[Illustration: Benj. Franklin]

American Statesmen

Standard Library Edition

[Illustration: _Independence Hall, Philadelphia, 1776_]

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

BY

JOHN T. MORSE, JR. 

[Illustration]

BOSTON AND NEW YORK HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COMPANY

The Riverside Press, Cambridge 1899

Copyright, 1898, BY HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN & CO. 

_All rights reserved. _

EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION

The editor has often been asked: "Upon what principle have youconstructed this series of lives of American statesmen?" The query hasalways been civil in form, while in substance it has often implied thatthe "principle, " as to which inquiry is made, has been undiscoverable bythe interrogator. Other queries, like pendants, have also come: Why haveyou not included A, or B, or C? The inference from these is that thequerist conceives A, or B, or C to be statesmen certainly not lesseminent than E, or F, or G, whose names he sees upon the list. Now therereally has been a principle of selection; but it has not been amathematical principle, whereby the several statesmen of the countryhave been brought to the measuring-pole, like horses, and those of acertain height have been accepted, and those not seeming to reach thatheight have been rejected. The principle has been to make such a list ofmen in public life that the aggregation of all their biographies wouldgive, in this personal shape, the history and the picture of the growthand development of the United States from the beginning of thatagitation which led to the Revolution until the completion of thatsolidarity which we believe has resulted from the civil war and thesubsequent reconstruction. 

In illustration, let me speak of a few volumes. Patrick Henry was hardlya great statesman; but, apart from the prestige and romance which hiseloquence has thrown about his memory, he furnished the best opportunityfor drawing a picture of the South in the period preceding theRevolution, and for showing why and how the southern colonies, amongwhom Virginia was easily the leader, became sharers in the strife. 

Benton might possibly have been included upon his own merits. But ifthere were any doubt upon this point, or if including him would seem tohave rendered it proper to include others equally eminent and yetomitted, the reply is that Benton serves the important purpose of givingthe best available opportunity to sketch the character of the Southwest, and the political feeling and development in that section of thecountry. 

In like manner, Cass was hardly a great statesman, although very activeand prominent for a long period. But the Northwest--or what used to bethe Northwest not so very long ago--comes out of the wilderness and intothe domain of civilization in the life of Cass. 

John Randolph, erratic and bizarre, was not justly entitled to rankamong great statesmen. But the characteristics of Congress, as a body, can be brought into better relief in the narrative of his life than inthat of any other person of his day. These characteristics were sostriking, so essential to an understanding of the history of thosetimes, and so utterly different from the habits and ways of our own era, that an opportunity to present them must have been forced if Randolphhad not fortunately offered it. 

These four volumes are mentioned by way of illustration of the plan ofthe series in some of its less obvious purposes. By the light of thesuggestions thus afforded, readers will probably see for themselves themotives which have led to the presence of other volumes. But one furtherstatement should be made. It has been the editor's intention to dealwith the advancement of the country. When the people have moved steadilyalong any road, the men who have led them on that road have beenselected as subjects. When the people have refused to enter upon a road, or, having entered, have soon turned back from it, the leaders upon suchinchoate or abandoned excursions have for the most part been rejected. Those who have been exponents of ideas and principles which have enteredinto the progress and have developed in a positive way the history ofthe nation have been chosen; those who have unfortunately linkedthemselves with rejected ideas and principles have themselves also beenrejected. Calhoun has been made an exception to this rule, for reasonsso obvious that they need not be rehearsed. 

A Series of Great Failures presents fine opportunities, which will someday attract some enterprising editor; but that is not the undertakinghere in hand. If the men who guided and the men who failed to guide themovement and progress of the country were to stand side by side in thisseries its size would be increased by at least one third, but probablynot so its value. Yet the failures have held out some temptations whichit has been difficult to resist. For example, there was GovernorHutchinson, whose life has since been written by the same gentleman whoin this series has admirably presented his great antagonist, SamuelAdams. There was much to be said in favor of setting the two portraits, done by the same hand, side by side. It must be remembered that thecause for the disaffected colonists is argued by the writers in thisseries in the old-fashioned way, --that is to say, upon the fundamentaltheory that Great Britain was foully wrong and her cis-Atlantic subjectsnobly right. A life of Hutchinson would have furnished an opportunityfor showing that, as an unmodified proposition, this is very far frombeing correct. The time has come when efforts to state the quarrelfairly for both parties are not altogether refused a hearing in theUnited States. Nevertheless the admission of Hutchinson for this purposewould have entailed too many consequences. The colonists _did_ secedeand _did_ establish independence; their action and their successconstitute the history of the country; and the leaders of their movementare the persons whose portraits are properly hung in this gallery. Theobstructionists, leaders of the defeated party, who failed to controlour national destiny, must find room elsewhere. In the same way, StephenA. Douglas has been left outside the door. Able, distinguished, influential, it was yet his misfortune to represent ideas and policieswhich the people decisively condemned. Sufficient knowledge of theseideas and policies is obtained from the lives of those who opposed andtriumphed over them. The history of non-success needs not the elaboratepresentation of a biography of the defeated leader in a series ofstatesmen. The work of Douglas was discredited; it does not remain as anactive surviving influence, or as an integral part amid our modernconditions. Andrew Johnson, also, furnished such an admirableopportunity for the discussion of the subject of reconstruction thatsome persons have thought that he should have found a place. But thiswas impossible unless he were absolutely necessary for this especialpurpose; and fortunately he was not so, since the work could be done inthe lives of Seward and Stevens and Sumner. Then, if one were willing tocontribute to the immortality of a scoundrel, there was Aaron Burr; butlarge as was the part which he played for a while in American politics, and near as it came to being very much larger, the presence of his namewould have been a degradation of the series. Moreover his career wasstrictly selfish and personal; he led no party, represented no idea, andleft no permanent trace. There was also William H. Crawford, whonarrowly missed being President, and who was a greater man than many ofthe Presidents; but he _did_ miss, and he died, and there was an end ofhim. There was Buchanan also; intellectually he had the making of astatesman; but his wrong-headed blundering is sufficiently depicted forthe purposes of this series by the lives of those who foiled him. 

These names, again, are mentioned only as indications of the scheme, asexplaining some exclusions. There are other exclusions, which have beenmade, not because the individuals were not men of note, but because itseemed that the story of their lives would fill no hiatus among thevolumes of the completed series. 

The editor cannot expect every one to agree with him in the selectionwhich he has made. We all have our favorites in past history as well asin modern politics, and few lists would precisely duplicate each other. So the only thing which would seriously afflict the editor with a senseof having made a bad blunder would be, if some one should detect areally gaping chasm, a neglect to treat somewhere among the lives someimportant item of our national history falling within the period whichthe series is designed to cover. 

The whole series naturally shapes itself, in a somewhat crude and roughway to be sure, yet by virtue of substantial lines of division, into afew sub-series or groups. The first of these belongs to theRevolutionary period, what may be called the destructive period, sinceit witnessed the destruction of the long-established politicalconditions. In this group we find the leaders of the disaffection andrevolt: Benjamin Franklin, Samuel Adams, Patrick Henry, and GeorgeWashington. Washington, of course, might properly find a place also inthe second group; but for the purposes of separation he is by preferenceplaced in the first one, because the Revolution was to so great anextent his own personal achievement, his transcendent and crowningglory. 

The second group, constituting the constructive period, comprises themen who were foremost in framing the Constitution, and in organizing andgiving coherence and life to the new government and to the nationalitythereby created. This is introduced by John Adams. He, like Washington, might properly find a place in both the first and the second groups, butthe distinction of the presidential office brings him with sufficientpropriety into the second. The others in this group are AlexanderHamilton, Gouverneur Morris, John Jay, and John Marshall. 

The third group follows the overthrow of Federalism with its theory of astrongly centralized government. This, of course, begins with ThomasJefferson, who led and organized the new party of the democracy. He isfollowed by his political disciple, James Madison; by their secretary ofthe treasury, Albert Gallatin; and by James Monroe, John Quincy Adams, and John Randolph. The two last named are hardly to be calledJeffersonians, but they mark the passage of the nation from thestatesmanship of Jefferson to the widely different democracy of Jackson. 

The fourth group witnesses the absorption of the nation in questions ofdomestic policy. The crude and rough domination of Andrew Jackson openeda new order of things. Men's minds were busied with affairs at home, atfirst more especially with the tariff, then more and more exclusivelywith slavery. This group, besides Jackson, includes Martin Van Buren, Henry Clay, Daniel Webster, John C. Calhoun, Thomas H. Benton, and LewisCass. 

The fifth and closing group is that of the civil war. This of courseopens with Abraham Lincoln. The others are William H. Seward, as being asort of prime minister throughout the period; Salmon P. Chase, in whoselife can properly be discussed the financial policy and the principallegal matters; Charles Francis Adams, embodying the important topic ofdiplomatic relations; Charles Sumner, representing the advancedabolitionist element; and Thaddeus Stevens, who appears as a tribune, perhaps we may say the leader, in the popular branch of Congress. 

Almost inevitably the series begins with Benjamin Franklin, the firstgreat American, the first man born on this side of the water who was"meant for the universe. " His mere existence was a sort of omen. It wasabsurd to suppose that a people which could produce a man of that scope, in character and intellect, could long remain in a condition ofpolitical dependence. It would have been preposterous to have hadFranklin die a colonist, and go down to posterity, not as an American, but as a colonial Englishman. He was a microcosm of the coming nation ofthe United States; all the better moral and intellectual qualities ofour people existed in him, save only the dreamy philosophy of the famousNew England school of thinkers. It is very interesting to see how slowlyand reluctantly, yet how surely and decisively, he came to the point ofresistance and independence. He was not like so many, who were unstableand shifting. There was no backward step, though there were many painfuland unwilling forward ones in his progress. One feels almost as if anapology were needed for writing another life of a man so be-written. Yetthere is some reason for doing so; the chapter concerning his servicesin France during the Revolution presents the true facts and themagnitude of his usefulness more carefully than, so far as I am aware, it has previously been done. 

As a promoter of the Revolution, Samuel Adams has easily the mostconspicuous place. He was an agitator to the very centre of his marrow. He was the incarnation of New England; to know thoroughly his career isto know the Massachusetts of that day as an anatomist knows the humanframe. The man of the town meeting did more to kindle the Revolutionthan any other one person. Many stood with him, but his life tells thestory and presents the picture. The like service is done for Virginia byPatrick Henry; and the contrast between the two men is most strikingand picturesque, yet not more so than the difference between the twosections of the country to which they respectively belonged. 

If John Adams had died before he was made President, he also would havebeen one of this group. But the lustre of his official position preventsour placing him in the earlier constellation. Yet, though not moreprominent than many others, in fact hardly to be called prominent at allin the events which led up to the Revolution, he became a leader in thefirst Congress, and it is probable that no one contributed more than hedid--possibly no one contributed so much--towards forcing the adoptionof the Declaration of Independence. 

Washington, though a member of Congress, was by no means conspicuous inthe agitation which preceded the actual outbreak of hostilities. Hisentry in his uniform among his civilian comrades was indeed dramatic;but his important public career really began with his acceptance of theposition of commander in chief. In this capacity he achieved theoverthrow of the British supremacy, and brought to a successful closethe period of destruction. 

This first group is a small one, for the first Congress brought no newmen to the front. Indeed, that body lost its own prestige very soonafter independence was declared; thereafter it was no stage on whichnew men could win distinction, or men already famous could add to theirstore; indeed, members were lucky if they escaped without diminution oftheir reputations, by very reason of being parts of so nerveless anduseless a body. The fact is, that the civilians, after they had set theball going, did little more. They contributed almost nothing to theRevolution in any practical way during its actual progress. Perhaps theycould not; but certainly they did not. Washington and his officers andsoldiers deserve all the credit for making independence a realityinstead of an assertion. They were not very strenuously or generouslybacked by the mass of the people after the first fervor was over. Thetruth is that that grand event was the work of a small body of heroes, who presented freedom and nationality to the people of the thirteencolonies. John Adams and Congress said that the colonists were free, andthere left the matter, _functi officio_. Washington and the troops tookup the business, and actually made colonists into freemen. Those uponwhom this dignity and advantage were conferred were, for the most part, content somewhat supinely to allow the new condition to be establishedfor them. 

JOHN T. MORSE, JR. 

September, 1898. 

CONTENTS

 I. EARLY YEARS 1

 II. A CITIZEN OF PHILADELPHIA: CONCERNMENT IN PUBLIC AFFAIRS 17

 III. REPRESENTATIVE OF PENNSYLVANIA IN ENGLAND: RETURN HOME 59

 IV. LIFE IN PHILADELPHIA 86

 V. SECOND MISSION TO ENGLAND: I. 100

 VI. SECOND MISSION TO ENGLAND: II. 142

 VII. SECOND MISSION TO ENGLAND: III. THE HUTCHINSON LETTERS: THE PRIVY COUNCIL SCENE: RETURN HOME 177

VIII. SERVICES IN THE STATES 204

 IX. MINISTER TO FRANCE: I. DEANE AND BEAUMARCHAIS: FOREIGN OFFICERS 220

 X. MINISTER TO FRANCE: II. PRISONERS: TROUBLE WITH LEE AND OTHERS 248

 XI. MINISTER TO FRANCE: III. TREATY WITH FRANCE: MORE QUARRELS 267

 XII. FINANCIERING 304

XIII. HABITS OF LIFE AND OF BUSINESS: AN ADAMS INCIDENT 337

 XIV. PEACE NEGOTIATIONS: LAST YEARS IN FRANCE 357

 XV. AT HOME: PRESIDENT OF PENNSYLVANIA: THE CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION: DEATH 403

INDEX 429

ILLUSTRATIONS

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

From the original by Jean Baptiste Greuze, in theBoston Public Library. It was painted for BenjaminFranklin as a gift to Richard Oswald, the Englishcommissioner associated with him in the peace negotiationsof 1782. Gardner Brewer of Boston bought the paintingin 1872 and presented it to the Library. 

Autograph from the Declaration of Independence. 

The vignette of Independence Hall is after a drawingin the possession of the American Bank Note Co. , Philadelphia. 

COUNT VERGENNES

From the frontispiece to Doniol, "Histoire de la Participation de laFrance à l'Establissement des Etats-Unis d'Amérique, " Paris, 1886, 5vols. , 4to. Vol. I. ; an engraving by Vangelisti, from the originalpainting by Antoine Francois Callet. 

Autograph from same book. 

LORD HILLSBOROUGH (Born Wills Hill; afterwards Marquis of Downshire)

From a painting by J. Rising, owned by Lord Salisbury. 

Autograph from MS. Collection in the New York Public Library, Lenox Building. 

PAUL JONES

From the original portrait by C. W. Peale in IndependenceHall. 

Autograph from MS. Collection in Library of Boston Athenæum. 

SEA-FIGHT BETWEEN THE SERAPIS AND BON HOMME RICHARD

Off Flamborough Head, September 3, 1779. Paul

Jones's ship, in compliment to the author of "Poor Richard'sMaxims, " was named "Bon Homme Richard. " Captain Pearson, whocommanded the Serapis, was knighted for his heroic resistance. PaulJones, tradition says, on hearing of the honor conferred onPearson, good-naturedly observed, "If I ever meet him again, I'llmake a lord of him. "

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

CHAPTER I

EARLY YEARS

It is a lamentable matter for any writer to find himself compelled tosketch, however briefly, the early years of Benjamin Franklin. Thatautobiography, in which the story of those years is so inimitably told, by its vividness, its simplicity, even by its straightforward vanity, and by the quaint charm of its old-fashioned but well-nigh faultlessstyle, stands among the few masterpieces of English prose. It ought tohave served for the perpetual protection of its subject as a copyrightmore sacred than any which rests upon mere statutory law. Such, however, has not been the case, and the narrative has been rehearsed over andover again till the American who is not familiar with it is indeed acuriosity. Yet no one of the subsequent narrators has justified hisundertaking. Therefore because the tale has been told so often, and oncehas been told so well, and also in order that the stone which it is mylot to cast upon a cairn made up of so many failures may at least beonly a small pebble, I shall get forward as speedily as possible to thatpoint in Franklin's career where his important public services begin, atthe same time commending every reader to turn again for furtherrefreshment of his knowledge to those pages which might well havearoused the envy of Fielding and Defoe. 

Franklin came from typical English stock. For three hundred years, perhaps for many centuries more, his ancestors lived on a small freeholdat Ecton in Northamptonshire, and so far back as record or tradition ranthe eldest son in each generation had been bred a blacksmith. But afterthe strange British fashion there was intertwined with this singularfixedness of ideas a stubborn independence in thinking, courageouslyexercised in times of peril. The Franklins were among the earlyProtestants, and held their faith unshaken by the terrors of the reignof Bloody Mary. By the end of Charles the Second's time they werenon-conformists and attendants on conventicles; and about 1682 JosiahFranklin, seeking the peaceful exercise of his creed, migrated toBoston, Massachusetts. His first wife bore him seven children, and died. Not satisfied, he took in second nuptials Abiah Folger, "daughter ofPeter Folger, one of the first settlers of New England, of whomhonorable mention is made by Cotton Mather, " and justly, since in thosedark days he was an active philanthropist towards the Indians, and anopponent of religious persecution. [1] This lady outdid her predecessor, contributing no less than ten children to expand the family circle. Theeighth of this second brood was named Benjamin, in memory of hisfather's favorite brother. He was born in a house on Milk Street, opposite the Old South Church, January 6, old style, 17, new style, 1706. Mr. Parton says that probably Benjamin "derived from his motherthe fashion of his body and the cast of his countenance. There arelineal descendants of Peter Folger who strikingly resemble Franklin inthese particulars; one of whom, a banker of New Orleans, looks like aportrait of Dr. Franklin stepped out of its frame. "[2] A more importantinheritance was that of the humane and liberal traits of his mother'sfather. 

[Note 1: Parton's _Life of Franklin_, i. 27. ]

[Note 2: _Ibid. _ i. 31. ]

In that young, scrambling village in the new country, where allmaterial, human or otherwise, was roughly and promptly utilized, theunproductive period of boyhood was cut very short. Franklin's fatherspeedily resolved to devote him, "as the tithe of his sons, to theservice of the church, " and so sent him to the grammar school. A drollermisfit than Franklin in an orthodox New England pulpit of that era canhardly be imagined; but since he was only seven years old when hisfather endeavored to arrange his life's career, a misappreciation of hisfitnesses was not surprising. The boy himself had the natural hankeringof children bred in a seaboard town for the life of a sailor. It isamusing to fancy the discussions between this babe of seven years andhis father, concerning his occupation in life. Certainly the babe hadnot altogether the worst of it, for when he was eight years old hisfather definitively gave up the notion of making him a preacher of theGospel. At the ripe age of ten he was taken from school, and set toassist his father in the trade of tallow-chandler and soap-boiler. Butdipping wicks and pouring grease pleased him hardly better thanreconciling infant damnation and a red-hot hell with the loveliness ofChristianity. The lad remained discontented. His chief taste seemed tobe for reading, and great were the ingenuity and the self-sacrificewhereby he secured books and leisure to read them. The resultant ofthese several forces was at last a suggestion from his father that heshould take up, as a sort of quasi-literary occupation, the trade of aprinter. James Franklin, an older brother of Benjamin, was already ofthat calling. Benjamin stood out for some time, but at last reluctantlyyielded, and in the maturity of his thirteenth year this child set hishand to an indenture of apprenticeship which formally bound him to hisbrother for the next nine years of his life. 

Handling the types aroused a boyish ambition to see himself in print. Hescribbled some ballads, one about a shipwreck, another about the captureof a pirate; but he "escaped being a poet, " as fortunately as he hadescaped being a clergyman. James Franklin seems to have trained hisjunior with such fraternal cuffs and abuse as the elder brothers ofEnglish biography and literature appear usually to have bestowed on theyounger. But this younger one got his revenges. James published the "NewEngland Courant, " and, inserting in it some objectionable matter, wasforbidden to continue it. Thereupon he canceled the indenture ofapprenticeship, and the newspaper was thereafter published by BenjaminFranklin. A secret renewal of the indenture was executed simultaneously. This "flimsy scheme" gave the boy his chance. Secure that the documentwould never be produced, he resolved to leave the printing-house. Butthe influence of James prevented his getting employment elsewhere in thetown. Besides this, other matters also harassed him. It gives an idea ofthe scale of things in the little settlement, and of the serious way inwhich life was taken even at its outset, to hear that this 'prentice ladof seventeen years had already made himself "a little obnoxious to thegoverning party, " so as to fear that he might soon "bring himself intoscrapes. " For the inherited habit of freedom in religious speculationhad taken a new form in Franklin, who was already a free-thinker, and byhis "indiscreet disputations about religion" had come to be "pointed atwith horror by good people as an infidel and atheist"--compromising, even perilous, names to bear in that Puritan village. Various motivesthus combined to induce migration. He stole away on board a sloop boundfor New York, and after three days arrived there, in October, 1723. Hehad but a trifling sum of money, and he knew no one in the strange city. He sought occupation in his trade, but got nothing better than advice tomove on to Philadelphia; and thither he went. The story of thisjourneying is delightfully told in the autobiography, with the famouslittle scene wherein he figures with a loaf under each arm and munchinga third while he walks "up Market Street, as far as Fourth Street, passing by the door of Mr. Read, my future wife's father; when she, standing at the door, saw me, and thought I made, as I certainly did, amost awkward, ridiculous appearance. "

In Philadelphia Franklin soon found opportunity to earn a living at histrade. There were then only two printers in that town, ignorant menboth, with scant capacity in the technique of their calling. His greateracquirements and ability, and superior knowledge of the craft, soonattracted attention. One day Sir William Keith, governor of theprovince, appeared at the printing-office, inquired for Franklin, andcarried him off "to taste some excellent Madeira" with himself andColonel French, while employer Keimer, bewildered at the compliment tohis journeyman, "star'd like a pig poison'd. " Over the genial glassesthe governor proposed that Franklin should set up for himself, andpromised his own influence to secure for him the public printing. Laterhe wrote a letter, intended to induce Franklin's father to advance thenecessary funds. Equipped with this document, Franklin set out, inApril, 1724, to seek his father's coöperation, and surprised his familyby appearing unannounced among them, not at all in the classic garb ofthe prodigal son, but "having a genteel new suit from head to foot, awatch, and my pockets lin'd with near five pounds sterling in silver. "But neither his prosperous appearance nor the flattering epistle of thegreat man could induce his hard-headed parent to favor a scheme "ofsetting a boy up in business, who wanted yet three years of being atman's estate. " The independent old tallow-chandler only concluded thatthe distinguished baronet "must be of small discretion. " So Franklinreturned with "some small gifts as tokens" of parental love, much goodadvice as to "steady industry and prudent parsimony, " but no cash inhand. The gallant governor, however, said: "Since he will not set youup, I will do it myself, " and a plan was soon concocted whereby Franklinwas to go to England and purchase a press and types with funds to beadvanced by Sir William. Everything was arranged, only from day to daythere was delay in the actual delivery to Franklin of the letters ofintroduction and credit. The governor was a very busy man. The day ofsailing came, but the documents had not come, only a message from thegovernor that Franklin might feel easy at embarking, for that the papersshould be sent on board at Newcastle, down the stream. Accordingly, atthe last moment, a messenger came hurriedly on board and put the packetinto the captain's hands. Afterward, when during the leisure hours ofthe voyage the letters were sorted, none was found for Franklin. Hispatron had simply broken an inconvenient promise. It was indeed a"pitiful trick" to "impose so grossly on a poor innocent boy. " YetFranklin, in his broad tolerance of all that is bad as well as good inhuman nature, spoke with good-tempered indifference, and with more ofcharity than of justice, concerning the deceiver. "It was a habit he hadacquired. He wish'd to please everybody; and, having little to give, hegave expectations. He was otherwise an ingenious, sensible man, a prettygood writer, and a good governor for the people. . . . Several of our bestlaws were of his planning, and passed during his administration. "

None the less it turned out that this contemptible governor did Franklina good turn in sending him to London, though the benefit came in afashion not anticipated by either. For Franklin, not yet much wiser thanthe generality of mankind, had to go through his period of youthfulfolly, and it was good fortune for him that the worst portion of thisperiod fell within the eighteen months which he passed in England. Hadthis part of his career been run in Philadelphia its unsavory aromamight have kept him long in ill odor among his fellow townsmen, thenlittle tolerant of profligacy. But the "errata" of a journeyman printerin London were quite beyond the ken of provincial gossips. He easilygained employment in his trade, at wages which left him a little surplusbeyond his maintenance. This surplus, during most of the time, he andhis comrades squandered in the pleasures of the town. Yet in one matterhis good sense showed itself, for he kept clear of drink; indeed, hisreal nature asserted itself even at this time, to such a degree that wefind him waging a temperance crusade in his printing-house, and actuallyweaning some of his fellow compositors from their dearly loved "beer. "One of these, David Hall, afterward became his able partner in theprinting business in Philadelphia. Amid much bad companionship he fellin with some clever men. His friend James Ralph, though a despicable, bad fellow, had brains and some education. At this time, too, Franklinwas in the proselyting stage of infidelity. He published "A Dissertationon Liberty and Necessity, Pleasure and Pain, " and the pamphlet got himsome little notoriety among the free-thinkers of London, and anintroduction to some of them, but chiefly of the class who love to sitin taverns and blow clouds of words. Their society did him no good, andsuch effervescence was better blown off in London than in Philadelphia. 

But after the novelty of London life had worn off, it ceased to be toFranklin's taste. He began to reform somewhat, to retrench and lay by alittle money; and after eighteen months he eagerly seized anopportunity which offered for returning home. This was opened to him bya Mr. Denham, a good man and prosperous merchant, then engaged inEngland in purchasing stock for his store in Philadelphia. Franklin wasto be his managing and confidential clerk, with the prospect of rapidadvancement. At the same time Sir William Wyndham, ex-chancellor of theexchequer, endeavored to persuade Franklin to open a swimming school inLondon. He promised very aristocratic patronage; and as an opening formoney-getting this plan was perhaps the better. Franklin almost closedwith the proposition. He seems, however, to have had a little touch ofhomesickness, a preference, if not quite a yearning, for the colonies, which sufficed to turn the scale. Such was his third escape; he mighthave passed his days in instructing the scions of British nobility inthe art of swimming! He arrived at home, after a tedious voyage, October11, 1726. But almost immediately fortune seemed to cross him, for Mr. Denham and he were both taken suddenly ill. Denham died; Franklinnarrowly evaded death, and fancied himself somewhat disappointed at hisrecovery, "regretting in some degree that [he] must now sometime orother have all that disagreeable work to go over again. " He seems tohave become sufficiently interested in what was likely to follow hisdecease, in this world at least, to compose an epitaph which has becomeworld-renowned, and has been often imitated:--

 THE BODY OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN (LIKE THE COVER OF AN OLD BOOK, ITS CONTENTS TORN OUT, AND STRIPT OF ITS LETTERING AND GILDING, ) LIES HERE, FOOD FOR WORMS, YET THE WORK ITSELF SHALL NOT BE LOST, FOR IT WILL, AS HE BELIEVED, APPEAR ONCE MORE, IN A NEW AND MORE BEAUTIFUL EDITION, CORRECTED AND AMENDED BY THE AUTHOR. 

But there was no use for this graveyard literature; Franklin got well, and recurred again to his proper trade. Being expert with thecomposing-stick, he was readily engaged at good wages by his oldemployer, Keimer. Franklin, however, soon suspected that this man'spurpose was only to use him temporarily for instructing some greenhands, and for organizing the printing-office. Naturally a quarrel soonoccurred. But Franklin had proved his capacity, and forthwith the fatherof one Meredith, a fellow journeyman under Keimer, advanced sufficientmoney to set up the two as partners in the printing business. Franklinmanaged the office, showing admirable enterprise, skill, and industry. Meredith drank. This allotment of functions soon produced its naturalresult. Two friends of Franklin lent him what capital he needed; hebought out Meredith and had the whole business for himself. His zealincreased; he won good friends, gave general satisfaction, and absorbedall the best business in the province. 

At the time of the formation of the partnership the only newspaper ofPennsylvania was published by Bradford, a rival of Keimer in theprinting business. It was "a paltry thing, wretchedly managed, no wayentertaining, and yet was profitable to him. " Franklin and Meredithresolved to start a competing sheet; but Keimer got wind of their plan, and at once "published proposals for printing one himself. " He had gotahead of them, and they had to desist. But he was ignorant, shiftless, and incompetent, and after carrying on his enterprise for "threequarters of a year, with at most only ninety subscribers, " he sold outhis failure to Franklin and Meredith "for a trifle. " To them, or ratherto Franklin, "it prov'd in a few years extremely profitable. " Itsoriginal name, "The Universal Instructor in all Arts and Sciences, andPennsylvania Gazette, " was reduced by the amputation of the firstclause, and, relieved from the burden of its trailing title, itcirculated actively throughout the province, and further. Number 40, Franklin's first number, appeared October 2, 1729. Bradford, who waspostmaster, refused to allow his post-riders to carry any save his ownnewspaper. But Franklin, whose morality was nothing if not practical, fought the devil with fire, and bribed the riders so judiciously thathis newspaper penetrated whithersoever they went. He says of it: "Ourfirst papers made a quite different appearance from any before in theProvince; a better type, and better printed; but some spirited remarksof my writing, on the dispute then going on between Governor Burnet andthe Massachusetts Assembly, struck the principal people, occasioned thepaper and the manager of it to be much talked of, and in a few weeksbrought them all to be our subscribers. " Later his articles in favor ofthe issue of a sum of paper currency were so largely instrumental incarrying that measure that the profitable job of printing the moneybecame his reward. Thus advancing in prestige and prosperity, he wasable to discharge by installments his indebtedness. "In order tosecure, " he says, "my credit and character as a tradesman, I took careto be not only in reality industrious and frugal, but to avoid allappearances to the contrary. " A characteristic remark. With Franklinevery virtue had its market value, and to neglect to get that value outof it was the part of folly. 

About this time the wife of a glazier, who occupied part of Franklin'shouse, began match-making in behalf of a "very deserving" girl; andFranklin, nothing loath, responded with "serious courtship. " Heintimated his willingness to accept the maiden's hand, provided that itsfellow hand held a dowry, and he named an hundred pounds sterling as hislowest figure. The parents, on the other part, said that they had notso much ready money. Franklin civilly suggested that they could get itby mortgaging their house; they firmly declined. The negotiationthereupon was abandoned. "This affair, " Franklin continues, "havingturned my thoughts to marriage, I look'd round me and made overtures ofacquaintance in other places; but soon found that, the business of aprinter being generally thought a poor one, I was not to expect moneywith a wife, unless with such a one as I should not otherwise thinkagreeable. " Finding such difficulties in the way of a financialalliance, Franklin appears to have bethought him of affection as asubstitute for dollars; so he blew into the ashes of an old flame, andaroused some heat. Before going to England he had engaged himself toMiss Deborah Read; but in London he had pretty well forgotten her, andhad written to her only a single letter. Many years afterward, writingto Catharine Ray in 1755, he said: "The cords of love and friendship . . . In times past have drawn me . . . Back from England to Philadelphia. " Ifthe remark referred to an affection for Miss Read, it was probably nomore trustworthy than are most such allegations made when lapsing yearshave given a fictitious coloring to a remote past. If indeed Franklin'sprofligacy and his readiness to marry any girl financially eligible weresymptoms attendant upon his being in love, it somewhat taxes theimagination to fancy how he would have conducted himself had he not beenthe victim of romantic passion. Miss Read, meanwhile, apparently aboutas much in love as her lover, had wedded another man, "one Rogers, apotter, " a good workman but worthless fellow, who soon took flight fromhis bride and his creditors. Her position had since become somewhatquestionable; for there was a story that her husband had an earlier wifeliving, in which case of course her marriage with him was null. Therewas also a story that he was dead. But there was little evidence of thetruth of either tale. Franklin, therefore, hardly knew what he waswedding, a maid, a widow, or another man's wife. Moreover the runawayhusband "had left many debts, which his successor might be call'd uponto pay. " Few men, even if warmly enamored, would have entered into thematrimonial contract under circumstances so discouraging; and there areno indications save the marriage itself that Franklin was deeply inlove. Yet on September 1, 1730, the pair were wedded. Mrs. Franklinsurvived for forty years thereafter, and neither seems ever to haveregretted the step. "None of the inconveniences happened that we hadapprehended, " wrote Franklin; "she proved a good and faithful helpmate;assisted me much by attending the shop; we throve together, and haveever mutually endeavored to make each other happy. " A sensible, comfortable, satisfactory union it was, showing how much better is sensethan sensibility as an ingredient in matrimony. Mrs. Franklin was ahandsome woman, of comely figure, yet nevertheless an industrious andfrugal one; later on in life Franklin boasted that he had "been clothedfrom head to foot in linen of [his] wife's manufacture. " An earlycontribution of his own to the domestic _ménage_ was his illegitimateson, William, born soon after his wedding, of a mother of whom no recordor tradition remains. It was an unconventional wedding gift to bringhome to a bride; but Mrs. Franklin, with a breadth and liberality ofmind akin to her husband's, readily took the babe not only to her homebut really to her heart, and reared him as if he had been her ownoffspring. Mr. Parton thinks that Franklin gave this excellent wife nofurther cause for suspicion or jealousy. 

CHAPTER II

A CITIZEN OF PHILADELPHIA: CONCERNMENT IN PUBLIC AFFAIRS

So has ended the first stage, in the benign presence of Hymen. Theperiod of youth may be regarded as over; but the narrative thereof, briefly as it has been given, is not satisfactory. One longs to help outthe outline with color, to get the expression as well as merely thefeatures of the young man who is going to become one of the greatest menof the nation. Many a writer and speaker has done what he could in thistask, for Franklin has been for a century a chief idol of the Americanpeople. The Boston boy, the boy printer, the runaway apprentice, theyoung journeyman, friendless and penniless in distant London, arepictures which have been made familiar to many generations ofschoolboys; and the trifling anecdote of the bread rolls eaten in thestreets of Philadelphia has for its only rival among American historicaltraditions the more doubtful story about George Washington, thecherry-tree, and the little hatchet. 

Yet, if plain truth is to be told, there was nothing unusual about thissunrise, no rare tints of divine augury; the luminary came up inevery-day fashion. Franklin had done much reading; he had taken pains tocultivate a good style in writing English; he had practiced himself indispute; he had adopted some odd notions, for example vegetarianism indiet; he had at times acquired some influence among his fellowjourneymen, and had used it for good; he had occasionally fallen intothe society of men of good social position; he had kept clear of theprevalent habit of excessive drinking; sometimes he had lived frugallyand had laid up a little money; more often he had been wasteful; he hadbeen very dissolute, and in sowing his wild oats he had gone down intothe mud. His autobiography gives us a simple, vivid, strong picture, which we accept as correct, though in reading it one sees that the lapseof time since the occurrences narrated, together with his own successand distinction in life, have not been without their obvious effect. Bythe time he thought it worth while to write those pages, Franklin hadbeen taught to think very well of himself and his career. For thisreason he was, upon the one hand, somewhat indifferent as to settingdown what smaller men would conceal, confident that his fame would notstagger beneath the burden of youthful wrong-doing; on the other hand, he deals rather gently, a little ideally, with himself, as old men arewont to acknowledge with condemnation tempered with mild forgiveness thefoibles of their early days. It is evident that, as a young man, Franklin intermingled sense with folly, correct living with dissipation, in a manner that must have made it difficult for an observer to forecastthe final outcome, and which makes it almost equally impossible now toform a satisfactory idea of him. He is not to be disposed of by placinghim in any ready-made and familiar class. If he had turned out a badman, there would have been abundance in his early life to point themoralist's warning tale; as he turned out a very reputable one, there isscarcely less abundance for panegyrists to expatiate upon. Certainly hewas a man to attract some attention and to carry some weight, yet notmore than many another of whom the world never hears. At the time of hismarriage, however, he is upon the verge of development; a new period ofhis life is about to begin; what had been dangerous and evil in his waysdisappears; the breadth, originality, and practical character of hismind are about to show themselves. He has settled to a steadyoccupation; he is industrious and thrifty; he has gathered muchinformation, and may be regarded as a well-educated man; he writes aplain, forcible style; he has enterprise and shrewdness in matters ofbusiness, and good sense in all matters, --that is the chief point, hissound sense has got its full growth and vigor, and of sound sense no manever had more. Very soon he not only prospers financially, but begins tosecure at first that attention and soon afterward that influence whichalways follow close upon success in practical affairs. He becomes thepublic-spirited citizen; scheme after scheme of social and publicimprovement is suggested and carried forward by him, until he justlycomes to be one of the foremost citizens of Philadelphia. Theenumeration of what he did within a few years in this small new town andpoor community will be found surprising and admirable. 

His first enterprise, of a quasi public nature, was the establishment ofa library. There were to be fifty subscribers for fifty years, eachpaying an entrance fee of forty shillings and an annual due of tenshillings. He succeeded only with difficulty and delay, yet he didsucceed, and the results were important. Later a charter was obtained, and the number of subscribers was doubled. "This, " he says, "was themother of all the North American subscription libraries, now sonumerous. . . . These libraries have improved the general conversation ofthe Americans, made the common traders and farmers as intelligent asmost gentlemen from other countries, and perhaps have contributed insome degree to the stand so generally made throughout the colonies indefense of their privileges. " "Reading became fashionable, " he adds. Butit was not difficult to cultivate the desire for reading; that lay closeto the surface. The boon which Franklin conferred lay rather in settingthe example of a scheme by which books could be cheaply obtained insatisfactory abundance. 

From the course of this business he drew one of those shrewd, practicalconclusions which aided him so much in life. He says that he soon felt"the impropriety of presenting one's self as the proposer of any usefulproject that might be supposed to raise one's reputation in the smallestdegree above that of one's neighbors, when one has need of theirassistance to accomplish that project. I therefore put myself as much asI could out of sight, and stated it as a scheme of a _number offriends_, who had requested me to go about and propose it. " This methodhe found so well suited to the production of results that he habituallyfollowed it in his subsequent undertakings. It was sound policy; theself-abnegation helped success; the success secured personal prestige. It was soon observed that when "a number of friends" or "a fewgentlemen" were represented by Franklin, their purpose was usually goodand was pretty sure to be carried through. Hence came reputation andinfluence. 

In December, 1732, he says, "I first published my Almanack, under thename of _Richard Saunders_, " price five pence, thereby falling in with acommon custom among the colonial printers. Within the month threeeditions were sold; and it was continued for twenty-five yearsthereafter with an average sale of 10, 000 copies annually, until "PoorRichard" became a _nom de plume_ as renowned as any in Englishliterature. The publication ranks as one of the most influential in theworld. Its "proverbial sentences, chiefly such as inculcated industryand frugality as the means of procuring wealth and thereby securingvirtue, " were sown like seed all over the land. The almanac went yearafter year, for quarter of a century, into the house of nearly everyshopkeeper, planter, and farmer in the American provinces. Its wit andhumor, its practical tone, its shrewd maxims, its worldly honesty, itsmorality of common sense, its useful information, all chimed well withthe national character. It formulated in homely phrase and with drollillustration what the colonists more vaguely knew, felt, and believedupon a thousand points of life and conduct. In so doing it greatlytrained and invigorated the natural mental traits of the people. "PoorRichard" was the revered and popular schoolmaster of a young nationduring its period of tutelage. His teachings are among the powerfulforces which have gone to shaping the habits of Americans. His terse andpicturesque bits of the wisdom and the virtue of this world are familiarin our mouths to-day; they moulded our great-grandparents and theirchildren; they have informed our popular traditions; they stillinfluence our actions, guide our ways of thinking, and establish ourpoints of view, with the constant control of acquired habits which welittle suspect. If we were accustomed still to read the literature ofthe almanac, we should be charmed with its humor. The world has not yetgrown away from it, nor ever will. Addison and Steele had more polishbut vastly less humor than Franklin. "Poor Richard" has found eternallife by passing into the daily speech of the people, while the"Spectator" is fast being crowded out of the hands of all save scholarsin literature. At this period of his life he wrote many short fugitivepieces, which hold some of the rarest wit that an American librarycontains. Few people suspect that the ten serious and grave-lookingoctavos, imprinted "The Works of Benjamin Franklin, " hide much of thatdelightful kind of wit that can never grow old, but is as charmingto-day as when it came damp from the press a century and more ago. Howmuch of "Poor Richard" was actually original is a sifting not worthwhile to make. Franklin said: "I was conscious that not a tenth part ofthe wisdom was my own which he ascribed to me, but rather the gleaningsthat I had made of the sense of all ages and nations. " No profoundwisdom is really new, but only the expression of it; and all that of"Poor Richard" had been fused in the crucible of Franklin's brain. 

But the famous almanac was not the only pulpit whence Franklin preachedto the people. He had an excellent ideal of a newspaper. He got newsinto it, which was seldom done in those days, and which made itattractive; he got advertisements into it, which made it pay, and whichalso was a novel feature; indeed, Mr. Parton says that he "originatedthe modern system of business advertising;" he also discussed matters ofpublic interest. Thus he anticipated the modern newspaper, but in somerespects improved in advance upon that which he anticipated. He made his"Gazette" a vehicle for disseminating information and morality, and hecarefully excluded from it "all libeling and personal abuse. " The sheetin its every issue was doing the same sort of work as "Poor Richard. " Ina word, Franklin was a born teacher of men, and what he did in this wayin these his earlier days gives him rank among the most distinguishedmoralists who have ever lived. 

What kind of morality he taught is well known. It was human; he kept itfree from entangling alliances with any religious creed; its foundationslay in common sense, not in faith. His own nature in this respect iseasy to understand but difficult to describe, since the words which mustbe used convey such different ideas to different persons. Thus, to saythat he had the religious temperament, though he was skeptical as to allthe divine and supernatural dogmas of the religions of mankind, willseem to many a self-contradiction, while to others it is entirelyintelligible. In his boyhood one gets a flavor of irreverence which wasslow in disappearing. When yet a mere child he suggested to his fatherthe convenience of saying grace over the whole barrel of salt fish, inbulk, as the mercantile phrase would be. By the time that he wassixteen, Shaftesbury and Collins, efficiently aided by the pious writerswho had endeavored to refute them, had made him "a real doubter in manypoints of our religious doctrine;" and while he was still his brother'sapprentice in Boston, he fell into disrepute as a skeptic. Apparently hegathered momentum in moving along this line of thought, until in Englandhis disbelief took on for a time an extreme and objectionable form. Hisopinions then were "that nothing could possibly be wrong in the world;and that vice and virtue were empty distinctions, no such thingsexisting. " But the pamphlet, already mentioned, in which he expressedthese views, was the outburst of a youthful free-thinker not yetaccustomed to his new ideas; not many years passed over his head beforeit "appear'd not so clever a performance as [he] once thought it;" andin his autobiography he enumerates it among the "errata" of his life. 

It was not so very long afterward that he busied himself in composingprayers, and even an entire litany, for his own use. No Christian couldhave found fault with the morals therein embodied; but Christ wasentirely ignored. He even had the courage to draw up a new version ofthe Lord's Prayer; and he arranged a code of thirteen rules after thefashion of the Ten Commandments; of these the last one was: "ImitateJesus and Socrates. " Except during a short time just preceding andduring his stay in London he seems never to have been an atheist;neither was he ever quite a Christian; but as between atheism andChristianity he was very much further removed from the former than fromthe latter. He used to call himself a deist, or theist; and said that adeist was as much like an atheist as chalk is like charcoal. Theevidence is abundant that he settled down into a belief in a personalGod, who was good, who concerned himself with the affairs of men, whowas pleased with good acts and displeased with evil ones. He believedalso in immortality and in rewards in a life to come. But he supportednone of these beliefs upon the same basis on which Christians supportthem. 

Unlike the infidel school of that day he had no antipathy even to themythological portions of the Christian religion, no desire to discreditit, nor ambition to distinguish himself in a crusade against it. On thecontrary, he was always resolute to live well with it. His mind was toobroad, his habit of thought too tolerant, to admit of his antagonizingso good a system of morals because it was intertwined with articles offaith which he did not believe. He went to church frequently, and alwayspaid his contribution towards the expenses of the society; but he kepthis commendation only for those practical sermons which showed men howto become virtuous. In like manner the instruction which he himselfinculcated was strictly confined to those virtues which promote thewelfare and happiness of the individual and of society. In fact, herecognized none other; that which did not advance these ends was but aspurious pretender to the title of virtue. 

One is tempted to make many quotations from Franklin's writings in thisconnection; but two or three must suffice. In 1743 he wrote to hissister:--

 "There are some things in your New England doctrine and worship which I do not agree with; but I do not therefore condemn them, or desire to shake your belief or practice of them. We may dislike things that are nevertheless right in themselves. I would only have you make me the same allowance, and have a better opinion both of morality and your brother. "

In 1756 he wrote to a friend:--

 "He that for giving a draught of water to a thirsty person should expect to be paid with a good plantation, would be modest in his demands compared with those who think they deserve Heaven for the little good they do on earth. . . . For my own part, I have not the vanity to think I deserve it, the folly to expect it, nor the ambition to desire it; but content myself in submitting to the will and disposal of that God who made me, who hitherto has preserved and blessed me, and in whose fatherly goodness I may well confide. . . . 

 "The faith you mention has doubtless its use in the world; I do not desire it to be diminished, nor would I endeavor to lessen it in any man. But I wish it were more productive of good works than I have generally seen it. I mean real good works, --works of kindness, charity, mercy, and public spirit; not holiday-keeping, sermon reading or hearing, performing church ceremonies, or making long prayers, filled with flatteries and compliments despised even by wise men and much less capable of pleasing the Deity. The worship of God is a duty, the hearing and reading of sermons may be useful; but if men rest in hearing and praying, as too many do, it is as if a tree should value itself in being watered and putting forth leaves, though it never produced any fruit. "

Throughout his life he may be said to have very slowly moved nearer andnearer to the Christian faith, until at last he came so near that manyof those somewhat nondescript persons who call themselves "liberalChristians" might claim him as one of themselves. But if a belief in thedivinity of Christ is necessary to make a "Christian, " it does notappear that Franklin ever fully had the qualification. When he was anold man, in 1790, President Stiles of Yale College took the freedom ofinterrogating him as to his religious faith. It was the first time thatany one had ever thus ventured. His reply[3] is interesting: "As toJesus of Nazareth, " he says, "I think his system of morals and hisreligion, as he left them to us, the best the world ever saw, or is liketo see. " But he thinks they have been corrupted. "I have, with most ofthe present dissenters in England, some doubts as to his divinity;though it is a question I do not dogmatize upon, having never studiedit, and think it needless to busy myself with it now, when I expect soonan opportunity of knowing the truth with less trouble. I see no harm, however, in its being believed, if that belief has the goodconsequences, as probably it has, of making his doctrines morerespected and more observed; especially as I do not see that the Supremetakes it amiss by distinguishing the unbelievers in his government ofthe world with any peculiar marks of his displeasure. " His God wassubstantially the God of Christianity; but concerning Christ he wasgenerally reticent and non-committal. 

[Note 3: _Works_, x. 192. ]

Whatever were his own opinions, which undoubtedly underwent some changesduring his life, as is the case with most of us, he never introducedChristianity, as a faith, into any of his moral writings. A broad humancreature, with a marvelous knowledge of mankind, with a tolerance asfar-reaching as his knowledge, with a kindly liking for all men andwomen; withal a prudent, shrewd, cool-headed observer in affairs, he wascontent to insist that goodness and wisdom were valuable, as means, towards good repute and well-being, as ends. He urges upon his nephew, about to start in business as a goldsmith, "_perfect honesty_;" and thereason he gives for his emphasis is, that the business is peculiarlyliable to suspicion, and if a man is "once detected in the smallestfraud . . . At once he is ruined. " The character of his argument wasalways simple. He usually began with some such axiom as the desirabilityof success in one's enterprises, or of health, or of comfort, or of easeof mind, or a sufficiency of money; and then he showed that some virtue, or collection of virtues, would promote this result. He advocatedhonesty upon the same principle upon which he advocated that womenshould learn to keep accounts, or that one should hold one's self in thebackground in the presentation of an enterprise such as his publiclibrary; that is to say, his advocacy of a cardinal virtue, of acquiringa piece of knowledge, or of adopting a certain method of procedure inbusiness, ran upon the same line, namely, the practical usefulness ofthe virtue, the knowledge, or the method, for increasing the probabilityof a practical success in worldly affairs. Among the articlesinculcating morality which he used to put into his newspaper was aSocratic Dialogue, "tending to prove that whatever might be his partsand abilities, a vicious man could not properly be called a man ofsense. "

He was forever at this business; it was his nature to teach, to preach, to moralize. With creeds he had no concern, but took it as his functionin life to instruct in what may be described as _useful morals_, thegospel of good sense, the excellence of common humanity. About the timein his career which we have now reached this tendency of his had aninteresting development in its relationship to his own character. He"conceiv'd the bold and arduous project of arriving at moralperfection. " It is impossible to recite the details of his scheme, butthe narration constitutes one of the most entertaining andcharacteristic parts of the autobiography. Such a plan could not long beconfined in its operation to himself alone; the teacher must teach;accordingly he designed to write a book, to be called "The Art ofVirtue, " a title with which he was greatly pleased, as indicating thatthe book was to show "the means and manner of obtaining virtue" ascontradistinguished from the "mere exhortation to be good, that does notinstruct or indicate the means. " A receipt book for virtues! Practicalinstructions for acquiring goodness! Nothing could have been morecharacteristic. One of his Busy-Body papers, February 18, 1728, beginswith the statement that: "It is said that the Persians, in their ancientconstitution, had public schools in which virtue was taught as a liberalart, or science;" and he goes on to laud the plan highly. Perhaps thiswas the origin of the idea which subsequently became such a favoritewith him. It was his

 "design to explain and enforce this doctrine: that vicious actions are not hurtful because they are forbidden, but forbidden because they are hurtful, the nature of man alone considered; that it was therefore every one's interest to be virtuous who wished to be happy even in this world; and I should . . . Have endeavored to convince young persons that no qualities were so likely to make a poor man's fortune as those of probity and integrity. "

Long years afterward, in 1760, he wrote about it to Lord Kames:--

 "Many people lead bad lives that would gladly lead good ones, but do not know _how_ to make the change. . . . To expect people to be good, to be just, to be temperate, etc. , without _showing_ them _how_ they should _become_ so seems like the ineffectual charity mentioned by the apostle, which consists in saying to the hungry, the cold, and the naked, 'Be ye fed, be ye warmed, be ye clothed, ' without showing them how they should get food, fire, or clothing. . . . To acquire those [virtues] that are wanting, and secure what we acquire, as well as those we have naturally, is the subject of _an art_. It is as properly an art as painting, navigation, or architecture. If a man would become a painter, navigator, or architect, it is not enough that he is _advised_ to be one, that he is _convinced_ by the arguments of his adviser that it would be for his advantage to be one, and that he resolves to be one; but he must also be taught the principles of the art, be shown all the methods of working, and how to acquire the habit of using properly all the instruments. . . . My 'Art of Virtue' has also its instruments, and teaches the manner of using them. "

He was then full of zeal to give this instruction. A year later he said:"You will not doubt my being serious in the intention of finishing my'Art of Virtue. ' It is not a mere ideal work. I planned it first in1732. . . . The materials have been growing ever since. The form only isnow to be given. " He even says that "experiments" had been made "withsuccess;" one wonders how; but he gives no explanation. ApparentlyFranklin never definitely abandoned this pet design; one catchesglimpses of it as still alive in his mind, until it seems to fade awayin the dim obscurity of extreme old age. He said of it that it was onlypart of "a great and extensive project that required the whole man toexecute, " and his countrymen never allowed Franklin such uninterruptedpossession of himself. 

A matter more easy of accomplishment was the drawing up a creed which hethought to contain "the essentials of every known religion, " and to be"free of everything that might shock the professors of any religion. " Heintended that this should serve as the basis of a sect, which shouldpractice his rules for self-improvement. It was at first to consist of"young and single men only, " and great caution was to be exercised inthe admission of members. The association was to be called the "Societyof the Free and Easy;" "free, as being, by the general practice andhabit of the virtues, free from the dominion of vice; and particularlyby the practice of industry and frugality free from debt, which exposesa man to confinement and a species of slavery to his creditors. " It ishardly surprising to hear that this was one of the very few failures ofFranklin's life. In 1788 he professed himself "still of the opinion thatit was a practicable scheme. " One hardly reads it without a smilenowadays, but it was not so out of keeping with the spirit and habits ofthose times. It indicates at least Franklin's appreciation of the powerof fellowship, of association. No man knew better than he what stimuluscomes from the sense of membership in a society, especially a secretsociety. He had a great fondness for organizing men into associations, and a singular aptitude for creating, conducting, and perpetuating suchbodies. The Junto, a child of his active brain, became a power in localpublic affairs, though organized and conducted strictly as a "club ofmutual improvement. " He formed it among his "ingenious acquaintance" forthe discussion of "queries on any point of morals, politics, or naturalphilosophy. " He found his model, without doubt, in the "neighborhoodbenefit societies, " established by Cotton Mather, during Franklin'sboyhood, among the Boston churches, for mutual improvement among themembers. [4] In time there came a great pressure for an increase of thenumber of members; but Franklin astutely substituted a plan whereby eachmember was to form a subordinate club, similar to the original, buthaving no knowledge of its connection with the Junto. Thus sprang intobeing five or six more, "The Vine, The Union, The Band, " etc. , "answering, in some considerable degree, our views of influencing thepublic opinion upon particular occasions. " When Franklin becameinterested in any matter, he had but to introduce it before the Juntofor discussion; straightway each member who belonged to any one of theother societies brought it up in that society. Thus through so manyactive-minded and disputatious young men interest in the subjectspeedily percolated through a community of no greater size thanPhiladelphia. Franklin was the tap-root of the whole growth, and senthis ideas circulating throughout all the widespreading branches. Hetells us that in fact he often used this efficient machinery to muchadvantage in carrying through his public and quasi public measures. Thushe anticipated more powerful mechanisms of the like kind, such as theJacobin Club; and he himself, under encouraging circumstances, mighthave wielded an immense power as the creator and occult, inspiringinfluence of some great political society. 

[Note 4: Parton's _Life of Franklin_, i. 47. ]

Besides his didactic newspaper, his almanac even more didactic, theJunto, the subscription library, the Society of the Free and Easy, hissystem of religion and morals, and his scheme for acquiring all thevirtues, Franklin was engaged in many other matters. He learned French, Italian, and Spanish; and in so doing evolved some notions which are nowbeginning to find their way into the system of teaching languages in ourschools and colleges. In 1736 he was chosen clerk to the GeneralAssembly, and continued to be reëlected during the next fourteen years, until he was chosen a member of the legislature itself. In 1737 he wasappointed postmaster of Philadelphia, an office which he found "of greatadvantage, for, tho' the salary was small, it facilitated thecorrespondence that improv'd my newspaper, increased the numberdemanded, as well as the advertisements to be inserted, so that it cameto afford me a considerable income. My old competitor's newspaperdeclined proportionably, and I was satisfied without retaliating hisrefusal, while postmaster, to permit my papers being carried by theriders. "

Soon afterward he conferred a signal benefit on his countrymen byinventing an "open stove for the better warming of rooms, and at thesame time saving fuel, "--the Franklin stove, or, as he called it, "thePennsylvania fireplace. " Mr. Parton warmly describes it as the beginningof "the American stove system, one of the wonders of the industrialworld. " Franklin refused to take out a patent for it, "from a principlewhich has ever weighed with me on such occasions, viz. : That as we enjoygreat advantages from the inventions of others, we should be glad of anopportunity to serve others by any invention of ours; and this we shoulddo freely and generously. " This lofty sentiment, wherein thephilanthropist got the better of the man of business, overshot its mark;an ironmonger of London, who did not combine philosophy and philanthropywith his trade, made "some small changes in the machine, which ratherhurt its operation, got a patent for it there, and made a little fortuneby it. "

A little later Franklin founded a philosophical society, not intended todevote its energies to abstractions, but rather to a study of nature, and the spread of new discoveries and useful knowledge in practicalaffairs, especially in the way of farming and agriculture. Franklinalways had a fancy for agriculture, and conferred many a boon upon thetillers of the soil. A good story, which may be true, tells how heshowed the fertilizing capacity of plaster of Paris. In a field by theroadside he wrote, with plaster, THIS HAS BEEN PLASTERED; and soon thebrilliant green of the letters carried the lesson to every passer-by. 

In 1743 Franklin broached the idea of an academy; but the time had notquite come when the purse-strings of well-to-do Pennsylvanians could beloosened for this purpose, and he had no success. It was, however, aproject about which he was much in earnest, and a few years later hereturned to it with better auspices. He succeeded in getting it underweigh by means of private subscriptions. It soon vindicated itsusefulness, drew funds and endowments from various sources, and becamethe University of Pennsylvania. Franklin tells an amusing story abouthis subsequent connection with it. Inasmuch as persons of severalreligious sects had contributed to the fund, it was arranged that theboard of trustees should consist of one member from each sect. After awhile the Moravian died; and his colleagues, having found him obnoxiousto them, resolved not to have another of the same creed. Yet it wasdifficult to find any one who did not belong to, and therefore undulystrengthen, some sect already represented. Finally Franklin wasmentioned as being "_merely an honest man_, and of no sect at all. " Therecommendation secured his election. It was always a great cause of hissuccess and influence that nothing could be alleged against his correctand respectable exterior and prudent, moderate deportment. 

He now endeavored to reorganize the system, if system it can be called, of the night-watch in Philadelphia. His description of it ispicturesque:--

 "It was managed by the constables of the respective wards, in turn; the constable warned a number of housekeepers to attend him for the night. Those who chose never to attend paid him six shillings to be excus'd, which was supposed to be for hiring substitutes, but was, in reality, much more than was necessary for that purpose, and made the constableship a place of profit; and the constable, for a little drink, often got such ragamuffins about him as a watch, that respectable housekeepers did not choose to mix with. Walking the rounds, too, was often neglected, and most of the nights spent in tippling. "

But even Franklin's influence was overmatched by this task. An abuse, nourished by copious rum, strikes its roots deep, and many years elapsedbefore this one could be eradicated. 

In another enterprise Franklin shrewdly enlisted the boon-companionelement on his side, with the result of immediate and brilliant success. He began as usual by reading a paper before the Junto, and through thisintervention set the people thinking concerning the utter lack of anyorganization for extinguishing fires in the town. In consequence theUnion Fire Company was soon established, the first thing of the kind inthe city. Franklin continued a member of it for half a century. It wasthoroughly equipped and efficiently conducted. An item in the terms ofassociation was that the members should spend a social evening togetheronce a month. The example was followed; other companies were formed, andfifty years later Franklin boasted that since that time the city hadnever "lost by fire more than one or two houses at a time; and theflames have often been extinguished before the house in which they beganhas been half consumed. "

About this time he became interested in the matter of the publicdefenses, and wrote a pamphlet, "Plain Truth, " showing the helplesscondition of Pennsylvania as against the French and their Indian allies. The result was that the people were alarmed and aroused. Even theQuakers winked at the godless doings of their fellow citizens, while theenrollment and drill of a volunteer force went forward, and funds wereraised for building and arming a battery. Franklin suggested a lottery, to raise money, and went to New York to borrow guns. He was very activeand very successful; and though the especial crisis fortunately passedaway without use being made of these preparations, yet his energy andefficiency greatly enhanced his reputation in Pennsylvania. 

That Franklin had been prospering in his private business may be judgedfrom the facts that in 1748 he took into partnership David Hall, whohad been a fellow journeyman with him in London; and that his purposewas substantially to retire and get some "leisure . . . For philosophicalstudies and amusements. " He cherished the happy but foolish notion ofbecoming master of his own time. But his fellow citizens had purposesaltogether inconsistent with those pleasing and comfortable plans whichhe sketched so cheerfully in a letter to his friend Colden in September, 1748. The Philadelphians, whom he had taught thrift, were not going towaste such material as he was. "The publick, " he found, "now consideringme as a man of leisure, laid hold of me for their purposes; every partof our civil government, and almost at the same time, imposing some dutyupon me. The governor put me into the commission of the peace; thecorporation of the city chose me of the common council, and soon afteran alderman; and the citizens at large chose me a burgess to representthem in the Assembly. " This last position pleased him best, and heturned himself chiefly to its duties, with the gratifying result, as herecords, that the "trust was repeated every year for ten years, withoutmy ever asking any elector for his vote, or signifying, either directlyor indirectly, any desire of being chosen. "

The next year he was appointed a commissioner to treat with the Indians, in which business he had so much success as can ever attend uponengagements with savages. He gives an amusing account of the way inwhich all the Indian emissaries got drunk, and of their quaint apology:that the Great Spirit had made all things for some use; that "when hemade rum, he said, 'Let this be for the Indians to get drunk with;' _andit must be so_. "

In 1751 he assisted Dr. Bond in the foundation of his hospital. Thedoctor at first tried to carry out his scheme alone, but could not. Thetranquil vanity of Franklin's narration is too good to be lost: "Atlength he came to me, with the compliment that he found there was nosuch thing as carrying a public-spirited project through, without mybeing concerned in it. 'For, ' says he, 'I am often asked by those towhom I propose subscribing. Have you consulted Franklin upon thisbusiness? and what does he think of it? And when I tell them that I havenot (supposing it rather out of your line), they do not subscribe, butsay they will consider of it. '" It is surprising that this artful andsugar-tongued doctor, who evidently could read his man, had not beenmore successful with his subscription list. With Franklin, at least, hewas eminently successful, touching him with a consummate skill whichbrought prompt response and coöperation. The result was as usual. Franklin's hand knew the way to every Philadelphian merchant's pocket. Respected as he was, it may be doubted whether he was always sincerelywelcomed as he used to move from door to door down those tranquilstreets, with an irresistible subscription paper in his hand. In thiscase private subscriptions were eked out by public aid. The legislaturewas applied to for a grant. The country members objected, said that thebenefit would be local, and doubted whether even the Philadelphianswanted it. Thereupon Franklin drew a bill, by which the State was togive £2000 upon condition that a like sum should be raised from privatesources. This was soon done. Franklin regarded his device as a noveltyand a ruse in legislation. He complacently says: "I do not remember anyof my political manoeuvres, the success of which gave me at the timemore pleasure, or wherein, after thinking of it, I more easily excusedmyself for having made some use of cunning. " Simple times, in which suchan act could be described as a "manoeuvre" and "cunning!"

He further turned his attention to matters of local improvement. He gotpavements laid; and even brought about the sweeping of the streets twicein each week. Lighting the streets came almost simultaneously; and inconnection with this he showed his wonted ingenuity. Globes open only atthe top had heretofore been used, and by reason of the lack of draft, they became obscured by smoke early in the evening. Franklin made themof four flat panes, with a smoke-funnel, and crevices to admit the airbeneath. The Londoners had long had the method before their eyes, everyevening, at Vauxhall; but had never got at the notion of transferring itto the open streets. 

For a long while Franklin was employed by the postmaster-general of thecolonies as "his comptroller in regulating several offices and bringingthe officers to account. " In 1753 the incumbent died, and Franklin andMr. William Hunter, jointly, were appointed his successors. They set towork to reform the entire postal service of the country. The first costto themselves was considerable, the office falling more than £900 indebt to them during the first four years. But there-afterward the benefitof their measures was felt, and an office which had never before paidanything to that of Great Britain came, under their administration, "toyield three times as much clear revenue to the crown as the post-officeof Ireland. " Franklin narrates that in time he was displaced "by a freakof the ministers, " and in happy phrase adds, "Since that imprudenttransaction, they have received from it--not one farthing!" In thisconnection it may be worth while to quote Franklin's reply to a requestto give a position to his nephew, a young man whom he liked well, andotherwise aided. "If a vacancy should happen, it is very probable he maybe thought of to supply it; but it is a rule with me not to remove anyofficer that behaves well, keeps regular accounts, and pays duly; and Ithink the rule is founded on reason and justice. "

At this point in his autobiography he records, with just pride, that hereceived the degree of Master of Arts, first from Yale College andafterward from Harvard. "Thus, without studying in any college, I cameto partake of their honors. They were conferred in consideration of myimprovements and discoveries in the electric branch of naturalphilosophy. "

An interesting page in the autobiography concerns events in the year1754. There were distinct foreshadowings of that war between England andFrance which soon afterward broke out, beginning upon this side of thewater earlier than in Europe; and the lords of trade ordered a congressof commissioners from the several colonies to assemble at Albany for aconference with the chiefs of the Six Nations. They came together June19, 1754. Franklin was a deputy from Pennsylvania; and on his waythither he "projected and drew a plan for the union of all the coloniesunder one government, so far as might be necessary for defense and otherimportant general purposes. " It was not altogether a new idea; in 1697William Penn had suggested a commercial union and an annual congress. The journal of the congress shows that on June 24 it was unanimouslyvoted that a union of the colonies was "absolutely necessary for theirsecurity and defense. " The Massachusetts delegation alone had beenauthorized to consider the question of a union, and they had power toenter into a confederation "as well in time of peace as of war. "Franklin had already been urging this policy by writings in the"Gazette, " and now, when the ideas of the different commissioners werebrought into comparison, his were deemed the best. His outline of ascheme, he says, "happen'd to be preferr'd, " and, with a few amendments, was accordingly reported. It was a league rather than a union, somewhatresembling the arrangement which came into existence for the purposes ofthe Revolution. But it came to nothing; "its fate, " Franklin said, "wassingular. " It was closely debated, article by article, and having atlength been "pretty unanimously accepted, it came before the colonialassemblies for ratification. " But they condemned it; "there was too muchprerogative in it, " they thought. On the other hand, the board of tradein England would not approve it because it had "too much of thedemocratic. " All which led Franklin to "suspect that it was really thetrue medium. " He himself acknowledged that one main advantage of itwould be "that the colonies would, by this connection, learn to considerthemselves, not as so many independent states, but as members of thesame body; and thence be more ready to afford assistance and support toeach other, " etc. It was already the _national idea_ which lay, notquite formulated, yet distinct enough in his mind. It was hardly to beexpected that the home government would fail to see this tendency, orthat they would look upon it with favor. Franklin long afterwardindulged in some speculations as to what might have been theconsequences of an adoption of his scheme, namely: united colonies, strong enough to defend themselves against the Canadian French andtheir Indian allies; no need, therefore, of troops from England; nopretext, therefore, for taxing the provinces; no provocation, therefore, for rebellion. "But such mistakes are not new; history is full of theerrors of states and princes. . . . The best public measures are seldom_adopted from previous wisdom but forc'd by the occasion_. " But thissketch of what might have been sounds over-fanciful, and the Englishwere probably right in thinking that a strong military union, with hometaxation, involved more of danger than of safety for the futureconnection between the colonies and the mother country. 

There was much uneasiness, much planning, theorizing, and discussinggoing on at this time about the relationship between Great Britain andher American provinces; earlier stages of that talk which kept ongrowing louder, more eager, and more disputatious, until it wasswallowed up in the roar of the revolutionary cannon. Among others, Shirley, governor of Massachusetts, concocted a scheme and showed it toFranklin. By this an assembly of the governors of all the colonies, attended by one or two members of their respective councils, was to haveauthority to take such measures as should seem needful for defense, withpower to draw upon the English treasury to meet expenses, the amount ofsuch drafts to be "re-imbursed by a tax laid on the colonies by act ofParliament. " This alarming proposition at once drew forth three lettersfrom Franklin, written in December, 1754, and afterward published inthe "London Chronicle" in December, 1766. His position amounted to this:that the business of self-defense and the expense thereof were mattersneither beyond the abilities of the colonies, nor outside theirwillingness, and should therefore be managed by them. Their loyaltycould be trusted; their knowledge must be the best; on the other hand, governors were apt to be untrustworthy, self-seeking, and ignorant ofprovincial affairs. But the chief emphasis of his protest falls againsttaxation without representation. He says:--

 "That it is supposed an undoubted right of Englishmen not to be taxed but by their own consent, given through their representatives. 

 "That the colonists have no representative in Parliament. 

 "That compelling the colonists to pay money without their consent would be rather like raising contributions in an enemy's country, than taxing of Englishmen for their own public benefit. 

 "That it would be treating them as a conquered people, and not as true British subjects. "

And so on; traversing beforehand the same ground soon to be sothoroughly beaten over by the patriot writers and speakers of thecolonies. In a very few years the line of argument became familiar, butfor the present Franklin and a very few more were doing the work ofsuggestion and instruction for the people at large, teaching them bywhat logic their instinctive convictions could be maintained. 

He further ingeniously showed that the colonists were already heavilytaxed in ways from which they could not escape. Taxes paid by Britishartificers came out of the colonial consumers, and the colonists werecompelled to buy only from Britain those articles which they wouldotherwise be able to buy at much lower prices from other countries. Moreover, they were obliged to sell only in Great Britain, where heavyimposts served to curtail the net profits of the producer. Even suchmanufactures as could be carried on in the colonies were forbidden tothem. He concluded:--

 "These kinds of secondary taxes, however, we do not complain of, though we have no share in the laying or disposing of them; but to pay immediate, heavy taxes, in the laying, appropriation, and disposition of which we have no part, and which perhaps we may know to be as unnecessary as grievous, must seem hard measures to Englishmen, who cannot conceive that by hazarding their lives and fortunes in subduing and settling new countries, extending the dominion and increasing the commerce of the mother nation, they have forfeited the native rights of Britons, which they think ought rather to be given to them, as due to such merit, if they had been before in a state of slavery. "

A third letter discussed a proposition advanced by Shirley for givingthe colonies representation in Parliament. Franklin was a littleskeptical, and had no notion of being betrayed by a kiss. A realunification of the two communities lying upon either side of theAtlantic, and even a close approximation to proportionaterepresentation, would constitute an excellent way out of the presentdifficulties. But he saw no encouragement to hope for this. 

In fact, the project of laying direct internal taxes upon the coloniesby act of Parliament was taking firm root in the English mind, andcolonial protests could not long stay the execution of the scheme. Evensuch grants of money as were made by some of the colonial legislatureswere vetoed, on the ground that they were connected with encroachments, schemes for independence, and an assumption of the right to exercisecontrol in the matter of the public finances. [5] The Penns rejoiced. Thomas Penn wrote, doubtless with a malicious chuckle: "If the severalassemblies will not make provision for the general service, an act ofParliament may oblige them here. " He evidently thought that it would bevery wholesome if government should become incensed and severe with therecalcitrants. 

[Note 5: Bancroft, _Hist. U. S. _ iv. 176. ]

During his discussion with Shirley, Franklin had been upon a visit toBoston. He "left New England, " he says, "slowly, and with greatreluctance;" for he loved the country and the people. He returned hometo be swept into the hurly-burly of military affairs. War appropriationscame hard from the legislature of the Quaker province; but the occasionwas now at hand when come they must. In the autumn of 1755 £60, 000 werevoted, chiefly for defense, and Franklin was one of the committee incharge of the expenditure. The border was already unsafe, and formalhostilities on a large scale were close at hand. France and England mustfight it out for the possession of the new continent, which, boundlessas it then seemed, was yet not big enough to admit of their bothdwelling in it. France had been steadily pressing upon the northern andwestern frontiers of the British colonies, and she now held Crown Point, Niagara, the fort on the present site of Pittsburg, and the whole valleyof the Ohio River. It seemed that she would confine the English to thestrip along the coast which they already occupied. It is true that sheoffered to relinquish the Ohio valley to the savages, to be a neutralbelt between the European nations on either side of it. But the proposalcould not be accepted; the French were much too clever in managing theIndians. Moreover, it was felt that they would never permanently desistfrom advancing. Then, too, the gallant Braddock was on his way acrossseas, with a little army of English regulars. Finally, the disproportionbetween the English and French in the New World was too great for theformer to rest satisfied with a compromise. There were about 1, 165, 000whites in the British provinces, and only about 80, 000 French in Canada. The resources, also, of the former were in every respect vastly greater. These iron facts must tell; were already telling. Throughout this lastdeadly grapple, now at hand, the French were in desperate earnest. History records few struggles wherein the strength of a combatant wasmore utterly spent, with more entire devotion, than was the case withthese Canadian-French provinces. Every man gave himself to the fight, soliterally that no one was left to till the fields, and erelong faminebegan its hideous work among the scanty forces. The English andAmericans, on the other hand, were far from conducting the struggle withthe like temper as the French; yet with such enormous advantages as theypossessed, if they could not conquer a satisfactory peace in course oftime, they ought to be ashamed of themselves. So no composition could bearranged; the Seven Years' War began, and to open it with becoming éclatBraddock debarked, a gorgeous spectacle in red and gold. Yet still therehad as yet been in Europe no declaration of hostilities between Englandand France; on the contrary, the government of the former country wasgiving very fair words to that of the latter; and in America the Britishprofessed only to intend "to repel encroachments. "[6]

[Note 6: Bancroft, _Hist. U. S. _ iv. 182. ]

Franklin had to take his share of the disasters attendant upon the fatalcampaign of Braddock. According to his notion that foolish officer andhis two ill-behaved regiments should never, by good rights, have beensent to the provinces at all; for the colonists, being able and willingto do their own fighting, should have been allowed to undertake it. Buteleven years before this time the Duke of Bedford had declared it adangerous policy to enroll an army of 20, 000 provincials to serveagainst Canada, "on account of the independence it might create in thoseprovinces, when they should see within themselves so great an army, possessed of so great a country by right of conquest. " This anxiety hadbeen steadily gaining ground. The home government did not choose "topermit the union of the colonies, as proposed at Albany, and to trustthat union with their defense, lest they should thereby grow toomilitary and feel their own strength, suspicions and jealousies being atthis time entertained of them. " So it was because the shadow of theRevolutionary War already darkened the visions of English statesmen thatthe gallant array of soldiery, with the long train of Americanattendants, had to make that terrible march to failure and death. 

The Assembly of the Quaker province was sadly perturbed lest thisarbitrary warrior, encamped hard by in Virginia, should "conceiveviolent prejudices against them, as averse to the service. " In theiralarm they had recourse to Franklin's shrewd wit and ready tongue. Accordingly, he visited Braddock under pretense of arranging for thetransmission of mails during the campaign, stayed with him several days, and dined with him daily. There were some kinds of men, perhaps, whomBraddock appreciated better than he did Indians; nor is it a slightproof of Franklin's extraordinary capacity for getting on well withevery variety of human being that he could make himself so welcome tothis testy, opinionated military martinet, who in every particular ofnature and of training was the precise contrary of the provincialcivilian. 

Franklin's own good will to the cause, or his ill luck, led him into anengagement, made just before his departure, whereby he undertook toprocure horses and wagons enough for the transportation of the ordnanceand all the appurtenances of the camp. It was not a personal contractupon his part to furnish these; he was neither to make any money, nor torisk any; he was simply to render the gratuitous service of inducing thePennsylvania farmers to let out their horses, wagons, and drivers to thegeneral. It was a difficult task, in which the emissaries of Braddockhad utterly failed in Virginia. But Franklin conceived the opportunitiesto be better in his own province, and entered on the business with vigorand skill. Throughout the farming region he sent advertisements andcirculars, cleverly devised to elicit what he wanted, and so phrased asto save him harmless from personal responsibility for any payment. Sevendays' pay was to be "advanced and paid in hand" by him, the remainder tobe paid by General Braddock, or by the paymaster of the army. He said, in closing his appeal: "I have no particular interest in this affair, as, except the satisfaction of endeavoring to do good, I shall have onlymy labor for my pains. "

But he was not to get off so easily; for, he says, "the owners, . . . Alleging that they did not know General Braddock, or what dependencemight be had on his promise, insisted on my bond for the performance, which I accordingly gave them. " This was the more patriotic becauseFranklin was by no means dazzled by the pomp and parade of the doughtywarrior, but on the contrary, reflecting on the probable character ofthe campaign, he had "conceived some doubts and some fears for theevent. " What happened every one knows. The losses of wagons and horsesin the slaughter amounted to the doleful sum of £20, 000; "which to paywould have ruined me, " wrote Franklin. Nevertheless the demands began atonce to pour in upon him, and suits were instituted. It was a grievousaffair, and the end was by no means clear. It was easily possible thatin place of his fortune, sacrificed in the public service, he might haveonly the sorry substitute of a claim against the government. But aftermany troubled weeks he was at length relieved of the heaviest portion ofhis burden, through General Shirley's appointment of a commission toaudit and pay the claims for actual losses. Other sums due him, representing considerable advances which he had made at the outset inthe business, and later for provisions, remained unpaid to the end ofhis days. The British government in time probably thought the Revolutionas efficient as a statute of limitations for barring that account. Atthe moment, however, Franklin not only lost his money, but had to sufferthe affront of being supposed even to be a gainer, and to have filledhis own pockets. He indignantly denied that he had "pocketed afarthing;" but of course he was not believed. He adds, with delicioushumor: "and, indeed, I have since learnt that immense fortunes are oftenmade in such employments. " Those, however, were simple, provincial days. In place of the money which he did not get, also of the further sumwhich he actually lost, he had to satisfy himself with the consolationderived from the approbation of the Pennsylvania Assembly, while alsoBraddock's dispatches gave him a good name with the officials inEngland, which was of some little service to him. 

A more comical result of the Braddock affair was that it made Franklinfor a time a military man and a colonel. He had escaped being aclergyman and a poet, but he could not escape that common fate ofAmericans, the military title, the prevalence of which, it has beensaid, makes "the whole country seem a retreat of heroes. " It befellFranklin in this wise: immediately after Braddock's defeat, in the panicwhich possessed the people and amid the reaction against professionalsoldiers, recourse was had to plain good sense, though unaccompanied bytechnical knowledge. No one, as all the province knew, had such soundsense as Franklin, who was accordingly deputed to go to the westernfrontier with a small volunteer force, there to build three forts forthe protection of the outlying settlements. "I undertook, " he says, "this military business, though I did not conceive myself well qualifiedfor it. " It was a service involving much difficulty and hardship, withsome danger; General Braddock would have made a ridiculous failure ofit; Franklin acquitted himself well. What he afterward wrote of GeneralShirley was true of himself: "For, tho' Shirley was not bred a soldier, he was sensible and sagacious in himself, and attentive to good advicefrom others, capable of forming judicious plans, and quick and active incarrying them into execution. " In a word, Franklin's military career wasas creditable as it was brief. He was called forward at the crisis ofuniversal dismay; he gave his popular influence and cool head to apeculiar kind of service, of which he knew much by hearsay, if nothingby personal experience; he did his work well; and, much stranger torelate, he escaped the delusion that he was a soldier. So soon as hecould do so, that is to say after a few weeks, he returned to his civilduties. But he had shown courage, intelligence, and patriotism in a highdegree, and he had greatly increased the confidence reposed in him byhis fellow citizens. 

Beyond those active military measures which the exigencies of the timemade necessary, Franklin fell in with, if he did not originate, a plandesigned to afford permanent protection in the future. This was toextend the colonies inland. His notions were broad, embracing much bothin space and time. He thought "what a glorious thing it would be tosettle in that fine country a large, strong body of religious, industrious people. What a security to the other colonies and advantageto Britain by increasing her people, territory, strength, and commerce. "He foretold that "perhaps in less than another century" the Ohio valleymight "become a populous and powerful dominion, and a great accession ofpower either to England or France. " Having this scheme much at heart, hedrew up a sort of prospectus "for settling two western colonies in NorthAmerica;" "barrier colonies" they were called by Governor Pownall, whowas warm in the same idea, and sent a plan of his own, together withFranklin's, to the home government. 

It is true that these new settlements, regarded strictly as bulwarks, would have been only a change of "barrier, " an advancement of frontier;they themselves would become frontier instead of the present line, andwould be equally subject to Indian and French assaults. Still the stepwas in the direction of growth and expansion; it was advancing andaggressive, and indicated an appreciation of the enormous motive powerwhich lay in English colonization. Franklin pushed it earnestly, interested others in it, and seemed at one time on the point ofsecuring the charters. But the conquest of Canada within a very shorttime rendered defensive colonization almost needless, and soon afterwardthe premonitions and actual outbreak of the Revolution put an end to allschemes in this shape. 

CHAPTER III

REPRESENTATIVE OF PENNSYLVANIA IN ENGLAND: RETURN HOME

It was not possible to make a world-wide reputation in the publicaffairs of the province of Pennsylvania; but so much fame as opportunitywould admit of had by this time been won by Franklin. In respect ofinfluence and prestige among his fellow colonists none other came nearto him. Meanwhile among all his crowding occupations he had found timefor those scientific researches towards which his heart always yearned. He had flown his famous kite; had entrapped the lightning of the clouds;had written treatises, which, having been collected into a volume, "weremuch taken notice of in England, " made no small stir in France, and were"translated into the Italian, German, and Latin languages. " A learnedFrench abbé, "preceptor in natural philosophy to the royal family, andan able experimenter, " at first controverted his discoveries and evenquestioned his existence. But after a little time this worthy scientistbecame "assur'd that there really existed such a person as Franklin atPhiladelphia, " while other distinguished scientific men of Europeunited in the adoption of his theories. Kant called him the 'Prometheusof modern times. ' Thus, in one way and another, his name had probablyalready come to be more widely known than that of any other living manwho had been born on this side of the Atlantic. It might have been evenmuch more famous, had he been more free to follow his own bent, apleasure which he could only enjoy in a very limited degree. In 1753 hewrote: "I am so engaged in business, public and private, that those morepleasing pursuits [philosophical inquiries] are frequently interrupted, and the chain of thought necessary to be closely continued in suchdisquisitions is so broken and disjointed that it is with difficulty Isatisfy myself in any of them. " Similar complaints occur frequently, andit is certain that his extensive philosophical labors were all conductedin those mere cracks and crannies of leisure scantily interspersed amidthe hours of a man apparently overwhelmed with the functions of activelife. 

He was now selected by the Assembly to encounter the perils of crossingthe Atlantic upon an important mission in behalf of his province. For along while past the relationship between the Penns, unworthy sons of thegreat William, and now the proprietaries, on the one side, and theirquasi subjects, the people of the province, upon the other, had beensteadily becoming more and more strained, until something very like acrisis had been reached. As usual in English and Anglo-Americancommunities, it was a quarrel over dollars, or rather over poundssterling, a question of taxation, which was producing the alienation. Atbottom, there was the trouble which always pertains to absenteeism; theproprietaries lived in England, and regarded their vast American estate, with about 200, 000 white inhabitants, only as a source of revenue. Thatmercantile community, however, with the thrift of Quakers and theindependent temper of Englishmen, had a shrewd appreciation of, and anobstinate respect for, its own interests. Hence the discussions, alreadyof threatening proportions. 

The chief point in dispute was, whether or not the waste lands, stilldirectly owned by the proprietaries, and other lands let by them atquit-rents, should be taxed in the same manner as like property of otherowners. They refused to submit to such taxation; the Assembly ofBurgesses insisted. In ordinary times the proprietaries prevailed; forthe governor was their nominee and removable at their pleasure; theygave him general instructions to assent to no law taxing their holdings, and he naturally obeyed his masters. But since governors got theirsalaries only by virtue of a vote of the Assembly, it seems that theysometimes disregarded instructions, in the sacred cause of their owninterests. After a while, therefore, the proprietaries, made shrewd byexperience, devised the scheme of placing their unfortunate sub-rulersunder bonds. This went far towards settling the matter. Yet in such acrisis and stress as were now present in the colony, when exceptionallylarge sums had to be raised, and great sacrifices and sufferingsendured, and when little less than the actual existence of the provincemight be thought to be at stake, it certainly seemed that the rich andidle proprietaries might stand on the same footing with their poor andlaboring subjects. They lived comfortably in England upon revenuesestimated to amount to the then enormous sum of £20, 000 sterling; whilethe colonists were struggling under unusual losses, as well as enormousexpenses, growing out of the war and Indian ravages. At such a timetheir parsimony, their "incredible meanness, " as Franklin called it, wascruel as well as stupid. At last the Assembly flatly refused to raiseany money unless the proprietaries should be burdened like the rest. Allshould pay together, or all should go to destruction together. The Pennstoo stood obstinate, facing the not less resolute Assembly. It wasindeed a deadlock! Yet the times were such that neither party couldafford to maintain its ground indefinitely. So a temporary arrangementwas made, whereby of £60, 000 sterling to be raised the proprietariesagreed to contribute £5000, and the Assembly agreed to accept the samein lieu or commutation for their tax. But neither side abandoned itsprinciple. Before long more money was needed, and the dispute was asfierce as ever. 

The burgesses now thought that it would be well to carry a statement oftheir case before the king in council and the lords of trade. InFebruary, 1757, they named their speaker, Isaac Norris, and Franklin tobe their emissaries "to represent in England the unhappy situation ofthe province, " and to seek redress by an act of Parliament. Norris, anaged man, begged to be excused; Franklin accepted. His son was givenleave of absence, in order to attend him as his secretary. During theprolonged and bitter controversies Franklin had been the most prominentmember of the Assembly on the popular side. He had drawn many of theaddresses, arguments, and other papers; and his familiarity with thebusiness, therefore, no less than his good judgment, shrewdness, andtact united to point him out as the man for the very unpleasant anddifficult errand. 

A portion of his business also was to endeavor to induce the king toresume the province of Pennsylvania as his own. A clause in the charterhad reserved this right, which could be exercised on payment of acertain sum of money. The colonists now preferred to be an appanage ofthe crown rather than a fief of the Penns. Oddly enough, some of theprovincial governors were suggesting the like measure concerning otherprovinces; but from widely different motives. The colonists thought amonarch better than private individuals, as a master; while thegovernors thought that only the royal authority could enforce theirtheory of colonial government. They angrily complained that thecolonies would do nothing voluntarily; a most unjust charge, as was soonto be seen; for in the Seven Years' War the colonists did three quartersof all that was done. What the governors really meant was that thecolonies would not raise money and turn it over to other persons tospend for them. 

It must be acknowledged that the prospects for the success of thismission were not good. Almost simultaneously with Franklin'sappointment, the House of Commons resolved that "the claim of right in acolonial Assembly to raise and apply public money, by its own act alone, is derogatory to the crown, and to the rights of the people of GreatBritain. " This made Thomas Penn jubilant. "The people of Pennsylvania, "he said, "will soon be convinced . . . That they have not a right to thepowers of government they claim. "[7]

[Note 7: Bancroft, _Hist. U. S. _ iv. 255. ]

Franklin took his passage in a packet-ship, which was to sail from NewYork forthwith. But the vessel was subject to the orders of LordLoudoun, newly appointed governor of the province of New York, and asort of military over-lord over all the governors, assemblies, andpeople of the American provinces. His mission was to organize, tointroduce system and submission, and above all else to overawe. But hewas no man for the task; not because his lordship was not a dominantcharacter, but because he was wholly unfit to transact business. Franklin tried some negotiations with him, and got no satisfaction orconclusion. 

The ship which waited upon the will of this noble procrastinator had avery doubtful future. Every day at nine o'clock his lordship seatedhimself at his desk, and stayed there writing industriously, hour afterhour, upon his dispatches; every day he foretold with much accuracy andpositiveness of manner that these would surely be ready, and the shipwould inevitably sail, on the next day. Thus week after week glided by, and still he uttered the same prediction, "to-morrow, and to-morrow, andto-morrow. " Yet in spite of this wonderful industry of the great man hisletters never got written, so that, says Franklin, "it was about thebeginning of April that I came to New York, and I think it was the endof June before we sail'd. " Even then the letters were not ready, and fortwo days the vessel had to accompany his lordship's fleet on the waytowards Louisburg, before she got leave to go upon her own propervoyage. It is entertaining to hear that this same lord, during his stayin America, detained other packets for other letters, until theirbottoms got so foul and worm-eaten that they were unseaworthy. He wasirreverently likened by those who waited on his pleasure to "St. Georgeon the signs, always on horseback, and never rides on. " He was at lastremoved by Mr. Pitt, because that energetic minister said "that he neverheard from him, and could not know what was doing. "

Escaping at last from a detention more tedious, if less romantic, thanany which ever befell Ulysses, Franklin steered for England. The vesselwas "several times chas'd" by French cruisers, and later was actuallywithin a few lengths of being wrecked on the Scilly rocks. Franklinwrote to his wife that if he were a Roman Catholic he should probablyvow a chapel to some saint; but, as he was not, he should much like tovow a lighthouse. At length, however, he came safely into Falmouth, andon July 27, 1757, arrived in London. 

Immediately he was taken to see Lord Granville, president of thecouncil; and his account of the interview is too striking not to begiven entire. His lordship, he says, "received me with great civility; and after some questions respecting the present state of affairs in America and discourse thereupon, he said to me: 'You Americans have wrong ideas of the nature of your constitution; you contend that the king's instructions to his governors are not laws, and think yourselves at liberty to regard or disregard them at your own discretion. But these instructions are not like the pocket instructions given to a minister going abroad, for regulating his conduct on some trifling point of ceremony. They are first drawn up by judges learned in the laws; they are then considered, debated, and perhaps amended, in council, after which they are signed by the king. They are then, so far as they relate to you, the _law of the land_, for the king is the _legislator of the colonies_. ' I told his lordship this was new doctrine to me. I had always understood from our charters that our laws were to be made by our assemblies, to be presented indeed to the king for his royal assent; but that being once given, the king could not repeal or alter them. And as the assemblies could not make permanent laws without his assent, so neither could he make a law for them without theirs. He assured me I was totally mistaken. I did not think so, however; and his lordship's conversation having somewhat alarmed me as to what might be the sentiments of the court concerning us, I wrote it down as soon as I returned to my lodgings. "[8]

[Note 8: _Works_, i. 295, 296; see also an account, substantiallythe same, in letter to Bowdoin, January 13, 1772. ]

Granville also defended the recent act of Parliament laying "grievousrestrictions on the export of provisions from the British colonies, " theintent being to distress the American possessions of France by famine. His lordship said: "America must not do anything to interfere with GreatBritain in the European markets. " Franklin replied: "If we plant andreap, and must not ship, your lordship should apply to Parliament fortransports to bring us all back again. "

Next came an interview with the proprietaries. Each side declared itselfdisposed towards "reasonable accommodations;" but Franklin supposed that"each party had its own ideas of what should be meant by _reasonable_. "Nothing came of all this palaver; which only meant that time was beingwasted to no better purpose than to show that the two parties were "verywide, and so far from each other in [their] opinions as to discourageall hope of agreement. " But this had long been evident. The lawyer ofthe proprietaries was then put forward. He was a "proud, angry man, "with a "mortal enmity" toward Franklin; for the two had exchangedbuffets more than once already, and the "proud angry man" had been hithard. It had been his professional duty, as counsel for the Penns, toprepare many papers to be used by their governor in the course of theirquarrels with the Assembly. It had usually fallen to Franklin's lot todraft the replies of the Assembly, and by Franklin's own admission thesedocuments of his, like those which they answered, were "often tart andsometimes indecently abusive. " Franklin now found his old antagonist soexcited that it seemed best to refuse to have any direct dealings withhim. 

The proprietaries then put their interests in charge of Attorney-GeneralPratt, afterwards Lord Camden, and the Solicitor-General Charles Yorke, afterward lord chancellor. These legal luminaries consumed "a year, wanting eight days" before they were in a condition to impart light; andduring that period Franklin could of course achieve nothing with theproprietaries. After all, the proprietaries ignored and insulted him, and made further delay by sending a message to the Assembly ofPennsylvania, wherein they complained of Franklin's "rudeness, " andprofessed themselves "willing to accommodate matters, " if a "person ofcandour" should be sent to treat with them. The only reply to theirmessage came in the pointed and intelligible shape of an act "taxing theproprietary estate in common with the estates of the people. " Muchdisturbed, the proprietaries now obtained a hearing before the king incouncil. They requested his majesty to set aside this tax act, andseveral other acts which had been passed within two years by theAssembly. Of these other acts some were repealed, according to theprayer of the proprietaries; but more were allowed to stand. These were, however, of comparatively little consequence; the overshadowinggrievance for the Penns lay in this taxation of their property. Concerning this it was urged by their counsel that the proprietarieswere held in such odium by the people that, if left to the popular"mercy in apportioning the taxes, they would be ruined. " The other side, of course, vehemently denied that there was the slightest ground forsuch a suspicion. 

In June, 1760, the board of trade rendered a report very unfavorable tothe Assembly. Their language showed that they had been much affected bythe appearance of popular encroachments, and by the allegations of anintention on the part of the colonists "to establish a democracy inplace of his majesty's government. " Their advice was to bring "theconstitution back to its proper principles; to restore to the crown, inthe person of the proprietaries, its just prerogative; to check thegrowing influence of assemblies, by distinguishing, what they areperpetually confounding, the executive from the legislative power. " Newsof this alarming document reached Franklin just as he was about to startupon a trip through Ireland. It put an end to that pleasure; he had toset to work on the moment, with all the zeal and by all the means hecould compass, to counteract this fulmination. Just how he achieved sodifficult an end is not recorded; but it appears that he succeeded insecuring a further hearing, in the progress of which Lord Mansfield"rose, and beckoning me, took me into the clerk's chambers, . . . Andasked me, if I was really of opinion that no injury would be done to theproprietary estate in the execution of the act. I said: Certainly. 'Then, ' says he, 'you can have little objection to enter into anengagement to assure that point. ' I answered: None at all. " Thereupon apaper of this purport, binding personally upon Franklin and upon Mr. Charles, the resident agent of the province, was drawn up, and was dulyexecuted by them both; and on August 28 the lords filed an amendedreport, in which they said that the act taxing the proprietary estatesupon a common basis with those of other owners was "fundamentally wrongand unjust and ought to be repealed, _unless_ six certain amendmentswere made therein. " These amendments were, in substance, theundertakings entered into in the bond of the colonial agents. Franklinsoon afterward had occasion to review this whole business. He showedthat of the six amendments, five were immaterial, since they onlyexpressed with greater clearness the intent of the Assembly. He admittedthat the sixth was of more consequence. It seems that £100, 000 had beenvoted, appropriated, raised, and expended, chiefly for the defense ofthe colony. The manner of doing this was to issue paper money to thisamount, to make it legal tender, and then to retire it by the proceedsof the tax levy. The proprietaries insisted that they could not becompelled to receive their rents in this money, and the lords now foundfor them. Franklin acknowledged that herein perhaps the lords were rightand the Assembly wrong; but he added this scathing paragraph:--

 "But if he cannot on these considerations quite excuse the Assembly, what will he think of those honourable proprietaries, who, when paper money was issued in their colony for the _common defense_ of their vast estates with those of the people, could nevertheless wish to be exempted from their share of the unavoidable disadvantages. Is there upon earth a man besides, with any conception of what is honest, with any notion of honor, with the least tincture in his veins of the gentleman, but would have blushed at the thought, but would have rejected with disdain such undue preference, if it had been offered him? Much less would he have struggled for it, moved heaven and earth to obtain it, resolved to ruin thousands of his tenants by a repeal of the act, rather than miss of it, and enforce it afterwards by an audaciously wicked instruction, forbidding aids to his king, and exposing the province to destruction, unless it was complied with. And yet, these are honourable men!"

This was, however, altogether a subordinate issue. The struggle hadreally been conducted to determine whether the proprietary estate shouldbe taxed like other estates, and the decision upheld such taxation. Thiswas a complete triumph for the Assembly and their representative. "Butlet the proprietaries and their discreet deputies hereafter recollectand remember, " said Franklin, "that the same august tribunal, whichcensured some of the modes and circumstances of that act, did at thesame time establish and confirm the grand principle of the act, namely:'That the proprietary estate ought, with other estates, to be taxed;'and thereby did, in effect, determine and pronounce that the oppositionso long made in various shapes to that just principle, by theproprietaries, was 'fundamentally _wrong_ and _unjust_!'"

It was a long while before the Assembly found leisure to attend to thatengagement of their agents which stipulated for an investigation to seewhether the proprietaries had not been unduly and excessively assessed. But at length, after having had the spur of reminder constantly appliedto their laggard memories, they appointed a committee to inquire andreport concerning the valuations made by the tax-gatherers. 

This committee reported that--

 "there has not been any injustice done to the proprietaries, or attempts made to rate or assess any part of their estates higher than the estates of the like kind belonging to the inhabitants are rated and assessed; but, on the contrary, . . . Their estates are rated, in many instances, below others. "

So the matter ended. 

Franklin had been detained a little more than three years about thisbusiness. At its conclusion he anticipated a speedy return home; but hehad to stay yet two years more to attend to sundry matters smaller inimportance, but which were advanced almost as slowly. Partly such delaywas because the aristocrats of the board of trade and the privy councilhad not the habits of business men, but consulted their own nobleconvenience in the transaction of affairs; and partly it was becauseprocrastination was purposely employed by his opponents, who harassedhim and blocked his path by every obstacle, direct and indirect, whichthey could put in his way. For they seemed to hope for some turn inaffairs, some event, or some too rapid advance of the popular party inAmerica, which should arouse the royal resentment against the colonistsand so militate on their side. Delay was easily brought about by them. They had money, connections, influence, and that familiarity with menand ways which came from their residence in England; while Franklin, astranger on an unpopular errand, representing before an aristocraticgovernment a parcel of tradespeople and farmers who lived in a distantland and were charged with being both niggardly and disaffected, foundthat he could make only difficult and uncertain progress. He was likeone who sails a race not only against hostile winds and tides, but alsoin strange waters where the shoals and rocks are unknown, and whereinvisible currents ceaselessly baffle his course. His lack of personalimportance hampered him exasperatingly. Thus during his prolonged stayhe repeatedly made every effort in his power to obtain an audience ofWilliam Pitt. But not even for once could he succeed. A provincialagent, engaged in a squabble about taxing proprietary lands, was toosmall a man upon too small a business to consume the precious time ofthe great prime minister, who was endeavoring to dominate theembroilments and intrigues of all Europe, to say nothing of themachinations of his opponents at home. So the subalterns of Mr. Pitt metFranklin, heard what he had to say, sifted it through the sieve of theirown discretion, and bore to the ears of their principal only suchcompends as they thought worthy of attention. 

But the vexation of almost endless delay had its alleviations, apparently much more than enough to offset it. Early in September, 1757, that is to say some five or six weeks after his landing, Franklin wastaken very ill of an intermittent fever, which lasted for eight weeks. During his convalescence he wrote to his wife that the agreeableconversation of men of learning, and the notice taken of him by personsof distinction, soothed him under this painful absence from family andfriends; yet these solaces would not hold him there another week, wereit not for duty to his country and the hope of being able to do itservice. But after the early homesickness wore off, a great attachmentfor England took its place. He found himself a man of note amongscientists there, who gave him a ready welcome and showed a courteousand flattering recognition of his high distinction in their pursuits. Thence it was easy to penetrate into the neighboring circle ofliterature, wherein he made warm personal friends, such as Lord Kames, David Hume, Dr. Robertson, and others. From time to time he was a guestat many a pleasant country seat, and at the universities. He foundplenty of leisure, too, for travel, and explored the United Kingdom verythoroughly. When he went to Edinburgh he was presented with the freedomof the city; and the University of St. Andrews conferred on him thedegree of Doctor of Laws; later, Oxford did the same. He even had timefor a trip into the Low Countries. As months and finally years slippedaway, with just enough of occupation of a dignified character to savehim from an annoying sense of idleness, with abundant opportunities forsocial pleasure, and with a very gratifying deference shown towardshimself, Franklin, who liked society and did not dislike flattery, beganto think the mother country no such bad place. For an intellectual andsocial career London certainly had advantages over Philadelphia. Mr. Strahan, the well-known publisher of those days, whom Franklin usedaffectionately to call Straney, became his close friend, and was veryinsistent with him that he should leave the provinces and take up apermanent residence in England. He baited his hook with an offer of hisson in marriage with Franklin's daughter Sarah. He had never seen Sarah, but he seems to have taken it for granted that any child of her fathermust be matrimonially satisfactory. Franklin wrote home to his wife thatthe young man was eligible, and that there were abundant funds in theStrahan treasury, but that he did not suppose that she would be able toovercome her terror of the ocean voyage. Indeed, this timidity on thepart of his wife was more than once put forward by him as if it werereally the feather which turned the scale in the choice of his futureresidence. 

Franklin himself also was trying his hand at match-making. He had takena great fancy to a young lady by the name of Mary Stevenson, with whom, when distance prevented their meeting, he kept up a constantcorrespondence concerning points of physical science. He now became verypressing with his son William to wed this learned maiden; but the youngman possibly did not hold a taste for science to be the most winningtrait in woman; at any rate, having bestowed his affections elsewhere, he refused to transfer them. So Franklin was compelled to give up hisscheme, though with an extreme reluctance, which he expressed to therejected damsel with amusing openness. Had either of these matrimonialbonds been made fast, it is not improbable that Franklin would havelived out the rest of his life as a friend of the colonies in England. But his lot was otherwise cast; a second time he escaped, thoughnarrowly, the prospect of dying an Englishman and the subject of a king. At the moment he was not altogether glad that matters worked thus. OnAugust 17, 1762, he wrote from Portsmouth to Lord Kames:--

 "I am now waiting here only for a wind to waft me to America; but cannot leave this happy island and my friends in it without extreme regret, though I am going to a country and a people that I love. I am going from the old world to the new; and I fancy I feel like those who are leaving this world for the next: grief at the parting; fear of the passage; hope of the future. These different passions all affect their minds at once; and these have _tendered_ me down exceedingly. "

And six days later, from the same place, he wrote to Strahan: "I cannot, I assure you, quit even this disagreeable place, without regret, as itcarries me still farther from those I love, and from the opportunitiesof hearing of their welfare. The attraction of reason is at present forthe other side of the water, but that of inclination will be for thisside. You know which usually prevails. I shall probably make but thisone vibration and settle here forever. Nothing will prevent it, if Ican, as I hope I can, prevail with Mrs. F. To accompany me, especiallyif we have a peace. " Apparently the Americans owe a great debt ofgratitude to Mrs. Franklin's fearfulness of the untrustworthy Atlantic. 

Before dismissing this stay of Franklin in England a word should be saidconcerning his efforts for the retention of Canada by the British, asspoils of war. The fall of Quebec, in the autumn of 1759, practicallyconcluded the struggle in America. The French were utterly spent; theyhad no food, no money; they had fought with desperate courage and heroicself-devotion; they could honestly say that they had stood grimly in thelast trench, and had been slaughtered there until the starved andshattered remnant could not find it in their exhausted human naturelonger to conduct a contest so thoroughly finished. In Europe, Francewas hardly less completely beaten. At the same time the singularposition of affairs existed that the triumphant conqueror was even moreresolutely bent upon immediate peace than were the conquered. GeorgeIII. , newly come to the throne, set himself towards this end with allthe obstinacy of his resolute nature. It became a question of terms, andeager was the discussion thereof. The colonies were profoundlyinterested, for a question sharply argued was: whether England shouldretain Guadaloupe or Canada. She had conquered both, but it seemed tobe admitted that she must restore one. It was even then a comical bit ofpolitical mathematics to establish anything like an equation between thetwo, nor could it possibly have been done with reference to intrinsicvalues. It was all very well to dilate upon the sugar crop of theisland, its trade, its fertility, its harborage. Every one knew thatCanada could outweigh all these things fifty times over. But into theGuadaloupe scale was dropped a weighty consideration, which was clearlystated in an anonymous pamphlet attributed to William Burke. This writersaid:--

 "If the people of our colonies find no check from Canada, they will extend themselves almost without bound into the inland parts. They will increase infinitely from all causes. What the consequence will be, to have a numerous, hardy, independent people, possessed of a strong country, communicating little or not at all with England, I leave to your own reflections. By eagerly grasping at extensive territory we may run the risk, and in no very distant period, of losing what we now possess. A neighbor that keeps us in some awe is not always the worst of neighbors. So that, far from sacrificing Guadaloupe to Canada, perhaps, if we might have Canada without any sacrifice at all, we ought not to desire it. There should be a balance of power in America. . . . The islands, from their weakness, can never revolt; but, if we acquire all Canada, we shall soon find North America itself too powerful and too populous to be governed by us at a distance. "

From many other quarters came the same warning predictions. [9]

[Note 9: Bancroft, _Hist. U. S. _ iv. 363-365. ]

Franklin watched the controversy with deep interest and no smallanxiety. As the argument grew heated he could no longer hold his hand;he cast into the Canadian scale an able pamphlet, ingenuous in the mainif not in all the details. It is not worth while to rehearse what he hadto say upon mercantile points, or even concerning the future growth of agreat American empire. What he had really to encounter was the argumentthat it was sound policy to leave Canada in possession of the French. Those who pretended to want Guadaloupe did not so much really want it asthey did wish to have Canada remain French. To make good this latterpoint they had to show, first, that French ownership involved no seriousdanger to the English possessions; second, that it brought positiveadvantages. To the first proposition they said that the French had fullylearned their lesson of inferiority, and that a few forts on thefrontier would easily overawe the hostile Indians. To the secondproposition, they elaborated the arguments of William Burke. Franklinreplied that the war-parties of braves would easily pass by the forts inthe forests, and after burning, pillaging, murdering, and scalping, would equally easily and safely return. Nothing save a Chinese wall thewhole length of the western frontier would suffice for protectionagainst savages. Then, with one of those happy illustrations of whichhe was a master, he said: "In short, long experience has taught ourplanters that they cannot rely upon forts as a security against Indians;the inhabitants of Hackney might as well rely upon the Tower of London, to secure them against highwaymen and house-breakers. " The admirablesimile could neither be answered nor forgotten. 

Concerning the positive desirability of leaving the French as masters ofCanada to "check" the growth of the colonies, Franklin indignantlyexclaimed: "It is a modest word, this '_check_' for massacring men, women, and children!" If Canada is to be "restored on this principle, . . . Will not this be telling the French in plain terms, that the horridbarbarisms they perpetrate with Indians on our colonists are agreeableto us; and that they need not apprehend the resentment of a governmentwith whose views they so happily concur. " But he had the audacity to saythat he was abundantly certain that the mother country could never haveany occasion to dread the power of the colonies. He said:--

 "I shall next consider the other supposition, that their growth may render them _dangerous_. Of this, I own, I have not the least conception, when I consider that we have already _fourteen separate governments_ on the maritime coast of the continent; and, if we extend our settlements, shall probably have as many more behind them on the inland side. " By reason of the different governors, laws, interests, religions, and manners of these, "their jealousy of each other is so great, that, however necessary a union of the colonies has long been, for their common defence and security against their enemies, and how sensible soever each colony has been of that necessity, yet they have never been able to effect such a union among themselves, nor even to agree in requesting the mother country to establish it for them. " If they could not unite for self-defence against the French and the murderous savages, "can it reasonably be supposed there is any danger of their uniting against their own nation, which protects and encourages them, with which they have so many connexions and ties of blood, interest, and affection, and which, it is well known, they all love much more than they love one another?

 "In short there are so many causes that must operate to prevent it, that I will venture to say a union amongst them for such a purpose is not merely improbable, it is impossible. And if the union of the whole is impossible, the attempt of a part must be madness. . . . When I say such a union is impossible, I mean without the most grievous tyranny and oppression. . . . _The waves do not rise but when the winds blow_. . . . What such an administration as the Duke of Alva's in the Netherlands might produce, I know not; but this, I think, I have a right to deem impossible. "

We read these words, even subject to the mild saving of the finalsentences, with some bewilderment. Did their shrewd and well-informedwriter believe what he said? Was he casting this political horoscope ingood faith? Or was he only uttering a prophecy which he desired, ifpossible, and for his own purposes to induce others to believe? If hewas in earnest, Attorney-General Pratt was a better astrologer. "For allwhat you Americans say of your loyalty, " he said to Franklin, "andnotwithstanding your boasted affection, you will one day set up forindependence. " "No such idea, " said Franklin, "is entertained by theAmericans, or ever will be, unless you grossly abuse them. " "Very true, "said Pratt; "that I see will happen, and will produce the event. "[10]Choiseul, the able French minister, expressed his wonder that the "greatPitt should be so attached to the acquisition of Canada, " which, beingin the hands of France, would keep the "colonies in that dependencewhich they will not fail to shake off the moment Canada shall beceded. "[11] Vergennes saw the same thing not less clearly; and so didmany another. 

[Note 10: Bancroft, _Hist. U. S. _ iv. 380. ]

[Note 11: _Ibid_. Iv. 399. ]

If Franklin was really unable to foresee in this business thoseoccurrences which others predicted with such confidence, at least heshowed a grand conception of the future, and his vision took in moredistant and greater facts and larger truths of statesmanship than werecompassed by the British ministers. Witness what he wrote to LordKames:--

 "I have long been of opinion that the foundations of the future grandeur and stability of the British empire lie in America. . . . I am therefore by no means for restoring Canada. If we keep it, all the country from the St. Lawrence to the Mississippi will in another century be filled with British people. Britain itself will become vastly more populous by the immense increase to its commerce; the Atlantic sea will be covered with your trading ships; and your naval power, thence continually increasing, will extend your influence round the whole globe, and awe the world. "

Whatever regret Franklin may have felt at not being able to remain inEngland was probably greatly mitigated if not entirely dissipated by thecordial reception which he met with at home. On December 2, 1762, hewrote to Strahan that the reports of the diminution of his friends wereall false; that ever since his arrival his house had been full of asuccession of them from morning till night, congratulating him on hisreturn. The Assembly honored him with a vote of thanks, and also votedhim £3000 towards defraying his expenses. It was, of course, much lessthan he had expended during an absence of nearly six years; but it seemsthat he considered that, since much of his time had been passed in theenjoyment of an agreeable leisure, he should bear a corresponding partof the expense. While on the sea he had been chosen unanimously, asindeed had been done in each year of his absence, a member of that body;and he was told that, if he had not got so privately into town, heshould have been met by an escort of 500 horsemen. All this must havebeen very gratifying. 

[Illustration: De Vergennes]

A different kind of tribute, somewhat indirect, but none the lessintelligible, was at the same time paid to him by the Britishgovernment. In the autumn of 1762 his illegitimate son, WilliamFranklin, was appointed governor of New Jersey. This act created a greatstorm of wrath from some of the provincial aristocratic party, and wasvehemently railed at as an "indignity, " a "dishonor and disgrace, " an"insult. " After all, it failed of its obvious purpose. The governmentshot brought down the wrong bird, common carrion, while the one aimed atnever swerved in the slightest from his course. William, whom no onecared for in the least, became a confirmed royalist, and ultimately, asa Tory refugee, for years continued to absorb a pension for which hecould return no adequate consideration. So far as Benjamin Franklin wasconcerned, he was at first much pleased; but his political views andcourse were not in the slightest degree affected. On the contrary, asthe scheme developed, and the influence on the younger man becameapparent, the final result was an alienation between father and son, which was only partially healed so late as 1784, just before the formerreturned from Europe for the last time. 

CHAPTER IV

LIFE IN PHILADELPHIA

When Franklin came home he was fifty-six years old. By nature he wasphysically indolent, and fifteen years ago he had given proof of hisdesire for the command of his own time by retiring from a lucrativebusiness. But his forecasting of a tranquil, social career inPhiladelphia, with science as his chief and agreeable occupation, wasstill to continue a day-dream, interrupted only by some thoughts of anEnglish home. "Business, public and private, consumes all my time; Imust return to England for repose. With such thoughts I flatter myself, and need some kind friend to put me often in mind that old trees cannotsafely be transplanted. " Thus he wrote to Mary Stevenson, the young ladywhom he had hoped to have as a daughter-in-law. 

His first labor in the provinces came in the shape of a journey aboutthe country to supervise and regulate the postal business. Upon thiserrand he went 1600 miles, which was no slight matter as travel wasconducted in those days. He started in the spring of 1763, and did notget back until November. Upon his return he found himself at onceimmersed in public affairs. In October, 1763, Governor Hamilton wassuperseded by John Penn, nephew of the proprietary Thomas Penn. 

 "Never, " said Franklin, "did any administration open with a more promising prospect than this of Governor Penn. He assured the people in his first speeches of the proprietaries' paternal regard for them, and their sincere dispositions to do everything that might promote their happiness. As the proprietaries had been pleased to promote a son of the family to the government, it was thought not unlikely that there might be something in these professions; for that they would probably choose to have his administration made easy and agreeable, and to that end might think it prudent to withdraw those harsh, disagreeable, and unjust instructions, with which most of his predecessors had been hampered. The Assembly therefore believed fully and rejoiced sincerely. They showed the new governor every mark of respect and regard that was in their power. They readily and cheerfully went into everything he recommended to them. "

Moreover, the first event of public importance after Governor Penn'sadvent had, in its early stage, the effect of drawing him very closelyto Franklin. Some of the settlers on the frontier, infuriated beyond thecontrol of reason by the Indian marauding parties, gathered together forthe purpose of slaughter. If they had directed their vengeance againstthe braves, and even all the occupants of the villages of thewilderness, they might have been excused though their vindictive rageled them to retaliate by the same barbarities which the red men hadpracticed towards the whites. Unfortunately, instead of courageouslyturning their faces towards the forests, they turned their backs in thatdirection, where only there was any enemy to be feared, and in a safeexpedition they wreaked a deadly, senseless, cowardly, and brutalvengeance on an unoffending group of twenty old men, women, andchildren, living peacefully and harmlessly near Lancaster. The infamousstory is familiar in the annals of Pennsylvania as the "Paxtonmassacre, " because the "Paxton boys, " the perpetrators, came from theScotch-Irish settlement bearing that name. 

Franklin's indignation was great, and he expressed it forcibly in apamphlet. But many, even of the class which should have felt with him, were in such a temper that they would condemn no act done against anIndian. Encouraged by the prevalence of this feeling, this same band, swelled to a numerous and really formidable force, had the audacity tostart for Philadelphia itself, with the avowed purpose of massacringthere a small body of civilized Christian Indians, who had fled thitherfor safety under the charge of their Moravian missionary, and againstwhom not a complaint could be made. Panic reigned in the City ofBrotherly Love, little competent to cope with imminent violence. In thecrisis citizens and governor could conceive no more hopeful scheme thanan appeal to Franklin, which was made at once and urgently. The governorhimself actually took up his residence in Franklin's house, and stayedthere till the threat of trouble passed over, speaking, writing, andordering only at Franklin's dictation, --a course which had in it more ofsense than of dignity. The appeal was made in the right quarter. Alreadyprofoundly moved in this matter, Franklin was prompt and zealous to savehis city from a shameful act, and the Indians from barbarous murder. Hisefforts soon gathered, and after a fashion organized, a body ofdefenders probably somewhat more numerous than the approaching mob. Yeta collision would have been most unfortunate, whatever the result; andto avert it Franklin took it upon him to go in person to meet theassailants. His courage, coolness, and address prevailed; he succeededin satisfying the "Paxton boys" that they were so greatly outnumberedthat, far from attacking others, they could only secure their own safetyby instant dispersion. Thus by the resources and presence of mind of oneman Philadelphia was saved from a day of which the bloody stain couldnever have been effaced from her good fame. 

But Franklin seemed for a while to reap more of hostility than ofgratitude for his gallant and honorable conduct in this emergency. Governor Penn was an ignoble man, and after the danger was over he leftthe house, in which he had certainly played a rather ignominious part, with those feelings toward his host which a small soul inevitablycherishes toward a greater under such circumstances. Moreover, therewere very many among the people who had more of sympathy with the"Paxton boys" than with the wise and humane man who had thwarted them. "For about forty-eight hours, " Franklin wrote to one of his friends, "Iwas a very great man;" but after "the fighting face we put on" causedthe insurgents to turn back, "I became a less man than ever; for I had, by this transaction, made myself many enemies among the populace, " afact of which the governor speedily took advantage. But without thisepisode enmity between Penn and Franklin was inevitable. They servedmasters whose ends were wide apart; upon the one side avariciousproprietaries of little foresight and judgment, upon the other side apeople jealous of their rights and unwilling to leave to any one elsethe definition and interpretation of them. 

Soon it became known that the instructions of the new governor differedin no substantial particular from those of his predecessors. Theprocession of vetoes upon the acts of the Assembly resumed its familiarand hateful march. A militia bill was thus cut off, because, instead ofleaving with the governor the nomination of regimental officers, itstipulated that the rank and file should name three persons for eachposition, and that the governor should choose one of these, --anarrangement bad in itself, but perhaps well suited to the habits andeven the needs of the province at that time. A tax bill met the likefate, because it did not discriminate in favor of the located lands ofthe proprietaries by rating their best lands at no higher valuation thanthe worst lands of other persons. Soon it was generally felt thatmatters were as bad as ever, and with scantier chances of improvement. Then "all the old wounds broke out and bled afresh; all the oldgrievances, still unredressed, were recollected; despair succeeded ofseeing any peace with a family that could make such returns to allovertures of kindness. " The aggrieved party revived its scheme for atransfer of the government from the proprietaries to the crown, andFranklin threw himself into the discussion with more of zeal and ardorthan he had often shown. 

While the debates upon this subject waxed hot in the Assembly, it wasmoved and carried that that body should adjourn for a few weeks, inorder that members might consult their constituents and sound the publicfeeling. During this recess it may be conceived that neither side wasslack in its efforts. Franklin for his share contributed a pamphlet, entitled "Cool Thoughts on the Present Situation of our Public Affairs. ""Mischievous and distressing, " he said, as the frequent disputes "havebeen found to both proprietaries and people, it does not appear thatthere is any prospect of their being extinguished, till either theproprietary purse is unable to support them, or the spirit of thepeople so broken that they shall be willing to submit to anything ratherthan continue them. " With a happy combination of shrewdness andmoderation he laid the blame upon the intrinsic nature of a proprietarygovernment. "For though it is not unlikely that in these as well as inother disputes there are faults on both sides, every glowing coal beingapt to inflame its opposite; yet I see no reason to suppose that allproprietary rulers are worse men than other rulers, nor that all peoplein proprietary governments are worse people than those in othergovernments. I suspect, therefore, that the cause is radical, interwovenin the constitution, and so become the very nature, of proprietarygovernments; and will therefore produce its effects as long as suchgovernments continue. " It indicated a broad and able mind, and one wellunder control, to assume as a basis this dispassionate assertion of ageneral principle, amid such personal heats as were then inflaming thepassions of the whole community. His conclusion held one of hisadmirable similes which had the force of argument: "There seems toremain then but one remedy for our evils, a remedy approved byexperience, and which has been tried with success by other provinces; Imean that of an immediate _Royal Government_, without the interventionof proprietary powers, which, like unnecessary springs and movements ina machine, are so apt to produce disorder. "

Further, he held out a bait to the crown:--

 "The expression, _change of government_, seems indeed to be too extensive, and is apt to give the idea of a general and total change of our laws and constitution. It is rather and only a _change of governor_--that is, instead of self-interested proprietaries, a gracious king. His majesty, who has no views but for the good of the people, will thenceforth appoint the governor, who, unshackled by proprietary instructions, will be at liberty to join with the Assembly in enacting wholesome laws. At present, when the king desires supplies of his faithful subjects, and they are willing and desirous to grant them, the proprietaries intervene and say: 'Unless our private interests in certain particulars are served, _nothing shall be done_. ' This insolent tribunal VETO has long encumbered our public affairs and been productive of many mischiefs. "

He then drew a petition "to the king's most excellent majesty incouncil, " which humbly showed "That the government of this province byproprietaries has, by long experience, been found inconvenient, attendedby many difficulties and obstructions to your majesty's service, arisingfrom the intervention of proprietary private interests in publicaffairs, and disputes concerning those interests. That the saidproprietary government is weak, unable to support its own authority, andmaintain the common internal peace of the province; great riots havelately arisen therein. . . . And these evils are not likely to receive anyremedy here, the continual disputes between the proprietaries andpeople, and their mutual jealousies and dislikes, preventing. " Whereforehis majesty was asked to be "graciously pleased to resume thegovernment of this province, . . . Permitting your dutiful subjectstherein to enjoy, under your majesty's more immediate care andprotection, the privileges that have been granted to them by and underyour royal predecessors. "

The result of feeling the public pulse showed that it beat very high andstrong for the proposed change. Accordingly the resolution to presentthe petition was now easily carried. But again the aged speaker, Norris, found himself called upon to do that for which he had not the nerve. Heresigned the speakership; Franklin was chosen in his place and set theofficial signature to the document. 

Another paper by Franklin upon the same subject, and of considerablelength, appeared in the shape of a preface to a speech delivered in theAssembly by Joseph Galloway in answer to a speech on the proprietaryside by John Dickinson, which speech, also with a long preface, had beenprinted. In this pamphlet he reviewed all the recent history of theprovince. He devoted several pages to a startling exposition of thealmost incredible usage which had long prevailed, whereby bills wereleft to accumulate on the governor's table, and then were finally signedby him in a batch, only upon condition that he should receive, or evensometimes upon his simultaneously receiving, a considerable _douceur_. Not only had this been connived at by the proprietaries, but sometimesthese payments had been shared between the proprietaries and thegovernors. This topic Franklin finally dismissed with a few lines ofadmirable sarcasm: "Do not, my courteous reader, take pet at ourproprietary constitution for these our bargain and sale proceedings inlegislation. It is a happy country where justice, and what was your ownbefore, can be had for ready money. It is another addition to the valueof money, and, of course, another spur to industry. Every land is not soblessed. " Many quotations from this able state paper have already beenmade in the preceding pages, though it is so brilliant a piece of workthat to quote is only to mutilate. Its argument, denunciation, humor, and satire are interwoven in a masterly combination. The renowned"sketch in the lapidary style, " prepared for the gravestone of Thomasand Richard Penn, with the introductory paragraphs, constitutes one ofthe finest assaults in political literature. [12] It is unfortunatelyimpossible to give any adequate idea or even abstract of a documentwhich covers so much ground and with such variety of treatment. It hadof course a powerful effect in stimulating the public sentiment, and itwas especially useful in supplying formidable arguments to those of thepopular way of thinking; drawing their weapons from this armory, theyfelt themselves invincible. 

[Note 12: Franklin's animosity against the Penns was mitigated inlater years. See Franklin's _Works_, viii. 273. ]

But it must not be supposed that all this while Franklin was treadingthe velvet path of universal popularity, amid the unanimousencouragement of his fellow citizens, and with only the frowns of theproprietary officials to disturb his serenity. By one means and anotherthe proprietaries mustered a considerable party in the province, and thehatred of all these men was concentrated upon Franklin with extremebitterness. He said that he was "as much the butt of party rage andmalice, " and was as much pelted with hostile prints and pamphlets, as ifhe were prime minister. Neither was the notion of a royal governmentlooked upon with liking even by all those who were indignant against thepresent system. Moreover many persons still remained ill disposedtowards him by reason of his opinions and behavior during the Paxtonoutbreak. The combination against him, made up of all these variouselements, felt itself powerful enough for mischief, and found itsopportunity in the election to the Assembly occurring in the autumn of1764. The polls were opened on October 1, at nine o'clock in themorning. The throng was dense, and the column of voters could move butslowly. At three o'clock of the following morning, the voting havingcontinued during the night, the friends of the "new ticket, " that is tosay of the new candidate, moved to close the polls. The friends of the"old ticket" opposed this motion and unfortunately prevailed. They had a"reserve of the aged and lame, " who had shunned the crowd and were nowbrought in chairs and litters. Thus in three hours they increased theirscore by some two hundred votes. But the other side was not lessenterprising, and devoting the same extension of time to scouringGermantown and other neighborhoods, they brought in near five hundredadditional votes upon their side. It was apparently this strange blunderof the political managers for the "old ticket" party that was fatal toFranklin, for when the votes were all counted he was found to be beatenby a balance against him of twenty-five. He had therefore evidently hada majority at the hour when his friends prevented the closing of thepolls. He "died like a philosopher. But Mr. Galloway _agonized in death_like a Mortal Deist, who has no Hopes of a Future Existence. "[13]

[Note 13: Parton's _Life of Franklin_, i. 451, quoting _Life ofJoseph Reed_, i. 37. ]

But the jubilation of the proprietary party over this signal victory wassoon changed into mourning. For within a few days the new Assembly wasin session, and at once took into consideration the appointment of Dr. Franklin as its agent to present to the king in council another petitionfor a royal government. The wrath of the other side blazed forthsavagely. "No measure, " their leader, Dickinson, said, was "so likely toinflame the resentments and embitter the discontents of the people. " He"appealed to the heart of every member for the truth of the assertionthat no man in Pennsylvania is at this time so much the object ofpublic dislike as he that has been mentioned. To what a surprisingheight this dislike is carried among vast numbers" he did "not choose torepeat. " He said that within a few hours of the nomination hundreds ofthe most reputable citizens had protested, and if time were giventhousands "would crowd to present the like testimony against [him]. Whythen should a majority of this House single out from the whole world theman most obnoxious to his country to represent his country, though hewas at the last election turned out of the Assembly, where he had satfor fourteen years? Why should they exert their power in the mostdisgusting manner, and throw pain, terror, and displeasure into thebreasts of their fellow citizens?" The excited orator then threw out asuggestion to which this vituperation had hardly paved a way of roses;he actually appealed to Franklin to emulate Aristides, and not be worsethan "the dissolute Otho, " and to this end urged that he shoulddistinguish himself in the eyes of all good men by "voluntarilydeclining an office which he could not accept without alarming, offending, and disturbing his country. " "Let him, from a privatestation, from a smaller sphere, diffuse, as I think he may, a beneficiallight; but let him not be made to move and blaze like a comet, toterrify and to distress. "[14] The popular majority in the Assemblywithstood Mr. Dickinson's rhetoric, and, to quote the forcible languageof Bancroft, "proceeded to an act which in its consequences was toinfluence the world. " That is to say, they carried the appointment. Franklin likewise set aside Dickinson's seductive counsels, and acceptedthe position. 

[Note 14: Parton's _Life of Franklin_, i, 451, 452. ]

It is not in human nature to be so extravagantly abused in times ofintense excitement, and wholly to hold one's peace. Even the cool temperof Dr. Franklin was incited to a retort; his defense was brief anddignified, in a very different tone from that of the aspersions to whichit replied; and it carries that influence which always belongs to himwho preserves moderation amid the passions of a fierce controversy. [15]

[Note 15: See, for example, Franklin's _Works_, iii. 361, 362. ]

CHAPTER V

SECOND MISSION TO ENGLAND, I

Franklin so hastened his preparations that he was ready to depart againfor England in twelve days after his election. There was no money in theprovincial treasury; but some of the well-to-do citizens, in expectationof reimbursement, raised by subscription £1100. He took only £500. Atroop of three hundred mounted citizens escorted him from the citysixteen miles down the river to the ship, and "filled the sails withtheir good wishes. " This parade, designed only as a friendlydemonstration, was afterward made a charge against him, as an assumptionof pomp and a display of popularity. If it had been deliberatelyplanned, it would have been ill advised; but it took him by surprise, and he could not prevent it. The ship cast anchor in St. Helen's Road, Isle of Wight, on December 9, 1764. He forthwith hastened to London, andinstalled himself in the familiar rooms at No. 7 Craven Street, Strand. In Philadelphia, when the news came of the safe arrival of this "man themost obnoxious to his country, " the citizens kept the bells ringinguntil midnight. 

So altogether the prospect now seemed agreeable in whatever directionDr. Franklin chose to look. He was in quarters in which he was at leastas much at home as he could feel in his house at Philadelphia; Mrs. Stevenson, his landlady, and her daughter Mary, whom he had sought topersuade his son to marry, upon the excellent ground of his own greataffection for her, not only made him comfortable but saved him fromhomesickness; old and warm friends welcomed him; the pleasures of Londonsociety again spread their charms before him. Without the regrets anddoubts which must have attended the real emigration which he had beenhalf inclined to make, he seemed to be reaping all the gratificationwhich that could have brought him. At the same time he had also thepride of receiving from the other side of the Atlantic glowing accountsof the esteem in which he was held by a controlling body of those whowere still his fellow citizens there. But already there had shown itselfabove the horizon a cloud which rapidly rose, expanded, and obscured allthis fair sky. 

Franklin came to England in the anticipation of a short stay, and withno purpose beyond the presentation and urging of the petition for thechange of government. Somewhat less than ten months, he thought, wouldsuffice to finish this business. In fact, he did not get home for tenyears, and this especial errand, which had seemed all that he had to do, soon sank into such comparative insignificance that, though notactually forgotten, it could not secure attention. He conscientiouslymade repeated efforts to keep the petition in the memory of the Englishministry, and to obtain action upon it; but his efforts were vain; thatbody was absorbed by other affairs in connection with the troublesomeAmerican colonies, --affairs which gave vastly more perplexity and calledfor much more attention than were becoming in the case of provinces thatshould have been submissive as well-behaved children. Franklin himselffound his own functions correspondingly enlarged. Instead of remainingsimply an agent charged with urging a petition which brought him inconflict only with private persons, like himself subjects of the king, he found his position rapidly change and develop until he became reallythe representative of a disaffected people maintaining a cause againstthe monarch and the government of the great British Empire. It was the"Stamp Act" which effected this transformation. 

Scarcely had the great war with France been brought to a close by thetreaty of 1763, bringing such enormous advantages to the old Britishpossessions in America, before it became apparent that among the fruitssome were mingled that were neither sweet nor nourishing. The war hadmoved the colonies into a perilous foreground. Their interests had costmuch in men and money, and had been worth all that they had cost, andmore; the benefits conferred upon them had been immense, yet wererecognized as not being in excess of their real importance, present andfuture. Worst of all, the magnitude of their financial resources hadbeen made apparent; without a murmur, without visible injury to theirprosperity, they had voluntarily raised large sums by taxation. Meanwhile the English treasury had been put to enormous charges, and theEnglish people groaned beneath the unwonted tax burdens which they hadto bear. The attention of British financiers, even before the war wasover, was turned toward the colonies, as a field of which the productivecapacity had never been developed. 

So soon as peace brought to the government leisure to adjust domesticmatters in a thorough manner, the scheme for colonial taxation came tothe front. "America . . . Became the great subject of consideration; . . . And the minister who was charged with its government took the lead inpublic business. "[16] This minister was at first Charles Townshend, thanwhom no man in England, it was supposed, knew more of the transatlanticpossessions. His scheme involved a standing army of 25, 000 men in theprovinces, to be supported by taxes to be raised there. In order toobtain this revenue he first gave his care to the revision of thenavigation act. Duties which had been so high that they had never beencollected he now proposed to reduce and to enforce. This was designed tobe only the first link in the chain, but before he could forge othershe had to go out of office with the Bute ministry. The change in thecabinet, however, made no change in the colonial policy; that was not"the wish of this man or that man, " but apparently of nearly all Englishstatesmen. 

[Note 16: Bancroft, _Hist. U. S. _ iv. 28. ]

So in March, 1763, George Grenville, in the treasury department, took upthe plan which Townshend had laid down. Grenville was commerciallyminded, and his first efforts were in the direction of regulating thetrade of the colonies so as to carry out with much more stringency andthoroughness than heretofore three principles: first, that Englandshould be the only shop in which a colonist could purchase; second, thatcolonists should not make for themselves those articles which Englandhad to sell to them; third, that the people of different colonies shouldnot trade with each other even to the indirect or possible detriment ofthe trade of either with England. Severely as these restrictions boreupon the colonists, they were of that character, as relating to externaltrade, which no colonist denied to lie within the jurisdiction ofParliament. But they were not enough; they must be supplemented; and astamp act was designed as the supplement. On March 9, 1764, Grenvillestated his intention to introduce such a bill at the next session; heneeded the interval for inquiries and preparation. It was no very novelidea. It "had been proposed to Sir Robert Walpole; it had been thoughtof by Pelham; it had been almost resolved upon in 1755; it had beenpressed upon Pitt; it seems, beyond a doubt, to have been a part of thesystem adopted in the ministry of Bute, and it was sure of the supportof Charles Townshend. Knox, the agent of Georgia, stood ready to defendit. . . . The agent of Massachusetts favored raising the wanted money inthat way. " Little opposition was anticipated in Parliament, and nonefrom the king. In short, "everybody, who reasoned on the subject, decided for a stamp tax. "[17] Never did any bill of any legislature seemto come into being with better auspices. Some among the colonial agentscertainly expressed ill feeling towards it; but Grenville silenced them, telling them that he was acting "from a real regard and tenderness"towards the Americans. He said this in perfect good faith. His viewsboth of the law and of the reasons for the law were intelligent andhonest; he had carefully gathered information and sought advice; and hehad a profound belief alike in the righteousness and the wisdom of themeasure. 

[Note 17: Bancroft, _Hist. U. S. _ iv. 155. ]

News of what was in preparation in England reached Pennsylvania in thesummer of 1764, shortly before Franklin sailed. The Assembly debatedconcerning it; Franklin was prominent in condemning the scheme; and aresolution protesting against it was passed. It was made part ofFranklin's duty in London to urge upon Grenville these views ofPennsylvania. But when he arrived he found that the grinding at themills of government was going on much too evenly to be disturbed by theintroduction of any such insignificant foreign substance as a colonialprotest. Nevertheless he endeavored to do what he could. In company withthree other colonial agents he had an interview with Grenville, February2, 1765, in which he urged that taxation by act of Parliament wasneedless, inasmuch as any requisition for the service of the king alwayshad found, and always would find, a prompt and liberal response on thepart of the Assembly. Arguments, however, and protests struckineffectually against the solid wall of Grenville's established purpose. He listened with a civil appearance of interest and dismissed hisvisitors and all memory of their arguments together. On the 13th of thesame month he read the bill in Parliament; on the 27th it passed theCommons; on March 8, the Lords; and on March 22 it was signed by a royalcommission; the insanity of the king saved him from placing his ownsignature to the ill-starred law. In July Franklin wrote to CharlesThomson:--

 "Depend upon it, my good neighbor, I took every step in my power to prevent the passing of the Stamp Act. Nobody could be more concerned and interested than myself to oppose it sincerely and heartily. But the tide was too strong against us. The nation was provoked by American claims of independence, and all parties joined in resolving by this act to settle the point. We might as well have hindered the sun's setting. That we could not do. But since it is down, my friend, and it may be long before it rises again, let us make as good a night of it as we can. We can still light candles. Frugality and industry will go a great way towards indemnifying us. Idleness and pride tax with a heavier hand than kings and parliaments. If we can get rid of the former, we may easily bear the latter. "

In such a temper was he at this time, and so remained until he got newsof the first mutterings of the storm in the colonies. His words show adiscouragement and despondency unusual with him; but what attractsremark is the philosophical purpose to make the best even of so bad abusiness, the hopeless absence of any suggestion of a furtheropposition, and that his only advice is patient endurance. Unquestionably he did conceive the matter to be for the time settled. The might of England was an awful fact, visible all around him; he feltthe tremendous force of the great British people; and he saw theirimmense resources every day as he walked the streets of busy, prosperousLondon. As he recalled the infant towns and scattered villages of thecolonies, how could he contemplate forcible resistance to an edict ofParliament and the king? Had Otis, Adams, Henry, Gadsden, and the restseen with their bodily eyes what Franklin was seeing every day, theirwords might have been more tempered. Even a year later, in talk with agentleman who said that so far back as 1741 he had expressed an opinionthat the colonies "would one day release themselves from England, "Franklin answered, "with his earnest, expressive, and intelligent face:""Then you were mistaken; the Americans have too much love for theirmother country;" and he added that "secession was impossible, for allthe American towns of importance, Boston, New York, and Philadelphia, were exposed to the English navy. Boston could be destroyed bybombardment. " Near the same time he said to Ingersoll of Connecticut, who was about departing for the colonies: "Go home and tell yourcountrymen to get children as fast as they can. " By no means withoutforebodings for the future, he was yet far from fancying that the timehad come when physical resistance was feasible. It seemed still the dayfor arguments, not for menaces. 

To Franklin in this frame of mind, never doubting that the act would beenforced, there was brought a plausible message from Grenville. Theminister desired "to make the execution of the act as littleinconvenient and disagreeable to America as possible, " and to this endhe preferred to nominate as stamp distributers "discreet and reputable"residents in the province, rather than to send over strangers from GreatBritain. Accordingly he solicited a nomination from Franklin of some"honest and responsible" man in Philadelphia. Franklin readily named atrustworthy merchant of his acquaintance, Mr. Hughes. The Stamp Actitself hardly turned out a greater blunder for Grenville than thiswell-meant suggestion was near turning out for Franklin. When thePhiladelphians got news of the passage of the act, the preparations forits enforcement, the nomination of Mr. Hughes, and the fact that he hadbeen suggested by Franklin, the whole city rose in a wild frenzy ofrage. Never was such a sudden change of feeling. He who had been theirtrusted companion was now loudly reviled as a false and trucklingtraitor. He was said to have deserted his own, and to have gone over tothe minister's side; to have approved the odious law, and to have askedthat a position under it might be given to his friend. The mobs rangingthe streets threatened to destroy the new house, in which he had lefthis wife and daughter. The latter was persuaded to seek safety inBurlington; but Mrs. Franklin, with admirable courage, stayed in thehouse till the danger was over. Some armed friends stood ready to assistif the crisis should come, but fortunately it passed by. All sorts ofstories were spread concerning Franklin, --even that it was he who had"_planned_ the Stamp Act;" and that he was endeavoring also to get theTest Act introduced into the colonies! A caricature represented thedevil whispering into his ear: "Ben, you shall be my agent throughout mydominions. "

Knowing Franklin's frame of mind, it is easy to fancy the surprise withwhich he learned of the spirit which had blazed forth in the colonies, and of the violent doings in many places; and we may imagine the painand mortification with which he heard of the opinions expressed by hisfellow citizens concerning his own action. He said little at the time, so far as we know; but many years afterwards he gave a narrative of hiscourse in language which was almost apologetic and deprecatory. A pen inhis fingers became a sympathetic instrument, and betrays sometimes whathis moderate language does not distinctly state. The intense, bittercondemnation vented by his constituents, who so lately had beenfollowing his lead, but who now reviled a representative who hadmisrepresented them in so vital an affair, cut its way deep. 

The gap between him and them did indeed seem a wide one. In the coloniesthere was universal wrath, oftentimes swelling into fury; in some placesmobs, much sacking of houses, hangings and burnings in effigy;compulsion put upon king's officers publicly to resign their offices;wild threats and violence; obstruction to the distribution of thestamped paper; open menaces of forcible resistance, even of secessionand rebellion; a careful estimating of the available armed forces amongthe colonies; the proposal for a congress of colonies to promotecommunity of action, to protest, and to consult for the common cause;disobedient resolutions by legislatures; a spreading of the spirit ofcolonial union by the general cry of "Join or die;" agreements not toimport or use articles of English manufacture, with other sunderings ofcommercial relations. Far behind this mad procession, of which the moremoderate divisions were marshaled by Otis, Sam Adams, and Gadsden, andsoon also by John Adams and Patrick Henry, and by many other well-known"patriots, " Franklin appeared to be a laggard in the rear distance, withdisregarded arguments and protests, with words of moderation, evencounsels of submission, nay, actually with a sort of connivance in themeasure by the nomination of an official under it. 

Yet the intervening space was not so great as it appeared. There wasnothing in the counsels of the reasonable and intelligent "patriots"which was repugnant to Franklin's opinions. So soon as he saw the groundupon which they had placed themselves, he made haste to come intoposition with them. It was fortunate indeed that the transientseparation was closed again before it could lead to the calamity of hisremoval from his office. For no man or even combination of men, whom itwas possible to send from the provinces, could have done them theservices which Franklin was about to render. Besides the general powerof his mind, he had peculiar fitnesses. He was widely known and veryhighly esteemed in England, where he moved in many circles. Amongmembers of the nobility, among men high in office, among members ofParliament, among scientific men and literary men, among men of businessand affairs, and among men who made a business of society, he was alwayswelcome. In that city in which dinners constituted so important anelement in life, even for the most serious purposes, he was the greatestof diners-out; while at the coffee-houses, clubs, and in theold-fashioned tavern circles no companion was more highly esteemed thanhe. He consorted not only with friends of the colonies, but was, and fora long time continued to be, on intimate terms of courteous intercoursealso with those who were soon to be described as their enemies. Each andall, amid this various and extensive acquaintance, listened to him witha respect no tithe of which could have been commanded by any otherAmerican then living. The force of his intelligence, the scope of hisunderstanding, the soundness of his judgment, had already beenappreciated by men accustomed to study and to estimate the value of suchtraits. His knowledge of American affairs, of the trade and business ofthe provinces, of the characteristics of the people in different partsof the country, was very great, because of his habit of shrewdobservation, of his taste for practical matters, and of his extensivetravels and connections as postmaster. Add to this that he had aprofound affection for the mother country, which was not only atradition and a habit, but a warm and lively attachment nourished bydelightful personal experience, by long residence and numerousfriendships, by gratifying appreciation of and compliments to himself. No one could doubt his sincerity when he talked of his love for Englandas a real and influential sentiment. At the same time he was anAmerican and a patriot. Though he had failed to anticipate the state offeeling which the Stamp Act begot, it was his only failure of this kind;generally he spoke the sentiments of the colonists with entire truth andsympathy. He was one who could combine force with moderation in theexpression of his views, the force being all the greater for themoderation; he had an admirable head to conceive an argument, a tongueand pen to state it clearly and pointedly. He had presence of mind inconversation, was ready and quick at fence; he was widely learned; hewas a sounder political economist than any member of the Englishgovernment; above all, he had an unrivaled familiarity with the facts, the arguments, and the people on both sides of the controversy; he keptperfect control of his temper, without the least loss of earnestness;and had the rare faculty of being able to state his own side with plainforce, and yet without giving offense. Such were his singularqualifications, which soon enabled him to perform the greatest act ofhis public life. 

Matters came by degrees into better shape for the colonies. In politicsany statesman has but to propose a measure to find it opposed by thosewho oppose him. So what had seemed an universal willingness to levyinternal taxes upon the colonies soon lost this aspect. No sooner didthe news from the angry colonies bring the scheme into prominence thanthe assaults upon it became numerous, and enemies of Grenville becamefriends of America. Arguments so obvious and so strong as those againstthe measure were eagerly made the most of by the opponents of the menwho were in office. Among these opponents was Pitt, that formidable manbefore whom all trembled. Gout had disabled him, but who could tell whenhe might get sufficient respite to return and deal havoc? Yet in spiteof all that was said, the ministry seemed impregnable. Grenville wasvery able, always of a stubborn temper, and in this especial caseconvinced to the point of intensity that the right lay with him;moreover, he was complete master in Parliament, where his authorityseemed still to increase steadily. No man was sanguine enough to seehope for the colonies, when suddenly an occurrence, which in this agecould not appreciably affect the power of an English premier, snappedGrenville's sway in a few days. This was only the personal pique of theking, irritated by complaints made by the Duke of Bedford about thefavorite, Bute. For such a cause George III. Drove out of office, upongrounds of his own dislike, a prime minister and cabinet with whom hewas in substantial accord upon the most important public matters thenunder consideration, and although it was almost impossible to patchtogether any tolerably congruous or competent body of successors. 

Pitt endeavored to form a cabinet, but was obliged, with chagrin, toconfess his inability. At last the Duke of Cumberland succeeded informing the so-called Rockingham Cabinet, a weak combination, but farless unfavorable than its predecessor towards America. The Marquis ofRockingham, as prime minister, had Edmund Burke as his privatesecretary; while General Conway, one of the very few who had opposed theStamp Act, now actually received the southern department of state withinwhich the colonies were included. Still there seemed little hope for anyundoing of the past, which probably would never have been wrung fromthis or any British ministry so long as all the discontent was on theother side of three thousand miles of ocean. But this was ceasing to bethe case. The American weapon of non-importation was proving mostefficient. In the provinces the custom of wearing mourning wasabandoned; no one killed or ate lamb, to the end that by the increase ofsheep the supply of wool might be greater; homespun was now the onlywear; no man would be seen clad in English cloth. In a word, throughoutAmerica there was established what would now be called a thorough andcomprehensive "boycott" against all articles of English manufacture. Sovery soon the manufacturers of the mother country began to findthemselves the only real victims of the Stamp Act. In America it wasinflicting no harm, but rather was encouraging economy, enterprise, anddomestic industry; while the sudden closing of so enormous a marketbrought loss and bankruptcy to many an English manufacturer andwarehouseman. Shipping, too, was indirectly affected. An outcry for thechange of a disastrous policy swelled rapidly in the manufacturing andtrading towns; and erelong the battle of the colonists was being foughtby allies upon English soil, who were stimulated by the potent impulseof self-preservation. These men cared nothing for the principle atstake, nothing for the colonists personally; but they cared for thebusiness by which they sustained their own homes, and they were resolvedthat the destroying Stamp Act should be got out of their way. Such aninfluence was soon felt. Death also came in aid of the Americans, removing in good time the Duke of Cumberland, the merciless conqueror ofCulloden, who now was all ready to fight it out with the colonies, andonly thus lost the chance to do so. 

Beneath the pressure of these events concession began to be talked of, though at first of course its friends were few and its enemies many. Charles Townshend announced himself able to contemplate with equanimitythe picture of the colonies relapsing "to their primitive deserts. " Butthe trouble was that little deserts began to spot the face of England;and still the British merchant, who seldom speaks long in vain, wasincreasing his clamor, and did not fancy the prospect of rich tradingfields reduced to desolation. In January, 1766, too, the dreaded voiceof Pitt again made itself heard in St. Stephen's, sending forth aneloquent harangue for America: "The Americans are the sons, not thebastards, of England. As subjects they are entitled to the common rightof representation, and cannot be bound to pay taxes without theirconsent. Taxation is no part of the governing power. [18] The taxes are avoluntary gift and grant by the Commons alone. In an American tax whatdo we do? We, your Majesty's Commons of Great Britain, give and grant toyour Majesty--what? Our own property? No! we give and grant to yourMajesty the property of your Majesty's commons in America. It is anabsurdity in terms. "[19] "The idea of a virtual representation ofAmerica in this House is the most contemptible that ever entered intothe head of man. " "I never shall own the justice of taxing Americainternally until she enjoys the right of representation. " Not very manymen in either house of Parliament would go the full logical length ofPitt's argument; but men who held views quite opposite to his as to thelawful authority of Parliament to lay this tax were beginning to feelthat they must join him in getting it out of the way of domesticprosperity in England. It seemed to them a mistaken exercise of anunquestionable right. They were prepared to correct the mistake, whichcould be done without abandoning the right. 

[Note 18: Grenville had laid down the proposition that England was"the sovereign, the supreme legislative power over America, " and that"taxation is a part of that sovereign power. "]

[Note 19: Bancroft, _Hist. U. S. _ v. 385-387. ]

As this feeling visibly gained ground the ministry gathered courage toconsider the expediency of introducing a bill to repeal the act. Couldthe king have had his way they would not have survived in office to doso. He would have had their ministerial heads off, as he had strickenthose of their immediate predecessors. But efforts which he made to findsuccessors for them were fruitless, and so they remained in places whichno others could be induced to fill. Pitt was sounded, to see whether hewould ally himself with them; but he would not. Had he been gained thefight would not have come simply upon the repeal of the act asunsatisfactory, but as being contrary to the constitution of England. The narrower battle-ground was selected by Rockingham. 

The immediate forerunner in Parliament of the repeal of the Stamp Actwas significant. A resolution was introduced into the House of Lords, February 3, 1766, that the "king in Parliament has full power to bindthe colonies and people of America in all cases whatsoever. " The debatewhich followed showed what importance this American question had assumedin England; the expression of feeling was intense, the display ofability very great. Lord Camden and Lord Mansfield encountered eachother; but the former, with the best of the argument, had much the worstof the division. One hundred and twenty-five peers voted for theresolution, only five against it. In the Commons, Pitt assailed theresolution, with no better success than had attended Camden. No oneknew how many voted Nay, but it was "less than ten voices, some saidfive or four, some said but three. "[20] Immediately after this assertionof a principle, the same Parliament prepared to set aside the onlyapplication of it which had ever been attempted. It was well understoodthat the repeal of the Stamp Act was close at hand. 

[Note 20: Bancroft, _Hist. U. S. _ v. 417. ]

It was at this juncture that Franklin, who had been by no means idleduring the long struggle, appeared as a witness in that examinationwhich perhaps displayed his ability to better advantage than any othersingle act in his life. It was between February 3 and 13, 1766, that heand others were summoned to give testimony concerning the colonies atthe bar of the House of Commons sitting in committee of the whole. Theothers have been forgotten, but his evidence never will be. Theproceeding was striking; there were some of the cleverest and mostexperienced men in England to question him; no one of them singly washis match; but there were many of them, and they conducted anexamination and a cross-examination both in one; that is to say, thosewho wished to turn a point against him might at any moment interposewith any question which might suddenly confuse or mislead him. But noman was ever better fitted than Franklin to play the part of a witness, and no record in politics or in law can compare with the report of histestimony. Some persons have endeavored to account for, which means ofcourse to detract from, its extraordinary merit by saying that some ofthe questions and replies had been prearranged; but it does not appearthat such prearrangement went further than that certain friendlyinterrogators had discussed the topics with him so as to be familiarwith his views. Every lawyer does this with his witnesses. Nor can it besupposed that the admirable replies which he made to the enemies ofAmerica were otherwise than strictly impromptu. He had thoroughknowledge of the subject; he was in perfect control of his head and histemper; his extraordinary faculty for clear and pithy statement nevershowed to better advantage; he was, as always, moderate and reasonable;but above all the wonderful element was the quick wit and ready skillwith which he turned to his own service every query which was designedto embarrass him; and this he did not in the vulgar way of flippantretort or disingenuous twistings of words or facts, but with the samestraightforward and tranquil simplicity of language with which hedelivered evidence for the friendly examiners. Burke likened theproceeding to an examination of a master by a parcel of schoolboys. 

Franklin used to say, betwixt plaint and humor, that it always seemed tohim that no one ever gave an abbreviation or an abstract of anythingwhich he had written, without very nearly spoiling the original. Thiswould be preëminently true of an abstract of this examination;abbreviation can be only mutilation. It ranged over a vastground, --colonial history and politics, political economy, theories andpractice in colonial trade, colonial commerce and industry, popularopinions and sentiment, and the probabilities of action in supposedcases. His answers made a great stir; they were universally admitted tohave substantially advanced the day of repeal. They constituted theabundant armory to which the friends of the colonies resorted forweapons offensive and defensive, for facts and for ideas. He himself, with just complacency, remarked: "The then ministry was ready to hug mefor the assistance I afforded them. " The "Gentleman's Magazine" said:--

 "From this examination of Dr. Franklin the reader may form a clearer and more comprehensive idea of the state and disposition in America, of the expediency or inexpediency of the measure in question, and of the character and conduct of the minister who proposed it, than from all that has been written upon the subject in newspapers and pamphlets, under the titles of essays, letters, speeches, and considerations, from the first moment of its becoming the subject of public attention until now. The questions in general are put with great subtlety and judgment, and they are answered with such deep and familiar knowledge of the subject, such precision and perspicuity, such temper and yet such spirit, as do the greatest honor to Dr. Franklin, and justify the general opinion of his character and abilities. "

Like praises descended from every quarter. 

One interesting fact clearly appears from this examination: thatFranklin now fully understood the colonial sentiment, and was thoroughlyin accord with it. Being asked whether the colonists "would submit tothe Stamp Act, if it were modified, the obnoxious parts taken out, andthe duty reduced to some particulars of small moment, " he replied withbrief decision: "No, they will never submit to it. " As to how they wouldreceive "a future tax imposed on the same principle, " he said, with thesame forcible brevity: "Just as they do this: they would not pay it. "_Q. _ "Can anything less than a military force carry the Stamp Act intoexecution? _A. _ I do not see how a military force can be applied to thatpurpose. _Q. _ Why may it not? _A. _ Suppose a military force sent intoAmerica, they will find nobody in arms. What are they then to do? Theycannot force a man to take stamps who chooses to do without them. Theywill not find a rebellion; they may indeed make one. _Q. _ If the act isnot repealed, what do you think will be the consequences? _A. _ A totalloss of the respect and affection the people of America bear to thiscountry, and of all the commerce that depends on that respect andaffection. _Q. _ How can the commerce be affected? _A. _ You will findthat if the act is not repealed, they will take a very little of yourmanufactures in a short time. _Q. _ Is it in their power to do withoutthem? _A. _ The goods they take from Britain are either necessaries, mere conveniences, or superfluities. The first, as cloth, etc. , with alittle industry they can make at home; the second they can do withoutuntil they are able to provide them among themselves; and the last, which are much the greatest part, they will strike off immediately. "This view of the willingness and capacity of the colonists to foregoEnglish importations he elsewhere elaborated fully. The Englishmerchants knew to their cost that he spoke the truth. 

With reference to the enforcement of claims in the courts, he was askedwhether the people would not use the stamps "rather than remain . . . Unable to obtain any right or recover by law any debt?" He replied: "Itis hard to say what they would do. I can only judge what other peoplewill think, and how they will act, by what I feel within myself. I havea great many debts due to me in America, and I would rather they shouldremain unrecoverable by any law than submit to the Stamp Act. "

A few weeks later he wrote: "I have some little property in America. Iwill freely spend nineteen shillings in the pound to defend my right ofgiving or refusing the other shilling. And, after all, if I cannotdefend that right, I can retire cheerfully with my family into theboundless woods of America, which are sure to afford freedom andsubsistence to any man who can bait a hook or pull a trigger. " Thepicture of Dr. Franklin, the philosopher, at the age of sixty-one, "cheerfully" sustaining his family in the wilderness by the winnings ofhis rod and his rifle stirs one's sense of humor; but the paragraphindicates that he was in strict harmony with his countrymen, who wereexpressing serious resolution with some rhetorical exaggeration, in theAmerican fashion. 

The main argument of the colonies, that under the British constitutionthere could be no taxation without representation, was of courseintroduced into the examination; and Franklin seized the occasion toexpress his theory very ingeniously. Referring to the fact that, by theDeclaration of Rights, no money could "be raised on the subject but byconsent of Parliament, " the subtle question was put: How the colonistscould think that they themselves had a right to levy money for thecrown? Franklin replied: "They understand that clause to relate only tosubjects within the realm; that no money can be levied on _them_ for thecrown but by consent of Parliament. The colonies are not supposed to bewithin the realm; they have assemblies of their own, which are theirparliaments. " This was a favorite theory with him, in expounding whichhe likened the colonies to Ireland, and to Scotland before the union. Many sentences to the same purport occur in his writings; for example:"These writers against the colonies all bewilder themselves by supposingthe colonies _within_ the realm, which is not the case, nor ever was. ""If an Englishman goes into a foreign country, he is subject to the lawsand government he finds there. If he finds no government or laws there, he is subject there to none, till he and his companions, if he has any, make laws for themselves; and this was the case of the first settlers inAmerica. Otherwise, if they carried the English laws and power ofParliament with them, what advantage could the Puritans propose tothemselves by going?" "The colonists carried no law with them; theycarried only a power of making laws, or adopting such parts of theEnglish law or of any other law as they should think suitable to theircircumstances. "[21] Radical doctrines these, which he could notreasonably expect would find favor under any principles of governmentthen known in the world. To the like effect were other assertions ofhis, made somewhat later: "In fact, the British Empire is not a singlestate; it comprehends many. " "The sovereignty of the crown I understand. The sovereignty of the British legislature out of Britain I do notunderstand. " "The king, and not the King, Lords, and Commonscollectively, is their sovereign; and the king with their respectiveparliaments is their only legislator. "[22] "The Parliament of GreatBritain has not, never had, and of right never can have, without consentgiven either before or after, power to make laws of sufficient force tobind the subjects of America in any case whatever, and particularly intaxation. " The singular phrase "the subjects of America" is worthnoting. In 1769, still reiterating the same principle, he said: "We arefree subjects of the king; and fellow subjects of one part of hisdominions are not sovereigns over fellow subjects in any other part. "

[Note 21: To same purport, see also _Works_, iv. 300. ]

[Note 22: Concerning this theory, see Fiske's _The Beginnings of NewEngland_, 266. ]

It is a singular fact that Franklin long cherished a personal regardtowards the king, and a faith in his friendly and liberal purposestowards the colonies. Indignation against the Parliament was offset byconfidence in George III. Even so late as the spring of 1769, he writesto a friend in America: "I hope nothing that has happened, or mayhappen, will diminish in the least our loyalty to our sovereign, oraffection for this nation in general. I can scarcely conceive a king ofbetter disposition, of more exemplary virtues, or more truly desirous ofpromoting the welfare of all his subjects. The experience we have had ofthe family in the two preceding mild reigns, and the good temper of ouryoung princes, so far as can yet be discovered, promise us a continuanceof this felicity. " Of the British people too he thought kindly. But forthe Parliament he could find no excuse. He admitted that it might be"decent" indeed to speak in the "public papers" of the "wisdom and thejustice of Parliament;" nevertheless, the ascription of these qualitiesto the present Parliament certainly was not true, whatever might be thecase as to any future one. The next year found him still counseling thatthe colonies should hold fast to their allegiance to their king, whohad the best disposition towards them, and was their most efficientbulwark against "the arbitrary power of a corrupt Parliament. " In thesummer of 1773, he was seeking excuses for the king's adherence to theprinciple that Parliament could legally tax the colonies: "when oneconsiders the king's situation, " with all his ministers, advisers, judges, and the great majority of both houses holding this view, when"one reflects how necessary it is for him to be well with hisParliament, " and that any action of his countenancing a doctrinecontrary to that of both the Lords and the Commons "would hazard hisembroiling himself with those powerful bodies, " Franklin was of opinionthat it seemed "hardly to be expected from him that he should take anystep of that kind. " But this was the last apology which he uttered forGeorge III. He was about to reach the same estimation of that monarchwhich has been adopted by posterity. Only a very little later he writes:"Between you and me, the late measures have been, I suspect, very muchthe king's own, and he has in some cases a great share of what hisfriends call _firmness_. " Thus tardily, reluctantly, and at firstgently, the kindly philosopher began to admit to himself and others thetruth as to his Majesty's disposition and character. 

Some persons in England, affected by the powerful argument ofnon-representation, proposed that the colonies should be represented inParliament; and about the time of the Stamp Act the possibility of suchan arrangement was seriously discussed. Franklin was willing to speakkindly of a plan which was logically unobjectionable, and which involvedthe admission that the existing condition was unjust; but he knew verywell that it would never develop into a practicable solution of theproblem, and in fact it soon dropped out of men's minds. January 6, 1766, he wrote that in his opinion the measure of an _Union_, as heshrewdly called it, was a wise one; "but, " he said, "I doubt it willhardly be thought so here until it is too late to attempt it. The timehas been when the colonies would have esteemed it a great advantage, aswell as honor, to be permitted to send members to Parliament, and wouldhave asked for that privilege if they could have had the least hopes ofobtaining it. The time is now come when they are indifferent about it, and will probably not ask it, though they might accept it, if offeredthem; and the time will come when they will certainly refuse it. But ifsuch an Union were now established (which methinks it highly importsthis country to establish), it would probably subsist so long as Britainshall continue a nation. This people, however, is too proud, and toomuch despises the Americans to bear the thought of admitting them tosuch an equitable participation in the government of the whole. "[23]

[Note 23: To same purport, see letter to Evans, May 9, 1766, _Works_, iii. 464. ]

Haughty words these, though so tranquilly spoken, and which must havestartled many a dignified Briton: behold! a mere colonist, the son of atallow chandler, is actually declaring that those puny colonies ofsimple "farmers, husbandmen, and planters" were already "indifferent"about, and would soon feel in condition to "refuse, " representation insuch a body as the Parliament of England; also that it "highly imported"Great Britain to _seek_ amalgamation while yet it could be had! ButFranklin meant what he said, and he repeated it more than once, veryearnestly. He resented that temper, of which he saw so much on everyside, and which he clearly described by saying that every individual inEngland felt himself to be "part of a sovereign over America. "

Men of a different habit of mind of course reiterated the shallow andthreadbare nonsense about "virtual, " or as it would be called nowadaysconstructive, representation of the colonies, likening them toBirmingham, Manchester, and other towns which sent no members toParliament--as if problems in politics followed the rule of algebra, that negative quantities, multiplied, produce a positive quantity. ButFranklin concerned himself little about this unreasonable reasoning, which indeed soon had an effect eminently disagreeable to the class ofmen who stupidly uttered it. For it was promptly replied that if therewere such large bodies of unrepresented Englishmen, it betokened a wrongstate of affairs in England also. If English freeholders have not theright of suffrage, said Franklin, "they are injured. Then rectify whatis amiss among yourselves, and do not make it a justification of morewrong. "[24] Thus that movement began which in time brought aboutparliamentary reform, another result of this American disturbance whichwas extremely distasteful to that stratum of English society which wasmost strenuous against the colonists. 

[Note 24: See also to same purport, _Works_, iv. 157. ]

Still another point which demanded elucidation was, why Parliamentshould not have the power to lay internal taxes just as much as to levyduties. Grenville said: "External and internal taxes are the same ineffect, and only differ in name;" and the authority of Parliament to layexternal taxes had never been called in question. Franklin's examinerstried him upon this matter: Can you show that there is any kind ofdifference between the two taxes, to the colony on which they are laid?He answered: "I think the difference is very great. An _external_ tax isa duty laid on commodities imported; that duty is added to the firstcost and other charges on the commodity, and, when it is offered forsale, makes a part of the price. If the people do not like it at thatprice, they refuse it; they are not obliged to pay for it. But an_internal_ tax is forced from the people without their consent, if notlaid by their own representatives. The Stamp Act says, we shall have nocommerce, make no exchange of property with each other, neitherpurchase, nor grant, nor recover debts; we shall neither marry nor makeour wills; unless we pay such and such sums. " It was suggested that anexternal tax might be laid on the necessaries of life, which the peoplemust have; but Franklin said that the colonies were, or very soon wouldbe, in a position to produce for themselves all necessaries. He was thenasked what was the difference "between a duty on the importation ofgoods and an excise on their consumption?" He replied that there was avery material one; the excise, for reasons given, seemed unlawful. "Butthe sea is yours; you maintain by your fleets the safety of navigationin it, and keep it clear of pirates; you may have, therefore, a naturaland equitable right to some toll or duty on merchandises carried throughthat part of your dominions, towards defraying the expense you are at inships to maintain the safety of that carriage. " This was a rather narrowbasis on which to build the broad and weighty superstructure of theBritish Custom House; but it was not to be expected that Franklin shouldsupply any better arguments upon that side of the question. It wasobvious that Grenville's proposition might lead to two conclusions. Hesaid: External and internal taxation are in principle substantiallyidentical; we have the right to the former; therefore we must have theright to the latter. It was a quick reply: Since you have not a right tothe latter, you cannot have a right to the former. But Franklin, beinga prudent man, kept within his intrenchments, and would not hazardincreasing the opposition to the colonial claims by occupying thisadvanced ground. He hinted at it, nevertheless: "At present thecolonists do not reason so; but in time they possibly may be convincedby these arguments;" and so they were. 

Franklin also in his examination, and at many other times and places, had something to say as to the willingness of the colonies to bear theirfull share of public burdens. He spoke with warmth and feeling, but withan entire absence of boastfulness or rodomontade. He achieved hispurpose by simply recalling such facts as that the colonies in the latewar had kept 25, 000 troops in the field; that they had raised sums ofmoney so large that even the English Parliament had seen that they wereexceeding any reasonable estimate of their capacity, and had voted somepartial restitution to them; and that they had received thanks, officialand formal yet apparently sincere, for their zeal and their services. Few Englishmen knew these things. So, too, he said, the Americans wouldhelp the mother country in an European war, so far as they could; forthey regarded themselves as a part of the empire, and really had anaffection and loyalty towards England. 

***

On February 21, 1766, General Conway moved for leave to introduce intothe House of Commons a bill to repeal the Stamp Act. The motion wascarried. The next day the House divided upon the repealing bill: 275 forrepeal, 167 against it. The minority were willing greatly to modify theact; but insisted upon its enforcement in some shape. The anxiousmerchants, who were gathered in throngs outside, and who really hadbrought about the repeal, burst into jubilant rejoicing. A few dayslater, March 4 and 5, the bill took its third reading by a vote of 250yeas against 122 nays. In the House of Lords, upon the second reading, 73 peers voted for repeal, 61 against it. Thirty-three peers thereuponsigned and recorded their protest. At the third reading no division washad, but a second protest, bearing 28 signatures, was entered. On March18 the king, whose position had been a little enigmatical, but who atlast had become settled in opposition to the bill, unwillingly placedhis signature to it, and ever after regretted having done so. 

When the good news reached the provinces great indeed was the gladnessof the people. They heeded little that simultaneously with the repeal aresolve had been carried through declaratory of the principle on whichthe Stamp Act had been based. The assertion of the right gave them atthis moment "very little concern, " since they hugged a triumphant beliefthat no further attempt would be made to carry that right into practice. The people of Philadelphia seemed firmly persuaded that the repeal waschiefly due to the unwearied personal exertions of their able agent. They could not recall their late distrust of him without shame, and nowreplaced it with boundless devotion. In the great procession which theymade for the occasion "the sublime feature was a barge, forty feet long, named FRANKLIN, from which salutes were fired as it passed along thestreets. "[25] That autumn the old ticket triumphed again at theelections for members of the Assembly. Franklin's own pleasant way ofcelebrating the great event was by sending to his wife "a new gown, "with the message, referring, of course, to the anti-importation league:that he did not send it sooner, because he knew that she would not liketo be finer than her neighbors, unless in a gown of her own spinning. 

[Note 25: Parton's _Life of Franklin_, i. 481. ]

No American will find it difficult to conceive the utter ignoranceconcerning the colonies which then prevailed in England; about theirtrade, manufactures, cultivated products, natural resources, about theoccupations, habits, manners, and ideas of their people, not much morewas known than Americans now know concerning the boers of Cape Colony orthe settlers of New Zealand. In his examination before the Commons, inmany papers which he printed, by his correspondence, and by hisconversation in all the various companies which he frequented, Franklinexerted himself with untiring industry to shed some rays into thisdarkness. At times the comical stories which he heard about his countrytouched his sense of humor, with the happy result that he would throwoff some droll bit of writing for a newspaper, which would delight thefriends of America and make its opponents feel very silly even whilethey could not help laughing at his wit. A good one of these was thepaper in which he replied, among other things, to the absurd suppositionthat the Americans could not make their own cloth, because Americansheep had little wool, and that little of poor quality: "Dear sir, donot let us suffer ourselves to be amused with such groundlessobjections. The very tails of the American sheep are so laden with woolthat each has a little car or wagon on four little wheels to support andkeep it from trailing on the ground. Would they caulk their ships, wouldthey even litter their horses, with wool, if it were not both plenty andcheap? And what signifies the dearness of labor when an English shillingpasses for five and twenty?" and so on. It is pleasant to think thatthen, as now, many a sober Britisher, with no idea that a satirical jestat his own expense was hidden away in this extravagance, took it all forgenuine earnest, and was sadly puzzled at a condition of things so farremoved from his own experience. 

Very droll is the account of how nearly a party of clever Englishmenwere taken in by the paper which purported to advance the claim of theking of Prussia to hold England as a German province, and to levy taxestherein, supported by precisely the same chain of reasoning wherebyBritain claimed the like right in respect of the American colonies. This keen and witty satire had a brilliant success, and while Franklinprudently kept his authorship a close secret, he was not a littlepleased to see how well his dart flew. In one of his letters he says:--

 "I was down at Lord le Despencer's when the post brought that day's papers. Mr. Whitehead was there, too, who runs early through all the papers, and tells the company what he finds remarkable. . . . We were chatting in the breakfast parlor, when he came running in to us, out of breath, with the paper in his hand. 'Here, ' says he, 'here's news for ye! Here's the king of Prussia claiming a right to this kingdom!' All stared, and I as much as anybody; and he went on to read it. When he had read two or three paragraphs, a gentleman present said: 'Damn their impudence! I daresay we shall hear by the next post that he is upon his march with 100, 000 men to back this. ' Whitehead, who is very shrewd, soon after began to smoke it, and looking in my face said, 'I'll be hanged if this is not some of your American jokes upon us. '"

Then, amid much laughter, it was admitted to be "a fair hit. " Of a likenature was his paper setting out "Rules for reducing a great Empire to asmall one, " which prescribed with admirable satire such a course ofprocedure as English ministries had pursued towards the Americanprovinces. Lord Mansfield honored it with his condemnation, saying thatit was "very able and very artful indeed; and would do mischief bygiving here a bad impression of the measures of government. "

Yet this English indifference to transatlantic facts could not always bemet in a laughing mood. It was too serious, too unfortunate, tooobstinately persisted in to excite only ridicule. It was deplorable, upon the very verge of war, and incredible too, after all the warningsthat had been had, that there should be among Englishmen such an utterabsence of any desire to get accurate knowledge. In 1773 Franklin wrote:"The great defect here is, in all sorts of people, a want of attentionto what passes in such remote countries as America; an unwillingness toread anything about them, if it appears a little lengthy; and adisposition to postpone a consideration even of the things which theyknow they must at last consider. " Such ignorance, fertilized by illwill, bore the only fruit which could grow in such soil: abuse andvilification. Yet all the while the upper classes in France, with theireyes well open to a condition of things which seemed to threatenEngland, were keen enough in their desire for knowledge, translating allFranklin's papers, and keeping up constant communication with himthrough their embassy. Patient in others of those faults of vehemenceand prejudice which had no place in his own nature, Franklin enduredlong the English provocations and retorted only with a wit too perfectto be personal, with unanswerable arguments, and with simple recitals offacts. But we shall see, later on, that there came an occasion, justbefore his departure, when even his temper gave way. It was notsurprising, for the blood-letting point had then been reached by bothpeoples. 

Franklin's famous examination and his other efforts in behalf of thecolonies were appreciated by his countrymen outside of Pennsylvania. Hewas soon appointed agent also for New Jersey, Georgia, andMassachusetts. The last office was conferred upon him in the autumn of1770, by no means without a struggle. Samuel Adams, a man as narrow asFranklin was broad, as violent as Franklin was calm, as bigoted aPuritan as Franklin was liberal a Free-thinker, felt towards Franklinthat distrust and dislike which a limited but intense mind oftencherishes towards an intellect whose vast scope and noble serenity itcannot comprehend. Adams accordingly strenuously opposed theappointment. It was plausibly suggested that Franklin already held otheragencies, and that policy would advise "to enlarge the number of ourfriends. " It was meanly added that he held an office under the crown, and that his son was a royal governor. Other ingenious, insidious, andpersonal objections were urged. Fortunately, however, it was in vain toarray such points against Franklin's reputation. Samuel Cooper wrote tohim that, though the House had certainly been much divided, "yet suchwas their opinion of your abilities and integrity, that a majorityreadily committed the affairs of the province at this critical seasonto your care. " By reason of this combination of agencies, besides hisown personal capacity and prestige, Franklin seemed to become in theeyes of the English the representative of all America. In spite of theunpopularity attaching to the American cause, the position was one ofsome dignity, greatly enhanced by the respect inspired by the abilitywith which Franklin filled it, ability which was recognized no less bythe enemies than by the friends of the provinces. It was also a positionof grave responsibility; and it ought to have been one of liberalemolument, but it was not. The sum of his four salaries should have been£1200; but only Pennsylvania and New Jersey actually paid him. Massachusetts would have paid, but the bills making the appropriationswere obstinately vetoed by the royalist governor. [26]

[Note 26: Franklin's _Works_, iv. 88. ]

Yet this matter of income was important to him, and it was at no slightpersonal sacrifice that he was now serving his country. He had amoderate competence, but his expenses were almost doubled by living thusapart from his family, while his affairs suffered by reason of hisabsence. For a while he was left unmolested in the post-mastership, andin view of all the circumstances it must be confessed that the ministrybehaved very well to him in this particular. Rumors which occasionallyreached his ears made him uncomfortably aware how precarious his tenureof this position really was. His prolonged absence certainly gave anabundantly fair pretext for his removal; still advantage was not takenof it. Some of his enemies, as he wrote in December, 1770, by plentifulabuse endeavored to provoke him to resign; but they found him sadly"deficient in that Christian virtue of resignation. " It was not until1774, after the episode of the Hutchinson letters and the famous hearingbefore the privy council, that he was actually displaced. If thisforbearance of the ministry was attributable to magnanimity, it standsout in prominent inconsistence with the general course of official lifein England at that time. Probably no great injustice would be done insuggesting a baser motive. The ministry doubtless aimed at one or bothof two things: to keep a certain personal hold upon him, which might, insensibly to himself, mollify his actions; and to discredit him amonghis countrymen by precisely such fleers as had been cast against him inthe Massachusetts Assembly. More than once they sought to seduce him byoffers of office; it was said that he could have been an under-secretaryof state, had he been willing to qualify himself for the position bymodifying his views on colonial questions. More than once, too, gossipcirculated in America that some such bargain had been struck, a slanderwhich was cruel and ignoble indeed, when the opportunity and temptationmay be said to have been present any and every day during many yearswithout ever receiving even a moment of doubtful consideration. Yet forthis the English ministry are believed not to have been whollyresponsible, since some of these tales are supposed to have been theunworthy work of Arthur Lee of Virginia. This young man, a student atone of the Inns of Court in London, was appointed by the MassachusettsAssembly as a successor to fill Franklin's place whenever the lattershould return to Pennsylvania. For at the time it was anticipated thatthis return would soon occur; but circumstances interfered and prolongedFranklin's usefulness abroad during several years more. The heirapparent, who was ambitious, could not brook the disappointment of thisdelay; and though kindly treated and highly praised by the unsuspiciousFranklin, he gave nothing but malice in return. It is perhaps not fullyproved, yet it is certainly well suspected by historians, that hisdesire to wreak injury upon Franklin became such a passion as caused himin certain instances to forget all principles of honor, to say nothingof honesty. 

CHAPTER VI

SECOND MISSION TO ENGLAND, II

In order to continue the narrative of events with due regard tochronological order it is necessary to revert to the repeal of the StampAct. The repealing act was fully as unpopular in England as the repealedact had been in America. It was brought about by no sense of justice, byno good will toward the colonists, but solely by reason of the injurywhich the law was causing in England, and which was forced upon thereluctant consideration of Parliament by the urgent clamor of thesuffering merchants; also perhaps in some degree by a disinclination tosend an army across the Atlantic, and by the awkward difficultysuggested by Franklin when he said that if troops should be sent theywould find no rebellion, no definite form of resistance, against whichthey could act. The repeal, therefore, though carried by a largemajority, was by no means to be construed as an acknowledgment of errorin an asserted principle, but only as an unavoidable admission of amistake in the application of that principle. The repealing majoritygrew out of a strange coalition of men of the most opposite ways ofthinking concerning the fundamental question. For example, CharlesTownshend was a repealer, yet all England did not hold a man who wasmore wedded than was Townshend to the idea of levying internal taxes inthe colonies by act of Parliament. The notion had been his ownmischievous legacy to Grenville, but he now felt that it had beenclumsily used by his legatee. Many men agreed with him, and theprevalence of this opinion was made obvious by the passage, almostsimultaneously, of the resolution declaratory of the right ofparliamentary taxation. But the solace of an empty assertion was whollyinadequate to heal the deep wound which English pride had received. Thegreat nation had been fairly hounded into receding before the angryresistance of a parcel of provincials dwelling far away across the sea;the recession was not felt to be an act of magnanimity or generosity oreven of justice, but only a bitter humiliation and indignity. PoorGrenville, the responsible adviser of the blundering and unfortunatemeasure, lost almost as much prestige as Franklin gained. It was hardluck for him; he was as honest in his convictions as Franklin was in theopposite faith, and he was a far abler minister than the successorcharged to undo his work. But his knowledge of colonial facts was veryinsufficient, and the light in which he viewed them was hopelesslyfalse. Franklin had a knowledge immeasurably greater, and was almostincapable of an error of judgment; of all the reputation which was wonor lost in this famous contest he gathered the lion's share; he was thehero of the colonists; his ability was recognized impartially by boththe contending parties in England, and he was marked as a great man bythose astute French statesmen who were watching with delight the openingof this very promising rift in the British Empire. 

Anger, like water, subsides quickly after the tempest ceases. As eachday in its flight carried the Stamp Act and the repeal more remotelyinto past history, the sanguine and peaceably minded began to hope thatEngland and the colonies might yet live comfortably in union. It onlyseemed necessary that for a short time longer no fresh provocationshould revive animosities which seemed composing themselves to slumber. The colonists tried to believe that England had learned wisdom;Englishmen were cautious about committing a second blunder. In such atime Franklin was the best man whom his countrymen could have had inEngland. His tranquil temperament, his warm regard for both sides, hiswonderful capacity for living well with men who could by no means livewell with each other, his social tact, and the respect which hisabilities inspired, all combined to enable him now more than ever tofill admirably the position of colonial representative. The effect ofsuch an influence is not to be seen in any single noteworthy occurrence, but is known by a thousand lesser indications, and it is unquestionablethat no American representative even to this day has ever been held inEurope in such estimation as was accorded to Franklin at this time. Hecontinued writing and instructing upon American topics, but to what hasalready been said concerning his services and opinions abroad, there isnothing of importance to be added occurring within two or three yearsafter the repeal. While, however, he played the often thankless part ofinstructor to the English, he had the courage to assume the even lesspopular rôle of a moderator towards the colonists. He made it his taskto soothe passion and to preach reason. He did not do this as a trimmer;never was one word of compromise uttered by him throughout all thesealarming years. But he dreaded that weakness which is the inevitablereaction from excess; and he was supremely anxious to secure thattrustworthy strength which is impossible without moderation. What heprofoundly wished was that the "fatal period" of war and separationshould be as much as possible "postponed, and that whenever thiscatastrophe shall happen it may appear to all mankind that the fault hasnot been ours. " Yet he fell far short of the Christian principle ofturning to the smiter the other cheek. He wished the colonists to keep asteady front face, and only besought them not to rush forward sofoolishly fast as to topple over, of which ill-considered violence therewas much danger. Of course the usual result of such efforts overtookhim. He wrote somewhat sadly, in 1768: "Being born and bred in one ofthe countries, and having lived long and made many agreeable connectionsof friendship in the other, I wish all prosperity to both; but I havetalked and written so much and so long on the subject, that myacquaintance are weary of hearing and the public of reading any more ofit, which begins to make me weary of talking and writing; especially asI do not find that I have gained any point in either country, exceptthat of rendering myself suspected by my impartiality;--in England ofbeing too much an American, and in America of being too much anEnglishman. " More than once he repeated this last sentence with muchfeeling. But whatever there was of personal discouragement ordespondency in this letter was only a temporary frame of mind. Dr. Franklin never really slackened his labors in a business which he had somuch at heart as this of the relationship of the colonies to the mothercountry. Neither, it is safe to say, did he ever bore any one by what hewrote or by what he said, though his witty effusions in print wereusually anonymous, and only some of his soberer and argumentative papersannounced their paternity. 

The agony with which the repeal of the Stamp Act was effected racked tooseverely the feeble joints of the Rockingham ministry, and that ill-knitbody soon began to drop to pieces. A new incumbent was sought for thedepartment which included the colonies, but that position seemed to beshunned with a sort of terror; no one loved office enough to seek it inthis niche; no one could expect comfort in a chamber haunted by suchrestless ghosts. Early in July, at the earnest solicitation of the king, Pitt endeavored not so much to form a new ministry as to revamp theexisting one. He partially succeeded, but not without difficulty. Theresult seemed to promise well for the colonies, since the new cabinetcontained their chief friends: Pitt himself, Shelburne, Camden, Conway, names all justly esteemed by America. Yet all these were fully offset bythe audacious Charles Townshend, the originator and great apostle of thescheme of colonial taxation, whom Pitt, much against his will, had beenobliged to place in the perilous post of chancellor of the exchequer. Itwas true that Lord Shelburne undertook the care of the colonies, andthat no Englishman cherished better dispositions towards them; but hehad to encounter two difficulties, neither of which could be overcome. The one was that Townshend's views were those which soon proved not onlyto be coincident with those of the king, but also to be popular inParliament; the other was that, while he had the administration ofcolonial affairs, Townshend had the function of introducing schemes oftaxation. So long as he remained in office he administered all thebusiness of the colonies in the spirit of liberal reform. No reproachwas ever brought against his justice, his generosity, his enlightenedviews of government. But unfortunately all that he had to do, beingstrictly in the way of _administration_, such as the restrainingover-loyal governors, the amelioration of harsh legislation, anduniversal moderation in language and behavior, could avail comparativelylittle so long as Townshend, whom Pitt used to call "the incurable, "could threaten and bring in obnoxious revenue measures. 

Shelburne had the backing of Pitt; but, by ill luck, so soon as thecabinet was formed, Pitt ceased to be Pitt, and became the Earl ofChatham; and with the loss of his own name he lost also more than halfof his power. Moreover the increasing infirmities of his body robbed himof efficiency and impaired his judgment. He was utterly unable to keepin subordination his reckless chancellor of the exchequer, betwixt whomand himself no good will had ever existed. On the other hand, thisirrepressible Townshend had a far better ally in George III. , whosympathized in his purposes, gave him assistance which was none the lesspowerful for being indirect and occult, and who hated and ingeniouslythwarted Shelburne. Moreover, as has been said, it was a populardelusion that Townshend had exceptionally full and accurate knowledgeconcerning American affairs. His self-confident air, making assurance ofsuccess, won for him one half of the battle by so sure a presage ofvictory. He lured the members of the House by showing them aconsiderable remission in their own taxes, provided they would stand byhis scheme of replacing the deficit by an income from the colonies; andhe boldly assured his delighted auditors that he knew "the mode by whicha revenue could be drawn from America without offense. " He was of thethoughtless class which learns no lesson. He still avowed himself "afirm advocate of the Stamp Act, " and with cheerful scorn he "laughed atthe absurd distinction between internal and external taxes. " He did notexpect, he merrily said, alluding to the distinction just conferred uponChatham, to have _his_ statue erected in America. The reports of hisspeeches kept the colonial mind disquieted. The act requiring theprovinces in which regiments were quartered to provide barracks andrations for the troops at the public expense was a further irritation. Shelburne sought to make the burden as easy as possible, but Townshendmade Shelburne's duties as hard as possible. Of what use were theminister's liberality and moderation, when the chancellor of theexchequer evoked alarm and wrath by announcing insolently that he wasfor governing the Americans as subjects of Great Britain, and forrestraining their trade and manufactures in subordination to those ofthe mother country! So the struggle went on within the ministry as wellas without it; but the opponents of royal prejudice were heavilyhandicapped; for the king, though stupid in general, had some politicalskill and much authority. His ill-concealed personal hostility to his"enemy, " as he called Shelburne, threatened like the little cloud inthe colonial horizon. Nor was it long before Chatham, a dispiritedwreck, withdrew himself entirely from all active participation inaffairs, shut himself up at Hayes, and refused to be seen by any one whowished to talk on business. 

On May 13, 1767, colonial agents and merchants trading to America wererefused admission to hear the debates in the House of Commons. Upon thatday Townshend was to develop his scheme. By way, as it were, of strikinga keynote, he proposed that the province of New York should berestrained from enacting any legislation until it should comply with the"billeting act, " against which it had heretofore been recalcitrant. Hethen sketched a scheme for an American board of commissioners ofcustoms. Finally he came to the welcome point of the precise taxes whichhe designed to levy: he proposed duties on wine, oil, and fruits, imported directly into the colonies from Spain and Portugal; also onglass, paper, lead, colors, and china, and three pence per pound on tea. The governors and chief justices, most of whom were already appointed bythe king, but who got their pay by vote of the colonial assemblies, werehereafter to have fixed salaries, to be paid by the king from thisAmerican revenue. Two days later the resolutions were passed, directingthe introduction of bills to carry out these several propositions, and amonth later the bills themselves were passed. 

Meantime the cabinet was again getting very rickety, and many heads werebusy with suggestions for patching it in one part or another. WithChatham in retreat and the king in the ascendant, it seemed thatTownshend had the surest seat. But there is one risk against which evenmonarchs cannot insure their favorites, and that risk now fell outagainst Townshend. He died suddenly of a fever, in September, 1767. LordNorth succeeded him, destined to do everything which his royal masterdesired him to do, and bitterly to repent it. A little later, inDecember, the king scored another success; Shelburne was superseded inthe charge of the colonies by the Earl of Hillsborough, who reënteredthe board of trade as first commissioner, and came into the cabinet withthe new title of secretary of state for the colonies. 

Hillsborough was an Irish peer, with some little capacity for business, but of no more than moderate general ability. He also was supposed, altogether erroneously, to possess a little more knowledge, or, as itmight have been better expressed, to be shackled with a little lessignorance, concerning colonial affairs than could be predicated of mostof the noblemen who were eligible for public office. America hadacquired so much importance that the reputation of familiarity with itscondition was an excellent recommendation for preferment. Franklin wrotethat this change in the ministry was "very sudden and unexpected;" andthat "whether my Lord Hillsborough's administration will be more stablethan others have been for a long time, is quite uncertain; but as hisinclinations are rather favorable towards us (so far as he thinksconsistent with what he supposes the unquestionable rights of Britain), I cannot but wish it may continue. "

It was Franklin's temperament to be hopeful, and he also purposelycultivated the wise habit of not courting ill fortune by anticipatingit. In this especial instance, however, he soon found that hishopefulness was misplaced. Within six months he discovered that this newsecretary looked upon the provincial agents "with an evil eye, asobstructors of ministerial measures, " and would be well pleased to getrid of them as "unnecessary" impediments in the transaction of business. "In truth, " he adds, "the nominations, particularly of Dr. Lee andmyself, have not been at all agreeable to his lordship. " It soonappeared that his lordship had the Irish quickness for taking a keenpoint of law; he broached the theory that no agent could lawfully beappointed by the mere resolution of an assembly, but that theappointment must be made by bill. The value of this theory is obviouswhen we reflect that a bill did not become law, and consequently anappointment could not be completed, save by the signature of theprovincial governor. "This doctrine, if he could establish it, " saidFranklin, "would in a manner give to his lordship the power ofappointing, or, at least, negativing any choice of the House ofRepresentatives and Council, since it would be easy for him to instructthe governor not to assent to the appointment of such and such men, whoare obnoxious to him; so that if the appointment is annual, every agentthat valued his post must consider himself as holding it by the favor ofhis lordship;" whereof the consequences were easy to be seen. 

There was a lively brush between the noble secretary and Franklin, whenthe former first propounded this troublesome view. It was in January, 1771, that Franklin called upon his lordship--

 "to pay my respects . . . And to acquaint him with my appointment by the House of Representatives of Massachusetts Bay to be their agent here. " But his lordship interrupted:--

 "I must set you right there, Mr. Franklin; you are not agent. 

 "Why, my lord?

 "You are not appointed. 

 "I do not understand your lordship; I have the appointment in my pocket. 

 "You are mistaken; I have later and better advices. I have a letter from Governor Hutchinson; he would not give his assent to the bill. 

 "There was no bill, my lord; it was a vote of the House. 

 "There was a bill presented to the governor for the purpose of appointing you and another, one Dr. Lee I think he is called, to which the governor refused his assent. 

 "I cannot understand this, my lord; I think there must be some mistake in it. Is your lordship quite sure that you have such a letter?

 "I will convince you of it directly; Mr. Pownall will come in and satisfy you. "

So Mr. Pownall, invoked by the official bell, appeared upon the scene. But he could not play his part; he was obliged to say that there was nosuch letter. This was awkward; but Franklin was too civil or too prudentto triumph in the discomfiture of the other. He simply offered the"authentic copy of the vote of the House" appointing him, and asked ifhis lordship would "please to look at it. " His lordship took the paperunwillingly, and then, without looking at it, said:--

 "An information of this kind is not properly brought to me as secretary of state. The board of trade is the proper place. 

 "I will leave the paper then with Mr. Pownall to be--

 "(_Hastily. _) To what end would you leave it with him?

 "To be entered on the minutes of the board, as usual. 

 "(_Angrily. _) It shall not be entered there. No such paper shall be entered there while I have anything to do with the business of that board. The House of Representatives has no right to appoint an agent. We shall take no notice of any agents but such as are appointed by acts of Assembly, to which the governor gives his assent. We have had confusion enough already. Here is one agent appointed by the Council, another by the House of Representatives. [27] Which of these is agent for the province? Who are we to hear in provincial affairs? An agent appointed by act of Assembly we can understand. No other will be attended to for the future, I can assure you. 

 "I cannot conceive, my lord, why the consent of the governor should be thought necessary to the appointment of an agent for the people. It seems to me that--

 "(_With a mixed look of anger and contempt. _) I shall not enter into a dispute with _you_, Sir, upon this subject. 

 "I beg your lordship's pardon; I do not mean to dispute with your lordship. I would only say that it appears to me that every body of men who cannot appear in person, where business relating to them may be transacted, should have a right to appear by an agent. The concurrence of the governor does not seem to be necessary. It is the business of the people that is to be done; he is not one of them; he is himself an agent. 

 "(_Hastily. _) Whose agent is he?

 "The king's, my lord. 

 "No such matter. He is one of the corporation by the province charter. No agent can be appointed but by an act, nor any act pass without his assent. Besides, this proceeding is directly contrary to express instructions. 

 "I did not know there had been such instructions. I am not concerned in any offense against them, and--

[Note 27: The agent for the Council, Mr. Bollan, acted in entireaccord with Dr. Franklin; there was no inconsistency between the twooffices, which were altogether distinct, neither any clashing betweenthe incumbents, as might be inferred from Lord Hillsborough'slanguage. ]

 "Yes, your offering such a paper to be entered is an offense against them. No such appointment shall be entered. When I came into the administration of American affairs I found them in great disorder. By _my firmness_ they are now something mended; and while I have the honor to hold the seals I shall continue the same conduct, the same _firmness_. I think my duty to the master I serve, and to the government of this nation, requires it of me. If that conduct is not approved, _they_ may take that office from me when they please: I shall make them a bow and thank them; I shall resign with pleasure. That gentleman [Mr. Pownall] knows it; but while I continue in it I shall resolutely persevere in the same _firmness_. "

Speaking thus, his lordship seemed warm, and grew pale, as if "angry atsomething or somebody besides the agent, and of more consequence tohimself. " Franklin thereupon, taking back his credentials, said, speaking with an innuendo aimed at that which had not been expressed, but which lay plainly visible behind his lordship's pallor andexcitement:--

 "I beg your lordship's pardon for taking up so much of your lordship's time. It is, I believe, of no great importance whether the appointment is acknowledged or not, for I have not the least conception that an agent can, _at present_, be of any use to any of the colonies. I shall therefore give your lordship no further trouble. "

Therewith he made his exit, and went home to write the foregoing sketchof the scene. Certainly throughout so irritating an interview he hadconducted himself with creditable self-restraint and moderation, yetwith his closing sentence he had sent home a dart which rankled. He soonheard that his lordship "took great offense" at these last words, regarding them as "extremely rude and abusive, " and as "equivalent totelling him to his face that the colonies could expect neither favor norjustice during his administration. " "I find, " adds Franklin, with placidsatisfaction in the skill with which he had shot his bolt, "I find hedid not mistake me. "

So Franklin retained the gratification which lies in having administereda stinging and appreciated retort; a somewhat empty and entirelypersonal gratification, it must be admitted. Hillsborough kept thesubstance of victory, inasmuch as he persisted in refusing to recognizeFranklin as the agent of the Massachusetts Bay. Yet in this he did notannihilate, indeed very slightly curtailed, Franklin's usefulness. Itmerely signified that Franklin ceased to be an official conduit forpetitions and like communications. His weight and influence, based uponhis knowledge and prestige, remained unimpugned. In a word, it was oflittle consequence that the lord secretary would not acknowledge him asthe representative of one province, so long as all England practicallytreated him as the representative of all America. 

From this time forth, of course, there was warfare between the secretaryand the unacknowledged agent. Franklin began to entertain a "very meanopinion" of Hillsborough's "abilities and fitness for his station. Hischaracter is conceit, wrong-headedness, obstinacy, and passion. Thosewho speak most favorably of him allow all this; they only add that he isan honest man and means well. If that be true, as perhaps it may, I onlywish him a better place, where only honesty and well-meaning arerequired, and where his other qualities can do no harm. . . . I hope, however, that our affairs will not much longer be perplexed andembarrassed by his perverse and senseless management. " But for thepresent Franklin was of opinion that it would be well "to leave thisomniscient, infallible minister to his own devices, and be no longer atthe expense of sending any agent, whom he can displace by a repeal ofthe appointing act. "

Hillsborough's theory was adopted by the board of trade, and Franklintherefore remained practically stripped of the important agency forMassachusetts. He anticipated that this course would soon put an end toall the colonial agencies; but he said that the injury would be quite asgreat to the English government as to the colonies, for the agents hadoften saved the cabinet from introducing, through misinformation, "mistaken measures, " which it would afterward have found to be "veryinconvenient. " He expressed his own opinion that when the colonies "cameto be considered in the light of _distinct states_, as I conceive theyreally are, possibly their agents may be treated with more respect andconsidered more as public ministers. " But this was a day-dream; thecurrent was setting in quite the opposite direction. 

In point of fact, Massachusetts seems to have taken no detriment fromthis foolish and captious bit of chicanery. All the papers and argumentswhich she had occasion to have presented always found their way to theirdestination as well as they would have done if Franklin had beenacknowledged as the quasi public minister, which he conceived to be hisproper character. 

Franklin perfectly appreciated that Hillsborough retained his positionby precarious tenure. He shrewdly suspected that if the war with Spain, which then seemed imminent, were to break out, Hillsborough would atonce be removed. For in that case it would be the policy of thegovernment to conciliate the colonies, at any cost, for the time being. This crisis passed by, fortunately for the secretary and unfortunatelyfor the provinces. Yet still the inefficient and ill-friended ministerremained very infirm in his seat. An excuse only was needed to displacehim, and by a singular and unexpected chance Franklin furnished thatexcuse. It was the humble and discredited colonial agent who unwittinglybut not unwillingly gave the jar which toppled the great earl intoretirement. His fall when it came gave general satisfaction. Hisunfitness for his position had become too obvious to be denied; he hadgiven offense in quarters where he should have made friends; he hadirritated the king and provoked the cabinet. Franklin, with hisobservant sagacity, quickly divined that George III. Was "tired" ofHillsborough and "of his administration, which had weakened theaffection and respect of the colonies for a royal government;" andaccordingly he "used proper means from time to time that his majestyshould have due information and convincing proofs" of this effect of hislordship's colonial policy. 

It was, however, upon a comparatively trifling matter that Hillsboroughfinally lost his place. It has been already mentioned that many yearsbefore this time Franklin had urged the establishment of one or twofrontier, or "barrier, " provinces in the interior. He had neverabandoned this scheme, and of late had been pushing it with someprospect of success; for among other encouraging features he astutelyinduced three privy councilors to become financially interested in theproject. The original purpose of the petitioners had been to ask foronly 2, 500, 000 acres of land; but Hillsborough bade them ask for "enoughto make a province. " This advice was grossly disingenuous; forHillsborough himself afterward admitted that from the beginning he hadintended to defeat the application, and had put the memorialists "uponasking so much with that very view, supposing it too much to begranted. " But they, not suspecting, fell into the trap and increasedtheir demand to 23, 000, 000 acres, certainly a sufficient quantity tocall for serious consideration. When the petition came before the boardof trade, Lord Hillsborough, who was president of the board, took uponhimself the task of rendering a report. To the surprise of thepetitioners, who had reason to suppose him well inclined, he repliedadversely. The region was so far away, he said, that it would not "liewithin the reach of the trade and commerce of this kingdom;" so far, also, as not to admit of "the exercise of that authority andjurisdiction . . . Necessary for the preservation of the colonies in duesubordination to and dependence upon the mother country. " The territoryappeared, "upon the fullest evidence, " to be "utterly inaccessible toshipping, " and therefore the inhabitants would "probably be led tomanufacture for themselves, . . . A consequence . . . To be carefullyguarded against. " Also part belonged to the Indians, who ought not to bedisturbed, and settlements therein would of course lead to Indian warsand to "fighting for every inch of the ground. " Further, the occupationof this tract "must draw and carry out a great number of people fromGreat Britain, " who would soon become "a kind of separate andindependent people, . . . And set up for themselves, " meeting their ownwants and taking no "supplies from the mother country nor from theprovinces" along the seaboard. At so great a distance from "the seat ofgovernment, courts, magistrates, etc. , " the territory would "become areceptacle and kind of asylum for offenders, " full of crime itself, andencouraging crime elsewhere. This disorderly population would soon"become formidable enough to oppose his majesty's authority, disturbgovernment, and even give law to the other or first-settled part of thecountry, and thus throw everything into confusion. " Such arguments wereas feeble as they were bodeful. The only point which his lordship reallyscored was in reply to Franklin's theory of the protection against theIndians which these colonies would afford to those on the seaboard. Hillsborough well said that the new settlements themselves would standmost in need of protection. It was only advancing, not eliminating, ahostile frontier. 

Evidently it required no very able reasoning, coming from the presidentof the board, to persuade his subordinates; and this foolish report wasreadily adopted. But Franklin was not so easily beaten; the privycouncil furnished one more stage at which he could still make a fight. He drew up a reply to Lord Hillsborough's paper and submitted it to thatbody. It was a long and very carefully prepared document; it dealt infacts historical and statistical, in which the report was utterlydeficient; it furnished evidence and illustration; in arguing uponprobabilities it went far toward demolishing the theories advanced bythe president of the board. The two briefs were laid before a tribunalin which three men sat who certainly ought not to have been sitting inthis cause, since Franklin's interest was also their own; but probablythis did not more than counterbalance the prestige of official positionin the opposite scale. Certainly Franklin had followed his invariablecustom of furnishing his friends with ample material to justify them inbefriending him. In this respect he always gallantly stood by his ownside. The allies whom at any time he sought he always abundantlysupplied with plain facts and sound arguments, in which weapons healways placed his chief trust. So at present, whatever was the motivewhich induced privy councilors to open their ears to what Franklin hadto say, after they had heard him they could not easily decide againsthim. Nor had those of them who were personally disinterested any greatinducement to do so, since, though some of them may have disliked him, none of them had any great liking for his noble opponent. So they setaside the report of the board of trade. [28]

[Note 28: A very interesting statement of these proceedings may befound in Franklin's _Works_, x. 346. ]

Upon this Lord Hillsborough fell into a hot rage, and sent in hisresignation. It was generally understood that he had no notion that itwould be accepted, or that he would be allowed to leave upon such agrievance. He fancied that he was establishing a dilemma which wouldimpale Franklin. But he was in error; he himself was impaled. No oneexpostulated with him; he was left to exercise "the Christian virtue ofresignation" without hindrance. Franklin said that the anticipation ofprecisely this result, so far from being an obstacle in the way of hisown success, had been an additional incitement to the course taken bythe council. 

So the earl, the enemy of America, went out; and the colonial agent hadshown him the door, with all England looking on. It was a mortificationwhich Hillsborough could never forgive, and upon four occasions, whenFranklin made the conventional call to pay his respects, he did not findhis lordship at home. At his fifth call he received from a lackey a veryplain intimation that there was no chance that he ever would find theex-secretary at home, and thereafter he desisted from the forms ofcivility. "I have never since, " he said, "been nigh him, and we haveonly abused one another at a distance. " Franklin had fully balanced oneaccount at least. 

So far as the special matter in hand was concerned, the worsting ofHillsborough, though a gratification, did not result in the bettering ofFranklin and his co-petitioners. April 6, 1773, he wrote: "The affair ofthe grant goes on but slowly. I do not yet clearly see land. I begin tobe a little of the sailor's mind, when they were landing a cable out ofa store into a ship, and one of 'em said: ''T is a long heavy cable, Iwish we could see the end of it. ' 'Damn me, ' says another, 'if I believeit has any end; somebody has cut it off. '" A cable twisted of Britishred tape was indeed a coil without an end. In this case, before thepatent was granted, Franklin had become so unpopular, and the Revolutionso imminent, that the matter was dropped by a sort o£ universal consent. 

[Illustration: Hillsborough]

Franklin rejoiced in this departure of Hillsborough as a good riddanceof a man whom he thought to be as "double and deceitful" as any one hehad ever met. It is possible that, as he had been instrumental increating the vacancy, he may also have assisted in some small degree indisposing of the succession. One day he was complaining of Hillsboroughto a "friend at court, " when the friend replied that Hillsborough waswont to represent the Americans "as an unquiet people, not easilysatisfied with any ministry; that, however, it was thought too muchoccasion had been given them to dislike the present;" and the questionwas asked whether, in case of Hillsborough's removal, Franklin "couldname another likely to be more acceptable" to his countrymen. He at oncesuggested Lord Dartmouth. This was the appointment which was now made, in August, 1772, and the news of which gave much satisfaction to all the"friends of America. " For Dartmouth was of kindly disposition, and whenpreviously president of the board of trade had shown a liberal temper inprovincial affairs. 

The relationship between Franklin and Lord Dartmouth openedauspiciously. Franklin waited upon him at his first levee, at the closeof October, 1772, and was received "very obligingly. " Further Franklinwas at once recognized as agent for Massachusetts, with no renewal ofthe caviling as to the manner of his appointment, from which hehopefully augured that "business was getting into a better train. " Amonth later he reported himself as being still "upon very good terms"with the new minister, who, he had "reason to think, meant well by thecolonies. " So Dartmouth did, undoubtedly, and if the best of intentionsand of feelings could have availed much at this stage of affairs, Franklin and his lordship might have postponed the Revolution until thenext generation. But it was too late to counteract the divergentmovements of the two nations, and no better proof could be desired ofthe degree to which this divergence had arrived than the fact itselfthat the moderate Franklin and the well-disposed Dartmouth could notcome into accord. Each people had declared its political faith, itsfundamental theory; and the faith and theory of the one were fully andfairly adverse to those of the other; and the instant that the talk wentdeep enough, this irreconcilable difference was sure to be exposed. 

During the winter of 1772-73, following Lord Dartmouth's appointment, alively dispute arose in Massachusetts between the Assembly and GovernorHutchinson. It was the old question, whether the English Parliament hadcontrol in matters of colonial taxation. The governor made speeches andsaid Yea, while the Assembly passed resolutions and said Nay. The earlyships, arriving in England in the spring of 1773, brought news of thisdispute, which seemed to have been indeed a hot one. The Englishministry were not pleased; they wanted to keep their relationship withthe colonies tranquil for a while, because there was a renewal of thedanger of a war with Spain. Therefore they were vexed at the over-zealof Hutchinson; and Lord Dartmouth frankly said so. Franklin called oneday upon the secretary and found him much perplexed at the"difficulties" into which the governor had brought the ministers by his"imprudence. " Parliament, his lordship said, could not "suffer such adeclaration of the colonial Assembly, asserting its independence, topass unnoticed. " Franklin thought otherwise: "It is _words_ only, " hesaid; "acts of Parliament are still submitted to there;" and so long assuch was the case "Parliament would do well to turn a deaf ear. . . . Forcecould do no good. " Force, it was replied, might not be thought of, butrather an act to lay the colonies "under some inconveniences, till theyrescind that declaration. " Could they by no possibility be persuaded towithdraw it? Franklin was clearly of opinion that the resolve could onlybe withdrawn after the withdrawal of the speech which it answered, "anawkward operation, which perhaps the governor would hardly be directedto perform. " As for an act establishing "inconveniences, " probably itwould only put the colonies, "as heretofore, on some method ofincommoding this country till the act is repealed; and so we shall go oninjuring and provoking each other instead of cultivating that good willand harmony so necessary to the general welfare. " Divisions, hislordship admitted, "must weaken the whole; for we are yet _one empire_, whatever may be the opinions of the Massachusetts Assembly. " But how toescape divisions was the conundrum. Could his lordship withhold fromParliament the irritating documents, though in fact they were alreadynotorious, and "hazard the being called to account in some futuresession of Parliament for keeping back the communication of dispatchesof such importance?" He appealed to Franklin for advice; but Franklinwould undertake to give none, save that, in his opinion, if thedispatches should be laid before Parliament, it would be prudent toorder them to lie on the table. For, he said, "were I as much anEnglishman as I am an American, and ever so desirous of establishing theauthority of Parliament, I protest to your lordship I cannot conceive ofa single step the Parliament can take to increase it that will not tendto diminish it, and after abundance of mischief they must finally loseit. " So whenever the crucial test was applied these two men foundthemselves utterly at variance, and the hopelessness of a peacefulconclusion would have been obvious, had not each shunned a prospect sopainful. 

It must be confessed that, if Lord Dartmouth was so patheticallydesirous to undo an irrevocable past, Dr. Franklin was no less anxiousfor the performance of a like miracle. Both the statesman and thephilosopher would have appreciated better the uselessness of theirefforts, had their feelings been less deeply engaged. Franklin's vainwish at this time was to move the peoples of England and America back tothe days before the passage of the Stamp Act. "I have constantly givenit as my opinion, " he wrote, early in 1771, "that, if the colonies wererestored to the state they were in before the Stamp Act, they would besatisfied and contend no farther. " Two and a half years later, followingthe fable of the sibylline books, he expressed the more extreme opinionthat "the letter of the two houses of the 29th of June, proposing as asatisfactory measure the restoring things to the state in which theywere at the conclusion of the late war, is a fair and generous offer onour part, . . . And more than Britain has a right to expect from us. . . . Ifshe has any wisdom left, she will embrace it, and agree with usimmediately. "

But the insuperable trouble was that, at the close of the last war andbefore the passage of the Stamp Act, the controversy upon the questionof right had been unborn. Now, having come into being, this controversycould not be laid at rest by a mere waiver; it was of that nature thatits resurrection would be sure and speedy. Anything else would havebeen, of course, the practical victory of the colonies and defeat ofEngland; and the English could not admit that things had reached thispass as yet. If England should not renounce her right, the colonieswould always remain uneasy beneath the unretracted assertion of it; ifshe should never again seek to exercise it, she would be reallyyielding. It was idle to talk of such a state of affairs; it could notbe brought about, even if it were conceivable that each side could beinduced to repeal all its acts and resolves touching the subject, --andeven this preliminary step was what no reasonable man could anticipate. In a word, when Franklin longed for the restoration of the _status quoante_ the Stamp Act, he longed for a chimera. A question had beenraised, which was of that kind that it could not be compromised, or setaside, or ignored, or forgotten; it must be _settled_ by the recessionor by the defeat of one contestant or the other. Nothing better than abrief period of restless and suspicious truce could be gained by aneffort to restore the situation of a previous date, even were suchrestoration possible, since the intervening period and the memory of itsundetermined dispute concerning a principle could not be annihilated. 

Still Franklin persistently refused to despair, so long as peace wasstill unbroken. Until blood had been shed, war _might_ be avoided. Thiswas no lack of foresight; occasionally an expression escaped him whichshowed that he fully understood the drift of affairs and saw the finaloutcome of the opposing doctrines. In 1769 he said that matters weredaily tending more and more "to a breach and final separation. " In 1771he thought that any one might "clearly see in the system of customs tobe exacted in America by act of Parliament, the seeds sown of a totaldisunion of the countries, though as yet that event may be at aconsiderable distance. " By 1774 he said, in an article written for anEnglish newspaper, that certain "angry writers" on the English side wereusing "their utmost efforts to persuade us that this war with thecolonies (for a war it will be) is a national cause, when in fact it isa ministerial one. " But he very rarely spoke thus. It was at once hisofficial duty as well as his strong personal wish to find some otherexit from the public embarrassments than by this direful conclusion. Therefore, so long as war did not exist he refused to admit that it wasinevitable, and he spared no effort to prevent it, leaving to fervidorators to declare the contrary and to welcome it; nor would he everallow himself to be discouraged by any measure of apparent hopelessness. 

His great dread was that the colonies might go so fast and so far as tomake matters incurable before thinking people were ready to recognizesuch a crisis as unavoidable. He seldom wrote home without some wordscounseling moderation. He wanted to see "much patience and the utmostdiscretion in our general conduct. " It must not, however, be supposedthat such language was used to cover any lukewarmness, or irresolution, or tendency towards halfway or temporizing measures. On the contrary, hewas wholly and consistently the opposite of all this. His moderation wasnot at all akin to the moderation of Dickinson and such men, who werealways wanting to add another to the long procession of petitions andprotests. He only desired that the leading should be done by the wisemen, so as not to have a Braddock's defeat in so grave and perilous anundertaking. He feared that a mob might make an irrevocable blunder, andthe mischievous rabble create a condition of affairs which the realstatesmen of the provinces could neither mend nor excuse. Certainly hisanxiety was not without cause. He warned his country people that therewas nothing which their enemies in England more wished than that, byinsurrections, they would give a good pretense for establishing a largemilitary force in the colonies. As between friends, he said, everyaffront is not worth a duel, so "between the governed and governingevery mistake in government, every encroachment on right, is not worth arebellion. " So he thought that an "immediate rupture" was not inaccordance with "general prudence, " for by "a premature struggle, " thecolonies might "be crippled and kept down another age. " No one, however, was more resolute than he that the mistakes and encroachments which hadoccurred should not be repeated. An assurance against such repetition, he tried to think, might be effected within a reasonably short time bytwo peaceful influences. One of these was a cessation of all colonialpurchases of English commodities; the other was the rapid increase ofthe visible strength and resources of the colonies. He was urgent andfrequent in reiterating his opinion of the great efficacy of thenon-purchasing agreements. It is a little odd to find him actuallydeclaring that, if the people would honestly persist in theseengagements, he "should almost wish" the obnoxious act "never to berepealed;" for, besides industry and frugality, such a condition ofthings would promote a variety of domestic manufactures. In a word, thisBritish oppression would bring about all those advantages for the infantnation, which, through the medium of the protective tariff, have sincebeen purchased by Americans at a vast expense. Moreover, the money whichused to be sent to England in payment for superfluous luxuries would bekept at home, to be there laid out in domestic improvements. Gold andsilver, the scarcity of which caused great inconvenience in thecolonies, would remain in the country. All these advantages would accruefrom a course which at the same time must give rise in England itself toa pressure so extreme that Parliament could not long resist it. "Thetrading part of the nation, with the manufacturers, are become sensiblehow necessary it is for their welfare to be on good terms with us. Thepetitioners of Middlesex and of London have numbered among theirgrievances the _unconstitutional_ taxes on America; and similarpetitions are expected from all quarters. So that I think we need onlybe quiet, and persevere in our schemes of frugality and industry, andthe rest will do itself. " But it was obvious that, if the measures werenot now persisted in until they should have had their full effect, alike policy could never again be resorted to; and Franklin gave it ashis belief that, "if we do persist another year, we shall neverafterwards have occasion to use" the remedy. 

To him it seemed incredible that the people of America should notloyally persist in a policy of non-importation of English goods. Notonly was the doing without these a benefit to domestic industries, butbuying them was a direct aid and maintenance to the oppressor. He said:"If our people will, by consuming such commodities, purchase and pay fortheir fetters, who that sees them so shackled will think they deserveeither redress or pity? Methinks that in drinking tea, a true American, reflecting that by every cup he contributed to the salaries, pensions, and rewards of the enemies and persecutors of his country, would be halfchoked at the thought, and find no quantity of sugar sufficient to makethe nauseous draught go down. "[29]

[Note 29: See also letter to Marshall, April 22, 1771, _Works_, x. 315. ]

In this connection he was much "diverted" and gratified by the resultsof the Stamp Act, and especially of the act laying the duty on tea. Thegross proceeds of the former statute, gathered in the West Indies andCanada, since substantially nothing was got in the other provinces, was£1500; while the expenditure had amounted to £12, 000! The working of theCustoms Act had been far worse. According to his statement, theunfortunate East India Company, in January, 1773, had at least£2, 000, 000, some said £4, 000, 000, worth of goods which had accumulatedin their warehouses since the enactment, of which the chief part would, in the natural condition of business, have been absorbed by thecolonies. The consequence was that the company's shares had fallenenormously in price, that it was hard pressed to make its payments, thatits credit was so seriously impaired that the Bank of England would nothelp it, and that its dividends had been reduced below the point at andabove which it was obliged to pay, and heretofore regularly had paid, £400, 000 annually to the government. Many investors were painfullystraitened, and not a few bankruptcies ensued. Besides the loss of thisannual stipend the treasury was further the sufferer by the greatexpense which had been incurred in endeavoring to guard the Americancoast against smugglers; with the added vexation that these costlyattempts had, after all, been fruitless. Fifteen hundred miles of shoreline, occupied by people unanimously hostile to the king's revenueofficers, presented a task much beyond the capabilities of the vesselswhich England could send thither. So the Dutch, the Danes, the Swedes, and the French soon established a thriving contraband trade; theAmerican housewives were hardly interrupted in dispensing the favoritebeverage; the English merchant's heavy loss became the foreignsmuggler's aggravating gain; and the costly sacrifice of the East IndiaCompany fell short of effecting the punishment of the wicked Americans. Franklin could not "help smiling at these blunders. " Englishmen wouldsoon resent them, he said, would turn out the ministry that wasresponsible for them, and put in a very different set of men, who wouldundo the mischief. "If we continue firm and united, and resolutelypersist in the non-consumption agreement, this adverse ministry cannotpossibly stand another year. And surely the great body of our people, the farmers and artificers, will not find it hard to keep an agreementby which they both save and gain. " Thus he continued to write so late asFebruary, 1775, believing to the last in the efficacy of this policy. 

CHAPTER VII

SECOND MISSION TO ENGLAND, III THE HUTCHINSON LETTERS: THE PRIVY COUNCILSCENE: RETURN HOME

The famous episode of the Hutchinson letters, occurring near the closeof Franklin's stay in England, must be narrated with a brevity more inaccord with its real historical value than with its interest as adramatic story. In conversation one day with an English gentleman, Franklin spoke with resentment of the sending troops to Boston and theother severe measures of the government. The other in reply engaged toconvince him that these steps were taken upon the suggestion and adviceof Americans. A few days later he made good his promise by producingcertain letters, signed by Hutchinson, Oliver, and others, all nativesof and residents and office-holders in America. The addresses had beencut from the letters; but in other respects they were unmutilated, andthey were the original documents. They contained just such matter as thegentleman had described, --opinions and advice which would have commendedthemselves highly to a royalist, but which could have seemed to apatriot in the provinces only the most dangerous and abominabletreason. Induced by obvious motives, Franklin begged leave to send theseletters to Massachusetts, and finally obtained permission to do so, subject to the stipulation that they should not be printed nor copied, and should be circulated only among a few leading men. His purpose, hesaid, lay in his belief that when the "principal people" in Boston "sawthe measures they complained of took their rise in a great degree fromthe representations and recommendations of their own countrymen, theirresentment against Britain might abate, as mine has done, and areconciliation be more easily obtained. "[30] Franklin accordingly sentover the letters, together with strict injunctions in pursuance of hisengagement to the giver of them: "In confidence of your followinginviolably my engagement, " etc. , he wrote. But this solemn instructionwas not complied with; the temptation was too great for the honor ofsome among the patriots, who resolved that the letters should be madepublic despite any pledge to the contrary, and resorted to a shallowartifice for achieving their end. A story was started that authenticatedcopies of the same papers had been received from England by somebody. There was a prudent abstention from any inquiry into the truth of thisstatement. "I know, " said Franklin, "that could not be. It was anexpedient to disengage the House. " Dishonest as it obviously was, it wassuccessful; members accepted it as a removal of the seal of secrecy; andthe documents having thus found their way before the Assembly wereordered to be printed. That body, greatly incensed, immediately voted apetition to the king for the removal of the governor andlieutenant-governor, and sent it over to Franklin to be presented. 

[Note 30: The importance of establishing the fact that thegovernment's course was instigated by Hutchinson is liable at thepresent day to be underrated. For his name has fallen into such extremedisrepute in America that to have been guided by his advice seems onlyan additional offense. But such was not the case; Hutchinson came of oldand prominent Massachusetts stock; he was a descendant of AnneHutchinson, of polemic fame, and when appointed to office he appeared aman of good standing and ability. The English government had a perfectright to rely upon the soundness of his statements and opinions. Thus itwas really of great moment for Franklin to be able to convince thepeople of Massachusetts that the English measures were in strictconformity with Hutchinson's suggestions. It was an excuse for theEnglish, as it also was the condemnation of Hutchinson, in colonialopinion. ]

The publication of these letters made no little stir. The writers werefurious, and of course brought vehement charges of bad faith anddishonorable behavior. But they were at a loss to know upon whom tovisit their wrath. For the person to whom they had written the letterswas dead, and they knew no one else who had been concerned in thematter. The secret of the channel of conveyance had been rigidly kept. No one had the slightest idea by whom the letters had been transmittedto Massachusetts, nor by whom they had been received there. To this dayit is not known by whom the letters were given to Franklin. July 25, 1773, he wrote to Mr. Cushing, the speaker of the Assembly, to whom hehad inclosed the letters: "I observe that you mention that no personbesides Dr. Cooper and one member of the committee knew they came fromme. I did not accompany them with any request of being myself concealed;for, believing what I did to be in the way of my duty as agent, though Ihad no doubt of its giving offense, not only to the parties exposed butto administration here, I was regardless of the consequences. However, since the letters themselves are now copied and printed, contrary to thepromise I made, I am glad my name has not been heard on the occasion;and, as I do not see how it could be of any use to the public, I nowwish it may continue unknown; though I hardly expect it. " Unfortunatelyit soon became of such use to two individuals in England that Franklinhimself felt obliged to divulge it; otherwise it might have remainedforever a mystery. 

Though the addresses had been cut from the letters, yet they hadpreviously been shown to many persons in England, and it soon becameknown there that they had been written to Mr. William Whately, now dead, but who, when the letters were written, was a member of Parliament andprivate secretary to George Grenville, who was then in the cabinet. Amidthe active surmises as to the next link in the chain suspicionnaturally attached to Thomas Whately, brother and executor of the deadman, and in possession of his papers. This gentleman denied that he hadever, to his knowledge, had these letters in his hands. Suspicion nextattached to Mr. Temple, "our friend, " as Franklin described him. He hadhad access to the letters of William Whately for the purpose of gettingfrom among them certain letters written by himself and his brother; hehad lived in America, had been governor of New Hampshire, and later inletters to his friends there had announced the coming of the lettersbefore they had actually arrived. The expression of suspicion towardsTemple found its way into a newspaper, bolstered with an intimation thatthe information came from Thomas Whately. Temple at once made a demandupon Whately to exculpate him. This of course Whately could not do, since he had not inspected the letters taken by Temple, and so could notsay of his knowledge that these were not among them. But instead oftaking this perfectly safe ground, he published a card stating thatTemple had had access to the letters of the deceased for a specialpurpose, and that Temple had solemnly averred to him, Whately, that hehad neither removed nor copied any letters save those written by himselfand his brother. This exoneration was far from satisfying Temple, whoconceived that it rather injured than improved his position. Accordinglyhe challenged Whately and the two fought in Hyde Park ring. The storyof the duel, which was mingled of comedy and tragedy, is vividly told byMr. Parton. Whately was wounded twice, and at his request the fight thenceased. Temple was accused, but unfairly, of having thrust at him whenhe was down. But it was no conventional duel, or result of temporary hotblood. The contestants were profoundly angry with each other, and werebent on more serious results than curable wounds. It was understood thatso soon as Whately should be well, the fight would be renewed. Thusmatters stood when Franklin came up to London from a visit in thecountry, to be astonished by the news of what had occurred, and annoyedat the prospect of what was likely to occur. At once he inserted thisletter:--

 TO THE PRINTER OF THE PUBLIC ADVERTISER:"

 _Sir_, --Finding that two gentlemen have been unfortunately engaged in a duel about a transaction and its circumstances of which both of them are totally ignorant and innocent, I think it incumbent upon me to declare (for the prevention of further mischief, as far as such a declaration may contribute to prevent it) that I alone am the person who obtained and transmitted to Boston the letters in question. Mr. Whately could not communicate them, because they were never in his possession; and for the same reason they could not be taken from him by Mr. Temple. They were not of the nature of _private_ letters between friends. They were written by public officers to persons in public stations on public affairs, and intended to procure public measures; they were therefore handed to other public persons, who might be influenced by them to produce those measures. Their tendency was to incense the mother country against her colonies, and, by the steps recommended, to widen the breach which they effected. The chief caution expressed with regard to privacy was, to keep their contents from the colony agents, who, the writers apprehended, might return them, or copies of them, to America. That apprehension was, it seems, well founded, for the first agent who laid his hands on them thought it his duty to transmit them to his constituents. 

B. FRANKLIN, _Agent for the House of Representatives ofMassachusetts Bay_. 

CRAVEN STREET, _December 25, 1773_. 

The petition, forwarded by the House of Representatives of MassachusettsBay, after they had read the famous letters, recited that thepetitioners had "very lately had before them _certain papers_, " and itwas upon the strength of the contents of these papers that they humblyprayed that his majesty would be "pleased to remove from their posts inthis government" Governor Hutchinson and Lieutenant-Governor Oliver. Immediately upon receipt of this petition Franklin transmitted it toLord Dartmouth, with a very civil and conciliatory note, to which LordDartmouth replied in the same spirit. This took place in August, 1773;the duel followed in December, and in the interval Franklin had heardnothing from the petition. But when his foregoing letter was publishedand conned over it seemed that the auspicious moment for the ministrywas now at hand, and that it had actually been furnished to them by theastute Franklin himself. There is no question that he had actedaccording to his conscience, and it seems now to be generally agreedthat his conscience did not mislead him. But he had been placed in adifficult position, and it was easily possible to give a very badcoloring to his conduct. There was in this business an opportunity tobring into discredit the character of the representative man of America, the man foremost of Americans in the eyes of the world, the man mostformidable to the ministerial party; such an opportunity was not to belost. [31]

[Note 31: It must be confessed that the question whether Franklinshould have sent these letters to be seen by the leading men ofMassachusetts involves points of some delicacy. The very elaboratenessand vehemence of the exculpations put forth by American writers indicatea lurking feeling that the opposite side is at least plausible. I add myopinion decidedly upon Franklin's side, though I certainly see force inthe contrary view. Yet before one feels fully satisfied he would wish toknow from whom these letters came to Franklin's hands, the informationthen given him concerning them, and the authority which the giver mightbe supposed to have over them; in a word, all the attendant andqualifying circumstances and conversation upon which presumptions mighthave been properly founded by Franklin. Upon these essential mattersthere is absolutely no evidence. Franklin was bound to secrecyconcerning them, at whatever cost to himself. But it is evident thatFranklin never for an instant entertained the slightest doubt of theentire propriety of his action, and even in his own cause he was wont tobe a fair-minded judge. One gets a glimpse of the other side in the_Diary and Letters of his Excellency Thomas Hutchinson_, _Esq. _, etc. , by Thomas Orlando Hutchinson, pp. 5, 82-93, 192, 356. ]

Franklin had anticipated that the "king would have considered thispetition, as he had done the preceding one, in his cabinet, and havegiven an answer without a hearing. " But on the afternoon of Saturday, January 8, 1774, he was surprised to receive notice of a hearing uponthe petition before the Lords of the Committee for Plantation Affairs, at the Cockpit, on the Tuesday following, at noon. Late in the afternoonof Monday he got notice that Mr. Mauduit, agent for Hutchinson andOliver, would be represented at the hearing on the following morning bycounsel. A less sagacious man than Franklin would have scented troublein the air. He tried to find Arthur Lee; but Lee was in Bath. He thensought advice from Mr. Bollan, a barrister, agent for the Council ofMassachusetts Bay, and who also had been summoned. There was no time toinstruct counsel, and Mr. Bollan advised to employ none; he had found"lawyers of little service in colony cases. " "Those who are eminent andhope to rise in their profession are unwilling to offend the court, whose disposition on this occasion was well known. " The next day at thehearing Mr. Bollan endeavored to speak; but, though he had beensummoned, he was summarily silenced, on the ground that the colonialCouncil, whose agent he was, was not a party to the petition. Franklinthen laid the petition and authenticated copies of the letters beforethe committee. Some objections to the receipt of copies instead oforiginals were raised by Mr. Wedderburn, solicitor-general and counselfor Hutchinson and Oliver. Franklin then spoke with admirable keennessand skill. He said that he had not conceived the matter to call fordiscussion by lawyers; but that it was a "question of civil or politicalprudence, whether, on the state of the fact that the governors had lostall trust and confidence with the people, and become universallyobnoxious, it would be for the interest of his majesty's service tocontinue them in those stations in that province. " Of this he conceivedtheir lordships to be "perfect judges, " not requiring "assistance fromthe arguments of counsel. " Yet if counsel was to be heard he asked anadjournment to enable him to engage and instruct lawyers. Time wasaccordingly granted, until January 29. Wedderburn waived his objectionto the copies, but both he and Lord Chief Justice De Grey intimated thatinquiry would be made as to "how the Assembly came into possession ofthem, through whose hands and by what means they were procured, . . . Andto whom they were directed. " This was all irrelevant to the real issue, which had been sharply defined by Franklin. The lord president, nearwhom Franklin stood, asked him whether he intended to answer suchquestions. "In that I shall take counsel, " replied Franklin. 

The interval which elapsed before the day nominated could not have beenvery lightsome for the unfortunate agent for the Massachusetts Bay. Notonly had he the task of selecting and instructing competent counsel, buteven his self-possessed and composed nature must have been severelyharassed by the rumors of which the air was full. He heard from allquarters that the ministry and courtiers were highly enraged againsthim; he was called an incendiary, and the newspapers teemed withinvectives against him. He heard that he was to be apprehended and sentto Newgate, and that his papers were to be seized; that after he hadbeen sufficiently blackened by the hearing he would be deprived of hisplace; with disheartening news also that the disposition of the petitionhad already been determined. [32] At the same time a subpoena wasserved upon him at the private suit of Whately, who was under personalobligations to him, but was also a banker to the government. Certainlythe heavens threatened a cloudburst with appalling thunder and dangerouslightning. 

[Note 32: Franklin's _Works_, v. 297, 298. ]

Upon reflection Franklin was disposed to do without counsel, but Mr. Bollan now became strongly of the contrary opinion. So Mr. Dunning andMr. John Lee were retained. The former had been solicitor-general, andwas a man of mark and ability in the profession. When the hearing cameon, the Cockpit presented such a spectacle that Franklin felt assuredthat the whole affair had been "preconcerted. " The hostile courtiershad been "invited, as to an entertainment, and there never was such anappearance of privy councilors on any occasion, not less thanthirty-five, besides an immense crowd of other auditors. " Every one savethe privy councilors had to stand from beginning to end of theproceedings. Franklin occupied a position beside the fireplace, where hestood throughout immovable as a statue, his features carefully composedso that not one trace of emotion was apparent upon them, showing adegree of self-control which was extraordinary even in one who was atonce a man of the world and a philosopher, with sixty-eight years ofexperience in life. Mr. Dunning, with his voice unfortunately weakenedby a cold, was not always audible and made little impression. Mr. Leewas uselessly feeble. Wedderburn, thus inefficiently opposed, andconscious of the full sympathy of the tribunal, poured forth a vileflood of personal invective. Throughout his life he approved himself amean-spirited and ignoble man, despised by those who used and rewardedhis able and debased services. On this occasion he eagerly tookadvantage of the protection afforded by his position and by Dr. Franklin's age to use language which, under such circumstances, was ascowardly as it was false. Nothing, he said, "will acquit Dr. Franklin ofthe charge of obtaining [the letters] by fraudulent or corrupt means, for the most malignant of purposes, unless he stole them from theperson who stole them. " "I hope, my lords, you will mark and brand theman, for the honor of this country, of Europe, and of mankind. " "He hasforfeited all the respect of societies and of men. Into what companieswill he hereafter go with an unembarrassed face or the honestintrepidity of virtue? Men will watch him with a jealous eye; they willhide their papers from him, and lock up their escritoires. He willhenceforth esteem it a libel to be called _a man of letters_, _homo_TRIUM[33] _literarum_. " "But he not only took away the lettersfrom one brother, but kept himself concealed till he nearly occasioned themurder of the other. It is impossible to read his account, expressive of thecoolest and most deliberate malice, without horror. Amidst thesetragical events, --of one person nearly murdered, of another answerablefor the issue, of a worthy governor hurt in his dearest interests, thefate of America in suspense, --here is a man who, with the utmostinsensibility of remorse, stands up and avows himself the author of all. I can compare it only to Zanga, in Dr. Young's 'Revenge. '

[Note 33: A play upon the Latin word, FUR, a thief. ]

 'Know then 't was--I; I forged the letter, I disposed the picture; I hated, I despised, and I destroy. '

I ask, my lords, whether the revengeful temper attributed, by poeticfiction only, to the bloody African, is not surpassed by the coolnessand apathy of the wily American. "

Such was the torrent of vilification which flowed from the lips of oneof the meanest of England's lawyers, and the speaker was constantlyencouraged by applause, and by various indications of gratification onthe part of the tribunal before which he argued. Dr. Priestley, who waspresent, said that from the opening of the proceedings it was evident"that the real object of the court was to insult Dr. Franklin, " anobject in which their lordships were, of course, able to achieve acomplete success. "No person belonging to the council behaved withdecent gravity, except Lord North, " who came late and remained standingbehind a chair. It was a disgraceful scene, but not of long duration;apparently there was little else done save to hear the speeches ofcounsel. The report of the lords was dated on the same day, and was asevere censure upon the petition and the petitioners. More than this, their lordships went out of their way to inflict a wanton outrage uponFranklin. The question of who gave the letters to him was one which allconcerned were extremely anxious to hear answered. But it was also aquestion which he could not lawfully be compelled to answer in theseproceedings; it was wholly irrelevant; moreover it was involved in thecause then pending before the lord chancellor in which Franklin wasrespondent. Accordingly, by advice of counsel, advice unquestionablycorrect, he refused to divulge what their lordships were so curious tohear. Enraged, they said in their report that his "silence" was abundantsupport for the conclusion that the "charge of surreptitiously obtainingthe letters was a true one, " although they knew that in law and in facthis silence was wholly justifiable. 

Resolutely as Franklin sought at the time to repress any expression ofhis natural indignation, there is evidence enough of how deeply he feltthis indignity. For example, there is the familiar story of his dress. He wore, at the Cockpit, "a full dress suit of spotted Manchestervelvet. " Many years afterward, when it befell him, as one of theambassadors of his country, to sign the treaty of alliance with France, the first treaty ever made by the United States of America, and whichpractically insured the defeat of Great Britain in the pending war, itwas observed by Dr. Bancroft that he was attired in this same suit. Thesigning was to have taken place on February 5, but was unexpectedlypostponed to the next day, when again Franklin appeared in the same oldsuit and set his hand to the treaty. Dr. Bancroft says: "I onceintimated to Dr. Franklin the suspicion which his wearing these clotheson that occasion had excited in my mind, when he smiled, without tellingme whether it was well or ill founded. " Having done this service, thesuit was again laid away until it was brought forth to be worn at Parisat the signing of the treaty of peace with England, a circumstance themore noteworthy since at that time the French court was in mourning. [34]

It appears that Franklin for a time entertained a purpose of drawing upan "answer to the abuses" cast at him upon this occasion. There was, however, no need for doing so, and his reason for not doing it is moreeloquent on his behalf with posterity than any pamphlet could be. Hesaid: "It was partly written, but the affairs of public importance Ihave been ever since engaged in prevented my finishing it. The injuriestoo that my country has suffered have absorbed private resentments, andmade it appear trifling for an individual to trouble the world with hisparticular justification, when all his compatriots were stigmatized bythe king and Parliament as being in every respect the worst of mankind. "

The proceedings at the Cockpit took place on a Saturday. On thefollowing Monday morning Franklin got a "written notice from thesecretary of the general post-office, that his majesty'spostmaster-general _found it necessary_ to dismiss me from my office ofdeputy postmaster-general in North America. " In other ways, too, themischief done him by this public assault could not be concealed. Itpublished to all the world the feeling of the court and the ministrytoward him, and told Englishmen that it was no longer worth while tokeep up appearances of courtesy and good will. 

[Note 34: Parton's _Life of Franklin_, ii. 508. ]

It put upon him a judicial stigma, which was ample excuse for theenemies of America henceforth to treat him as both dishonored anddishonorable. Hitherto his tact and his high character had preserved himin a great measure from the social annoyances and curtailments which hewould naturally have suffered as the prominent representative of anunpopular cause. But it seemed now as if his judgment had once andfatally played him false, and certainly his good name and his prestigewere given over to his enemies, who dealt cruelly with them. He feltthat it was the end of his usefulness, also that his own self-respectand dignity must be carefully preserved; and he wrote to the Assembly ofMassachusetts to say that it would be impossible for him longer to actas its agent. From that time he never attended the levee of a minister. The portcullis had dropped; the days of his service in England wereover. 

The conclusion had come painfully, yet it was not without satisfactionthat he saw himself free to return home. His affairs had suffered in hisabsence, and needed his attention now more than ever, since he wasdeprived of his income from the post-office. Moreover his efforts couldno longer be cheered with hopes of success or even of achieving anysubstantial advantage for his countrymen. He was obliged to admit thatthe good disposition of Lord Dartmouth had had no practical results. "Nosingle measure of his predecessor has since been even attempted to bechanged, and, on the contrary, new ones have been continually added, further to exasperate these people, render them desperate, and drivethem, if possible, into open rebellion. " It had been a vexatiouscircumstance, too, that not long before this time he had received arebuke from the Massachusetts Assembly for having been lax, as theyfancied, in notifying them of some legislation of an injuriouscharacter, which was in preparation. "This censure, " he said, "thoughgrievous, does not so much surprise me, as I apprehended all along fromthe beginning that between the friends of an old agent, my predecessor, who thought himself hardly used in his dismission, and those of a youngman impatient for the succession, my situation was not likely to be avery comfortable one, as my faults could scarce pass unobserved. " Thisreference to the malicious and untrustworthy back-biter, Arthur Lee, might have been much more severe, and still amply deserved. The mostimportant acts of his ignoble life, by which alone his memory ispreserved, were the slanders which he set in circulation concerningFranklin. Yet Franklin, little suspicious and very magnanimous, praisedhim as a "gentleman of parts and ability, " likely to serve the provincewith zeal and activity. Probably from this impure Lee fount, butpossibly from some other source, there now came a renewal of the rumorsthat Franklin was to be gained over to the ministerial side bypromotion to some office superior to that which he had held. Theinjurious story was told in Boston, where perhaps a few persons believedit to be true of a man who in fact could hardly have set upon his fealtya price so high that the British government would not gladly have paidit, and who heretofore had been, and at this very time again was, tempted by repeated solicitations and the intimations of grand rewards, only to change his mind--a matter so very easy in politics. 

Furthermore, beyond these assaults upon his fidelity, these insults ofthe privy council, Franklin had to contemplate the possibility ofpersonal danger. He was a man of abundant courage, but courage does notmake a prison or a gallows an agreeable object in one's horizon. Thenewspapers alleged that in his correspondence "treason" had beendiscovered. The ministry, as he was directly informed, thought no betterof him than did the editors, regarding him as "the great fomenter of theopposition in America, " the "great adversary to any accommodation. " "Itis given out, " he wrote, "that copies of several letters of mine to youare sent over here to the ministers, and that their contents aretreasonable, for which I should be prosecuted if copies could be madeevidence. " He was not conscious of any treasonable intention, buttreason was a word to make a man anxious in those days, when uttered bythe ministry and echoed by the court. Franklin was quite aware that, though ministers might offer him a tempting place by way of bribe, theywould far rather give him "a place in a cart to Tyburn. " His friendswarned him that his situation was hazardous; that, "if by some accidentthe troops and the people of New England should come to blows, " he woulddoubtless be seized; and they advised him to withdraw while yet he coulddo so. Hutchinson frankly avowed that, if his advice were taken, thewithdrawal would not be permitted. "But, " said Franklin, "I venture tostay, " upon the chance of still being of use, "and I confide on myinnocence that the worst which can happen to me will be an imprisonmentupon suspicion; though that is a thing I should much desire to avoid, asit may be expensive and vexatious, as well as dangerous to my health. "So spoke this imperturbable man, and calmly stayed at his post. 

He was still consulted by both sides in England. In the August followingthe scene in the privy council chamber, he called upon Lord Chatham andhad a long and interesting interview. He then said that he attributedthe late "wrong politics" to the departure from the old and true Britishprinciple, "whereby every province was well governed, being trusted in agreat measure with the government of itself. " When it was sought to takethis privilege from the colonies, grave blunders had inevitably ensued;because, as he admirably expressed it, Parliament insisted upon being_omnipotent_ when it was not _omniscient_. In other words, the affairsof the unrepresented colonies were mismanaged through sheer ignorance. It is noteworthy that England has since recognized the necessity ofprecisely the principle indicated by Franklin for colonial government;all her great colonies are now "trusted in a great measure with thegovernment" of themselves, and are consequently "well governed. "Franklin further assured his lordship that in all his travels in theprovinces he had never once heard independence hinted at as a desirablething. This gave Chatham much pleasure; but perhaps neither of them atthe moment reflected how many eventful years had elapsed since Franklinwas last journeying in America. He further declared that the colonistswere "even not against regulations of the general commerce byParliament, provided such regulations were _bona fide_ for the benefitof the _whole empire_, not to the small advantage of one part to thegreat injury of another. " This, by the way, was a good point, which hefound very serviceable when people talked to him about the unity of theempire. A genuine unity was just the gospel which he liked to preach. "An equal dispensation, " he said, "of protection, rights, privileges, and advantages is what every part is entitled to, and ought to enjoy, itbeing a matter of no moment to the state whether a subject grows richand flourishing on the Thames or the Ohio, in Edinburgh or Dublin. " Butno living Englishman could accept this broad and liberal doctrine. Thenotion that the colonies were a dependency and should be tributary tothe greater power was universal. It was admitted that they should not beoppressed; but it was believed that between oppression and that perfectunity which involved entire equality there was certainly a middle groundwhereon the colonies might properly be established. 

Lord Chatham expressed in courteous compliments the gratification whichthis visit afforded him. Not long afterward he came gallantly to thedefense of Franklin in the House of Lords. It was one day in February, 1775; Franklin was standing in full view, leaning on a rail; LordSandwich was speaking against a measure of conciliation or agreementjust introduced by Chatham. He said that it deserved "only contempt, "and "ought to be immediately rejected. I can never believe it to be theproduction of any British peer. It appears to me rather the work of someAmerican. I fancy I have in my eye the person who drew it up, one of thebitterest and most mischievous enemies this country has ever known. "Speaking thus, he looked full at Franklin, and drew upon him the generalattention. But Chatham hastened to defend the defenseless one. "The planis entirely my own, " he said; "but if I were the first minister, and hadthe care of settling this momentous business, I should not be ashamed ofcalling to my assistance a person so perfectly acquainted with thewhole of American affairs, one whom all Europe ranks with our Boylesand Newtons, as an honor not to the English nation only but to humannature. " This was spirited and friendly; Franklin had a way of makingwarm and loyal friends. Most men would have rejoiced to be so abused bySandwich in order to be so complimented by Chatham. [35]

[Note 35: Bancroft, _Hist. U. S. _ v. 220. ]

Yet, in spite of the high esteem in which so many Englishmen still heldFranklin, an incident occurred at this time which showed very plainlythat the term of his full usefulness was indeed over, though notaltogether for the reasons which had led him to think so. The fact wasthat the proverbial last feather which breaks the back had been laidupon him. His endurance had been over-taxed, and he was at last in thattemper and frame of mind in which the wisest men are liable to makegrave mistakes. He was one day present at a debate in the House ofCommons, and found himself, as he says, "much disgusted, from theministerial side, by many base reflections on American courage, religion, understanding, etc. , in which we were treated with the utmostcontempt, as the lowest of mankind, and almost of a different speciesfrom the English of Britain; but particularly the American honesty wasabused by some of the lords, who asserted that we were all knaves, etc. "Franklin went home "somewhat irritated and heated, " and before he hadcooled he wrote a paper which he hastened to show to his friend Mr. Thomas Walpole, a member of the House of Commons. Mr. Walpole "looked atit and at me several times alternately, as if he apprehended me a littleout of my senses. " Nor would Mr. Walpole have been altogether withoutreason, if in fact he entertained such a suspicion. The paper was thememorial of Benjamin Franklin to the Earl of Dartmouth, secretary ofstate. In its first clause it demanded "reparation" for the injury doneby the blockade of the port of Boston. Conventional forms of speech wereobserved, yet there was an atmosphere almost of injurious insolence, entirely foreign to all other productions of Franklin's brain and pen. Its second paragraph recited that the conquests made in the northeastfrom France, which included all those extensive fisheries which stillsurvive as a bone of contention between the two countries, had been_jointly_ won by England and the American colonies, at their commoncost, and by an army in which the provincial troops were nearly equal innumbers to the British. "It follows, " the audacious memorialist said, "that the colonies have an equitable and just right to participate inthe advantage of those fisheries, " and the present English attempt todeprive the Massachusetts people of sharing in them was "an act highlyunjust and injurious. " He concluded: "I give notice that satisfactionwill probably one day be demanded for all the injury that may be doneand suffered in the execution of such act; and that the injustice ofthe proceeding is likely to give such umbrage to _all the colonies_ thatin no future war, wherein other conquests may be meditated, either a manor a shilling will be obtained from any of them to aid such conquests, till full satisfaction be made as aforesaid. "

Here was indeed a fulmination to strike an Englishman breathless anddumb with amazement. It put the colonies in the position of a coequal orallied power, entitled to share with Britain the spoils of victory; evenin the position of an independent power which could refuse the militaryallegiance of subjects. English judges would have found abundant treasonin this insubordinate document. It may soothe common men to see thewise, the serene, the self-contained Dr. Franklin, the philosopher anddiplomatist, for once lose his head in a gust of uncontrollable passion. Walpole, though a loyal Englishman, was fortunately his true friend, andwrote him, with a brevity more impressive than argument, that thememorial "might be attended with dangerous consequences to your personand contribute to exasperate the nation. " He closed with the significantsentence: "I heartily wish you a prosperous voyage and long health. " Thesignificant words remind one of the woodcock's feather with whichWildrake warned the disguised monarch that no time was to be lost infleeing from Woodstock. But if the hint was curt, it was no less wise. There was no doubt that it was full time for the sage to be exchanginghis farewells, when such a point had been reached. The next day, asFranklin relates, Walpole called and said that "it was thought my havingno instructions directing me to deliver such a protest would make itappear still more unjustifiable, and be deemed a national affront. I hadno desire to make matters worse, and, being grown cooler, took theadvice so kindly given me. "

The last business which Franklin had to transact on the eve of hisdeparture came in the shape of one of those mysterious and obscure bitsof negotiation which are at times undertaken by private persons who arevery "near" to ministers, and who conduct their affairs with impressivesecrecy. Just how much this approach amounted to it is difficult to say;no less a person than Lord Howe was concerned in it, and he wasundoubtedly in direct communication with Lord North. But whether thatpotentate really anticipated any substantial good result may be doubted. Franklin himself has told the story with much particularity, and sinceit will neither bear curtailment nor admit of being related at length, and since the whole palaver accomplished absolutely nothing, therelation will be omitted here. In the course of it the efforts to bribeFranklin were renewed, and briefly rejected by him. Also he met, andestablished a very friendly personal relation with, Lord Howe, whoafterward commanded the British fleet in American waters. 

Having discovered the emptiness of this business, Franklin at lastcompleted his arrangements for his return home. He placed his agenciesin the hands of Arthur Lee. His last day in London he passed with hisstanch old friend. Dr. Priestley, and a large part of the time, says thedoctor, "he was looking over a number of American newspapers, directingme what to extract from them for the English ones; and in reading themhe was frequently not able to proceed for the tears literally runningdown his cheeks. " Such was the depth of feeling in one often accountedcallous, indifferent, or even untrustworthy in the matter of Americanrelations with England. He felt some anxiety as to whether his departuremight not be prevented by an arrest, and made his journey to Portsmouthwith such speed and precautions as were possible. [36] But he was notinterrupted, and sailed on some day near the middle of March, 1775. Hisdeparture marked an era in the relations of Great Britain with herAmerican colonies. It signified that all hope of agreement, allpossibility of reconciliation upon one side or of recession upon theother, were absolutely over. That Franklin gave up in despair the taskof preventing a war meant that war was certain and imminent. He arrivedin Philadelphia May 5, 1775. During his absence his wife had died, andhis daughter had married a young man, Richard Bache, whom he had neveryet seen. 

[Note 36: Parton's _Life of Franklin_, ii. 70. ]

CHAPTER VIII

SERVICES IN THE STATES

From the solitude of the ocean to the seething turmoil which Franklinfound in the colonies must have been a startling transition. He had comehome an old man, lacking but little of the allotted threescore years andten. He had earned and desired repose, but never before had heencountered such exacting, important, and unremitting labor asimmediately fell to his lot. Lexington and Concord fights had takenplace a fortnight before he landed, and the news preceded him inPhiladelphia by a few days only. Many feelings may be discerned in thebrief note which he wrote on May 16 to Dr. Priestley:--

 "DEAR FRIEND, --You will have heard, before this reaches you, of a march stolen by the regulars into the country by night, and of their _expedition_ back again. They retreated twenty miles in six hours. The governor had called the Assembly to propose Lord North's pacific plan, but before the time of their meeting began the cutting of throats. You know it was said he carried the sword in one hand and the olive branch in the other, and it seems he chose to give them a taste of the sword first. "

To another correspondent he said that "the feeble Americans, who peltedthem all the way, could scarcely keep up with" the rapidly retreatingredcoats. But the occurrence of bloodshed had an immense meaning forFranklin; it opened to his vision all the future: an irreconcilablestruggle, and finally independence, with a bitter animosity longsurviving. He could not address all those who had once been near anddear to him in England as he did the good Dr. Priestley. The letter toStrahan of July 5, 1775, is famous:--

 "MR STRAHAN, --You are a member of Parliament, and one of that majority which has doomed my country to destruction. You have begun to burn our towns and murder our people. Look upon your hands; they are stained with the blood of your relations! You and I were long friends; you are now my enemy, and I am, "Yours, B. FRANKLIN. "

But strained as his relations with Strahan were for a while, it isagreeable to know that the estrangement between such old and closefriends was not everlasting. 

To write at length concerning Franklin's services during his brief stayat home would involve giving a history of the whole affairs of thecolonies at this time. But space presses, and this ground is familiarand has been traversed in other volumes in this series. It seemssufficient, therefore, rather to enumerate than to narrate his variousengagements, and thus to reserve more room for less well-known matters. 

On the very day after his return, when he had scarce caught the breathof land, he was unanimously elected by the Assembly a delegate to theProvincial Congress. It was an emergency when the utmost must be made oftime, brains, and men. By subsequent reëlections he continued to sit inthat body until his departure for France. There was business enoughbefore it: the organization of a government, of the army, of thefinances; most difficult of all, the arrangement of a national policy, and the harmonizing of conflicting opinions among men of influence athome. In all that came before the Congress Franklin was obliged to takehis full share. He seems to have been upon all the busy and importantcommittees. There were more ardent spirits, greater propelling forces, than he was; but his wisdom was transcendent. Dickinson and hisfollowers were bent upon sending one more petition to the king, a schemewhich was ridiculed almost with anger by the more advanced and resoluteparty. But Franklin's counsel was to give way to their wishes, as beingthe best policy for bringing them later into full accord with the partywhich was for war. He had no hopes of any other good result from theproceeding; but it also chimed with his desire to put the English asmuch as possible in the wrong. In the like direction was a clause in hisdraft of a declaration, intended to be issued by Washington in thesummer of 1775. To counteract the charge that the colonies refused tocontribute to the cost of their own protection, he proposed that, ifGreat Britain would abolish her monopoly of the colonial trade, allowingfree commerce between the colonies and all the rest of the world, theywould pay into the English sinking fund £100, 000 annually for onehundred years; which would be more than sufficient, if "faithfully andinviolably applied for that purpose, . . . To extinguish all her presentnational debt. "

At the close of this document he administered a telling fillip in hishumorous style to that numerous class who seek to control practicalaffairs by sentiment, and who now would have had their prattle about the"mother country" outweigh the whole accumulation of her very unmaternaloppression and injustice. Concerning the allegation of an unfilialingratitude, he said: "There is much more reason for retorting thatcharge on Britain, who not only never contributes any aid, nor affords, by an exclusive commerce, any advantages to Saxony, _her_ mothercountry; but, no longer since than the last war, without the leastprovocation, subsidized the king of Prussia while he ravaged that_mother country_, and carried fire and sword into its capital. . . . Anexample we hope no provocation will induce us to imitate. " Had thisdeclaration ever been used, which it was not, the dignity of the gravegeneral who commanded the American forces would have compelled him tocut off this closing snapper from the lash, amusing as it was. Thewitty notion had found a more appropriate place in the newspaper articlewhich had dumfounded the guests at the English country house. Commentingupon this, Mr. Parton well says: "Here perhaps we have one of thereasons why Dr. Franklin, who was universally confessed to be the ablestpen in America, was not always asked to write the great documents of theRevolution. He would have put a joke into the Declaration ofIndependence, if it had fallen to him to write it. . . . His jokes, thecirculating medium of Congress, were as helpful to the cause as Jay'sconscience or Adams's fire; . . . But they were out of place in formal, exact, and authoritative papers. "[37]

[Note 37: _Life of Franklin_, ii, 85. ]

A document which cost Dr. Franklin much more labor than this declarationwas a plan for a union of the colonies, which he brought forward July21, 1775. It was the "first sketch of a plan of confederation which isknown to have been presented to Congress. " No final action was evertaken upon it. It contained a provision that Ireland, the West IndiaIslands, the Canadian possessions, and Florida might, upon application, be received into the confederation. 

Franklin's duties in Congress were ample to consume his time andstrength; but they were far from being all that he had to do. Almostimmediately after his return he was made chairman of a committee fororganizing the postal service of the country. In execution of this dutyhe established in substance that system which has ever since prevailed;and he was then at once appointed postmaster-general, with a salary of£1000 per annum. When franking letters he amused himself by changing theformula, "Free: B. Franklin" into "B. Free, Franklin. "

He was next made chairman of the provincial committee of safety, a bodywhich began its sittings at the comfortable, old-fashioned hour of sixo'clock in the morning. Its duty was to call out and organize all themilitary resources of Pennsylvania, and generally to provide for thedefenses of the province. It worked with much efficiency in its noveland difficult department. Among other things, Franklin devised andconstructed some ingenious "marine _chevaux de frise_" for closing theriver approaches to Philadelphia. 

In October, 1775, he was elected a member of the Assembly of theProvince. But this did not add to his labors; for the oath of allegiancehad not yet been dispensed with; he would not take it, and resigned hisseat. 

In September, 1775, Franklin, Lynch of South Carolina, and Harrison ofVirginia, as a committee of Congress, were dispatched to Cambridge, Massachusetts, to confer with Washington concerning military affairs. They rode from Philadelphia to the leaguer around Boston in thirteendays. Their business was achieved with no great difficulty; but theylingered a few days more in that interesting camp, and were absent sixweeks. General Greene has recorded how he gazed upon Franklin, "thatvery great man, with silent admiration;" and Abigail Adams tells withwhat interest she met him whom "from infancy she had been taught tovenerate, " and how she read in his grave countenance "patriotism in itsfull lustre" and with it "blended every virtue of a Christian. " Thephrase was not well chosen to fall from the pen of Mrs. Adams, yet wasliterally true; Franklin had the virtues, though dissevered from thetenets which that worthy Puritan dame conceived essential to the make-upof a genuine Christian. The time came when her husband would not havelet her speak thus in praise of Benjamin Franklin. 

In the spring of 1776 Congress was inconsiderate enough to impose uponFranklin a journey to Montreal, there to confer with General Arnoldconcerning affairs in Canada. It was a severe, even a cruel task to putupon a man of his age; but with his usual tranquil courage he acceptedthe mission. He met the ice in the rivers, and suffered much fromfatigue and exposure; indeed, the carelessness of Congress was neardepriving the country of a life which could not have been spared. OnApril 15 he wrote from Saratoga: "I begin to apprehend that I haveundertaken a fatigue that at my time of life may prove too much for me;so I sit down to write to a few friends by way of farewell;" and stillthe real wilderness with all its hardships lay before him. After he hadtraversed it he had the poor reward of finding himself on a bootlesserrand. The Canadian enterprise had no possible future save failure andretreat. There was absolutely nothing which he could do in Canada; hewas being wasted there, and resolved to get away as soon as he could. Accordingly he made his painful way homeward; but worn out as he was, hewas given scant opportunity to recuperate from this perilous andmistaken journey. The times called upon every patriot to spend all hehad of vigor, intellect, money, life itself, for the common cause, andFranklin was no niggard in the stress. 

In the spring of 1776 the convention charged to prepare a constitutionfor the independent State of Pennsylvania was elected. Franklin was amember, and when the convention came together he was chosen to presideover its deliberations. It sat from July 16 to September 28. Theconstitution which it presented to the people established a legislatureof only one house, a feature which Franklin approved and defended. Atthe close of the deliberations thanks were unanimously voted to him forhis services as presiding officer, and for his "able and disinterestedadvice. "

Yet in spite of abundant acts, like this, of real independence takingplace upon all sides, profession of it inspired alarm in a largeproportion of the people. Congress even declared formally thatindependence was not aimed at. Sam Adams, disgusted, talked of forming aNew England confederacy, and Franklin approved the scheme and said thatin such an event he would cast in his lot with the New Englanders. Butthe stream ran on in spite of some snags in the current. It was not muchlater that Franklin found himself one of the committee of five electedby ballot to frame a declaration of independence. Had he been calledupon to write the document he would certainly have given something moreterse and simple than that rotund and magniloquent instrument whichJefferson bequeathed to the unbounded admiration of American posterity. As it was, Franklin's recorded connection with the preparation of thatfamous paper is confined to the amusing tale about John Thompson, Hatter, wherewith he mitigated the miseries of Jefferson during thedebate; and to his familiar bonmot in reply to Harrison's appeal forunanimity: "Yes, we must indeed all hang together, or assuredly we shallall hang separately. " With this rather grim jest upon his lip, he sethis signature to one of the greatest documents in the world's history. 

When it came to shaping the machinery of the confederation, the greatdifficulty, as is well known, lay in establishing a just proportionbetween the larger and the smaller States. Should they have equal weightin voting, or not? It was a question so vital and so hard to settle thatthe confederacy narrowly survived the strain. Franklin was decidedly infavor of making the voting value proportionate to the size, measured bypopulation, of the several States. He said: Let the smaller coloniesgive equal money and men, and then let them have an equal vote. If theyhave an equal vote without bearing equal burdens, a confederation basedon such iniquitous principles will not last long. To set out with anunequal representation is unreasonable. There is no danger that thelarger States will absorb the smaller. The same apprehension wasexpressed when Scotland was united to England. It was then said that thewhale had swallowed Jonah; but Lord Bute's administration came in, andthen it was seen that Jonah had swallowed the whale. That Scotchfavorite was the provocation for many witty sayings, but for none betterthan this. 

In July, 1776, Lord Howe arrived, in command of the English fleet. Heimmediately sought to open a friendly correspondence with Franklin. Hehad played a prominent part in those efforts at conciliation which hadcome to naught just before Franklin's departure from England; and he nowrenewed his generous attempt to act as a mediator. There is no doubtthat this nobleman, as kindly as brave, would far rather have reconciledthe Americans than have fought them. By permission of Congress Franklinreplied by a long letter, not deficient in courtesy of language, butfull of argument upon the American side, and in a tone which there wasno misconceiving. Its closing paragraph was:--

 "I consider this war against us, therefore, as both unjust and unwise; and I am persuaded that cool, dispassionate posterity will condemn to infamy those who advised it, and that even success will not save from some degree of dishonor those who voluntarily engaged to conduct it. I know your great motive in coming hither was the hope of being instrumental in a reconciliation; and I believe, when you find _that_ impossible on any terms given you to propose, you will relinquish so odious a command, and return to a more honorable private station. "

If the Englishman had been hot-tempered, this would probably have endedthe correspondence; as it was, he only delayed for a while beforewriting civilly again. The battle of Long Island next occurred, and LordHowe fancied that that disaster might bring the Americans to theirsenses. He paroled General Sullivan, and by him sent a message toCongress: That he and his brother had full powers to arrange anaccommodation; that they could not at present treat with Congress assuch, but would like to confer with some of its members as privategentlemen. After a long debate it was resolved to send a committee ofCongress to meet the admiral and the general, and Franklin, John Adams, and Edward Rutledge were deputed. Lord Howe received them with muchcourtesy, and gave them a lunch before proceeding to business. But whenluncheon was over and the substance of the errand was reached, it wasvery shortly disposed of. His lordship opened with a speech of elaboratecivility, and concluded by saying that he felt for America as for abrother, and if America should fall he should feel and lament it likethe loss of a brother. Franklin replied: "My lord, we will use ourutmost endeavors to save your lordship that mortification. " But LordHowe did not relish this Yankee wit. He continued by a long, explanatory, conciliatory address. At its close there was necessarilybrought up the question of the character in which the envoys came. Hislordship thought that the idea of Congress might "easily be thrown outat present. " Franklin adroitly settled it: "Your lordship may considerus in any view you think proper. We on our part are at liberty toconsider ourselves in our real character. But there is really nonecessity on this occasion to distinguish between members of Congressand individuals. The conversation may be held as among friends. " Mr. Adams made one of those blunt and pugnacious remarks which, wheneveraddressed to Englishmen, are sure to endear the speaker to the Americannation. Mr. Rutledge laid over it the courtesy of a gentleman; and thenthe conference came to the point. 

Lord Howe expressed his majesty's earnest desire for a permanent peaceand for the happiness of his American subjects, his willingness for areform and for a redress of grievances. But he admitted that theDeclaration of Independence was an awkward obstacle. He asked: "Isthere no way of treating _back_ of this step of independency?" Franklinreplied at some length, closing with the words: "Forces have been sentout, and towns have been burnt. We cannot now expect happiness under thedomination of Great Britain. All former attachments are obliterated. America cannot return to the domination of Great Britain, and I imaginethat Great Britain means to rest it upon force. " Adams said: "It is notin our power to treat otherwise than as independent States; and for myown part, I avow my determination never to depart from the idea ofindependency. " Rutledge said: "With regard to the people consenting tocome again under the English government, it is impossible. I can answerfor South Carolina. " Lord Howe replied: "If such are your sentiments, Ican only regret that it is not in my power to bring about theaccommodation I wish. " Thus the fruitlessness of such efforts was mademanifest; of all concerned, it is probable that the most amiable ofEnglishmen was the only one who was disappointed at the result. TheAmericans were by no means displeased at having another and conclusiveproof to convince the doubting ones that reconciliation was animpossibility. 

Franklin's language was expressive of the way in which his mind hadworked. Until it came to the "cutting of throats, " he had neveraltogether and avowedly given up hopes that, from the reservoir ofunknown things in the future, something might in time come forth thatwould bring about a reasonable accommodation. But the first bloodshedeffected a change in his feelings as irrevocable as that which Hawthorneso subtly represents as having been worked in the nature of Donatello bya violent taking of life. "Bunker's Hill" excited him; the sack ofFalmouth affected him with terrible intensity. When the foolish petitionof the Dickinson party was sent to England, he wrote to Dr. Priestleythat the colonies had given Britain one more chance of recovering theirfriendship, "which, however, I think she has not sense enough toembrace; and so I conclude she has lost them forever. She has begun toburn our seaport towns, secure, I suppose, that we shall never be ableto return the outrage in kind. . . . If she wishes to have us subjects . . . She is now giving us such miserable specimens of her government that weshall ever detest and avoid it, as a combination of robbery, murder, famine, fire, and pestilence. " His humor could not be altogetherrepressed, but there were sternness and bitterness underlying it: "Tellour dear, good friend, Dr. Price, who sometimes has his doubts anddespondencies about our firmness, that America is determined andunanimous; a very few Tories and placemen excepted, who will probablysoon export themselves. Britain, at the expense of three millions, haskilled one hundred and fifty Yankees, this campaign, which is twentythousand pounds a head; and at Bunker's Hill she gained a mile ofground, half of which she lost again by our taking post at PloughedHill. During the same time 60, 000 children have been born in America. From these data his mathematical head will easily calculate the time andexpense necessary to kill us all, and conquer our whole territory. " Itwas a comical way of expressing the real truth that Britain neitherwould nor could give enough either of men, or money, or time toaccomplish the task she had undertaken. To another he wrote: "We hearthat more ships and troops are coming out. We know that you may do us agreat deal of mischief, and are determined to bear it patiently as longas we can. But if you flatter yourselves with beating us intosubmission, you know neither the people nor the country. " Other menwrote ardent words and indulged in the rhetorical extravagance ofintense excitement in those days; Franklin sometimes cloaked theintensity of his feeling in humor, at other times spoke with a grave andself-contained moderation which was within rather than without the factsand the truth. Everything which he said was true with precision to theletter. But his careful statement and measured profession indicaterather than belie the earnestness of his feeling, the strength of hisconviction, and the fixedness of his resolution. 

Thus briefly must be dismissed the extensive and important toil ofeighteen months, probably the busiest of Franklin's long and busy life. In September, 1776, he was elected envoy to France, and scant space isleft for narrating the events of that interesting embassage. 

CHAPTER IX

MINISTER TO FRANCE, I DEANE AND BEAUMARCHAIS: FOREIGN OFFICERS

It is difficult to pass a satisfactory judgment upon the diplomacy ofthe American Revolution. If one takes its history in detail, it presentsa disagreeable picture of importunate knocking at the closed doors offoreign courts, of incessant and almost shameless begging for money andfor any and every kind of assets that could be made useful in war, ofpublic bickering and private slandering among the envoys and agentsthemselves. If, on the other hand, its achievements are considered, itappears crowned with the distinction of substantial, repeated, sometimesbrilliant successes. A like contrast is found in its _personnel_. Between Franklin and Arthur Lee a distance opens like that between thepoles, in which stand such men as Jay and Adams near the one extreme, Izard, William Lee, and Thomas Morris near the other, with Deane, Laurens, Carmichael, Jonathan Williams, and a few more in the middleground. Yet what could have been reasonably expected? Franklin had hadsome dealings with English statesmen upon what may be calledinternational business, and had justly regarded himself in the light ofa quasi foreign minister. But with this exception not one man in all thecolonies had had the slightest experience in diplomatic affairs, or anypersonal knowledge of the requirements of a diplomatic office, or anyopportunity to gain any ideas on the subject beyond such as awell-educated man could glean from reading the scant historicalliterature which existed in those days. It was difficult also forCongress to know how to judge and discriminate concerning the materialwhich it found at its disposal. There had been nothing in the careers ofthe prominent patriots to indicate whether or not any especial one amongthem had a natural aptitude for diplomacy. The selection must be madewith little knowledge of the duties of the position, and with noknowledge of the responsive characteristics of the man. It was onlynatural that many of the appointments thus blindly made should turn outill. After they were made, and the appointees had successfully crossedthe ocean through the dangerous gauntlet of the English cruisers, therearose to be answered in Europe the embarrassing question: What theseself-styled representatives represented. Was it a nation, or only aparcel of rebels? Here was an unusual and vexatious problem, concerningwhich most of the cautious royal governments were in no hurry to committhemselves; and their reticence added greatly to the perplexities of thefledgling diplomats. Nearly all cabinets felt it a great temptation toassist the colonies of the domineering mistress of the seas to changethemselves from her dependencies into her naval rivals. But the attemptand not the deed might prove confounding; neither could a wise monarchassume with entire complacency the position of an aider and an abettorof a rebellion on the part of subjects whose grievances appeared chieflyan antipathy to taxation. 

From the earliest moment France had been hopefully regarded by thecolonists as probably their friend and possibly their ally. To France, therefore, the first American envoy was dispatched with promptitude, even before there was a declaration of independence or an assumption ofnationality. Silas Deane was the man selected. He was the true Yankeejack-at-all-trades; he had been graduated at Yale College, then taughtschool, then practiced law, then engaged in trade, had been all thewhile advancing in prosperity and reputation, had been a member of theFirst and Second Congresses, had failed of reëlection to the Third, andwas now without employment. Mr. Parton describes him as "of somewhatstriking manners and good appearance, accustomed to live and entertainin liberal style, and fond of showy equipage and appointment. " Perhapshis simple-minded fellow countrymen of the provinces fancied that such aman would make an imposing figure at an European court. He developed noother peculiar fitness for his position; he could not even speakFrench; and it proved an ill hour for himself in which he received thistrying and difficult honor. By dint of native shrewdness, good luck, andfalling among friends he made a fair beginning; but soon he flounderedbeyond his depth, committed some vexatious blunders, and in the courseof conducting some important business at last found himself in aposition where he had really done right but appeared to have done wrong, without being free to explain the truth. The result was that he wasrecalled upon a pretext which poorly concealed his disgrace, that hefound even his reputation for financial honesty clouded, and that hisprospects for the future were of the worst. He was not a man ofsufficient mental calibre or moral strength to endure his unmeritedsufferings with constancy. After prolonged disappointments in hisattempts to set himself right in the opinion of the country, he becameembittered, lost all judgment and patriotism, turned a renegade to thecause of America, which had wronged him indeed, but rather in ignorancethan from malice, and died unreconciled, a broken and miserable exile. Such were the perils of the diplomatic service of the colonies in thosedays. 

Deane arrived in France in June, 1776. He had with him a little readymoney for his immediate personal expenses, and some letters ofintroduction from Franklin. It was intended to keep him supplied withmoney by sending cargoes of tobacco, rice, and indigo consigned to him, the proceeds of which would be at his disposal for the public service. He was instructed to seek an interview with de Vergennes, the Frenchminister for foreign affairs, and to endeavor with all possible prudenceand delicacy to find out what signs of promise the disposition of theFrench government really held for the insurgents. He was also to ask forequipment for 25, 000 troops, ammunition, and 200 pieces of fieldartillery, all to be paid for--when Congress should be able! In Francehe was to keep his mission cloaked in secure secrecy, appearing simplyas a merchant conducting his own affairs; and he was to write homecommon business letters under the very harmless and unsuggestive name ofTimothy Jones, adding the real dispatch in invisible ink. But thesecommonplace precautions were rendered of no avail through the treacheryof Dr. Edward Bancroft, an American resident abroad, who had theconfidence of Congress, but who "accepted the post of a paid Americanspy, to prepare himself for the more lucrative office of a double spyfor the British ministers. "[38] Deane, going somewhat beyond hisinstructions to correspond with Bancroft, told him everything. Bancroftis supposed to have passed the information along to the Britishministry, and thus enabled them to interpose serious hindrances in theway of the ingenious devices of the Frenchmen. 

[Note 38: Bancroft, _Hist. U. S. _ ix. 63. ]

Before the arrival of Deane the interests of the colonies had beenalready taken in hand and substantially advanced in France by one of themost extraordinary characters in history. Caron de Beaumarchais was aman whom no race save the French could produce, and whose traits, career, and success lie hopelessly beyond the comprehension of theAnglo-Saxon. Bred a watchmaker, he had the skill, when a mere youth, toinvent a clever escapement balance for regulating watches; had he beenable to insert it into his own brain he might have held more securelyhis elusive good fortunes. From being an ingenious inventor he became anadventurer general, watchmaker to the king, the king's mistresses, andthe king's daughters, the lover, or rather the beloved, of the wife ofthe controller of the king's kitchen, then himself the controller, thence a courtier, and a favorite of the royal princesses. Through aclever use of his opportunities he was able to do a great favor to arich banker, who in return gave him chances to amass a fortune, and lenthim money to buy a patent of nobility. This connection ended inlitigation, which was near ruining him; but he discovered corruption onthe part of the judge, and thereupon wrote his Memorials, of which thewit, keenness, and vivacity made him famous. He then rendered a private, personal, and important service to Louis XV. , and soon afterwardsanother to the young Louis XVI. His capacity for secret usefulness gavehim further occupation and carried him much to London. There he wrotethe "Barber of Seville, " and there also he fell in with Arthur Lee andbecame indoctrinated with grand notions of the resources and value ofthe colonies, and of the ruin which their separation must inflict uponEngland. Furthermore, as a Frenchman he naturally consorted with membersof the opposition party who took views very favorable to America. Withsuch corroboration of Lee's statements, Beaumarchais, never moderate inany sentiment, leaped to the conclusion that the colonies "must beinvincible, " and that England was "upon the brink of ruin, if herneighbors and rivals were but in a state to think seriously of it. " Atonce the lively and ambitious fancy of the impetuous Frenchman spread anextravagant panorama of the possibilities thus opened to England's"natural enemy. " He became frenzied in the American cause. In long andardent letters he opened upon King Louis and his ministers a rattlingfire of arguments sound and unsound, statements true and untrue, inducements reasonable and unreasonable, forecastings probable andimprobable, policies wise and unwise, all designed to show that it wasthe bounden duty of France to adopt the colonial cause. The king, withno very able brain at any time, was very young and wholly inexperienced. He gazed bewildered at the brilliant pageantry of Beaumarchais'swonderful and audacious statecraft, and sensibly sought the advice ofhis ministers. 

De Vergennes set out his views, in agreement with Beaumarchais. Hedeclared that France now had her opportunity to reduce her dangerousrival to the place of a second-rate power. To this end it was desirablethat the rebellion should endure at least one year. The sufferings ofthe colonists in that period would so embitter them that, even if theyshould finally be subdued, they would ever remain a restless, dangerousthorn in the side of England, a bond with a heavy penalty effectuallybinding her to keep the peace. To make sure that neither side shouldmove for peace before this one valuable year of warfare should have beensecured, it was the policy of France to maintain a pacific front towardsGreat Britain, thus relieving her from any fear that the colonies wouldobtain a French alliance, but clandestinely to furnish the insurgentswith munitions of war and money sufficient to enable and encourage themto hold out. 

The wise Turgot, in a state paper marked by great ability, opposedFrench intervention, and proved his case. Colonial independence was sureto come, a little sooner or later. Yet the reduction of the colonieswould be the best possible assurance that England would not break thepeace with France, since the colonists, being mutinous and discontented, would give her concern enough. On the other hand, should England fail, as he anticipated that she would, in this war, she would hardly emergefrom it in condition to undertake another with France. As for thecolonies themselves, should they win, the character of the Americansgave augury of their wishing a solid government and thereforecultivating peace. He uttered an admirable dissertation upon therelations between colonies and a parent country, and upon the value ofcolonies in its bearing upon the present question. In conclusion hegravely referred to the alarming deficit in the French exchequer as thestrongest of all arguments against incurring the heavy charge of a warnot absolutely unavoidable. "For a necessary war resources could befound; but war ought to be shunned as the greatest of misfortunes, sinceit would render impossible, perhaps forever, a reform absolutelynecessary to the prosperity of the state and the solace of the people. "The king, to whom these wise words were addressed, lived to receiveterrible proof of their truth. 

This good advice fell in well with the bent of Louis's mind. For, thoughno statesman, he had in this matter a sound instinct that an absolutemonarch aiding rebels to erect a free republic was an anomaly, and ahazardous contradiction in the natural order of things. But de Vergenneswas the coming man in France, and Turgot no longer had the influence orthe popularity to which his ability entitled him. In May, 1776, on anill day for the French monarchy, but a fair one for the Americanprovinces, this able statesman was ousted from the cabinet. De Vergennesremained to wield entire control of the policy of the kingdom in thisbusiness, and his triumph was the great good fortune of the colonies. Yet his design was sufficiently cautious, and strictly limited to theadvantage of his own country. France was not to be compromised, and aningenious scheme was arranged. 

The firm of Roderigue Hortalez & Co. Made sudden appearance in Paris. Beaumarchais alone conducted its affairs, the most extraordinarymerchant surely who ever engaged in extensive commerce! The capital wassecretly furnished by the Spanish and French governments; about $400, 000the firm had to start with, and later the French government contributed$200, 000 more. De Vergennes was explicit in his language toBeaumarchais: to Englishmen and Americans alike the affair must be an"individual speculation. " With the capital given him Beaumarchais must"found a great commercial establishment, " and "at his own risk andperil" sell to the colonies military supplies. These would be sold tohim from the French arsenals; but he "must pay for them. " From thecolonies he must "ask return in their staple products. " Except that hissilent partners might be lenient in demanding repayment Beaumarchaisreally was to be a merchant, engaged in an exceptionally hazardoustrade. If he regarded himself in any other light he was soon painfullyundeceived; for de Vergennes was in earnest. But for the immediatepresent, upon the moment when he had arranged these preliminaries, doubtless fancying the government at his back, this most energetic ofmen plunged into his work with all the ardor of his excitable nature. Heflew hither and thither; got arms and munitions from the government;bought and loaded ships, and was soon conducting an enormous business. 

But it was by no means all smooth sailing for the vessels of Hortalez &Co. ; for Deane arrived, not altogether opportunely, just as Beaumarchaiswas getting well under weigh. The two were soon brought together, andDeane was told all that was going on, save only the original connectionof the French government, which it seems that he never knew. He in turntold all to Dr. Bancroft, and so unwittingly to the English government. Thereupon the watchful English cruisers effectually locked up the shipsof Hortalez in the French harbors. Also Lord Stormont, the Englishambassador, harassed the French government with ceaselessrepresentations and complaints concerning these betrayed shipments ofcontraband cargoes. At the same time the news from America, comingchiefly through English channels, took on a very gloomy coloring, andlent a certain emphasis to these protests of the English minister. DeVergennes felt compelled to play out his neutral part even more inearnest than had been intended. He sent to the ports at which Hortalez &Co. Had ships very stringent instructions to check unlawful trade, andthe officials obeyed in good faith to the letter. Beaumarchais wasseriously embarrassed at finding himself bearing in fact the mercantilecharacter which he had supposed that he was only dramatically assuming. He had to load his cargoes and clear his ships as best he could, precisely like any ordinary dealer in contraband wares; there was nofavoritism, no winking at his breaches of the law. The result was thatit was a long while before he got any arms, ammunition, and clothinginto an American port. Moreover, the ships from America which were tohave brought him payment in the shape of tobacco and other Americancommodities failed to arrive; his royal copartners declined to makefurther advances; the ready money was gone, credit had been strained tothe breaking point, and a real bankruptcy impended over the sham firm. Thus in the autumn and early winter of 1776 prospects in France wore nocheerful aspect for the colonies. It was at this juncture that Franklinarrived, and he came like a reviving breeze from the sea. 

Long and anxiously did Congress wait to get news from France; not manytrustworthy ships were sent on so perilous a voyage, and of those thatventured it only a few got across an ocean "porcupined" with Englishwarships. At last in September, 1776, Franklin received from Dr. Dubourgof Paris, a gentleman with whom his friendship dated back to his Frenchtrip in 1767, a long and cheering letter full of gratifyingintelligence concerning the disposition of the court, and throwing out anumber of such suggestions that the mere reading them was a stimulus toaction. Congress was not backward to respond; it resolved at once tosend a formal embassage. Franklin was chosen unanimously by the firstballot. "I am old and good for nothing, " he whispered to Dr. Rush, "but, as the storekeepers say of their remnants of cloth, 'I am but a fag endand you may have me for what you please. '"[39] Thomas Jefferson andDeane were elected as colleagues; but Jefferson declined the service andArthur Lee was put in his stead. The Reprisal, sloop of war, of sixteenguns, took Dr. Franklin and his grandson on board for the dangerousvoyage. It was a very different risk from that which Messrs. Slidell andMason took nearly a century later. They embarked on a British mailsteamship, and were subject, as was proved, only to the ordinary perilsof navigation. But had Franklin been caught in this little rebel craft, which had actually been captured from English owners and condemned asprize by rebel tribunals, and which now added the aggravatingcircumstance that she carried an armament sufficient to destroy amerchantman but not to encounter a frigate, he would have had before himat best a long imprisonment, at worst a trial for high treason and ahalter. Horace Walpole gave the news that "Dr. Franklin, at the age ofseventy-two or seventy-four, and at the risk of his head, had bravelyembarked on board an American frigate. " Several times he must havecontemplated these pleasing prospects, for several times the small sloopwas chased by English cruisers; but she was a swift sailer and escapedthem all. Just before making port she captured two English brigs andcarried them in as prizes. 

[Note 39: Parton's _Life of Franklin_, ii. 166. ]

The reference to Slidell and Mason, by the way, calls to mind thehumorous but accurate manner in which Franklin described the differencebetween revolution and rebellion. Soon after landing from this hazardousvoyage he wrote merrily to a lady friend: "You are too early, hussy, aswell as too saucy, in calling me a _rebel_. You should wait for theevent, which will determine whether it is a _rebellion_ or only a_revolution_. Here the ladies are more civil; they call us _lesinsurgens_, a character which usually pleases them. "

The voyage, though quick, was very rough, and Franklin, confined in asmall cabin and "poorly nourished, " since much of the meat was too toughfor his old teeth, had a hard time of it; so that upon coming on shorehe found himself "much fatigued and weakened, " indeed, "almostdemolished. " He therefore rested several days at Nantes before going toParis, where he arrived just before the close of the year. 

The excitement which his arrival in the French capital created wasunmistakable evidence of the estimate set by Europe upon his abilities. Some persons in England endeavored to give to his voyage the color of adesertion from a cause of which he despaired. "The arch----, Dr. Franklin, has lately eloped under a cloak of plenipotentiary toVersailles, " wrote Sir Grey Cooper. But Edmund Burke refused to believethat the man whom he had seen examined before the privy council was"going to conclude a long life, which has brightened every hour it hascontinued, with so foul and dishonorable a flight. " Lord Rockingham saidthat the presence of Franklin in Paris much more than offset the victoryof the English on Long Island, and their capture of New York. LordStormont, it is said, threatened to leave _sans prendre congé_, if the"chief of the American rebels" were allowed to come to Paris. The adroitde Vergennes replied that the government had already dispatched acourier to direct Franklin to remain at Nantes; but since they knewneither the time of his departure nor his route, the message might notreach him. Should he thus innocently arrive in Paris it would bescandalous, inhospitable, and contrary to the laws of nations to sendhim away. [40]

[Note 40: Hale's _Franklin in France_, i. 73. ]

But while the English were angry, the French indulged in a _furore_ ofwelcome. They made feasts and hailed the American as the friend of humankind, as the "ideal of a patriarchal republic and of idyllicsimplicity, " as a sage of antiquity; and the exuberant classicism ofthe nation exhausted itself in glorifying him by comparisons with thosegreat names of Greece and Rome which have become symbols for all privateand public virtues. They admired him because he did not wear a wig; theylauded his spectacles; they were overcome with enthusiasm as theycontemplated his great cap of martin fur, his scrupulously white linen, and the quaint simplicity of his brown Quaker raiment of colonial make. They noted with amazement that his "only defense" was a "walking-stickin his hand. " The print-shops were soon full of countlessrepresentations of his noble face and venerable figure, set off by allthese pleasing adjuncts. The people thronged the streets to see himpass, and respectfully made way for him. He seemed, as John Adams saidlater, to enjoy a reputation "more universal than that of Leibnitz orNewton, Frederick or Voltaire. "

So soon as all this uproar gave him time to look about him, heestablished himself at Passy, in a part of the Hôtel de Valentinois, which was kindly placed at his disposal by its owner, M. Ray deChaumont. In this at that time retired suburb he hoped to be able tokeep the inevitable but useless interruptions within endurable limits. Not improbably also he was further influenced, in accepting M. Chaumont's hospitality, by a motive of diplomatic prudence. Hisshrewdness and experience must soon have shown him that his presence inParis, if not precisely distasteful to the French government, must atleast in some degree compromise it, and might by any indiscretion on hispart easily be made to annoy and vex the ministers. It thereforebehooved him to make himself as little as possible conspicuous in anyofficial or public way. A rebuke, a cold reception, might do seriousharm; nor was it politic to bring perplexities to those whose friendshiphe sought. He could not avoid, nor had he any reason to do so, thesocial éclat with which he was greeted; but he must shun the ostentationof any relationship with men in office. This would be more easilyaccomplished by living in a quarter somewhat remote and suburban. Hisretirement, therefore, while little curtailing his intercourse withprivate society, evinced his good tact, and doubtless helped his goodstanding with the ministers. The police record reports that, if he sawthem at all, it was secretly and under cover of night. He lived incomfortable style, but not showily, keeping a moderate retinue ofservants for appearance as much as for use, and a carriage, which wasindispensable to him. John Adams charged him with undue luxury andextravagance, but the accusation was ridiculous. 

Very exacting did the business of the American envoys soon become. OnDecember 23, 1776, they wrote to acquaint the Count de Vergennes thatthey were "appointed and fully empowered by the Congress of the UnitedStates of America to propose and negotiate a treaty of amity andcommerce between France and the United States;" and they requested anaudience for the purpose of presenting their credentials to hisexcellency. Five days later the audience was given them. They explainedthe desire of the American colonies to enter into a treaty of allianceand of commerce. They said that the colonists were anxious to get theirships, now lying at the home wharves laden with tobacco and otherproducts, out of the American harbors, and to give them a chance to runfor France. But the English vessels hovered thick up and down thecoasts, and the Americans, though able to take care of frigates, couldnot encounter ships of the line. Would not France lend eight ships ofthe line, equipped and manned, to let loose all this blockaded commercewhich was ready to seek her ports and to fill the coffers of hermerchants? Under all the circumstances this was certainly asking toomuch; and in due time the envoys were courteously told so, but were alsooffered a strictly secret loan of $400, 000, to be repaid after the war, without interest. 

It appears that Franklin had substantially no concern in the quasicommercial transactions pending at the time of his arrival between Deaneand Beaumarchais. Deane himself did not know and could not disclose thedetails of the relationship between Beaumarchais and the government, which indeed were not explored and made public until more than half acentury had elapsed after their occurrence. Therefore Franklin sawnothing more than mercantile dealings in various stages of forwardness, whose extensive intricacies it did not seem worth while for him tounravel at a cost of much time and labor, which could be better expendedin other occupations. [41] Deane held all the threads, and it seemednatural and proper to leave this business as his department. So Franklinnever had more than a general knowledge concerning this imbroglio. 

This leaving all to Deane might have been well enough had not Deane hadan implacable enemy in Arthur Lee, who, for that matter, resembled thedevil in at least one particular, inasmuch as he was the foe of allmankind. Beaumarchais early in the proceedings had summarily dropped Leefrom his confidence and instated Deane in the vacancy. This wassufficient to set Lee at once at traducing, an art in which longexperience had cultivated natural aptitude. He saw great sums of moneybeing used, and he was not told whence they came. But he guessed, andupon his guess he built up a theory of financial knavery. Deane hadrepeatedly assured Beaumarchais that he should receive the cargoes ofAmerican produce with promptitude, [42] and he did his best to make thesepromises good, writing urgent letters to Congress to hasten forward thecolonial merchandise. But Arthur Lee mischievously and maliciouslyblocked these perfectly straightforward and absolutely necessaryarrangements. For he had conceived the notion that Beaumarchais was anagent of the French court, that the supplies were free gifts from theFrench government, and that any payments for them to Hortalez & Co. Would only go to fill the rascal purses of Deane and Beaumarchais, confederates in a scheme for swindling. He had no particle of evidenceto sustain this notion, which was simply the subtle conception of hisown bad mind; but he was not the less positive and persistent inasserting it in his letters to members of Congress. Such accounts sadlypuzzled that body; and it may be imagined to what a further hopelessdegree of bewilderment this gathering of American lawyers and tradesmen, planters and farmers, must have been reduced by the extraordinaryletters of the wild and fanciful Beaumarchais. The natural consequencewas that the easier course was pursued, and no merchandise was sent toHortalez. If affairs had not soon taken a new turn in France this errormight have had disastrous consequences for the colonies. In fact, itonly ruined poor Deane. 

[Note 41: Franklin's _Works_, vi. 199, 205; viii. 153, 183; Hale's_Franklin in France_, i. 53. ]

[Note 42: Hale's _Franklin in France_, i. 45. ]

After this unfortunate man had been recalled, and while he was in greataffliction at home because he could not get his reputation cleared fromthese Lee slanders, being utterly unable in America to produce even suchaccounts and evidence as might have been had in France, Franklin morethan once volunteered to express kindly and emphatically his entirebelief in Deane's integrity. So late as October, 1779, though admittinghis lack of knowledge concerning an affair in which he had "nevermeddled, " he still thought Deane "innocent. " Finally in 1782, when Deanehad become thoroughly demoralized by his hard fate, Franklin spoke ofhis fall not without a note of sympathy: "He resides at Ghent, isdistressed both in mind and circumstances, raves and writes abundance, and I imagine it will end in his going over to join his friend Arnold inEngland. I had an exceedingly good opinion of him when he acted with me, and I believe he was then sincere and hearty in our cause. But he ischanged, and his character ruined in his own country and in this, sothat I see no other but England to which he can now retire. He says weowe him about £12, 000 sterling. "[43] But of this Franklin knew nothing, and proposed getting experts to examine the accounts. He did know verywell, however, what it was to be accused by Arthur Lee, and wouldcondemn no man upon that basis!

[Note 43: See also letter to Morris, March 30, 1782, _Works_, vii. 419; also viii. 225. In 1835 sufficient evidence was discovered toinduce Congress to pay to the heirs of this unfortunate man a part ofthe sum due to him. Parton's _Life of Franklin_, ii. 362. ]

Yet the matter annoyed him greatly. On June 12, 1781, he wroteacknowledging that he was absolutely in the dark about the wholebusiness:--

 "In 1776, being then in Congress, I received a letter from Mr. Lee, acquainting me that M. Beaumarchais had applied to him in London, informing him that 200, 000 guineas had been put into his hands, and was at the disposal of the Congress; Mr. Lee added that it was agreed between them that he, M. Beaumarchais, should remit the same in arms, ammunition, etc. , under the name of Hortalez & Co. Several cargoes were accordingly sent. Mr. Lee understood this to be a private aid from the government of France; but M. Beaumarchais has since demanded from Congress payment of a gross sum, as due to him, and has received a considerable part, but has rendered no particular account. I have, by order of Congress, desired him to produce his account, that we might know exactly what we owed, and for what; and he has several times promised it, but has not yet done it; and in his conversation he often mentions, as I am told, that we are greatly in his debt. These accounts in the air are unpleasant, and one is neither safe nor easy under them. I wish, therefore, you could help me to obtain a settlement of them. It has been said that Mr. Deane, unknown to his colleagues, wrote to Congress in favor of M. Beaumarchais's demand; on which Mr. Lee accuses him of having, to the prejudice of his constituents, negotiated a gift into a debt. At present all that transaction is in darkness;[44] and we know not whether the whole, or a part, or no part, of the supplies he furnished were at the expense of government, the reports we have had being so inconsistent and contradictory; nor, if we are in debt for them, or any part of them, whether it is the king or M. De Beaumarchais who is our creditor. "[45]

[Note 44: Light was first let in upon this darkness by Louis deLoménie, in his _Beaumarchais et Son Temps_; and the story as told byhim may be read, in a spirited version, in Parton's _Life of Franklin_, chapters vii. , viii. ]

[Note 45: Hale's _Franklin in France_, i. 53. ]

What chiefly irritated Congress against Deane and led to his recall wasneither his dealings with Beaumarchais nor the slanders of Lee, butquite another matter, in which he certainly showed much lack ofdiscretion. Cargoes of arms and munitions of war were very welcome inthe States, but cargoes of French and other European officers were by nomeans so. Yet the inconsiderate Deane sent over these enthusiasts andadventurers in throngs. The outbreak of the rebellion seemed to arouse aspirit of martial pilgrimage in Europe, a sort of crusading ardor, whichseized the Frenchmen especially, but also some few officers in othercontinental armies. These all flocked to Paris and told Deane that theywere burning to give the insurgent States the invaluable assistance oftheir distinguished services. Deane was little accustomed to the highlyappreciative rhetoric with which the true Frenchman frankly describeshis own merit, and apparently accepted as correct the appraisal whichthese warriors made of themselves. Soon they alighted in swarms upon theAmerican coast, besieged the doors of Congress, and mingled theirimportunities with all the other harassments of Washington. Each one ofthem had his letter from Deane, reciting the exaggerated estimate of hiscapacity, and worse still each one was armed with Deane's promise thathe should hold in the American army a rank one grade higher than he hadheld in his home service. To keep these unauthorized pledges would haveresulted in the resignation of all the good American officers, and inthe utter disorganization of the army. So the inevitable outcome wasthat the disappointed adventurers became furious; that Congress, greatlyannoyed, went to heavy expenses in sending them back again to Europe, and in giving some _douceurs_, which could be ill afforded by the giverand were quite insufficient to prevent the recipients from spreading athome their bitter grudge against the young republic. Altogether it was abad business. 

No sooner was Franklin's foot on French soil than the same eager hordeassailed him. But they found a respondent very different from Deane. Franklin had experience. He knew the world and men; and now his tranquiljudgment and firmness saved him and the applicants alike from furtherblunders. His appreciation of these fiery and priceless gallants, who sodazzled the simple-minded Deane, is shown with charming humor in hiseffort to say a kindly word for his unfortunate colleague. He did notwonder, he said, that Deane, --

 "being then a stranger to the people, and unacquainted with the language, was at first prevailed on to make some such agreements, when all were recommended, as they always are, as _officiers expérimentés, braves comme leurs épées, pleins de courage, de talent, et de zêle pour notre cause_, etc. , etc. ; in short, mere Cæsars, each of whom would have been an invaluable acquisition to America. You can have no conception how we are still besieged and worried on this head, our time cut to pieces by personal applications, besides those contained in dozens of letters by every post. . . . I hope therefore that favorable allowance will be made to my worthy colleague on account of his situation at the time, as he has long since corrected that mistake, and daily approves himself, to my certain knowledge, an able, faithful, active, and extremely useful servant of the public; a testimony I think it my duty of taking this occasion to make to his merit, unasked, as, considering my great age, I may probably not live to give it personally in Congress, and I perceive he has enemies. "

But however firmly and wisely Franklin stood out against the storm ofimportunities he could not for a long time moderate it. He continued tobe "besieged and worried, " and to have his time "cut to pieces;" till atlast he wrote to a friend: "You can have no conception how I amharassed. All my friends are sought out and teased to tease me. Greatofficers of all ranks, in all departments, ladies great and small, besides professed solicitors, worry me from morning to night. The noiseof every coach now that enters my court terrifies me. I am afraid toaccept an invitation to dine abroad. . . . Luckily I do not often in mysleep dream of these vexatious situations, or I should be afraid of whatare now my only hours of comfort. . . . For God's sake, my dear friend, letthis, your twenty-third application, be your last. "

His plain-spoken replies, however harshly they may have struck uponGallic sensitiveness, at least left no room for any one to misunderstandhim. "I know that officers, going to America for employment, willprobably be disappointed, " he wrote; "that our armies are full; thatthere are a number of expectants unemployed and starving for want ofsubsistence; that my recommendation will not make vacancies, nor can itfill them to the prejudice of those who have a better claim. " He alsowrote to Washington, to whom the letter must have brought joyous relief, that he dissuaded every one from incurring the great expense and hazardof the long voyage, since there was already an over-supply of officersand the chance of employment was extremely slight. [46]

[Note 46: As an example of the manner in which Franklin sometimeswas driven to express himself, his letter to M. Lith is admirable. Thisgentleman had evidently irritated him somewhat, and Franklin demolishedhim with a reply in that plain, straightforward style of which he was amaster, in which appeared no anger, but sarcasm of that severest kindwhich lies in a simple statement of facts. I regret that there is notspace to transcribe it, but it may be read in his _Works_, vi. 85. ]

The severest dose which he administered must have made some of thoseexcitable swords quiver in their scabbards. He drew up and used this

 "MODEL OF A LETTER OF RECOMMENDATION OF A PERSON YOU ARE UNACQUAINTED WITH

 "_Sir_, --The bearer of this, who is going to America, presses me to give him a letter of recommendation, though I know nothing of him, not even his name. This may seem extraordinary, but I assure you it is not uncommon here. Sometimes, indeed, one unknown person brings another equally unknown to recommend him; and sometimes they recommend one another! As to this gentleman, I must refer you to himself for his character and merits, with which he is certainly better acquainted than I can possibly be. I recommend him however to those civilities, which every stranger, of whom one knows no harm, has a right to; and I request you will do him all the good offices and show him all the favor, that, on further acquaintance, you shall find him to deserve. I have the honor to be, &c. "

It would be entertaining to know how many of these letters weredelivered, and in what phrases of French courtesy gratitude wasexpressed for them. Sometimes, if any one persisted, in spite ofdiscouragement, in making the journey at his own cost, and, beingforewarned, also at his own risk of disappointment, Franklin gave him aletter strictly confined to the scope of a civil personal introduction. Possibly, now and again, some useful officer may have been thus deterredfrom crossing the water; but any such loss was compensated severalhundredfold by shutting off the intolerable inundation of uselessforeigners. Nor was Franklin wanting in discretion in the matter; for hecommended Lafayette and Steuben by letters, which had real value fromthe fact of the extreme rarity of such a warranty from this source. 

Franklin was little given to political prophecy, but it is interestingto read a passage written shortly after his arrival, May 1, 1777:--

 "All Europe is on our side of the question, as far as applause and good wishes can carry them. Those who live under arbitrary power do nevertheless approve of liberty, and wish for it; they almost despair of recovering it in Europe; they read the translations of our separate colony constitutions with rapture; and there are such numbers everywhere who talk of removing to America, with their families and fortunes, as soon as peace and our independence shall be established, that it is generally believed that we shall have a prodigious addition of strength, wealth, and arts from the emigration of Europe; and it is thought that to lessen or prevent such emigrations, the tyrannies established there must relax, and allow more liberty to their people. Hence it is a common observation here that our cause is the _cause of all mankind_, and that we are fighting for their liberty in defending our own. It is a glorious task assigned us by Providence, which has, I trust, given us spirit and virtue equal to it, and will at last crown it with success. "

The statesmanship of the time-honored European school, ably practiced byde Vergennes, was short-sighted and blundering in comparison with thisbroad appreciation of the real vastness and far-reaching importance ofthat great struggle betwixt the Old and the New. 

CHAPTER X

MINISTER TO FRANCE, II PRISONERS: TROUBLE WITH LEE AND OTHERS

No sooner had the war taken on an assured character than many quick-eyedand adventurous Americans, and Franklin among the first, sawirresistible temptation and great opportunity in that enormous Britishcommerce which whitened all the seas. The colonists of that day, being aseafaring people with mercantile instincts, were soon industriouslyengaged in the lucrative field of maritime captures. Franklinrecommended the fortifying of three or four harbors into which prizescould be safely carried. Nothing else, he said, would give the newnation "greater weight and importance in the eyes of the commercialstates. " Privateering is not always described by such complimentary anddignified language, but the practical-minded rebel spoke well of thatwhich it was so greatly to the advantage of his countrymen to do. Afterarriving in France he found himself in a position to advance thisbusiness very greatly. Conyngham, Wickes, with others only less famous, all active and gallant men as ever trod a deck, took the neighboringwaters as their chosen scene of action, and very soon were stirring upa commotion such as Englishmen had never experienced before. Theyharried the high, and more especially the narrow, seas with a success atleast equal to that of the Alabama, while some of them differed fromSemmes and his compeers in being as anxious to fight as the Southerncaptains were to avoid fighting. Prize after prize they took and carriedinto port, or burned and sank; prisoners they had more than they knewwhat to do with; they frightened the underwriters so that in London theinsurance against capture ran up to the ruinous premium of sixty percent. The Lisbon and the Dutch packets fell victims, and insurance ofboats plying between Dover and Calais went to ten per cent. Englishmenbegan to feel that England was blockaded! We are not so familiar as weought to be with the interesting record of all these audacious andbrilliant enterprises, conducted with dare-devil recklessness by men whowould not improbably have been hanged both as pirates and as traitors, had fortune led to their capture at this moment of British rage andanxiety. [47]

[Note 47: In fact, Conyngham, being at last captured, narrowlyescaped this fate. ]

All this cruising was conducted under the auspices of Franklin. To himthese gallant rovers looked for instructions and suggestions, for moneyand supplies. He had to issue commissions, to settle personalmisunderstandings, to attend to questions of prize money, to sootheunpaid mutineers, to advise as to the purchase of ships, and as to theenterprises to be undertaken; in a word, he was the only _Americangovernment_ which these independent sailors knew. The tax thus laid uponhim was severe, for he was absolutely without experience in suchmatters. 

There was one labor, however, in this connection, which properly fellwithin his department, and in this his privateersmen gave him abundantoccupation. It was to stand between them and the just wrath and fatalinterference of the French government. Crude as international law was inthose days, it was far from being crude enough for the strictlyillegitimate purposes of these vikings. What they expected was to buy, equip, man, and supply their vessels in French ports, to sail out ontheir prize-taking excursions, and, having captured their fill, toreturn to these same ports, and there to have their prizes condemned, tosell their booty, to refit and re-supply, and then to sally forth again. In short, an Englishman would have been puzzled to distinguish adifference between the warlike ports of America and the neutral ports ofFrance, save as he saw that the latter, being nearer, were much the moreinjurious. But de Vergennes had no notion of being used for Americanpurposes in this jeopardizing style. He did not mean to have a war withEngland, if he could avoid it; so he gave to the harbor masters orderswhich greatly annoyed and surprised the American captains, "extraordinary" orders, as these somewhat uninstructed sea-dogsdescribed them in their complaining letters to Franklin. They thought itan outrage that the French minister should refuse to have English prizescondemned within French jurisdiction, and that he should not allow themto refit and to take on board cannon and ammunition at Nantes orRochelle. They called upon Franklin to check these intolerableproceedings. Their audacious and boundless insolence is veryentertaining to read, especially if, in connection therewith, we call tomind the history of the "Alabama outrages. "

Franklin knew, just as well as de Vergennes did, that the Frenchministry was all the time favoring the privateersmen and cruisers farbeyond the law, and that it was ready to resort to as many devices asingenuity could concoct for that purpose; also that the Americans bytheir behavior persistently violated all reason and neutral toleration. Nevertheless he stood gallantly by his own, and in one case afteranother he kept corresponding with de Vergennes under pretense ofcorrecting misrepresentations, presenting requests, and arguing points, until, by the time thus gained, the end was achieved. The truth was thatFranklin's duty was to get from France just as much aid, direct andindirect, as could be either begged or filched from her. Such orderscould not be written down in plain words in his instructions, but nonethe less they lurked there not illegible to him among the lines. Heobeyed them diligently. France was willing to go fully as far as shecould with safety; his function was to push, to pull, to entice, even tomislead, in order to make her go farther. Perhaps it was a fair game;France had her interest to see Great Britain dismembered and weakened, but not herself to fight other people's battles; the colonies had theirinterest to get France into the fight if they possibly could. It was astrictly selfish interest, and was pursued almost shamelessly. Thecolonial policy and the details of its execution are defensible simplyon the basis that nations in their dealings with each other are alwaysutterly selfish and generally utterly unscrupulous. By and by, when itcomes to the treating for peace between England and the colonies, weshall find de Vergennes much reviled because he pursued exclusivelyFrench interests; but it will be only fair to reflect that little morecan be charged against him than that he was playing the game with cardsdrawn from the same pack which the Americans had used in these earlierdays of the war. 

***

A matter which grew out of privateering gave Franklin much trouble. TheAmerican captains, who were cruising on the European side of theAtlantic prior to the treaty of alliance with France, had no place inwhich to deposit their prisoners. They could not often send them to theStates, neither of course could they accumulate them on board theirships, nor yet store them, so to speak, in France and Spain; forundeveloped as were the rules of neutrality they at least forbade theuse of neutral prisons for the keeping of English prisoners of war intime of peace. Meanwhile the colonial captives, in confinement justacross the Channel, in the prisons at Plymouth and Portsmouth, weresubjected to very harsh treatment; and others were even being sent tothe fort of Senegal on the coast of Africa, and to the East Indies, whence they could not hope ever to regain their homes. Franklinimmediately resolved, if possible, to utilize these assets in the shapeof English sailors in the usual course of exchange. A letter wasaccordingly addressed by him to Lord Stormont, asking whether it wouldbe worth while to approach the British court with an offer to exchangeone hundred English prisoners in the hands of the captain of theReprisal for a like number of American sailors from the English prisons. The note was a simple interrogatory in proper form of civility. Noanswer was received. After a while a second letter was prepared, lessformal, more forcible in statement and argument, and in the appeal togood sense and decent good feeling. This elicited from his lordship abrief response: "The king's ambassador receives no applications fromrebels, unless they come to implore his majesty's mercy. " Thecommissioners indignantly rejoined: "In answer to a letter whichconcerns some of the most material interests of humanity, and of the twonations, Great Britain and the United States of America, now at war, wereceived the inclosed indecent paper, as coming from your lordship, which we return for your lordship's more mature consideration. "

The technical position of the English in this business was that thecaptured Americans were not prisoners of war, but traitors. Theirpractical position was that captains of American privateers, not findingit a physical possibility to keep their prisoners, would erelong beobliged to let them go without exchange. This anticipation turned out tobe correct, and so far justified their refusal; for soon some fivehundred English sailors got their freedom as a necessity, without anycompensatory freeing of Americans. Each of them gave a solemn promise inwriting to obtain the release of an American prisoner in return; but hehad as much authority to hand over the Tower of London, and the Britishgovernment was not so romantically chivalrous as to recognize pledgesentered into by foremast hands. 

All sorts of stories continued to reach Franklin's ears as to thecruelty which his imprisoned countrymen had to endure. He heard thatthey were penniless and could get no petty comforts; that they sufferedfrom cold and hunger, and were subjected to personal indignities; thatthey were not allowed to read a newspaper or to write a letter; thatthey were all committed by a magistrate on a charge of high treason, andwere never allowed to forget their probable fate on the gibbet; thatsome of them, as has been said, were deported to distant and unwholesomeEnglish possessions. For the truth of these accounts it is not necessaryto believe that the English government was intentionally brutal; but itwas neglectful and indifferent, and those who had prisoners in chargefelt assured that no sympathy for rebels would induce an investigationinto peculations or unfeeling behavior. Moreover there was a deliberatedesign, by terror and discouragement, to break the spirit of theso-called traitors and persuade them to become real traitors by enteringthe English service. 

By all these tales Franklin's zeal in the matter of exchange was greatlystimulated. His humane soul revolted at keeping men who were notcriminals locked up in wasting misery, when they might be set free uponterms of perfect equality between the contending parties. Throughout hiscorrespondence on this subject there is a magnanimity, a humanity, aspirit of honesty and even of honor so extraordinary, or actuallyunique, in dealings between diplomats and nations, that the temptationis irresistible to give a fuller narrative than the intrinsic importanceof the subject would warrant. For after all there were never manyEnglish prisoners in France to be exchanged; after a while they might becounted by hundreds, but perhaps they never rose to a total of onethousand. 

There was at this time in England a man to whose memory Americans oughtto erect statues. This was David Hartley. He was a gentleman of the mostliberal and generous sentiments, an old and valued friend of Franklin, member of Parliament for Hull, allied with the opposition in this matterof the American war, but personally on good terms with Lord North. Hehad not very great ability; he wrote long letters, somewhat surchargedwith morality and good-feeling. One would expect to hear that he was onterms of admiring intimacy with his contemporary, the good Mrs. Barbauld. But he had those opportunities which come only to men whoseexcellence of character and purity of motive place them abovesuspicion, --opportunities which might have been shut off from an ablerman, and which he now used with untiring zeal and much efficiency inbehalf of the American prisoners. Lord North did not hesitate to permithim to correspond with Franklin, and he long acted as a medium ofcommunication more serviceable than Lord Stormont had been. FurthermoreHartley served as almoner to the poor fellows, and pushed a privatesubscription in England to raise funds for securing to them reasonablecomforts. There were responsive hearts and purses, even for rebels, among his majesty's subjects, and a considerable sum was collected. 

Franklin's first letter to Hartley on this subject, October 14, 1777, has something of bitterness in its tone, with much deep feeling for hiscountrymen, whose reputed woes he narrates. "I can assure you, " he adds, "from my certain knowledge, that your people, prisoners in America, havebeen treated with great kindness, having had the same rations ofwholesome provisions as our own troops, " "comfortable lodgings" inhealthy villages, with liberty "to walk and amuse themselves on theirparole. " "Where you have thought fit to employ contractors to supplyyour people, these contractors have been protected and aided in theiroperations. Some considerable act of kindness towards our people wouldtake off the reproach of inhumanity in that respect from the nation andleave it where it ought with more certainty to lie, on the conductors ofyour war in America. This I hint to you out of some remaining good willto a nation I once loved sincerely. But as things are, and in my presenttemper of mind, not being over-fond of receiving obligations, I shallcontent myself with proposing that your government should allow us tosend or employ a commissary to take some care of those unfortunatepeople. Perhaps on your representations this might be obtained inEngland, though it was refused most inhumanly at New York. "

In December following he had arranged with Major Thornton, "who appearsa man of humanity, " to visit the prisons and give relief to theprisoners, and he hopes that Thornton "may obtain permission for thatpurpose. " "I have wished, " he added, "that some voluntary act ofcompassion on the part of your government towards those in your powerhad appeared in abating the rigors of their confinement, and relievingtheir pressing necessities, as such generosity towards enemies hasnaturally an effect in softening and abating animosity in theircompatriots, and disposing to reconciliation. " Of such unconventionalhumanity was he!

Hartley met Franklin's ardent appeals with responsive ardor. May 29, 1778, he writes that he will press the point of exchange as much as hecan, "which in truth, " he says, "I have done many times since I saw you;but official departments move slowly here. A promise of five months isyet unperformed. " But a few days later, June 5, he is "authorized" topropose that Franklin should send to him "the number and rank of theprisoners, upon which an equal number shall be prepared upon this sidefor the exchange. " Franklin at once demanded lists from his captains, and replied to Hartley: "We desire and expect that the number of oursshall be taken from Forton and Plymouth, in proportion to the number ineach place, and to consist of those who have been longest inconfinement. " He then made this extraordinary suggestion: "If you thinkproper to clear all your prisoners at once, and give us all our people, we give you our solemn engagement, which we are sure will be punctuallyexecuted, to deliver to Lord Howe in America, or to his order, a numberof your sailors equal to the surplus, as soon as the agreement arrivesthere. " It is easy to fancy a British minister thrusting his tongue intohis cheek as this simple-minded proposal of the plain-dealing colonistwas read to him. The only occasion on which Franklin showed ignorance ofdiplomacy was in assuming, in this matter of the prisoners, that honestyand honor were bases of dealing between public officials ininternational matters. 

He suggested also retaining a distinction between sailors of the navyand of the commercial marine. After repeated applications to the Boardof Admiralty, Hartley was only able to reply to all Franklin's proposalsthat no distinction could be made between the naval and merchantservices, because all the Americans were "detained under commitmentsfrom some magistrate, as for high treason. "

July 13, 1778, Franklin remitted to Hartley the lists of Englishprisoners. September 14 he recurs again to the general release: "Youhave not mentioned whether the proposition of sending us the whole ofthose in your prisons was agreed to. If it is, you may rely on oursending immediately all that come to our hands for the future; or wewill give you, [at] your option, an order for the balance to bedelivered to your fleet in America. By putting a little confidence inone another, we may thus diminish the miseries of war. " Five days laterhe took a still more romantic position: heretofore, he said, theAmerican commissioners had encouraged and aided the American prisonersto try to escape; "but if the British government should honorably keeptheir agreement to make regular exchanges, we shall not think itconsistent with the honor of the United States to encourage suchescapes, or to give any assistance to such as shall escape. "

Yet at the same time he showed himself fully able to conduct businessaccording to the usual commonplace method. This same letter closes witha threat under the _lex talionis_: "We have now obtained permission ofthis government to put all British prisoners, whether taken bycontinental frigates or by privateers, into the king's prisons; and weare determined to treat such prisoners precisely as our countrymen aretreated in England, to give them the same allowance of provisions andaccommodations, and no other. " He was long obliged to reiterate the likemenaces. [48]

[Note 48: Hale's _Franklin in France_, i. 352. ]

October 20, 1778, he reverts to his favorite project: "I wish theirlordships could have seen it well to exchange upon account; but thoughthey may not think it safe trusting to us, we shall make no difficultyin trusting to them;" and he proposes that, if the English will "send usover 250 of our people, we will deliver all we have in France;" if thesebe less than two hundred and fifty, the English may take back thesurplus Americans; but if these be more than two hundred and fifty, Franklin says that he will nevertheless deliver them all in expectationthat he will receive back an equivalent for the surplus. "We would thuswish to commence, by this first advance, that mutual confidence which itwould be for the good of mankind that nations should maintain honorablywith each other, tho' engaged in war. "

November 19, 1778, nothing has been achieved, and he gets impatient: "Ihave heard nothing from you lately concerning the exchange of theprisoners. Is that affair dropt? Winter is coming on apace. " January 25, 1779: "I a long time believed that your government were in earnest inagreeing to an exchange of prisoners. I begin now to think I wasmistaken. It seems they cannot give up the pleasing idea of having atthe end of the war 1000 Americans to hang for high treason. " PoorHartley had been working with all the energy of a good man in a goodcause; but he was in the painful position of having no excuse to offerfor the backwardness of his government. 

February 22, 1779, brought more reproaches from Franklin. Months hadelapsed since he had heard that the cartel ship was prepared to crossthe Channel, but she had never come. He feared that he had been"deceived or trifled with, " and proposed sending Edward Bancroft on aspecial mission to England, if a safe conduct could be procured. Atlast, on March 30, Hartley had the pleasure of announcing that theexchange ship had "sailed the 25th instant from Plymouth. " Franklinsoon replied that the transaction was completed, and gave well-earnedthanks to Hartley for his "unwearied pains in that affair. "

Thus after infinite difficulty the English government had been pushedinto conformity with the ordinary customs of war among civilizednations. Yet subsequent exchanges seem to have been effected only afterevery possible obstacle had been contumaciously thrown in the way by theEnglish and patiently removed by Franklin. The Americans were driven tovarious devices. The captains sometimes released their prisoners at seaupon the written parole of each either to secure the return of anAmerican, or to surrender himself to Franklin in France. In November, 1781, Franklin had about five hundred of these documents, "not one ofwhich, " he says, "has been regarded, so little faith and honor remain inthat corrupted nation. " At last, after France and Spain had joined inthe war, Franklin arranged that the American captors might lodge theirprisoners in French and Spanish prisons. 

Under flags of truce two cargoes of English sailors were dispatched fromBoston to England; but the English refused to reciprocate. "There is nogetting anything from these barbarians, " said Franklin, "by advances ofcivility or humanity. " Then much trouble arose because the Frenchborrowed from Franklin some English prisoners for exchange in Holland, and returned to him a like number a little too late for delivery onboard the cartel ship, which had brought over one hundred Americans. Thereupon the Englishmen charged Franklin with "breach of faith, " andwith "deceiving the Board, " and put a stop to further exchanging. Thismatter was, of course, set right in time. But the next point made by theadmiralty was that they would make no exchanges with Franklin except forEnglish sailors taken by American cruisers, thus excluding captivestaken by the privateersmen. Franklin, much angered at the thwarting ofhis humane and reasonable scheme, said that they had "given up allpretensions to equity and honor. " In his disappointment he went a littletoo far; if he had said "liberality and humanity" instead of "equity andhonor" he would have kept within literal truth. To meet this last actionon the part of England he suggested to Congress: "Whether it may not bewell to set apart 500 or 600 English prisoners, and refuse them allexchange in America, but for our countrymen now confined in England?"

Another thing which vexed him later was that the English governmentwould not give the Americans an "equal allowance" with the French andSpanish prisoners. He suggested retaliation upon a certain number ofEnglish prisoners in America. He himself was constantly remitting moneyto be distributed to the American prisoners, at the rate of one shillingapiece each week. But he had the pain to hear that the wretched fellow, one Digges, to whom he sent the funds, embezzled much of them. "If sucha fellow is not damned, " he said, "it is not worth while to keep adevil. " One prisoner of distinction, Colonel Laurens, captured on hisway to France, complained that Franklin did not show sufficient zeal inhis behalf. But he made the assertion in ignorance of Franklin'sefforts, which for a long while Franklin had reason to believe had beensuccessful in securing kind and liberal treatment for this captive. 

In all this business Franklin ought to have received efficientassistance from Thomas Morris, who held the position of commercial agentfor the States at Nantes, and who might properly have extended hisfunctions to include so much of the naval business as required personalattention at that port. But he turned out to be a drunken rascal, activeonly in mischief. Thereupon, early in 1777, Franklin employed a nephewof his own from Boston, Jonathan Williams, not to supersede Morris inthe commercial department, but to take charge of the strictly navalaffairs, which were construed to include all matters pertaining towarships, privateers, and prizes. This action became the source of muchtrouble. It was a case of nepotism, of course, which was unfortunate;yet there was an absolute necessity to engage some one for these duties, and there was scant opportunity for choice. During the year thatWilliams held the office there is no reason to believe that he did notprove himself both efficient and honest. Robert Morris, however, whosebrother Thomas was, and who had obtained for him the commercial office, was much offended, and it was not until in the course of time hereceived masses of indisputable evidence of his brother's worthlessness, that he was placated. Then at length he wrote a frank, pathetic letter, in which he acknowledged that he had been misled by natural affection, and that his resentment had been a mistake. 

Arthur Lee also poured the destructive torrent of his malignant wrathover the ill-starred Williams. For William Lee pretended to find hisprovince and his profits also trenched upon. The facts were that he wasappointed to the commercial agency jointly with Thomas Morris; butshortly afterward he was promoted to the diplomatic service, and leftNantes for a permanent stay in Paris. He did not formally vacate hisagency, but practically he abandoned it by rendering himself unable toattend to its duties. So even if by any construction he could haveestablished a show of right to conduct the naval business, at least henever was on hand to do so. These considerations, however, did not inthe least mitigate the rage of the Lee brethren, who now brought a greatvariety of charges. Franklin, they said, had no authority to make theappointment, and Williams was a knave engaged in a scandalouspartnership with Deane to make money dishonestly out of the publicbusiness, especially the prizes. The quarrel continued unabated whenJohn Adams arrived, in 1778, as joint commissioner with Franklin andArthur Lee. At once the active Lee besieged the ear of the newcomer withall his criminations; and he must have found a ready listener, for sosoon as the fourth day after his arrival Adams felt himself sufficientlyinformed to take what was practically judicial action in the matter. Hedeclared upon Lee's side. The two then signed an order for Williams'sdismissal, and presented it to Franklin. It was discourteous if notinsulting behavior to an old man and the senior commissioner; butFranklin wisely said not a word, and added his signature to those of hiscolleagues. The rest of the story is the familiar one of many cases: theagent made repeated demands for the appointment of an accountant toexamine his accounts, and Franklin often and very urgently preferred thesame request. But the busy Congress would not bother itself ever solittle with a matter no longer of any practical moment. Lee's chargesremained unrefuted, though not a shadow of justifiable suspicion restedupon Franklin's unfortunate nephew. 

CHAPTER XI

MINISTER TO FRANCE, III TREATY WITH FRANCE: MORE QUARRELS

The enthusiastic reception of Franklin in France was responded to by himwith a bearing so cheerful and words so encouraging that all theauguries for America seemed for a while of the best. For he was sanguineby nature, by resolution, and by policy; and his way of alluring goodfortune was to welcome it in advance. But in fact there were cloudsenough floating in the sky, and soon they expanded and obscured thetransitory brightness. Communication between the two continents wasextremely slow; throughout the war intervals occurred when for long andweary months no more trustworthy news reached Paris than the rumorswhich got their coloring by filtration through Great Britain. Thus inthe dread year of 1777, there traveled across the Channel tales thatWashington was conducting the remnant of his forces in a demoralizedretreat; that Philadelphia had fallen before Howe; that Burgoyne, with afine army, was moving to bisect the insurgent colonies from the north. It was very well for Franklin, when told that Howe had takenPhiladelphia, to reply: "No, sir: Philadelphia has taken Howe. " Thejest may have relieved the stress of his mind, as President Lincoln usedoften to relieve his own over-taxed endurance in the same way. But theundeniable truth was that it looked much as if the affair, to useFranklin's words, would prove to be a "rebellion" and not a"revolution. " Still, any misgivings which he may have inwardly feltfound no expression, and to no one would he admit the possibility ofsuch an ultimate outcome. Late in the autumn of this dismal year hewrote:--

 "You desire to know my opinion of what will probably be the end of this war, and whether our new establishments will not be thereby again reduced to deserts. I do not, for my part, apprehend much danger of so great an evil to us. I think we shall be able, with a little help, to defend ourselves, our possessions, and our liberties so long that England will be ruined by persisting in the wicked attempt to destroy them. . . . And I sometimes flatter myself that, old as I am, I may possibly live to see my country settled in peace, when Britain shall make no more a formidable figure among the powers of Europe. "

But though Franklin might thus refuse to despair for his country, theFrench ministry were not to be blamed if they betrayed an increasedreserve in their communications with men who might soon prove to betraitors instead of ambassadors, and if they were careful to stop shortof actually bringing on a war with England. It was an anxious period forFranklin when the days wore slowly into months and the monthslengthened almost into a year, during which he had no trustworthyinformation as to all the ominous news which the English papers andletters brought. 

In this crisis of military affairs the anxious envoys felt that theawful burden of their country's salvation not improbably rested uponthem. If they could induce France to come to the rescue, all would bewell; if they could not, the worst might be feared. Yet in this mortaljeopardy they saw France growing more guarded in her conduct, while invain they asked themselves, in an agony, what influence it was possiblefor them to exert. At the close of November, 1777, they conferred uponthe matter. Mr. Deane was in favor of demanding from the French court adirect answer to the question, whether or not France would come openlyto the aid of the colonies; and he advised that de Vergennes should bedistinctly told that, if France should decline, the colonies would beobliged to seek an accommodation with Great Britain. But Dr. Franklinstrenuously opposed this course. The effect of such a declaration seemedto him too uncertain; France might take it as a menace; she might beinduced by it to throw over the colonies altogether, in despair oranger. Neither would he admit that the case was in fact so desperate;the colonies might yet work out their own safety, with the advantage inthat event of remaining more free from any European influence. Thesoundness of this latter argument was afterward abundantly shown by thehistory of the country during the first three administrations. Fortunately upon this occasion Lee sided with Franklin, and the untimelytrial of French friendship was not made. Had it been, it would have beenmore likely to jeopardize forever than to precipitate the good fortunewhich, though still invisible, was close at hand. 

It was not until December 4, 1777, that there broke a great and suddenrift in the solid cloudiness. First there came a vague rumor of goodnews, no one at all knew what; then a post-chaise drove into Dr. Franklin's courtyard, and from it hastily alighted the young messenger, Jonathan Loring Austin, whom Congress had sent express fromPhiladelphia, and who had accomplished an extraordinarily rapid journey. The American group of envoys and agents were all there, gathered by themysterious report which had reached them, and at the sound of the wheelsthey ran out into the courtyard and eagerly surrounded the chaise. "Sir, " exclaimed Franklin, "is Philadelphia taken?" "Yes, sir, " repliedAustin; and Franklin clasped his hands and turned to reënter the house. But Austin cried that he bore greater news: that General Burgoyne andhis whole army were prisoners of war! At the words the glorious sunshineburst forth. Beaumarchais, the ecstatic, sprang into his carriage anddrove madly for the city to spread the story; but he upset his vehicleand dislocated his arm. The envoys hastily read and wrote; in a fewhours Austin was again on the road, this time bound to de Vergennes atVersailles, to tell the great tidings. Soon all Paris got the news andburst into triumphant rejoicing over the disaster to England. 

Austin's next errand was a secret and singular one. Franklin managedthroughout his residence in France to maintain a constant communicationwith the opposition party in England. He now thought it wise to enablethem to obtain full information from an intelligent man who was not manyweeks absent from the States. Accordingly he dispatched Austin, usingextreme precautions of secrecy, making him "burn every letter which hehad brought from his friends in America, " but giving him in exchange twoother letters, which certainly introduced him to strange society for anAmerican "rebel" to frequent. During his visit he was "domesticated inthe family of the Earl of Shelburne; placed under the particularprotection of his chaplain, the celebrated Dr. Priestley; introduced" toGeorge IV. , then Prince of Wales, with whom was Charles Fox, and was"present at all the coteries of the opposition. " Almost every evening hewas invited to dinner-parties, at which the company was chiefly composedof members of Parliament, and they plied him with interrogations abouthis country and its affairs, so that, as he reported, "no question whichyou can conceive is omitted. "[49] He answered well, and renderedservice as good as it was singular, for which Franklin was probably theonly American who could have furnished the opening. The adventure bringsto mind some of the Jacobite tales of Sir Walter Scott's novels. 

[Note 49: Parton's _Life of Franklin_, ii. 307. ]

One half of the advantages accruing from "General Burgoyne'scapitulation to Mr. Gates"--such was the Tory euphemism, somewhat illconsidered, since it implied that the gallant British commander hadcapitulated to a civilian--was to be reaped in Europe. The excellentHartley was already benevolently dreaming of effecting an accommodationbetween the two contestants; and seeing clearly that an alliance withFrance must be fatal to any such project, he closed a letter on February3, 1778, to Franklin, by "subjoining one earnest caution and request:Let nothing ever persuade America to throw themselves into the arms ofFrance. Times may mend. I hope they will. An American must always be astranger in France; Great Britain may for ages to come be their home. "This was as kindly in intention as it was bad in grammaticalconstruction; but it was written from a point of view very differentfrom that which an American could adopt. Franklin promptly replied:"When your nation is hiring all the cut-throats it can collect, of allcountries and colors, to destroy us, it is hard to persuade us not toask or accept aid from any power that may be prevailed with to grant it;and this only from the hope that, though you now thirst for our blood, and pursue us with fire and sword, you may in some future time treat uskindly. This is too much patience to be expected of us; indeed, I thinkit is not in human nature. "

A few days later he transposed Hartley's advice, not without irony: "Letnothing induce [the English Whigs] to join with the Tories in supportingand continuing this wicked war against the Whigs of America, whoseassistance they may hereafter want to secure their own liberties, orwhose country they may be glad to retire to for the enjoyment of them. "Hartley must have had a marvelous good temper, if he read withoutresentment the very blunt and severe replies which Franklin a littlemercilessly made to the other's ever temperate and amiable letters. 

Hartley's advice, if not acceptable, was at least timely. At the verymoment when he warned America against taking refuge in the arms ofFrance, the colonists were joyously springing into that internationalembrace. The victory at Saratoga had at last settled that matter. OnDecember 6, 1777, two days after the news was received, M. Gérard calledupon the envoys and said that the capacity of the colonies to maintaintheir independence could no longer be doubted, and that the French courtwould be pleased by a renewal of their proposals for an alliance. OnDecember 8 a request for an alliance was placed by young Temple Franklinin the hands of de Vergennes. On December 12 the cabinet met; alsoArthur Lee reports that the envoys went out to Versailles and concealedthemselves at an appointed spot in the wood, whither soon came to themde Vergennes. In the talk that ensued he said to them everything which aliberal spirit of friendship could suggest, but nothing which wasactually positive and binding. For it was necessary, as he explained, first to consult with Spain, whose concurrence was desired; this, however, could be safely counted upon, and a courier was to bedispatched at once to Madrid. But the return of this messenger was notawaited; for on December 17 the commissioners were formally notifiedthat France would acknowledge the independence of the colonies, andwould execute with them treaties of commerce and alliance immediatelyupon getting the Spanish reply. In return for her engagements Franceonly asked that, in the probable event of a war ensuing between herselfand England, the colonies would pledge themselves never to make peacesave upon the terms of independence. 

On January 8, 1778, M. Gérard met the envoys after dark at Mr. Deane'squarters. He informed them that the government had resolved immediatelyto conclude with the colonies a treaty of amity and commerce; alsoanother treaty, offensive and defensive, and guaranteeing independence, upon the conditions that the colonies would neither make a separatepeace, nor one relinquishing their independence. The independence of thethirteen colonies being the king's sole purpose, no assistance would beextended for subduing Canada or the English West Indies. As it wouldprobably not be agreeable to the colonies to have foreign troops intheir country, the design was to furnish only naval aid. It would beleft open for Spain to accede to the treaties at any time. Nothing couldhave been more agreeable and encouraging than these arrangements, bywhich France did all the giving and America all the receiving. A fewdays later Gérard said that the king would not only acknowledge, butwould support American independence, and that the condition precludingthe Americans from making a separate peace, if France should be drawninto the war, would be waived. 

On January 18 Gérard came to the envoys with drafts which he hadprepared for the two treaties, and which he left for them to consider attheir leisure. It took them much longer to consider than it had takenhim to devise these documents. Lee said that the delay was allFranklin's fault; but at least Franklin illumined it by one of his_mots_. There was sent to the envoys a large cake inscribed: "Le digneFranklin. " Deane said that, with thanks, they would appropriate it totheir joint use; Franklin pleasantly replied that it was obviouslyintended for all three, only the French donor did not know how to spell"Lee, Deane, Franklin" correctly. But the uneasy jealousy of Leesuggested a counter-argument:

"When they remember us, " _i. E. _, himself and Deane, he said, "theyalways put you first. " Lee, who in his lifetime could never endure beingsecond to Franklin, must be astounded indeed if, in another existence, he sees the place which judicial posterity has assigned to him!

In their discussions concerning the treaty the commissioners fell into acontention over one article. Their secret instructions directed them to"press" for a stipulation that no export duties should be imposed byFrance upon molasses taken from the French West Indies into the States;but they were not to let the "fate of the treaty depend upon obtainingit. " Of all merchandise imported into the States molasses was the mostimportant to their general trade; it was the "basis on which a verygreat part of the American commerce rested. "[50] In exchange for it theysent to the islands considerable quantities of pretty much all theirproducts, and they distilled it in enormous quantities into rum. Everyman who drank a glass of rum seemed to be advancing _pro tanto_ thenational prosperity, and the zeal with which those godly forefathers ofours thus promoted the general welfare is feebly appreciated by theirdescendants. All this rum, said John Adams, has "injured our health andour morals;" but "the taste for rum will continue;" and upon thisconviction the commissioners felt obliged to act. Accordingly theyproposed that it should be "agreed and concluded that there shall neverbe any duty imposed on the exportation of molasses that may be taken bythe subjects of the United States from the islands of America whichbelong or may hereafter appertain to his most Christian majesty. " ButGérard said that this was "unequal, " since the States made no balancingconcession. It was not easy to suggest any "concession of equalimportance on the part of the United States, " and so "after longconsideration Dr. Franklin proposed" this: "In compensation of theexemption stipulated in the preceding article, it is agreed andconcluded that there shall never be any duties imposed on theexportation of any kind of merchandise, which the subjects of his mostChristian majesty may take from the countries and possessions, presentor future, of any of the thirteen United States, for the use of theislands which shall furnish molasses. "

[Note 50: _Diplomatic Correspondence of the Amer. Rev. _ i. 156. ]

This pleased Lee as little as the other article had pleased Gérard; forit was "too extensive, and more than equivalent for molasses only. " Hewas answered that "it was in reality nothing more than giving up what wecould never make use of but to our own prejudice; for nothing was moreevident than the bad policy of laying duties on our own exports. "Franklin was of opinion that export duties were "a knavish attempt toget something for nothing;" that the inventor of them had the "genius ofa pickpocket. " Britain had lost her colonies by an export duty on tea. Moreover since the States produced no commodity which could not beprocured elsewhere, to discourage consumption of their own and encouragethe rivalship of others would be an "absolute folly" against which hewould protest even if practiced by way of reprisal. Gérard finally saidthat he regarded these articles as "reciprocal and equal, " that hismajesty was "indifferent" about them, and that they might be retained orrejected together, but that one could not be kept without the other. Leethen yielded, and Gérard was notified that both articles would beinserted. He assented. Soon, however, William Lee and Izard, beinginformed of the arrangement, took Arthur Lee's original view andprotested against it. Lee reports that this interference put Franklin"much out of humor, " and that he said it would "appear an act of levityto renew the discussion of a thing we had agreed to. " None the less, Leenow resumed his first position so firmly that Franklin and Deane intheir turn agreed to omit both articles. But they stipulated that Leeshould arrange the matter with Gérard, since, as they had just agreed inwriting to retain both, they "could not with any consistency make apoint of their being expunged, " and they felt that the business of achange at this stage might be disagreeable. In fact Lee found it so. When he called on Gérard and requested the omission of both, Gérardreplied that the king had already approved the treaty, that it was nowengrossed on parchment, and that a new arrangement would entail"inconvenience and considerable delay. " But finally, not without showingsome irritation at the fickleness of the commissioners, he was broughtto agree that Congress might ratify the treaty either with or withoutthese articles, as it should see fit. This business cost Franklin, as anannoying incident, an encounter with Mr. Izard, and a tartcorrespondence ensued. 

On February 6 all was at length ready and the parties came together, M. Gérard for France and the envoys for the States, to execute these mostimportant documents. Franklin wore the spotted velvet suit of privycouncil fame. They signed a treaty of amity and commerce, a treaty ofalliance, and a secret article belonging with the latter providing thatSpain might become a party to it--on the Spanish _mañana_. There was anexpress stipulation on the part of France that the whole should be keptsecret until after ratification by Congress; for there was a singularapprehension that in the interval some accommodation might be broughtabout between the insurgent States and the mother country, which wouldleave France in a very embarrassing position if she should not be freeto deny the existence of such treaties. It was undoubtedly a dread ofsome such occurrence which had induced the promptitude and theever-increasing liberality in terms which France had shown from themoment when the news of Saratoga arrived. Nor perhaps was her anxietyso utterly absurd as it now seems. There was some foundation forGibbon's epigrammatic statement that "the two greatest nations in Europewere fairly running a race for the favor of America. " For the disasterto the army on the Hudson had had an effect in England even greater thanit had had in France, and Burgoyne's capitulation to "Mr. Gates" hadvery nearly brought on a capitulation of Lord North's cabinet to theinsurgent Congress. On February 17 that minister rose, and in a speechof two hours introduced two conciliatory bills. The one declared thatParliament had no intention of exercising the right of taxing thecolonies in America. The other authorized sending to the Statescommissioners empowered to "treat with Congress, with provincialassemblies, or with Washington; to order a truce; to suspend all laws;to grant pardons and rewards; to restore the form of constitution as itstood before the troubles. "[51] The prime minister substantiallyacknowledged that England's course toward her colonies had been oneprolonged blunder, and now she was willing to concede every demand saveactual independence. The war might be continued, as it was; but such aconfession could never be retracted. "A dull melancholy silence for sometime succeeded to this speech. . . . Astonishment, dejection, and fearoverclouded the assembly. "

[Note 51: Bancroft, _Hist. U. S. _ ix. 484. ]

But a fresh sensation was at hand. Horace and Thomas Walpole hadobtained private information of what had taken place in France, but hadcautiously held it in reserve, and arranged that only two hours beforethe meeting of the House of Commons on that eventful day the Duke ofGrafton should tell it to Charles Fox. So now when North sat down Foxrose, indulged in a little sarcasm on the conversion of the ministry tothe views of the opposition, and then asked his lordship "Whether acommercial treaty with France had not been signed by the American agentsat Paris within the last ten days? 'If so, ' he said, 'the administrationis beaten by ten days, a situation so threatening that in such a time ofdanger the House must concur with the propositions, though probably nowthey would have no effect. ' Lord North was thunderstruck and would notrise. " But at last, warned that it would be "criminal and a matter ofimpeachment to withhold an answer, " he admitted that he had heard arumor of the signature of such a treaty. [52] So the bills were passedtoo late. 

[Note 52: Parton's _Life of Franklin_, ii. 309. ]

So soon as their passage was assured, Hartley, "acting on anunderstanding with Lord North, "[53] dispatched copies to Franklin. Franklin upon his part, also first having an understanding with deVergennes, replied that, if peace with the States upon equal terms werereally desired, the commissioners need not journey to America for it, for "if wise and honest men, such as Sir George Saville, the Bishop ofSt. Asaph, and yourself were to come over here immediately with powersto treat, you might not only obtain peace with America but prevent a warwith France. " About the same time also Hartley visited Franklin inperson; but nothing came of their interview, of which no record ispreserved. The two bills were passed, almost unanimously. But every onefelt that their usefulness had been taken out of them by the otherconsequences of that event which had induced their introduction. News ofthem, however, was dispatched to America by a ship which followed closeupon the frigate which carried the tidings of the French treaties. Ifthe English ship should arrive first, something might be effected. Butit did not, and probably nothing would have been gained if it had. Franklin truly said to Hartley: "All acts that suppose your futuregovernment of the colonies can be no longer significant;" and hedescribed the acts as "two frivolous bills, which the present ministry, in their consternation, have thought fit to propose, with a view tosupport their public credit a little longer at home, and to amuse anddivide, if possible, our people in America. " But even for this purposethey came too late, and stirred no other response than a ripple ofsarcastic triumph over such an act of humiliation, which was aggravatedby being rejected almost without consideration by Congress. 

[Note 53: Bancroft, _Hist. U. S. _ ix. 485; Hale's _Franklin inFrance_, i. 223. ]

So there was an end of conciliation. On March 23 the American envoys hadthe significant distinction of a presentation to the king, who is saidto have addressed to them this gracious and royal sentence: "Gentlemen, I wish the Congress to be assured of my friendship. I beg leave also toobserve that I am exceedingly satisfied, in particular, with your ownconduct during your residence in my kingdom. "[54] This personalcompliment, if paid, was gratifying; for the anomalous and difficultposition of the envoys had compelled them to govern themselves wholly bytheir own tact and judgment, with no aid from experience or precedents. 

[Note 54: Parton's _Life of Franklin_, ii. 312. ]

The presentation had been delayed by reason of Franklin having an attackof the gout, and the effort, when made, laid him up for some timeafterward. It was on this occasion, especially, that he made himselfconspicuous by wearing only the simple dress of a gentleman of the dayinstead of the costume of etiquette. Bancroft says that again he donnedthe suit of spotted Manchester velvet. He did not wear a sword, but madeup for it by keeping on his spectacles; he had a round white hat underhis arm, and no wig concealed his scanty gray hair. America has alwaysrejoiced at this republican simplicity; but the fact seems to be that itwas largely due to chance. Parton says that the doctor had ordered awig, but when it came home it proved much too small for his great head, and there was no time to make another. Hawthorne also repeats the storythat Franklin's court suit did not get home in time, and so he had to goin ordinary apparel; but it "took" so well that the shrewd doctor neverexplained the real reason. 

On March 13 the Marquis de Noailles, French ambassador at St. James's, formally announced to the English secretary of state the execution ofthe treaty of amity and commerce; and impudently added a hope that theEnglish court would see therein "new proofs" of King Louis's "sinceredisposition for peace;" and that his Britannic majesty, animated by thesame sentiments, would equally avoid everything that might alter theirgood harmony; also that he would particularly take effective measures toprevent the commerce between his French majesty's subjects and theUnited States of North America from being interrupted. When this wascommunicated to Parliament Conway asked: "What else have we to do but totake up the idea that Franklin has thrown out with fairness andmanliness?"[55] But Franklin's ideas had not now, any more thanheretofore, the good fortune to be acceptable to English ministers. Indeed, the mere fact that a suggestion came from him was in itselfunfortunate; for the king, whose influence was preponderant in thisAmerican business, had singled out Franklin among all the "rebels" asthe object of extreme personal hatred. [56] Franklin certainlyreciprocated the feeling with an intensity which John Adams soonafterward noted, apparently with some surprise. The only real reply toNoailles's message which commended itself to government was the instantrecall of Lord Stormont, who left Paris on March 23, _sans prendrecongé_, just as he had once before threatened to do. On the same day theFrench ambassador left London, accompanied, as Gibbon said, by "someslight expression of ill humor from John Bull. " At the end of the monthM. Gérard sailed for America, the first accredited minister to the newmember of the sisterhood of civilized nations. A fortnight later thesquadron of D'Estaing sailed from Toulon for American waters, and twoweeks later the English fleet followed. 

[Note 55: The reference was to the suggestion made to Hartley forsending commissioners to Paris to treat for peace. ]

[Note 56: Franklin's _Works_, vi. 39, note. ]

Thus far the course of France throughout her relationship with theStates had been that of a generous friend. She undoubtedly had beenprimarily instigated by enmity to England; and she had been for a whileguarded and cautious; yet not unreasonably so; on the contrary, she hadin many instances been sufficiently remiss in regarding her neutralobligations to give abundant cause for war, though England had not feltready to declare it. At the first interview concerning the treaty ofcommerce de Vergennes had said that the French court desired to take noadvantage of the condition of the States, and to exact no terms whichthey would afterward regret, but rather to make an arrangement so basedupon the interest of both parties that it should last as long as humaninstitutions should endure, so that mutual amity should subsist forever. M. Gérard reiterated the same sentiments. That this language was notmere French courtesy was proved by the fact that the treaties, whencompleted, were "founded on principles of equality and reciprocity, andfor the most part were in conformity to the proposals of Congress. "[57]Each party, under the customs laws of the other, was to be upon thefooting of the most favored nation. The transfer of the valuable andgrowing trade of the States from England to France had been assiduouslyheld out as a temptation to France to enter into these treaties; but noeffort was made by France to gain from the needs of the Americans anyexclusive privileges for herself. She was content to stipulate only thatno other people should be granted preferences over her, leaving theStates entirely unhampered for making subsequent arrangements with othernations. The light in which these dealings about the treaties made theFrench minister and the French court appear to Franklin should beremembered in the discussions which arose later concerning the treaty ofpeace. [58]

[Note 57: Bancroft, _Hist. U. S. _ ix. 481. ]

[Note 58: See Franklin's _Works_, vi. 133. At this time John Adamsstrongly entertained the same sentiments, though he afterward felt verydifferently about the sincerity of France. _Diplomatic Correspondence ofAmerican Revolution_, iv. 262, 292. ]

It may further be mentioned, by the way, that Franklin had the pleasureof seeing inserted his favorite principle: that free ships should makefree goods, and free persons also, save only soldiers in actual serviceof an enemy. In passing, it is pleasant to preserve this, amid theabundant other testimony to Franklin's humane and advanced ideas as tothe conduct of war between civilized nations. [59] The doctrine of freeships making free goods, though promulgated early in the century, wasstill making slow and difficult progress. Franklin accepted it witheagerness. He wrote that he was "not only for respecting the ships asthe house of a friend, though containing the goods of an enemy, but Ieven wish that . . . All those kinds of people who are employed inprocuring subsistence for the species, or in exchanging the necessariesor conveniences of life, which are for the common benefit of mankind, such as husbandmen on their lands, fishermen in their barques, andtraders in unarmed vessels, shall be permitted to prosecute theirseveral innocent and useful employments without interruption ormolestation, and nothing taken from them, even when wanted by an enemy, but on paying a fair price for the same. " Also to the president ofCongress he spoke of Russia's famous proposal for an "armed neutralityfor protecting the liberty of commerce" as "the great public event" ofthe year in Europe. He proposed that Congress should order theircruisers "not to molest foreign ships, but to conform to the spirit ofthat treaty of neutrality. " Congress promptly voted to request theadmission of the States to the league, and John Adams took charge ofthis business during his mission to Holland. 

[Note 59: He was able to give a practical proof of his liberality byfurnishing a passport to the packets carrying goods to the Moravianbrethren in Labrador. Hale's _Franklin in France_, i. 245. ]

Events having thus established the indefinite continuance of the war, the good Hartley, profoundly disappointed, wrote a brief note invokingblessings on his "dear friend, " and closing with the ominous words, "Iftempestuous times should come, take care of your own safety; events areuncertain and men may be capricious. " Franklin, however, declined to bealarmed. "I thank you, " he said, "for your kind caution, but havingnearly finished a long life, I set but little value on what remains ofit. Like a draper, when one chaffers with him for a remnant, I am readyto say: 'As it is only the fag end, I will not differ with you about it;take it for what you please. ' Perhaps the best use such an old fellowcan be put to is to make a martyr of him. "

A few weeks after the conclusion of this diplomatic bond of friendshipbetween the two peoples, Franklin, in the words of Mr. Bancroft, "placedthe public opinion of philosophical France conspicuously on the side ofAmerica. " Voltaire came back to Paris, after twenty-seven years ofvoluntary exile, and received such adoration that it almost seemed asif, for Frenchmen, he was taking the place of that God whom he had beendeclaring non-existent, but whom he believed it necessary for mankind toinvent. Franklin had an interview with him, which presented a curiousscene. The aged French philosopher, shriveled, bright-eyed, destructive-minded, received the aged American philosopher, portly, serene, the humanest of men, in theatrical French fashion, quoting apassage of English poetry, and uttering over the head of young Templethe appropriate benediction, "God and Liberty. " This drama was enactedin private, but on April 29 occurred that public spectacle made familiarby countless engravings, decorating the walls of so many old-fashionedAmerican "sitting-rooms" and "best parlors, " when, upon the stage of theAcademy of Sciences, before a numerous and distinguished audience, thetwo venerable sages met and saluted each other. "_Il faut s'embrasser àla Française_, " shouted the enthusiastic crowd; so they fell into eachother's arms, and kissed, after the continental mode. Great was thefervor aroused in the breasts of the classic people of France as theyproudly saw upon their soil a new "Solon and Sophocles" in embrace. Whoshall say that Franklin's personal prestige in Europe had not practicalvalue for America?

Silas Deane, recalled, accompanied Gérard to America. He carried withhim a brief but generous letter from Franklin to the president ofCongress. [60] At the same time Izard was writing home that Deane'smisbehavior had long delayed the alliance with France, and he repeatedwhat he had said in former letters, that "whatever good dispositionswere shown by Mr. Lee, they were always opposed and overruled by the twooldest commissioners. " The departure of the two gentlemen was kept aclose secret at Paris, and at the request of de Vergennes especially asecret from Arthur Lee. For the French ministry were well assured thatLee's private secretary was a spy in British pay, and had he gotpossession of this important bit of news, it would not only have beenuntimely in a diplomatic way, but it might have given opportunity forBritish cruisers to waylay a vessel carrying such distinguishedpassengers. The precaution was justifiable, but it had ill consequencesfor Franklin, since it naturally incensed Lee to an extreme degree, andled to a very sharp correspondence, which still further aggravated thediscomfort of the situation. The legitimate trials to which the ageddoctor was subjected were numerous and severe enough, but the untiringand malicious enmity of Arthur Lee was an altogether illegitimatevexation. 

[Note 60: Franklin's _Works_, vi. 153. ]

Mr. Hale in his recent volumes upon Franklin truly says that "it isunnecessary to place vituperative adjectives to the credit [discredit?]of Arthur Lee;" and in fact to do so seems a work of supererogation, since there probably remain few such epithets in the English languagewhich have not already been applied to him by one writer or another. Yetit is hard to hold one's hand, although humanity would perhaps induce usto pity rather than to revile a man cursed with so unhappy atemperament. But whatever may be said or left unsaid about himpersonally, the infinite disturbance which he caused cannot be whollyignored. It was great enough to constitute an important element inhistory. Covered by the powerful authority of his influential andpatriotic family at home, and screened by the profound ignorance ofCongress concerning men and affairs abroad, Lee was able for a long timeto run his mischievous career without discovery or interruption. Hebuzzed about Europe like an angry hornet, thrusting his venomous stinginto every respectable and useful servant of his country, and irritatingexceedingly the foreigners whom it was of the first importance toconciliate. Incredible as it seems, it is undoubtedly true that he didnot hesitate to express in Paris his deep antipathy to France andFrenchmen; and it was only the low esteem in which he was held thatprevented his singular behavior from doing irreparable injury to thecolonial cause. The English newspapers tauntingly ridiculed hisinsignificance and incapacity; de Vergennes could not endure him, andscarcely treated him with civility. But his intense egotism preventedhim from gathering wisdom from such harsh instruction, which only addedgall to his native bitterness. He wreaked his revenge upon hiscolleagues, and towards Franklin he cherished an envious hatred whichdeveloped into a monomania. Perhaps Franklin was correct in charitablysaying that at times he was "insane. " He began by asserting thatFranklin was old, idle, and useless, fit only to be shelved in somerespectable sinecure mission; but he rapidly advanced from such moderatecondemnation until he charged Franklin with being a party to theabstraction of his dispatches from a sealed parcel, which was rifled insome unexplained way on its passage home;[61] and finally he evenreached the extremity of alleging financial dishonesty in the publicbusiness, and insinuated an opinion that the doctor's great rascalityindicated an intention never again to revisit his native land. In allthis malevolence he found an earnest colleague in the hot-blooded Izard, whose charges against Franklin were unmeasured. "His abilities, " wrotethis angry gentleman, "are great and his reputation high. Removed as heis at so considerable a distance from the observation of hisconstituents, if he is not guided by principles of virtue and honor, those abilities and that reputation may produce the most mischievouseffects. In my conscience I declare to you that I believe him under nosuch restraint, and God knows that I speak the real, unprejudicedsentiments of my heart. " Such fulminations, reaching the States out ofwhat was then for them the obscurity of Europe, greatly perplexed themembers of Congress; for they had very insufficient means fordetermining the value of the testimony given by these absent witnesses. 

[Note 61: Parton's _Franklin_, ii. 354. ]

It would serve no useful purpose to devote valuable space to narratingat length all the slander and malice of these restless men, all thecorrespondence, the quarrels, the explanations, and general trouble towhich they gave rise. But the reader must exercise his imaginationliberally in fancying these things, in order to appreciate to whatincessant annoyance Franklin was subjected at a time when the inevitableanxieties and severe labors of his position were far beyond the strengthof a man of his years. He showed wonderful patience and dignity, andthough he sometimes let some asperity find expression in his replies, henever let them degenerate into retorts. Moreover, he replied as littleas possible, for he truly said that he hated altercation; whereas Lee, who reveled in it, took as an aggravation of all his other injuries thathis opponent was inclined to curtail the full luxury to be expected froma quarrel. Franklin also magnanimously refrained from arraigning Lee andIzard to Congress, either publicly or privately, a forbearance whichthese chivalrous gentlemen did not emulate. The memorial[62] of ArthurLee, of May, 1779, addressed to Congress, contains criminations enoughto furnish forth many impeachments. But Franklin would not condescend toallow his serenity to be disturbed by the news of these assaults. Hefelt "very easy, " he said, about these efforts to injure him, trustingin the justice of the Congress to listen to no accusations withoutgiving him an opportunity to reply. [63] Yet his position was not soabsolutely secure and exalted but that he suffered some little injury athome. 

[Note 62: Franklin's _Works_, vi. 363. ]

[Note 63: To Richard Bache, Franklin's _Works_, vi. 414. ]

John Adams, going out to replace Silas Deane, crossed him on thepassage, arriving at Bordeaux on March 31, 1778. This ardent NewEnglander, orderly, business-like, endowed with an insatiate industry, plunged headlong into the midst of affairs. With that happyself-confidence characteristic of our people, which leads every Americanto believe that he can at once and without training do anythingwhatsoever better than it can be done by any other living man no matterhow well trained, Adams began immediately to act and to criticise. In afew hours he knew all about the discussions between the various envoys, quasi envoys, and agents, who were squabbling with each other to thescandal of Paris; in a few days he was ready to turn out JonathanWilliams, unseen and unheard. He was shocked at the confusion in whichhe saw all the papers of the embassy, and set vigorously about the taskof sorting, labeling, docketing, and tying up letters and accounts; itwas a task which Franklin unquestionably had neglected, and whichrequired to be done. He was appalled at the "prodigious sums of money"which had been expended, at the further great sums which were still tobe paid, and at the lack of any proper books of accounts, so that hecould not learn "what the United States have received as an equivalent. "He did not in direct words charge the other commissioners with culpablenegligence; but it was an unavoidable inference from what he did say. Undoubtedly the fact was that the accounts were disgracefully muddledand insufficient; but the fault really lay with Congress, which hadnever permitted proper clerical assistance to be employed. Adams soonfound this out, and appreciated that besides all the diplomatic affairs, which were their only proper concern, the commissioners were alsotransacting an enormous business, financial and commercial, involvinginnumerable payments great and small, loans, purchases, andcorrespondence, and that all was being conducted with scarcely any aidof clerks or accountants; whereas a mercantile firm engaged in affairsof like extent and moment would have had an extensive establishment witha numerous force of skilled employees. When Adams had been a littlelonger in Paris, he also began to see where and how "the prodigioussums" went, [64] and just what was the full scope of the functions of thecommissioners; then the censoriousness evaporated out of his language. He admitted that the neglects of subordinate agents were such that itwas impossible for the commissioners to learn the true state of theirfinances; and he joined in the demand, so often reiterated by Franklin, for the establishment of the usual and proper commercial agencies. Thebusiness of accepting and keeping the run of the bills drawn byCongress, and of teasing the French government for money to meet them atmaturity, would still remain to be attended to by the ministers inperson; but these things long experience might enable them to manage. 

[Note 64: _Diplomatic Corresp. Of Amer. Rev_. Iv. 249, 251. ]

No sooner had Adams scented the first whiff of the quarrel-ladenatmosphere of the embassy than he expressed in his usual self-satisfied, impetuous, and defiant way his purpose to be rigidly impartial. But hewas a natural fault-finder, and by no means a natural peacemaker; andhis impartiality had no effect in assuaging the animosities which hefound. However, amid all the discords of the embassy there was one noteof harmony; and the bewildered Congress must have felt much satisfactionin finding that all the envoys were agreed that one representative atthe French court would be vastly better as well as cheaper than the sortof caucus which now held its angry sessions there. At worst one mancould not be forever at odds with himself. Adams, when he had finishedthe task of arranging the archives, found no other occupation; and hewas scandalized at the extravagance of keeping three envoys. Lee, bythe way, had constantly insinuated that Franklin was blamably lax, ifnot actually untrustworthy, in money matters, though all the while heand his friend Izard had been quite shameless in extorting from thedoctor very large sums for their own expenses. When the figures came tobe made up it appeared that Franklin had drawn less than either of hiscolleagues, and much less than the sum soon afterward established byCongress as the proper salary for the position. [65] The frugal-mindedNew Englander himself now acknowledged that he could "not find anyarticle of expense which could be retrenched, "[66] and he honestlybegged Congress to stop the triple outlay. 

[Note 65: _Diplomatic Corresp. Of Amer. Rev. _ iv. 246. ]

[Note 66: _Ibid. _ 245. ]

Franklin, upon his part, wrote that in many ways the public business andthe national prestige suffered much from the lack of unanimity among theenvoys, and said: "In consideration of the whole, I wish Congress wouldseparate us. " Neither Adams nor Franklin wrote one word which eitherdirectly or indirectly had a personal bearing. Arthur Lee was morefrank; in the days of Deane he had begun to write that to continuehimself at Paris would "disconcert effectually the wicked measures" ofFranklin, Deane, and Williams, and that it was "the one way ofredressing" the "neglect, dissipation, and private schemes" prevalent inthe department, and of "remedying the public evil. " He said that theFrench court was the place of chief importance, calling for the ablestand most efficient man, to wit, himself. He suggested that Franklinmight be sent to Vienna, a dignified retreat without labor. Izard andWilliam Lee wrote letters of like purport; it was true that it was noneof their affair, but they were wont to interfere in the business of thecommissioners, as if the French mission were common property. Congresstook so much of this advice as all their advisers were agreed upon; thatis to say, it broke up the commission to France. But it did not appointArthur Lee to remain there; on the contrary, it nominated Franklin to beminister plenipotentiary at the French court, left Lee still accreditedto Madrid, as he had been before, and gave Adams neither any place norany instructions, so that he soon returned home. Gérard, atPhiladelphia, claimed the credit of having defeated the machinations ofthe "dangerous and bad man, " Lee, and congratulated de Vergennes on hisrelief from the burden. [67] Franklin's commission was brought over byLafayette in February, 1779. Thus ended the Lee-Izard cabal againstFranklin; it was not unlike the Gates-Conway cabal against Washington, save that it lasted longer and was more exasperating. The success ofeither would have been almost equally perilous to the popular cause; forthe instatement of Lee as minister plenipotentiary at the French courtwould inevitably have led to a breach with France. The result was verygratifying to Franklin, since it showed that all the ill tales about himwhich had gone home had not ruined, though certainly they had seriouslyinjured, his good repute among his countrymen. Moreover, he could trulysay that the office "was not obtained by any solicitation or intrigue, "or by "magnifying his own services, or diminishing those of others. " Butapart from the gratification and a slight access of personal dignity, the change made no difference in his duties; he still combined thefunctions of loan-agent, consul, naval director, and minister, asbefore. Nor was he even yet wholly rid of Arthur Lee. He had, however, the satisfaction of absolutely refusing to honor any more of Lee's orIzard's exorbitant drafts for their personal expenses. 

[Note 67: Parton's _Life of Franklin_, ii. 383. ]

Shortly after his appointment Franklin sent his grandson to Lee, with anote requesting Lee to send to him such papers belonging to the embassyas were in his possession. Lee insolently replied that he had "no papersbelonging to the department of minister plenipotentiary at the court ofVersailles;" that if Franklin referred to papers relating totransactions of the late joint commission, he had "yet to learn andcould not conceive" by what reason or authority one commissioner wasentitled to demand custody of them. Franklin replied temperately enoughthat many of them were essential to him for reference in conducting thepublic business, but said that he should be perfectly content to havecopies. The captious Lee was still further irritated by this scheme foravoiding a quarrel, but had to accede to it. 

***

To John Paul Jones Franklin stood in the relation of a navy department. The daring exploits of that gallant mariner form a chapter toofascinating to be passed by without reluctance, but limitations of spaceare inexorable. His success and his immunity in his reckless feats seemmarvelous. His chosen field was the narrow seas which surround Britain, which swarmed with British shipping, and were dominated by theredoubtable British navy as the streets of a city are kept in order bypolice. But the rover Jones, though always close to his majesty'scoasts, was too much for all his majesty's admirals and captains. Heharried these home waters and captured prizes till he became embarrassedby the extent of his own success; he landed at Whitehaven, spiked theguns of the fort, and fired the ships of the fleet in the harbor beneaththe eyes of the astounded Englishmen, who thronged the shore and gazedbewildered upon the spectacle which American audacity displayed forthem; he made incursions on the land; he threatened the port of Leith, and would undoubtedly have bombarded it, had not obstinate counter windsthwarted his plans; he kept the whole British shores in a state offeverish alarm; he was always ready to fight, and challenged theEnglish warship, the Serapis, to come out and meet him; she came, and hecaptured her after fighting so desperately that his own ship, the famousBon Homme Richard, named after Poor Richard, sank a few hours after thecombat was over. 

[Illustration]

All these glorious feats were rendered possible by Franklin, who foundthe money, consulted as to the operations, issued commissions, attendedto purchases and repairs, to supplies and equipment, who composedquarrels, settled questions of authority, and interposed to protectvessels and commanders from the perils of the laws of neutrality. Joneshad a great respect and admiration for him, and said to him once thathis letters would make a coward brave. The projects of Jones weregenerally devised in consultations with Franklin, and were in the directline of enterprises already suggested by Franklin, who had urgedCongress to send out three frigates, disguised as merchantmen, whichcould make sudden descents upon the English coast, destroy, burn, gatherplunder, and levy contributions, and be off before molestation waspossible. "The burning or plundering of Liverpool or Glasgow, " he wrote, "would do us more essential service than a million of treasure, and muchblood spent on the continent;" and he was confident that it was"practicable with very little danger. " This was not altogether in accordwith his humane theory for the conduct of war; but so long as thattheory was not adopted by one side, it could not of course be allowedto handicap the other. 

As if Franklin had not enough legitimate trouble in furthering thesenaval enterprises, an entirely undeserved vexation grew out of them forhim. There was a French captain Landais, who entered the service of theStates and was given the command of a ship in what was dignified by thename of Jones's "squadron. " Of all the excitable Frenchmen who have everlived none can have been more hot-headed than this remarkable man. During the engagement between the Bon Homme Richard and the Serapis, hesailed up and down beside the former and delivered broadsides into heruntil he was near disabling and sinking the ship of his own commander. The incomprehensible proceeding meant only that he was so wildly excitedthat he did not know at whom he was firing. Soon he quarreled withJones; Franklin had to intervene; then Landais advanced all sorts ofpreposterous demands, which Franklin refused; thereupon he quarreledwith Franklin; a very disagreeable correspondence ensued; Franklinfinally had to displace Landais from command of his ship; Landais defiedhim and refused to surrender command. Then Lee decided to go home to theStates in Landais's ship. When the two got together they stirred up amutiny on board, and more trouble was made for Franklin. At last theygot away, and Landais went crazy during the voyage, was deposed byhis officers, and placed in confinement. If the ship had been lost, it would have been a more tolerable loss than many for which the oceanis accountable; but she was not, and Lee got safe ashore to continue hismachinations at Philadelphia, and to publish an elaborate pamphletagainst Franklin. All this story and the correspondence may be read atlength in Mr. Hale's "Franklin in France. " It is entertaining and showsvividly the misery to which Franklin was subjected in attending toaffairs which were entirely outside of the proper scope of his office. "It is hard, " said he, "that I, who give others no trouble with myquarrels, should be plagued with all the perversities of those who thinkfit to wrangle with one another. "

[Illustration]

CHAPTER XII

FINANCIERING

Whether the financiering of the American Revolution is to be looked uponin a pathetic or in a comical light must depend upon the mood of theobserver. The spectacle of a young people, with no accumulated capital, engaged in supporting the charge of a mortal struggle against all thevast resources of Britain, has in it something of pathos. But themethods to which this people resorted to raise funds were certainly ofamusing simplicity. It was not until the appointment of Robert Morris, in 1781, that a treasury department came into existence and some slightpretense of system was introduced into the financial affairs of theconfederation. During the years prior to that time Congress managed thebusiness matters. But Congress neither had funds nor the power to obtainany. It had an unlimited power for contracting debts: absolutely nopower for collecting money. It used the former power freely. Whencreditors wanted payment, requisitions were made upon the States fortheir respective quotas. But the States were found to be sadlyirresponsive; probably the citizens really had not much ready money;certainly they had not enough to pay in taxes the cost of the war; nocivilized state has been able to conduct a war, even a small one, inmodern times without using the national credit. But the United Stateshad absolutely no credit at all. It was well enough to exclaim "Millionsfor defense; but not one cent for tribute!" This was rhetoric, notbusiness; and Congress soon found that the driblets which trickledtardily to them in response to their demands on the several States wouldhardly moisten the bottom of the great exchequer tank, which needed tobe filled to the brim. 

Two methods of relief were then adopted, crude, simple, but likely for atime to be efficient; and provided only that within that time the warcould be finished, all might go well. One of these methods was to issueirredeemable paper "money;" the other was to borrow real money abroad. The droll part was that both these transactions were audaciously enteredupon by a body which had absolutely no revenues at all to pledge assecurity, which had not a dollar of property, nor authority to compelany living man to pay it a dollar. A more utterly irresponsible debtorthan Congress never asked for a loan or offered a promissory note. Forthe security of a creditor there was only the moral probability that incase of success the people would be honest enough to pay their debts;and there was much danger that the jealousies between the States as totheir proportionate quotas might stimulate reluctance and furnishexcuses which might easily become serious in so unpleasant a matter aspaying out hard cash. At home Congress could manage to make its papermoney percolate among the people, and could pay a good many Americancreditors with it; but there were some who would not be thus satisfied, and few European creditors, of course, would meddle with such currency. So to pay these people who would have real money Congress solicitedloans from other nations. It was like the financiering of a schoolboy, who issues his IOU's among his mates, and refers the exacting andbusiness-like tradesman to his father. France was cast for the rôle offather to the congressional schoolboy for many wearisome years. 

The arrangement bore hard upon the American representatives, who, atEuropean courts and upon European exchanges, had the embarrassing taskof raising money. It was all very well to talk about negotiating a loan;the phrase had a Micawber-like sound as of real business; but in pointof plain fact the thing to be done was to beg. Congress had acomparatively easy time of it; such burden and anxiety as lay upon thatbody were shared among many; and after all, the whole scope of its dutywas little else than to vote requisitions upon the States, to order theprinting of a fresh batch of bills, and to "resolve that the TreasuryBoard be directed to prepare bills of exchange of suitable denominationsupon the Honorable Benjamin Franklin [or sometimes Jay, or Adams, oranother], minister plenipotentiary at the court of Versailles, for----thousand dollars _in specie_. " Having done this, Congress had fulfilledits simple part, and serenely waited for something to turn up. 

The plan which seemed most effective was to send a representativeaccredited to some foreign government, and instructed to raise money atonce. Without wasting time by waiting to see whether he arrived safely, or was received, or was successful in his negotiations, the next shipwhich followed him brought drafts and bills which he was expected toaccept, and at maturity to pay. Having thus skillfully shifted thelaboring oar into his hands Congress bestirred itself no further. PoorJay, in Spain, had a terrible time of it in this way, and if ever a manwas placed by his country in a painful and humiliating position, it washe. He faced it gallantly, but had to be carried through by Franklin. From first to last it was upon Franklin that the brunt fell; he had tokeep the country from financial failure as Washington had to save itfrom military failure; he was the real financier of the Revolution;without him Robert Morris would have been helpless. Spain yielded buttrifling sums in response to Jay's solicitations; Holland, which wastried by Adams, was even more tardy and unwilling, though towards theend some money was got there. Franklin alone, at Paris, could tap therock and make the waters flow. So upon him Congress sent in an endlessprocession of drafts, and compelled him to pay all their foreign billsand indebtedness; he gathered and he disbursed; to him were referred allthe drafts upon Jay and others, which they themselves could not pay, andhe discharged them one and all. A heavier task never fell upon any man, nor one bringing less recognition; for money matters usually seem so dryand unintelligible that every one shirks informing himself about them. We read about the horrors of the winter camp at Valley Forge, and weshudder at all the details of the vivid picture. The anxiety, the toil, the humiliation, which Franklin endured for many winters and manysummers in Paris, in sustaining the national credit, do not make apicture, do not furnish material for a readable chapter in history. Yetmany a man would far rather have faced Washington's lot than Franklin's. 

I do not intend to tell this tale at length or minutely, for I couldtrust no reader to follow me in so tedious an enterprise; yet I must tryto convey some notion of what this financiering really meant forFranklin, of how ably he performed it, of what it cost him in wear andtear of mind, of what toil it put upon him, and of what measure ofgratitude was due to him for it. It may be worth mentioning by the waythat he not only spent himself in efforts to induce others to lend, buthe himself lent. Before he embarked for Philadelphia on his Frenchmission, he gathered together all that he could raise in money, some£3000 to £4000, and paid it over as an unsecured loan for an indefiniteperiod to the Continental Congress. 

It is not probable that from any records now existing the most patientaccountant could elicit any statement, even approximating to accuracy, of the sums which Franklin received and paid out. But if such an accountcould be drawn up, it would only indicate some results in figures whichwould have little meaning for persons not familiar with the nationaldebts, revenues, and outlays of those times, and certainly would not atall answer the purpose of showing what he really did. The onlysatisfactory method of giving any passably clear idea on the subjectseems to be to furnish some extracts from his papers. 

The ship which brought Franklin also brought indigo to the value of£3000, which was to serve as long as it could for the expenses of thecommissioners. For keeping them supplied with money later on, it was theintention of Congress to purchase cargoes of American products, such astobacco, rice, indigo, etc. , etc. , and consign these to thecommissioners, who, besides paying their personal bills, were sure tohave abundant other means for using the proceeds. Unfortunately, however, it so happened that the resources presented by this scheme werealready exhausted. In January, 1777, a loan of one million livres hadbeen advanced on a pledge of fifty-six thousand hogsheads of tobacco tothe Farmers General of the French revenue; and the rice and indigo hadbeen in like manner mortgaged to Beaumarchais. Congressional jugglerycould not quite compass the payment of different creditors with the samemoney, even supposing that the money came to hand. But it did not; for along while no cargoes arrived; of those that were dispatched, some wererun away with by dishonest ship-masters, some were lost at sea, otherswere captured by the English, so that Franklin sadly remarked that thechief result was that the enemy had been supplied with these articlesfor nothing. But he preserved his resolute cheerfulness. "The destroyingof our ships by the English, " he said, "is only like shaving our beards, that will grow again. Their loss of provinces is like the loss of alimb, which can never again be united to their body. " When at last acargo did arrive, Beaumarchais demanded it as his own, and Franklin atlast yielded to his importunities and tears, though having no reallysufficient knowledge of his right to it. Later a second vessel arrived, and Beaumarchais endeavored to pounce upon it by process of law. Thatone also Franklin let him have. Then no more came, and this promisingresource seems never to have yielded one dollar for Franklin's use. 

Already so early as January 26, 1777, it was necessary to appeal toThomas Morris, from whom remittances had been expected on account ofsales made at Nantes: "You must be sensible how very unbecoming it isof the situation we are in to be dependent on the credit of others. Wetherefore desire that you will remit with all possible expedition thesum allotted by the Congress for our expenses. " But the commissionersappealed in vain to this worthless drunkard. 

Strange to say, the instructions given by Congress to the commissionersat the time of Franklin's appointment said nothing about borrowingmoney. In view of what he had to do in this way it was a singularomission; but it was soon repaired by letters. In March, 1777, Franklinwrites to Lee: "We are ordered to borrow £2, 000, 000 on interest;" alsoto "build six ships of war, " presumably on credit. In this same monthFranklin wrote a paper, which was widely circulated in Europe, in whichhe endeavored to show that the honesty, the industry, the resources, andthe prospects of the United States were so excellent that it wouldreally be safer to lend to them than to England. It was a skillful pieceof work, and its arguments had evidently persuaded the writer himself;but they did not induce the money-lenders of the old countries to acceptmoral qualities and probabilities as collateral security. 

Fair success, however, was soon met with at the court of France, so thatthe commissioners had the pleasure of assuring Congress that they couldsafely be depended upon to meet the interest on a loan of $5, 000, 000, which by this aid Congress probably would be able to contract for. Butthat body had no idea of being content with this! March 17, 1778, Franklin writes to Lee that they have been drawn upon for 180, 000livres, to pay old indebtedness of the army in Canada; also that otherbills have been drawn. The number and gross amount of these were notstated in the advices; but the commissioners were ordered to "acceptthem when they should appear. " "I cannot conceive, " said Franklin, "whatencouragement the Congress could have had from any of us to draw on usfor anything but that interest. I suppose their difficulties havecompelled them to it. I see we shall be distressed here by theseproceedings, " etc. , etc. Congress was composed of men far too shrewd toawait "encouragement" to draw for money!

July 22, 1778, he wrote to Lovell: "When we engaged to Congress to paytheir bills for the interest of the sums they could borrow, we did notdream of their drawing on us for other occasions. We have already paidof Congress's drafts, to returned officers, 82, 211 livres; and we knownot how much more of that kind we have to pay, because the committeehave never let us know the amount of those drafts, or their account ofthem never reached us, and they still continue coming in. And we are nowsurprised with drafts from Mr. B. For 100, 000 more. If you reduce us tobankruptcy here by a non-payment of your drafts, consider theconsequences. In my humble opinion no drafts should be made on uswithout first learning from us that we shall be able to answer them. "

Congress could not fairly exact great accuracy from the drawees of itsbills, when it never took pains to give notice of the facts of thedrawing, of the number of bills drawn, of dates, or amounts; in a word, really gave no basis for account-keeping or identification. No morehelter-skelter way of conducting business has ever been seen sincemodern business methods were invented. The system, if system it may becalled, would have been aggravating and confusing enough under anycondition of attendant circumstances; but it so happened that allattendant circumstances tended to increase rather than to mitigate thedifficulties created by the carelessness of Congress. One naturallyfancies that a nation deals in few and large transactions, that thesedrafts may have been for inconveniently large sums, but that at leastthey probably were not numerous. The precise contrary was the case. Thedrafts were countless, and often were for very petty amounts, much as ifa prosperous merchant were drawing cheques to pay his ordinary expenses. Further, the uncertainty of the passage across the Atlantic led to thesebills appearing at all sorts of irregular times; seconds often came tohand before firsts, and thirds before either; the bills were often veryold when presented. Knaves took advantage of these facts fraudulently toalter seconds and thirds into firsts, so that extreme care had to betaken to prevent constant duplication and even triplication of payments. It would have taken much of the time of an experienced banker's clerk tokeep the bill and draft department in correct shape. It is notimprobable that Congress lost a good deal of money by undetectedrascalities, but if so the fault lay with that body itself, not withFranklin. 

Amid the harassments of these demands, Franklin was much vexed by theconduct of Arthur Lee and Izard in drawing money for their own expenses. In February, 1778, each insisted that he should be allowed a credit withthe banker, M. Grand, to an amount of £2000, as each then expected todepart on a mission. Franklin reluctantly assented, and was thenastonished and indignant to find that each at once drew out the full sumfrom the national account; yet neither went upon his journey. InJanuary, 1779, Izard applied for more. Franklin's anger was stirred;Izard was a man of handsome private property, and was rendering noservice in Paris; and his requirements seemed to Franklin eminentlyunpatriotic and exorbitant. He therefore refused the request, writing toIzard a letter which is worth quoting, both from the tone of itspatriotic appeal and as a vivid sketch of the situation:--

 "Your intimation that you expect more money from us obliges us to expose to you our circumstances. Upon the supposition that Congress had borrowed in America but $5, 000, 000, and relying on the remittances intended to be sent to us for answering other demands, we gave expectations that we should be able to pay here the interest of that sum as a means of supporting the credit of the currency. The Congress have borrowed near twice that sum, and are now actually drawing on us for the interest, the bills appearing here daily for acceptance. Their distress for money in America has been so great from the enormous expense of the war that they have also been induced to draw on us for very large sums to stop other pressing demands; and they have not been able to purchase remittances for us to the extent they proposed; and of what they have sent, much has been taken, or treacherously carried into England, only two small cargoes of tobacco having arrived, and they are long since mortgaged to the Farmers General, so that they produce us nothing, but leave us expenses to pay. 

 "The continental vessels of war which come to France have likewise required great sums of us to furnish and refit them and supply the men with necessaries. The prisoners, too, who escape from England claim a very expensive assistance from us, and are much dissatisfied with the scanty allowance we are able to afford them. The interest bills above mentioned, of the drawing of which we have received notice, amount to $2, 500, 000, and we have not a fifth part of the sum in our banker's hands to answer them; and large orders to us from Congress for supplies of clothing, arms, and ammunition remain uncomplied with for want of money. 

 "In this situation of our affairs, we hope you will not insist on our giving you a farther credit with our banker, with whom we are daily in danger of having no farther credit ourselves. It is not a year since you received from us the sum of 2000 guineas, which you thought necessary on account of your being to set out immediately for Florence. You have not incurred the expense of that journey. You are a gentleman of fortune. You did not come to France with any dependence on being maintained here with your family at the expense of the United States, in the time of their distress, and without rendering them the equivalent service they expected. 

 "On all these considerations we should rather hope that you would be willing to reimburse us the sum we have advanced to you, if it may be done with any possible convenience to your affairs. Such a supply would at least enable us to relieve more liberally our unfortunate countrymen, who have long been prisoners, stripped of everything, of whom we daily expect to have nearly three hundred upon our hands by the exchange. "

At this same time Franklin wrote to Congress to explain how it hadhappened that so large a sum as £4000 had been allowed to thesegentlemen; for he feared that this liberality might "subject thecommissioners to censure. " The explanation was so discreditable to Leeand Izard that it is charitable to think that there was somemisunderstanding between the parties. [68] The matter naturally rankled, and in May Franklin wrote that there was much anger against him, that hewas charged with "disobeying an order of Congress, and with cruellyattempting to distress gentlemen who were in the service of theircountry. "

[Note 68: See Franklin's _Works_, vi. 294. ]

 "They have indeed, " he said, "produced to me a resolve of Congress empowering them to draw . . . For their expenses at foreign courts; and doubtless Congress, when that resolve was made, intended to enable us to pay those drafts; but as that has not been done, and the gentlemen (except Mr. Lee for a few weeks) have not incurred any expense at foreign courts, and, if they had, the 5500 guineas received by them in about nine months seemed an ample provision for it, . . . I do not conceive that I disobeyed an order of Congress, and that if I did the circumstances will excuse it. . . . In short, the dreadful consequences of ruin to our public credit, both in America and Europe, that must attend the protesting a single Congress draft for interest, after our funds were out, would have weighed with me against the payment of more money to those gentlemen, if the demand had otherwise been well founded. I am, however, in the judgment of Congress, and if I have done amiss, must submit dutifully to their censure. "

Burgoyne's surrender had a market value; it was worth ready money inFrance and Spain. Upon the strength of it the former lent the States3, 000, 000 livres; and the like amount was engaged for by Spain. But, says Bancroft, "when Arthur Lee, who was equally disesteemed inVersailles and Madrid, heard of the money expected of Spain, he talkedand wrote so much about it that the Spanish government, who wished toavoid a rupture with England, took alarm, and receded from itsintention. "[69]

[Note 69: Bancroft, _Hist. U. S. _ ix. 480. ]

In February and March, 1779, came demands from the officers of thefrigate Alliance for their pay; but Franklin was "neither furnishedwith money nor authority for such purposes. " It seemed, however, toohard to tell these gallant fellows, whose perilous and useful servicewas in European waters, that they could not have a dollar until theyshould get safely back to the States; so Franklin agreed to pay for onesuit of clothes for each of them. But he begged them to be as "frugal aspossible, " and not make themselves "expensively fine" from a notion thatit was for the honor of the State, which could be better promoted inmore sensible ways. 

May 26, 1779, he complains to the committee of foreign affairs that, whereas the commissioners had agreed to find in Paris means of payinginterest on a loan of $5, 000, 000, that loan had been doubled, while, onthe other hand, they had been "drained by a number of unforeseenexpenses, " including "orders and drafts" of Congress. "And now, " hesays, "the drafts of the treasurer of the loans coming very fast uponme, the anxiety I have suffered and the distress of mind lest I shouldnot be able to pay them, have for a long time been very great indeed. Toapply again to this court for money for a particular purpose, which theyhad already over and over again provided for and furnished us, wasextremely awkward. " One would think so, indeed! So he fell back on a"_general_ application" made some time before, and received naturallythe general answer that France herself was being put to enormousexpenses, which were aiding the States as efficiently as a direct loanof money could do. The most he could extort was the king's guaranty forthe payment of the interest on $3, 000, 000, provided that sum could beraised in Holland. The embarrassing fact was that the plea of povertyadvanced by the French government was perfectly valid. Turgot said so, and no man knew better than Turgot. He had lately told the king thateven on a peace footing the annual expenditures exceeded the annualreceipts of the exchequer by 20, 000, 000 livres; and he even talkedseriously of an avowal of national bankruptcy. The events preceding theFrench Revolution soon proved that this great statesman did notexaggerate the ill condition of affairs. Yet instead of practicing rigidprudence and economy, France had actually gone into a costly war for thebenefit of America. It was peculiarly disagreeable to be ceaselesslyappealing for money to an impoverished friend. 

Another vexation was found in the way in which the agents of the variousindividual States soon began to scour Europe in quest of money. Firstthey applied to Franklin, and "seemed to think it his duty as ministerfor the United States to support and enforce their particular demands. "But the foreigners, probably not understanding these separateautonomies, did not relish these requisitions, and Franklin found thathe could do nothing. On the contrary, he was hampered in effecting loanson the national credit; for these state agents, hurrying clamorouslyhither and thither, gave an impression of poverty and injured thereputation of the country, which, indeed, was already low enough uponthe exchanges without any such gratuitous impairment. 

February 19, 1780, there was an application from John Paul Jones formoney for repairs on his ships. Franklin approved keeping the vessels inserviceable condition, but added: "Let me repeat, for God's sake besparing, unless you mean to make me a bankrupt, or have your draftsdishonored for want of money in my hands to pay them. "

May 31, 1780, he complains that he has been reproached by one of thecongressional agents whose unauthorized drafts he had refused. He hasbeen drawn upon by Congress, he says, for much more than the interest, which only he had agreed to furnish, and he has answered every demand, and supported their credit in Europe. "But if every agent of Congress indifferent parts of the world is permitted to run in debt, and draw uponme at pleasure to support his credit, under the idea of its beingnecessary to do so for the honor of Congress, the difficulty upon mewill be too great, and I may in fine be obliged to protest the interestbills. I therefore beg that a stop may be put to such irregularproceedings. " It was a reasonable prayer, but had no effect. Franklincontinued to be regarded as paymaster-general for the States in Europe. 

We next hear of his troubles in paying the bills which Congress, according to its usual custom, was drawing upon Jay. They sent Jay toSpain, and told him to borrow money there; and as soon as they had gothim fairly at sea, they began drawing drafts upon him. He soon foundhimself, as he said, in a "cruel situation, " and the torture of mindwhich he endured and the responsibility which he assumed are well known. He courageously accepted the bills, trusting to Providence and toFranklin, who seemed the agent of Providence, to arrange for theirpayment. Franklin did not fail him. One of Jay's earliest letters toFranklin said: "I have no reason as yet to think a loan here will bepracticable. Bills on me arrive daily. Be pleased to send me a creditfor the residue of our salaries. " Five days later: "Bills to the amountof $100, 000 have arrived. A loan cannot be effected here. " And so on. InApril, 1781, his appeal became pathetic: "Our situation here is dailybecoming more disagreeable from the want of our salaries; to be obligedto contract debts and live on credit is terrible. I have not to this dayreceived a shilling from America, and we should indeed have been greatlydistressed, had it not been for your good offices. " An American ministerwithout resources to pay his butcher and his grocer, his servant and histailor, presented a spectacle which moved Franklin to great efforts! Inplain truth, Jay and his secretary, Carmichael, were dependent uponFranklin for everything; they not only drew on him for their salaries topay daily household expenses, but they sent him lists of the billsaccepted by them for the "honor of Congress, " and which they had nomeans of paying. It was fortunate that these two men were willing toincur such peril and anxiety in behalf of this same "honor of Congress, "which otherwise would soon have been basely discredited; for that bodyitself was superbly indifferent on the subject, and did not pretend tokeep faith even with its own agents. 

Thus matters continued to the end. Congress pledged itself not to drawbills, and immediately drew them in batches. Jay could report toFranklin only scant and reluctant promises won from the Spanish court;and small as these engagements were, they were ill kept. Perhaps theycould not be kept; for, as Jay wrote, there was "little coin in Egypt, "the country was really poor. So the end of it always was that Franklinremained as the only resource for payments, to be made week after week, of all sorts of sums ranging from little bills upon vessels up to greattotals of $150, 000 or $230, 000 upon bankers' demands. Such was theburden of a song which had many more woeful stanzas than can be repeatedhere. 

By way of affording some sort of encouragement to the French court, Franklin now proposed that the United States government should furnishthe French fleet and forces in the States with provisions, of which thecost could be offset, to the small extent that it would go, againstFrench loans. It seemed a satisfactory arrangement, and France assentedto it. 

At the same time he wrote to Adams that he had "long been humiliatedwith the idea of our running about from court to court begging for moneyand friendship, which are the more withheld the more eagerly they aresolicited, and would perhaps have been offered if they had not beenasked. The proverb says, God helps them that help themselves; and theworld too, in this sense, is very godly. " This was an idea to which hemore than once recurred. In March, 1782, in the course of a long letterto Livingston, he said: "A small increase of industry in every American, male and female, with a small diminution of luxury, would produce a sumfar superior to all we can hope to beg or borrow from all our friends inEurope. " He reiterated the same views again in March, and again inDecember, and doubtless much oftener. [70] No man was more earnest in thedoctrine that every individual American owed his strenuous andunremitting personal assistance to the cause. It was a practical as wellas a noble patriotism which he felt, preached, and exemplified; and itwas thoroughly characteristic of the man. 

[Note 70: Franklin's _Works_, vii. 404; viii. 236. ]

What was then the real financial capacity of the people, and whetherthey did their utmost in the way of raising money to support theRevolution, is a question about which it is easy to express an opinion, but difficult to prove its accuracy by convincing evidence. On the onehand, it is true that the strain was extreme and that much was done tomeet it; on the other hand, it is no less true that even beneath thisstress the national prosperity actually made a considerable advanceduring the war. The people as a whole gathered money rather thanimpoverished themselves. In the country at large the commercial instinctfully held its own in competition with the spirit of independence. Therewas not much forswearing of little luxuries. Franklin said that helearned by inquiry that of the interest money which was disbursed inParis most was laid out for "superfluities, and more than half of it fortea. " He computed that £500, 000 were annually expended in the States fortea alone. This sum, "annually laid out in defending ourselves orannoying our enemies, would have great effect. With what face can we askaids and subsidies from our friends, while we are wasting our own wealthin such prodigality?"

Henry Laurens, dispatched as minister to the Hague in 1780, was capturedon the voyage and carried into England. But this little incidentmattered not at all to the Congress, which for a long while cheerfullydrew a great number of bills upon the poor gentleman, who, held in theTower of London as a traitor, was hardly in a position to negotiatelarge loans for his fellow "rebels. " In October, 1780, these billsbegan to flutter down upon Franklin's desk, drawn by a sort of naturalgravitation. He felt "obliged to accept them, " and said that he should"with some difficulty be able to pay them, though these extra demandsoften embarrass me exceedingly. "

November 19, 1780, he wrote to de Vergennes announcing that Congress hadnotified him of drafts to the amount of about 1, 400, 000 livres (about$280, 000). The reply was: "You can easily imagine my astonishment atyour request of the necessary funds to meet these drafts, since youperfectly well know the extraordinary efforts which I have made thus farto assist you and support your credit, and especially since you cannothave forgotten the demands you lately made upon me. Nevertheless, sir, Iam very desirous of assisting you out of the embarrassed situation inwhich these repeated drafts of Congress have placed you; and for thispurpose I shall endeavor to procure for you, for the next year, the sameaid that I have been able to furnish in the course of the present. Icannot but believe, sir, that Congress will faithfully abide by what itnow promises you, that in future no drafts shall be made upon you unlessthe necessary funds are sent to meet them. "

Such a letter, though only gratitude could be felt for it, must havestung the sensitiveness of Franklin, who had already a great nationalpride. Nor was the pain likely to be assuaged by the conduct ofCongress; for that body had not the slightest idea of keeping thepromises upon which de Vergennes expressed a reliance perhaps greaterthan he really felt. It is not without annoyance, even now, that onereads that only two days after the French minister wrote this letter, Congress instructed Franklin to do some more begging for clothes, andfor the aid of a fleet, and said: "With respect to the loan, we foreseethat the sum which we ask will be greatly inadequate to our wants. "

December 2, 1780, Franklin acknowledges "favors, " a conventional phrasewhich seems sarcastic. These tell him that Congress has resolved to drawon him "bills extraordinary, to the amount of near $300, 000. " These weredoubtless what led to the foregoing correspondence with de Vergennes. Inreply he says that he has already engaged himself for the bills drawn onMr. Laurens, and adds: "You cannot conceive how much these thingsperplex and distress me; for the practice of this government beingyearly to apportion the revenue to the several expected services, anyafter demands made, which the treasury is not furnished to supply, meetwith great difficulty, and are very disagreeable to the ministers. "

A short fragment of a diary kept in 1781 gives a painful vision of theswarm of bills:--

 "Jan. 6. Accepted a number of loan office bills this day, and every day of the past week. 

 "Sunday, Jan. 7. Accepted a vast number of loan office bills. Some of the new drafts begin to appear. 

 "Jan. 8. Accepted many bills. 

 "Jan. 10th. Informed that my recall is to be moved for in Congress. 

 "Jan. 12th. Sign acceptation [qu. "of"? mutilated] many bills. They come thick. 

 "Jan. 15th. Accepted above 200 bills, some of the new. 

 "Jan. 17th. Accepted many bills. 

 "Jan. 22d. M. Grand informs me that Mr. Williams has drawn on me for 25, 000 livres; . . . I order payment of his drafts. 

 "Jan. 24th. A great number of bills. 

 "Jan. 26th. Accept bills. "

February 13 he writes a general begging and stimulating letter to deVergennes. He says that the plain truth is that the present situation inthe States "makes one of two things essential to us--a peace, or themost vigorous aid of our allies, particularly in the article of_money_. . . . The present conjuncture is critical; there is some dangerlest the Congress should lose its influence over the people, if it isfound unable to procure the aids that are wanted;" and in that case theopportunity for separation is gone, "perhaps for ages. " A few days laterhe was "under the necessity of being importunate for an answer to theapplication lately made for stores and money. " De Vergennes replied, inan interview, that Franklin must know that for France to lend the25, 000, 000 livres asked for was "at present impracticable. " Also hisexcellency mentioned other uncomfortable and distasteful facts, butconcluded by saying that the king, as a "signal proof of hisfriendship, " would make a free gift of 6, 000, 000 livres, in addition to3, 000, 000 recently furnished for interest drafts. But the French courthad at last so far lost confidence in Congress that in order to makesure that this money should be applied in aid of the army, and not bevaguely absorbed by committees, a stipulation was inserted that itshould be paid only upon the order of General Washington. This was atrifle insulting to Congress, and made trouble; and it seems thatultimately the sum was intrusted to Franklin. 

Almost immediately afterward he extorted from Necker an agreement thatthe king of France would guaranty a loan of 10, 000, 000 livres, if itcould be raised in Holland; and upon these terms he was able to raisethis sum. Trouble enough the possession of it soon gave him; for thedemands for it were numerous. Franklin needed it to keep himself solventin Europe; Congress greedily sought it for America; William Jackson, whowas buying supplies in Holland, required much of it there. Franklin wasexpected to repeat with it the miracle of the loaves and fishes. 2, 500, 000 livres he sent to the States in the same ship which carriedJohn Laurens. 2, 200, 000 Laurens disposed of in purchasing goods;1, 500, 000 were sent to Holland to be thence sent to the States inanother ship, so as to divide the risk. But while he thus took care ofothers, he himself was drawn upon by Jackson for £50, 000; and at thesame time he was expected to provide for all the bills accepted byLaurens, Jay, and Adams, and now rapidly maturing. He sent in haste toHolland to detain the 1, 500, 000 livres _in transitu_. "I am sorry, " hesaid, "that this operation is necessary; but it must be done, or theconsequences will be terrible. "

Laurens and Jackson, however, in Holland, had been actually spendingthis sum, and more. "I applaud the zeal you have both shown in theaffair, " said the harassed doctor, "but I see that nobody cares how muchI am distressed, provided they can carry their own points. " Fortunatelythe money still lay in the hands of the banker, and there Franklinstopped it; whereupon Jackson fell into extreme rage, and threatenedsome sort of a "proceeding, " which Franklin said would only beexceedingly imprudent, useless, and scandalous. "The noise rashly madeabout this matter" by Jackson naturally injured American credit inHolland, and especially rendered unmarketable his own drafts uponFranklin. In these straits he journeyed to Paris to see Franklin, represented that his goods were on board ship; that they were articlesmuch needed in America; that they must be paid for, or else relanded andreturned, or sold, which would be a public disgrace. So Franklin wasprevailed upon to engage for the payment, and was "obliged to go withthis after-clap to the ministers, " a proceeding especially disagreeablebecause, as he said, "the money was to be paid for the manufactures ofother countries and not laid out in those of this kingdom, by whosefriendship it was furnished. " He was at first "absolutely refused, " butin time prevailed, and "hoped the difficulty was over. " Not at all!After all this exertion and annoyance, the officers of the ship said shewas overloaded, and turned out a large part of the goods, which wereaccordingly put into two other ships; and then Franklin was offered theoption of buying these two vessels, of hiring them at a freight scarcelyless than their value, or of having the goods again set on shore. He wasnow "ashamed to show his face to the minister, " and was casting aboutfor resources, when suddenly he was surprised by new demands to pay forthe goods which he had every reason to believe had already been paidfor. This produced such a dispute and complication that the goodsremained long in Holland before affairs could be arranged, and the finalsettlement is not clearly to be made out. 

In the spring of 1781 John Adams was in Holland, and of course Congresswas drawing bills upon him, and equally of course he had not a stiverwith which to meet them. He had "opened a loan, " but so little hadfallen into the opening that he was barely able to pay expenses; so, still of course, he turned to Franklin: "When they [the bills] arriveand are presented I must write to you concerning them, and desire you toenable me to discharge them. " He added that it was a "grievousmortification to find that America has no credit here, while Englandcertainly still has so much. " Apparently the pamphlet in which Franklinhad so convincingly shown that the reverse of this should be the casehad not satisfied the minds of the Dutch bankers. 

In July, 1781, came a broad hint from Robert Morris: "I will not doubt amoment that, at your instance, his majesty will make pressingrepresentations in support of Mr. Jay's application, and I hope that theauthority of so great a sovereign and the arguments of his able ministrywill shed auspicious influence on our negotiations at Madrid. " Thisfulsome language, intended of course to be read to de Vergennes, imposedthe gratifying duty of begging the French minister to second Americanbegging in Spain. 

In the same month Franklin wrote to Morris that the French were vexed atthe purchasing of goods in Holland, and would not furnish the money topay for them, and he actually suggested a remittance from America!"Otherwise I shall be ruined, with the American credit in Europe. " Hemight have had some motive besides patriotism in thus uniting himselfwith the credit of his country; for he had been warned that the consul'scourt in Paris had power even over the persons of foreign ministers inthe case of bills of exchange. 

September 12, 1781, he announces triumphantly that "the remittances . . . Which I requested are now unnecessary, and I shall finish the year withhonor, " notwithstanding "drafts on Mr. Jay and on Mr. Adams muchexceeding what I had been made to expect. "

He was now informed that Congress would not draw upon _other_ ministerswithout providing funds, but that they would continue to draw on _him_"funds or no funds, " an invidious distinction which "terrified" him; forhe had been obliged to promise de Vergennes not to accept any draftsdrawn later than March, 1781, unless he should have in hand or in viewfunds sufficient to pay them. But before long he began to suspect thatCongress could outwit the French minister. For so late as January, 1782, bills dated prior to the preceding April were still coming; and he said:"I begin to suspect that the drawing continues, and _that the bills areantedated_. It is impossible for me to go on with demands afterdemands. " The next month also found these old bills on Laurens stillcoming in. Congress never let the ministers know how many bills it wasdrawing, perhaps fearing to discourage them by so appalling adisclosure. Franklin now wrote to Adams: "Perhaps from the series ofnumbers and the deficiencies one may be able to divine the sum that hasbeen issued. " Moreover, he reflects that he has never had anyinstructions to pay the acceptances of Jay and Adams, nor has had anyratification of his payments; neither had he "ever received a syllableof approbation for having done so. Thus I stand charged with vast sumswhich I have disbursed for the public service without authority. " Thethought might cause some anxiety, in view of the moral obliquitymanifested by Congress in all its financial dealings. 

In November, 1781, came a long letter from Livingston; everything waswanted; but especially the States must have _money_! December 31, a daythat often brings reflection on matters financial, de Vergennes sent abrief warning; 1, 000, 000 livres, which had been promised, Franklinshould have, but not one livre more under any circumstances; if he hadaccepted, or should accept, Morris's drafts in excess of this sum, hemust trust to his own resources to meet his obligations. Accordingly onJanuary 9, 1782, he wrote to Morris: "Bills are still coming inquantities. . . . You will see by the inclosed letter the situation I am atlast brought into. . . . I shall be able to pay till the end of February, when, if I can get no more money, I must stop. "

Ten days later he writes to Jay that his solicitations make him appearinsatiable, that he gets no assurances of aid, but that he is "verysensible" of Jay's "unhappy situation, " and therefore manages to sendhim $30, 000, though he knows not how to replace it. In the sad month ofMarch, 1782, Lafayette nobly helped Franklin in the disagreeable task ofbegging, but to little purpose; for at length there seemed a generaldetermination to furnish no more money to the States. The fighting wasover, and it seemed reasonable that the borrowing should be overlikewise. 

In February, 1782, Franklin says that Mr. Morris supposes him to have asum "vastly greater than the fact, " and has "given orders far beyond myabilities to comply with. " Franklin was regarded as a miraculous orangewhich, if squeezed hard enough, would always yield juice! It could nothave been reassuring, either, to have one of the American agents at thistime ask to have 150, 000 livres advanced to him _at once_; especiallysince the frankly provident gentleman based his pressing haste upon theavowed fear that, as business was going on, Franklin's embarrassments inmoney matters were likely to increase. 

February 13, 1782, Livingston wrote a letter which must have excited agrim smile. He comforts himself, in making more "importunate demands, "by reflecting that it is all _for the good of France!_ which thought, hesays, may enable Franklin to "press them with some degree of dignity. "Franklin's sense of humor was touched. That means, he says, that I am tosay to de Vergennes: "Help us, and we shall not be obliged to you. " Butin some way or another, probably not precisely in this eccentric way, heso managed it that in March he wheedled the French government into stillanother and a large loan of 24, 000, 000 livres payable quarterly duringthe year. March 9 he informs Morris "pretty fully of the state of ourfunds here, by which you will be enabled so to regulate your drafts asthat our credit in Europe may not be ruined and your friend killed withvexation. "

He now engaged to pay all the drafts which Jay should send to him, sothat Jay could extricate himself honorably from those dread engagementswhich had been giving that harassed gentleman infinite anxiety atMadrid. Some of his acceptances had already gone to protest; butFranklin soon took them all up. By the end of March he began to breathemore freely; he had saved himself and his colleagues thus far and now hehoped that the worst was over. He wrote to Morris: "Your promise thatafter this month no more bills shall be drawn on me keeps up my spiritsand affords me the greatest satisfaction. " By the following summer theaccounts between France and the States were in course of liquidation, and Franklin called the attention of Livingston to the fact that theking practically made the States a further present "to the value of neartwo millions. These, added to the free gifts before made to us atdifferent times, form an object of at least twelve millions, for whichno returns but that of gratitude and friendship are expected. These, Ihope, may be everlasting. " But liquidation, though a necessarypreliminary to payment, is not payment, and does not preclude acontinuance of borrowing; and in August we find that Morris was stillpressing for more money, still drawing drafts, in happy forgetfulness ofhis promises not to do so, and still keeping Franklin in anxious dreadof bankruptcy. By the same letter it appears that Morris had directedFranklin to pay over to M. Grand, the banker, any surplus funds in hishands! "I would do it with pleasure, if there were any such, " saidFranklin; but the question was still of a deficit, not of a surplus. 

December 14, 1782, finds Franklin still at the old task, preferring "theapplication so strongly pressed by the Congress for a loan of$4, 000, 000. " Lafayette again helped him, but the result remaineduncertain. The negotiations for peace were so far advanced that theministers thought it time for such demands to cease. But probably hesucceeded, for a few days later he appears to be remitting aconsiderable sum. Peace, however, was at hand, and in one respect atleast it was peace for Franklin as well as for his country, for evenCongress could no longer expect him to continue borrowing. He had indeedrendered services not less gallant though less picturesque than those ofWashington himself, vastly more disagreeable, and scarcely lessessential to the success of the cause. 

CHAPTER XIII

HABITS OF LIFE AND OF BUSINESS: AN ADAMS INCIDENT

John Adams wielded a vivid and vicious pen; he neglected the Scripturalinjunction: "Judge not, " and he set honesty before charity in speech. His judgments upon his contemporaries were merciless; they had that kindof truthfulness which precluded contradiction, yet which left a sense ofinjustice; they were at once accurate and unfair. His stricturesconcerning Franklin are an illustration of these peculiarities. What hesaid is of importance because he said it, and because members of theAdams family in successive generations, voluminous contributors to thehistory of the country, have never divested themselves of the inheritedenmity toward Franklin. During Adams's first visit to France therelationship between him and Franklin is described as sufficientlyfriendly rather than as cordial. December 7, 1778, in a letter to hiscousin Samuel Adams, John thus described his colleague:--

 "The other you know personally, and that he loves his Ease, hates to offend, and seldom gives any opinion till obliged to do it. I know also, and it is necessary that you should be informed, that he is overwhelmed with a correspondence from all quarters, most of them upon trifling subjects and in a more trifling style, with unmeaning visits from Multitudes of People, chiefly from the Vanity of having it to say that they have seen him. There is another thing that I am obliged to mention. There are so many private families, Ladies and gentlemen, that he visits so often, --and they are so fond of him, that he cannot well avoid it, --and so much intercourse with Academicians, that all these things together keep his mind in a constant state of dissipation. If indeed you take out of his hand the Public Treasury and the direction of the Frigates and Continental vessels that are sent here, and all Commercial affairs, and entrust them to Persons to be appointed by Congress, at Nantes and Bordeaux, I should think it would be best to have him here alone, with such a Secretary as you can confide in. But if he is left here alone, even with such a secretary, and all maritime and Commercial as well as political affairs and money matters are left in his Hands, I am persuaded that France and America will both have Reason to repent it. He is not only so indolent that Business will be neglected, but you know that, although he has as determined a soul as any man, yet it is his constant Policy never to say 'yes' or 'no' decidedly but when he cannot avoid it. "

This mischievous letter, not actually false, yet misrepresenting andmisleading, has unfortunately survived to injure both the man who wroteit and the man about whom it was written. It is quoted in order to showthe sort of covert fire in the rear to which Franklin was subjectedthroughout his term of service. It is astonishing now, when theevidence is all before us and the truth is attainable, to read such adescription of such a patriot as Franklin, a man who went through laborsand anxieties for the cause probably only surpassed by those ofWashington, and whose services did more to promote success than did theservices of any other save only Washington. How blind was the personalprejudice of the critic who saw Franklin in Paris and could yet suggestthat the charge of the public treasury should be taken from him! To whomelse would the Frenchmen have unlocked their coffers as they did to him, whom they so warmly liked and admired? John Adams and Arthur Lee andother Americans who endeavored to deal with the French court gotthemselves so thoroughly hated there that little aid would have beenforthcoming at the request of such representatives. It was to Franklin'spersonal influence that a large portion of the substantial help in men, ships, and especially in money, accorded by France to the States, wasdue. He was as much the right man in Europe as was Washington inAmerica. 

Nevertheless this attribution of traits, so maliciously penned, haspassed into history, and though the world does not see that eitherFrance or the States had cause "to repent" keeping Franklin in Paris ingeneral charge of affairs, and unwatched by a vigilant secretary, yetall the world believes that in the gay metropolis Franklin was indolentand given over to social pleasures, which flattered his vanity. Undoubtedly there is foundation in fact for the belief. But to arrive ata just conclusion one must consider many things. The character of thechief witness is as important as that of the accused. Adams, besidesbeing a severe critic, was filled to the brim with an irrepressibleactivity, an insatiate industry, a restlessness and energy, all whichwere at this period stimulated by the excitement of the times to anintensity excessive and abnormal even for him. To him, in this conditionof chronic agitation, the serenity of Franklin's broad intellect andtranquil nature seemed inexplicable and culpable. But Franklin had whatAdams lacked, a vast experience in men and affairs. Adams knew theprovinces and the provincials; Franklin knew the provinces and Englandand France, the provincials, Englishmen, Frenchmen, and all ranks andconditions of men, --journeymen, merchants, philosophers, men of letters, diplomatists, courtiers, noblemen, and statesmen. The one was an ablecolonist, the other was a man of the world, of exceptionally widepersonal experience even as such. Moreover Franklin's undertakings weregenerally crowned with a success which justifies us in saying that, however much or little exertion he visibly put forth, at least he putforth enough. Adams sometimes was for putting forth too much. Franklin, when he arrived in France, was in his seventy-first year; his health wasin the main good, yet his strength had been severely tried by hisjourney to Canada and by the voyage. He was troubled with a cutaneouscomplaint, of which he makes light, but which was abundant evidence thathis physical condition was far from perfect; he was a victim of thegout, which attacked him frequently and with great severity, so that hewas often obliged to keep his bed for days and weeks; when he wasappointed sole minister of the States to France he remarked that therewas "some incongruity in a _plenipotentiary_ who could neither stand norgo;" later on he suffered extremely from stone and gravel; with allthese diseases, and with the remorseless disease of old age gainingground every day, it is hardly surprising that Franklin seemed to thehale and vigorous Adams not to be making that show of activity whichwould have been becoming in the chief representative of the UnitedStates during these critical years. Yet except that he was carelessabout his papers and remiss in his correspondence, no definiteallegations are made against him prior to the treating for peace; nobusiness of importance was ever said to have failed in his hands, whichshould be a sufficient vindication of his general efficiency. The amountof labor which was laid upon him was enormous: he did as much businessas the managing head of a great banking-house and a great mercantilefirm combined; he did all the diplomacy of the United States; he wasalso their consul-general, and though he had agents in some ports, yetthey more often gave trouble than assistance; after the commercialtreaty with France he had to investigate French laws and tariffs andgive constant advice to American merchants upon all sorts of questionsas to statutes, trade, customs, dues, and duties. What he did concerningthe warships, the privateers, and the prizes has been hinted at ratherthan stated; what he did in the way of financiering has been imperfectlyshown; he was often engaged in planning naval operations either for PaulJones and others in European waters or for the French fleet in Americanwaters. He had for a perpetual annoyance all the captiousness and thequarrels of the two Lees, Izard, and Thomas Morris. When business had tobe transacted, as often occurred, with states at whose courts the UnitedStates had no representative, Franklin had to manage it;[71] especiallyhe was concerned with the business in Spain, whither he would havejourneyed in person had his health and other engagements permitted. Moreover he was adviser-general to all American officials of any andevery grade and function in Europe; and much as some of these gentlemencontemned him, they each and all instinctively demanded his guidance inevery matter of importance. Even Arthur Lee deferred to him rather thandecide for himself; Dana sought his instructions for the mission toRussia; men of the calibre of Jay and independent John Adams sought andrespected his views and his aid, perhaps more than they themselvesappreciated. Surely here was labor enough, and even more responsibilitythan labor; but Franklin's great, well-trained mind worked with the easeand force of a perfectly regulated machine whose smoothness of actionalmost conceals its power, and all the higher parts of his labor wereachieved with little perceptible effort. For the matters ofaccount-keeping and letter-writing, he neglected these things; and oneis almost provoked into respecting him for so doing when it isremembered that during all the time of his stay in France Congress neverallowed to this aged and overtasked man a secretary of legation, or evenan amanuensis or a copyist. He had with him his grandson, TempleFranklin, a lad of sixteen years at the time of his arrival in France, and whom it had been intended to place at school. But Franklin could notdispense with his services, and kept this youngster as his sole clerkand assistant. It should be mentioned also in this connection that itwas not only necessary to prepare the customary duplicates of everydocument of importance, but every paper which was to be sent across theAtlantic had to be copied half a dozen extra times, in order to bedispatched in as many different ships, so great were the dangers ofcapture. It was hardly fair to expect a minister plenipotentiary todisplay unwearied zeal in this sort of work. Adams himself would havedone it, and grumbled; Franklin did not do it, and preserved his goodtemper. In conclusion it may be said that, if Franklin was indolent, asin some ways he probably was, he had at least much excuse for indolence, and the trait showed itself only on what may be called the physical sideof his duties; upon the intellectual side, it cannot be denied thatduring the period thus far traversed he did more thinking and to betterpurpose than any other American of the day. 

[Note 71: For example, with Norway, with Denmark, and withPortugal. ]

In saying that Franklin was fond of society and pleased with theadmiration expressed for him by the ardent and courteous Frenchmen andby other continental Europeans, Adams spoke correctly. Franklin wasalways social and always a little vain. But much less would have beenheard of these traits if the distinction made between him and hiscolleagues had been less conspicuous and less constant. That men of thesize of the Lees and Izard should inflate themselves to the measure ofharboring a jealousy of Franklin's preëminence was only ridiculous; butAdams should have had, as Jay had, too much self-respect to cherish sucha feeling. It was the weak point in his character that he could neveracknowledge a superior, and the fact that the world at large estimatedWashington, Franklin, and Hamilton as men of larger calibre than his ownkept him in a state of exasperation all his life. Now the simple truth, forced in a thousand unintended ways upon the knowledge of all Americanenvoys during the Revolution, was, that in Europe Franklin was adistinguished man, while no other American was known or cared for atall. Franklin received deference, where others received civility;Franklin was selected for attentions, for flattery, for officialconsultations and communications, while his colleagues were "forgottenentirely by the French people. " Jay, Dana, and Carmichael accepted thissituation in the spirit of sensible gentlemen, but Adams, the Lees, andIzard were incensed and sought an offset in defamation. CompareCarmichael's language with what has been quoted from Adams: he says:"The age of Dr. Franklin in some measure hinders him from taking soactive a part in the drudgery of business as his great zeal andabilities would otherwise enable him to execute. He is the Master, towhom we children in politics look up for counsel, and whose name iseverywhere a passport to be well received. " Still it must have beenprovoking to be customarily spoken of as "Dr. Franklin's associates. "When Franklin was appointed minister plenipotentiary he was obliged toexplain that he was not the "sole representative of America in Europe. "De Vergennes always wished to deal only with him, and occasionally saidthings to him in secrecy so close as to be exclusive even of his"associates. " Adams honestly admitted that "this court have confidencein him alone. " When a favor was to be asked, it was Franklin who couldbest seek it; and when it was granted it seemed to be vouchsafed toFranklin. In a word, Franklin had the monopoly of the confidence, therespect, and the personal regard of the French ministry. It was the sameway also with the English; when they made advances for conciliation orpeace, they too selected Franklin for their communications. 

Adams was not sufficiently familiar with the modes of political life inEurope to appreciate what a substantial value Franklin's social andscientific prestige among the "ladies and gentlemen" and the"academicians" had there. All those tributes which the great"philosopher" was constantly receiving may have been, as Adams said, pleasant food for his vanity, but they were also of practical worth andservice, signifying that he was a man of real note and importance inwhat European statesmen regarded as "the world. " If Franklin relishedthe repast, who among mortals would not? And was his accuser a man tohave turned his back on such viands, had he also been bidden to thefeast of flattery? Franklin's vanity was a simple, amiable, and harmlesssource of pleasure to himself; it was not of the greedy or envious type, nor did its gratification do any injury to any person or any interest. Jay, a man of generous temper, understood the advantage reaped by theStates from being represented at the French court by a man whosegreatness all Europe recognized. More than once he bore this testimony, honorable alike to the giver and to him for whom it was given. [72]

[Note 72: See, for example, Franklin's _Works_, vii. 252, note. ]

Pleasant as were many of the features of Franklin's residence in France, and skillfully as he may have evaded some of the more irksome laborsimposed upon him, the attraction was not always sufficient to make himreluctant to have done with the place. Its vexations and anxieties woreupon him grievously. He knew that unfriendly representations concerninghim were often made in America, and that these induced some men todistrust him, and caused others to feel anxious about him. He heardstories that he was to be recalled, other stories that there was a cabalto vent a petty ill will by putting an end to the clerkship of hisgrandson. This cut him to the quick. "I should not part with the child, "he said, "but with the employment;" and so the ignoble schememiscarried; for Congress was not ready to lose Franklin, and did notreally feel any extreme dread of harm from a lad who, though the son ofa loyalist, had grown up under Franklin's personal influence. At timeshomesickness attacked him. When he heard of the death of an old friendat home he wrote sadly: "A few more such deaths will make me a strangerin my own country. " He was not one of those patriots who like to liveabroad and protest love for their own country. Generally he preservedthe delightful evenness of his temper with a success quite wonderful ina man troubled with complaints which preëminently make the suffererimpatient and irascible. Only once he said, when he was being veryunreasonably annoyed about some shipping business: "I will absolutelyhave nothing to do with any new squadron project. I have been too longin hot water, plagued almost to death with the passions, vagaries, andill humors and madnesses of other people. I must have a little repose. "A very mild outbreak this, under all his provocations, but it is theonly one of which any record remains. His tranquil self-control was avery remarkable trait; he was never made so angry by all the calumny andassaults of enemies peculiarly apt in the art of irritation as to useany immoderate or undignified language. He never retaliated, though hehad the fighting capacity in him. Before the tribunal of posterity hispatient endurance has counted greatly in his favor. 

By March, 1781, he had definitively made up his mind to resign, andwrote to the president of Congress a letter which was unmistakablyearnest and in parts even touching. [73] When this alarming communicationwas received all the depreciation of the Lees, Izard, and the rest wentfor nothing. Without hesitation Congress ignored the request, with farbetter reason than it could show for the utter indifference with whichit was wont to regard pretty much all the other requests which Franklinever made. Its behavior in this respect was indeed very singular. Herecommended his grandson to it, and it paid absolutely no attention tothe petition. He repeatedly asked the appointment of consuls at some ofthe French ports; it created all sorts of other officials, keeping Parisfull of useless and costly "ministers" accredited to courts which wouldnot receive them, but appointed no consul. He urged hard, as a triflingpersonal favor, that an accountant might be appointed to audit hisnephew Williams's accounts, but Congress would not attend to a matterwhich could have been disposed of in five minutes. He never could get asecretary or a clerk, nor even any proper appointment of, or salary for, his grandson. He seldom got an expression of thanks or approbation foranything that he did, though he did many things wholly outside of hisregular functions and involving great personal risk and responsibility. Yet when he really wanted to resign he was not allowed to do so; andthus at last he was left to learn by inference that he had givensatisfaction. [74]

[Note 73: Franklin's _Works_, vii. 207; the letter is unfortunatelytoo long to quote. See also his letter to Lafayette, _Ibid. _ 237. ]

[Note 74: See letter to Carmichael, _Works_, vii. 285. ]

***

No sooner had Adams got comfortably settled at home than he was obligedto return again to Europe. Franklin, Jay, Laurens, Jefferson, and hewere appointed by Congress commissioners to treat for peace, wheneverthe fitting time should come; and so in February, 1780, he was back inParis. But peace was still far away in the future, and Adams, meanwhile, finding the intolerable incumbrance of leisure upon his hands, exorcised the demon by writing long letters to de Vergennes upon sundrymatters of interest in American affairs. It was an unfortunate scheme. If Nature had maliciously sought to create a man for the express purposeof aggravating de Vergennes, she could not have made one better adaptedfor that service than was Adams. Very soon there was a terribleexplosion, and Franklin, invoked by both parties, had to hasten to therescue, to his own serious injury. 

On May 31, 1780, in a letter to the president of Congress, Franklinsaid: "A great clamor has lately been made by some merchants, who saythey have large sums on their hands of paper money in America, and thatthey are ruined by some resolution of Congress, which reduces its valueto one part in forty. As I have had no letter explaining this matter Ihave only been able to say that it is probably misunderstood, and that Iam confident the Congress have not done, nor will do, anything unjusttowards strangers who have given us credit. " Soon afterward Adams gotprivate information of the passage of an act for the redemption of thepaper money at the rate of forty dollars for one in silver. At once hesent the news to de Vergennes. That statesman took fire at the tidings, and promptly responded that foreigners ought to be indemnified for anylosses they might suffer, and that Americans alone should "support theexpense which is occasioned by the defense of their liberty, " and shouldregard "the depreciation of their paper money only as an impost whichought to fall upon themselves. " He added that he had instructed theChevalier de la Luzerne, French minister to the States, "to make thestrongest representations on this subject" to Congress. 

Adams was alarmed at the anger which he had excited, and besought deVergennes to hold his hand until Franklin could "have opportunity tomake his representations to his majesty's ministers. " But this gleam ofgood sense was transitory, for on the same day, without waiting forFranklin to intervene, he composed and sent to de Vergennes a long, elaborate defense of the course of the States. It was such an argumentas a stubborn lawyer might address to a presumably prejudiced court; ithad not a pleasant word of gratitude for past favors, or of regret atthe present necessity; it was as undiplomatic and ill considered as itcertainly was unanswerable. But its impregnability could not offset itsgross imprudence. To exasperate de Vergennes and alienate the Frenchgovernment at that period, although by a perfectly sound presentation, was an act of madness as unpardonable as any crime. 

Upon the same day on which Adams drew up this able, inexcusable brieffor his unfortunate client, the Congress, he wrote to Franklin begginghim to interfere. On June 29 he followed this request with a humblernote than John Adams often wrote, acknowledging that he might have madesome errors, and desiring to be set right. On June 30 de Vergennes alsoappealed to Franklin, saying, amid much more: "The king is so firmlypersuaded, sir, that your private opinion respecting the effects of thatresolution of Congress, as far as it concerns strangers and especiallyFrenchmen, differs from that of Mr. Adams, that he is not apprehensiveof laying you under any embarrassment by requesting you to support therepresentations which his minister is ordered to make to Congress. "

Franklin, receiving these epistles, was greatly vexed at the jeopardyinto which the rash zeal of Adams had suddenly plunged the Americaninterests in France. His indignation was not likely to be made less bythe fact that all this letter-writing to de Vergennes was a tacitreproach upon his own performance of his duties and a gratuitousintrenchment upon his province. The question which presented itself tohim was not whether the argument of Adams was right or wrong, norwhether the distinction which de Vergennes sought to establish betweenAmerican citizens and foreigners was practicable or not. This wasfortunate, because, while Adams in the States had been forced to pondercarefully all the problems of a depreciating paper currency, Franklin inFrance had neither necessity, nor opportunity, nor leisure for studyingeither the ethics or the solution of so perplexing a problem. He nowhastily made such inquiries as he could among the Americans latelyarrived in Paris, but did not pretend "perfectly to understand" thesubject. To master its difficulties, however, did not seem essential, because he recognized that the obvious duty of the moment was to saysomething which might at least mitigate the present wrath of the Frenchministry, and so gain time for explanation and adjustment in a betterstate of feeling. He had once laid down to Arthur Lee the principle:"While we are asking aid it is necessary to gratify the desires and insome sort comply with the humors of those we apply to. Our business nowis to carry our point. " Acting upon this rule of conciliation, he wrote, on July 10, to de Vergennes:--

 "In this I am clear, that if the operation directed by Congress in their resolution of March the 18th occasions, from the necessity of the case, some inequality of justice, that inconvenience ought to fall wholly upon the inhabitants of the States, who reap with it the advantages obtained by the measure; and that the greatest care should be taken that foreign merchants, particularly the French, who are our creditors, do not suffer by it. This I am so confident the Congress will do that I do not think any representations of mine necessary to persuade them to it. I shall not fail, however, to lay the whole before them. "

In pursuance of this promise Franklin wrote on August 9 a full narrativeof the entire matter; it was a fair and temperate statement of factswhich it was his duty to lay before Congress. [75] Before sending it hewrote to Adams that de Vergennes, "having taken much amiss some passagesin your letter to him, sent the whole correspondence to me, requestingthat I would transmit it to Congress. I was myself sorry to see thosepassages. If they were the effects merely of inadvertence, and you donot, on reflection, approve of them, perhaps you may think it proper towrite something for effacing the impressions made by them. I do notpresume to advise you; but mention it only for your consideration. " ButAdams had already taken his own measures for presenting the case beforeCongress. 

[Note 75: Franklin's _Works_, vii. 110-112. ]

Such is the full story of Franklin's doings in this affair. Hisconnection with it was limited to an effort to counteract the mischiefwhich another had done. Whether he thought that the "inconvenience"which "_ought_ to fall" only on Americans could be arranged to do so, does not appear; probably he never concerned himself to work out aproblem entirely outside his own department. As a diplomatist, who hadto gain time for angry people to cool down for amicable discussion, hewas content to throw out this general remark, and to express confidencethat his countrymen would do liberal justice. So far as he wasconcerned, this should have been the end of the matter, and Adams shouldhave been grateful to a man whose tranquil wisdom and skillful tact hadsaved him from the self-reproach which he would ever have felt had hiswell-intentioned, ill-timed act borne its full possible fruit of injuryto the cause of the States. But Adams, who knew that his views wereintrinsically correct, emerged from the imbroglio with an extremeresentment against his rescuer, nor was he ever able to see thatFranklin did right in not reiterating the same views. He wished not tobe saved but to be vindicated. The consequence has been unfortunate forFranklin, because the affair has furnished material for one of thecounts in the indictment which the Adamses have filed against him beforethe bar of posterity. 

It may be remarked here that the few words which Franklin ever let dropconcerning paper money indicate that he had given it little thought. Hesaid that in Europe it seemed "a mystery, " "a wonderful machine;" andthere is no reason why he should have understood it better than otherpeople in Europe. He also said that the general effect of thedepreciation had operated as a gradual tax on the citizens, and "perhapsthe most equal of all taxes, since it depreciated in the hands of theholders of money, and thereby taxed them in proportion to the sums theyheld and the time they held it, which is generally in proportion tomen's wealth. "[76] The remark could not keep a place in any veryprofound discussion of the subject; but it should be noted that in thispoint of view the contention of de Vergennes might be logicallydefended, on the ground that a foreigner ought not to be taxed like acitizen; but the insuperable difficulty of making the distinctionpracticable remained undisposed of. 

[Note 76: See also Franklin's _Works_, vii. 343. ]

CHAPTER XIV

PEACE NEGOTIATIONS: LAST YEARS IN FRANCE

The war had not been long waging before overtures and soundingsconcerning an accommodation, abetted and sometimes instigated by thecabinet, began to come from England. Nearly all these were addressed toFranklin, because all Europe persisted in regarding him as the oneauthentic representative of America, and because Englishmen of allparties had long known and respected him far beyond any other American. In March, 1778, William Pulteney, a member of Parliament, came under anassumed name to Paris and had an interview with him. But it seemed thatEngland would not renounce the theory of the power of Parliament overthe colonies, though willing by way of favor to forego its exercise. Franklin declared an arrangement on such a basis to be impossible. 

A few months later there occurred the singular and mysterious episode ofCharles de Weissenstein. Such was the signature to a letter dated atBrussels, June 16, 1778. The writer said that independence was animpossibility, and that the English title to the colonies, beingindisputable, would be enforced by coming generations even if thepresent generation should have to "stop awhile in the pursuit to recoverbreath;" he then sketched a plan of reconciliation, which includedoffices or life pensions for Franklin, Washington, and other prominentrebels. He requested a personal interview with Franklin, and, failingthat, he appointed to be in a certain spot in Notre Dame at a certainhour, wearing a rose in his hat, to receive a written reply. The Frenchpolice reported the presence at the time and place of a man obviouslybent upon this errand, who was traced to his hotel and found, says JohnAdams, to be "Colonel Fitz-something, an Irish name, that I haveforgotten. " He got no answer, because at a consultation between theAmerican commissioners and de Vergennes it was so decided. But one hadbeen written by Franklin, and though de Weissenstein and ColonelFitz-something never saw it, at least it has afforded pleasure tothousands of readers since that time. For by sundry evidence Franklinbecame convinced, even to the point of alleging that he "knew, " that theincognito correspondent was the English monarch himself, whose letterthe Irish colonel had brought. The extraordinary occasion inspired him. It is a rare occurrence when one can speak direct to a king as man withman on terms of real equality. Franklin seized his chance, and wrote aletter in his best vein, a dignified, vigorous statement of the Americanposition, an eloquent, indignant arraignment of the English measuresfor which George III. More than any other one man was responsible. Inlanguage which was impassioned without being extravagant, he mingledsarcasm and retort, statement and argument, with a strenuous force thatwould have bewildered the royal "de Weissenstein. " To this day onecannot read these stinging paragraphs without a feeling ofdisappointment that de Vergennes would not let them reach theirdestination. Such a bolt should have been sent hotly home, not droppedto be picked up as a curiosity by the groping historians of posterity. 

The good Hartley also was constantly toiling to find some common groundupon which negotiators could stand and talk. One of his schemes, whichnow seems an idle one, was for a long truce, during which passions mightsubside and perhaps a settlement be devised. Franklin ever lent acourteous ear to any one who spoke the word Peace. But neither thisstrong feeling, nor any discouragement by reason of American reverses, nor any arguments of Englishmen ever induced him to recede in the leastfrom the line of demands which he thought reasonable, nor to abate hisuncompromising plainness of speech. 

With the outbreak of war Franklin's feelings towards England had takenon that extreme bitterness which so often succeeds when love andadmiration seem to have been misplaced. "I was fond to a folly, " hesaid, "of our British connections, . . . But the extreme cruelty withwhich we have been treated has now extinguished every thought ofreturning to it, and separated us forever. You have thereby lost limbsthat will never grow again. " English barbarities, he declared, "have atlength demolished all my moderation. " Often and often he reiterated suchstatements in burning words, which verge more nearly upon vehemence thanany other reminiscence which survives to us of the great and calmphilosopher. 

Yet in the bottom of his heart he felt that the chasm should not be madewider and deeper than was inevitable. In 1780 he told Hartley thatCongress would fain have had him "make a school-book" from accounts of"British barbarities, " to be illustrated by thirty-five prints by goodartists of Paris, "each expressing one or more of the different horridfacts, . . . In order to impress the minds of children and posterity witha deep sense of your bloody and insatiable malice and wickedness. " Hewould not do this, yet was sorely provoked toward it. "Every kindness Ihear of done by an Englishman to an American prisoner makes me resolvenot to proceed in the work, hoping a reconciliation may yet take place. But every fresh instance of your devilism weakens that resolution, andmakes me abominate the thought of a reunion with such a people. "

In point of fact the idea of an actual reunion seems never from the veryoutset to have had any real foothold in his mind. In 1779 he said: "Wehave long since settled all the account in our own minds. We know theworst you can do to us, if you have your wish, is to confiscate ourestates and take our lives, to rob and murder us; and this . . . We areready to hazard rather than come again under your detestedgovernment. "[77] This sentiment steadily gained strength as the struggleadvanced. Whenever he talked about terms of peace he took a tone so highas must have seemed altogether ridiculous to English statesmen. Independence, he said, was established; no words need be wasted aboutthat. Then he audaciously suggested that it would be good policy forEngland "to act nobly and generously; . . . To cede all that remains inNorth America, and thus conciliate and strengthen a young power, whichshe wishes to have a future and serviceable friend. " She would do wellto "throw in" Canada, Nova Scotia, and the Floridas, and "call it . . . Anindemnification for the burning of the towns. "

[Note 77: See also a strong statement in letter to Hartley ofOctober 14, 1777; _Works_, vii. 106. ]

Englishmen constantly warned him of the blunder which the colonies wouldcommit, should they "throw themselves into the arms" of France, and theyassured him that the alliance was the one "great stumbling-block in theway of making peace. " But he had ever the reply, after the fashion ofScripture: By their fruits ye shall know them. France was as liberal offriendship and good services as England was of tyranny and cruelties. This was enough to satisfy Franklin; he saw no Judas in the constantand generous de Vergennes, and could recognize no inducement to drop thesubstance France for the shadow England. [78] To his mind it seemed toconcern equally the honor and the interest of the States to standclosely and resolutely by their allies, whom to abandon would be"infamy;" and after all, what better bond could there be than a commoninterest and a common foe? From this view he never wavered to the hourwhen the definitive treaty of peace was signed. [79]

[Note 78: See Franklin's _Works_, vi. 303. ]

[Note 79: See Franklin's _Works_, vi. 151, 303, 310; vii. 3, forexamples of his expressions on this subject. ]

Such was Franklin's frame of mind when the surrender at Yorktown and theevents incident to the reception of the news in England at last broughtpeace into really serious consideration. The States had already beenforward to place themselves in a position for negotiating at the firstpossible moment. For in 1779 Congress had received from France anintimation that it would be well to have an envoy in Europe empowered totreat; and though it was seizing time very much by the forelock, yetthat body was in no mood to dally with so pleasing a hint, and at oncenominated John Adams to be plenipotentiary. This, however, by no means, fell in with the schemes of the French ministry, for de Vergennes knewand disliked Mr. Adams's very unmanageable character. Accordingly theFrench ambassador at Philadelphia was instructed to use his greatinfluence with Congress to effect some amelioration of the distastefularrangement, and he soon covertly succeeded in inducing Congress tocreate a commission by appointing Adams, Jay, Franklin, Jefferson, whonever went on the mission, and Laurens, who was a prisoner in Englandand joined his colleagues only after the business had been substantiallyconcluded. Adams promptly came to Paris, created a great turmoil there, as has been in part narrated, and passed on to Holland, where he stillremained. Jay, accredited to, but not yet received by, the Spanishcourt, was at Madrid. Franklin therefore alone was on hand in Paris whenthe great tidings of the capture of Cornwallis came. 

It was on November 25, 1781, that Lord North got this news, taking it"as he would have taken a ball in his breast. " He recognized at oncethat "all was over, " yet for a short time longer he retained themanagement of affairs. But his majority in Parliament was steadilydwindling, and evidently with him also "all was over. " In his despair hecaught with almost pathetic eagerness at what for a moment seemed achance to save his ministry by treating with the States secretly andapart from France. He was a man not troubled with convictions, andhaving been obstinate in conducting a war for which he really caredlittle, he was equally ready to save his party by putting an end to itwith the loss of all that had been at stake. Franklin, however, decisively cut off that hope. America, he assured Hartley, would notforfeit the world's good opinion by "such perfidy;" and in theincredible event of Congress instructing its commissioners to treat upon"such ignominious terms, " he himself at least "would certainly refuse toact. " So Digges, whom Franklin described as "the greatest villain I evermet with, " carried back no comfort from secret, tentative errands toAdams in Holland and to Franklin in France. Simultaneous furtiveadvances to de Vergennes met with a like rebuff. France and America werenot to be separated; Lord North and his colleagues were not to be savedby the bad faith of either of their enemies. On February 22, 1782, anaddress to the king against continuing the American war was moved byConway. It was carried by a majority of nineteen. A few days later asecond, more pointed, address was carried without a division. The nextday leave was granted to bring in a bill enabling the king to make apeace or a truce with the colonies. The game was up; the ministry heldno more cards to play; on March 20 Lord North announced that hisadministration was at an end. 

In his shrewd, intelligent fashion, Franklin was watching these events, perfectly appreciating the significance of each in turn. On March 22 heseized an opportunity which chance threw in his way for writing to LordShelburne a short note, in which he suggested a hope that the"returning good disposition" of England towards America would "tend toproduce a general peace. " It was a note of a few lines only, seemingly amere pleasant passage of courtesy to an old friend, but significant andtimely, an admirable specimen of the delicate tact with which Franklincould meet and almost create opportunity. A few days later the cabinetof Lord Rockingham was formed, composed of the friends of America. In itCharles Fox was secretary for foreign affairs, and Lord Shelburne hadthe home department, including the colonies. No sooner were the newministers fairly instated than Shelburne dispatched Richard Oswald, aretired Scotch merchant, of very estimable character, of good temper, reasonable views, and sufficient ability, to talk matters over withFranklin at Paris. Oswald arrived on April 12, and had satisfactoryinterviews with Franklin and de Vergennes. The important fact of whichhe became satisfied by the explicit language of Franklin was, that thehope of inducing the American commissioners to treat secretly andseparately from France was utterly groundless. [80] After a few days hewent back to London, carrying a letter from Franklin to Shelburne, inwhich Franklin expressed his gratification at these overtures and hishope that Oswald might continue to represent the English minister. Oswald also carried certain "Notes for Conversation, " which Franklin hadwritten out; "some loose thoughts on paper, " as he called them, "which Iintended to serve as memorandums for my discourse, but without a fixedintention of showing them to him. " As matters turned out later, it wouldhave been better if Franklin had not been quite so free with these"memorandums, " which contained a suggestion that the English should cedeCanada and the Americans should recoup the losses of the royalists. Indeed, no sooner had the paper left his hands than he saw his error, and was "a little ashamed of his weakness. " The letter only was shown tothe whole cabinet. 

[Note 80: About the same time Laurens was released on parole andsent to confer with Adams in Holland, concerning a separate treating, and brought from Adams the like response as Oswald brought fromFranklin. ]

On May 5 Oswald was again in Paris, charged to discuss terms withFranklin. But on May 7 there arrived also Thomas Grenville, deputed byFox to approach de Vergennes with the design not only of treating withFrance, but also of treating with the States through France. The doublemission indicated a division in the English cabinet. Fox and Shelburnewere almost as hostile to each other as were both to Lord North; andeach was aiming to control the coming negotiations with the States. Which should secure it was a nice question. For English purposes ofclassification the States, until independence was acknowledged, remainedcolonies, and so within the charge of Shelburne. Hence came Fox's schemefor reaching them indirectly through France, also his avowedwillingness to recognize their independence immediately, for foreignbusiness belonged to him. Shelburne, on the other hand, strenuouslyresisted this; at worst, as he thought, independence must come through atreaty, and with equivalents. Moreover it seems that he cherished anodd, half-defined notion, apparently altogether peculiar to himself, that he might escape the humiliation of a grant of full independence, and in place thereof might devise some sort of "federal union. " Perhapsit was out of this strange fancy that there grew at this time a storythat the States were to be reconciled and joined to Great Britain by agift of the same measure of autonomy enjoyed by Ireland. 

When Oswald and Franklin next met, they made at first little progress;each seemed desirous to keep himself closed while the other unfolded. The result was that Franklin wrote, with unusual _naïveté_: "On thewhole I was able to draw so little of the sentiments of Lord Shelburne. . . That I could not but wonder at his being again sent to me. " At thesame time Grenville was offering to de Vergennes to acknowledge theindependence of the United States, provided that in other respects thetreaty of 1763[81] should be reinstated. That is to say, France was toagree to a complete restoration of the _status quo ante bellum_ in everyrespect so far as her own interests were concerned, and to accept asthe entire recompense for all her expenditures of money and blood abenefit accruing to the American States. This was a humorous assumptionof the ingenuousness of her most disinterested protestations. The Frenchminister, we are told, "seemed to smile" at this compliment to theunselfishness of his chivalrous nation, [82] and replied that theAmerican States were making no request to England for independence. AsFranklin happily expressed it: "This seems to me a proposition ofselling to us a thing that was already our own, and making France paythe price they [the English] are pleased to ask for it. " But the designof weaning the States from France, in the treating, was obvious. 

[Note 81: Made between England and France at the close of the lastwar, in which France had lost Canada. ]

[Note 82: "The Peace Negotiations of 1782-83, " etc. , by John Jay; inWinsor's _Narr. And Crit. Hist. Of America_, vol. Vii. ]

Grenville, thus checked, next tried to see what he could do withFranklin in the way of separate negotiation. But he only elicited astatement that the States were under no obligations save those embodiedin the treaties of alliance and commerce with France, and a sort ofintimation, which might be pregnant of much or of little, that if thepurpose of the former were achieved through the recognition ofindependence, then the commercial treaty alone would remain. Thissomewhat enigmatical remark doubtless indicated nothing more than thatthe States would not continue active and aggressive hostilities in orderto further purely French designs. Clearly it would depend upon thedemands of France whether the States might not find themselves in asomewhat delicate position. Their obligation to make no separate peacewith England had been contracted upon the basis that France should allyherself with them to obtain their independence; and the injury expectedto result therefrom to England, with the chance of commercial advantagesaccruing to France, had been regarded as a full consideration. Yet itwould seem ungrateful, to say the least, to step out of the fight andleave France in it, and to refuse to back her demands for the recoupmentof some of the losses which she had suffered in the previous war. Butnow the French alliance with Spain threatened grave complications; shehad joined France in the war, and the two powers were held closelytogether by the Bourbon family interests. Spain now had demands of herown in the way of territory on the American continent, where she hadmade extensive conquests, and even for the cession of Gibraltar. But theStates owed little to Spain, vastly less, indeed, than they had tried toowe to her; for their incessant begging had elicited only small sums, and they were more irritated at their failure to obtain much thanthankful for the trifles they had extorted. So they now easily andgladly took the position of entire freedom from any obligation, eitherby treaty or of honor, towards that power. But in the probable event ofFrance standing by Spain, peace might be deferred for the benefit of acountry with which the States had no lien, unless the States could treatseparately. It was not within the purview of the treaty that they shouldremain tied to France for such purposes; and to this purport Fox wroteto Grenville. But though it might be tolerably easy to enunciate atheory by which the States could justly control their own affairs, withno regard to France, it was only too probable that the application ofthat theory to circumstances would be a very nice and perplexing task. It strongly behooved a new country to preserve its good name and itsfriendships. 

If Fox had been able to carry his point, matters might have moved moreexpeditiously. But pending the struggle between him and Shelburne noadvance could be made at Paris. Grenville and Oswald could not work inunison. Franklin and de Vergennes became puzzled and suspicious, havingonly an imperfect inkling by report and gossip concerning the true stateof affairs. They suspected, with good show of evidence, that the realobject of English diplomacy was to drive in a wedge between the allies. Amid these perplexities, on April 22, Franklin wrote to Jay, begging himto come to Paris: "Here you are greatly wanted, for messengers begin tocome and go, . . . And I can neither make nor agree to conditions of peacewithout the assistance of my colleagues. . . . I wish therefore you would. . . Render yourself here as soon as possible. You would be of infiniteservice. " Jay arrived on June 23, to Franklin's "great satisfaction, "and the meeting was cordial. Jay was thirty-seven years old, andFranklin was seventy-six, but Jay says: "His mind appears more vigorousthan that of any man of his age I have known. He certainly is a valuableminister and an agreeable companion. "

The deadlock continued. Grenville showed a commission to treat withFrance and "any other prince or state. " But the "enabling act, " givingthe king authority to acknowledge the independence of the States, hadnot yet been passed by Parliament; and it did not appear that Englandrecognized the ex-colonies as constituting either a prince or a state. Oswald had no commission at all. Franklin, though he found himself "insome perplexity with regard to these two negotiations, " strove to setthings in motion. He preferred Oswald to Grenville, and intimated toLord Shelburne his wish that Oswald should receive exclusive authorityto treat with the American commissioners. He at the same time suggestedsundry _necessary_ articles to be disposed of by the treaty, namely:independence, boundaries, and the fisheries; and sundry _advisable_articles, namely: an indemnity to be granted by England to the sufferersby the war; an acknowledgment of her error by England, and the cessionof Canada. 

But the duel between Shelburne and Fox must first be settled, and it wasnow about to be settled suddenly and in an unexpected manner. On July1, 1782, Lord Rockingham died, and the crown, as Walpole facetiouslyremarked, thereby descended to the king of England. The monarch at once, though very reluctantly, requested Shelburne to accept the post of primeminister, regarding him as in some degree less obnoxious than Fox. Thereupon Fox and his friends retired in high dudgeon from office, andGrenville promptly asked to be recalled. His opportune request wasgranted very readily, and his place was given to Fitzherbert, whobrought personal letters to Franklin, but who was not accredited totreat with the States. It seemed that this business was now again tofall into the hands of Oswald, and accordingly, though he still remainedwithout any definite authority, active discussion was resumed betweenhim and Franklin. Early in August both believed that an understandingupon all important points had been reached. Jay had been ill almost eversince his arrival in Paris, and was only now recovering; Adams was stillin Holland; so that Franklin and Oswald had had the whole matter betweenthemselves. 

Just at this time Parliament rose; and Shelburne sent Vaughan to Paristo give private assurance to Franklin that there would be no change inpolicy towards America. A commission was at the same time drawn up andsent to Oswald empowering him to treat with commissioners of the"colonies or plantations, and any body or bodies corporate or politic, or any assembly or assemblies. " This singular phraseology at onceproduced trouble. Jay indignantly repudiated the colonial conditionimputed by this language, and resolutely said that independence must beno item in any treaty, but must be recognized before he would even beginto treat. The point was discussed by him with de Vergennes and Franklin. The French minister at first had "objected to these general words as notbeing particular enough;" but now he changed his mind and advised not tostickle; for independence must be the result of the treaty, and it wasnot to be expected that the effect should precede the cause. Franklin, with evident hesitation and reluctance, [83] gave his opinion that thecommission "would do. " Oswald then showed his instructions, whichdirected him to concede "the complete independence of the thirteenStates. " Unfortunately the enabling act had not even yet passed, so thatthere was some doubt as to the power of the ministers to agree to this. Jay's determination remained unchanged; for he suspected that themotives of de Vergennes were not disinterested, and thought thatFranklin was hoodwinked by his French predilections. Franklin, on theother hand, thought that the minister wished only to expedite thenegotiation as much as possible, a matter in which he himself also wasvery zealous; for he understood the English political situation andknew that Shelburne's tenure of power was precarious, and that anypossible successor of Shelburne would be vastly less well-disposed tothe States. This induced him to stretch a point in order to go on withthe treating. Parliament was to meet on November 26, and unless peacecould be concluded before that time, the chance for it thereafter wouldbe diminished almost to the point of hopelessness. But Adams wrote fromHolland that he also disapproved the unusual form of the commission, though a commission to treat with envoys of "the United States ofAmerica" would satisfy him, as a sufficient implication of independencewithout an explicit preliminary acknowledgment of it. 

[Note 83: Franklin's _Works_, viii. 99, 101, 150, note. ]

About the middle of August Jay drew up a letter, suggesting veryingeniously that it was incompatible with the dignity of the king ofEngland to negotiate except with an independent power; also that anobstacle which meant everything to the States, but nothing to GreatBritain, should be removed by his majesty. Franklin thought that theletter expressed too positively the resolve not to treat save upon thisbasis of pre-acknowledged independence. He evidently did not wish tobolt too securely the door through which he anticipated that thecommissioners might in time feel obliged to withdraw. Moreover Jaythought that at this time "the doctor seemed to be much perplexed andfettered by our instructions to be guided by the advice of this court, "a direction correctly supposed to have been procured by the influence ofthe French envoy at Philadelphia. 

Jay's suspicions concerning the French minister happened now to receiveopportune corroboration. On September 4 Rayneval, secretary to deVergennes, had a long interview with Jay concerning boundaries, in whichhe argued strongly against the American claims to the western landslying between the Alleghanies and the Mississippi. This touched Jaynearly, for the navigation of the Mississippi was the one object whichhe had especially at heart. Six days later the famous letter of Marbois, de la Luzerne's secretary, which had been captured _en route_ fromPhiladelphia to de Vergennes at Paris, was put into the hands of Jaythrough the instrumentality of the English cabinet. This outlined ascheme for a secret understanding between England and France to deprivethe Americans of the Newfoundland fisheries. This evidence seemed toprove Jay's case; yet Franklin remained strangely unshaken by it, for hereflected that it came from the British ministry and was infected withsuspicion by this channel. But still another occurrence came tostrengthen Jay's conviction of some latent hostility in the Frenchpolicy, for he learned that Rayneval was making a rapid and secretjourney to London. He felt sure that this errand was to intimate toShelburne that France did not incline to support the demands of herAmerican allies. In the fullness of his faith he took a courageous, very unconventional, but eminently successful step. He persuaded Vaughanto hasten to London, and to present sundry strong arguments going toshow that it was the true policy of England to grant the demands of theStates rather than to fall in with the subtle plans of France. He feltwith regret that he could not consult Franklin regarding thisproceeding, which he undertook upon his own sole responsibility. It putShelburne in a singular position, as arbiter between two nations enemiesof England and allies of each other, but each manoeuvring to secureits own advantage at the cost of its friend, and to that end presumingto advise him upon English interests. He did not ponder long beforeaccepting the American arguments as the better, and deciding that theEnglish policy was rather to be liberal towards a kindred people than tounite with a traditional foe in curtailing their prosperity. He said toVaughan: "Is the new commission necessary?" "It is, " replied Vaughan;and his lordship at once gave orders for making it out. Had he fallen inwith the French ideas, he would, upon the contrary, have cherished thisdisagreement for a while, in order finally to sell out a concession onthis point at the price of some such substantial matter as the fisheriesor the western lands. Forthwith Vaughan was on his way back to Paris, accompanied by a messenger who carried the amended document empoweringOswald to treat with the commissioners of the "Thirteen United States ofAmerica, viz. : New Hampshire, " etc. , naming them all. "We have put thegreatest confidence, I believe, ever placed in man, in the Americancommissioners. It is now to be seen how far they or America are to bedepended upon. . . . There never was such a risk run; I hope the publicwill be the gainer, else our heads must answer for it, and deservedly. "Such were the grave and anxious words of the prime minister. 

Upon the receipt of this commission negotiations were actively resumed, Franklin and Jay on one side, Oswald alone on the other. The old groundwas gone over again. On October 5-8, both parties assented to a sketchof a treaty, which Oswald transmitted to London for consideration by theministry. But the raising of the siege of Gibraltar, and reflection uponthe probable results of the incipient estrangement between Americaninterests and those of France and Spain, now induced the English to hopefor more favorable terms in some particulars. So instead of adoptingthis draft they sent over Mr. Strachey, a man especially well informedconcerning the disputed boundaries, to reinforce Oswald in an effort toobtain modifications on these points. 

Meantime another serious difference of opinion was developed betweenFranklin and Jay. The influence of de Vergennes at Philadelphia had byno means been exhausted in securing colleagues for Mr. Adams. He hadfurther desired to have the American envoys instructed that no Americandemands outside of independence must be allowed to interpose obstaclesin the way of French purposes. In this he had been wholly successful. Ofthe demands which Congress had at first intended to insist upon, oneafter another was reduced to a mere recommendation, until at lastindependence alone was left as an absolute and definitive ultimatum. Moreover the closing paragraph of the instructions actually bade theenvoys to maintain constant communication with their generous ally theking of France, and in the last resort to be governed in all matters byhis advice. This servility had raised the ire of Jay almost to the pointof inducing him to refuse a post so hedged around with humiliation. Withhis views concerning the intentions of de Vergennes it now seemed to himintolerable to jeopard American interests by placing them at the mercyof a cabinet which unmistakably, as it seemed to him, designed tosacrifice them to its own ends. Accordingly he was for disobeying thisunworthy instruction of Congress, and for conducting the negotiation instrict secrecy as towards the French minister. But Franklin was no lessresolute on the other side. His established and grateful confidence inde Vergennes remained unshaken, and he saw no error in consulting thewisest, and by all proofs the best and truest friend whom the States hadever had. Moreover he saw that the orders of Congress were imperative. It was a serious division. Fortunately it was soon settled by the adventof John Adams, about the end of October. That gentleman, prompt, fearless, and suspicious, at once fell in with Jay's views. In a longevening's talk he apparently read Franklin a pretty severe lecture, andcertainly ranged himself very positively on Jay's side. Franklinlistened to his vehement colleague, and at the moment held his peace inhis wise way. It was true that Adams brought the casting vote, thoughFranklin of course might resist, and could make his resistance effectualby communicating to de Vergennes all which passed, and in so doing hewould be backed by the authority and orders of Congress. But hedetermined not to pursue this course. When next they all met forconference he turned to Jay and said: "I am of your opinion, and will goon without consulting this court. " This was all that passed when thusfor a second time Franklin surrendered. Nothing indicates by whatmotives he was influenced. Some writers suggest that he had a lurkingnotion that Jay's views were not altogether ill founded; but later hedeclared the contrary. [84] Others fancy that he simply yielded to amajority vote. To me it seems more probable that, weighing comparativeimportance, he gave in to what he conceived to be the supreme necessityof advancing to a speedy conclusion; for, as has been said, he keenlyappreciated that time was pressing. Parliament was to meet in a fewweeks, on November 26, and it daily became more evident that if a treatywas to be made at all, it must be consummated before that date. Now, asin the question concerning the preliminary acknowledgment ofindependence, peace overruled all considerations of minor points. 

[Note 84: Franklin's _Works_, viii. 305, 306. ]

If this was indeed his end, he achieved it, for negotiations were nowzealously pushed. The important question of the western boundaries andthe navigation of the Mississippi was the especial concern of Jay. Spaincovertly wished to see the States worsted upon these demands, andconfined between the Alleghanies and the sea; and the Bourbon familycompact influenced France to concur with the Spanish plans. But in thesecret treating Jay prevailed. The fisheries were the peculiar affair ofAdams, as the representative of New England. France would fain have hadthe States shut out from them altogether; but Adams carried the day. Some concessions were made concerning the collection of debts owing inthe States to Englishmen, and then there remained only the matter ofindemnification to American royalists. Upon this the fight was wagedwith zeal by all; yet Franklin had the chief responsibility to bear. Forthere now arose to plague him that unfortunate proposition of his forthe cession of Canada and the restoration of confiscated Tory propertyin the States. This encouraged the English and gave them a sort ofargument. Moreover the indemnification was "uppermost in LordShelburne's mind, " because, unlike other matters, it seemed a point ofhonor. With what face could the ministry meet Parliament with a treatydeserting all those who had been faithful to their king? It was indeed adelicate position, and the English were stubborn; but no less so wasFranklin, upon the other side. With the great province of Canada as anoffset, or quasi fund, the States might have assumed such an obligation, but without it, never. Further the American commissioners reiterated theexplanation often given: that Congress had no power in the premises, forthe matter lay within the sovereign jurisdiction of each State. Thisargument, however, really amounted to nothing; for if the fact was so, it behooved the States to give their agent, the Congress, any power thatwas necessary for making a fair treaty; and England was not to be aloser by reason of defects in the American governmental arrangements. For a while it really seemed that the negotiation would be wrecked uponthis issue, so immovable was each side. As Vaughan wrote: "If Englandwanted to break, she could not wish for better ground on _her_ side. _You_ do not break, and therefore I conclude you both sincere. But inthis way I see the treaty is likely of _itself_ to break. "

Franklin now ingeniously counteracted his earlier imprudence by revivingan old suggestion of his, that immense claims might be preferredagainst England on behalf of Americans whose property had been wantonlydestroyed, especially by the burning and plundering of towns, and heactually presented an article providing for such compensation, and anelaborate written paper sustaining it. [85] At last the Englishmen soughtfinal instructions from Lord Shelburne. He replied with spirit that itshould be understood that England was not yet in a position to submit to"humiliation, " least of all at the hands of Americans; but finally he sofar yielded as to say that indemnification need not be absolutely anultimatum. This settled the matter; the negotiators who _could_ yield_must_ yield, and they did so. A sort of compromise article wasinserted: "that Congress should recommend to the state legislatures torestore the estates, rights, and properties of real British subjects. "The American envoys knew that this was worthless, and the Englishnegotiators certainly were not deceived. But the article sounded well, and gave at least a standing ground for the ministry to defendthemselves. [86]

[Note 85: Franklin's _Works_, viii. 218, text and note. ]

[Note 86: It is not without interest in this connection to remarkthat Franklin was very ill disposed towards the "loyalists, " havingscant toleration for their choice of a party. For a man of hisliberality and moderation his language concerning them was severe. Heobjected to calling them "loyalists, " thinking "royalists" a morecorrect description. To indemnification of their losses by Parliament hehad "no objection, " for the damnatory reason that "even a hired assassinhas a right to his pay from his employer. " Franklin's _Works_, ix. 133. He often spoke in the like tone about these people. See, for example, _Works_, ix. 70, 72. But when the war was over and the natural mildnessof his disposition could resume its sway, he once at least spoke moregently of them. _Ibid_. 415. ]

On November 30 the articles were at last signed, with the stipulationthat they were for the present merely preliminary and provisional, andthat they should be executed as a definitive treaty only simultaneouslywith the execution of a treaty of peace between France and England. 

The business was finished none too soon. In order to cover it themeeting of Parliament had been postponed until December 5. The dangerwhich had been escaped, and which would not have been escaped hadFranklin had a less correct appreciation of relative values in thenegotiation, at once became apparent. The howl of condemnation swelledloud in the House of Commons; it was felt that the ministry had made nota treaty but a "capitulation. " The unfortunate Shelburne was driven outof power, pursued by an angry outcry from persons altogether incapableof appreciating the sound statesmanship and the wise forecast of thefuture advantage of England which he had shown in preferring to givethe colonies a chance to become a great, English-speaking, English-sympathizing, commercial people, rather than to feed fat theaspirations of France and Spain. These proceedings would have been goodevidence, had evidence been wanting, that the American commissioners haddone a brilliant piece of work. De Vergennes also added his testimony, saying: "The English have bought the peace rather than made it. "

If the original instructions given to Oswald are compared with thetreaty it will be found that England had conceded much; on the otherhand the Americans, with no ultimatum save independence, had gained insubstance all that they had dared seriously to insist upon. One wouldthink that Franklin, Jay, and Adams had fairly won warm gratitude at thehands of their countrymen. Posterity, at least since the publication oflong suppressed private papers and archives has shown what powerfuloccult influences were at work to thwart them, regards their achievementwith unlimited admiration. But at that time a different feelingprevailed. 

No sooner were the preliminary or provisional articles signed thanFranklin informed de Vergennes of the fact. That minister was muchsurprised. He had been quietly biding his time, expecting to be invokedwhen the English and the Americans should find themselves stopped bythat deadlock which he had done his best to bring about by his secretintimations to England. He was now astonished to learn that England hadnot availed herself of his astute suggestions, but had given terms whichthe Americans had gladly accepted. The business was all done, and theclever diplomat had not had his chance. At first he said nothing, butfor a few days pondered the matter. Then on December 15 he disburdenedhis mind in a very sharp letter to Franklin. "I am at a loss, " hewrote, "to explain your conduct and that of your colleagues on thisoccasion. You have concluded your preliminary articles without anycommunication between us, although the instructions from Congressprescribe that nothing shall be done without the participation of theking. You are about to hold out a certain hope of peace to America, without even informing yourself of the state of the negotiation on ourpart. You are wise and discreet, sir; you perfectly understand what isdue to propriety; you have all your life performed your duties; I prayyou consider how you propose to fulfill those which are due to theking. "

Franklin found himself in a painful position; for he could by no meansdeny that he had duties, or at least something very near akin to duties, to the king, imposed upon him by numerous and weighty obligations whichat his request had been conferred upon him and accepted by him on behalfof the American people. The violation of the instructions of Congressgave to the secret treating too much the air of an insulting distrust, of the throwing over a friend when he had been sufficiently used; forwhatever might be suspected, it could by no means be proved that deVergennes was not still the sincere friend which he certainly long hadbeen. This bore hard upon Franklin. The policy which in fact had beenforced upon him against his will by his colleagues was now made amatter of personal reproach against him especially, because he waspersistently regarded as the head and front of the commission; noEuropean yet dreamed of considering any other American as of muchconsequence in any matter in which Franklin was concerned. During longyears de Vergennes had been his constant and efficient adviser andassistant in many a day of trial and of stress, and Franklin believedhim to be still an honest well-wisher to the States. Moreover itactually was only a very few weeks since Franklin had applied for andobtained a new loan at a time when the king was so pressed for his ownneeds that a lottery was projected, and bills drawn by his own officialswere going to protest. All this made the secrecy which had beenpracticed seem almost like duplicity on Franklin's part, and he feltkeenly the ill light in which he was placed. It is true that if he hadknown then all that we know now, his mind would have been at ease; buthe did not know it, and he was seriously disturbed at the situation intowhich he had been brought. 

But his usual skill did not desert him, and his reply was aptly framedand prompt. "Nothing, " he said, "had been agreed in the preliminariescontrary to the interests of France; and no peace is to take placebetween us and England till you have concluded yours. Your observationis, however, apparently just that, in not consulting you before theywere signed, we have been guilty of neglecting a point of _bienséance_. But as this was not from want of respect for the king, whom we all loveand honor, we hope it will be excused, and that the great work which hashitherto been so happily conducted, is so nearly brought to perfection, and is so glorious to his reign, will not be ruined by a singleindiscretion of ours. And certainly the whole edifice sinks to theground immediately if you refuse on that account to give us any furtherassistance. . . . It is not possible for any one to be more sensible than Iam of what I and every American owe to the king for the many and greatbenefits and favors he has bestowed upon us. . . . _The English, I just nowlearn, flatter themselves they have already divided us. _ I hope thislittle misunderstanding will, therefore, be kept a secret, and that theywill find themselves totally mistaken. "

This letter in a measure accomplished its soothing errand. Yet deVergennes did not refrain from writing to de la Luzerne that "thereservation retained on our account does not save the infraction of thepromise, which we have mutually made, not to sign except conjointly;"and he said that it would be "proper that the most influential membersof Congress should be informed of the very irregular conduct of theircommissioners in regard to us, " though "not in the tone of complaint. ""I accuse no person, " he added, "not even Dr. Franklin. He has yieldedtoo easily to the bias of his colleagues, who do not pretend torecognize the rules of courtesy in regard to us. All their attentionshave been taken up by the English whom they have met in Paris. "

So soon as the facts were known in the States expressions ofcondemnation were lavished upon the commissioners by members of Congresswho thought that the secrecy as towards France was an inexcusable slightto a generous and faithful ally. Livingston, as secretary for foreignaffairs, wrote to the envoys, commending the treaty, but finding faultwith the manner of attaining it. Jay, angered at the injustice of areproof which belonged more especially to him, drew up an exculpatorystatement. But Franklin, showing his usual good sense and moderation, sought to mitigate Jay's indignation, drew all the sting out of thedocument, and insisted upon leaving the vindication to time and secondthoughts. For his own part Franklin not only had to take his full shareof the reproaches heaped upon the commissioners for insulting France, but upon the other hand he was violently assaulted on the quite oppositeground, that he had desired to be too subservient to that power. Manypersons insisted that he "favored, or did not oppose, " the designs ofFrance to rule out the States from the fisheries, and to curtail theirboundaries; and that it was only due to the "firmness, sagacity, anddisinterestedness" of Jay and Adams that these mischiefs were escaped. 

Such were the fault-findings and criminations to which the diplomaticcomplexities, which it was impossible then to unravel, gave rise. Fortunately they were soon rendered mere personal and abstract disputes, of little practical consequence, by the simultaneous execution ofdefinitive treaties by France and the United States with Great Britainon September 3, 1783. Many efforts had been made to insert additionalarticles, especially as to commercial matters; but they were allabortive. The establishment of peace had exhausted the capacity of theStates and England to agree together; and the pressure of war beingremoved, they at once fell into very inimical attitudes. So thedefinitive treaty was substantially identical with the provisional one. 

Franklin, after a while, finding that these charges of his havingpreferred France to his own country were being reiterated with suchinnuendoes as to bring his integrity into serious question, felt itnecessary to appeal to his colleagues for vindication. He wrote to thema modest, manly letter, [87] and in reply received from Jay a generoustestimonial, [88] and from Adams a carefully narrow acquittal. [89] Thesubsequent publication of Franklin's papers written at, and long before, the time of the negotiation, shows that he was inclined to demand fromGreat Britain fully as much as any American upon either side of theocean. 

[Note 87: _Works_, viii. 340; and see _Ibid. _ 353. ]

[Note 88: _Ibid. _ 350. ]

[Note 89: _Ibid. _ 354. ]

In taking leave of the subject it is interesting to know that in pointof fact the secret action of the American commissioners was very nearlyfraught with serious injury to France. For when the States werepractically eliminated from active war by the signing of the provisionalarticles, five members of Shelburne's cabinet were in favor of breakingoff negotiations with France, and continuing the contest with her. [90]

[Note 90: I have not endeavored to give a detailed account of thisnegotiation, though the narrative would be very interesting, because itfinds its proper place in the life of _John Jay_ in this Series. In thatvolume there is a very full and accurate presentation of this entireaffair, drawn from those sources which have only very recently becomepublic, and which go far to remove former questions out of the realm ofdiscussion. ]

During the negotiation Franklin wrote to Laurens: "I have never yetknown of a peace made that did not occasion a great deal of populardiscontent, clamor, and censure on both sides, . . . So that the blessingpromised to peacemakers, I fancy, relates to the next world, for in thisthey seem to have a greater chance of being cursed. " The prognosticationwas fulfilled. The act which gave peace to the warring nations broughtanything but good will among the American negotiators. Jay was so just, conscientious, and irreproachable a gentleman in every respect that heescaped unvexed by any personal quarrel; moreover he was not sodistinguished as to have become the victim of envy and jealousy. But theantipathy previously so unhappily existing between Franklin and Adamsbecame greatly aggravated, and their respective advocates in historicalliterature have not to this day reached an accord. Adams was arelentless hater, and has bequeathed bitter diatribes, which, as theycan never be obliterated, can never cease to excite the ire of theadmirers of Franklin. On the other side, Franklin has at least the meritof having left not a malicious line behind him. I have no mind toendeavor to apportion merits and demerits between these two greatfoemen, able men and true patriots both, having no room for thesepersonalities of history, which, though retaining that kind of interestalways pertaining to a feud, are really very little profitable. Perhaps, after all, the discussion would prove to be not unlike the classic onewhich led two knights to fight about the golden-silver shield. 

Yet one dispute, which has been long waged, no longer admits of doubt. The suspicions of the good faith of de Vergennes which Jay firstentertained, which Adams adopted, and which Franklin rejected, wereundoubtedly correct. As the years go by and collections of privatepapers and of hitherto suppressed public archives find their way to thelight, the accumulated evidence to this effect has become overwhelming. Such being the case, it must be admitted that the vital merit in theconduct of this difficult negotiation rests with Jay; that Adams has thecredit belonging to one who accepts a correct view when presented tohim; and that Franklin did more wisely than he knew in twice assentingto a course which seemed to him based upon erroneous beliefs. 

There is abundant evidence that from the very outset Franklin was notless resolute than was Adams about the fisheries; and that he was inperfect accord with Jay about the western boundaries and theMississippi; though Adams and Jay did most of the talking concerningthese subjects, respectively. When it came to the even more difficultmatter of the royalists, Franklin in turn took the laboring oar. So fartherefore as the three cardinal points of the negotiation were concernedhonors were very evenly divided. But the value of Franklin'scontribution to the treating is not to be measured either by hisbackwardness in supporting Jay in certain points, or by his firmattitude about boundaries, royalists, and fisheries. All these things hehad outlined and arranged with Oswald at an early stage in thenegotiating. Later he fell seriously ill and was for a long while in nofit condition for work. Yet the treaty seemed to be made under hisauspices. In reading the great quantity of diaries and correspondencewhich relate to the transactions, many a passage indicates the sense ofrespect with which he was looked up to. The high opinion entertained ofhis ability, integrity, and fair-mindedness influenced very powerfullythe minds of the English ministry and their envoys. "I am disposed, "said Shelburne, "to expect everything from Dr. Franklin's comprehensiveunderstanding and character. " The like feeling, strengthened by personalconfidence and regard, went far to keep de Vergennes from untimelyintermeddling and from advancing embarrassing claims of supervision. Altogether, it was again the case that Franklin's prestige in Europe wasinvaluable to America, and it is certainly true that beneath itsprotection Jay and Adams were able to do their work to advantage. Hadthey stood alone they would have encountered difficulties which wouldhave seriously curtailed their efforts. [91] It is truth and not theorythat Franklin's mere name and presence were sufficient to balance thescale against the abilities and the zeal of both his coadjutors. 

[Note 91: See, for example, Franklin's _Works_, viii. 29, 67, note, 69, 70, 77, 109, 112, note, 133, note, 260. ]

It seems hardly necessary to endeavor to palliate Franklin's error infailing to detect the duplicity of de Vergennes. On the contrary, itwould give a less agreeable idea of him had he been ready to believe soill of an old and tried friend. For years Franklin had been the mediumthrough whom had passed countless benefits from France to the States, benefits of which many had been costly and inconvenient for the giver;he had been treated with high consideration at this court, when no othercourt in all Europe would even receive an American ambassador; he hadenjoyed every possible token of esteem and confidence both personallyand in his official capacity; he had ever found fair words backed by noless fair deeds. In short, the vast mass of visible evidence seemed tohim to lie, and in fact did lie, all on one side. On September 13, 1781, writing to the president of Congress, he said that de Vergennes had justread to him a copy of the instructions prepared by Congress for thecommissioners, and that the minister "expressed his satisfaction withthe unreserved confidence placed in his court by the Congress, assuringme that they would never have cause to regret it, for that the king hadthe honor of the United States at heart, as well as their welfare andindependence. Indeed, this has been already manifested in thenegotiations relative to the plenipotentiaries; and I have already hadso much experience of his majesty's goodness to us, in the aids affordedus from time to time, and by the sincerity of this upright and ableminister, who never promised me anything that he did not punctuallyperform, that I cannot but think the confidence well and judiciouslyplaced, and that it will have happy effects. " Every event in the historyof many years made it natural and right for Franklin to feel in thisway; and it surely was no cause for distrust that de Vergennes had hadthe interest of France in mind as an original motive for aiding America, when throughout the war Franklin had witnessed France straining everynerve and taxing every resource to aid her ally, in perfect sincerity;and when also, upon the suggestion of negotiations, he had just seen deVergennes adhere rigidly to his word to do no treating save collaterallywith the Americans, and refuse to take advantage of Grenville's effortsto reach the Americans through the French minister. Even though deVergennes had disapproved the delay caused by Jay's objection to theform of the commission, still he had honorably stayed his ownnegotiation until that matter was favorably settled. Early in thenegotiations Grenville said to Franklin that the States owed nogratitude to France, since she had in fact only promoted her owninterests. The remark excited Franklin's indignation, and he says: "Itold him I was so strongly impressed with the kind assistance affordedus by France in our distress, and the generous and noble manner in whichit was granted, without extracting or stipulating for a single privilegeor particular advantage to herself in our commerce, or otherwise, that Icould never suffer myself to think of such reasonings for lessening theobligation, and I hoped, and indeed did not doubt, but my countrymenwere all of the same sentiments. " The words do his heart none the lesshonor, because it has been since discovered that his confidence was tooimplicit. In truth de Vergennes had been extremely scrupulous anddelicate throughout, in all matters which could fall within theobservation of the Americans. At the outset he said to Franklin: theEnglish "want to treat with us for you; but this the king will not agreeto. He thinks it not consistent with the dignity of your state. Youwill treat for yourselves; and every one of the powers at war will makeits own treaty. All that is necessary is that the treaties go hand inhand, and are all signed on the same day. " Thus, to one who couldbelieve de Vergennes, everything seemed fair and sincere, and Franklinat least had a right to believe de Vergennes. 

Furthermore it was not until negotiations actually began that theprevious condition of French relationship, as Franklin had well known itfor many years, underwent a sudden and complete change. Then at lastwere presented new temptations before which friendship and good faithcould not stand, and each nation, keeping a decorous exterior, anxiouslystudied its own advantage. It was the trying hour when the spoils wereto be divided. The States themselves preferred the profit of their enemyEngland to that of their half-friend Spain. Franklin did not appreciatethis quick turning of the kaleidoscope, with the instant change of allthe previous political proximities; in view of his age, his infirmities, his recent experience in France, and his habitual generous faith in hisfellow men, this failure should give rise neither to surprise norcensure. 

***

In 1782, after signing the preliminary articles, Franklin a second timesent to Congress his resignation. He received no reply to thiscommunication, and again, therefore, after the execution of thedefinitive treaty, he renewed his request to be relieved. But stillCongress delayed. They wished to enter into commercial treaties with theEuropean nations, and in spite of the rebukes which their chairman ofthe committee for foreign affairs had administered to Franklin, Jay, andAdams, they now showed no readiness to remove these gentlemen from thediplomatic service. Franklin accordingly remained in Paris, probablywith no great reluctance, for he was attached to the place and thepeople, and his affection was warmly returned. It was a light labor toconduct the negotiations for the desired commercial treaties. Sweden, Denmark, Portugal, and even Morocco, all made advances to him almostimmediately after the signing of the treaty of peace. For the most parthe had the gratification of success. His last official act, just beforehis departure from Paris, was the signature of a treaty with Prussia, inwhich it was agreed to abolish privateering, [92] and to hold privateproperty by land and sea secure from destruction in time of war. It waspleasant thus to be introducing his country to the handshaking, so tospeak, of the old established nations of the world. So his life glidedon agreeably. He was recognized as one of the most illustrious menliving; and to enjoy such a reputation in Paris in those days, especially when it was supplemented by personal popularity, was to findone's self in the enjoyment of all which the world could bestow to makedelightful days. 

[Note 92: See letter to Hartley, Franklin's _Works_, viii. 287. ]

In August, 1784, Jefferson arrived to assist in the commercial business. But it was not until March, 1785, that Congress at last voted thatFranklin might "return to America as soon as convenient, " and thatJefferson should succeed him as minister at the French court. Jeffersonhas borne good testimony to Franklin's situation, as he observed it. Afew years later, in February, 1791, he wrote: "I can only thereforetestify in general that there appeared to me more respect and venerationattached to the character of Dr. Franklin in France, than to that of anyother person in the same country, foreign or native. I had opportunitiesof knowing particularly how far these sentiments were felt by theforeign ambassadors and ministers at the court of Versailles. . . . I foundthe ministers of France equally impressed with the talents and integrityof Dr. Franklin. The Count de Vergennes particularly gave me repeatedand unequivocal demonstrations of his entire confidence in him. " WhenJefferson was asked: "C'est vous, Monsieur, qui remplace le DocteurFranklin?" he used to reply: "No one can replace him, sir; I am only hissuccessor;" and we may be sure that the Frenchmen appreciated and fullyagreed with an expression of courtesy which chimed so well with theirown customs of speech. Later, in 1818, Jefferson wrote an interestingletter concerning the calumnies from which Franklin's reputation stillsuffered:--

 "Dr. Franklin had many political enemies, as every character must which, with decision enough to have opinions, has energy and talent to give them effect on the feelings of the adversary opinion. These enmities were chiefly in Pennsylvania and Massachusetts. In the former they were merely of the proprietary party. In the latter they did not commence till the Revolution, and then sprung chiefly from personal animosities, which, spreading by little and little, became at length of some extent. Dr. Lee was his principal calumniator, a man of much malignity, who, besides enlisting his whole family in the same hostility, was enabled, as the agent of Massachusetts with the British government, to infuse it into that State with considerable effect. Mr. Izard, the doctor's enemy also, but from a pecuniary transaction, never countenanced these charges against him. Mr. Jay, Silas Deane, Mr. Laurens, his colleagues also, ever maintained towards him unlimited confidence and respect. That he would have waived the formal recognition of our independence, I never heard on any authority worthy notice. As to the fisheries, England was urgent to retain them exclusively, France neutral, and I believe that, had they ultimately been made a _sine quâ non_, our commissioners (Mr. Adams excepted) would have relinquished them rather than have broken off the treaty. To Mr. Adams's perseverance alone, on that point, I have always understood we were indebted for their reservation. As to the charge of subservience to France, besides the evidence of his friendly colleagues before named, two years of my own service with him at Paris, daily visits, and the most friendly and confidential conversation, convince me it had not a shadow of foundation. He possessed the confidence of that government in the highest degree, insomuch that it may truly be said that they were more under his influence than he under theirs. The fact is that his temper was so amiable and conciliatory, his conduct so rational, never urging impossibilities, or even things unreasonably inconvenient to them, in short so moderate and attentive to their difficulties, as well as our own, that what his enemies called subserviency I saw was only that reasonable disposition which, sensible that advantages are not all to be on one side, yielding what is just and liberal, is the more certain of obtaining liberality and justice. Mutual confidence produces of course mutual influence, and this was all which subsisted between Dr. Franklin and the government of France. "[93]

[Note 93: Jefferson's _Works_, vii. 108. ]

When at last, in the summer of 1785, Franklin took his farewell of themuch-loved land of France, the distinguished attentions which hereceived left no doubt of the admiration in which he was held. Indeed, many persons pressed him to remain in France, and three offered himhomes in their own families, telling him that not even in America couldhe expect esteem and love so unalloyed as he enjoyed in France, andwarning him also that he might not survive the voyage. But he said: "Thedesire of spending the little remainder of life with my family is sostrong as to determine me to try at least whether I can bear the motionof the ship. If not, I must get them to set me ashore somewhere in theChannel and content myself to die in Europe. " When the day of departurefrom Passy came "it seemed, " said Jefferson, "as if the village had lostits patriarch. " His infirmities rendered the motion of a carriagepainful to him, and the king therefore placed at his disposal one of thequeen's litters, which bore him by easy stages to the seacoast. Hecarried with him the customary complimentary portrait of the king; butit was far beyond the ordinary magnificence, for it was framed in adouble circle of four hundred and eight diamonds, and was of unusualcost and beauty. On July 18 he arrived at Havre, and crossed the Channelto take ship at Portsmouth. The British government offset thediscourtesy with which it was irritating Mr. Adams by ordering that theeffects of Dr. Franklin's party should be exempt from the usualexamination at the custom house. His old friend, the Bishop of St. Asaph, "America's constant friend, " came to see him. So also did hisTory son, the ex-governor of New Jersey, with whom a sort ofreconciliation had been patched up. He sailed with Captain, afterwardCommodore, Truxton, who found him a most agreeable companion. 

Of all things in the world a sea voyage most induces to utter idleness, and it is a striking proof of the mental industry of this aged man thatduring the seven weeks of this summer passage across the Atlantic hewrote three essays, which remain among his best. But he never in hislife found a few weeks in which his mind was relieved from enforcedreflection upon affairs of business that he did not take his pen in handfor voluntary tasks. During the last eighteen months of his life inParis all the social distractions incident to his distinguished positionhad not prevented his writing some of the best papers which he hasbequeathed to literature. 

CHAPTER XV

AT HOME: PRESIDENT OF PENNSYLVANIA: THE CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION: DEATH

On September 12, 1785, the ship brought Franklin into Delaware Bay, andthe next morning he rejoiced to find himself "in full view of dearPhiladelphia. " A multitude, filling the air with huzzas of salutation, greeted his landing and escorted him to his door. Private welcomes andpublic addresses poured in upon him. His health had been much improvedby the sea air and rest, and he rejoiced, as his foot touched thestreets of the town which after all his wanderings was his home, to feelhimself by no means yet a worn-out man, though in fact he hadseventy-nine years of a busy life behind him. His fellow citizensevidently thought that the reservoir which had been so bountiful couldnot yet be near exhaustion, and were resolved to continue their copiousdraughts upon it. They at once elected him to the State Council, ofwhich he was made President; and, as he said, "I had not firmness enoughto resist the unanimous desire of my country folks; and I find myselfharnessed again in their service for another year. They engrossed theprime of my life. They have eaten my flesh, and seem resolved now topick my bones. " A visible and a natural pleasure lurks in the words; oldage finds nothing sweeter than a tribute to the freshness of its powers;and especially Franklin saw in this honor a vindication against hismaligners. From it he understood that, however some individuals mightindulge in dislike and distrust, the overwhelming mass of his fellowcitizens esteemed him as highly as he could wish. The distinction, however, cost posterity an unwelcome price, for it prevented furtherwork on the autobiography, which otherwise would probably have beenfinished. [94]

[Note 94: Franklin's _Works_, ix. 459. ]

He came into office as a peacemaker amid warring factions, and in thefulfillment of his functions gave such satisfaction that in 1786 he wasunanimously reëlected; and the like high compliment was paid him againin the autumn of 1787. It was like Washington and the presidency: solong as he would consent to accept the office, no other candidate wasthought of. He also took substantially the same course which had beentaken by Washington as commander-in-chief concerning his pay; for hedevoted his whole salary to public uses. He had the good fortune to beable to carry out his somewhat romantic, and for most personsimpracticable, theory in this respect, because his private affairs wereprospering. His investments in real estate in Philadelphia had risengreatly in value and in their income-producing capacity since the war, and he was now at least comfortably endowed with worldly goods. 

He still continued to ply his pen, and the just but annoying complaintswhich came from Great Britain, that English creditors could not collecttheir _ante-bellum_ debts from their American debtors, stimulated him toa bit of humor at which his own countrymen at least were sure to laugh, however little droll it might seem to Englishmen, who reasonablypreferred good dollars to good jokes. "We may all remember the time, " hewrote, "when our mother country, as a mark of her parental tenderness, emptied her gaols into our habitations, '_for the better peopling_, ' asshe expressed it, '_of the colonies_. ' It is certain that no due returnshave yet been made for these valuable consignments. We are thereforemuch in her debt on that account; and as she is of late clamorous forthe payment of all we owe her, and some of our debts are of a kind notso easily discharged, I am for doing, however, what is in our power. Itwill show our good will as to the rest. The felons she planted among ushave produced such an amazing increase that we are now enabled to makeample remittance in the same commodity, " etc. , etc. 

Nevertheless these English assaults nettled him not a little; andfurther he dreaded their possible influence in the rest of Europeoutside of England. The English newspapers teemed with accounts of thegeneral demoralization and disintegration of the States; it was saidthat they had found their ruin in their independence, and theunwillingness of American merchants to pay their debts was in oneparagraph attributed to their dishonesty, and in the next to thehopeless poverty which was described as having possession of thecountry. It was in good truth what Mr. John Fiske has called it, "TheCritical Period of American History. " But Franklin was at once toopatriotic and too sanguine to admit that matters were so bad as theyseemed. His insight into the situation proved correct, and the outcomevery soon showed that the elements of prosperity which he saw weresubstantial, and not merely the phantoms of a hopeful lover of hiscountry. During these years of humiliation and discouragement he wasbusy in writing to many friends in England and in France very manly andspirited letters, declaring the condition of things in the States to beby no means so ill as it was represented. Industry had revived, valueswere advancing, the country was growing, welfare and success were withinthe grasp of the people. These things he said repeatedly andemphatically, and in a short time the accuracy of his knowledge had tobe admitted by all, whether friends or enemies. He would not even admitthat the failure to arrange a treaty of commerce with England was theserious misfortune which most Americans conceived it to be. In his usualgallant fashion of facing down untoward circumstances he alleged againand again that the lack of such a treaty was worse for Great Britainthan for the States. If British merchants could stand it, Americanmerchants, he avowed, could stand it much better. He was for showing nomore concern about it. "Let the merchants on both sides treat with oneanother. _Laissez les faire_, " he said. The presence of such a temper inthe States, in so prominent a man, was of infinite service in thosetroubled years of unsettled, novel, and difficult conditions. 

Dr. Franklin was not at first elected a member of the deputation fromPennsylvania to the convention which framed the Constitution of theUnited States. But in May, 1787, he was added in order that, in thepossible absence of General Washington, there might be some one whom allcould agree in calling to the chair. [95] It was fortunate that even anunnecessary reason led to his being chosen, for all future generationswould have felt that an unpardonable void had been left in that famousassemblage, had the sage of America not been there. Certainly the"fitness of things, " the historical picturesqueness of the event, imperatively demanded Dr. Franklin's venerable figure in theconstitutional convention of the United States of America. 

[Note 95: Parton's _Life of Franklin_, ii. 565. ]

As between the two theories of government which divided that body, Franklin ranged himself with the party opposed to a strong andcentralized government endowed with many functions and much power. [96]The simplest government seemed to him the best; and he substantiallygave in his allegiance to those democratic ideas which afterwardconstituted the doctrines of the Jeffersonian school in Americanpolitics. It was natural that he should do so; he was a cheerfuloptimist all his life long, and few men have ever so trusted human kindas he did; so now he believed that the people could take care ofthemselves, as indeed the history of the past few years and thecharacter of the population of the States at that time indicated thatthey could. He attended regularly all the sessions, and gave hisopinions freely; but they are only dimly revealed in the half-lightwhich enfolds in such lamentable obscurity the debates of thatinteresting body. What little is known can be briefly stated. 

[Note 96: But later he remarked: "Though there is a general dread ofgiving too much power to our _governors_, I think we are more in dangerfrom too little obedience in the _governed_. "]

The same theory which he was practicing concerning his own salary hewished to see introduced as an article of the Constitution. ThePresident, he thought, should receive no salary. Honor was enoughreward; a place which gave both honor and profit offered too corruptinga temptation, and instead of remaining a source of generous aspirationto "the wise and moderate, the lovers of peace and good order, the menfittest for the trust, " it would be scrambled for by "the bold and theviolent, the men o£ strong passions and indefatigable activity in theirselfish pursuits. "[97] In our day such a notion and such arguments wouldbe quickly sneered out of the debate; but they were in keeping with thespirit of that era when the first generation which for ages had dared tocontemplate popular government was carried away by the earliest romanticfervor of inexperienced speculation. 

[Note 97: Franklin's _Works_, ix. 418. See also letter to Bishop ofSt. Asaph, _Ibid. _ viii. 270. ]

It is familiar that the gravest question which perplexed the conventionwas whether the larger and the smaller States should stand upon terms ofequality, or whether some proportion should be established. After adiscussion, recurred to at intervals during many weeks, had failed todevelop any satisfactory solution of this problem, pregnant withfailure, Franklin moved that the daily proceedings should be opened withprayer. [98] But Hamilton said that a resort to prayer would indicate tothe people that the convention had reached a desperate pass; and eitherthis or some other reason was so potent that scarcely any one voted yeaon the motion. What could be more singular than to see the skepticalFranklin and the religious Hamilton thus opposed upon this question!Franklin next suggested a compromise: an equal number of delegates forall States; an equal vote for all States upon all questions respectingthe authority or sovereignty of a State, and upon appointments andconfirmations; but votes to be apportioned according to the populationsof the States respectively upon all bills for raising and spendingmoney. He was in favor of a single legislative chamber, and his plan wasdesigned to be applied to such a system. Its feasibility would probablyhave been defeated through the inevitable complexity which would haveattended upon it in practice. [99] Nevertheless it was a suggestion inthe right direction, and contained the kernel of that compromise whichlater on he developed into the system of an equal representation in theSenate, and a proportionate one in the House. This happy scheme may befairly said to have saved the Union. 

[Note 98: Franklin's _Works_, ix. 428. ]

[Note 99: One becomes quite convinced of this upon reading hispresentation of his scheme. _Works_, ix. 423; see also _Ibid. _ 395. ]

Upon the matter of suffrage Franklin voted against limiting it tofreeholders, because to do so would be to "depress the virtue and publicspirit of our common people, " for whose patriotism and good sense heexpressed high esteem. He opposed the requirement of a residence offourteen years as a preliminary to naturalization, thinking four years asufficient period. He thought that the President should hold office forseven years, and should not be eligible for a second term; he should besubject to impeachment, since otherwise in case of wrong-doing recoursecould be had only to revolution or assassination; he should not havethe power of an absolute veto. 

When at last the long discussions were over and the final draft wasprepared, Franklin found himself in the position in which also were mostof his associates, disapproving certain parts, but thinking adoption ofthe whole far better than rejection. He was wise enough and singularenough to admit that he was not infallibly right. "Nothing in humanaffairs and schemes is perfect, " he said, "and perhaps that is the caseof our opinions. " He made an excellent speech, [100] urging that at theclose of their deliberations all should harmonize, sink their smalldifferences of opinion, and send the document before the people with theprestige of their unanimous approbation. While the last members weresigning, relates Madison, "Dr. Franklin, looking toward the president'schair, at the back of which a rising sun happened to be painted, observed to a few members near him that painters had found it difficultto distinguish in their art a rising from a setting sun. 'I have, ' hesaid, 'often and often in the course of the session, and thevicissitudes of my hopes and fears as to its issue, looked at thatbehind the president without being able to tell whether it was rising orsetting; but now at length I have the happiness to know that it is arising and not a setting sun. '"

[Note 100: Franklin's _Works_, ix. 431. ]

He did what he could to secure the adoption of the instrument by thepeople; and when that end was happily achieved he joined his voice tothe unanimous cry with which the American nation nominated GeorgeWashington as the only possible candidate for the presidency. He said:"General Washington is the man whom all our eyes are fixed on forPresident, and what little influence I may have is devoted to him. "

It was about the time of the election that he himself took his farewellof public life. The third year of his incumbency in the office ofpresident of Pennsylvania expired in the autumn of 1788, and hisphysical condition precluded all idea of further official labors. Naturecould not have committed such an incongruity, such a sin againstæsthetic justice, as not to preserve Benjamin Franklin's life longenough to enable him to see the United States fairly launched as a realnation, with an established government and a sound constitution givingpromise of a vigorous career. But evidently with this boon the patienceof nature was exhausted; for Franklin's infirmities now increased uponhim terribly. He endured extreme pain during periods steadily increasingin length and recurring at ever-shortening intervals. He bore hissuffering, which too often became agony, with heroic fortitude; but itwas evident that even his strong frame could not long hold out againstthe debilitating effects of his merciless disease. Yet while it rackedhis body it fortunately spared his mental faculties; and indeed solively did his interest in affairs remain that it seemed to requirethese physical reminders to show him how old he was; save for his body, he was still a man in his prime. He once said: "I often hear persons, whom I knew when children, called _old_ Mr. Such-a-one, to distinguishthem from their sons, now men grown and in business; so that by livingtwelve years beyond David's period, _I seem to have intruded myself intothe company of posterity, when I ought to have been abed andasleep_, "--words which should take their place among the fine sayings ofthe ages. 

He was courageous and cheerful. In November, 1788, he wrote: "You kindlyinquire after my health. I have not of late much reason to boast of it. People that will live a long life and drink to the bottom of the cupmust expect to meet with some of the dregs. However, when I consider howmany more terrible maladies the human body is liable to, I think myselfwell off that I have only three incurable ones: the gout, the stone, andold age; and, those notwithstanding, I enjoy many comfortable intervals, in which I forget all my ills, and amuse myself in reading or writing, or in conversation with friends, joking, laughing, and telling merrystories, as when you first knew me, a young man about fifty. "[101] Hedoes not seem to have taken undue credit to himself; there is noquerulousness, or egotism, or senility in his letters, but a delightfultranquillity of spirit. His sister wrote to him that the Bostonnewspapers often had matter in his honor. "I am obliged to them, " hewrote; "on the other hand, some of our papers here are endeavoring todisgrace me. I take no notice. My friends defend me. I have long beenaccustomed to receive more blame, as well as more praise, than I havedeserved. It is the lot of every public man, and I leave one account tobalance the other. " So serene was the aged philosopher, a _real_philosopher, not one who, having played a part in life, was to bebetrayed in the weakness and irritability of old age. He felt none ofthe mental weariness which years so often bring. He was by no meanstired of life and affairs in this world, yet he wrote in acharacteristic vein to the Bishop of St. Asaph: "The course of naturemust soon put a period to my present mode of existence. This I shallsubmit to with the less regret, as, having seen during a long life agood deal of this world, I feel a growing curiosity to be acquaintedwith some other. " It was characteristic that in these closing days itwas the progress of mankind in knowledge and welfare which especiallyabsorbed his thoughts. When he reflected on the great strides that weremaking he said that he almost wished that it had been his destiny to beborn two or three centuries later. He was one of the few men who hasleft on record his willingness to live his life over again, even thoughhe should not be allowed the privilege of "correcting in the secondedition the errors of the first. "

[Note 101: He habitually wrote in this vein; see, for example, _Works_, ix. 266, 283, and _passim_. ]

The French Revolution excited his profoundest interest. At first he saidthat he saw "nothing singular in all this, but on the contrary whatmight naturally be expected. The French have served an apprenticeship toliberty in this country, and now that they are out of their time theyhave set up for themselves. "[102] He expressed his hope that "the fireof liberty, . . . Spreading itself over Europe, would act upon theinestimable rights of man as common fire does upon gold: purify withoutdestroying them; so that a lover of liberty may find _a country_ in anypart of Christendom. " The language had an unusual smack of the Frenchrevolutionary slang, in which he seems in no other instance to haveindulged. But as the fury swelled, his earlier sympathies became mergedin a painful anxiety concerning the fate of his many good old friends. 

[Note 102: Parton's _Life of Franklin_, ii. 600. ]

Franklin's last act was a memorial addressed to Congress, signed by himin his capacity as president of the abolition society, and praying thatbody: "That you will devise means for removing this inconsistency fromthe character of the American people; that you will promote mercy andjustice towards this distressed race; and that you will step to the veryverge of the power vested in you for discouraging every species oftraffic in the persons of our fellow men. " He had always spoken ofslavery with the strongest condemnation, and branded the slave-trade as"abominable, " a "diabolical commerce, " and a "crime. "

A large part of the last year or two of his life was passed by Franklinin his bed. At times when his dreadful suffering seemed to becomeintolerable, it was quelled, so far as possible, by opium. But atintervals it left him, and still whenever he thus got a respite for afew days he was again at work. It was in such an interval that he wrotehis paper condemning the liberty, which was becoming the license, of thepress. If the law permitted this sort of thing, he said, then it shouldrestore also the liberty of the cudgel. The paper is not altogetherantiquated, nor the idea altogether bad!

It was even so late as March 23, 1790, that he wrote the humorousrejoinder to the pro-slavery speech delivered in Congress by Jackson ofGeorgia. But the end was close at hand; and when this brilliant satirewas composed, there lacked but a few days of the allotted term when thatrare humor was to be stilled forever, and that broad philanthropy was tocease from the toil in which it had never tired alike for the free andthe oppressed. 

On April 12, 1790, a pain in the chest and difficulty of breathing, which had been giving him much trouble, ceased for a short while, and heinsisted upon getting up in order to have his bed re-made; for he wishedto "die in a decent manner. " His daughter expressed the conventionalwish that he might yet recover and live many years. "I hope not, " hereplied. Soon afterward the pain returned, and he was advised to changehis position, so that he could breathe more easily. "A dying man can donothing easy, " he said; and these are the last words which he is knownto have uttered. Soon afterward he sank into a lethargy, and so remaineduntil at eleven o'clock, P. M. , on April 17, 1790, he died. 

A great procession and a concourse of citizens escorted his funeral, andCongress voted to "wear the customary badge of mourning for one month. "The bits of crape were all very well, a conventional, insignificanttribute; but unfortunately the account of the country, or at least ofCongress as representing the country, did not stand very honorably, tosay nothing of generously, with one of its oldest, most faithful, andmost useful servants. [103] Again and again Franklin had asked for somemodest office, some slight opening, for his grandson, Temple Franklin. The young man's plans and prospects in life had all been sacrificed tothe service of Franklin as his secretary, which was in fact the serviceof the country; yet he had never been able to collect even the ordinarysalary pertaining to such a position. Throughout a long life of publicservice, often costly to himself in his own affairs, Franklin had neverasked any other favor than this, which after all was rather compensationthan favor, and this was never given to him. When one reflects how suchoffices are demanded and awarded in these days, one hardly knows whetherto be more ashamed of the present or of the past. But this was not allnor even the worst; for Franklin's repeated efforts to get his ownaccounts with the government audited and settled never met with anyresponse. It needed only that Congress should appoint a competentaccountant to examine and report. Before leaving France Franklin hadbegged for this act of simple, business-like justice, which it was theduty of Congress to initiate without solicitation; he had the fate ofthe "poor unhappy Deane" before his eyes, to make him uncomfortable, butin this respect he was treated no better than that misused man. Afterhis return home he continued his urgency during his last years, notwishing to die leaving malignant enemies behind him, and accounts openwhich he could no longer explain and elucidate. Indeed, stories werealready circulating that he was "greatly indebted to the United Statesfor large sums that had been put into [his] hands, and that [he] avoideda settlement;" yet this request was still, with unpardonable disregardof decency and duty, utterly ignored. He never could get the businessattended to, and Benjamin Franklin actually could not extort from anindifferent Congress the small satisfaction of having his accountspassed. The consequence was that when he died the United States appearedhis debtor, and never extricated itself from that painful position. [104]It was only in this matter that he ever showed the slightest anxietyconcerning his reputation with posterity. He wanted to leave the name ofan honest man; but otherwise he never was at the trouble of preparing aline to justify any of his actions, therein differing from many of hiscontemporaries. 

[Note 103: One of the most painful letters to read which our annalscontain is that written by Franklin to Charles Thomson, secretary ofCongress, November 29, 1788, _Works_, viii. 26, 30. It is an arraignmentwhich humiliates the descendants of the members of that body. ]

[Note 104: Parton's _Life of Franklin_, ii. 596. ]

France showed a livelier affection and warmer appreciation toward thegreat dead than did his own countrymen. At the opening of the NationalAssembly, June 11, 1790, Mirabeau delivered an impassioned eulogy in therhetorical French fashion; and the motion to wear mourning for threedays was carried by acclamation. The president of that body, M. Siéyes, was instructed to communicate the resolution to Washington. At thecelebration of the municipality of Paris the citizens generally wore amourning badge; and the grain market, where the oration was delivered, was draped in black. The Academy of Sciences of course did formal honorto his memory, as did likewise the revolutionary clubs. A street at whatwas in his day Passy, but is now included in Paris, near the Trocadéro, perpetuates by his name the admiration which France felt for him. 

Among illustrious Americans Franklin stands preëminent in the interestwhich is aroused by a study of his character, his mind, and his career. One becomes attached to him, bids him farewell with regret, and feelsthat for such as he the longest span of life is all too short. Eventhough dead, he attracts a personal regard which renders easilyintelligible the profound affection which so many men felt for him whileliving. It may be doubted whether any one man ever had so many, suchconstant, and such firm friends as in three different nations formedabout him a veritable host. In the States and in France he was loved, and as he grew into old age he was revered, not by those who heard ofhim only, but most warmly by those who best knew him. Even in England, where for years he was the arch-rebel of all America, he was generallyheld in respect and esteem, and had many constant friends whoseconfidence no events could shake. It is true, of course, that he hadalso his detractors, with most of whom the reader has already madeacquaintance. In Pennsylvania the proprietary party cherished ananimosity which still survives against his memory, but which does notextend far beyond those who take it as an inheritance. It does him nodiscredit with persons who understand its source. In New England aloyalty to those famous New Englanders, John Adams and Samuel Adams, seems to involve in the minds of some persons a depreciation ofFranklin. In English historical literature the patriotic instinctstands in the way of giving Franklin quite his full due of praise. Butthe faults and defects of character and conduct which are urged againsthim appear little more than the expression of personal ill will, whenthey are compared with the affection and the admiration given to him inliberal measure by the great mass of mankind both in the generationswhich knew him as a living contemporary and in those which hear of himonly as one of the figures of history. It is not worth while to deifyhim, or to speak with extravagant reverence, as if he had neither faultsnor limitations. Yet it seems ungracious to recall these concerning onewho did for his fellow men so much as Franklin did. Moral, intellectual, and material boons he conferred in such abundance that few suchbenefactors of the race can be named, though one should survey all theages. A man of a greater humanity never lived; and the quality whichstood Abou Ben Adhem in good stead should suffice to save Franklin fromhuman criticism. He not only loved his kind, but he also trusted themwith an implicit confidence, reassuring if not extraordinary in anobserver of his shrewdness and experience. Democrats of therevolutionary school in France and of the Jeffersonian school in theUnited States have preached an exaggerated gospel of the people, buttheir words are the dubious ones of fanatics or politicians. Franklinwas of a different kind, and had a more genuine and more generous faithin man than the greatest democrat in politics who ever lived. 

Franklin's inborn ambition was the noblest of all ambitions: to be ofpractical use to the multitude of men. The chief motive of his life wasto promote the welfare of mankind. Every moment which he could snatchfrom enforced occupations was devoted to doing, devising, or suggestingsomething advantageous more or less generally to men. His detractorshave given a bad, but also a false coloring to this trait. They say thatthe spirit of all that he did and taught was sordid, that the motivesand purposes which he set before men were selfish, that his messagesspoken through the mouth of Poor Richard inculcated no higher objects inlife than money-getting. This is an utterly unfair form of stating thecase. Franklin was a great moralist: though he did not believe in theChristian religion according to the straitlaced orthodox view, hebelieved in the virtues which that religion embodies; and he was notonly often a zealous preacher, but in the main a consistent exemplar ofthem. Perhaps he did not rest them upon precisely the same basis uponwhich the Christian preacher does, but at least he put them on a basisupon which they could stand firm. In such matters, however, one mayeasily make mistakes, breed ill blood, and do harm; and his wisdom andgood sense soon led him to put forth his chief efforts and to displayespecial earnestness and constancy in promoting the well-being of allmen. It was an object sufficiently noble, one would think, worthy of thegreatest brain and the largest heart, and having certain verycommendable traits in the way of practicability and substantialpossibilities. His desire was to see the community prosperous, comfortable, happy, advancing in the accumulation of money and of allphysical goods, but not to the point of luxury; it was by no means thepile of dollars which was his end, and he did not care to see many menrich, but rather to see all men well to do. He was perfectly right inthinking that virtuous living has the best prospects in a well-to-dosociety. He gave liberally of his own means and induced others to give, and promoted in proportion to the ability of the community a surprisingnumber of public and quasi public enterprises; and always the firesideof the poor man was as much in his thought as the benefit of the richercircle. Fair dealing and kindliness, prudence and economy in order toprocure the comforts and simpler luxuries of life, reading and knowledgefor those uses which wisdom subserves, constituted the real essence ofhis teaching. His inventive genius was ever at work devising methods ofmaking daily life more agreeable, comfortable, and wholesome for all whohave to live. In a word, the service of his fellow men was his constantaim; and he so served them that those public official functions whichare euphemistically called "public services" seemed in his case almostan interruption of the more direct and far-reaching services which hewas intent upon rendering to all civilized peoples. Extreme religionistsmay audaciously fancy that the judgment of God upon Franklin may besevere; but it would be gross disloyalty for his own kind to charge thathis influence has been ignobly material. 

As a patriot none surpassed him. Again it was the love of the peoplethat induced this feeling, which grew from no theory as to forms ofgovernment, no abstractions and doctrines about "the rights of man. " Hebegan by espousing the cause of the people of the province ofPennsylvania against proprietary despotism, and for many years he was apatriot in his colony, before the great issue against England madepatriotism common. His patriotism had not root in any revolutionaryelement in his temper, but was the inevitable outcome of hisfair-mindedness. That which was unfair as between man and man firstaroused his ire against the grinding proprietaries; and afterward it wasthe unfairness of taxation without representation which especiallyincensed him; for an intellect of the breadth and clearness of his seesand loves justice above all things. During the struggle of the States noman was more hearty in the cause than Franklin; and the depth of feelingshown in his letters, simple and unrhetorical as they are, isimpressive. All that he had he gave. What also strikes the reader of hiswritings is the broad national spirit which he manifested. He had animmense respect for the dignity of America; he was perhaps fortunatelysaved from disillusionment by his distance from home. But be this as itmay, the way in which he felt and therefore genuinely talked about hisnation and his country was not without its moral effect in Europe. 

Intellectually there are few men who are Franklin's peers in all theages and nations. He covered, and covered well, vast ground. Thereputation of doing and knowing various unrelated things is wont tobring suspicion of perfunctoriness; but the ideal of the human intellectis an understanding to which all knowledge and all activity are germane. There have been a few, very few minds which have approximated towardthis ideal, and among them Franklin's is prominent. He was one of themost distinguished scientists who have ever lived. Bancroft calls him"the greatest diplomatist of his century. "[105] His ingenious and usefuldevices and inventions were very numerous. He possessed a masterlyshrewdness in business and practical affairs. He was a profound thinkerand preacher in morals and on the conduct of life; so that with theexception of the founders of great religions it would be difficult toname any persons who have more extensively influenced the ideas, motives, and habits of life of men. He was one of the most, perhaps themost agreeable conversationist of his age. 

[Note 105: Bancroft, _Hist. U. S. _ ix. 134. ]

He was a rare wit and humorist, and in an age when "American humor" wasstill unborn, amid contemporaries who have left no trace of a jest, still less of the faintest appreciation of humor, all which he said andwrote was brilliant with both these most charming qualities of the humanmind. Though sometimes lax in points of grammar, as was much the customin his day, he wrote as delightful a style as is to be found in allEnglish literature, and that too when the stilted, verbose, and turgidhabit was tediously prevalent. He was a man who impressed his abilityupon all who met him; so that the abler the man and the more experiencedin judging men, the higher did he rate Franklin when brought into directcontact with him; politicians and statesmen of Europe, distrustful andsagacious, trained readers and valuers of men, gave him the rare honorof placing confidence not only in his personal sincerity, but in hisbroad fair-mindedness, a mental quite as much as a moral trait. 

It is hard indeed to give full expression to a man of such scope inmorals, in mind, and in affairs. He illustrates humanity in anastonishing multiplicity of ways at an infinite number of points. He, more than any other, seems to show us how many-sided our human natureis. No individual, of course, fills the entire circle; but if we canimagine a circumference which shall express humanity, we can placewithin it no one man who will reach out to approach it and to touch itat so many points as will Franklin. A man of active as well as universalgood will, of perfect trustfulness towards all dwellers on the earth, ofsupreme wisdom expanding over all the interests of the race, none hasearned a more kindly loyalty. By the instruction which he gave, by hisdiscoveries, by his inventions, and by his achievements in public lifehe earns the distinction of having rendered to men varied and usefulservices excelled by no other one man; and thus he has established aclaim upon the gratitude of mankind so broad that history holds few whocan be his rivals. 

INDEX

Abolition of Slavery, petition for, signed by Franklin, 415, 416. 

Adams, Abigail, on meeting Franklin, 210. 

Adams, John, 111, 208; dislike of Franklin, 210; on committee to confer with Lord Howe, 214; pugnacious remarks, 215, 216; rank as diplomate, 220; remarks on Franklin in France, 235, 236; joins Lee in forcing dismissal of Williams, 266; on rum trade, 276; feeling towards France, 286; charged to request admission of United States into Armed Neutrality, 288; replaces Deane, 294; his egotism, 294; endeavors to reform French mission, 294; censorious language, 295; advises having a single minister at Paris, 296, 297; returns home, 298; financial agent in Holland, 307; inability to borrow money, 330; helped by Franklin, 331; judgment of Franklin, 337, 338; unable to appreciate his value, 339; contrast between the two men, 340; really follows Franklin, 342; his vanity, 344; envy of Franklin's popularity, 345; does not understand its value, 346; appointed commissioner to treat for peace, 349; informs Vergennes of paper money redemption in America, 350; writes an unwise defense of repudiation, 351; begs Franklin to help, 351; presents case to Congress, 354; angry at Franklin for not supporting his position, 355; on the De Weissenstein episode, 358; refuses to treat apart from France, 365, note; disapproves Oswald's commission, 374; joins with Jay in deciding to treat without consulting Vergennes, 379; arranges fisheries clause, 380, 392, 399; testimony in behalf of Franklin, 389; feud with Franklin, 390, 391. 

Adams, Samuel, 107, 111; distrusts Franklin, 138; opposes his nomination as agent for Massachusetts, 138; threatens to form a New England confederacy, 212; supported by Franklin, 212. 

"Alliance, " officers of, helped by Franklin, 317. 

Arnold, Benedict, mission of Franklin to confer with, 210. 

"Art of Virtue, " a receipt book for virtues, 31, 32. 

"Armed Neutrality, " approved by Franklin, 288; vote of Congress requesting admission of the United States, 288. 

Austin, J. L. , brings news to France of Burgoyne's capture, 270; sent by Franklin on secret mission to opposition in England, 271. 

Bache, Richard, marries Sarah Franklin, 203. 

Bancroft, Dr. Edward, tells story of Franklin's Manchester velvet suit, 191, 283; spy for England betrays Deane, 224. 

Beaumarchais, Caron de, his romantic career, 225; inspired by Arthur Lee to aid the colonies, 226; appeals to Louis XVI. , 226; supported by Vergennes, opposed by Turgot, 227; establishes firm of Hortalez & Co. To trade with the colonies, 229; communicates with Deane, 230; project betrayed by Bancroft, 230; fails to do a successful business, 231; suspected and thwarted by Arthur Lee, 238, 239; partly paid by Congress, 241; joy at Burgoyne's surrender, 270; claims cargoes of rice and indigo, 310. 

Bedford, Duke of, opposes raising a colonial army, 52; irritates George III. Into dismissing Grenville, 114. 

Bollan, ----, agent for Massachusetts Council, works in harmony with Franklin, 155; advises against employing counsel in Hutchinson letter case, 185; changes his opinion, 187. 

"Bon Homme Richard, " 302. 

Bond, Dr. , aided by Franklin in establishing a hospital, 41. 

Braddock, General, 50, 51; visited by Franklin, 52; distrusted by Pennsylvania farmers, 53, 54; his expedition, 51-54; praises Franklin, 55. 

Bradford, ----, editor of rival newspaper in Philadelphia, 12; refuses as postmaster to let Franklin's paper go by mail, 12, 13. 

Burgoyne, General, invades the colonies, 261; captured, 270; effect of news on American loans, 317. 

Burke, Edmund, Rockingham's secretary, 115; on Franklin's examination by the commons, 120. 

Burke, William, writes pamphlet in favor of returning Canada to France in order to check the colonies, 79. "Busybody" papers, 31. 

Bute, Earl of, favors a Stamp Act, 105; complaints against by Bedford, 114; Franklin's witty remark upon, 213. 

Camden, Lord, counsel for Penn family, 68; predicts American independence, 83; denies unlimited power of Parliament over colonies, 118; enters cabinet, 149. 

Canada, conquered by English, 78; its recession to France advocated as a check to colonies, 79; controversy on this point, 80-82; suggested as member of confederation by Franklin, 208; mission of Franklin to, 210, 211. 

Carmichael, William, rank as diplomate, 220; Jay's secretary in Spain, 321; praises Franklin, 345. 

Charles, ----, agent for Pennsylvania, 70. 

Chatham, Earl of. See Pitt, William. 

Chaumont, M. Ray de, lends Franklin a house in Passy, 235. 

Choiseul, Duc de, predicts American independence, 83. 

Colden, ----, letter from Franklin to, 40. 

"Colonial System, " criticised by Franklin, 48; defended by Granville, 67; enforced by Grenville, 104. 

Colonial union, suggested by William Penn, 44; by Franklin, 44, 45; by Gov. Shirley, 46; opposed by colonies and board of trade, 45, 52; proposed at time of Stamp Act, 110. 

Concord, fight at, 204; effect on Franklin, 205. 

Constitutional Convention, Franklin chosen a member, 407; the two parties, 408; part played by Franklin, 408; unsalaried presidency, 408; debate on representation, 409; single legislative chamber, 410; suffrage, 410; naturalization, 410; presidential term, 410; story about the "rising sun, " 411. 

Continental Congress, 206-212; its duties, 206; resolves to petition once more, 206; takes no action on Franklin's plan for a confederation, 208; makes Franklin head of postal system, 209; sends him on mission to Montreal, 210; repudiates independence, 211; adopts declaration, 212; forms Confederation, 212; sends Franklin and others to confer with Lord Howe, 214; elects Franklin envoy to France, 219; has difficulty in choosing ministers, 221; instructs Deane to get help from France, 224; sends Franklin on formal embassy, 232; puzzled by letters of Deane, Lee, and Beaumarchais, 239; irritated at Deane's sending military adventurers, 242, 243; sends Austin as special messenger, 270; rejects North's conciliatory offers, 282; votes to request admission into Armed Neutrality, 288; stinginess toward Franklin, 295-343; breaks up French mission, 298; management of finances, 304-336; has power to borrow but not to tax, 304-306; method of drawing bills on foreign envoys, 306, 307; proposes to secure loans by pledging merchandise, 309, 310; orders Franklin to borrow money and build warships, 311; issues drafts on Franklin, 312, 315, 325-327, 330-334; on Jay, 321; on Laurens, 324; on Adams, 330; fails to advise ministers of bills drawn, 313, 315, 318; fails to keep promises, 322, 325, 326, 332; loses confidence of French court, 328; antedates bills to evade a promise, 332; ill-treatment of Franklin, 349; ignores his request to resign, 349; appoints commissioners to treat for peace, 349; passes act to redeem paper money at forty to one, 350; angers Vergennes, 350 seq. ; induced by France to name commission instead of plenipotentiary, 363; at French suggestion omits all but independence from ultimatum, 378; instructs commissioners to be guided by France, 378; condemns independent action of commissioners, 388; again refuses Franklin's request to be relieved, 397; finally permits him, 398; honors Franklin's memory, 417; neglects to reward Temple Franklin, 417; neglects to audit Franklin's accounts, 418. 

Conway, General, opposes Stamp Act, 115; secretary for colonies, 115; reënter's cabinet, 147; suggests treating for peace, 284; moves address against the war, after Yorktown, 364. 

Conyngham, ----, American privateer, 248, 249. 

"Cool Thoughts on the Present Situation, " a pamphlet by Franklin, 91. 

Cooper, Sir Grey, thinks Franklin's mission is a desertion, 234. 

Cooper, Samuel, tells Franklin of the sentiment in Massachusetts regarding his appointment as agent, 138; letter to, regarding Hutchinson letters, 180. 

"Critical Period of American History" a time of reviving industrial prosperity, 406. 

Cornwallis, Lord, effect of his surrender, 363. 

Cumberland, Duke of, forms cabinet, 115; dies, 116. 

Cushing, Thomas, letter from Franklin to, about the Hutchinson letters, 180. 

Dana, Francis, his reliance on Franklin, 342, 345. 

Dartmouth, Lord, suggested as Hillsborough's successor by Franklin, 165; friendly relations with Franklin, 166; later divergence, 166; discusses with Franklin Massachusetts resolves denying parliamentary control, 167; impossibility of agreement, 168, 193; Franklin's memorial to, 200. 

Deane, Silas, rank as diplomate, 220; first envoy to France, 222; previous career and character, 222; his mistakes, 223; abandons America, 223; introduced in France by Franklin, 223; his instructions, 224; balked by Bancroft, 224; joins plans of Beaumarchais, 230; not interfered with by Franklin, 238; slandered by Arthur Lee, 238, 239; ruined by him, 239; defended by Franklin, 240, 243, 290; sends European officers to America, 242; proposes an ultimatum to France, 269; recalled, 289; confidence in Franklin, 399. 

De Grey, Lord Chief Justice, in Hutchinson letters affair, 186. 

Denham, ----, offers Franklin a clerkship, 10; his death, 10. 

Despencer, Lord le, breakfast party with, 136. 

D'Estaing, Admiral, sails to aid America, 285. 

"De Weissenstein" makes mysterious offer of peace with pensions for leading rebels, 358; supposed to be George III. , 358; Franklin's reply to, 358, 359. 

Dickinson, John, defends the Pennsylvania proprietors, 94; personal attack on Franklin, 97, 98; protests against his appointment as agent of the Assembly, 98; advocates renewed petitioning to king in Continental Congress, 206; supported by Franklin, 206. 

Digges, ----, embezzles funds sent by Franklin to American prisoners, 264; makes secret proposals on behalf of Lord North, 364. 

Diplomacy of the Revolution, its general character, 220; varied personnel, 220; difficulties in choosing ministers, 221; vagueness as to status of representatives, 222; mission of Silas Deane to France, 222-231; assistance gained from France through Beaumarchais, 225-231; mission of Franklin to France, 232-401; first offer of alliance, 236, 237; dealings of Franklin and Deane with foreign military adventurers, 242-246; management of privateers, 248-252; negotiations relative to exchange of prisoners, 252-264; dealings with opposition in England, 271; alliance with France, 273-279; proposal of Deane to force a decision, 269; effect of news of Burgoyne's capture, 273; discussion over terms of alliance, 273-277; debate over molasses duties, 276; concessions arranged by Franklin, 277, 278; peace with England suggested, 282, 284; quarrels in the French mission, 290-298; Franklin minister plenipotentiary, 298; methods of raising money in Europe, 306; history of Franklin's efforts in France, 306-336 [see Finances of the Revolution]; unique position of Franklin in Europe, 340-343; superiority to other diplomatists, 342, 344-346; mistake of John Adams in irritating Vergennes about American paper money, 350-352; the affair smoothed over by Franklin, 352-355; futile advances toward reconciliation made by English emissaries, 357-360; events leading up to treaty of peace [see treaty of peace], 363-396; commercial treaties with Prussia and other countries, 397. 

Dubourg, Dr. , conveys to Franklin news of French willingness to help colonies, 232. 

Dunning, ----, counsel for Franklin in Hutchinson letters affair, 187, 188. 

Edinburgh gives Franklin freedom of the city, 75. 

East India Company, hurt by colonial non-importation, 175. 

Finances of the Revolution, difficulties, 304; vague powers of Congress, 304; inability to offer security, 305; methods of raising money adopted, 305, 306; burden of making loans thrown on foreign representatives, 306; situation of Jay, 307; of Adams, 307; real brunt borne by Franklin, 307, 321; unpicturesqueness and indispensableness of his labors, 308, 336; description of them, 308-336; proposed payments by cargoes of American products, 309; failure of this method, 310; loans made by French court on pure credit, 311, 317, 319; Franklin's pamphlet on resources of the United States, 311; neglect of Congress to advise ministers of bills, 312, 313, 326, 332; protests from Franklin, 312, 318, 320; lack of business methods in Congress, 313, 314, 320; extravagance of Lee and Izard, 314-316; difficulties of French court in furnishing money, 319; injurious influence of State agents, 320; difficulties of Jay in Spain, 321, 322, 332; criticisms of Vergennes, 325; neglect of Congress to keep promises, 322, 326, 332; begging from Vergennes, 327; from Necker, 328; difficulties over loan raised in Holland, 328; extravagance of Laurens and Jackson, 329; difficulties of Adams in Holland, 331, 332; antedating of bills to elude a promise, 332; further loans, 334, 336; liquidation of accounts begins, 335; peace alone puts an end to borrowing, 336. 

Fisheries, importance of, to New England, 380; right to, upheld by Adams, 380, 399. 

Fitzherbert, ----, replaces Grenville, 372. 

Florida, suggested as member of Confederation by Franklin, 208. 

Folger, Abiah, mother of Franklin, 2. 

Folger, ancestry of Franklin, 3. 

Fox, C. J. , member of opposition, 271; attacks North regarding French and American alliance, 281; in Rockingham cabinet, 365; tries to outdo Shelburne by treating with colonies through France, 366; willing to acknowledge their independence, 367; urges Franklin to negotiate separately, 370; retires from Shelburne's cabinet, 372. 

France, policy of; early interest in English colonial controversy, 137; regarded as probable ally of colonies, 222; intervention suggested by Beaumarchais and Vergennes, 226-228; enthusiasm over Franklin, 233-235; secret assistance, 251; self-interest of France, 252, 285, 368, 375, 380, 391, 396; treaty of alliance with, 273-279; war with England, 285; financial assistance, 307-336. 

Franklin ancestry, 2; from Northamptonshire, 2; religious independence, 2. Franklin, Benjamin. _Early years. _ Ancestry, 2; birth, 3; intended at first for the church, 3; assists father as tallow chandler, 4; apprenticed as printer to his brother, 4; "escapes being a poet, " 4; bold religious speculations, 5; runs away, 6; begins printing in Philadelphia, 6; receives offer of help from Gov. Temple, 6; fails to induce his father to assist, 7; tricked by Temple into sailing for England, 8; lives in London, 8; "errata" in his career, 9; bad company, 9; infidelity, 9; declines proposal to establish swimming school, 10; returns home, 10; composes epitaph, 11; rise as printer in Philadelphia, 11, 12; publishes "Pennsylvania Gazette, " 12, 13; matrimonial projects, 13, 14; marriage, 15; rise in society, 19; establishes a library, 20; effective methods of agitation, 21; publishes Poor Richard's almanac, 21; his management of the Gazette, 24; religious and moral views, 24-33; gains political influence through the Junto, 34; establishment of affiliated clubs, 34; studies languages, 35; clerk of General Assembly, 35; postmaster of Philadelphia, 35; invents a stove, and refuses to patent it, 36; founds a philosophical society, 36; an academy, 37; tries to reorganize night-watch, 38; founds the Union Fire Company, 39; begins organization of military force against French, 39; takes a partner, 39; enters public life, 40; appointed to various offices and elected burgess, 40; commissioner to treat with Indians, 40; assists Dr. Bond in founding hospital, 41; induces legislature to make a contingent grant, 42; his pride over this device, 42; improves cleaning and lighting of streets, 42; appointed head of postal system, his successful management of it, 43; receives degree of Master of Arts from Yale and Harvard, 43; deputy to Indian conference at Albany, 44; proposes a colonial union, 44; his plan adopted, 45; later rejected by England and by colonies, 45; speculations as to possible results if successful, 46; opposes Shirley's plan of a parliamentary tax, 47; proclaims theory of no taxation without consent, 47; points out heaviness of existing indirect taxation, 48; doubts feasibility of colonial representation in Parliament, 48, 49; visits Boston, 49; on committee to supervise military expenditure in Pennsylvania, 50; disapproves of Braddock's expedition, 51; acts in behalf of the Assembly, 52; arranges for transportation for the expedition, 53; obliged to give bonds to owners, 54; in danger of ruin owing to failure of expedition and losses of wagons and horses, 54; escapes with slight losses, 54; reputed to have made money, 55; builds forts on frontier, 56; increased popularity, 56; scheme for settling barrier colonies west of mountains, 57; scientific studies, 59; reputation in Europe, 59, 60. _Representative of Pennsylvania in conflict with proprietors. _ Sent to England by burgesses to appeal to the king against the proprietors, 63; his share in previous agitation, 63; detained from sailing by Lord Loudoun's procrastination, 65; arrival in London, 66; interview with Lord Granville, 66; dispute over legal rights of the colonies, 67; futile interview with proprietors, 67; with their counsel, 68; kept waiting a year, 68; complained of to the Assembly by the proprietors, 68; learns of an adverse report of the board of trade, 70; engages that proprietors shall be fairly treated by the Assembly, 70; thus gains main contention that proprietors may be taxed, 71; comments on proprietors' behavior, 71, 72; detained two years in England on business, 73; purposely delayed by opponents, 73; suffers from lack of social influence, 74; fails to see Pitt, 74; illness, 74; welcomed in scientific circles, 75; travels, 75; receives degree of Doctor of Laws from St. Andrews and Oxford, 75; friendship with Strahan, 76; attempts at match-making with Sarah Franklin and William Franklin, 76; willing to live in England, 77; regret at leaving, 77; interested in proposal to leave Canada to French in order to overawe colonies, 80; shows fallacy in a pamphlet, 80, 81; denies possibility of colonial independence, 81, 82, 83; predicts future development of the West, 84; returns home, 84; popularity, 84; elected to assembly, 84; receives partial compensation, 84; desires repose, 86; regulates post-office, 86; friendly relations with Governor Penn, 87; condemns "Paxton massacre" of friendly Indians, 88; organizes force to protect Christian Indians in Philadelphia, 89; protects governor in his house, 89; joins popular party in opposing governor, 91; urges change to Royal Government, 91, 92, 93; draws petition to this effect, 93; chosen speaker, 94; attacks governor's methods, 94, 95; defeated in election to Assembly, 96, 97; appointed agent to present petition for Royal Government, 97, 99; attacked by Dickinson, 98; expenses of journey paid by subscription, 100; return to old lodgings in London, 100; fails to gain consideration for his petition, 101, 102. _Colonial representative in England. _ Instructed by Pennsylvania to oppose Stamp Act, 105; fruitless interview with Grenville, 106; writes home advising submission, 107; no thought of resistance, 107; names Hughes for stamp-distributer at Grenville's request, 108; temporary fury of Philadelphia at the news, 109; his surprise and mortification, 109, 110; apparent disagreement with colonists, but real unity of opinion, 111; his fitness for diplomatic position in England, 111, 112; sympathizes with both sides, 113; tact and coolness, 113; appears as witness at bar of Commons, 119; ability displayed under cross-examination, 119; thorough mastery of situation, 120; great effect of his testimony, 121; presents American sentiment against the Stamp Act, 122; expresses willingness to sacrifice all rather than submit, 123, 124; states legislative independence of colonies, 124, 125; has friendly feeling for George III. , 126; seeks to defend him, 126, 127; thinks colonial representation in Parliament impossible of adoption, 128; views on "virtual" representation, 130; draws distinctions between external and internal taxation, 130, 131; asserts willingness of colonies to bear their share of public burdens, 132; return of popularity in Pennsylvania, 134; satirical publications at expense of English ignorance of colonies, 134, 135; joke concerning a claim of the king of Prussia to England, 136; "rules for reducing a great empire to a small one, " 136; communications with the French, 137; appointed agent for Georgia and Massachusetts, 138; opposed by Samuel Adams, 138; increased prestige, 139; pecuniary sacrifice, 139; retains post-mastership, 140; motives of ministry in leaving him undisturbed, 140; rumors circulated in America that he had accepted royal office, 141; his reputation increases in England and France, 144; urges moderation at home, 145; disliked by extremists, 146; hopes advantage from Hillsborough's appointment, 151; discovers Hillsborough's enmity, 152; dispute with him over legality of commission from Massachusetts, 152-157; a telling retort, 157; no longer recognized as agent of Massachusetts, 157; low opinion of Hillsborough, 158; thinks agents quite as valuable to government as to colonies, 158; works to undermine Hillsborough, 159, 160; controverts Hillsborough's objections to two frontier colonies, 162; his arguments prevail with the privy council, 163; drives Hillsborough to resign, 163; snubbed by him, 164; fails to get the grant for frontier provinces, 164; suggests Lord Dartmouth for colonial secretary, 165; amicable relations with him, 166; counsels him to be patient with Massachusetts, 167, 168; would be satisfied with a return to conditions before Stamp Act, 169; begins to forbode separation, but hopes and works for peace, 171; continually urges moderation on colonists, 172; belief in efficacy of non-importation, 173; urges its advantages, 173; and effects upon England, 174; comments on complete financial failure of Stamp Act and Customs Act, 176; shown copies of Tory letters from Massachusetts, 177; sends them to Boston under pledge of secrecy, 178; publishes a letter taking upon himself responsibility of their discovery, 182, 183; presents petition of Massachusetts to Dartmouth, 183; delicacy of his position, 184; learns that Hutchinson and Oliver are to be represented by counsel, 185; fearing trouble and foreseeing an attack, asks for time, 186; threats and rumors, 187; appears before a hostile privy council, 187, 188; violently attacked as a thief by Wedderburn, 188, 189; the "suit of Manchester velvet, " 191; begins and abandons a defense of himself, 192; dismissed from office of postmaster, 192; loses his standing in England, 192, 193; resigns agency for Massachusetts, 193; rebuked by Massachusetts for laxity, 194; slandered by Arthur Lee, 194; danger of charges of treason, 195; interview with Lord Chatham, 196; urges policy of colonial self-government, 197; denies that independence is desired, 197; wishes unity of the Empire, 198; attacked by Lord Sandwich in House of Lords, 198; defended by Chatham, 198, 199; irritated at attacks on America in House of Commons, 199; writes an angry letter to Dartmouth, 200; demands reparation for injuries done America and rights denied, 200; saved from presenting this by advice of Walpole, 201, 202; rejects secret attempts by ministry to negotiate, 202; again rejects bribes, 202; last day in London with Priestley, 203; emotion at situation, 203; leaves for home, 203; significance of his failure, 203. _Member of Congress. _ Revulsion of feeling on reaching America, 204; anger against England, 205; letters to Priestly and Strahan, 204, 205; elected to Congress, 206; active in committee work, 206; willing to send the Olive Branch petition, 206; hopes thus to put England in the wrong, 206; suggests offer by colonies to pay annual sum for privilege of Free Trade, 207; repels humorously charge of colonial ingratitude, 207, 208; formulates a plan of union, 208; chairman of committee on postal service, 209; postmaster-general, 209; chairman of Committee of Safety, 209; plans defenses for Philadelphia, 209; prevented by necessary oath of allegiance from sitting in Pennsylvania Assembly, 209; sent to Boston to confer with Washington, 209; to Montreal to confer with Arnold, 210; president of Pennsylvania Constitutional Convention, 211; willing to join a New England confederacy rather than none, 212; connection with Declaration of Independence, 212; his famous jests, 212; in the Articles of Confederation wishes votes of States according to population, 212; correspondence with Lord Howe, who wishes reconciliation, 213; replies condemning the English, 213, 214; member of committee of Congress to confer with Howe, 214; remarks, 215; says nothing short of independence is possible, 216; his indignation at British attacks, 217; suggests, in humorous form, to Priestley, the impossibility of conquering the Americans, 217, 218; depth of his feeling, 218. _Minister to France. _ Appointed, 219, 232; the only American with diplomatic experience, 220, 221; voyage, 232, 233; alarm of English at news of his arrival, 234; French enthusiasm, 234, 235; settles at Passy, 235; avoids thrusting himself upon the government, 236; presents credentials at audience given by Vergennes, 236, 237; gains a secret loan, 237; not involved in Deane's schemes, 238; befriends Deane, 240; much annoyed by the complications, 241, 242; and by French officers previously encouraged by Deane, 243, 244; discourages them, 245; uses an unvarnished form of letter of recommendation, 245; recognizes value of Lafayette and Steuben, 246; impressed with feeling for liberty in Europe, 247; expects great liberal immigration, 247; advises privateering, 248; charged with duty of regulating it, 249, 250; protects privateers against French government, 250; works to gain time, 251; tries to exchange prisoners with England, 253; tart correspondence with Stormont, 253; indignant at treatment of American prisoners by English, 254, 255; correspondence with Hartley on the subject, 256-262; urges humane treatment, 257, 258; proposes liberation by English "on account, " 258, 259, 260; threatens retaliatory treatment, 260, 263; finally succeeds, 261, 262; difficulties raised by English, 262, 263; sends money to prisoners, 263; appoints Williams naval agent, 264; acquiesces in his dismissal, 266; predicts in 1777 the ultimate success of the war, 268; prevents desperate measures on Deane's part, 269; receives news of Burgoyne's surrender, 270; sends J. L. Austin to confer with English liberals, 271; justifies to Hartley the project of a French alliance, 272, 273; secret negotiations with France, 274, 275; misunderstanding with Lee, 275; arranges commercial concessions, 277; plans nearly upset by Lee and Izard, 278-9; signs treaty in "Manchester velvet suit, " 279; writes to Hartley urging peace, 281, 282; predicts futility of English conciliatory bills, 282; presented to Louis XVI. , 283; his costume, 283; secures in treaty principle of "free ships, free goods, " 287; favors the "armed neutrality, " 288; meetings with Voltaire, 287, 288; speaks well of Deane, 290; accused of inefficiency and corruption by Lee and Izard, 292, 293, 298; criticised by Adams, 294, 296; personal frugality of Franklin, 297; advises a single representative at Versailles, 297; made minister plenipotentiary, 298; insulted by Lee, 299; supplies money, commissions, and protection to Paul Jones, 300, 301; advises plundering English coast, 301; difficulties with Landais, 302. _Foreign Financial Agent. _ Forced to beg money to meet congressional bills, 306; assists Jay, 307; sole effective financier, 307, 308; lends money to Congress, 308; yields two cargoes to Beaumarchais, 310; appeals vainly to Thomas Morris, 310; instructed by Congress to borrow money and build ships of war, 311; writes pamphlet on credit of the United States, 311; agrees to meet interest on congressional loan, 311; obliged to meet drafts, 312; continually surprised by new and old ones, 312; not warned of bills drawn, 312, 313, 318, 332; annoyed by exorbitant demands of Lee and Izard, 314; refuses Izard, 315; attacked bitterly, 316, 317; helps officers of "Alliance, " 317; humiliating necessity of begging from France, 318; hampered by state agents making loans, 319; aids Jones, 320; begs Congress not to permit its agents to draw upon him, 320; assists Jay, 321, 322, 333, 335; proposes that Congress furnish supplies to French fleet, 322; urges sacrifice in America, 323, 324; meets drafts on Laurens, 324, 326, 332; overwhelmed by fresh demands, 325; fragment of his diary showing the swarm of bills, 326; more begging from Vergennes, 327, 328; secures loan in Holland, 328; difficulties over William Jackson's purchases, 329, 330; helps John Adams meet drafts, 331; directed by Robert Morris to make further requests, 331; in return asks remittance from America, 331; yet manages to meet drafts, 332; promises Vergennes to accept no drafts dated later than March, 1781, 332; discovers that Congress is antedating bills, 332; personal liability, 332; more demands from Livingston, 333, 334; warned by Vergennes, 333; refused further aid from French, but succeeds in getting more, 334; begins liquidation of accounts, 335; receives further demands for loans, 335, 336; released by treaty of peace, 336; accused of sloth, luxury, and indecision by Adams, 337, 338; political value of his personal popularity in France, 339; breadth of view, 340; carelessness never caused failure, 341; amount of his labors, 341, 342; variety of functions, 342; meagreness of assistance rendered him, 343; his indolence only physical, 344; his great social prestige in Europe, 345; its value, 346; annoyed by attacks at home, 347; patient under calumny, 348; tries vainly to resign, 348; his requests uniformly ignored by Congress, 349; urges Congress not to injure foreign creditors, 350; appealed to by Adams and Vergennes to settle quarrel, 351; agrees with Vergennes in favor of foreign creditors, 353; advises Adams to smooth over unwise expressions to Vergennes, 354; hated by Adams, 355. _Commissioner to make peace. _ Approached by Pulteney as to peace, 357; by de Weissenstein, 358; thinks latter an agent for George III. , 358; writes a severe answer which he does not send, 359; approached by Hartley as to truce, 359; bitterness toward England, 359, 360; refuses from the outset to discuss possibility of reunion, 360, 361; gratitude toward France, 362; commissioned to treat for peace, 363; refuses to treat separately from France, 364; suggests peace to Shelburne, 364; interview with Oswald, 365; again refuses separate negotiations, 366; sends suggestions to Shelburne, 366, 371; second inconclusive interview with Oswald, 367; dealings with Grenville, 368; urges Jay to join him, 371; asks Shelburne to give Oswald exclusive authority, 371; continues to discuss with Oswald, 372; willing to accept vague commission given Oswald, 373; thinks well of Vergennes' motives, 373; criticises Jay's letter on this point, 374; differs with Jay regarding French duplicity, 375, 378; resumes negotiations with Oswald, 377; surrenders his view to Jay and Adams, probably to save time, 379; on compensation to Tories, 381; suggests counter-claims, 382; antipathy to loyalists, 382; informs Vergennes of treaty, 384; criticised by him, 385; apparent duplicity, 386; tries to defend his action, 387; blamed at home for too great subservience to France, 388; persuades Jay not to write a defense, 388; asks Jay and Adams to vindicate him, 389; increased ill-feeling with Adams, 391; merits of the dispute, 391; large part played by him in negotiations, 392; value of his reputation, 392, 393; his friendly opinion of Vergennes, 393, 394, and of France, 395; again resigns, 396; retained for commercial treaties, 397; pleasant life in Paris, 397, 398; departure from France, 400, 401; voyage, 401, 402. _President of Pennsylvania. _ Arrival at Philadelphia, popular welcome, 403; elected President of State Council, 403; acts as peacemaker between factions, 404; successive reëlections, 404; devotes salary to public use, 404; humorous proposal for paying British debts, 405; not discouraged by condition of America, 406; preaches coolness, 407; elected member of Constitutional Convention, 407. _In Constitutional Convention. _ Elected in order to preside in possible absence of Washington, 407; opposes centralization, 408; views on constitutional points, 408-411; moves that sessions open with prayer, 409; urges harmony, 411; favors Washington for president, 412; leaves public life, 412; physical infirmities, 412; cheerfulness of mind in later days, 413, 414; applauds French Revolution, 415; president of abolition society, 415; condemns too great license of press, 416; death, 417; public honors in America, 417; but continued neglect on part of Congress to adjust his accounts or recompense Temple Franklin, 417, 418; memorial ceremonies in France, 419. _Character. _ General summary 420-427; an unfavorable view, 337, 338; criticisms on the foregoing, 338-344; religious views, 5, 9, 24-29; moral attitude, 21, 24, 29-33; utilitarianism, 29-30; 422-424; wit and humor, 11, 120, 134, 207, 212, 268, 405, 426; humanity, 101, 112, 144, 254-264, 393, 425; patriotism, 203, 424; courage and cheerfulness, 145, 172, 268, 406; business ability, 12, 13, 39; literary ability, 22, 35, 43, 426; diplomatic ability, 338-344; tact, 52, 112, 113, 243, 244, 365; political insight, 121-126; other characteristics, 19, 20, 21, 33, 36, 171, 172, 218; reputation in Europe, 75, 111, 144, 235, 398, 401, 419. _Political Opinions. _ On colonial union, 44, 208; on parliamentary supremacy, 46, 47, 196; on colonial representation in Parliament, 49, 128; on relation of colonies to England, 66, 124-126; on external and internal taxation, 130, 131; on free ships and free goods, 207; on colonial system, 48, 197; on paper money, 13, 355; on export duties, 277; on non-importation, 173, 174; on proprietary government, 92, 93; in constitutional convention, favors unpaid presidency, 408; favors representation proportional to population, 212, 409; suggests compromise, 410; favors wide suffrage, 410; brief naturalization period, 410; president for seven years, ineligible for reëlection, and liable to impeachment, 410; on French Revolution, 415; on slavery, 415, 416; a believer in democracy, 408, 421; but from faith in mankind, not mere theory, 421, 424. 

Franklin, Mrs. Deborah, 6; engaged to Franklin, 14; previous matrimonial experiences, 15; marries Franklin, 15; receives Franklin's illegitimate son, 16; dread of crossing the Atlantic, 76, 78; in danger during Stamp Act riots, 109; Franklin's present of a gown to, 134; death, 203. 

Franklin, James, takes his brother Benjamin Franklin as apprentice, 4; unfriendly relations, 5. 

Franklin, Josiah, emigrates to Boston, 2; his family, 2, 3; father of Benjamin Franklin, 3; devotes him to the church, 3; suggests that he become a printer, 4; refuses to aid him in Philadelphia, 7. 

Franklin, Sarah, offer of marriage, 76; leaves Philadelphia to escape Stamp Act riots, 109; marriage to Richard Bache, 203. 

Franklin, Temple, assists his grandfather in Paris, 273, 343, 347; neglected by Congress, 417. 

Franklin, William, birth, 16; refuses to marry Mary Stevenson, 76; appointed governor of New Jersey, 85; becomes a Tory and alienated from his father, 85; partial reconciliation, 85, 401. 

"Free Ships and Free Goods, " doctrine upheld by Franklin, 287. 

"French and Indian War, " 49-58; conflict inevitable, 44, 50; inequality of combatants, 50; Braddock's expedition, 51-55; outcome of war, 78. 

French Revolution, applauded by Franklin, 415. 

Gadsden, Christopher, 107, 111. 

Galloway, Joseph, speech against Pennsylvania Proprietors, 94; defeated for reëlection, 97. 

Gates, General, captor of Burgoyne, 272, 280, 298. 

"Gentleman's Magazine, " praises Franklin's examination before Commons, 121. 

George III. , desires peace with France, 78; displaces Grenville, 114; favorable opinion of Franklin towards, 126, 127; hatred of Shelburne, 148, 150; vexed with Hillsborough, 160; hatred of Franklin, 284; supposed to be author of De Weissenstein letter, 358; makes Shelburne prime minister, 372. 

George IV. , interview with Austin, 271. 

Georgia, appoints Franklin its agent, 138. 

Gérard, M. , asks for proposals for alliance, 274; negotiates treaty, 274, 275; arranges reciprocity with Franklin, 278; signs treaty, 279; minister to United States, 285; claims credit of having defeated Lee's schemes, 298. 

Gibbon, remark on diplomatic events in 1777, 280. 

Grand, M. , banker for Franklin, 314, 327, 336. 

Granville, Lord, interview with Franklin, 66; asserts that king is legislator for the colonies, 66; defends English colonial system, 67. 

Greene, General, his remark on meeting Franklin, 210. 

Grenville, George, proposes enforcement of colonial trade regulations, 104; introduces Stamp Act, 104; honesty of his intentions, 105, 143; unmoved by Franklin's protest, 106; asks Franklin to name a distributer, 108; views on parliamentary power over America, 117; loss of prestige, 143. 

Grenville, Thomas, sent by Fox to treat with France and with the United States, 366; preposterous offer to Vergennes, 367; relations with Franklin, 368, 369; difficulty over his commission, 371; recalled, 372; remark on self-seeking of France, 395. 

Guadaloupe. See Canada. 

Hale, Edward E. , quoted, 234, 238, 242, 281, 290, 303. 

Hall, David, fellow workman of Franklin, 9; taken into partnership, 39. 

Hamilton, Alexander, mentioned, 344; opposes Franklin's motion to open sessions of Constitutional Convention with prayer, 409. 

Hamilton, governor of Pennsylvania, superseded, 87. 

Harrison, Benjamin, on committee with Franklin, 209. 

Hartley, David, character and friendship with Franklin, 256; aids American prisoners, 256; tries to arrange exchanges, 258; unable to hasten matters, 261; finally succeeds, 262; cautions Franklin against a French alliance, 272; sends copies of conciliatory bills to Franklin, 281; visits him, 282; warning to Franklin, 288; proposes a truce, 359; letters to, 360, 364. 

Harvard College makes Franklin Master of Arts, 43. 

Henry, Patrick, 107, 111. 

Hillsborough, Earl of, replaces Shelburne in charge of the colonies, 151, 157; Franklin's opinion of, 151; holds that colonial agents were illegally appointed, 152; interview and dispute with Franklin, 153-157; angry at Franklin's retort, 157; refuses to recognize Franklin as agent, 157; his theory followed by board of trade, 158; loses prestige, 159; disliked by George III. , 160; tries to prevent granting of barrier colonies, 160-162; his action reversed by privy council at Franklin's suggestion, 163; resigns, 163; resentment against Franklin, 164. 

Hortalez & Co. See Beaumarchais. 

Howe, Lord, negotiations with Franklin in England, 202; tries to mediate in America, 213; arranges a conference with Franklin, Adams, and Rutledge, 214, 215; fails to find common ground, 216. 

Hughes, ----, named stamp distributer at Franklin's suggestion, 108. 

Hume, David, 75. 

Hunter, William, 43. 

Hutchinson, Anne, 178 note. 

Hutchinson, Governor, disputes over parliamentary taxation with Massachusetts Assembly, 166; vexes Dartmouth, 167; writes letters urging ministry to take severe measures in Boston, 177; value of his advice to ministry, 178 note; petition for his removal, 183; advises detention of Franklin, 196. 

Hutchinson Letters, 177-193; shown to Franklin, 177; sent by him to America under pledge of secrecy, 178; published, 179; manner of transmission unknown, 180; quarrel between Temple and Whately, 181; responsibility taken by Franklin, 182, 183; question as to honorableness of his action, 184; attack on Franklin before Privy Council, 185-191; incident ruins Franklin's standing, 193. 

Ignorance of English concerning America, 132, 134, 135, 137. 

Indians, Franklin's dealings with, 40, 44; their opinion of rum, 41; hated in Pennsylvania, 83, 87. 

Independence of colonies, dreaded in England, 49, 66, 79, 106; its possibility denied by Franklin, 81, 82, 83, 108, 197; foreseen by Pratt, Choiseul, Vergennes, 83; its approach recognized by Franklin, 107, 171; repudiated by Congress, 211; declaration of, 212. 

Internal and external taxation, dispute concerning difference, 130; identity upheld by Grenville, 130; by Townshend, 149; denied by Franklin, 130, 131. 

Ireland, suggested as possible member of Confederation by Franklin, 208. 

Izard, rank as diplomate, 220; sides with Lee against Franklin, 278; quarrel with Franklin, 279; attacks Deane and Franklin, 290; charges against Franklin, 292, 298, 399; extravagant demands for money, 297, 299, 314; letter of Franklin to, 314. 

Jackson, William, buys supplies in Holland, 328, 329; draws on Franklin, 329; damages American credit, 329; complications about goods, 330; his pro-slavery speech in Congress, 416. 

Jay, John, his "conscience" in Congress, 208; rank as diplomate, 220; humiliating situation as financial agent in Spain, 307; inability to raise money, 307, 321; helped by Franklin, 307, 322, 332, 333, 335; defers to Franklin's opinion, 342; recognizes importance of Franklin's position, 346; appointed commissioner to treat for peace, 349; sent for by Franklin to aid in treating, 370; illness, 372; insists on recognition of independence in Oswald's commission, 373; suspects Vergennes' motives, 373; is certain that Vergennes is secretly working against United States, 375; persuades Shelburne to grant the new commission, 376; wishes to negotiate without Vergennes, 378; arranges boundaries and Mississippi navigation in the treaty, 380; indignant at congressional reproof, 388; dissuaded by Franklin from replying, 388; testimony in behalf of Franklin, 390, 399; freedom from quarrels, 390; the real leader in the negotiations, 391. 

Jefferson, Thomas, mentioned, 212; declines mission to France, 232; appointed commissioner to treat for peace, 349; arrival in Paris, 398; succeeds Franklin, 398; describes his popularity, 398; on Franklin's calumniators, 399. 

Jones, John Paul, his daring exploits, 300, 301; supported by Franklin, 301; advised by him, 301. 

"Junto, " club founded by Franklin, 34; becomes a political engine, 34, 35. 

Kames, Lord, 75; letters to, 77, 83. 

Kant, Immanuel, calls Franklin Prometheus, 60. 

Keimer, ----, Franklin's employer in Philadelphia, 6, 11; prints a newspaper and sells out to Franklin, 12. 

Keith, Sir William, governor of Pennsylvania, proposes to set Franklin up as printer, 6; tricks him into sailing to England, 7, 8. 

Knox, ----, agent of Georgia, favors Stamp Act, 105. 

Lafayette, Marquis de, recommended by Franklin, 246; brings Franklin's commission, 298; tries to help Franklin raise money, 333. 

Landais, French captain of American vessel, 302; refuses to obey Franklin, 302; goes insane, 302, 303. 

Laurens, Henry, rank as diplomate, 220; complains of Franklin's neglect, 264; captured, 324; appointed commissioner to treat for peace, 349; letter from Franklin to, 390; confidence in Franklin, 399. 

Laurens, John, great expenses in Holland, 238, 329. 

Lee, Arthur, appointed by Massachusetts to succeed Franklin as her agent on his departure from England, 141; praised by Franklin, 141; slanders him, 141; unable to help Franklin when attacked before Privy Council, 185; circulates rumors of Franklin's treachery, 194; still praised by Franklin, 194; succeeds Franklin, 203; rank as diplomate, 220; influences Beaumarchais, 226; appointed Franklin's colleague in France, 232; suspects Deane and Beaumarchais, 238; prevents Congress from sending them goods, 239; ruins Deane, 239, 240; slanders Williams, 265; secures his removal, 266; joins with Franklin against Deane, 270; description of secret meetings of Vergennes with commissioners, 274; jealousy of Franklin, the cake episode, 275; objects to reciprocity with French West Indies, 277; tries to reverse action taken on it, 278; rage with Franklin at not being told of sailing of Gérard and Deane, 290; his evil influence at home, 291; general unpopularity, 291, 317; virulent hatred of Franklin, 292; extravagant slanders, 292, 293, 297; excessive demands for money, 297, 299, 314, 316; sent to Madrid, 298; refuses to give up papers of French embassy, 299; prevents a Spanish loan by his imprudence, 317; defers to Franklin, 342; influence in prejudicing Massachusetts against Franklin, 399. 

Lee, John, counsel for Franklin in Hutchinson letters affair, 187, 188. 

Lee, William, rank as diplomate, 220; offended at appointment of Jonathan Williams, 265; sides with Arthur Lee against terms of French treaty, 278; makes charges against Franklin, 298. 

Lexington, fight at, 204. 

Library, established by Franklin, 20; parent of later subscription libraries, 20. 

Livingston, R. R. , letters of Franklin to, 323, 335; letters from, asking money, 333, 334; condemns commissioners for making treaty without French advice, 388. 

"London Chronicle" publishes Franklin's letters to Shirley, 47. 

Loudoun, Lord, appointed military head of colonies, 64; his procrastination and inefficiency, 65. 

Louis XVI. , puzzled by Beaumarchais' zeal for the colonies, 226; sides with Turgot in opposing intervention, 228; compliments American envoys, 283; civilities to Franklin, 401. 

Lovell, James, Franklin's letter to, 312. 

Luzerne, Chevalier de la, French minister to the United States, 351, 363, 387. 

Lynch, ----, on committee with Franklin, 209. 

Mansfield, Lord, arranges settlement of Penn dispute with Franklin, 70, 71; upholds parliamentary power over colonies, 118; condemns a pamphlet of Franklin's, 136. 

Massachusetts appoints Franklin its agent, 138; fails to pay him, 139; quarrels with Hutchinson over parliamentary supremacy, 166; petitions for removal of Hutchinson and Oliver, 183; rebukes Franklin for carelessness, 194. 

Mauduit, ----, agent for Hutchinson, 185. 

Meredith, ----, Franklin's partner, 11, 12. 

Mirabeau, eulogy on Franklin, 419. 

Molasses trade, its importance to the colonies, 276; remarks of Adams upon, 276; secured in French treaty, 277-279. 

Morris, Robert, offended at appointment of Jonathan Williams, 265; appointed treasurer, 304; complete reliance on Franklin, 307; urges Franklin to suggest to Vergennes to help America to raise a loan at Madrid, 331; drafts on Franklin, 333-336; letters of Franklin to, 333, 334, 335, 336; directs Franklin to leave surplus, if any, to M. Grand, 336. 

Morris, Thomas, rank as diplomate, 220; commercial agent at Nantes, 264; his incompetence, 264, 265, 311. 

Navy, United States, supported by Franklin, 300-303. 

Necker, induced by Franklin to guarantee a loan, 328. 

New Jersey, appoints Franklin its agent, 138. 

"New England Courant, " printed under Franklin's name, 5. 

Noailles, Marquis de, announces to England alliance of French with United States, 284. 

Non-importation, its effectiveness against the Stamp Act, 115, 116; urged later by Franklin, 173, 175; acts like "protection, " 173; its effects upon the East India Company, 175; other effects, 176. 

Norris, Isaac, declines to represent Pennsylvania against the Proprietors in England, 63; resigns speakership rather than sign petition, 94. 

North, Lord, chancellor of exchequer, 151; at Privy Council hearing, 190; attempts to bribe Franklin, 202; permits Hartley to correspond with Franklin, 256; forced by Burgoyne's surrender to attempt conciliation with colonies, 280; twitted by Fox with French and American alliance, 281; receives news of Cornwallis's surrender, 363; tries to alienate France from the States, 363, 364; resigns, 364. 

Oliver, Lieutenant-Governor, his letters, 177; petition for his removal, 183. 

Oswald, Richard, sent by Shelburne to discuss peace with Franklin, 365; second visit, 366; fruitless interview with Franklin, 367; preferred to Grenville by Franklin, 371; continues negotiation, 372; difficulty over his commission, 373; receives satisfactory commission, 376; agrees to a draft treaty, 377. 

Otis, James, opposition to Stamp Act, 107, 111. 

Oxford University makes Franklin Doctor of Laws, 75. 

Parliament, supremacy of, over colonies, denied by Franklin, 47; asserted by Shirley, 46; by Parliament, 64; Stamp Act raises question, 110; denied by Pitt, 114, 117; debate over declaratory resolution in Parliament, 118; arguments of Franklin before Commons, 124-126; distinction between internal and external taxes, 130; debates under Dartmouth's ministry, 167-170. 

Parton, James, Life of Franklin, quoted, 3, 16, 23, 36, 97, 208, 222, 232, 240, 241, 271, 281, 283, 407, 415, 419. 

"Paxton massacre, " 87-89; Paxton boys threaten Indians in Philadelphia, 88; overawed by Franklin's preparations, 89; unpopularity of latter with lower classes, 90. 

Pelham, Henry, said to have planned a Stamp Act, 104. 

Penn family, proprietaries, strained relations with people, 49, 60; refuse to allow lands to be taxed by Assembly, 61, 62; interviews with Franklin, 67; complain to Pennsylvania of him, 68; endeavor to get taxing acts disallowed, 69; denied by the board of trade, 70, 72; continue struggle with Assembly, 90; their corrupt practices, 94, 95; famous epitaph by Franklin, 95; his hostility later diminished, 95. 

Penn, John, appointed governor of Pennsylvania, 87; agreeable beginning of administration, 87; protected and directed by Franklin at time of Paxton massacre, 89; vetoes bills of the Assembly, 90, 91. 

Penn, Thomas, wishes Parliament to tax colonies, 49, 64. 

Penn, William, suggests colonial union, 44. 

Pennsylvania, reluctance to take military measures, 39, 49, 52; controversy with proprietors, 60-64, 69, 72, 73, 90-99; desires to be a crown colony, 63, 64, 91-93; labors of Franklin in behalf of, 66-72, 101, 102; adopts a state constitution, 211; chooses Franklin president of legislature, 403, 404. 

"Pennsylvania Gazette, " published by Franklin, 12; its character and success, 13, 23; Franklin's writings in, 44. 

Pitt, William, refuses audience to Franklin, 74; opposes Stamp Act, 114, 117; upholds American claim to self-taxation, 117; denies parliamentary power over colonies, 118; reorganizes cabinet, 147; supports Shelburne, 148; becomes Earl of Chatham, 148; loses control of affairs, 148, 150; statue erected in America, 149; interview with Franklin, 196; compliments Franklin in House of Lords, 198. 

"Plain Truth, " effect upon Pennsylvania, 39. 

"Poor Richard's Almanac, " 21; its character and influence, 22; wit and wisdom, 22, 23. 

Pownall, Governor, favors barrier Western colonies, 57. 

Pratt, Attorney-General [see Camden, Lord]. 

Price, Dr. , humorous message of Franklin to, 217, 218. 

Priestley, Dr. , present at Privy Council hearing, 190; describes Franklin's last day with him in London, 203; letters of Franklin to, 204, 217; protects Austin, 271. 

Prisoners, exchange of, difficulties attending, 252, 253; hardships of American prisoners, 253, 254, 255; refusal of British to consider them prisoners of war, 254; efforts of Franklin to secure this recognition, 255-264; correspondence with Hartley, 256-262; proposes exchange "on account, " 258, 260; final success, 262, 263; refusal to exchange privateer prisoners, 263; retaliation suggested, 263. 

Privateers, their feats in English waters, 248, 249; protected and commissioned by Franklin, 250, 252. 

Prussia, treaty with, signed by Franklin, 397. 

Pulteney, William, visits Franklin with a view to peace, 357. 

Ralph, James, 9. 

Rayneval, F. M. G. De, secretary to Vergennes, 375; argues with Jay against American claims to Western lands, 375; secret journey to London, 375. 

Representation in Parliament, colonial, proposed by Shirley, 48; by others, 127, 128; views of Franklin, 48, 49, 128, 129. 

Robertson, Dr. , 75. 

Rockingham, Marquis of, prime minister, 115; decides to repeal Stamp Act, 118; on importance of Franklin's arrival in France, 234; forms cabinet after Yorktown, 365; death, 372. 

"Rules for reducing a great empire to a small one, " 136; condemned by Mansfield, 136, 137. 

Rutledge, Edward, on committee to treat with Lord Howe, 214, 215, 216. 

Sandwich, Lord, attacks Franklin in House of Lords, 198. 

Saville, Sir George, friendly to America, 282. 

Shelburne, Earl of, friendly to America, 147; administers colonial affairs, 147; hampered by Townshend, 148; and hated by George III. , 148, 149; superseded by Hillsborough, 151; protects Austin, 271; timely letter of Franklin to, 365; enters Rockingham cabinet, 365; sends Oswald to Franklin, 365; unwilling to admit independence of colonies, 367; idea of a federal union, 367; difficulties with Fox, 366, 370, 372; becomes prime minister, 372; assures Franklin of continuation of previous policy toward America, 372; issues vague commission to Oswald, 372; appealed to by Jay not to be led by Vergennes, 376; his liberal views, 376; gives new commission, 376; his anxiety over the concession, 377; earnest in behalf of Tories, 381, 382; finally yields, 382; condemned in England and loses office, 383. 

Shirley, governor of Massachusetts, proposes scheme of colonial union, 46; discussion with Franklin, 47-49; appoints auditors for claims under Braddock's expedition, 54; his success as a soldier explained by Franklin, 56. 

Siéyes, M. , 419. 

Spain, secretly aids Beaumarchais, 229; aid asked in recognizing United States, 274, 275, 279; gives slight financial aid, 307, 317, 321; interests in America threaten to prolong war, 369; or divide France and States, 370; tries to prevent States gaining Western lands, 380. 

Stamp Act, causes leading to it, 102, 103; colonial taxation proposed by Townshend, 103; plan resumed by Grenville, 104, 105; protests of colonial agents disregarded, 106; passed, 106; opinion of Franklin concerning, 106; causes violent outbreak in Pennsylvania, 109; in other colonies, 110; rouses opposition among Grenville's opponents, 114; among English exporters who find trade cut down, 115, 116; attacked by Pitt, 117; its repeal decided on, 118; way paved by a declaratory resolution of its validity, 118; debated, 118; examination of Franklin as to its effects, 119-123; effect on English sentiment, 121; testimony as to colonial feeling, 122; argument as to colonial right of self-taxation, 124; repealed, 132, 133; popular rejoicing in England, 133; in America, 133, 134; causes for repeal, 142; repeal caused by union of diverse elements, 143. 

St. Andrews University makes Franklin Doctor of Laws, 75. 

St. Asaph, Bishop of, friend to America, 282; visits Franklin at Portsmouth, 401; letters to, 409, 414. 

Steuben, Baron, recommended by Franklin, 246. 

Stevenson, Mary, scientific tastes, 76; wished by Franklin to marry his son, 76; letters to, 86, 101. 

Stiles, Ezra, letter to, 28. 

Stormont, Lord, English ambassador to France, complains of Beaumarchais, 230; threatens to leave if Franklin is allowed to come to Paris, 234; refuses to communicate with Franklin, 253; recalled, 285. 

Strachey, Henry, sent to Paris by Shelburne, 377. 

Strahan, William, offers his son to marry Franklin's daughter, 76; letters to, 77, 84, 205. 

Sullivan, General, carries message of Lord Howe to Congress, 214. 

Temple, ----, suspected of having sent Hutchinson letters to America, 181; calls on Whately to exonerate him, 181; quarrel and duel, 182; exculpated by Franklin, 182. 

Thomson, Charles, letters to, 106, 417. 

Thornton, Major, agent of Franklin to aid prisoners, 257. 

Townshend, Charles, proposes colonial taxation, 103; goes out of office, 104; hostility to colonies, 116; willing to repeal Stamp Act, 143; chancellor of exchequer, 147; favored by George III. , 148; renews proposal to draw a revenue from America, 149; proposes disciplining New York, 150; introduces bill for American customs duties, 150; death, 151. 

"Townshend duties, " introduction, 150; passage, 150; non-importation used against, 174-175; effect in destroying revenue, 175; and increasing cost of collection, 176. 

Treaty of peace, early suggestions of peace without independence by Pulteney, 357; by "Charles de Weissenstein, " 357, 358; latter supposed to be George III. , 358; answered by Franklin, 358, 359; proposals by Hartley, 359; high tone of Franklin's replies, 361; effects of capture of Cornwallis, 363; efforts by Lord North to divide the States and France, 363; repudiated by Franklin and by Vergennes, 364; fall of North cabinet, 364; formation of Rockingham cabinet, friendly to America, 365; Shelburne sends Oswald to see Franklin and Vergennes, 365; plan of separate treaty with America again rejected, 365; Laurens brings same news from Adams, 365; Franklin suggests certain concessions, 366, 371; rivalry of Fox and Shelburne, 366; both send emissaries, 366; dealings of Grenville with Vergennes and Franklin, 367-370; possibility that to avoid prolonging war on Spain's account, the States might treat separately, 369; difficulties over Grenville's and Oswald's commissions, 371; retirement of Fox and Grenville from Shelburne ministry, 372; Oswald resumes negotiation, 372; debate over form of his commission, 373-377; Jay and Adams overrule Franklin, 374; their suspicions of French friendliness, 374-376; Jay persuades Shelburne to yield his objections, 376; negotiations resumed, 377; draft agreed upon but rejected by English, 377; difficulties of American commissioners on account of their instructions, 377, 378; Adams and Jay again overrule Franklin and determine not to follow French advice, 379; boundaries agreed upon, 380; fisheries, 380; responsibility of Franklin for dispute over indemnification of Tories, 380; a deadlock, 381; counter-claims suggested by Franklin, 381, 382; Shelburne yields, 382; provisional articles signed, 383; condemnation of treaty in England, 383; real success of Americans, 384; anger of Vergennes, 384, 385, 387; Franklin's reply, 386; condemnation in America, 388; justification of Adams and Jay, 391, 392, 396. 

Truxton, Commodore, 401. 

Turgot, opposes France's aiding colonies, 227, 228; on French poverty, 319. 

University of Pennsylvania, founded by Franklin, 37. 

Vaughan, Benjamin, sent by Shelburne to Paris, 372; carries Jay's message to Shelburne, 376; fears failure of treaty over royalist indemnity, 381. 

Vergennes, Comte de, predicts American independence, 83; favors policy of aiding colonies to weaken England, 227; gets control of king's foreign policy, 229; establishes Beaumarchais as Hortalez & Co. , 229; maintains outward neutrality, 230, 231; avoids a quarrel on Franklin's account with English ambassadors, 234; meets the commissioners, 237; tries to suppress license of colonial privateers, 250, 251; self-interest of his policy toward America, 252; secret interview with envoys, 274; liberal dealings with States, 285; keeps departure of Gérard and Deane secret, 290; suspects Lee's secretary of being a spy, 290; dislike for Lee, 291; complains of exorbitant financial demands, 325, 328, 333; appealed to by Morris to help American credit in Spain, 331; confidence in Franklin, 345; antipathy to Adams, 350; angry at proposal to scale American paper money, 350; insists that French creditors be spared, 351; appeals to Franklin against Adams, 352; advises against answering "De Weissenstein, " 359; trusted by Franklin, 362, 378; refuses to treat with England apart from United States, 364; amused at Grenville's proposal, 368; puzzled at discord between Grenville and Oswald, 370; advises commissioners not to quibble over wording of Oswald's commission, 373; suspected by Jay, 373, 375; succeeds in having American ultimatum reduced to independence, 378; and commissioners instructed to follow his advice, 378; suspected by Adams, 379; praises success of treaty, 383; informed of the conclusion of preliminary articles, 384; angry note to Franklin, 385; to Luzerne, 387; personal regard for Franklin, 387, 393, 398; apparent generosity, 393-396. 

"Virtual" representation of the colonies in Parliament, 129; Pitt's opinion, 117; Franklin's, 129. 

Voltaire, relations with Franklin, 288, 289. 

Walpole, Horace, remarks on Franklin's voyage to France, 232; receives private news of French and American alliance, 281. 

Walpole, Robert, said to have planned a stamp tax, 104. 

Walpole, Thomas, astonished at Franklin's proposed memorial to Dartmouth, 200; advises Franklin not to present it, but to leave England, 201, 202; receives private news of French and American alliance, 281. 

Washington, George, mentioned, 206, 209, 267, 298, 307, 328, 344, 358; harassed by foreign military adventurers, 242; relieved by Franklin, 245; comparison of services with those of Franklin, 308, 339, 404, 407; supported for president by Franklin, 412. 

Wedderburn, Alexander, solicitor-general and counsel for Hutchinson and Oliver, 186; bitter attack on Franklin before Privy Council, 188, 189. 

West, the, its expansion foreseen by Franklin, 57, 83, 84. 

West India Islands, suggested as members of Confederation by Franklin, 208. 

Whately, Thomas, denies knowledge of Hutchinson letters, 181; refuses to exculpate Temple, 181; quarrel and duel, 182; exculpated by Franklin, 182; sues him, 187. 

Whately, William, recipient of Hutchinson letters, as secretary of Grenville, 180. 

Whitehead, ----, deceived by a satire of Franklin, 135, 136. 

Wickes, ----, colonial privateer, 248. 

Williams, Jonathan, rank as diplomate, 220; appointed naval agent by Franklin, 264; accused of dishonesty by the Lees, 265; dismissed, 266;thereafterward ill-treated by Congress, 266. 

Wyndham, Sir William, wishes Franklin to open a swimming-school in London, 10. 

Yale College makes Franklin Master of Arts, 43. 

Yorke, Charles, solicitor-general, counsel for Penn family, 68.