton heproduced, said, "We'll 'stonish the nation wid thousands of snow-whiteacres of cotton in dis yere free Kansas, raised wid black hands. " Ifind they are writing back to their relatives and friends in the faroff South, that they can raise cotton as successfully in Kansas as inMississippi, Alabama, and Louisiana. In this prospect the door of hopeis opening before them, as if by the Almighty hand, which they acceptas having led them to the "land of freedom, " as they often expressthemselves. 

They are coming in larger numbers again, notwithstanding every possibleeffort of planters to keep them back, and false reports from theirenemies in this State that the exodus had ended, but we who are incommunication with other portions of the State know to the contrary, and all who come report more to follow. These poor people who, betweenMarch, 1879, and March, 1881, have made their escape from anoppression that seems almost incredible, and have come to Kansas tolive, now number more than fifty thousand, and still they come. Like agreat panorama, the scenes I witnessed in this State sixteen yearsago, amid clashing arms, come back to me. Suffering and dying thenseemed the order of each day. True, there is a great deal of sufferingand ignorance among these field hands still, but there is a markedimprovement, both as to the intelligence of these masses and theirpersonal comfort. Are they not as intelligent as were the children ofIsrael when they left Egypt? They made a golden calf to worship afterMoses had left them a few days. All ignorant people are prone todepend upon leaders instead of relying on themselves. 

Joseph Fletcher, who came into Kansas July 8, 1879, I found by hispapers to be an honorably discharged soldier from Mississippi. Hetestifies to the following facts: "I saw one hundred men killed byshooting and hanging during the two years, 1878 and 1879; and mybrother was one of them; I can point to their graves to-day in the twoparishes I worked in. This was in the Red River section, Mississippi. Their crime was their persistence in voting the Republican ticket. " Anumber of the representative men from those parishes were interviewed, and they testified to the same things A number of them had beensoldiers. 

Andrew J. Jackson, directly from Waterproof, Mississippi, says:"Fairfax was a smart, educated man. He owned his house and land, andgave a lot to the colored Baptist Church and mostly built it. But thebulldozers burned both house and church. He rebuilt his house. TheRepublicans nominated him for Senator, and the Bourbon Democrats foundhe would be elected. They threatened his life, and as he found snareswere laid to entrap him, he made his escape to New Orleans for safety. When, they learned as to his whereabouts, a number of men wrote forhim to come back, and they would drop the matter and let the electiongo as it would; but he heeded neither their letters nor telegrams. Oneof his friends was fearful that he would heed their persuasions andwent to see him, and told him not to listen to their sweet talk, forthe bulldozers only wanted him back so that they might take his life. The white Democrats continued to write to him to come back and advisethe colored people not to go North, and they would promise to protecthim, for every body wanted him to return and none would molest him. Ashe did not return for all their pledges, one man, who had alwaysappeared very friendly with him, went to see him, and told him thatall who had opposed him pledged their word and honor that he shouldnot be disturbed in the least if he would only return and persuade thecolored people not to go to Kansas, as he had more influence over themthan any other man. He assured him so confidently that he concluded totrust them, and returned to the bosom of his family on Saturday; butbefore Monday morning he was shot dead. The heart-rending scene canbetter be imagined than described. "

Said one intelligent man, "We can do nothing to protect the virtue ofour wives and daughters. " Near Greenville, Mississippi, a coloredwoman was passing through a little skirt of woods, when she wasattacked by two white men, who violated her person; then, to preventexposure, they murdered her in the most savage manner. They tied herclothes over her head and hanged her by her waist to a hickorysapling, and ripped open her bowels until a babe, that would within afew weeks have occupied its place in its mother's arms, fell to theground. Just at that juncture two colored men came in sight, and thewhite men dodged into the woods. This drew attention to the awfulscene of the dying woman weltering in her gore. They hastened to cuther down, and just as she was breathing her last she whispered, "Tellmy husband. " One watched the corpse while the other went to inform thehusband. This barbarous murder, which took place in April, 1879, wastwice related to me in the same way by different women from the sameneighborhood, who attended the funeral. As I related this to ourfriend, W. Armour and wife, of Kansas City, he remarked that the sameincident had been told to him by some of the new arrivals. We repeat, Who can wonder at their flight?

On July 12th and 13th two boat-loads more of refugees, numbering fourhundred persons, landed in lower Kansas City. I heard it againrepeated, "What shall we do? Here in Topeka are two hundred poorpeople waiting to go somewhere to get work, and only two hundreddollars in our treasury!" What shall we send them? More than fiftymen and women were then out hunting work; many found it and rentedcabins. We waited for a reply from the railroad authorities, to seeif they would take two hundred passengers for that money to Colorado. 

This association met and reached the conclusion to telegraph Mr. W. Armour and his co-laborers, at Kansas City, to send the four hundredat that place to other points, as it was impossible to receive themin Topeka until those already there were furnished with homes, ormore money should come to our aid. I returned to Kansas City, andfound their hands and hearts full also, and heard the query repeated, "What are we to do for these poor people? We can not send them back, and they _must_ be fed until we hear from places to which we havetelegraphed. " Favorable replies came for seventy-five families toColorado. The colored minister, Elder Watson, was to take them away, and visited St. Louis to request the friends in that city to send nomore in this direction for the present. 

A white woman called to see some of these poor people, and broughtchicken broth for a very sick man. She said she was born in Virginia, raised in Georgia, where she had taught school, and also taught inMississippi and Alabama. Because she contended for the rights of thecolored people, as they were free, she was ostracised and compelled toleave the South. Said she, "I have seen them hung and shot like dogs. They can not tell you the half of what they suffer. I know it, for Ihave seen it. "

While I was still visiting among these people, the steamer _FannieLewis_ landed with one hundred and four more refugees fromMississippi. Here they had nothing for their covering except the opensky. We feared that, unless other States should rally to the rescue, nothing but suffering and death would be before them. Kansas haddomiciled about what she could for the present, unless further aidshould be given from without. This State had hardly recovered from thesweeping devastation of war when drought swept over her rich prairies, and scarcely had she recovered from that drawback when thegrasshoppers came and desolated her again. Then the Macedonian cry, "Come over and help us, " was heard and answered. Again we raise thiscry in behalf of this oppressed people, and it will meet a generousresponse. 

When forty thousand dependents were thrown into young Kansas byPrice's raid through Missouri, followed by Colonels James Lane andJennison, I received from General Curtis the report that twentythousand poor whites and as many freedmen were here to be cared for bygovernment and the benevolence of the North. At that time of sore needMichigan placed in my hands two thousand six hundred dollars in money, and from seven thousand to eight thousand dollars in supplies torelieve the perishing and dying of that day. The lesson is notforgotten, that it is more blessed to give than to receive. He alonewho knows the end from the beginning can tell the future of ourcountry, and of the five million of its inhabitants of Africandescent. Yet eternal right must and will triumph. The debt our nationowes to the ex-slave should be paid. The hundred thousand coloredsoldiers who fought as bravely to save our nation's life as did theirpaler-faced brethren, and faced the cannon's mouth as fearlessly forthe prize above all price--_liberty_--are worthy of consideration. They were ever true to our soldiers. Many of our prisoners escapingfrom rebel dungeons were piloted by them into our lines. Many black"aunties" took their last chicken and made broth for our sick Unionsoldiers, as did the one I met in Natchez, Mississippi. She had beenfree a number of years, and had her yard full of geese, ducks, andchickens; but all went for Union soldiers. She was a noble Christianwoman. She said, "I feels so sorry for a sick soldier, so far fromtheir home. I feels happy for all I kin do for 'em. I knows Jesus payme. " Another colored woman whom I met at Gloucester Courthouse, inVirginia, did the same. 

An ex-soldier wrote in a note, found in a box of valuable clothingsent to the refugees in Kansas: "I send this as a small token of thegratitude I owe to the colored people for saving my life when I wassick and escaping from a loathsome rebel prison. They took care of meand conducted me safely to our Union camp. This goes with a prayerthat God will bless that suffering people. "

We have the testimony of many witnesses. Among them is J. C. Hartzell, D. D. , of New Orleans, editor of the _Southwestern ChristianAdvocate_. He says, "The cruelties endured by the colored people ofthe South can not be _overdrawn_. " He knew of a number offamilies that took homesteads on government lands and were doing wellfor themselves, but masked "Bourbons" went in a company and drove themoff, telling them they "had no business with homes of their own. Theplantation was their place, and there they should go. " One manundertook to defend himself and family with his gun, but receiving aserious wound from one of the Bourbons, he hid from his pursuers. Oneof his white friends heard of what had befallen him, and took him toNew Orleans for safety, as he knew him to be an industrious andpeaceable man. Here he employed a skillful surgeon to treat him. Ourinformant saw the bullet taken from his body, and thought his lifecould be saved. But he is sure to lose it if he returns to his ownhome. Rev. J. C. Hartzell said he had received letters from variousplaces all over the South, written by intelligent colored ministers, that their Churches were closed against them until after election. Thesame thing was told me by many of those I interviewed. 

The Bourbons said their meetings were the hot-beds of emigration andRepublicanism. In some places they were forbidden to meet in theirprivate houses for prayer-meetings, as their enemies said they met tomake plans to go to Kansas. Is there no guarantee for life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness? What a state of society is this for afree country? Our first duty as a government is protection. But if itis too weak for that, the second duty is to welcome the fleeingrefugee and point him to work, or to the thousands of acres of goodgovernment land, and help him where he needs help to keep body andsoul together during the few months it may require to make himselfself-sustaining. 

From Daniel Votaw's report from Independence, Kansas, I extract thefollowing: "Thomas Bell, of Dallas County, Texas, was hanged aboutOctober 5th for attempting to go with his family and a few neighborsto Kansas. Blood and rapine mark the fugitive. After supper, from mealfurnished them for this purpose, they gave us a history of theirtrials in Texas, which was truly sorrowful; and with the notes, mortgages, and credits given--to the whole amount, two thousand fivehundred dollars--for their farms, they were compelled to leave andflee for their lives, as David did before Saul. "

Shot-gun rule still continued. Philip Fauber, recently from near BatonKouge, Louisiana, testifies as follows: "I rented land of Bragg andJames McNealy, and was to have one-third of the crop and furnish teamand seed. I took three bales of cotton to the weigher, who read mycontract, and set aside one bale for me. But the McNealys claimed thethree bales, and I referred the matter to the Justice of the Peace, who, after reading the contract, sanctioned the decision of theweigher. But the McNealys brought another officer, who asked to seethe contract I handed him the paper, which he read and tore up andthrew away, and McNealy took possession of the last bale of cotton, which I told them was my only dependence for my family's support forthe Winter. On my way home through a little woods I received thecontents of a shot-gun in my face, both eyes being put out. In greatdistress I felt my way home. The doctor took a number of shot out ofmy face, but he couldn't put my eyes back. I can now do nothing butdepend upon others to feed and clothe me till God takes me from thisdark world to that glorious world of light and peace. The old man, McNealy denied shooting me, but he never said he did not know who did. But he and his two sons died within a few months after I was shot Inthe last sickness of Bragg McNealy he sent for me to tell me for thelast time that he did not shoot me. Still he would not tell who did. "The industrious wife of this poor man whose face is speckled with shotscars, is anxious to get four or five acres of land to work herself, and support herself and blind husband. 

A. A. Lacy, an intelligent colored man from New Orleans, who came tous indorsed by a number of others from the same city, testifies to thefacts related by him as follows: "May 5, 1880, I called at the custom-house to report for duty to General A. S. Badger, collector ofcustoms, by whom I had been employed. He directed me to Captain L. E. Salles, the chief weigher, to whom I had reported a number of days, but failed to get work, and as I failed this time I asked if I hadbetter continue calling for work. He replied, 'You had better callagain. ' As I was passing out of the door his partner, Michael Walsh, came to me (in a gruff, commanding tone), 'What is that you say, Lacy?' 'Nothing to you, ' I replied; 'I was speaking to CaptainSalles. ' At this he gave a stab, and as I turned to see what he washitting me for, he added two stabs more with cursing. As I was goingdown the steps I felt the warm blood running down my side, not yetrealizing that I had been cut. I opened my vest and saw the flowingblood. I stepped into Mr. Blanchard's office, the assistant weigher, who was a Republican, and showed him my side, with clothes saturatedwith blood. He was so shocked and excited that he was taken ill anddied in just two weeks. He advised me to enter a complaint againstMichael Walsh, which I did, and he was placed in jail in default ofthousand dollar bond. I was sent to the hospital. As there were manyfriends and reporters calling on me, the surgeon forbade callersexcept immediate attendants and my wife. He said the deepest woundreached the left lung, and an eighth of an inch deeper would haveproduced instant death. On the tenth day I was allowed to be removedto my home, and pronounced to be convalescent. Michael Walsh wasreleased from prison with no other mark of displeasure resting uponhim for this attempt at murder than a few days' imprisonment. As soonas I was able to walk about I took a boat with friends whose lives hadbeen threatened for Kansas, where we arrived July 15, 1880. I am onlyable to light work, for which I am thankful. Yet it seems hard tolose all this time from the assassin's stab in a custom-house thatbelongs to the government I fought two years to sustain. "

Uncle Peter Cox, an aged man of eighty-eight years, has a wen on theback of his neck, running between his shoulders, larger than a two-quart bowl, that has been over thirty years coming. It was caused byheavy lifting and continued hard work during his slave-life. He cameto Topeka, Kansas, in July, 1880, with his aged wife and deaf and dumbgrandson of eighteen years. His advanced age and deformity induced meto inquire more closely into the cause of leaving his State(Louisiana). After giving the sad history of his slave-life--thecommon lot of that class of goods and chattels--he said: "Missus Istay'd thar as long as I could, when I seed my brodder in de Lo'dhangin' on a tree not more'n a hundred rods from my house, near BatonRouge. A sistah was hanged five miles off, on de plank road, in WestBaton Rouge, in a little woods. Her sistah followed her beggin' forher life, and tole de bulldosers she couldn't tell whar her husban'was that da's gwine to hang. But da swore she should hang if shedidn't tell. " Giving his head a shake, while tears dropped thick andfast down the deeply furrowed cheeks, he continued: "O, Missus, Icouldn't live thar no longer. I's so distressed day an' night. Dechief captain of dis ban' of murder's was Henry Castle, who wid hisban' of men was supported by Mr. Garrett, Mr. Fisher, an' Mr. Washington, who were merchants in Baton Rouge. "

But that poor grandfather's heart was filled with grief to overflowingwhen the faithful grandson was walking alone in the railroad track, and was run over by the cars and instantly killed. Although thewarning whistle was given the poor deaf boy heard it not. As he wasall the aged pair had to depend upon for their living, it was to thema heavy stroke. No one can look over these testimonies withoutexclaiming, with David, "Is there not a cause" for the flight of thispersecuted people? We find many among them, like Lazarus, begging forthe crumbs that fall from the rich man's table; but let us not allowthem to die in this land of plenty. 

Yet, through all these dark clouds, we perceive the silver linings. The heaven-born cause of temperance is gaining a foothold in ourSouthern States. A crusade against the liquor-traffic commenced inOhio, and has swept over Michigan and other neighboring States, and isstill going on conquering and to conquer. 

CHAPTER XIX. 

PROSPECTS OF THE FREEDMEN. 

Our last chapter contains the dark side of our picture. In this wepresent the brighter prospects for a long and sorely oppressed race. We first note what has been and is being done for the fifty thousandwho have emigrated to Kansas As I have been a co-laborer withElizabeth L. Comstock more than two years in rescuing the perishing intheir new homes, I speak from personal knowledge. 

During the first Winter--1879-80--as mild as it was, more than onehundred refugees were found with frozen feet fingers. Five were frozento death coming through the Indian Territory with their teams. Throughfaithful agents, with supplies forwarded from other States, and evenfrom friends in England in response to appeals sent out by ElizabethL. Comstock, very many sufferers were relieved. The goods from Englandwere forwarded mostly by James Clark, of Street. Over seventy thousanddollars' worth of supplies have passed through my hands for the reliefof the refugees between September, 1879, when I commenced working forthem, and March, 1881 Thirteen thousand dollars of this amount camefrom England, having been sent by Friends or Quakers Besides money, we received new goods, as follows, Warm, new blankets, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2, 000 New garments for women and girls, . . . . . . . . . . . . 5, 000 New garments for men and boys, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3, 000 New garments for babies and small children, . . . . . . . 5, 000 New knitted socks and hose, five hundred dozen pairs, . . 6, 000 Large quantity of sheets, pillow-cases, bed-quilts, towels etc, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3, 000 Queensware--Six large crates, one hundred and nineteen dozen plates in each, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8, 568 Cups and saucers, nearly . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6, 000 Bowls and mugs, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4, 000 Platters, pitchers, and chamber wares, . . . . . . . . . . 3, 500 Scissors, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6, 000 Sets of knives and forks, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4, 000 Spoons, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8, 000 Needles, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15, 000 Knitting needles, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2, 500 Rags, with sewing materials, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2, 500 Papers of pins, six hundred and fifty dozen, and tape, 350, 1, 000 Tin-cups and basins, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6, 000 Bed-ticks, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1, 500 Wash-dishes and pans, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2, 000 Woolen dresses for women and girls, valued at . . . . . . $1, 680 New overcoats for men and boys, valued at . . . . . . . . $650 Three whole bolts of Welch flannel (seventy-two yards each) $150 Two bolts heavy broadcloth, for overcoats, valued at . . . $144 Women's cloaks and shawls, valued at . . . . . . . . . . . $2, 250 New red flannel, valued at . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . $150 Muslins, valued at . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . $150 Gray flannel and three hundred pairs mittens, valued at . $500 Buttons, hooks and eyes, cotton thread, silk, etc. , . . . $500 New pieces goods, chiefly cotton, valued at . . . . . . . $5, 000

Over ninety thousand dollars in money and supplies were distributedby the Kansas Relief Association, until it was disbanded in May, 1881, and its head-quarters removed to Southern Kansas, wherethousands of these Southern emigrants are congregated. That localityis more favorable to cotton raising. Many of the refugees know butlittle of other business; hence the necessity for an agricultural, industrial, and educational institute, of which Elizabeth L. Comstockis the founder. At the present date (August, 1881) eight thousanddollars are invested. This includes the Homestead Fund. To meet thecrying need of this people she, in connection with her daughter, Caroline DeGreen, are untiring in their efforts to establish apermanent or systematized work. They have established this much neededinstitution on four hundred acres of good land, which is tilled bycolored people, who receive pay for their work in provision, clothing, or money until they can purchase cheap land for their own homes. 

It has been no small task to disburse wisely the large supplies sentfrom every Northern State and England in various portions of the Stateof Kansas. It has been done through the instrumentality of self-sacrificing men and women. The noble women of Topeka did their fullshare. They districted the city, appointed a large investigatingcommittee, and gave tickets calling for the articles most needed inthe families found in a suffering condition. By this plan impositionswere avoided. 

While we have entered bitter complaints against our Southern ex-slaveStates, we ought to call to mind many persecutions endured by theopponents of slavery in our own States of the North. I have still inremembrance the many mobs to which abolitionists were exposed fordiscussing their views. I have not forgotten the burning shame anddisgrace upon our whole North because of the treatment it allowed toan earnest Christian philanthropist, Prudence Crandall, of WindhamCounty, Connecticut. She opened a school in Canterbury Green forgirls, and was patronized by the best families, not only of that town, but of other counties and States. Among those who sought theadvantages of her school was a colored girl. But Prudence was toothorough a Quaker to regard the request of bitter prejudice on thepart of her other patrons to dismiss her colored pupil. But she didnot wait for them to execute their threat to withdraw their children. She sent them home. Then she advertised her school as a boardingschool for young ladies of color. 

The people felt insulted, and held indignation meetings and appointedcommittees to remonstrate with her. But she stood by her principlesregardless of their remonstrance. The excitement in that town ranhigh. A town meeting was called to devise means to remove thenuisance. In 1833 Miss Crandall opened her school against the protestof an indignant populace. Another town meeting was called, at which itwas resolved, "That the establishment of a rendezvous, falselydenominated a school, was designed by its projectors as the theater topromulgate their disgusting theory of amalgamation and theirpernicious sentiments of subverting the Union. These pupils were tohave been congregated here from all quarters under the false pretenseof educating them, but really to scatter fire-brands, arrows, anddeath among brethren of our own blood. "

I well remember the voice of more than seven thousand, even at thatday, who had never bowed the knee to the Baal of slavery that wasraised in favor of the course pursued by the noble woman. Against oneof these young colored girls the people were about to enforce an oldvagrant law, requiring her to give security for her maintenance onpenalty of being whipped on the naked body. Thus they required her toreturn to her home in Providence. Canterbury did its best to drivePrudence from her post. Her neighbors refused to give her fresh waterfrom their wells, though they knew their own sons had filled her wellwith stable refuse. Her father was threatened with mob-violence. Anappeal was sent to their Legislature, and that body of wise mendevised a wicked enactment which they called law, which was brought tobear upon her parents on this wise: An order was sent to her father, in substance, as follows: "Mr. Crandall, if you go to visit yourdaughter you are to be fined one hundred dollars for the firstoffense, two hundred dollars for the second offense, doubling theamount every time. Mrs. Crandall, if you go there you will be fined, and your daughter, Almira, will be fined, and Mr. May, --and thosegentlemen from Providence [Messrs. George and Henry Benson], if theycome here, will be fined at the same rate. And your daughter, the onethat has established the school for colored females, will be taken upthe same way as for stealing a horse or for burglary. Her propertywill not be taken, but she will be put in jail, not having the Libertyof the yard. There is no mercy to be shown about it. "

Soon after this Miss Crandall was arrested and taken to jail for analleged offense. Her trial resulted in an acquittal, but herestablishment was persecuted by every conceivable insult. She and herschool were shut out from attendance at the Congregational Church, andreligious services held in her own house were interrupted by volleysof rotten eggs and other missiles. At length the house was set onfire, but the blaze was soon extinguished. 

In 1834, on September 9th, just as the family was retiring for thenight, a body of men with iron bars surrounded the house, andsimultaneously beat in the windows and doors. This shameful outragewas more than they could endure. Prudence Crandall was driven at lastto close her interesting school and send her pupils home. Then anothertown meeting was held, a sort of glorification, justifying themselves, and praising their Legislature for passing the law for which theyasked. All this abominable outrage I well remember, and am glad to seeit called up in _Scribner's Magazine_ for December, 1880. Ascathing denunciation of the outrage was published in the BostonLiberator, edited by William Lloyd Garrison. 

Prudence Crandall did more for the cause of freedom by her persistencein the "Higher Law" doctrine of eternal right than the most eloquentantislavery lecturer could have accomplished in molding publicsentiment of the whole North. Her name became a household word inthousands of Northern homes. When we see the changes forty and fiftyyears have wrought in the North, surely we may look forward in strongfaith for like changes to take place over the South. It may takelonger, but come it will. 

We note with pleasure the rapid strides of education among the coloredpeople in sixteen years. In 1864-5 I visited large schools in slave-pens that had become useless for the purposes for which they weredesigned. The stumps of their whipping-posts and the place of thedreaded auction block was vacated. Although many of their publicschools are not all that could be desired, yet they have them, andthey are doing a good work. In Virginia, beginning with 1871, thecolored children enrolled for successive years numbered as follows:38, 554; 46, 736; 49, 169; 54, 945; 62, 178, 65, 043; 61, 772; and 35, 768. InSouth Carolina the enrollment from 1870 was, 15, 894: 38, 635; 46, 535;56, 249; 63, 415; 70, 802; 55, 952; 62, 120; and 64, 095. In Mississippi, beginning with 1875, the enrollment was 89, 813; 90, 178; 104, 777; and111, 796. At the present we foot up the astonishing number of 738, 164pupils. Maryland has appropriated two thousand dollars per annum forthe support of normal schools for the training of colored teachers. Anex-Confederate and ex-slave-holder of high degree subscribed fivethousand dollars toward a college for colored people under thepatronage of one of the colored Churches in the State of Georgia. Allhonor is due such noble deeds. May there be more to follow his goodexample. 

From the best authorities we have the figures of over a millioncommunicants among the colored people in the United States. Of thosein the Southern States we have as follows, at this date, 1881:

 African Methodists, . . . . . . . . . . 214, 808 Methodist Episcopal Church (Colored), . 112, 000 Colored Baptist Church, . . . . . . . . 500, 000 Methodist Episcopal Zion Church, . . . 190, 000 Methodist Episcopal Church, . . . . . . 300, 000

Almost every Church in the North has contributed to educationalpurposes in the South, but they are doing none too much. The Friendshave done much toward supporting a school in Helena, Arkansas, underthe supervision of Lida Clark, an untiring worker for that people. Butwe have not the figures of amounts. But the Methodist Episcopal Churchhas done, and is still doing, a great work, as our figures will show, in building commodious schoolhouses in various States. 

Schools of the Freedmen's Aid Society of the Methodist EpiscopalChurch for 1880-81:

 CHARTERED INSTITUTIONS. TEACHERS. PUPILS. Central Tennessee College, Nashville, Tenn. , . . . 12 433 Clark University, Atlanta, Ga. , . . . . . . . . . . 7 176 Chiflin University, Orangeburg, S. C. , . . . . . . 9 388 New Orleans University. New Orleans, La. , . . . . . 4 200 Shaw University, Holly Springs, Miss. , . . . . . . 8 277 Wiley University, Marshall, Texas, . . . . . . . . 6 323

 THEOLOGICAL SCHOOLS. 

 Centenary Biblical Institute, Baltimore, Md. , . . . 4 118 Baker Institute; Orangeburg, S. C. , . . . . . . . . . .. . .. .. [Footnote: Pupils enumerated in the other schools] Thompson Biblical Institute, N. Orleans, La. , . . . . .. . .. .. [Footnote: Pupils enumerated in the other schools]

 MEDICAL COLLEGE. 

 Meharry Medical College, Nashville, Tenn. , . . . . . 8 35

 Institutions NOT CHARTERED. 

 Bennett Seminary, Greensburg, N. C. , . . . . . . . . 5 150 Cookman Institute, Jacksonville, Fla. , . . . . . . . 5 166 Haven Normal School, Waynesboro, Ga. , . . . . . . . . 2 60 La Grange Seminary, La Grange, Ga. , . . . . . . . . . 2 96 Meridian Academy, Meridian, Miss. , . . . . . . . . . 3 100 Rust Normal School, Huntsville, Ala. , . . . . . . . . 2 112 Walden Seminary, Little Rock, Ark. , . . . . . . . . . 2 60 West Texas Conf. Seminary, Austin, Tex. , . . . . . . 3 101 La Teche Seminary, La Teche, La. , . . . . . . . . . . 3 100 West Tennessee Seminary, Mason, Tenn. , . . . . . . . 2 75

We must here put in our claim for the fifty thousand emigrants inKansas from the South. The Freedmen's Relief work in Kansas has beenthoroughly organized and officered, and the contributions received forthe refugees judiciously distributed. An agricultural and industrialschool was established some time ago, and is meeting, so far, withgood success. It will, if properly sustained, prove to be a blessingnot only to the colored race, but to the State. From a circular issuedin June last, by Elizabeth L. Comstock, one of the superintendents ofthis work, I extract the following paragraphs:

"Our first object is to employ those who come for work or for aid. Weare strongly advised by their best friends, and the kind donors bothsides the Atlantic, not to give any thing (except in return for labor)to those who are able to work, especially during the warm weather. Wages are paid regularly every Saturday, and they come with theirmoney to buy and select from the stock on hand what will suitthemselves. Second-hand clothing and bedding have a price affixedalmost nominal. Coats, 10 cents each to $1, very few at $1; pants, drawers, shirts, and vests, 5 cents each; shoes, 5 cents a pair;stockings and socks, two pairs for 5 cents; women's dresses, 10, 20, 30, and 40 cents each; children's clothes, 5 to 10 cents a garment;bed-quilts, comforters, and blankets, 20 to 50 cents; new ones, $1each, if very good. New shoes and other articles, provisions, etc. , that we have to purchase we buy at wholesale, and try to supply thembelow the market price, some of them at half the retail price. Thuswhat little is gained on the old clothes makes up in part what we loseon the new. We could employ more laborers if we had more money. Thestate of the treasury is low now. It seems hard to turn away any poorpeople who want to work. We should be very glad of help just now inthe way of seed for sowing, money to provide food and shelter, and tofinish up our buildings. We greatly desire to start several industriesbefore Winter, as blacksmith's shop, carpenter's shop, broom factory, etc. , etc. , that they may have work during the cold weather. We hopeto have our school-house soon ready and to educate the children, andhave an evening school for adults. 

"An important part of our work will be to train the women and girls inthe various branches of household work, and sewing, knitting, etc. Nordo we lose sight of the spiritual garden while providing for theintellectual fields and the physical wants. We greatly desire thatthis long-oppressed race, who have been kept in darkness andignorance, should have the light of the glorious Gospel, and shouldhave the Bible put into their hands, and be taught to read andunderstand it. Of course we meet with some opposition in our work, asmany a brave soldier has done before us, in battling for the right andfor the colored race. "

We extract an item from the Columbus _Courier_ (Kansas): "We areproud of the work of the 'Agricultural, Industrial, and EducationalInstitute, ' and earnestly desire its success, and we feel proud ofthese good men and women who are led on by Mrs. Elizabeth L. Comstockat their head, and Mrs. Laura 8. Haviland, their secretary. Characteristic spirits of the broad philanthropy of our beloved land, they need no commendation to sustain them. This has been their life-work, and they now select our State for their field of labor. J. E. Picketing was chosen from a body of eighteen directors as itspresident, because of his experience in this kind of work, having atone time been a conductor on the 'Under Ground. " He does not receiveor ask for salary. He only presides at meetings of the Board ofDirectors, and has general oversight of the work in progress. His son, Lindly, was selected by the Board according to the expressed wish ofMrs. Comstock as superintendent. His wife is acting in the capacity ofmatron, but neither of them receives a salary, and they are to be paidby some friends of the work when it is established. But now pay is amatter of no consideration. Charity does not require that these peopleshould leave their comfortable homes and devote their time andenergies to the laborious duties of their positions without somereward. "Forty acres of the four hundred upon which the institute islocated was purchased of Lindly M. Pickering, at one hundred dollarsless than he could otherwise have obtained for it. It was selected forits improvements and its fine location, unsurpassed in the country. Inconclusion, we desire to refer to the good management with whichwithout ostentation its affairs are vigorously pushed forward, believing that the ever-living, ever-aggressive principle of rightwill sustain them and secure the success which so commendable anenterprise deserves. May heaven prosper the work of the nation'struest spirits and best and most respected citizens!"

From the financial statement from April 15th to June 13, 1881, we findthat there has been received fur this industrial institute, in cash, $6, 931. 96. Two large consignments of goods were received about thelast date at Columbus by Elizabeth L. Comstock for the same object. Weappeal to the Christian public to give us at least one school inKansas for the refugees. 

"Sow thy seed in the morning, and in the evening withhold not thyhand, for thou knowest not whether this or that will prosper. "

 "Sowing the seed with an aching heart Sowing the seed while the tear-drops start, Sowing in hope till the reapers come, Gladly to welcome the harvest home. O what shall the harvest be?"

THE END