Transcriber's Note

This is a 1971 reprint edition of the 1895 edition of "Chronicles ofBorder Warfare. " The modern title page and verso have been relocatedto the end of the text. 

The 1895 edition includes and expands on the original 1831 edition. Throughout this text, the pagination of the original edition isindicated by brackets, such as [54]. 

Capitalization standards for the time (i. E. "fort Morgan, " "mrs. Pindall, " "Ohio river") have been preserved. 

Variable hyphenation has been preserved. 

Archaic and variable spelling has been preserved. 

Author's punctuation style has been preserved. 

Typographical problems have been corrected as listed in theTranscriber's Note at the end of the text. 

Passages in italics are indicated by _underscores_. 

CHRONICLES OF BORDER WARFARE

[Illustration]

 CHRONICLES OF BORDER WARFARE

 OR, A

 History of the Settlement by the Whites, of North-Western Virginia, and of the Indian Wars and Massacres in that section of the State

 WITH

 REFLECTIONS, ANECDOTES, &c. 

 BY

 ALEXANDER SCOTT WITHERS

 A New Edition

 EDITED AND ANNOTATED BY

 REUBEN GOLD THWAITES

 Secretary of the Wisconsin Historical Society, editor of "Wisconsin Historical Collections, " and author of "The Colonies, 1492-1750, " "Historic Waterways, " "Story of Wisconsin, " etc. 

 _With the addition of a Memoir of the Author, and several Illustrative Notes. _

 BY THE LATE

 LYMAN COPELAND DRAPER

 Author of "King's Mountain and Its Heroes, " "Autograph Collections of the Signers, " etc. 

 CINCINNATI THE ROBERT CLARKE COMPANY 1895

Copyright, 1895

By REUBEN GOLD THWAITES

All rights reserved

CONTENTS. 

Portrait of the Author Frontispiece. 

PAGE

Editor's Preface v

Memoir of the Author, by Lyman C. Draper viii

Original Title-page (photographic fac-simile) xiii

Original Copyright Notice xiv

Original Advertisement xv

Original Table of Contents (with pagination revised) xvii

Author's Text (with editorial notes) 1

Index, by the Editor 431

EDITOR'S PREFACE. 

It is sixty-four years since the original edition of Withers's_Chronicles of Border Warfare_ was given to the public. The author wasa faithful recorder of local tradition. Among his neighbors were sonsand grandsons of the earlier border heroes, and not a few actualparticipants in the later wars. He had access, however, to fewcontemporary documents. He does not appear to have searched for them, for there existed among the pioneer historians of the West a respectfor tradition as the prime source of information, which does not nowobtain; to-day, we desire first to see the documents of a period, andcare little for reminiscence, save when it fills a gap in or illuminesthe formal record. The weakness of the traditional method is wellexemplified in Withers's work. His treatment of many of the largerevents on the border may now be regarded as little else than a threadon which to hang annotations; but in most of the local happeningswhich are here recorded he will always, doubtless, remain a leadingauthority--for his informants possessed full knowledge of whatoccurred within their own horizon, although having distorted notionsregarding affairs beyond it. 

The _Chronicles_ had been about seven years upon the market, when aNew York youth, inspired by the pages of Doddridge, Flint, andWithers, with a fervid love for border history, entered upon thetask of collecting documents and traditions with which to correctand amplify the lurid story which these authors had outlined. In theprosecution of this undertaking, Lyman C. Draper became so absorbedwith the passion of collecting that he found little opportunity forliterary effort, and in time his early facility in this directionbecame dulled. He was the most successful of collectors of materialsfor Western history, and as such did a work which must earn forhim the lasting gratitude of American historical students; butunfortunately he did little more than collect and investigate, andthe idea which to the last strongly possessed him, of writing aseries of biographies of trans-Alleghany pioneers, was neverrealized. He died August 26, 1891, having accomplished wondrous deedsfor the Wisconsin Historical Society, of which he was practically thefounder, and for thirty-three years the main stay; in the broaderdomain of historical scholarship, however, he had failed to reachhis goal. His great collection of manuscripts and notes, he willedto his Society, which has had them carefully classified andconveniently bound--a lasting treasure for historians of the Westand Southwest, for the important frontier period between about 1740and 1816. 

Dr. Draper had exhibited much ability as an editor, in the first tenvolumes of the _Wisconsin Historical Collections_. In 1890, the RobertClarke Company engaged him, as the best living authority on thedetails of Western border history, to prepare and edit a new editionof Withers. He set about the task with interest, and was engaged inthe active preparation of "copy" during his last months on earth;indeed, his note upon page 123 of this edition is thought to have beenhis final literary work. He had at that time prepared notes for aboutone-fourth of the book, and had written his "Memoir of the Author. "

The matter here rested until the autumn of 1894, when the publishersrequested the present writer to take up the work where his reveredfriend had left it, and see the edition through the press. He has donethis with some reluctance, conscious that he approached the task witha less intimate knowledge of the subject than his predecessor;nevertheless he was unwilling that Dr. Draper's notes on the earlypages should be lost, and has deemed it a labor of love to completethe undertaking upon which the last thoughts of the latter fondlydwelt. 

In the preparation of his own notes, the editor has had the greatadvantage of free access to the Draper Manuscripts; without theirhelp, it would have been impossible to throw further light on many ofthe episodes treated by the author. The text of Withers has beenpreserved intact, save that where errors have obviously beentypographical, and not intended by the author, the editor hascorrected them--perhaps in a dozen instances only, for the originalproof-reading appears to have been rather carefully done. Thepagination of the original edition has in this been indicated bybrackets, as [54]. In the original, the publisher's "Advertisement"and the "Table of Contents" were bound in at the end of the work, --seecollation in Field's _Indian Bibliography_, --but evidently this was amake-shift of rustic binders in a hurry to get out the long-delayededition, and the editor has taken the liberty to transfer them totheir proper place; also, while preserving typographical peculiaritiestherein, to change the pagination in the "Contents" to accord with thepresent edition. In order clearly to indicate the authorship of notes, those by Withers himself are unsigned; those by Dr. Draper are signed"L. C. D. "; and those by the present writer, "R. G. T. "

 REUBEN GOLD THWAITES. 

Madison, Wis. , February, 1895. 

MEMOIR OF THE AUTHOR. 

BY LYMAN COPELAND DRAPER. 

In 1831, an interesting volume appeared from the press of JosephIsrael, of Clarksburg, in North Western Virginia, prepared byAlexander Scott Withers, on the border wars of the West. It was wellreceived at the time of its publication, when works on that subjectwere few, and read with avidity by the surviving remnant of theparticipators in the times and events so graphically described, and bytheir worthy descendants. 

Historians and antiquarians also received it cordially, universallyaccording it high praise. Mann Butler, the faithful historian ofKentucky, declared that it was "a work to which the public was deeplyindebted, " composed, as it was, with "so much care and interest. " Thelate Samuel G. Drake, the especial historian of the Red Man, pronounced it "a work written with candor and judgment. " The lateThomas W. Field, the discriminating writer on _Indian Bibliography_, says: "Of this scarce book, very few copies are complete or in goodcondition. Having been issued in a remote corner of North-WesternVirginia, and designed principally for a local circulation, almostevery copy was read by a country fireside until scarcely legible. Mostof the copies lack the table of contents. The author took much painsto be authentic, and his chronicles are considered by Westernantiquarians, to form the best collection of frontier life and Indianwarfare, that has been printed. "

Of such a work, now difficult to procure at any price, a new editionis presented to the public. In 1845, the writer of this notice visitedthe Virginia Valley, collecting materials on the same general subject, going over much the same field of investigation, and quite naturally, at that early period, identifying very large the sources of Mr. Withers's information, thus making it possible to reproduce his workwith new lights and explanations, such as generally give pleasure andinterest to the intelligent reader of border history. [1]

In 1829, a local antiquary, of Covington, a beautiful little villagenestling in a high mountain valley near the head of James River, inAlleghany County, Virginia, gathered from the aged pioneers stilllingering on the shores of time, the story of the primitivesettlement and border wars of the Virginia Valley. Hugh PaulTaylor, for such was his name, was the precursor, in all thatregion, of the school of historic gleaners, and published in thenearest village paper, _The Fincastle Mirror_, some twenty miles away, a series of articles, over the signature of "Son of Cornstalk, "extending over a period of some forty stirring years, from about 1740to the close of the Revolutionary War. These articles formed at leastthe chief authority for several of the earlier chapters of Mr. Withers's work. Mr. Taylor had scarcely molded his materials intoshape, and put them into print, when he was called hence at an earlyage, without having an opportunity to revise and publish theresults of his labors under more favorable auspices. 

Soon after Mr. Taylor's publication, Judge Edwin S. Duncan, of PeelTree, in then Harrison, now Barbour County, West Virginia, a gentlemanof education, and well fitted for such a work, residing in the heartof a region rife with the story of Indian wars and hair-breadthescapes, made a collection of materials, probably including Mr. Taylor's sketches, with a view to a similar work; but his professionalpursuits and judicial services interposed to preclude the faithfulprosecution of the work, so he turned over to Mr. Withers his historicgatherings, with such suggestions, especially upon the Indian race, as by his studies and reflections he was enabled to offer. 

Other local gleaners in the field of Western history, particularlyNoah Zane, of Wheeling, John Hacker, of the Hacker's Creek settlement, and others, freely furnished their notes and statements for the work. Mr. Withers, under these favorable circumstances, became quite wellequipped with materials regarding especially the first settlement andIndian wars of the region now comprising West Virginia; and, to aconsiderable extent, the region of Staunton and farther southwest, of the French and Indian War period, together with Dunmore's War, and the several campaigns from the western borders of Virginia andPennsylvania into the Ohio region, during the Revolutionary War. 

Alexander Scott Withers, for his good services in the field of Westernhistory, well deserves to have his name and memory perpetuated as apublic benefactor. Descending, on his father's side, from Englishancestry, he was the fourth child of nine, in the family of Enoch K. And Jennet Chinn Withers, who resided at a fine Virginia homestead, called Green Meadows, half a dozen miles from Warrenton, Fauquiercounty, Virginia, where the subject of this sketch was born on the12th of October, 1792--on the third centennial anniversary of thediscovery of America by Columbus. His mother was the daughter ofThomas Chinn and Jennet Scott--the latter a native of Scotland, and afirst cousin of Sir Walter Scott. 

Passing his early years in home and private schools, he became fromchildhood a lover of books and knowledge. He read Virgil at the earlyage of ten; and, in due time, entered Washington College, and thenceentered the law department of the venerable institution of William andMary, where Jefferson, Monroe, Wythe, and other Virginia notables, received their education. 

Procuring a license to practice, he was admitted to the bar inWarrenton, where for two or three years he practiced his profession. His father dying in 1813, he abandoned his law practice, which he didnot like, because he could not overcome his diffidence in publicspeaking; and, for quite a period, he had the management of hismother's plantation. 

In August, 1815, he was united in marriage with Miss Melinda Fisher, amost estimable lady, a few months his junior; and about 1827, having agrowing family, he looked to the Great West for his future home andfield of labor, and moved to West Virginia, first locating temporarilyin Bridgeport, in Harrison County, and subsequently settling nearClarksburg in the same county, where he devoted much time incollecting materials for and writing his _Chronicles of BorderWarfare_. 

The publisher, Joseph Israel, who took a deep interest in the work, ashis "Advertisement" of it suggests, must have realized amplerecompense for the work, as he had subscribers for the full editionissued; yet, from some cause, he failed pecuniarily, and Mr. Withersgot nothing whatever for his diligence and labor in producing it, savetwo or three copies of the work itself. He used to say, that had hepublished the volume himself, he would have made it much morecomplete, and better in every way; for he was hampered, limited, andhurried--often correcting proof of the early, while writing the laterchapters. Mr. Israel, the publisher, died several years ago. 

After this worthy but unremunerative labor, Mr. Withers turned hisattention to Missouri for a suitable home for his old age. He wasdisappointed in his visit to that new state, as the richer portionsof the country, where he would have located, were more or lessunhealthy. So he returned to West Virginia, and settled nearWeston, a fine, healthful region of hills and valleys, where heengaged in agricultural pursuits, in which he always took a deepinterest. He also served several years as a magistrate, the onlypublic position he ever filled. 

The death of his wife in September, 1853, broke sadly into hisdomestic enjoyments; his family were now scattered, and his home washenceforward made with his eldest daughter, Mrs. Jennet S. Tavenner, and her husband, Thomas Tavenner, who in 1861 removed to a homeadjoining Parkersburg, in West Virginia. Here our author lived aretired, studious life, until his death, which occurred, after a fewdays' illness, January 23, 1865, in the seventy-third year of hisage. 

Mr. Withers had no talent for the acquisition of wealth; but he metwith marked success in acquiring knowledge. He was an admirer ofancient literature, and to his last days read the Greek classics inthe original. A rare scholar, a lover of books, his tastes wereeminently domestic; he was, from his nature, much secluded from thebusy world around him. Nearly six feet high, rather portly anddignified, as is shown by his portrait, taken when he was about sixtyyears of age--he was kind and obliging to all, and emphatically a trueVirginia gentleman of the old school. His sympathies during the War ofSecession, were strongly in favor of the Union cause, the happytermination of which he did not live to witness. His son, Henry W. Withers, served with credit during the war in the Union service in theTwelfth Virginia Regiment. 

Mr. Withers was blessed with two sons and three daughters--one of thesons has passed away; the other, Major Henry W. Withers, resides inTroy, Gilmer county, West Virginia; Mrs. Tavenner still lives atParkersburg; Mrs. Mary T. Owen, at Galveston, Texas, and Mrs. Elizabeth Ann Thornhill, in New Orleans. 

----- [1] The venerable Mark L. Spotts, an intelligent and long-time resident of Lewisburg, West Virginia, writes, in December, 1890: "I had an old and particular friend, Mr. Thomas Matthews, of this place, who, many years ago, conceived the idea of preparing and publishing a revised edition of Withers's _Border Warfare_, and no doubt had collected many facts looking to such a publication; but the old man's health gave way, he died, and his widow moved away, and what became of his notes, I can not say--perhaps destroyed. "--L. C. D. 

CHRONICLES

OF

BORDER WARFARE, OR

A HISTORY

OF THE

SETTLEMENT BY THE WHITES, OF NORTH-WESTERN VIRGINIA:

AND

OF THE INDIAN WARS AND MASSACRES, IN THAT SECTION OF THE STATE, WITH

REFLECTIONS, ANECDOTES, &c. 

BY ALEXANDER S. WITHERS. 

CLARKSBURG, V. A. 

PUBLISHED BY JOSEPH ISRAEL, 1831

WESTERN DISTRICT OF VIRGINIA, _to wit_:

Be it remembered, That on the twenty-sixth day of January, in theFifty-fifth year of the Independence of the United States of America, JOSEPH ISRAEL, of the said District, hath deposited in this Office, the title of a Book, the right whereof he claims as Proprietor, in thewords following, To wit:

"Chronicles of Border Warfare, or a history of the settlement, by thewhites, of North-Western Virginia: and of the Indian wars andmassacres, in that section of the State; with reflections, anecdotes, &c. --By ALEXANDER S. WITHERS, 1831, " in conformity to the act ofCongress of the United States, entitled "An act for the encouragementof learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts and books, to theAuthors and Proprietors of such copies, during the times thereinmentioned;" and also to an act, entitled "An act for the encouragementof learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts and books, to theAuthors and Proprietors of such copies, during the times thereinmentioned, and extending the benefits thereof to the arts ofDesigning, Engraving and Etching historical and other prints. "

JASPER YEATES DODDRIDGE, _Clerk of the Western District of Virginia_. 

ADVERTISEMENT. 

The "Chronicles of Border Warfare" are now completed and presented tothe public. Circumstances, over which the publisher had no control, have operated to delay their appearance beyond the anticipated period;and an apprehension that such might be the case, induced him, whenissuing proposals for their publication, not positively to name a timeat which the work would be completed and ready for delivery. 

This delay, although unavoidable, has been the source of regret to thepublisher, and has added considerably to the expenditure otherwisenecessarily made, in attempting to rescue from oblivion the manyinteresting incidents, now, for the first time recorded. To preservethem from falling into the gulph of forgetfulness, was the chiefmotive which the publisher had in view; and should the profits of thework be sufficient to defray the expenses, actually incurred in itspreparation and completion, he will be abundantly satisfied. That hewill be thus far remunerated, is not for an instant doubted, --thesubscription papers having attached to them, as many names as thereare copies published. 

In regard to the manner of its execution, it does not perhaps becomehim to speak. He was attentive to his duties, and watched narrowly thepress; and if typographical errors are to be found, it must beattributed to the great difficulty of preventing them, even when theauthor is at hand to correct each proof sheet. They are however, certainly few, and such as would be likely to escape observation. 

JOSEPH ISRAEL, _Publisher_. 

CONTENTS. 

INTRODUCTION. --General view of the discovery of North America, byEngland, France and Spain. 1 to 11. Aborigines of America--Theirorigin. 12-27. Their persons and character--Indian antiquities. 28-43. 

CHAPTER 1. Of the country west of Blue ridge, difficulties attendingits first settlement; Indians in neighborhood--their tribes andnumbers. Various parties explore the Valley; their adventures. Benjamin Burden receives a grant of land; settles 100 families, theirgeneral character, West of Blue ridge divided into two counties; itspresent population, &c. Discovery of Greenbrier, explored by Martinand Seal; by the Lewis's, Greenbrier Company, settlement of MuddyCreek and Big Levels, of New river and Holstein; of Gallipolis byFrench. 44-62. 

CHAP. 2nd. North Western Virginia, divisions and population, Importance of Ohio river to the French, and the English; Ohio Company;English traders made prisoners by French, attempt to establish fortfrustrated, French erect Fort du Quesne; War; Braddock's defeat;Andrew Lewis, character and services; Grant's defeat, capture of Fortdu Quesne and erection of Fort Pitt: Tygart and Files settle on EastFork of Monongahela, File's family killed by Indians, Dunkards visitthe country, settle on Cheat, their fate; settlement under Decker onthe Monongahela, destroyed by Indians, pursuit by Gibson, origin ofLong knives. 63-80. 

CHAP. 3rd. Expedition to the mouth of Big Sandy, ordered back bygovernor, their extreme sufferings: Dreadful catastrophe at Levit'sFort, Shawnees visit James river settlements, their depredations anddefeat, fortunate escape of Hannah Dennis, destruction at Muddy creekand Big Levels, Mrs. Clendennin, Indians visit Jackson and Catawbarivers, discovered, pursued, overtaken and dispersed, Mrs. Gunn. 81-99. 

CHAP. 4th. Indians commit depredations in Pennsylvania, burn threeprisoners, excesses of Paxton Boys, Black Boys of great service tofrontier, engagement at Turtle creek, Traders attempt to supplyIndians, affair at Sidelong hill, Fort Bedford taken by Blackboys, Capt. James Smith, his character and services. 100-116. 

CHAP. 5th. Deserters from Fort Pitt visit head of Monongahela, ThePringles, Settlements of Buckhannon, of Hacker's creek, Monongahelaand other places, Of Wheeling by Zane's, Their Character, Character ofWm. Lowther, Objects and character of the first settlers generally. 117-133. 

CHAP. 6th. War of 1774, Inquiry into its cause, Boone and others visitKentucky, Emigrants attacked by Indians, Surveyors begin operationsthere, Affair at Captina, and opposite Yellow creek, Excesses ofIndians, Preparations for [ii] war, Expedition against Wappatomica, Incursion of Logan and others, Of Indians on West Fork. 134-158. 

CHAP. 7th. Indians come on Big Kenhawa, Lewis and Jacob Whitsel takenprisoners, Their adventurous conduct, Plan of Dunmore's campaign, Battle at Point Pleasant, Dunmore enters Indian country and makespeace, Reflections on the motives of Dunmore's conduct. 159-186. 

CHAP. 8th. General view of the relative situation of Great Britain andthe colonies, British emissaries and American Tories stimulate theSavages to war, Progress of settlements in Kentucky, Character ofHarrod, Boone and Logan, Attack on Harrod's fort, on Boone's and onLogan's, Bowman arrives to its relief, Cornstock visits PointPleasant, Projected campaign against the Indians abortive, Cornstock'sson visits him, Gilmore killed, Murder of Cornstock, Of Ellinipsicoand others, Character of Cornstock. 187-214. 

CHAP. 9. General alarm on the frontier, Savages commit depredations, Intelligence of contemplated invasion, Condition of Wheeling, Indiansseen near it, Two parties under captain Mason and captain Ogal decoyedwithin the Indian lines and cut to pieces, Girty demands the surrenderof Wheeling, Col. Zane's reply, Indians attacks the fort and retire, Arrival of col. Swearingen with a reinforcement, of captain Foreman, Ambuscade at Grave creek narrows, conspiracy of Tories discovered anddefeated, Petro and White taken prisoners, Irruption into TygartsValley, Murder at Conoly's and at Stewarts. 215-235. 

CHAP. 10. Measures of defence, Fort M'Intosh erected, exposedsituation, commencement of hostilities, Attack on Harbert'sblockhouse, Murder at Morgan's on Cheat, Of Lowther and Hughes, Indians appear before Fort at the point, Decoy Lieut. Moore into anambuscade, a larger army visits Fort, stratagem to draw out thegarrison, Prudence and precaution of capt. M'Kee. Fort closelybesieged, Siege raised, Heroic adventure of Prior and Hammond to saveGreenbrier, Attack on Donnelly's Fort, Dick Pointer, Affair at West'sFort, Successful artifice of Hustead, Affair at Cobern's fort, atStrader's, Murder of Stephen Washburn, captivity, &c. Of James, Projected invasion of Indian country, Col. Clarke takes Kaskaskias andother towns, Fort Lawrens erected by Gen. M'Intosh and garrisoned. 236-256. 

CHAP. 11. Gov. Hamilton marches to St. Vincent--critical situation ofcol. Clarke, his daring expedition against Hamilton, condition of FortLawren's, Successful stratagem of Indians there, Gen. M'Intosh arriveswith an army, Fort evacuated, Transactions in Kentucky, captivity ofBoone, his escape and expedition against Paint creek town, Indian[iii] army under Du Quesne appear before Boone's fort, politic conductof Boone, Fort assaulted, Assailants repulsed, Expedition againstChilicothe towns under Bowman, Its failure, Kentucky increases rapidlyin population. 257-274. 

CHAP. 12. Hacker's creek settlement breaks up, Alarm of Indians nearPricket's fort, Stephen and Sarah Morgan sent to farm, Dream andanxiety of their father, His fearful encounter with two Indians, Killsboth, Heroism of Mrs. Bozarth, Murders on Snow creek, captivity ofLeonard Schoolcraft, Indians surprize Martin's fort, destructionthere, Irruptions into Tygart's valley, Indians attack the house ofSamuel Cottrail, Murder of John Schoolcraft's family, Projectedcampaign of British and Indians, Indians again in Tygart's Valley, mischief there, West's fort invested, Hazardous adventure of JesseHughs to obtain assistance, Skirmish between whites and savages, coolness and intrepidity of Jerry Curl, Austin Schoolcraft killed andhis niece taken prisoner, Murder of Owens and Judkins, of Sims, SmallPox terrifies Indians, Transactions in Greenbrier, Murder of Baker andothers, last outrage in that country. 275-293

CHAP. 13. Operations of combined army of British and Indians, Surrender of Ruddle's Station, Outrages of savages there, Col. Byrdenabled to restrain them, Martin's station surrenders, Byrd returns tothe Indian towns, Escape of Hinkstone, Invasion of North WesternVirginia, Plan of campaign, Indians discovered near Wheeling, Takeprisoners, Alarmed for their own safety, kill their prisoners andretire, Expedition under Col. Broadhead, against the Munsies, againstCoshocton, excesses of the whites there, Expedition under Gen. Clarkeagainst Chilicothe and Piqua, Battle at Piqua, Indian depredations inVirginia, murder of capt. Thomas and family, of Schoolcraft, Manear, and others, Destruction of Leading creek settlement, aggressorsovertaken by a party under Col. Lowther, Affair of Indian creek, murder of Mrs. Furrenash, Williamson's first expedition againstMoravian Indians, Prisoners taken sent to Fort Pitt, Set at liberty, Their settlements broken up by Wyandotts. 294-317. 

CHAP. 14. The murder of Monteur and his family, others takenprisoners, Second expedition of Williamson against Moravians, itssuccess and the savage conduct of the whites, Expedition underCrawford, his defeat--Is taken prisoner and burned; captivity andescape of Doctor Knight, of Slover; Death of Mills--Signal achievementof Lewis Whitsel. 318-339. 

CHAP. 15. Murder of White, Dorman and wife taken prisoners;Inhabitants on Buckhannon evacuate the fort, attacked by Indians ontheir way to the Valley; Whites visiting [iv] Buckhannon settlementdiscovered and watched by Indians--conduct of George Jackson to obtainaid, Stalnaker killed, Indians cross Alleghany--miss Gregg killed byDorman, murder of mrs. Pindall, of Charles Washburn, of Arnold andRichards--Daring conduct of Elias Hughes--murder of Corbly'sfamily--Grand council of Indians at Chillicothe, Its determinations;Indian army enters Kentucky; Affair at Bryants station; Battle of BlueLicks--Expedition under Gen. Clarke, Attack on Wheeling, Attempt todemolish the fort with a wooden cannon, Signal exploit of ElizabethZane, Noble conduct of Francis Duke, Indians withdraw, Attack on Rives[Rice's] Fort, Encounter of Poe with two Indians. 340-364. 

CHAP. 16. Peace with G. Britain, War continued by Indians--Operationsin N. W. Virginia--murder of Daniel Radcliff, Attack on Cunninghams uponBingamon, murders there; murders in Tazewell, of Davison, of Moore, mrs. Moore and seven children taken prisoners, their fate--murder ofIce, &c. Levi Morgan encounters two Indians, Indians steal horses onWest Fork, pursued and punished by col. Lowther--murder of the Westson Hacker's creek, Remarkable recovery of J. Hacker's daughter--murderof the Johnsons on Ten-mile creek, At Macks, Artifice of John Sims. 365-383. 

CHAP. 17. Rapid increase of population of Kentucky, operationsthere--Preparations of the general Government to carry on the war inthe Indian country, Settlement of Marietta, Of Cincinatti, FortWashington erected, Settlement of Duck creek, Big Bottom and Wolfcreeks--Harmar's campaign, murder of whites on Big Bottom, murderof John Bush--Affair at Hansucker's on Dunkard--murder of Carpenterand others and escape of Jesse Hughes--campaign under Gen. St. Clair--Attack at Merrill's, Heroic conduct of mrs. Merrill, Signalsuccess of expedition under Gen. Scott. 384-407. 

CHAP. 18. Indians visit Hacker's creek--murder of the Waggoners andcaptivity of others--murder of Neal and Triplet, major Truman and col. Hardin killed, Greater preparations made by General Government, Johnand Henry Johnson, Attack on the hunting camp of Isaac Zane, Nobleconduct of Zane--Treatment of Indian prisoners, Fort Recovery erected, Escape of Joseph Cox--murder of miss Runyan and attack on Carder's, Indians kill and make prisoners the Cozads, Affair at Joseph Kanaan's, Progress of army under Gen. Wayne, Indians attack and defeatdetachment under M'Mahon, battle of Au Glaize and victory of GeneralWayne, Affair at Bozarth's on Buckhannon--Treaty of Greenville. 408-430. 

[3] INTRODUCTION. 

CHAPTER I. 

It is highly probable that the continent of America was known to theAncient Carthaginians, and that it was the great island Atalantis, ofwhich mention is made by Plato, who represents it as larger than Asiaand Africa. The Carthaginians were a maritime people, and it is knownthat they extended their discoveries beyond the narrow sphere whichhad hitherto limited the enterprise of the mariner. And although Platorepresents Atalantis as having been swallowed by an earthquake, andall knowledge of the new continent, if any such ever existed, wasentirely lost, still it is by no means improbable, that it had beenvisited by some of the inhabitants of the old world, prior to itsdiscovery by Columbus in 1492. The manner of this discovery is wellknown, as is also the fact that Americo Vespucci, a Florentine, underthe authority of Emmanuel king of Portugal, in sailing as far asBrazil discovered the main land and gave name to America. 

These discoveries gave additional excitement to the adventurous spiritwhich distinguished those times, and the flattering reports made ofthe country which they had visited, inspired the different nations ofEurope, with the desire of reaping the rich harvest, which theenlightened and enterprising mind of Columbus, had unfolded to theirview. Accordingly, as early as March 1496, (less than two years afterthe discovery by Columbus) a commission was granted by Henry VII kingof England, to John Cabot and his three sons, empowering them to sailunder the English banner in quest of new discoveries, and in the eventof their success to take possession, in the name of the king ofEngland, of the countries thus discovered and not inhabited by_Christian people_. 

The expedition contemplated in this commission was never carried intoeffect. But in May 1498 Cabot with his son Sebastian, embarked on avoyage to attain the desired object, and succeeded in his design sofar as to effect a discovery of [4] North America, and although hesailed along the coast from Labrador to Virginia, yet it does not nowappear that he made any attempt either at settlement or conquest. 

This is said to have been the first discovery ever made of thatportion of our continent which extends from the Gulph of Mexico to theNorth pole; and to this discovery the English trace their title tothat part of it, subsequently reduced into possession by them. [1]

As many of the evils endured by the inhabitants of the western part ofVirginia, resulted from a contest between England and France, as tothe validity of their respective claims to portions of the newlydiscovered country, it may not be amiss to take a general view of thediscoveries and settlements effected by each of those powers. 

After the expedition of Cabot, no attempt on the part of England, toacquire territory in America, seems to have been made until the year1558. In this year letters patent were issued by Queen Elizabeth, empowering Sir Humphrey Gilbert to "discover and take possession ofsuch remote, heathen, and barbarous lands, as were not actuallypossessed by any _christian prince or people_. " Two expeditions, conducted by this gentleman terminated unfavorably. Nothing was doneby him towards the accomplishment of the objects in view, more thanthe taking possession of the island of New Foundland in the name ofthe English Queen. 

In 1584 a similar patent was granted to Sir Walter Raleigh, underwhose auspices was discovered the country south of Virginia. In Aprilof that year he dispatched two vessels under the command of Amidas andBarlow, for the purpose of visiting, and obtaining such a knowledge ofthe country which he proposed to colonize, as would facilitate theattainment of his object. In their voyage they approached the NorthAmerican continent towards the Gulph of Florida, and sailingnorthwardly touched at an island situate on the inlet into Pamlicosound, in the state of North Carolina. To this island they gave thename of Wocoken, and proceeding from thence reached Roanoke near themouth of Albemarle sound. After having remained here some weeks, andobtained from the natives the best information which they could impartconcerning the country, Amidas and Barlow returned to England. 

In the succeeding year Sir Walter had fitted out a squadron of sevenships, the command of which he gave to Sir Richard [5] Grenville. Onboard of this squadron were passengers, arms, ammunition andprovisions for a settlement. He touched at the islands of Wocoken andRoanoke, which had been visited by Amidas and Barlow, and leaving acolony of one hundred and eight persons in the island of Roanoke, hereturned to England. These colonists, after having remained abouttwelve months and explored the adjacent country, became so discouragedand exhausted by fatigue and famine, that they abandoned the country. Sir Richard Grenville returning shortly afterwards to America, and notbeing able to find them, and at a loss to conjecture their fate, leftin the island another small party of settlers and again set sail forEngland. 

The flattering description which was given of the country, by thosewho had visited it, so pleased Queen Elizabeth, that she gave to itthe name of Virginia, as a memorial that it had been discovered in thereign of a Virgin Queen. 

Other inefficient attempts were afterwards made to colonize NorthAmerica during the reign of Elizabeth, but it was not 'till the year1607, that a colony was permanently planted there. In December of thepreceding year a small vessel and two barks, under the command ofcaptain Newport, and having on board one hundred and five men, destined to remain, left England. In April they were driven by a storminto Chesapeak bay, and after a fruitless attempt to land at CapeHenry, sailed up the Powhatan (since called James) River, and on the13th of May 1607, debarked on the north side of the river at a placeto which they gave the name of Jamestown. From this period the countrycontinued in the occupancy of the whites, and remained subject to thecrown of Great Britain until the war of the revolution. 

A new charter which was issued in 1609 grants to "the treasurer andcompany of the adventurers, of the city of London for the first colonyof Virginia, in absolute property the lands extending from PointComfort along the sea coast two hundred miles to the northward, andfrom the same point, along the sea coast two hundred miles to thesouthward, and up into the land throughout from sea to sea, west andnorth-west; and also all islands lying within one hundred miles of thecoast of both seas of the precinct aforesaid. " Conflicting charters, granted to other corporations, afterwards narrowed her limits; thatshe has been since reduced to her present comparatively small extentof territory, is attributable exclusively [6] to the almost suicidalliberality of Virginia herself. 

On the part of France, voyages for the discovery and colonization ofNorth America were nearly contemporaneous with those made by Englandfor like objects. As early as the year 1540, a commission was issuedby Francis 1st for the establishment of Canada. [2] In 1608, a Frenchfleet, under the command of Admiral Champlaine, arrived in the St. Lawrence and founded the city of Quebec. So successful were herattempts to colonize that province, that, notwithstanding itsproximity to the English colonies, and the fact that a Spanish sailorhad previously entered the St. Lawrence and established a port at themouth of Grand river--neither of those powers seriously contested theright of France to its possession. --Yet it was frequently the theatreof war; and as early as 1629 was subdued by England. By the treaty ofSt. Germains in 1632 it was restored to France, as was also the thenprovince of Acadie, now known as Nova Scotia. There is no doubt butthat this latter province was, by priority of settlement, the propertyof France, but its principal town having been repeatedly reduced topossession by the English, it was ceded to them by the treaty ofUtrecht in 1713. 

To the country bordering the Mississippi river, and its tributarystreams, a claim was made by England, France and Spain. The claim ofEngland (based on the discovery by the Cabots of the eastern shore ofthe United States, ) included all the country between the parallels oflatitude within which the Atlantic shore was explored, extendingwestwardly to the Pacific ocean--a zone athwart the continent betweenthe thirtieth and forty-eighth degrees of North latitude. 

From the facility with which the French gained the good will andfriendly alliance of the Natives in Canada, by intermarrying with, andassimilating themselves to the habits and inclinations of, thesechildren of the forest, an intimacy arose which induced the Indians toimpart freely to the French their knowledge of the interior country. Among other things information was communicated to them, of the factthat farther on there was a river of great size and immense length, which pursued a course opposite to that of the St. Lawrence, andemptied itself into an unknown sea. It was conjectured that it mustnecessarily flow either into the Gulph of Mexico, or the South Sea;and in 1673 Marquette and Joliet, French missionaries, together withfive other men, commenced a journey [7] from Quebec to ascertain thefact and examine the country bordering its shores. 

From lake Michigan they proceeded up the Fox river nearly to itssource; thence to Ouisconsin; down it to the Mississippi, in whichriver they sailed as far as to about the thirty-third degree of northlatitude. From this point they returned through the Illinois countryto Canada. 

At the period of this discovery M. De La Salle, a Frenchman ofenterprise, courage and talents but without fortune, was commandant offort Frontignac. Pleased with the description given by Marquette andJoliet, of the country which they had visited, he formed thedetermination of examining it himself, and for this purpose leftCanada in the close of the summer of 1679, in company with fatherLouis Hennepin and some others. [3] On the Illinois he erected fortCrevecoeur, where he remained during the winter, and instructingfather Hennepin, in his absence to ascend the Mississippi to itssources, returned to Canada. M. De La Salle subsequently visited thiscountry, and establishing the villages of Cahokia and Kaskaskia, leftthem under the command of M. De Tonti, and going back to Canada, proceeded from thence to France to procure the co-operation of theMinistry in effecting a settlement of the valley of the Mississippi. He succeeded in impressing on the minds of the French Ministry, thegreat benefits which would result from its colonization, and was thefirst to suggest the propriety of connecting the settlements on theMississippi with those in Canada by a cordon of forts; a measure whichwas subsequently attempted to be carried into effect. 

With the aid afforded him by the government of France, he was enabledto prepare an expedition to accomplish his object, and sailing in 1684for the mouth of the Mississippi, steered too far westward and landedin the province of Texas, and on the banks of the river Guadaloupe. Every exertion which a brave and prudent man could make to effect thesecurity of his little colony, and conduct them to the settlement inIllinois, was fruitlessly made by him. In reward for all his toil andcare he was basely assassinated; the remnant of the party whom he wasconducting through the wilderness, finally reached the Arkansas, wherewas a settlement of French emigrants from Canada. The colonists leftby him at the bay of St. Bernard were mostly murdered by the natives, the remainder were carried away by the Spaniards in 1689. 

[8] Other attempts made by the French to colonize the Mississippi nearthe Gulph of Mexico, were for some time unavailing. In an expeditionfor that purpose, conducted by M. Ibberville, a suit of armor on whichwas inscribed Ferdinand de Soto, was found in the possession of someIndians. In the year 1717 the spot, on which New Orleans now stands, was selected as the centre of the settlements, then first made inLouisiana, and the country continued in the possession of France until1763. By the treaty of Paris in that year, she ceded to Great Britain, together with Canada her possessions east of the Mississippi, excepting only the island of New Orleans--this and her territory onthe west bank of that river were transferred to Spain. 

The title of Spain to the valley of the Mississippi, if made to dependon priority of discovery, would perhaps, to say the least, be as goodas that of either of the other powers. Ferdinand de Soto, governor ofCuba, was most probably the first white man who saw that majesticstream. 

The Spaniards had early visited and given name to Florida. In 1528Pamphilo de Narvaez obtained a grant of it, and fitting out anarmament, proceeded with four or five hundred men to explore andsettle the country. He marched to the Indian village of Appalachas, when he was attacked and defeated by the natives. The most ofthose who escaped death from the hands of the savages, perished in astorm, by which they were overtaken on their voyage home. Narvaezhimself perished in the wreck, and was succeeded in his attempt atcolonization by de Soto. 

Ferdinand de Soto, then governor of Cuba, was a man of chivalrous andenterprising spirit, and of cool, deliberate courage. In hisexpedition to Florida, although attacked by the Indians, immediatelyon his landing, yet, rather seeking than shunning danger, hepenetrated the interior, and crossing the Mississippi, sickened anddied on Red river. So frequent and signal had been the victories whichhe had obtained over the Indians, that his name alone had become anobject of terror to them; and his followers, at once to preserve hisremains from violation, and prevent the natives from acquiring aknowledge of his death, enclosed his body in a hollow tree, sunk it inthe Red river and returned to Florida. 

Thus, it is said, were different parts of this continent discovered;and by virtue of the settlements thus effected, by [9] those threegreat powers of Europe, the greater portion of it was claimed asbelonging to them respectively, in utter disregard of the rights ofthe Aborigines. And while the historian records the colonization ofAmerica as an event tending to meliorate the condition of Europe, andas having extended the blessings of civil and religious liberty, humanity must drop the tear of regret, that it has likewise forced thenatives of the new, and the inhabitants of a portion of the old world, to drink so deeply from the cup of bitterness. 

The cruelties which have been exercised on the Aborigines ofAmerica, the wrong and outrage heaped on them from the days ofMontezuma and Guatimozin, to the present period, while they excitesympathy for their sufferings, should extenuate, if not justify thebloody deeds, which revenge prompted the untutored savages tocommit. Driven as they were from the lands of which they were therightful proprietors--Yielding to encroachment after encroachment'till forced to apprehend their utter annihilation--Witnessing thedestruction of their villages, the prostration of their towns and thesacking of cities adorned with splendid magnificence, who can feelsurprised at any attempt which they might make to rid the countryof its invaders. Who, but must applaud the spirit which promptedthem, when they beheld their prince a captive, the blood of theirnobles staining the earth with its crimson dye, and the Gods oftheir adoration scoffed and derided, to aim at the destruction oftheir oppressors. --When Mexico, "with her tiara of proud towers, "became the theatre in which foreigners were to revel in rapine and inmurder, who can be astonished that the valley of Otumba resoundedwith the cry of "Victory or Death?" And yet, resistance on their part, served but as a pretext for a war of extermination; waged too, with aferocity, from the recollection of which the human mind involuntarilyrevolts, and with a success which has forever blotted from the bookof national existence, once powerful and happy tribes. 

But they did not suffer alone. As if to fill the cup of oppression tothe brim, another portion of the human family were reduced to abjectbondage, and made the unwilling cultivators of those lands, of whichthe Indians had been dispossessed. Soon after the settlement of NorthAmerica was commenced, the negroes of Africa became an article ofcommerce, and from subsequent importations and natural [10] increasehave become so numerous as to excite the liveliest apprehensions inthe bosom of every friend to this country. Heretofore they have hadconsiderable influence on the affairs of our government; and recentlythe diversity of interest, occasioned in Virginia, by the possessionof large numbers of them in the country east of the blue ridge ofmountains, seemed for a while to threaten the integrity of thestate. --Happily this is now passing away, but how far they may effectthe future destines of America, the most prophetic ken cannot foresee. Yet, although the philanthropist must weep over their unfortunatesituation, and the patriot shudder in anticipation of a calamity whichit may defy human wisdom to avert; still it would be unfair to chargethe existence of slavery among us to the policy of the United States, or to brand their present owners as the instruments of an evil whichthey cannot remove. And while others boast that they are free fromthis dark spot, let them remember, that but for them our nationalescutcheon might have been as pure and unsullied as their own. [4]

We are indebted to the Dutch for their introduction into Virginia, andto the ships of other than slave holding communities, for theirsubsequent unhallowed transportation to our shores. Yet those who weremainly instrumental in forging the chains of bondage, have sincerendered the condition of the negro slave more intolerable byfomenting discontent among them, and by "scattering fire brands andtorches, " which are often not to be extinguished but in blood. 

Notwithstanding those two great evils which have resulted from thediscovery and colonization of America, yet to these the world isindebted for the enjoyment of many and great blessings. They enlargedthe theatre of agricultural enterprise, and thus added to thefacilities of procuring the necessaries of life. They encouraged theindustry of Europeans, by a dependence on them for almost everyspecies of manufacture, and thus added considerably to theirpopulation, wealth and happiness; while the extensive tracts offertile land, covering the face of this country and inviting to itsbosom the enterprising [11] foreigner, has removed a far off anyapprehension of the ill effects arising from a too dense population. 

In a moral and political point of view much good has likewise resultedfrom the settlement of America. Religion, freed from the fetters whichenthralled her in Europe, has shed her benign influence on everyportion of our country. Divorced from an adulterous alliance withstate, she has here stalked forth in the simplicity of her founder;and with "healing on her wings, spread the glad tidings of salvationto all men. " It is true that religious intolerance and blind bigotry, for some time clouded our horizon, but they were soon dissipated; andwhen the sun arose which ushered in the dawn of our national existencescarce a speck could be seen to dim its lustre. Here too was rearedthe standard of civil liberty, and an example set, which may teach tothe nations of the old world, that as people are really the source ofpower, government should be confided to them. Already have thebeneficial effects of this example been manifested, and the presentcondition of Europe clearly shows, that the lamp of liberty, which waslighted here, has burned with a brilliancy so steady as to havereflected its light across the Atlantic. Whether it will be therepermitted to shine, is somewhat problematical. But should a "holyalliance of legitimates" extinguish it, it will be but for a season. Kings, Emperors and Priests cannot succeed much longer in staying themarch of freedom. The people are sensibly alive to the oppression oftheir rulers--they have groaned beneath the burden 'till it has becometoo intolerable to be borne; and they are now speaking in a voicewhich will make tyrants tremble on their throne. 

----- [1] The author errs somewhat in his review of the voyages of the Cabots. In 1497, John set out to reach Asia by way of the north-west, and sighted Cape Breton, for which the generous king gave him £10 and blessed him with "great honours. " In 1498, Sebastian's voyage was intended to supplement his father's; his exploration of the coast extended down to the vicinity of Chesapeake Bay. --R. G. T. 

 [2] This refers to the explorations of Jacques Cartier. But as early as 1534 Cartier sailed up the estuary of the St. Lawrence "until land could be seen on either side;" the following year he ascended the river as far as the La Chine rapids, and wintered upon the island mountain there which he named Mont Real. It was in 1541 that he made his third voyage, and built a fort at Quebec. The author's reference, a few lines below, to a "Spanish sailor" in the St. Lawrence, is the result of confusion over Cartier's first voyages; Cortereal was at Newfoundland for the Portuguese in 1500; and Gomez for Spain in 1525. --R. G. T. 

 [3] The author wrote at too early a date to have the benefit of Parkman's researches. La Salle had probably discovered the Ohio River four years before the voyage of Joliet and Marquette. --R. G. T. 

 [4] It is said, that Georgia, at an early period of her colonial existence, endeavored by legislative enactment to prevent the importation of slaves into her territory, but that the King of England invariably negatived those laws, and ultimately Oglethorpe was dismissed from office, for persevering in the endeavor to accomplish so desirable an object. It is an historical fact that slaves were not permitted to be taken into Georgia, for some time after a colony was established there. 

[3] INTRODUCTION. 

CHAPTER II. 

When America was first visited by Europeans, it was found that itsinhabitants were altogether ignorant of the country from which theirancestors had migrated, and of the period at which they had beentransplanted to the new world. And although there were among themtraditions seeming to cast a light upon these subjects, yet whenthoroughly investigated, they tended rather to bewilder than lead toany certain conclusion. The origin of the natives has ever since beena matter of curious speculation with the learned; conjecture hassucceeded conjecture, hypothesis has yielded to hypothesis, as waverecedes before wave, still it remains involved in a labyrinth ofinexplicable difficulties, from which the most ingenious mind willperhaps never be able to free it. 

In this respect the situation of the aborigines of America does notdiffer from that of the inhabitants of other portions of the globe. Animpenetrable cloud hangs over the early history of other nations, anddefies the researches of the learned in any attempt to trace them totheir origin. The attempt has nevertheless been repeatedly made; andphilosophers, arguing from a real or supposed conformity of one peopleto another, have vainly imagined that they had attained to certaintyon these subjects. And while one has in this manner, undertaken toprove China to have been an Egyptian colony, another, pursuing thesame course of reasoning, has, by way of ridicule, shewn how easily alearned man of Tobolski or Pekin might as satisfactorily prove Franceto have been a Trojan, a Greek or even an Arabian colony; thus makingmanifest the utter futility of endeavoring to arrive at certainty inthis way. [1]

[13] Nor is this to be at all wondered at, when we reflect on thebarbarous state of those nations in their infancy, the imperfectionof traditionary accounts of what had transpired centuries before, andin many instances the entire absence of a written language, bywhich, either to perpetuate events, or enable the philosopher byanalogy of language to ascertain their affinity with other nations. Conjectural then as must be every disquisition as to the manner inwhich this continent was first peopled, still however, as many meneminent for learning and piety have devoted much labor and time to theinvestigation of the subject, it may afford satisfaction to thecurious to see some of those speculations recorded. Discordant asthey are in many respects, there is nevertheless one fact as tothe truth of which they are nearly all agreed; Mr. Jefferson isperhaps the only one, of those who have written on the subject, whoseems to discredit the assertion that America was peopled byemigrants from the old world. How well the conjecture, that theeastern inhabitants of Asia were descendants of the Indians ofAmerica can be supported by any knowledge which is possessed ofthe different languages spoken by the Aborigines, will be forothers to determine. "Neque confirmare argumentis, neque refellere, in animo est; ex ingenio suo, quisque demat vel addat fidem. "

Among those who have given to the world their opinions on the originof the natives of America, is Father Jos. Acosta, a Jesuit who was forsome time engaged as a missionary among them. From the fact that noancient author has made mention of the [14] compass, he discredits thesupposition that the first inhabitants of this country found their wayhere by sea. His conclusion is that they must have found a passage bythe North of Asia and Europe which he supposes to join each other; orby those regions which lie southward of the straits of Magellan. 

Gregorio Garcia, who was likewise a missionary among the Mexicans andPeruvians, from the traditions of those nations, and from the varietyof characters, customs, languages and religion, observable in the newworld, has formed the opinion that it was peopled by several differentnations. 

John de Laet, a Flemish writer, maintains that America received itsfirst inhabitants from Scythia or Tartary, and soon after thedispersion of Noah's grand-sons. The resemblance of the northernIndians, in feature, complexion and manner of living, to theScythians, Tartars, and Samojedes, being greater than to any othernations. 

Emanuel de Moraez, in his history of Brazil, says that thiscontinent was wholly peopled by the Carthaginians and Israelites. Inconfirmation of this opinion, he mentions the discoveries which theCarthaginians are known to have made beyond the coast of Africa. Theprogress of these discoveries being stopped by the Senate of Carthage, those who happened to be in the newly discovered countries, cut offfrom all communication with their countrymen, and being destitute ofmany of the necessaries of life, easily fell into a state ofbarbarism. 

George de Huron, a Dutch writer on this subject, considering the shortspace of time which elapsed between the creation of the world and thedeluge, maintains that America could not have been peopled before theflood. He likewise supposes that its first inhabitants were located inthe north; and that the primitive colonies extended themselves overthe whole extent of the continent, by means of the Isthmus of Panama. It is his opinion that the first founders of these Indian colonieswere Scythians; that the Phoenicians and Carthaginians subsequentlygot to America across the Atlantic, and the Chinese across the Pacificocean, and that other nations might have landed there by one of thesemeans, or been thrown on the coast by tempest: since through the wholeextent of the continent, both in its northern and southern parts thereare evident marks of a mixture of the northern nations with those whohave come from other places. 

[15] He also supposes that another migration of the Phoenicians tookplace during a three years voyage made by the Tyrian fleet in theservice of king Solomon. He asserts, on the authority of Josephus, that the port at which this embarkation was made, lay in theMediterranean. The fleet, he adds, went in quest of Elephants' teethand Peacocks, to the western coast of Africa, which is Tarshish, thenfor gold to Ophir, which is Haite or the Island of Hispaniola. In thelatter opinion he is supported by Columbus, who, when he discoveredthat Island, thought he could trace the furnaces in which the gold hadbeen refined. 

Monsieur Charlevoix, who travelled through North America, is ofopinion that it received its first inhabitants from Tartary andHyrcania. In support of this impression he says that some of theanimals which are to be found here, must have come from thosecountries: a fact which would go to prove that the two hemispheresjoin to the northward of Asia. And in order to strengthen thisconjecture, he relates the following story, which he says was told tohim by Father Grollon, a French Jesuit, as matter of fact. 

Father Grollon said, that after having labored some time in themissions of New France, he passed over to China. One day as he wastravelling in Tartary he met a Huron woman whom he had known inCanada. He asked her by what adventure she had been carried into acountry so very remote from her own; she replied that having beentaken in war, she was conducted from nation to nation, until shereached the place where she then was. 

Monsieur Charlevoix narrates another circumstance of a similar kind. He says that he had been assured, another Jesuit had met with aFloridian woman in China. She also had been made captive by certainIndians, who gave her to those of a more distant country, and by theseagain she was given to those of another nation, 'till having beensuccessively passed from country to country, and after havingtravelled through regions extremely cold, she at length found herselfin Tartary. Here she had married a Tartar, who had attended theconquerors in China, and with whom she then was. 

Arguing from these facts and from the similarity of several kinds ofwild beasts which are found in America, with those of Hyrcania andTartary, he arrives at what he deems, a [16] rational conclusion, thatmore than one nation in America had Scythian or Tartarian extraction. 

Charlevoix possessed a good opportunity of becoming acquainted withthe character and habits of the American Indians. His theory howeverhas been controverted by some, possessing equal advantages ofobservation. Mr. Adair, an intelligent gentleman who resided among thenations during the space of forty years, and who became wellacquainted with their manners, customs, religion, traditions andlanguage, has given to them a very different origin. But perfectsoever as may have been his knowledge of their manners, customs, religion and traditions, yet it must be admitted that any inquiry intothese, with a view to discover their origin, would most probably provefallacious. A knowledge of the primitive language, alone can cast muchlight on the subject. Whether this knowledge can ever be attained, is, to say the least, very questionable--Being an unwritten language, andsubject to change for so many centuries, it can scarcely be supposednow to bear much, if any affinity, to what it was in its purity. 

Mr. Adair says, that from the most exact observation he could makeduring the long time which he traded among the Indians, he was forcedto believe them lineally descended from the Israelites, either whenthey were a maritime power, or soon after the general captivity; mostprobably the latter. 

He thinks that had the nine tribes and a half, which were carried offby Shalmanezer, king of Assyria, and which settled in Media, remainedthere long, they would, by intermarrying with the nations of thatcountry, from a natural fickleness and proneness to idolatry, and fromthe force of example, have adopted and bowed before the Gods of theMedes and Assyrians; and have carried them along with them. But heaffirms that there is not the least trace of this idolatry to bediscovered among the Indians: and hence he argues that those of theten tribes who were the forefathers of the natives, soon advancedeastward from Assyria and reached their settlements in the newcontinent, before the destruction of the first Temple. 

In support of the position that the American Indians are thusdescended, Mr. Adair adduces among others the following arguments:

_1st, Their division into tribes. _

"As each nation has its particular symbol, so each tribe has [17] thebadge from which it is denominated. The Sachem is a necessary partyin conveyances and treaties, to which he affixes the mark of histribe. If we go from nation to nation among them, we shall not findone, who does not distinguish himself by his respective family. Thegenealogical names which they assume, are derived either from thenames of those animals whereof the cherubim is said in revelationto be compounded; or from such creatures as are most similar to them. The Indians bear no religious respect to the animals from which theyderive their names; on the contrary they kill them whenever anopportunity serves. 

"When we consider that these savages have been upwards of twentycenturies without the aid of letters to carry down their traditions, it can not be reasonably expected, that they should still retain theidentical names of their primogenial tribes: their main customscorresponding with those of the Israelites, sufficiently clear thesubject. Moreover they call some of their tribes by the names of thecherubinical figures, which were carried on the four principalstandards of Israel. "

_2nd, Their worship of Jehovah. _

"By a strict, permanent, divine precept, the Hebrew nation was orderedto worship at Jerusalem, Jehovah the true and living God, who by theIndians is styled '_Yohewah_. ' The seventy-two interpreters havetranslated this word so as to signify, _Sir_, _Lord_, _Master_, applying to mere earthly potentates, without the least significationor relation to that great and awful name, which describes the divinepresence. "

_3rd, Their notions of a theocracy. _

"Agreeably to the theocracy or divine government of Israel, theIndians think the deity to be the immediate head of the state. All thenations of Indians have a great deal of religious pride, and aninexpressible contempt for the white people. In their war orationsthey used to call us _the accursed people_, but flatter themselveswith the name of the _beloved people_, because their supposedancestors were, as they affirm, under the immediate government of theDeity, who was present with them in a peculiar manner, and directedthem by Prophets, while the rest of the world were aliens to thecovenant. [2] When the old Archimagus, or any of their Magi, is [18]persuading the people at their religious solemnities, to a strictobservance of the old _beloved or divine speech_, he always calls themthe _beloved or holy people_, agreeably to the Hebrew epithet, _Ammi_, (my people) during the theocracy of Israel. It is this opinion, thatGod has chosen them out of the rest of mankind, as his peculiarpeople, which inspires the white Jew, and the red American, with thatsteady hatred against all the world except themselves, and rendersthem hated and despised by all. "

_5th, Their language and dialects. _

"The Indian language and dialects appear to have the very idiom andgenius of the Hebrew. Their words and sentences are expressive, concise, emphatical, sonorous and bold; and often both the letters andsignification are synonymous with the Hebrew language. " Of these Mr. Adair cites a number of examples. 

_6th, Their manner of counting time. _

"The Indians count time after the manner of the Hebrews. They dividethe year into spring, summer, autumn and winter. They number theiryear from any of these four periods, for they have no name for a year;and they subdivide these and count the year by lunar months, like theIsraelites who counted time by moons, as their name sufficientlytestifies. 

"The number and regular periods of the religious feasts among theIndians, is a good historical proof that they counted time by andobserved a weekly Sabbath, long after their arrival in America. Theybegan the year at the appearance of the first new moon of the vernalequinox, according to the ecclesiastical year of Moses. 'Till theseventy years captivity [19] commenced, the Israelites had onlynumeral names for their months, except Abib and Ethanim; the formersignifying a _green ear of corn_, the latter _robust or valiant_; bythe first name the Indians as an explicative, term their passover, which the trading people call _the green corn dance_. "

_7th, Their prophets or high priests. _

"In conformity to, or after the manner of the Jews, the Indians havetheir prophets, high priests, and others of a religious order. As theJews have a Sanctum Sanctorum, so have all the Indian nations. Therethey deposit their consecrated vessels--none of the laity daring toapproach that sacred place. The Indian tradition says, that theirforefathers were possessed of an extraordinary divine spirit by whichthey foretold future events; and that this was transmitted to theiroffspring, provided they obeyed the sacred laws annexed to it. [3] [20]_Ishtoallo_ is the name of all their priestly order and theirpontifical office descends by inheritance to the eldest. There aretraces of agreement, though chiefly lost, in their pontifical dress. Before the Indian Archimagus officiates in making the supposed holyfire for the yearly atonement of sin, the _Sagan_ clothes him with awhite ephod, which is a waistcoat without sleeves. In resemblance ofthe Urim and Thummim the American Archimagus wears a breastplate madeof a white conch-shell, with two holes bored in the middle of it, through which he puts the ends of an otter-skin strap; and fastens abuck-horn white button to the outside of each; as if in imitation ofthe precious stones of the Urim. "

In remarking upon this statement of Mr. Adair, Faber, a learned divineof the church of England, has said, that Ishtoallo (the name accordingto Adair of the Indian priests) is most probably a corruption of_Ish-da-Eloah_, a man of God, (the term used by the Shunemitish womanin speaking of Elisha;) and that _Sagan_ is the very name by which theHebrews called the deputy of the High Priest, who supplied his officeand who performed the functions of it in the absence of the highpriest, or when any accident had disabled him from officiating inperson. 

_8th, Their festivals, fasts and religious rites. _

"The ceremonies of the Indians in their religious worship, [21] aremore after the Mosaic institution, than of Pagan imitation. This couldnot be the fact if a majority of the old nations were of heathenishdescent. They are utter strangers to all the gestures practiced byPagans in their religious rites. They have likewise an appellative, which with them is the mysterious, essential name of God; the_tetragrammaton_, which they never use in common speech. They arevery particular of the time and place, when and where they mention it, and this is always done in a very solemn manner. It is known that theJews had so great and sacred regard for the four lettered, divinename, as scarcely ever to mention it, except when the High Priest wentinto the sanctuary for the expiation of sins. "

Mr. Adair likewise says that the American Indians, like the Hebrews, have an ark in which are kept various holy vessels, and which is neversuffered to rest on the bare ground. "On hilly ground, where stonesare plenty, they always place it on them, but on level land it is madeto rest on short legs. They have also a faith, in the power andholiness of their ark, as strong as the Israelites had in theirs. Itis too sacred and dangerous to be touched by any one, except thechieftain and his waiter. The leader virtually acts the part of apriest of war protempore, in imitation of the Israelites fightingunder the divine military banner. "

Among their other religious rites the Indians, according to Adair, cutout the sinewy part of the thigh; in commemoration, as he says, of theAngel wrestling with Jacob. 

_12th, Their abstinence from unclean things. _

"Eagles of every kind are esteemed by the Indians to be unclean food;as also ravens, crows, bats, buzzards and every species of owl. Theybelieve that swallowing gnats, flies and the like, always breedsickness. To this that divine sarcasm alludes 'swallowing a camel andstraining at a gnat. '" Their purifications for their Priests, and forhaving touched a dead body or other unclean thing, according to Mr. Adair, are quite Levitical. He acknowledges however, that they have notraces of circumcision; but he supposes that they lost this rite intheir wanderings, as it ceased among the Hebrews, during the fortyyears in the wilderness. 

_15th, Their cities of refuge. _

"The Israelites had cities of refuge for those who killed personsunawares. According to the same particular divine [22] law of mercy, each of the Indian nations has a house or town of refuge, which is asure asylum to protect a man-slayer, or the unfortunate captive, ifthey can but once enter into it. In almost every nation they havepeaceable towns, called ancient holy, or white towns. These seem tohave been towns of refuge; for it is not in the memory of man, thatever human blood was shed in them, although they often force personsfrom thence and put them to death elsewhere. "

_16th, Their purifications and ceremonies preparatory. _

"Before the Indians go to war they have many preparatory ceremonies ofpurification and fasting like what is recorded of the Israelites. "

_21st, Their raising seed to a deceased brother. _

"The surviving brother, by the Mosaic law, was to raise seed to adeceased brother, who left a widow childless. The Indian custom looksthe very same way; but in this as in their law of blood, the eldestbrother can redeem. "

With these and many arguments of a like kind, has Mr. Adair endeavoredto support the conjecture, that the American Indians are lineallydescended from the Israelites; and gravely asks of those who maydissent from his opinion of their origin and descent, to inform himhow they came here, and by what means they formed the long chain ofrites and customs so similar to those of the Hebrews, and dissimilarto the rites and customs of the pagan world. 

Major Carver, a provincial officer who sojourned some time with theIndians and visited twelve different nations of them, instead ofobserving the great similarity, mentioned by Adair as existing betweenthe natives and Hebrews, thought he could trace features ofresemblance between them and the Chinese and Tartars; and hasundertaken to shew how they might have got here. He says, "Although it is not ascertained certainly, that the continents of Asiaand America join each other, yet it is proven that the sea which issupposed to divide them, is full of islands the distance from which toeither continent, is comparatively trifling. From these islands acommunication with the main land could be more readily effected thanfrom any other point. " "It is very evident that the manners andcustoms of the American Indians, resemble that of the Tartars; and Ihave no doubt that in some future era, it will be reduced to acertainty that in some of the wars between the Chinese and Tartars, apart [23] of the inhabitants of the northern provinces were drivenfrom their country and took refuge in some of these islands, and fromthence found their way to America. At different periods each nationmight prove victorious, and the conquered by turns fly before theconquerors; and hence might arise the similitude of the Indians to allthese people, and that animosity which exists among so many of theirtribes. "

After remarking on the similarity which exists between the Chinese andIndians, in the singular custom of shaving or plucking out the hairleaving only a small spot on the crown of the head; and theresemblance in sound and signification which many of the Chinese andIndian words bear to each other, he proceeds, "After the most criticalinquiry and mature deliberation, I am of opinion that America receivedits first inhabitants from the northeast, by way of the islandsmentioned as lying between Asia and America. This might have beeneffected at different times and from different parts: from Tartary, China, Japan or Kamschatka, the inhabitants of these countriesresembling each other, in color, feature and shape. "

Other writers on this subject, coinciding in opinion with Carver, mention a tradition which the Indians in Canada have, that foreignmerchants clothed in silk formerly visited them in great ships: theseare supposed to have been Chinese, the ruins of Chinese ships havingbeen found on the American coast. The names of many of the Americankings, are said to be Tartar; and Tartarax, who reigned formerly inQuivira, means the Tartar. Manew, the founder of the Peruvian empire, most probably came from the Manchew Tartars. Montezuma, the title ofthe emperors of Mexico, is of Japanese extraction; for according tosome authors it is likewise the appellation of the Japanese Monarch. The plant Ginseng, since found in America, where the natives termedit Garentoguen, a word of the same import in their language, withGinseng in the Tartar, both meaning THE THIGHS OF A MAN. 

Dr. Robertson is decidedly of opinion, that the different tribes ofAmerican Indians, excepting the Esquimaux, are of Asiatic extraction. He refers to a tradition among the Mexicans of the migration of theirancestors from a remote country, situated to the north-west of Mexico, and says they point out their various stations as they advanced intothe interior provinces, which is precisely the route they must haveheld, if they had been emigrants from Asia. 

Mr. Jefferson, in his notes on Virginia, says, that the passage fromEurope to America was always practicable, even to the imperfect [24]navigation of the ancient times; and that, from recent discoveries, itis proven, that if Asia and America be separated at all it is only bya narrow streight. "Judging from the resemblance between the Indiansof America and the eastern inhabitants of Asia, we should say that theformer are descendants of the latter, or the latter of the former, except indeed the Esquimaux, who, from the same circumstance ofresemblance, and from identity of language, must be derived from theGreenlanders. A knowledge of their several languages would be the mostcertain evidence of their derivation which could be produced. In factit is the best proof of the affinity of nations, which ever can bereferred to. "

After regretting that so many of the Indian tribes have been sufferedto perish, without our having collected and preserved the generalrudiments of their language, he proceeds, "Imperfect as is our knowledge of the tongues spoken in America, itsuffices to discover the following remarkable fact. Arranging themunder the radical ones to which they may be palpably traced, and doingthe same by those of the red men of Asia, there will be found probablytwenty in America, for one in Asia, of those radical languages; socalled because if ever they were the same, they have lost allresemblance to one another. A separation into dialects may be the workof a few ages only, but for two dialects to recede from one another, 'till they have lost all vestiges of their common origin, must requirean immense course of time; perhaps not less than many people give tothe age of the earth. A greater number of those radical changes oflanguage having taken place among the red men of America proves themof greater antiquity than those of Asia. "

Indian traditions say, that "in ancient days the Great Island appearedupon the big waters, the earth brought forth trees, herbs and fruits:that there were in the world a good and a bad spirit, the good spiritformed creeks and rivers on the great island, and created numerousspecies of animals to inhabit the forests, and fishes of all kinds toinhabit the water. He also made two beings to whom he gave livingsouls and named them Ea-gwe-howe, (real people). Subsequently some ofthe people became giants and committed outrages upon the others. Aftermany years a body of Ea-gwe-howe people encamped on the bank of amajestic stream, which they named, Kanawaga (St. Lawrence. ) After along time a number of foreign people sailed from a part unknown, butunfortunately the winds drove them off and they ultimately landed onthe southern part of the great island and many of the crew perished. Those who survived, selected a place for residence, erectedfortifications, became a numerous people and extended theirsettlements. "[4]

Thus various and discordant are the conjectures respecting the mannerin which this continent was first peopled. Although some [25] of themappear more rational and others, yet are they at best but hypotheticaldisquisitions on a subject which will not now admit of certainty. Allagree that America was inhabited long anterior to its discovery byColumbus, and by a race of human beings, who, however numerous theyonce were, are fast hastening to extinction; some centuries hence andthey will be no more known. The few memorials, which the ravages oftime have suffered to remain of them, in those portions of the countryfrom which they have been long expelled; have destruction dealt themby the ruthless hand of man. History may transmit to after ages, thefact that they once were, and give their "local habitation and theirname. " These will probably be received as the tales of fiction, andposterity be at as much loss to determine, whether they ever had anexistence, as we now are to say from whence they sprang. 

 "I have stood upon Achilles' tomb And heard Troy doubted. Time will doubt of Rome. "

----- [1] "If a learned man of Tobolski or Pekin were to read some of our books, be might in this way demonstrate, that the French are descended from the Trojans. The most ancient writings, he might say, and those in most esteem in France, are romances: these were written in a pure language, derived from the ancient Romans, who were famous for never advancing a falsehood. Now upwards of twenty of these authentic books, affirm that Francis, the founder of the monarchy of the Franks, was son to Hector. The name of Hector has ever since been preserved by this nation; and even in the present century one of the greatest generals was called Hector de Villars. 

 "The neighboring nations (he would continue, ) are so unanimous in acknowledging this truth, that Ariosto, one of the most learned of the Italians, owns in his Orlando, that Charlemagne's knights fought for Hector's helmet. Lastly, there is one proof which admits of no reply; namely, that the ancient Franks to perpetuate the memory of the Trojans, their ancestors, built a new city called Troye, in the province of Champagne; and these modern Trojans have always retained so strong an aversion to their enemies, the Greeks, that there is not at present four persons in the whole province of Champagne, who will learn their language; nay, they would never admit any Jesuits among them; probably because they had heard it said, that some of that body used formerly to explain Homer in their public schools. "

 Proceeding in this manner, M. De Voltaire shows how easily this hypothesis might be overturned; and while one might thus demonstrate that the Parisians are descended from the Greeks, other profound antiquarians might in like manner prove them to be of Egyptian, or even of Arabian extraction; and although the learned world might much puzzle themselves to decide the question, yet would it remain undecided and in uncertainty. --_Preface to the Life of Peter the Great. _

 [2] In a small work entitled "Ancient History of the Six Nations, " written by David Cusick, an educated Indian of the Tuscarora village, frequent mention is made of the actual presence among them, of Tarenyawagua, or Holder of the Heavens, who guided and directed them when present, and left rules for their government, during his absence. Several miracles performed by him are particularly mentioned. It likewise speaks of the occasional visits of Angels or 'agents of the Superior power' as they are called by Cusick; and tells of a visitor who came among the Tuscaroras long anterior to the discovery of America by Columbus. "He appeared to be a very old man, taught them many things, and informed them that the people beyond the great water had killed their Maker, but that he rose again. The old man died among them and they buried him--soon after some person went to the grave and found that he had risen; he was never heard of afterwards. "

 [3] In confirmation of this tradition among the Indians, the following somewhat singular circumstance related by Mr. Carver, may with propriety be adduced:

 While at Grand Portage, from the number of those who were there and the fact that the traders did not arrive as soon as was expected, there was a great scarcity of provisions, and much consequent anxiety as to the period of their arrival. One day, Mr. Carver says, that while expressing their wishes for the event, and looking anxiously to ascertain if they could be seen on the Lake, the chief Priest of the Kilistines told them that he would endeavor in a conference with the Great Spirit, to learn at what time the traders would arrive: and the following evening was fixed upon for the spiritual conference. 

 When every preparation had been made, the king conducted Mr. Carver to a spacious tent, the covering of which was so drawn up as to render visible to those without, every thing which passed within. Mr. Carver being seated beside the king within the tent, observed in the centre a place of an oblong shape, composed of stakes stuck at intervals in the ground, forming something like a coffin, and large enough to contain the body of a man. The sticks were far enough from each other to admit a distinct view by the spectators, of what ever passed within them; while the tent was perfectly illuminated. 

 When the Priest entered, a large Elk-skin being spread on the ground, he divested himself of all his clothing, except that around his middle, and laying down on the skin enveloped himself (save only his head) in it. The skin was then bound round with about forty yards of cord, and in that situation he was placed within the ballustrade of sticks. 

 In a few seconds he was heard to mutter, but his voice, gradually assuming a higher tone, was at length extended to its utmost pitch, and sometimes praying, he worked himself into such an agitation as to produce a foaming at the mouth. To this succeeded a speechless state of exhaustion, of short duration; when suddenly springing on his feet, and shaking off the skin, as easily as if the bands with which it had been lashed around him, were burned asunder, he addressed the company in a firm and audible voice: "My Brothers, said he, the Great Spirit has deigned to hold a talk with his servant. He has not indeed told me when the traders will be here; but tomorrow when the sun reaches the highest point in the heavens, a canoe will arrive, the people in that canoe will inform us when the traders will arrive. "

 Mr. Carver adds that on the next day at noon a canoe was descried on the lake at the distance of about three miles, --completely verifying the prediction of the High Priest, in point of time. From the people on board this canoe they learned that the traders would be at the portage on the second day thereafter, at which time they actually did arrive. 

 [4] Indian traditions by Cusick. 

INTRODUCTION. 

CHAPTER III. 

The aborigines of America, although divided into many differenttribes, inhabiting various climates, and without a community oflanguage, are yet assimilated to each other in stature and complexion, more strikingly than are the inhabitants of the different countries ofEurope. The manners and customs of one nation, are very much themanners and customs of all; and although there be peculiaritiesobservable among all, yet are they fewer and less manifest than thosewhich mark the nations of the old world, and distinguish them sopalpably from each other. A traveller might have traversed thecountry, when occupied exclusively by the natives, without remarkingamong them, the diversity which exists in Europe; or being impressedwith the contrast which a visit across the Pyrennes would exhibit, between the affability and vivacity of a Frenchman at a theatre or inthe Elysian fields, and the hauteur and reserve of a Spaniard at theirbloody circus, when "bounds with one lashing spring the mightybrute. "

[26] Nor is there much in savage life, calculated to inspire the mindof civilized man, with pleasurable sensations. Many of the virtuespractised by them, proceed rather from necessity or ignorance thanfrom any ethical principle existing among them. The calm composurewith which they meet death and their stoical indifference to bodilypain, are perhaps more attributable to recklessness of life andphysical insensibility, [1] than to fortitude or magnanimity;consequently they do not much heighten the zest of reflection, incontemplating their character. The christian and the philanthropist, with the benevolent design of improving their morals and melioratingtheir condition, may profitably study every peculiarity and trait ofcharacter observable among them; it will facilitate their object andenable them the more readily to reclaim them from a life of heathenishbarbarity, and to extend to them the high boons of civilization andchristianity. 

It has been observed that the different tribes of natives of NorthAmerica, resemble each other very much in stature and complexion, inmanners and customs; a general description of these will therefor besufficient. 

The stature of an Indian, is generally that of the medial stature ofthe Anglo Americans; the Osages are said to form an exception to thisrule, being somewhat taller. They are almost universally straight andwell proportioned; their limbs are clean, but less muscular than thoseof the whites, and their whole appearance strongly indicative ofeffeminacy. In walking, they invariable place one foot directly beforethe other--the toes never verging from a right line with the heel. When traveling in companies, their manner of marching is so peculiaras to have given rise to the expression, "_Indian file_;" and whileproceeding in this way, each carefully places his foot in the vestigeof the foremost of the party, so as to leave the impression of thefootsteps of but one. They have likewise in their gait and carriagesomething so entirely different from the gait and carriage of thewhites, as to enable a person to pronounce on one at a considerabledistance. The hair of an Indian is also strikingly different from thatof the whites. It is always black and straight, hangs loose and looksas if it were [27] oiled. There is a considerable resemblance inappearance, between it and the glossy black mane of a thoroughbredhorse; though its texture is finer. 

In the squaws there exist, the same delicacy of proportion, the sameeffeminacy of person, the same slenderness of hand and foot, whichcharacterise the female of refined society; in despite too of thefact, that every laborious duty and every species of drudgery, areimposed on them from childhood. Their faces are broad, and between theeyes they are exceedingly wide; their cheek bones are high and theeyes black in both sexes--the noses of the women inclining generallyto the flat nose of the African; while those of the men are morefrequently aquiline than otherwise. 

Instances of decrepitude and deformity, are rarely known to existamong them: this is probably owing to the manner in which they aretended and nursed in infancy. It is not necessary that the mothershould, as has been supposed, be guilty of the unnatural crime ofmurdering her decrepid or deformed offspring--the hardships theyencounter are too great to be endured by infants not possessed ofnatural vigor, and they sink beneath them. 

Their countenances are for the most inflexible, stern and immovable. The passions which agitate or distract the mind, never alter itsexpression, nor do the highest ecstacies of which their nature issusceptible, ever relax its rigidity. With the same imperturbabilityof feature, they encounter death from the hand of an enemy, andreceive the greetings of a friend. 

In their intercourse with others, they seem alike insensible toemotions of pleasure and of pain; and rarely give vent to feelings ofeither. The most ludicrous scenes scarcely ever cause them to laugh, or the most interesting recitals draw from them more than theirpeculiar monosyllabic expression of admiration. 

In conversation they are modest and unassuming; indeed taciturnity isas much a distinguishing trait of Indian character, as it ever was ofthe Roman. In their councils and public meetings, they never manifestan impatience to be heard, or a restlessness under observations, either grating to personal feeling or opposite to their individualideas of propriety: on the contrary they are still, silent andattentive; and each is heard with the respect due to his years, hiswisdom, his experience, or the fame which his exploits may haveacquired him. [28] A loud and garrulous Indian is received by theothers with contempt, and a cowardly disposition invariably attributedto him--

 "Bold at the council board, But in the field he shuns the sword, "

is as much and truly an apothegm with them as with us. 

Their taciturnity and irrisibility however, are confined to theirsober hours. When indulging their insatiate thirst for spirit, theyare boisterous and rude, and by their obstreperous laughter, theirdemoniacal shrieks and turbulent vociferations, produce an appallingdiscord, such as might well be expected to proceed from a company ofinfernal spirits at their fiendish revels; and exhibit a strikingcontrast to the low, monotonous tones used by them at other times. 

There can be no doubt that the Indians are the most lazy, indolentrace of human beings. No attempt which has ever been made to convertthem into slaves, has availed much. The rigid discipline of a Spanishmaster, has failed to overcome that inertness, from which an Indian isroused only by war and the chase--Engaged in these, he exhibits asmuch activity and perseverance, as could be displayed by any one; andto gratify his fondness for them, will encounter toils and privations, from which others would shrink. His very form indicates at once, anaptitude for that species of exercise which war and hunting call intoaction, and an unfitness for the laborious drudgery of husbandry andmany of the mechanic arts. Could they have been converted intoprofitable slaves, it is more than probable we should never have beentold, that "the hand of providence was visible in the surprisinginstances of mortality among the Indians, to make room for thewhites. "

In their moral character many things appear of a nature, either somonstrous as to shock humanity, or so absurd as to excite derision;yet they have some redeeming qualities which must elicit commendation. And while we view with satisfaction those bright spots, shining morebrilliantly from the gloom which surrounds them, their want oflearning and the absence of every opportunity for refinement, shouldplead in extenuation of their failings and their vices. Some of themost flagrant of these, if not encouraged, have at least beensanctioned by the whites. In the war between the New England coloniesand the Narragansetts, it was the misfortune of the brave Philip, after having witnessed the destruction of the [29] greater part ofhis nation, to be himself slain by a Mohican. After his head had beentaken off, Oneco, chief of the Mohicans, then in alliance with thecolonists, claimed that he had a right to feast himself on the body ofhis fallen adversary. The whites did not object to this, butcomposedly looked on Oneco, broiling and eating the flesh ofPhilip--and yet cannibalism was one of their most savage traits ofcharacter. 

This was a general, if not an universal custom among the Indians, whenAmerica became known to the whites. Whether it has yet entirely ceasedis really to be doubted: some of those who have been long intimatewith them, affirm that it has not; though it is far from beingprevalent. 

The Indians are now said to be irritable; but when Europeans firstsettled among them, they were not more irascible than their newneighbors. In their anger however, they differ very much from thewhites. They are not talkative and boisterous as these are, butsilent, sullen and revengeful. If an injury be done them, they neverforget, they never forgive it. Nothing can be more implacable thantheir resentment--no time can allay it--no change of circumstancesunfix its purpose. Revenge is to them as exhilarating, as the cooldraught from the fountain, to the parched and fevered lips of a dyingman. 

When taking vengeance of an enemy, there is no cruelty which can beexercised, no species of torture, which their ingenuity can devise, too severe to be inflicted. To those who have excited a spirit ofresentment in the bosom of an Indian, the tomahawk and scalping knifeare instruments of mercy. Death by the faggot--by splinters of themost combustible wood, stuck in the flesh and fired--maiming anddisemboweling, tortures on which the soul sickens but to reflect, arefrequently practiced. To an enemy of their own color, they are perhapsmore cruel and severe, than to the whites. In requiting upon him, every refinement of torture is put in requisition, to draw forth asigh or a groan, or cause him to betray some symptom of humansensibility. This they never effect. An Indian neither shrinks from aknife, nor winces at the stake; on the contrary he seems to exult inhis agony, and will mock his tormentors for the leniency and mildnessof their torture. [2]

[30] Drinking and gambling are vices, to which the Indians, as well asthe whites, are much addicted. Such is their fondness for spirit ofany kind that they are rarely known to be sober, when they have it intheir power to be otherwise. Neither a sense of honor or of shame hasbeen able to overcome their propensity for its use; and when drunk, the ties of race, of friendship and of kindred are too weak, to bindtheir ferocious tempers. 

In gambling they manifest the same anxiety, which we see displayed atthe card table of the whites. The great difference seems to be, thatwe depend too frequently on sleight and dexterity; whereas while theyare shaking their gourd neck of half whited plumbstones, they only usecertain _tricks_ of conjuration, which in their simplicity theybelieve will ensure them success. To this method of attaining anobject, they have frequent recourse. Superstition is the concomitantof ignorance. The most enlightened, are rarely altogether exempt fromits influence--with the uninformed it is a master passion, swaying anddirecting the mind in all its operations. 

In their domestic economy, Indians are, in some respects, like therude of all countries. They manifest but little respect for thefemale; imposing on her not only the duties of the hut, but also themore laborious operations of husbandry; and observing towards them thehauteur and distance of superior beings. 

There are few things, indeed, which mark with equal precision, thestate of civilization existing in any community, as the rank assignedin it to females. In the rude and barbarous stages of society, theyare invariably regarded as inferior beings, [31] instruments ofsensual gratification, and unworthy the attention and respect of men. As mankind advance to refinement, females gradually attain anelevation of rank, and acquire an influence in society, which smoothesthe asperities of life and produces the highest polish, of which humannature is susceptible. 

Among the Indians there is, however rude they may be in otherrespects, a great respect always paid to female chastity. Instances inwhich it has been violated by them, if to be found at all, areextremely few. However much the passion of revenge may stimulate toacts of cruelty, the propensities of nature never lead them toinfringe the virtue of women in their power. 

The general character of the Indians, was more estimable, when theyfirst became known to Europeans, than it is at present. This has beenascribed to the introduction of ardent spirits among them--othercauses however, have conspired to produce the result. 

The cupidity of those who were engaged in commerce with the natives, too frequently prompted them to take every advantage, for selfaggrandizement, which they could obtain over the Indians. In thelucrative traffic carried on with them, the influence of honestywas not predominant--the real value of the commodity procured, wasnever allowed; while upon every article given in exchange, extortionalone affixed the price. These examples could not fail to have adeteriorating effect upon their untutored minds; and we find themaccordingly losing their former regard for truth, honesty andfidelity; and becoming instead deceitful, dishonest and treacherous. Many of their ancient virtues however, are still practised by them. 

The rights of hospitality are accorded to those who go among them, with a liberality and sincerity which would reflect credit oncivilized man. And although it has been justly said that they rarelyforgive an enemy, yet is it equally true that they never forsake theirfriends; to them they are always kind, generous and beneficent. 

After the ceremony of introduction is over, [3] a captive enemy, [32]who is adopted by them, is also treated with the utmost humanity andattention. An Indian cheerfully divides his last morsel with anadopted son or brother; and will readily risk life in his defence. Such indeed, is the kindness which captives thus situated invariablyreceive, that they frequently regret the hour of their redemption, andrefuse to leave their red brethren, to return and mingle with thewhites. 

As members of a community, they are at all times willing to devotetheir every faculty, for the good of the whole. The honor and welfareof their respective tribes, are primary considerations with them. Topromote these, they cheerfully encounter every privation, endure everyhardship, and face every danger. Their patriotism is of the most pureand disinterested character; and of those who have made us feel sosensibly, the horrors of savage warfare, many were actuated by motiveswhich would reflect honor on the citizens of any country. Theunfortunate Tecumseh was a remarkable example of the most ardent andpatriotic devotion to his country. 

Possessed of an acute and discerning mind, he witnessed the extendinginfluence of the whites, with painful solicitude. Listening withmelancholy rapture, to the traditionary accounts of the formergreatness of his nation, and viewing in anticipation the exile orextinction of his race, his noble soul became fired with the hope thathe might retrieve the fallen fortune of his country, and restore it toits pristine dignity and grandeur. His attachment to his tribeimpelled him to exertion and every nerve was strained in its cause. 

Determined if possible to achieve the independence of his nation, andto rid her of those whom he considered her oppressors, he formed thescheme of uniting in hostility against the United States, all thetribes dwelling east of the Mississippi river. In the prosecution ofthis purpose, he travelled from Mackinaw to Georgia, [4] and withwonderful adroitness practised on the different feelings of his redbrethren. Assuming at times the character of a prophet, he wroughtpowerfully on their credulity and superstition. --Again, depending onthe force of oratory, the witchery of his eloquence drew many [33] tohis standard. But all was in vain--His plans were entirely frustrated. He had brought none of his auxiliaries into the field; and was totallyunprepared for hostilities, when his brother, the celebrated Shawaneseprophet, by a premature attack on the army under Gen. Harrison, at aninauspicious moment, precipitated him into a war with the UnitedStates. 

Foiled by this means, Tecumseh joined the standard of Great Britain inthe war of 1812; and as a Brigadier General in her army, lost hislife, bravely supporting the cause which he had espoused. He deserveda better fate; and but for prejudice which is so apt to dim the eyeand distort the object, Tecumseh would, most probably, be deemed amartyr for his country, and associated in the mind with the heroes ofMarathon and Thermopylæ. 

To contemplate the Indian character, in a religious point of view, isless gratifying than to consider it in regard to the lesser morals. Atthe period of the settlement of Western Virginia, excepting theMoravians, and a few others who had been induced by the zeal andexertions of Roman catholic missionaries to wear the cross, theIndians north west of the Ohio river, were truly heathens. Theybelieved indeed in a First Cause, and worshiped the Good Spirit; butthey were ignorant of the great truths of Christianity, and theirdevotions were but superstitious acts of blind reverence. In thissituation they remain generally at the present day, notwithstandingthe many laudable endeavors which have been made to christianizethem. 

Perhaps there was never a tribe in America, but believed in theexistence of a Deity; yet were their ideas of the nature andattributes of God, not only obscure, but preposterous and absurd. Theybelieve also in the existence of many inferior deities, whom theysuppose to be employed as assistants in managing the affairs of theworld, and in inspecting the actions of men. Eagles and Owls arethought by some to have been placed here as observers of the actionsof men; and accordingly, when an eagle is seen to soar about them byday, or an owl to perch near them at night, they immediately offersacrifice, that a good report may be made of them to the GreatSpirit. 

They are likewise believers in the immortality of the soul; and havesuch an idea of a future state of existence, as accords with theircharacter and condition here. Strangers to [34] intellectualpleasures, they suppose that their happiness hereafter will consist ofmere sensual gratifications; and that when they die, they will betranslated to a delightful region, where the flowers never fade, northe leaves fall from the trees; where the forests abound in game, andthe lakes in fish, and where they expect to remain forever, enjoyingall the pleasures which delighted them here. [5]

In consequence of this belief, when an Indian dies, and is buried, they place in the grave with him, his bow and arrows and such weaponsas they use in war, that he may be enabled to procure game andovercome an enemy. And it has been said, that they grieve more for thedeath of an infant unable to provide for itself in the world ofspirits, than for one who had attained manhood and was capable oftaking care of himself. An interesting instance of this is given byMajor Carver, and furnishes at once, affecting evidence of theirincongruous creed and of their parental tenderness. Maj. Carver says:

"Whilst I remained with them, a couple whose tent was near to mine, lost a son about four years old. The parents were so inconsolable forits loss, and so much affected by its death, that they pursued theusual testimonies of grief with such uncommon vigor, as through theweight of sorrow and loss of blood, to occasion the death of thefather. The mother, who had been hitherto absorbed in grief, no soonerbeheld her husband expire, than she dried up her tears, and appearedcheerful and resigned. 

"As I knew not how to account for so extraordinary a transition, Itook an opportunity to ask her the reason of it. She replied, that asthe child was so young when it died, and unable to support itself inthe country of spirits, both she and her husband had been apprehensivethat its situation would be far from pleasant; but no sooner did shebehold its father depart for the same place, and who not only lovedthe child with the tenderest affection, but was a good hunter and [35]able to provide plentifully for its support, than she ceased to mourn. She added that she saw no reason to continue her tears, as the childwas now happy under the protection of a fond father; and that she hadonly one wish remaining to be gratified, and that was a wish to beherself with them. "[6]

In relation to the Indian antiquities so frequently met with inAmerica, much doubt still exists. When and for what purpose many ofthose vast mounds of earth, so common in the western country, wereheaped up, is matter of uncertainty. Mr. Jefferson has pronounced themto be repositories of the dead; and many of them certainly weredesigned for that purpose; perhaps all with which he had becomeacquainted previous to the writing of his notes of Virginia. Mr. Jefferson did not deem them worthy the name of monuments. Since thecountry has been better explored, many have been discovered justlyentitled to that appellation, some of which seem to have beenconstructed for purposes other than inhumation. [7] These arefrequently met with in the valley of the Mississippi, and are said toextend into Mexico. The most celebrated works of this class, arebelieved to be those at Circleville in Ohio, which have so frequentlybeen described, and are justly considered memorials of the labor andperseverance of those by whom they were erected. 

There is a tradition among the Indians of the north, which if truewould furnish a very rational solution to the question, "for whatpurpose were they constructed?" According to this tradition about "twothousand two hundred years, before Columbus discovered America, thenorthern nations appointed a prince, and immediately after, repairedto the south and visited the GOLDEN CITY, the capital of a vastempire. After a time the emperor of the south built many fortsthroughout his dominions, and extending them northwardly almostpenetrated the lake Erie. This produced much excitement. The people ofthe north, afraid that they would be deprived of the country on thesouth side of the great lakes, determined to defend it against theinfringement of any foreign people; long and bloody wars ensued whichlasted about one hundred years. The people of the north, being moreskillful in the use of bows and arrows, and capable of enduringhardships which proved fatal to those of the south, gained theconquest; and all the towns and forts, which had been erected by theirenemy, were totally destroyed and left in a heap of ruins. "[8]

The most considerable of those tumuli or sepulchral mounds, which arefound in Virginia, is that on the bottoms of Grave creek, near itsentrance into the Ohio, about twelve miles below Wheeling, and is theonly large one in this section of the country. Its diameter at thebase, is said to be one hundred yards, its perpendicular height abouteighty feet, and the diameter at its summit, forty-five feet. Trees, of all sizes and of various kinds, are growing on its sides; andfallen [36] and decayed timber, is interspersed among them; a singlewhite oak rises out of a concavity in the centre of its summit. [9]

Near to Cahokia there is a group (of about two hundred) of thesemounds, of various dimensions. [10] The largest of these is said tohave a base of eight hundred yards circumference, and an altitude ofninety feet. These and the one mentioned as being on Grave creek andmany smaller ones in various parts of the country, were no doubtplaces of inhumation. [11]--Many have been opened, and found to containhuman bones promiscuously thrown together. Mr. Jefferson supposed theone examined by him, (the diameter of whose base was only forty feetand height twelve) to contain the bones of perhaps a thousand humanbeings, of each sex and of every age. Others have been examined, inwhich were the skeletons of men of much greater stature, than that ofany of the Indians in America, at the time of its discovery, or ofthose with whom we have since become acquainted. 

It is a well known fact, that since the whites became settled in thecountry, the Indians were in the habit of collecting the bones oftheir dead and of depositing them in one general cemetery; but theearth and stone used by them, were taken from the adjacent land. Thiswas not invariably the case, with those ancient heaps of earth foundin the west. In regard to many of them, this singular circumstance issaid to be a fact, that the earth, of which they are composed, is ofan altogether different nature, from that around them; and must, insome instances, have been carried a considerable distance. Thetellurine structures at Circleville are of this sort; and the materialof which they were constructed, is said to be distinctly different, from the earth any where near to them. 

The immensity of the size of these and many others, would induce thesupposition that they could not have been raised by a race of peopleas indolent as the Indians have been, ever since a knowledge was hadof them. Works, the construction of which would now require theconcentrated exertions of at least one thousand men, aided by themechanical inventions of later days, for several months, could hardlyhave been erected by persons, so subject to lassitude under labor asthey are: unless indeed their population was infinitely greater thanwe now conceive it to have been. Admitting however, this density ofpopulation to have existed, other circumstances would corroborate thebelief, that the country once had other inhabitants, than theprogenitors of those who have been called, the aborigines of America:one of these circumstances is the uncommon size of many of theskeletons found in the smaller mounds upon the hills. 

If the fact be, as it is represented, that the larger skeletons areinvariably found on elevated situations, remote from the larger watercourses, it would tend to show that there was a diversity of habit, and admitting their cotemporaneous existence, perhaps no alliance orintercourse between those, whose remains they are, and the persons bywhom those large mounds and fortifications were erected, [37] thesebeing found only on plains in the contiguity of large streams orinland lakes; and containing only the bones of individuals of ordinarystature. 

Another and stronger evidence that America was occupied by others thanthe ancestors of the present Indians, is to be found in thoseantiquities, which demonstrate that iron was once known here, andconverted to some of the uses ordinarily made of it. 

In graduating a street in Cincinnati, there was found, twenty-fivefeet below the surface of the earth, a small horse shoe, in which wereseveral nails. It is said to present the appearance of such erosion aswould result from the oxidation of some centuries. It was smaller thanwould be required for a common mule. [12]

Many are the instances of pieces of timber found, various depths belowthe surface of the earth, with the marks of the axe palpably visibleon them. [13] A sword too, said to have been enclosed in the wood ofthe roots of a tree not less than five hundred years old, is preservedin Ohio as a curiosity. Many other instances might, if necessary, beadduced to prove, that implements of iron were in use in this country, prior to its occupation by the whites. Now if a people once have theuse of that metal, it is far from probable that it will ever after belost to them: the essential purposes to which it may be applied, wouldpreserve it to them. The Indians however, 'till taught by theEuropeans, had no knowledge of it. 

Many of the antiquities discovered in other parts of the country, showthat the arts once flourished to an extent beyond what they have everbeen known to do among the Indians. The body found in the saltpetrecave of Kentucky, was wrapped in blankets made of linen and interwovenwith feathers of the wild turkey, tastefully arranged. It was muchsmaller than persons of equal age at the present day, and hadyellowish hair. In Tennessee many walls of faced stone, and evenwalled wells have been found in so many places, at such depths andunder such circumstances, as to preclude the idea of their having beenmade by the whites since the discovery by Columbus. 

[38] In this state too, have been found burying grounds, in which theskeletons seem all to have been those of pigmies: the graves, in whichthe bodies had been deposited, were seldom three feet in length; yetthe teeth in the skulls prove that they were the bodies of persons ofmature age. 

Upon the whole there cannot be much doubt, that America was onceinhabited by a people, not otherwise allied to the Indians of thepresent day, than that they were descendants of him, from whom hassprung the whole human family. 

----- [1] It is said that the nerves of an Indian do not shrink as much, nor shew the same tendency to spasm, under the knife of the surgeon, as the nerves of a white man in a similar situation. 

 [2] A Narraganset, made prisoner by Maj. Talcott in 1679, begged to be delivered to the Mohicans that he might be put to death in their own way. The New Englanders complying with his request, preparations were made for the tragical event. "The Mohicans, formed a circle, and admitting within it as many of the whites as chose to witness their proceedings, placed the prisoner in the centre. One of the Mohicans, who had lost a son in the late engagement, with a knife cut off the PRISONER'S EARS! then his NOSE! and then the FINGERS off each hand! after the lapse of a few moments, his EYES WERE DUG OUT, AND THEIR SOCKETS FILLED WITH HOT EMBERS!! All this time the prisoner instead of bewailing his fate, seemed to surpass his tormentors in expressions of joy. At length when exhausted with loss of blood and unable to stand, his executioner closed the tragic scene by beating out his brains with a tomahawk. "--_Indian Wars, by Trumbull. _

 [3] Indians consider the running of the gauntlet, as but the ceremony of an introduction; and say that it is "like the shake hands and howde do, of the whites. "

 [4] While performing this tour, Tecumseh carried a RED STICK, the acceptance of which was considered a joining of his party--Hence those Indians who were hostile to the United States, were denominated RED STICKS. 

 [5] Pope has very finely expressed the leading articles of religion among the Indians in the following lines. 

 Lo, the poor Indian! whose untutor'd mind Sees God in clouds, or hears him in the wind; His soul proud science never taught to stray Far as the Solar Walk or Milky Way; Yet simple nature to his hope has giv'n, Behind the cloud-topt hill an humbler heav'n; Some safer world in depth of woods embrac'd, Some happier island in the wat'ry waste; Where slaves once more their native land behold, No fiends torment, no Christians thirst for gold. To BE, contents his natural desire, He asks no angel's wing, no seraph's fire: But thinks admitted to that equal sky, His faithful dog shall bear him company. 

 [6] The author's summary of Indian character is for the most part excellent, and in accord with more recent conclusions. See Chap. I. Of _The Colonies_, in "Epochs of American History" (Longmans, 1892. )--R. G. T. 

 [7] Gen. George Rogers Clark, an early and careful observer, scouted the idea advanced by Noah Webster, in Carey's _American Museum_, in 1789, that these extraordinary Western military defenses were the work of De Soto. "As for his being the author of these fortifications, " says Clark, "it is quite out of the question; they are more numerous than he had men, and many of them would have required fifty thousand men for their occupancy. "--L. C. D. 

 [8] Indian traditions, by Cusick. 

 [9] This description, written by Withers in 1831, still holds good in the main. The mound, which proves to have been a burial tumulus, is now surrounded by the little city of Moundsville, W. Va. , and is kept inclosed by the owner as one of the sights of the place. The writer visited it in May, 1894. --R. G. T. 

 [10] George Rogers Clark, who was repeatedly at Cahokia during the period 1778-80, says: "We easily and evidently traced the town for upwards of five miles in the beautiful plain below the present town of Kahokia. There could be no deception here, because the remains of ancient works were thick--the whole were mounds, etc. " Clark's MS. Statement; Schoolcraft's _Indian Tribes_, IV. , p. 135. --L. C. D. 

 [11] This mound was used, at least in part, for burial purposes. Nearly fifty years ago, when the writer of this note explored this remarkable artificial elevation of eighty feet in height, he found in the excavation numerous beads of shell or bone, or both, ornaments of the dead buried there. --L. C. D. 

 [12] This proves nothing. A silver medal of John Quincy Adams's administration, evidently presented to some Indian chief was, in 1894, found in Wisconsin, twelve feet below the surface. Iron and silver tools and ornaments, evidently made in Paris for the Indian trade, have been found in Ohio and Wisconsin mounds. It is now sufficiently demonstrated that the mound-builders were the ancestors of the aborigines found in the country by the first white settlers, and that the mounds are of various ages, ranging perhaps from three hundred to a thousand years. Various _Reports_ of the Bureau of Ethnology go into the matter with convincing detail. --R. G. T. 

 [13] Jacob Wolf, in digging a well on Hacker's creek, found a piece of timber which had been evidently cut off at one end, twelve or thirteen feet in the ground--marks of the axe were plainly distinguishable on it. 

[39] CHRONICLES OF BORDER WARFARE. 

CHAPTER I

At the time when Virginia became known to the whites, it was occupiedby many different tribes of Indians, attached to different nations. That portion of the state lying north west of the Blue ridge, andextending to the lakes was possessed by the Massawomees. These were apowerful confederacy, rarely in amity with the tribes east of thatrange of mountains; but generally harrassing them by frequent hostileirruptions into their country. Of their subsequent history, nothing isnow known. They are supposed by some to have been the ancestors of theSix Nations. It is however more probable, that they afterwards becameincorporated with these, as did several other tribes of Indians, whoused a language so essentially different from that spoken by the SixNations, as to render the intervention of interpreters necessarybetween them. 

As settlements were extended from the sea shore, the Massawomeesgradually retired; and when the white population reached the Blueridge of mountains, the valley between it and the Alleghany, wasentirely uninhabited. This delightful region of country was then onlyused as a hunting ground, and as a highway for belligerant parties ofdifferent nations, in their military expeditions against each other. In consequence of the almost continued hostilities between thenorthern and southern Indians, these expeditions were very frequent, and tended somewhat to retard the settlement of the valley, and rendera residence in it, for some time, insecure and unpleasant. Betweenthe Alleghany mountains and the Ohio river, within the present limitsof Virginia, there were some villages interspersed, inhabited by smallnumbers of Indians; the most [40] of whom retired north west of thatriver, as the tide of emigration rolled towards it. Some howeverremained in the interior, after settlements began to be made in theirvicinity. 

North of the present boundary of Virginia, and particularly near thejunction of the Alleghany and Monongahela rivers, and in thecircumjacent country the Indians were more numerous, and theirvillages larger. In 1753, when Gen. Washington visited the Frenchposts on the Ohio, the spot which had been selected by the Ohiocompany, as the site for a fort, was occupied by Shingess, king of theDelawares; and other parts of the proximate country, were inhabited byMingoes and Shawanees. [1] When the French were forced to abandon theposition, which they had taken at the forks of Ohio, the greater partof the adjacent tribes removed farther west. So that when improvementswere begun to be made in the wilderness of North Western Virginia, ithad been almost entirely deserted by the natives; and excepting a fewstraggling hunters and warriors, who occasionally traversed it inquest of game, or of human beings on whom to wreak their vengeance, almost its only tenants were beasts of the forest. 

In the country north west of the Ohio river, there were manywarlike tribes of Indians, strongly imbued with feelings ofrancorous hostility to the neighboring colonists. Among the morepowerful of these were the Delawares, who resided on branches ofBeaver Creek, Cayahoga, and Muskingum; and whose towns containedabout six hundred inhabitants--The Shawanees, who to the number of300, dwelt upon the Scioto and Muskingum--The Chippewas, nearMackinaw, of 400--Cohunnewagos, of 300, and who inhabited nearSandusky--The Wyandots, whose villages were near fort St. Joseph, and embraced a population of 250--The Twightees, near fort Miami, with a like population--The Miamis, on the river Miami, near thefort of that name, reckoning 300 persons--The Pottowatomies of 300, and the Ottawas of 550, in their villages near to forts St. Josephand Detroit, [2] and of 250, in the towns near Mackinaw. Besidesthese, there were in the same district of country, others of lessnote, yet equally inimical to the whites; and who contributed muchto the annoyance [41] of the first settlers on the Ohio, and itstributaries. 

There were likewise the Munsies, dwelling on the north branch of theSusquehanna, and on the Allegheny river--The Senecas, on the waters ofthe Susquehanna, Ontario and the heads of the Allegheny--The Cayugas, on Cayuga lake, and the Sapoonies, who resided in the neighborhood ofthe Munsies. In these tribes was an aggregate population of 1, 380souls, and they likewise aided in committing depredations on ourfrontiers. 

Those who ventured to explore and occupy the south western portionof Virginia, found also in its vicinity some powerful and warliketribes. The Cherokees possessed what was then, the western part ofNorth Carolina and numbered 2, 500--The Chicasaws, residing south ofthe Cherokees, had a population of 750--and the Catawbas, on theCatawba river in South Carolina with only 150 persons. These latterwere remarkably adventurous, enterprising and courageous; andnotwithstanding their remote situation, and the paucity of theirnumbers, frequently traversed the valley of Virginia, and evenpenetrated the country on the north branch of the Susquehanna, andbetween the Ohio river and lake Erie, to wage war upon the Delawares. Their success in many of these expeditions, is preserved in thetraditions of the Delawares, who continue to regard them as havingused in these wars, a degree of cunning and stratagem, to whichother tribes have never approached. [3]

Such were the numbers and positions of many of the proximate Indiansabout the time settlements were begun to be [42] made on theMonongahela river and its branches. Anterior to this period, adventurers had explored, and established themselves, in variousparts of the valley between the Blue ridge and the Alleghany mountain. That section of it, which was included within the limits of theNorthern-Neck, was the first to become occupied by the whites. Thefacilities afforded by the proprietor for obtaining land within hisgrant, the greater salubrity of climate and fertility of soil nearto the Blue ridge, caused the tide of emigration to flow rapidlytowards the upper country, and roll even to the base of thatmountain. Settlements were soon after extended westwardly acrossthe Shenandoah, and early in the eighteenth century Winchesterbecame a trading post, with sparse improvements in its vicinity. 

About this time Thomas Morlin, a pedlar trading from Williamsburg toWinchester, resolved, in conjunction with John Salling a weaver alsofrom Williamsburg, to prosecute an examination of the country, beyondthe limits which had hitherto bounded the exploratory excursions ofother adventurers. With this view, they travelled up the valley of theShenandoah, and crossing James river and some of its branches, proceeded as far as the Roanoke, when Salling was taken captive by aparty of Cherokees. Morlin was fortunate enough to elude theirpursuit, and effect a safe retreat to Winchester. 

Upon the return of the party by whom Salling had been captivated, hewas taken to Tennessee where he remained for some years. When on ahunting expedition to the Salt licks of Kentucky, in company with someCherokees to kill buffalo, they were surprised by a party of IllinoisIndians, with whom the Cherokees were then at war, and by them Sallingwas again taken prisoner. He was then carried to Kaskaskia, when hewas adopted into the family of a squaw whose son had been killed inthe wars. 

While with this nation of Indians, Salling frequently accompaniedparties of them on hunting excursions, a considerable distance to thesouth. On several occasions he went with them below the mouth of theArkansas, and once to the Gulph of Mexico. In one of those expeditionsthey met with a party of Spaniards, exploring the country and whoneeded an interpreter. For this purpose they purchased Salling of hisIndian mother for three strands of beads and a Calumet. Sallingattended them to the post at Crevecoeur; from which [43] place he wasconveyed to fort Frontignac: here he was redeemed by the Governor ofCanada, who sent him to the Dutch settlement in New York, whence hemade his way home after an absence of six years. [4]

The emigration from Great Britain to Virginia was then very great, andat the period of Salling's return to Williamsburg, there were thenmany adventurers, who had but recently arrived from Scotland and thenorth of England. Among these adventurers were John Lewis[5] and JohnMackey. Salling's return excited a considerable and very generalinterest, and drew around him many, particularly of those who had butlately come to America, and to whom the narrative of one, who had beennearly six years a captive among the Indians, was highly gratifying. Lewis and Mackey listened attentively to the description given of thecountry in the valley, and pleased with its beauty and fertility asrepresented by Salling, they prevailed on him to accompany them on avisit to examine it more minutely, and if found correspondent with hisdescription to select in it situations for their future residence. 

Lewis made choice of, and improved, a spot a few miles below Staunton, on a creek which bears his name--Mackey on the middle branch of theShenandoah near Buffalo-gap; and Salling in the forks of James river, below the Natural Bridge, where some of his descendants still reside. Thus was effected the first white settlement ever made on the Jamesriver, west of the Blue ridge. [6]

In the year 1736, Lewis, being in Williamsburg, met with BenjaminBurden (who had then just come to the country as agent of LordFairfax, proprietor of the Northern Neck, ) and on whom he prevailed toaccompany him home. Burden remained at Lewis's the greater part of thesummer, and on his return to Williamsburg, took with him a buffalocalf, which while hunting with Samuel[7] and Andrew Lewis (elder sonsof John) they had caught and afterwards tamed. He presented this calfto Gov. Gooch, who thereupon entered on his journal, [44] an order, authorizing Burden to locate conditionally, any quantity of land notexceeding 500, 000 acres on any of the waters of the Shenandoah, or ofJames river west of the Blue ridge. The conditions of this grant were, that he should interfere with no previous grants--that he shouldsettle 100 families, in ten years, within its limits; and should have1000 acres adjoining each cabin which he should cause to be built, with liberty to purchase any greater quantity adjoining, at the rateof fifty pounds per thousand acres. In order to effect a compliancewith one of these conditions, Burden visited Great Britain in 1737;and on his return to Virginia brought with him upwards of one hundredfamilies of adventurers, to settle on his grant. [8] Amongst theseadventurers were, John Patton, son-in-law to Benjamin Burden, whosettled on Catawba, above Pattonsburg[9]--Ephraim McDowell, whosettled at Phoebe's falls--John, the son of Ephraim, [10] who settledat Fairfield, where Col. James McDowell now lives--Hugh Telford, whosettled at the Falling spring, in the forks of James river--PaulWhitley, who settled on Cedar creek, where the Red Mill nowis--Archibald Alexander, who settled on the North river, oppositeLexington--Andrew Moore, who settled adjoining Alexander--SampsonArcher, who settled at Gilmore's spring, east of the Bridge tavern, and Capt. John Matthews, who married Betsy Archer, (the daughter ofSampson) settled where Major Matthews lives, below the Naturalbridge. 

Among others who came to Virginia at this time, was an Irish girlnamed Polly Mulhollin. On her arrival she was hired to James Bell topay her passage; and with whom she remained during the period herservitude was to continue. At its expiration she attired herself inthe habit of a man; and with hunting shirt and mocassons, went intoBurden's grant, for the purpose of making improvements and acquiring atitle to land. Here she erected thirty cabins, by virtue of which sheheld one hundred acres adjoining each. When Benjamin Burden theyounger, came on to make deeds to those who held cabin rights, he wasastonished to see so many in the name of Mulhollin. Investigation ledto a discovery of the mystery, to the great mirth of the otherclaimants. She resumed her christian name and feminine dress, and manyof [45] her respectable descendants still reside within the limits ofBurden's grant. [11]

When in 1752 Robert Dinwiddie came over as governor of Virginia, hewas accompanied by many adventurers; among whom was John Stuart, [12]an intimate friend of Dinwiddie, who had married the widow of JohnPaul (son of Hugh, bishop of Nottingham. ) John Paul, a partizan of thehouse of Stuart, had perished in the siege of Dalrymple castle in1745, leaving three children--John, who became a Roman catholic priestand died on the eastern shore of Maryland--Audley, who was for tenyears an officer in the British colonial forces, --and Polly, whomarried Geo. Matthews, afterwards governor of Georgia. Mrs. Paul(formerly Jane Lynn, of the Lynns of Loch-Lynn, a sister to the wifeof John Lewis) had issue, by Stuart, John, since known as Col. Stuartof Greenbrier, and Betsy, who became the wife of Col. Richard Woods ofAlbemarle. 

The greater part of those, who thus ventured "on the untriedbeing" of a wilderness life, were Scottish presbyterian dissenters;a class of religionists, of all others perhaps, the most remarkablefor rigid morality. They brought with them, their religiousprinciples, and sectional prepossessions; and acting upon thoseprinciples acquired for their infant colony a moral and devotionalcharacter rarely possessed by similar establishments. While thesesectional prepossessions, imbibed by their descendants, gave to theirreligious persuasions, an ascendency in that section of country, which it still retains. 

They were also men of industry and enterprise. Hunting, which toofrequently occupies the time, of those who make the forest theirdwelling place, and abstracts the attention from more importantpursuits, was to them a recreation--not the business of life. Toimprove their condition, by converting the woods into fertile plains, and the wilderness into productive meadows, was their chief object. Inthe attainment of this, they were eminently successful. Theirindividual circumstances became prosperous, and the countryflourishing. 

The habits and manners of the primeval inhabitants of any country, generally give to it a distinctive character, which marks it throughafter ages. Notwithstanding the influx of strangers, bringing withthem prejudices and prepossessions, at variance with those of thecommunity in which they come; [46] yet such is the influence ofexample, and such the facility with which the mind imbibes thefeelings and sentiments of those with whom it associates, that formerhabits are gradually lost and those which prevail in society, imperceptibly adopted by its new members. 

In like manner, the moral and religious habits of those whoaccompanied Burden to Virginia, were impressed on the country whichthey settled, and entailed on it that high character for industry, morality and piety, which it still possesses, in an eminent degree. 

At the time of the establishment of this settlement, all that part ofVirginia lying west of the Blue ridge mountains, was included in thecounty of Orange. At the fall session, of the colonial legislature, in1738, the counties of Frederick and Augusta were formed out ofOrange--The country included within the boundaries of the Potomacriver, on the north, the Blue ridge, on the east, and a line, to berun from the head spring of Hedgman, to the head spring of Potomac, onthe south and west, to be the county of Frederick; the remainder ofthe state west of the Blue ridge, to the utmost limits of Virginia toconstitute Augusta. Within its limits were included, not only aconsiderable portion of Virginia as she now is, but an extent ofterritory out of which has been already carved four states, possessinggreat natural advantages, and the extreme fertility of whose soil, will enable them to support perhaps a more dense population, than anyother portion of North America of equal dimensions. As the settlementswere extended, subdivisions were made, 'till what was once Augustacounty south east of the Ohio river, has been chequered on the map ofVirginia, into thirty-three counties with an aggregate population of289, 362. [13]

[48] About the year 1749 there was in the county of Frederick, a mansubject to lunacy, and who, when laboring under the influence of thisdisease, would ramble a considerable distance into the neighboringwilderness. In one of these wanderings he came on some of the watersof Greenbrier river. Surprised to see them flowing in a westwardlydirection, on his return to Winchester he made known the fact, andthat the country abounded very much with different kinds of Game. Inconsequence of this information two men, recently from New England, visited the country and took up their residence on the Greenbrierriver. 

Having erected a cabin and being engaged in making some otherimprovements, an altercation arose, which caused Stephen Suel, [14] oneof them, to forsake the cabin and abide for some time in a hollow treenot far from the improvement, which was still occupied by his oldcompanion. They were thus situated in 1751, when John Lewis, ofAugusta and his son Andrew were exploring the country; to whom Suelmade known the cause of their living apart, and the great pleasurewhich he experienced now in their morning salutations, when issuingfrom their respective habitations; whereas when they slept under thesame roof, none of those kindly greetings passed between them. Suelhowever did not long remain in the vicinity of Martin, the other ofthe two adventurers; he moved forty miles west of his firstimprovement, and soon after fell a prey to Indian ferocity. Martin issaid to have returned to the settlements. 

There was no other attempt made by the whites, to improve theGreenbrier country for several years. Lewis and his son thoroughlyexamined it; and when permission was given to the Greenbrier company(of which John Lewis was a member) to locate 100, 000 acres, on thewaters of this river, they became agents to make the surveys andlocations. The war between France and England in 1754 checked theirproceedings; and when they, on the restoration of peace, would haveresumed them, they were interdicted by a royal proclamation, issued in1761, commanding all those who had made settlements on the westernwaters to remove from them; and those who were engaged in makingsurveys to desist. Sound policy requiring, that a good understandingshould be maintained with the Indians (who claimed the country) toprevent a further cooperation on their part with France. [15]

Previous to the issuing of this proclamation, some families had movedto Greenbrier and made two settlements--the one on Muddy creek, theother in the Big-Levels. These, disregarding the command of his royalmajesty and rather regardless of their own safety, remained until theywere destroyed by the Indians, in 1763. [16] From this time 'till 1769Greenbrier was altogether uninhabited. Capt. John Stuart and a fewother young men, then began to settle and improve the country; andalthough attempts were subsequently made by the Indians to exterminatethem, yet they ever after continued in possession of it. 

[49] In the year 1756 settlements were also made on New river and onHolstein. [17] Among the daring adventurers who effected them, wereEvan Shelby, William Campbell, William Preston and Daniel Boone, allof whom became distinguished characters in subsequent history. ThomasWalden, [18] who was afterwards killed on Clinch river and from whomthe mountain dividing Clinch and Powel rivers derived its name, waslikewise one of them. The lands taken up by them, were held as "_cornrights_" each acquiring a title to an hundred acres of the adjoiningland, for every acre planted in corn. 

Nearly cotemporaneous with these establishments, was that atGalliopolis, on the north western bank of the Ohio, and below PointPleasant, at the mouth of the Great Kenhawa. This was made by a partyof French Jesuits, by whom the Indians were incited to makeincursions, and commit the most enormous barbarities on the thenfrontiers. [19] This place and the mouth of Great Sandy were the chiefpoints of rendezvous for the Ohio Indians. From the former of theseplaces they would ascend the Kenhawa and Greenbrier rivers, and fromthence crossing the mountains enter into Augusta; or after havingascended the Kenhawa, go up the New river, from which they would passover to the James and Roanoke. From the mouth of Great Sandy theywould ascend that river, and by the way of Bluestone fall over on theRoanoke and New river. From those two points, expeditions werefrequently made by the Indians, which brought desolation and deathinto the infant settlements of the south west, and retarded theirgrowth very much. In the spring of 1757 nearly the whole Roanokesettlement was destroyed by a party of Shawanees, who had thus madetheir way to it. 

That portion of the valley of Virginia in which establishments werethus begun to be made, was at that time one continued forest;overspreading a limestone soil of great fertility; and intersected byrivers affording extensive bottoms of the most productive alluvialland. Indeed few rivers of equal size, are bordered with as wide andfertile levels of this formation of earth, as those which water thatsection of country: the Roanoke particularly affords large bodies ofit, capable of producing in great abundance hemp, tobacco and thedifferent kinds of grain usually grown. In the country generally, every species of vegetable, to which the climate was congenial, grewwith great luxuriancy; while the calcareous nature of the soil, adapted it finely to the production of that kind of grain, to whichEuropean emigrants were mostly used. 

The natural advantages of the country were highly improved by thepersevering industry of its inhabitants. Its forests, felled byuntiring labor, were quickly reduced to profitable cultivation, andthe weeds which spontaneously sprang from the earth, were soonsucceeded by the various grasses calculated to furnish the mostnutritious food, for the lowing herds with which their farmers wereearly stocked; these yielded a present profit, and laid the surefoundation [50] of future wealth. Some of the most extensive andsuccessful graziers of Virginia, now inhabit that country; and reapthe rich reward of their management and industry, in the improved andmore contiguous market of Richmond. 

In the infancy of these establishments, their only market was atWilliamsburg. Thither the early settlers _packed_ their butter andpoultry, and received in exchange salt, iron, and some of the luxuriesof life; their beef and other stock was taken to the same place. Inthe process of time, as the country east of the Blue ridge becamemore improved, other markets were opened to them; and the facilitiesof communication were gradually increased. Their successors havealready derived great advantage from those improvements; and thepresent generation will not only witness their farther extension, but most probably see the country first tenanted by Lewis and hiscotemporaries, a great thoroughfare for the produce of several of thewestern states--a link of communication between the Chesapeak bay andthe Gulph of Mexico. 

----- [1] King Shingiss was a famous village chief, "a terror to the frontier settlements of Pennsylvania. " A brother, and later the successor of King Beaver, his camp was at the mouth of Beaver Creek, which empties into the Ohio twenty-six miles below "the forks" (site of Pittsburg). Christopher Gist visited him November 24, 1750. In 1759, when Fort Pitt was built, Shingiss moved up Beaver Creek to Kuskuskis on the Mahoning, and finally to the Muskingum. The land about the mouth of Beaver Creek is called "Shingis Old Town" in the Ft. Stanwix treaty, 1784. --R. G. T. 

 [2] The numbers here set down and those given below, are as they were ascertained by Capt. Hutchins, who visited the most of the tribes for purpose of learning their population in 1768. 

 [3] A tradition among the Delawares says that formerly the Catawbas came near one of their hunting camps and remaining in ambush at night sent two or three of their party round the camp with Buffalo hoofs fixed to their feet, to make artificial buffalo tracks and thus decoy the hunters from their camp. In the morning the Delawares, discovering the tracks and supposing them to have been made by buffaloes, followed them some time; when suddenly the Catawbas rose from their covert, fired at and killed several of the hunters; the others fled, collected a party and went in pursuit of the Catawbas. These had brought with them, rattle snake poison corked up in a piece of cane stalk; into which they dipped small reed splinters, which they set up along their path. The Delawares in pursuit were much injured by those poisoned splinters, and commenced retreating to their camp. The Catawbas discovering this, turned upon their pursuers, and killed and scalped many of them. 

 [4] John Peter Salling, sometimes spoken of as Peter Adam Salling, was, if not of German birth, of German descent. With his brother Henry, he early settled in the forks of James River and North Branch, in the southern part of what is now Rockbridge county, Va. The details of his early explorations in the West are involved in doubt, but that he had such adventures there seems no good reason to doubt. It will be noticed that Withers omits the date; some writers have placed it at about 1724, but the probable time was 1738-40. His descendants told Draper (about 1850) that the family tradition was, that Salling and a son were employed by the governor of Virginia to explore the country to the southwest; and when near the present Salem, Roanoke county, they were captured by Cherokees and carried to the Ohio River--one account says by way of the Tennessee, another by the New (Great Kanawha), their boat being made of buffalo skins. They appear by this tradition to have escaped, and in descending the Mississippi to have fallen into the hands of Spaniards. The son died, and the father was sent in a vessel bound for Spain, there to be tried as a British spy; but the Spaniard being captured by an English vessel, our hero was landed at Charleston, whence he reached his frontier home after an absence of over three years. This story differs in many details from the one in Kercheval's _History of the Valley of Virginia_, and also that in Withers's text, above. Salling kept a journal which was extant in 1745, for in the Wisconsin Historical Society's library is a diary kept by Capt. John Buchanan, who notes that in that year he spent two days in copying a part of it. In Du Pratz' _History of Louisiana_ (London, 1774), Salling and one John Howard are said to have made this trip in 1742, and the authority is said to be a _Report of the Government of Virginia_. But Salling must have returned home by 1742, for his name is in the roll of Capt. John McDowell's militia company, and he was probably in the fight with the Indians (Dec. 14) that year, in which McDowell lost his life. In 1746, we found Salling himself a militia captain in the Rockbridge district of Augusta county. In September, 1747, he was cited to appear at court martial for not turning out to muster--and this is the last record we have of him. Descendants, named Sallee, now live in Kentucky and Tennessee. --R. G. T. 

 [5] John Lewis, the father of Gen. Andrew Lewis, was probably of Welsh descent, and born in 1678 in County Donegal, Ireland. About 1716 he married Margaret Lynn, of the famous Lynns of Loch Lynn, Scotland. In a dispute over his tenancy (1729), he killed a man of high station, --some say, his Catholic landlord, --and fled to Portugal, whence in 1731, after strange adventures, he emigrated to America, and was joined there by his family. Fearing to live near a sea-port he established himself on the frontier, in the Valley of Virginia, two miles east of the present site of Staunton. His house was of stone, built for defense, and in 1754 it successfully stood an Indian siege. Lewis was colonel of the Augusta county militia as early as 1743, presiding justice in 1745, and high sheriff in 1748. In 1751, then 73 years of age, he assisted his son Andrew, then agent of the Loyal Company, to explore and survey the latter's grant on Greenbrier River. It was because the old man became entangled in the thicket of greenbriers, that he gave this name to the stream. He died at his old fort homestead, February 1, 1762, aged 84 years. Some accounts state that he was a Presbyterian; he was, however, an Episcopalian. --R. G. T. 

 [6] Lewis soon afterwards obtained leave from Governor Gooch to locate 100, 000 acres of land in separate parcels on the waters of the Shenandoah and James rivers; and when he would go out in search of good land to locate, Mackey would accompany him to hunt buffalo. The former amassed a large estate, while the latter lived and died in comparative poverty. 

 [7] As Col. John Lewis had no son Samuel, probably Thomas Lewis, the elder brother of Andrew, though near-sighted, may have engaged in buffalo hunting. --L. C. D. 

 [8] Of the origin of Benjamin Borden, Sr. (the name was mispronounced Burden, on the frontier), little is known. He was probably from New Jersey, and early became a fur trader on the Virginia frontier; later he was in Lord Fairfax's employ as a land agent. As such, he visited Governor Gooch and obtained from him several valuable tracts--one of them (October 3, 1734), Borden Manor, on Sprout run, Frederick county; another, 100, 000 acres at the head of the James, on condition of locating thereon a hundred families. At the end of two years he had erected 92 cabins with as many families, and a patent was granted him November 8, 1739, for 92, 100 acres. He died in 1742, before further development of his enterprise. His son Benjamin succeeded to his vast estate, but died of small-pox in 1753. In 1744, he married the widow of John McDowell, mentioned on the next page, who had been killed in the Indian fight of December 14, 1742. --R. G. T. 

 [9] The daughter of John Patton subsequently became the wife of Col. W. Preston, and the mother of James Patton Preston, late a governor of Virginia. 

 ------

 _Comment by L. C. D. _--This note of Mr. Withers, derived from Taylor's sketches (mentioned below), is erroneous both as to Patton and Preston. Col. Patton's first name was not John, but James, as both the records and his own autograph sufficiently attest. Neither did John Preston, nor his son Col. Wm. Preston, marry Col. Patton's daughter, but John Preston married his sister. Miss Elizabeth Patton, while crossing the Shannon in a boat, met the handsome John Preston, then a young ship carpenter, and an attachment grew out of their accidental meeting. But as Miss Patton belonged to the upper class of society, there was a wide gulf between their conditions, and a runaway match was the only way out of the difficulty. Gov. James Patton Preston was named after his grand-uncle. James Patton was born in County Londonderry, Ireland, in 1692. For many years he was a prosperous navigator, and crossed the Atlantic twenty-five times with "redemptioners" for Virginia; he was also an officer in the royal navy in the wars with the Netherlands. Having obtained a grant of 120, 000 acres above the Blue Ridge, he himself settled in Virginia in 1735. A man of wealth, enterprise and influence, he was a justice, sheriff, Indian treaty commissioner, and finally county lieutenant of Augusta. In 1755, he was killed by Indians while conveying ammunition to the borderers. 

 [10] Capt. John McDowell was of Scotch descent, and born in Ulster, Ireland, but in early manhood came to America, settling first in Pennsylvania, and then the Virginia Valley (autumn of 1737). He at once became one of Benjamin Borden's surveyors, and for five years made surveys on Borden's Manor. Becoming a captain in the Augusta militia, he was ordered to go out against a party of Northern Indians who, on the war-path against the Catawbas, had taken in the Virginia Valley on their way, and annoyed and plundered the white settlers. The savages were overtaken on the North Branch of James River, some fifteen miles from McDowell's place, and an engagement ensued (Dec. 14, 1742), in which McDowell and seven others lost their lives. The Indians escaped with small losses. This was the first battle between whites and Indians, in the Virginia Valley. --R. G. T. 

 [11] This incident is well authenticated. See the deposition of Mrs. Mary Greenlee, preserved in the famous Borden land suit, among the court records of Augusta county, Va. Mrs. Greenlee was the sister of Capt. John McDowell, and among the very earliest settlers of that part of Augusta, now Rockbridge county. Mrs Greenlee's deposition is published in full in Peyton's _History of Augusta County, Va. _ (Staunton, Va. , 1882), pp. 69-74. --L. C. D. 

 [12] The late Charles A. Stuart, of Greenbrier, son of Col. John Stuart, after the appearance of Hugh Paul Taylor's sketches over the signature of "Son of Cornstalk, " published in the _Staunton Spectator_ of August 21, 1829, over the signature of "Son of Blue Jacket, " a brief criticism, in the nature of some corrections regarding his own family, to this effect: That Mrs. Jane Paul was no relative of Mrs. Margaret Lewis, wife of Col. John Lewis; that her first husband, Mr. Paul--not John, but probably Hugh Paul--was apparently from the north of Ireland--their son Audley Paul was born before the migration of the family to Pennsylvania; Mr. Paul, Sr. , it is said, became the pastor of the Presbyterian congregation of Chester, in that province; but as Chester was a Quaker settlement, it is more likely that he located in some Presbyterian community in that region, and there must have died. Mrs. Paul, for her second husband, married Col. David Stuart, also from Ireland, by whom she had John Stuart and two daughters. Mrs. Stuart's grandchild, Charles A. Stuart, resided many years in Augusta, representing that county in the State senate, subsequently removed back to Greenbrier county, where he died about 1850, at the age of about sixty-five years. He was a man of sterling qualities. --L. C. D. 

 [13] The following table exhibits a list of the several counties west of the Blue ridge--the counties from which each was taken--when established--their area in square miles--population in 1830, and amount of taxation for the same year. 

 Counties. From what When Area. Population. Taxation. Taken. Formed. 

 Augusta, Orange, 1738 948 19, 925 6, 734 Alleghany, Bath, Botetourt and Monroe, 1822 521 2, 816 526 Bath, Augusta, Botetourt and Greenbrier, 1791 795 4, 068 865 [47] Brooke, Ohio, 1797 202 7, 040 1, 136 Berkeley, Frederick, 1772 308 10, 528 3, 356 Botetourt, Augusta, 1770 1057 16, 354 3, 809 Cabell, Kanawha, 1809 1033 5, 884 629 Frederick, Orange, 1738 745 26, 045 9, 396 Greenbrier, Botet't & Montg'ry, 1778 1409 9, 059 1, 716 Giles, Montgomery, Monroe and Tazewell, 1806 935 5, 300 541 Grayson, Wythe, 1793 927 7, 675 537 Harrison, Monongalia, 1784 1095 14, 713 1, 669 Hampshire, Augusta & Fred'k, 1754 989 11, 279 2, 402 Hardy, Hampshire, 1786 1156 5, 700 2, 633 Jefferson, Berkeley, 1801 225 12, 927 4, 721 Kanawha, Greenb'r & M'tg'ry, 1789 2090 9, 334 1, 453 Lewis, Harrison, 1816 1754 6, 241 630 Logan, Giles, Kanawha, Cabell & Tazewell, 1824 2930 3, 680 245 Lee, Russell, 1793 512 9, 461 789 Monongalia, District of W. A'g'ta, 1776 721 14, 056 1, 492 Monroe, Greenbrier, 1799 614 7, 798 1, 158 Morgan, Berkeley and Hampshire, 1820 271 2, 702 546 Montgomery, Fincastle, 1777 1089 12, 306 1, 666 Mason, Kanawha, 1804 904 6, 534 915 Nicholas, Kanawha, Greenbrier and Randolph, 1818 1431 3, 338 373 Ohio, District of W. A'g'ta, 1776 375 15, 590 1, 968 Preston, Monongalia, 1818 601 5, 144 441 Pendleton, Augusta, Hardy and Rockingham, 1788 999 6, 271 1, 120 Pocahontas, Bath, Pendleton and Randolph, 1821 794 2, 542 405 Randolph, Harrison, 1787 2061 5, 000 644 Russell, Washington, 1786 1370 6, 717 739 Rockingham, Augusta, 1778 833 20, 663 5, 056 Rockbridge, Augusta & Botetourt, 1778 680 14, 244 3, 276 Scott, Lee, Russell and Washington, 1814 624 5, 712 503 Shenandoah, Frederick, 1772 767 19, 750 4, 922 Tyler, Ohio, 1814 855 4, 308 757 Tazewell, Russell & Wythe, 1799 1305 5, 573 727 Washington, Fincastle, 1777 1754 15, 614 2, 918 Wythe, Montgomery, 1790 1998 12, 163 2, 178 Wood, Harrison, 1799 1223 6, 418 1, 257

 Total, 378, 293 76, 848

 [14] Little and Big Sewell mountains, dividing Fayette and Greenbrier counties, seem to perpetuate the name and memory of this early and adventurous pioneer. Col. John Stuart states, that Sewell's final settlement was forty miles west of his primitive one, and on a creek bearing his name originating in Sewell mountain, and flowing into Gauley. Col. Preston, in his _Register_, gives September, 1756, as the date of Stephen Sewell's death by the Indians, and Jackson's River as the locality. 

 Mrs. Anne Royall, in _Sketches of the History, Life and Manners of the United States_, (New Haven, 1826), p. 60, who visited the Greenbrier country in 1824, gives the name of Carver as Sewell's companion. "These two men, " says Mrs. Royall, "lived in a cave for several years, but at length they disagreed on the score of religion, and occupied different camps. They took care, however, not to stay far from each other, their camps being in sight. Sewell used to relate that he and his friend used to sit up all night without sleep, with their guns cocked, ready to fire at each other. 'And what could that be for?' 'Why, because we couldn't agree. ' 'Only two of you, and could you not agree--what did you quarrel about?' 'Why, about re-la-gin. ' One of them, it seems, was a Presbyterian, and the other an Episcopalian. "--L. C. D. 

 [15] An error as to date. King George's proclamation was dated Oct. 7, 1763. For full text, see _Wisconsin Historical Collections_, XI. , pp. 46 et seq. --R. G. T. 

 [16] Thomas King, one of the ablest of the Iroquois chiefs, related an incident at an Indian conference held at Easton, Pa. , Oct. 18, 1758, which may explain why the Indians evinced so much hostility against the Greenbrier settlements. "About three years ago, " said Chief King, "eight Seneca warriors were returning from war, with seven prisoners and scalps with them; and, at a place called Greenbrier, they met with a party of soldiers, not less than one hundred and fifty, who kindly invited them to come to a certain store, saying they would supply them with provisions. Accordingly they travelled two days with them, in a friendly manner, and when they came to the house, they took their arms from the Senecas. The head men cried out, 'here is death; defend yourselves as well as you can, ' which they did, and two of them were killed on the spot, and one, a young boy, was taken prisoner. This gave great offense; and the more so, as it was upon the warrior's road, and we were in perfect peace with our brethren. It provoked us to such a degree that we could not get over it. He wished the boy returned, if alive; and told his name, Squissatego. " See Hazard's _Penna. Register_, V. , p. 373; and _Penna. Records_, VIII. , pp. 197-98. --L. C. D. 

 [17] There were settlers on both New and Holston rivers prior to 1756--Vause, Stalnacker and others on New River; and Stephen Holston, at least, on the river bearing his name, which was known as such anterior to April, 1748, when Dr. Walker, in his _Journal_ of 1750, refers to it by that designation. But William Campbell did not settle on Holston until 1767; Wm. Preston settled in 1769; Evan Shelby and family in 1771; and, while Daniel Boone passed through that country as early, it is believed, as 1760, he never "settled" there. 

 A further notice of Stephen Holston, or Holstein, seems fitting in this connection. He was of an adventurous turn, and prior to 1748 had, during a hunt, discovered the river named after him. It was after this discovery that he settled on the Little Saluda, near Saluda Old Town, in South Carolina, where, in the summer of 1753, a party of Cherokees returning from a visit to Gov. Glen, at Charleston, behaved so rudely to Mrs. Holston, in her husband's absence, as to frighten her and her domestics away, fleeing several miles to the nearest settlement, when the house was robbed of utensils and corn, and two valuable horses were also taken. Holston and some of his neighbors settled on Holston's River, in what subsequently became Botetourt county: soon after this, they constructed canoes, and passed down the Holston into the Tennessee River, through the Muscle Shoals, and down the Ohio and Mississippi as far as Natchez. Returning from this notable adventure, his name became fixed to the noble stream which he discovered, and upon which he made the primitive settlement. His location on Holston was at the head spring of the Middle Fork; his log cabin was on the hill side some thirty rods from the spring. In 1774, one Davis occupied the place, and related that Holston had left several years before that date. On the breaking out of the Indian war in 1754, he seems to have retired with his family to Culpeper county, which was then not exempt from Indian forays; and Holston, about 1757, was captured by the Indians. But in due time he returned to the Holston country, served in the battle of Point Pleasant in 1774, on Christian's campaign against the Cherokees in 1776, and was reported in service in 1776 or 1777. As we hear no more of him, he probably did not long survive after this period. --L. C. D. 

 [18] The first name of Walden was not Thomas--Elisha Walden was his proper name. He was a son-in-law of William Blevins, and both Walden and Blevins lived, in 1774, at the "Round-About" on Smith's River, two miles east of what is now Martinsville, Henry county, Virginia. He was then about forty years of age, nearly six feet in height, a rough frontiersman, and a noted hunter. He and several others, in 1761, penetrated into Powell's Valley, naming Walden's Mountain and Walden's Creek, and proceeded on through Cumberland Gap to Cumberland River, and a few miles beyond to the Laurel Mountain, where meeting a party of Indians, they returned. In subsequent years, Walden settled on Holston, about eighteen miles above Knoxville, where he was residing in 1796; a few years later, he removed to Powell's Valley, but soon after migrated to Missouri, where he lived hunting up to extreme old age. Save what is related from Haywood's _Hist. Of Tennessee_ about the trip of 1761, this information was communicated to the writer in 1849, by Maj. John Redd, of Henry county, Va. , who personally knew the old hunter very well. --L. C. D. 

 [19] A curious misconception, this. Some of the founders of Marietta acquired in 1788 a large tract west and north of their own, and as a private speculation organized the Scioto Company. Joel Barlow, the poet, was sent to Paris to negotiate the sale of the lands. To the "Society of the Scioto, " formed by him there, he sold three million acres, and France was deluged with rose-colored immigration pamphlets written by Barlow. In February, 1790, six hundred Frenchmen--chiefly professional men and small artisans from the large towns, with not an agriculturist among them--arrived in Alexandria, Va. , _en route_ for the Scioto. They found that the Society, not having paid for its lands, had forfeited its rights, and deeds granted to the intending settlers were void. Five hundred finally went west, and founded Gallipolis. Poor, not knowing how to work the soil, and simple folk with no notions of independence, they suffered from famine, Indians, and yellow fever. They finally repurchased their lands, and upon the cessation of the border war gained some strength; but Gallipolis was never more than a weakling until Americans and Germans came in and put it on its feet. --R. G. T. 

[51] CHAPTER II. 

The tract of country usually denominated North Western Virginia, includes the counties of Brook, Ohio, Tyler, Wood, Lewis, Randolph, Preston, Harrison and Monongalia, covering an area of 8, 887 squaremiles, and having a population, according to the census of 1830, of78, 510 souls. These counties, with a portion of Pennsylvania thendeemed to be within the limits of Virginia, constituted the districtof West Augusta; and was the last grand division of the state, tobecome occupied by the whites. This was perhaps owing to naturalcauses, as well as to the more immediate proximity of hostileIndians. 

The general surface of this district of country is very broken, itshills, though rich, are yet steep and precipitous, and the variousstreams which flow along their bases, afford but few bottoms; andthese of too narrow and contracted dimensions to have attracted theadventurer, when more invited portions of the country, were alike opento his enterprise. --The Alleghany ridge of mountains, over which theeastern emigrant had to pass, presented too, no inconsiderable barrierto its earlier location; while the cold, bleak, inhospitable region, extending from the North Branch to the Cheat and Valley rivers, seemedto threaten an entire seclusion from the eastern settlements, and torender it an isolated spot, not easily connected with any othersection of the state. 

The first attempt on the part of the English to occupy the countrycontiguous to the Ohio river, was made in consequence of the measuresadopted by the French to possess themselves of it. France had earlybecome acquainted with the country, so far as to perceive the facilitywith which her possessions in the north, might, by means of a freecommunication down the valley of the Mississippi, be connected withthose in the south. To preserve this communication uninterrupted, toacquire influence over the neighboring Indians and to prevent theoccupancy and settlement by England of the country west [52] of theAlleghany mountains, the French were early induced to establishtrading posts among the Indians on the Ohio, and to obtain andpreserve possession of the country by the erection of a chain of fortsto extend from Canada to Louisiana. [1]

To counteract those operations of the French, to possess herself ofthe country, to which she deemed her title to be good, and to enjoythe lucrative traffic which was then to be carried on with theIndians, England gave to an association of gentlemen in Great Britainand Virginia, (under the title of the Ohio Company, ) liberty to locateand hold in their own right, 600, 000 acres of land within the countrythen claimed by both England and France. In pursuance of this grant, steps were directly taken to effect those objects, by establishingtrading houses among the Indians near the Ohio, and by engagingpersons to make such a survey of the country, as would enable thegrantees to effect a location of the quantity allowed them, out of themost valuable lands. The company endeavored to complete their surveywith all possible secrecy, and by inducing the Indians to believetheir object to be purely commercial, to allay any apprehensions, which might otherwise arise, of an attempt to gain possession of thecountry. 

The attempt to accomplish their purpose of territorial aggrandizement, with secrecy, was fruitless and unavailing. --The Pennsylvania traders, fearful that they would lose the profitable commerce carried on withthe Indians, excited their jealousy by acquainting them with the realmotive of the company; while the French actually seized, and madeprisoners, of their traders, and opened and secured, by detachments oftroops stationed at convenient situations, a communication from Presq'Isle to the Ohio river. 

The Ohio company sent a party of men to erect a stockade fort at theconfluence of the Monongahela and Alleghany rivers, which had beenrecommended by General Washington as a suitable position for theerection of fortifications. [2] This party of men was accompanied by adetachment of militia, which had been ordered out by the governor; butbefore they could effect their object, they were driven off by theFrench, [53] who immediately took possession of the place, and erectedthereon Fort du Quesne. These transactions were immediately succeededby the war, usually called Braddock's war, which put an end to thecontemplated settlement, and the events of which are, for the mostpart, matter of general history. It may not however be amiss to relatesome incidents connected with this war, which though of minorimportance, may yet be interesting to some; and which have escaped thepen of the historian. 

In Braddock's army there were two regiments of volunteer militia fromVirginia. [3] One of these was commanded by Col. Russel of Fairfax;the other by Col. Fry, and was from Shenandoah and James rivers. Inthis latter regiment there was a company from Culpepper, commanded byCapt. Grant, (afterwards known as a considerable land holder inKentucky) and of which John Field (who was killed in the battle atPoint Pleasant) was a lieutenant. There was likewise in this regiment, a company of riflemen, from Augusta, commanded by Capt. Samuel Lewis, (the eldest son of John Lewis, who, with Mackey and Salling, had beenforemost in settling that country) who was afterwards known as Col. Samuel Lewis of Rockingham. [4] In this company was also contained thefive brothers of Capt. Lewis. Andrew, afterwards Gen. Lewis ofBotetourt--Charles, afterwards Col. Lewis, who was likewise killed atPoint Pleasant--William, John and Thomas. Among their compatriots inarms, were the five sons of Capt. John Matthews, (who had accompaniedBurden to Virginia) Elihu Barkley, John McDowell, [5] Paul Whitly, James Bell, Patrick Lockard, and a number of others of the firstsettlers of Augusta, Rockbridge and Rockingham. 

From the time the army crossed the Alleghany mountain, its movementswere constantly watched by Indian spies, from Fort du Quesne; and asit approached nearer the point of destination, runners were regularlydespatched, to acquaint the garrison with its progress, and manner ofmarching. --When intelligence was received that Braddock still moved inclose order, the Indians laid the plan for surprising him, and carriedit into most effectual execution with but little assistance from theFrench. [6]

[54] At the place where the English crossed the Monongahela river, there are about two acres of bottom land, bounded by the river on theeast, and by a ledge of high cliffs on the west. Through these cliffsthere is a considerable ravine, formed by the flowing of a smallrivulet--On the summit, a wide prospect opens to the west, of acountry whose base is level, but surface uneven. On this summit laythe French and Indians concealed by the prairie grass and timber, andfrom this situation, in almost perfect security, they fired down uponBraddock's men. The only exposure of the French and Indians, resultedfrom the circumstance of their having to raise their heads to peepover the verge of the cliff, in order to shoot with more deadlyprecision. In consequence, all of them who were killed in the earlypart of the action, were shot through the head. [7]

The companies, commanded by Capt. Grant and Lewis, [8] were the firstto cross the river. As fast as they landed they formed, and proceedingup the ravine, arrived at the plain on the head of the rivulet, without having discovered the concealed enemy which they had justpassed. So soon as the rear of Braddock's army had crossed the river, the enemy raised a heart rending yell, and poured down a constant andmost deadly fire. Before General Braddock received his wound, he gaveorders for the whole line to countermarch and form a phalanx on thebottom, so as to cover their retreat across the river. When the maincolumn was wheeled, Grant's and Lewis' companies had proceeded so farin advance, that a large body of the enemy rushed down from both sidesof the ravine, and intercepted them. A most deadly contest ensued. Those who intercepted Grant and Lewis, could not pass down the defile, as the main body of Braddock's army was there, and it would have beenrushing into the midst of it, to inevitable destruction--the sides ofthe ravine were too steep and rocky to admit of a retreat up them, andtheir only hope of escape lay in cutting down those two companies andpassing [55] out at the head of the ravine. A dreadful slaughter wasthe consequence. Opposed in close fight, and with no prospect ofsecurity, but by joining the main army in the bottom, the companies ofGrant and Lewis literally cut their way through to the mouth of theravine. Many of Lewis's men were killed and wounded, and not more thanhalf of Grant's lived to reach the river bank. Almost the only lossthe enemy sustained was in this conflict. 

The unfortunate result of the campaign of 1755, gave to the French acomplete ascendency over the Indians on the Ohio. In consequence ofthis there was a general distress on the frontier settlements ofVirginia. The incursions of the Indians became more frequent and wereextended so far, that apprehensions existed of an irruption into thecountry east of the Blue ridge. [9] This state of things continueduntil the capture of Fort du Quesne in 1758, by Gen. Forbes. 

In the regiment commanded by Washington in the army of 1758, AndrewLewis was a Major. With this gentleman, Gen. Washington had becomeacquainted during the campaign of 1754, and had formed of him, as amilitary man, the highest expectations; his conduct at the defeat ofMajor Grant, realized those expectations, and acquired for him areputation for prudence and courage which he sustained unimpaired, during a long life of public service. [10]

Gen. Lewis was in person upwards of six feet high, finely proportioned, of uncommon strength and great activity. His countenance was stern andrather forbidding--his deportment distant and reserved; this renderedhis person more awful than engaging. When he was at Fort Stanwich in1768, as one of the commissioners from the colony of Virginia, totreat, in conjunction with commissioners from the eastern colonies, with the Six Nations, the Governor of New York remarked "that the earthseemed to tremble under his tread. "

When the war of the revolution commenced, and General [56] Washingtonwas commissioned commander in chief, he is said to have expressed awish, that the appointment had been given to Gen. Lewis. Be this as itmay, it is certain that he accepted the commission of BrigadierGeneral at the solicitation of Washington; and when, from woundedpride[11] and a shattered constitution, he was induced to express anintention of resigning, Gen. Washington wrote him, entreating that hewould not do so, and assuring him that justice should be done, asregarded his rank. Gen. Lewis, however, had become much reduced bydisease, and did not think himself able, longer to endure thehardships of a soldier's life--he resigned his commission in 1780, anddied in the county of Bedford, on the way to his home in Botetourt onRoanoke river. 

When Major Grant, (who had been sent with a detachment for the purposeof reconnoitering the country about Fort du Quesne, ) arrived in viewof it, he resolved on attempting its reduction. Major Lewisremonstrated with him, on the propriety of that course, and endeavoredto dissuade him from the attempt. Grant deemed it practicable tosurprise the garrison and effect an easy conquest, and was unwillingthat the provincial troops should divide with his Highland regularsthe glory of the achievment--he therefore ordered Major Lewis twomiles into the rear, with that part of the Virginia regiment thenunder his command. 

Soon after the action had commenced, Lewis discovered by theretreating fire, that Grant was in an unpleasant situation, andleaving Capt. Bullet with fifty men to guard the baggage, hastened tohis relief. On arriving at the battle ground, and finding Grant andhis detachment surrounded by the Indians, who had passed his rearunder covert of the banks of the Alleghany and Monongahela rivers, Major Lewis commenced a brisk fire and made so vigorous an attack onthe Indians as to open a passage through which Grant and some few ofhis men effected an escape. Lewis and his brave provincials becameenclosed within the Indian lines and suffered dreadfully. Out of eightofficers five were killed, a sixth wounded and a seventh takenprisoner. Capt. Bullet, [57] who defended the baggage with greatbravery and contributed much to save the remnant of the detachment, was the only officer who escaped unhurt. [12] Out of one hundred andsixty-six men, sixty-two were killed on the spot and two werewounded. 

Major Lewis was himself made prisoner; and although stripped by theIndians of every article of his clothing, and reduced to perfectnudity, he was protected from bodily injury by a French officer, whotook him to his tent and supplied him with clothes. Grant who hadwandered all night with five or six of his men, came in, on themorning after the engagement, and surrendered himself a prisoner ofwar. 

While Grant and Lewis were prisoners, the former addressed a letter toGen. Forbes giving a detailed account of the engagement andattributing the defeat to the ill conduct of the latter. This letter, (being inspected by the French who knew the falsehood of the charge itcontained) was handed to Maj. Lewis. Exasperated at this charge, Lewiswaited on Major Grant and in the interview between them, after havingbestowed on him some abusive epithets, challenged him to the field. Grant declined to accept the invitation; and Lewis, after spitting inhis face in the presence of several of the French officers, left himto reflect on his baseness. 

After this defeat a council was held by the Indians to determine onthe course proper for them to pursue. The most of them had come fromabout Detroit at the instance of the French commandant there, tofortify Fort du Quesne against an attack by Forbes--the hunting seasonhad arrived and many of them were anxious to return to their town. Thequestion which attracted their attention most seriously was, whetherGen. Forbes would then retreat or advance. As Grant had been mostsignally defeated, many supposed that the main arm would retire intowinter quarters, as Dunbar had, after the battle on the Monongahela. The French expressed a different opinion, and endeavored to prevail onthe Indians to remain and witness the result. This however theyrefused to do, and the greater part of them left du Quesne. Upon thisthe commandant of the fort, in order to learn the course which Gen. Forbes would pursue, and to impress upon the English, an idea that theFrench were in return preparing to attack them, ordered the remainderof the Indians, a number of Canadians and some French regulars toreconnoitre the route [58] along which Gen. Forbes would be mostlikely to march his army, to watch their motions and harrass them asmuch as possible; determining if they could not thus force him toabandon the idea of attacking Du Quesne during that campaign, theywould evacuate the fort and retire into Canada. 

When Major Grant with his men had been ordered on to Du Quesne, themain army had been left at Raystown, where it continued for some time;an advance was however posted at fort Ligonier. Between this vanguardand the detachment from Du Quesne there was a partial engagement, which resulted in the loss of some of the Maryland troops. FortLigonier was then closely watched by the French and Indians, andseveral of the sentinels were killed, before the point from which thefires were directed, was discovered; it was at length ascertained thatparties of the enemy would creep under the bank of the Loyal Hannatill they could obtain a position from which to do execution. Somesoldiers were then stationed to guard this point, who succeeded inkilling two Indians, and in wounding and making prisoner of oneFrenchman. From him the English obtained information that the greaterpart of the Indians had left Du Quesne, and that the fort wasdefenceless: the army then moved forward and taking possession of itsruins established thereon Fort Pitt. [13] The country around beganimmediately to be settled, and several other forts were erected toprotect emigrants, and to keep the Indians in awe. 

Previous to this an attempt had been made by David Tygart and a Mr. Files to establish themselves on an upper branch of the Monongahelariver. [14] They had been for some time frontier's men, and werefamiliar with the scenes usually exhibited on remote and unprotectedborders; and nothing daunted by the cruel murders and savageenormities, which they had previously witnessed, were induced by somecause, most probably the uninterrupted enjoyment of the forest in thepursuit of game, to venture still farther into the wilderness. Aboutthe year 1754 these two men with their families arrived on the eastfork of the Monongahela, and after examining the country, selectedpositions for their future residence. Files chose a spot on the river, at the mouth of a creek which still bears his name, where Beverly, thecounty seat of Randolph has been since established. Tygart settled afew miles farther up and also on the river. The valley in which theyhad thus taken up their abode, has been since called Tygart's [59]valley, and the east fork of the Monongahela, Tygart's-valley river. 

The difficulty of procuring bread stuffs for their families, theircontiguity to an Indian village, and the fact that an Indian war pathpassed near their dwellings, soon determined them to retrace theirsteps. [15] Before they carried this determination into effect, thefamily of Files became the victims of savage cruelty. At a time whenall the family were at their cabin, except an elder son, they werediscovered by a party of Indians, supposed to be returning from theSouth Branch, who inhumanly butchered them all. [16] Young Files beingnot far from the house and hearing the uproar, approached until hesaw, too distinctly, the deeds of death which were doing; and feelingthe utter impossibility of affording relief to his own, resolved if hecould, to effect the safety of Tygart's family. This was done and thecountry abandoned by them. 

Not long after this, Doctor Thomas Eckarly and his two brothers camefrom Pennsylvania and camped at the mouth of a creek, emptying intothe Monongahela, 8 or 10 miles below Morgantown; they were Dunkards, and from that circumstance, the watercourse on which they fixedthemselves for a while, has been called Dunkard's creek. While theircamp continued at this place, these men were engaged in exploring thecountry; and ultimately settled on Cheat river, at the Dunkard bottom. Here they erected a cabin for their dwelling, and made suchimprovements as enabled them to raise the first year, a crop of cornsufficient for their use, and some culinary vegetables: their gunssupplied them with an abundance of meat, of a flavor as delicious asthe refined palate of a modern epicure could well wish. Their clotheswere made chiefly of the skins of animals, and were easily procured:and although calculated to give a grotesque appearance to a finegentleman in a city drawing room; yet were they particularly suited totheir situation, and afforded them comfort. 

Here they spent some years entirely unmolested by the Indians, although a destructive war was then raging, and prosecuted withcruelty, along the whole extent of our frontier. At length to obtainan additional supply of ammunition, salt and shirting, Doctor Eckarlyleft Cheat, with a pack of furs and skins, to visit a trading post onthe Shenandoah. On his return, he stopped at Fort Pleasant, on theSouth Branch; and having communicated to its inhabitants the place ofhis residence, and the length of time he had been living there, he wascharged with being in confederacy with the Indians, and probably atthat instant a spy, examining the condition of the fort. In vain theDoctor protested his innocence and the fact that he had not even seenan Indian in the country; the suffering condition [59] of the bordersettlements, rendered his account, in their opinion improbable, and hewas put in confinement. 

The society, of which Doctor Eckarly was a member, was ratherobnoxious to a number of the frontier inhabitants. Their intimacy withthe Indians, although cultivated with the most laudable motives, andfor noble purposes, yet made them objects at least of distrust tomany. Laboring under these disadvantages, it was with difficulty thatDoctor Eckarly prevailed on the officer of the fort to release him;and when this was done he was only permitted to go home under certainconditions--he was to be escorted by a guard of armed men, who were tocarry him back if any discovery were made prejudicial to him. Upontheir arrival at Cheat, the truth of his statement was awfullyconfirmed. The first spectacle which presented itself to their view, when the party came within sight of where the cabin had been, was aheap of ashes. On approaching the ruins, the half decayed, andmutilated bodies of the poor Dunkards, were seen in the yard; thehoops, on which their scalps had been dried, were there, and theruthless hand of desolation had waved over their little fields. DoctorEckarly aided in burying the remains of his unfortunate brothers, andreturned to the fort on the South Branch. 

In the fall of 1758, Thomas Decker and some others commenced asettlement on the Monongahela river, at the mouth of what is now, Decker's creek. In the ensuing spring it was entirely broken up by aparty of Delawares and Mingoes; and the greater part of itsinhabitants murdered. 

There was at this time at Brownsville a fort, then known asRedstone fort, under the command of Capt. Paul. [17] One of Decker'sparty escaped from the Indians who destroyed the settlement, andmaking his way to Fort Redstone, gave to its commander the melancholyintelligence. The garrison being too weak to admit of sending adetachment in pursuit, Capt. Paul despatched a runner with theinformation to Capt. John Gibson, then stationed at Fort Pitt. Leaving the fort under the command of Lieut. Williamson, Capt. Gibsonset out with thirty men to intercept the Indians, on their returnto their towns. 

In consequence of the distance which the pursuers had to go, and thehaste with which the Indians had retreated, the expedition failed inits object; they however accidentally came on a party of six or sevenMingoes, on the head of Cross Creek in Ohio (near Steubenville)--thesehad been prowling about the river, below Fort Pitt, seeking anopportunity of committing depredations. [18] As Capt. Gibson passed thepoint of a small knoll, just after day break, he came unexpectedlyupon them--some of them were lying down; the others were sitting rounda fire, making thongs of green hides. Kiskepila or Little Eagle, aMingo chief, headed the party. So soon as he discovered Capt. Gibson, he raised the war whoop and fired [61] his rifle--the ball passedthrough Gibson's hunting shirt and wounded a soldier just behind him. Gibson sprang forward, and swinging his sword with herculean force, severed the head of the Little Eagle from his body--two other Indianswere shot down, and the remainder escaped to their towns onMuskingum. 

When the captives, who were restored under the treaty of 1763, camein, those who were at the Mingo towns when the remnant of Kiskepila'sparty returned, stated that the Indians represented Gibson as havingcut off the Little Eagle's head with a _long knife_. Several of thewhite persons were then sacrificed to appease the manes of Kiskepila;and a war dance ensued, accompanied with terrific shouts and bitterdenunciations of revenge on "_the Big knife warrior_. " This name wassoon after applied to the Virginia militia generally; and to this daythey are known among the north western Indians as the "_Long knives_, "or "_Big knife nation_. "[19]

These are believed to have been the only attempts to effect asettlement of North Western Virginia, prior to the close of the Frenchwar. The capture of Fort du Quesne and the erection and garrisoning ofFort Pitt, although they gave to the English an ascendency in thatquarter; yet they did not so far check the hostile irruptions of theIndians, as to render a residence in this portion of Virginia, by anymeans secure. --It was consequently not attempted 'till some yearsafter the restoration of peace in 1765. 

----- [1] This is misleading. The author has told us, in the preceding chapter, of several attempts of English coast colonists to make transmontane settlements, quite apart from thought of ousting the French. Englishmen had no sooner landed in America than they attempted to cross the Western mountain barrier. Ralph Lane made the attempt in 1586, Christopher Newport and John Smith in 1606, and Newport himself in 1607. John Lederer, a German surgeon exploring for Governor Berkeley, of Virginia, reached the top of Blue Ridge in 1609, but did not descend the western slope. Two years later, Abraham Wood discovered the Great Kanawha. It is possible that the French Jesuit Le Moyne was on the Alleghany River as early as 1656. La Salle was probably at the Falls of the Ohio (Louisville) in 1669. But it was not until about 1700 that French and English fur-traders met in open rivalry on the Ohio. It was with no thought of the French that Governor Spottswood, of Virginia, passed over the Blue Ridge in 1714. The situation in short, was this: The English colonists early wanted the over-mountain country watered by the Ohio, but were too weak at first to hold for agricultural settlement lands so far from home, in the face of a savage foe. The French wanted the valley solely for the fur trade, but Iroquois opposition long kept them from entering; when at last they were able to do so, the English colonists had also grown strong enough to move in, and then ensued the long and bloody struggle in which New France fell. --R. G. T. 

 [2] In the journal (drawn up for the inspection of Gov. Dinwiddie) of the events of his mission to the commander of the French forces on the Ohio; this was the first of those splendid acts of a public nature, performed by Gen. Washington. 

 [3] Only five companies of the first Virginia regiment served on Braddock's campaign--hence there was no second regiment, nor any Colonel Russell engaged in that service; there was, however, at this period, a Colonel or Lieut. -Colonel William Russell, who emigrated from England when a young lawyer, to Virginia, about 1710, and settled in Culpeper, and by the readjustment of county lines he was thrown into the new county of Orange. He was a man of much prominence, and at one time was high sheriff of Orange; and apparently lieutenant-colonel of militia, and as such, in the early part of the French and Indian War, did some frontier service, though rather advanced in years at the time. In 1753, he was sent as a commissioner to pacify the Indians in the region where Pittsburg was subsequently located. He died October 18, 1757, aged about seventy-two years. His son of the same name served with reputation at the battle of Point Pleasant, and during the Revolutionary War, retiring at its close with the brevet rank of brigadier-general. --L. C. D. 

 [4] It has already been stated that Col. John Lewis's eldest son was Thomas, not Samuel. --L. C. D. 

 [5] Capt. John McDowell was killed in an engagement with the Indians, in December, 1742, and of course could not have served under either Andrew or Charles Lewis. --L. C. D. 

 [6] James Smith, afterwards Col. Smith of Bourbon county in Kentucky, was then a prisoner at du Quesne. He says that the Indians in council planned the attack on Braddock's army and selected the ground from which to make it--that the assailants did not number more than 400 men, of whom but a small proportion were French. One of the Indians laughed when he heard the order of march in Braddock's army, and said "we'll shoot them down all as one pigeon. " Washington beheld the event in fearful anticipation, and exerted himself in vain with Gen. Braddock, to alter the order of march. 

 [7] It is evident that the author never saw the site of Braddock's defeat, just below the mouth of Turtle Creek, for his description is quite inaccurate. June 30, 1755, the army, which had been following the Ohio Company's road from Will's Creek, _via_ East Meadows, crossed the Youghiogheny and proceeding in a devious course struck the head of Turtle Creek, which was followed nearly to its mouth, whence a southern course was taken to avoid the steep hills. Reaching the Monongahela just below the mouth of the Youghiogheny, they crossed (July 9) to the west side, where there is a long, narrow bottom. Nearly opposite the mouth of Turtle Creek, and about four miles below the first crossing, hills again closely approach the west bank, and the east side becomes the more favorable for marching. Here, only eight miles across country from Fort Duquesne, Braddock forded the second time, and in angling up the rather easy slope upon which is now built the busy iron-making town of Braddock, Pa. , was obliged to pass through a heavily-wooded ravine. This was the place of the ambuscade, where his army was cut to pieces. Indians from the Upper Lakes, under the leadership of Charles Langlade, a Wisconsin fur-trader, were the chief participants in this affair, on the French side. --R. G. T. 

 [8] This statement about Capts. Grant and Lewis having taken part in the battle of the Monongahela, is altogether a mistake. It must have originated in some traditional account, and become confused in some way with Grant's defeat, three years later, in which Maj. James Grant and Maj. Andrew Lewis both took a prominent part. There is no record of any Capt. Grant in Braddock's army. Andrew Lewis, though a major, was still in command of his company, and at the time of Braddock's defeat was on detached service. Gov. Dinwiddie, writing to Maj. Lewis, July 8, 1755, says: "You were ordered to Augusta with your company to protect the frontier of that county;" and, in a letter of the same date, to Col. Patton, the Governor adds: "Enclosed you have a letter to Capt. Lewis, which please forward to him: _I think he is at Greenbrier. _" Capt. Robt. Orme, aide-de-camp to Gen. Braddock, in his Journal appended to Sargent's _History of Braddock's Expedition_, states under date of April, 1755, that the Virginia troops having been clothed, were ordered to march to Winchester, for arming and drilling, and then adds: "Capt. Lewis was ordered with his company of Rangers to Greenbrier river, there to build two stockade forts, in one of which he was to remain himself and to detach to the other a subaltern and fifteen men. These forts were to cover the western settlers of Virginia from any inroads of Indians. "--L. C. D. 

 [9] The MS. Journal of Col. Charles Lewis, in possession of the Wisconsin Historical Society, covering the period from October 10 to December 27, 1755, is an unconsciously eloquent picture of the hardships of life on the Virginia frontier, at this time. --R. G. T. 

 [10] After the capitulation of Fort Necessity, and while some of the soldiers of each army were intermixed, an Irishman, exasperated with an Indian near him, "cursed the copper-coloured scoundrel" and raised his musket to shoot him. Gen. Lewis who had been twice wounded in the engagement, and was then hobbling on a staff, raised the Irishman's gun, as he was in the act of firing, and thus not only saved the life of the Indian, but probably prevented a general massacre of the Virginia troops. 

 [11] Congress had given to Gen. Stephens, and some others (whose senior Lewis had been in former services) commissions as Major Generals. 

 [12] Thomas Bullitt was a native of Prince William county, Virginia. He was appointed an ensign in Washington's first Virginia regiment, July 20, 1754, and promoted to a lieutenancy on October 30th following. It is said that he served in Braddock's defeat; but the records of the Virginia officers present do not include Lieut. Bullitt's name. He was, perhaps, with Capt. Lewis in the Greenbrier country, or on some other detached service. In May, 1756, he was stationed at Winchester; in July following, in command of Fort Frederick, on Jackson's River, and in November of that year, in command of Fort Cumberland. He was in active service in 1757, and early the next year we find him a captain; as such, he distinguished himself in checking the enemy and saving many of the fugitives at Grant's defeat, and shared in Gen. Forbes's successful expedition in the capture of Fort Du Quesne. In May, 1759, while guarding with one hundred men, fifteen wagons loaded with provisions for the westward, he was attacked and defeated by a strong party of French and Indians, losing thirty-five of his party killed and prisoners and all his wagons. In 1760, he was appointed a surveyor of a district bordering on the Ohio, and had much to do in early Kentucky exploration and surveys, making an early location and survey at the Falls of Ohio in 1773. In September, 1775, he was appointed adjutant-general of all the Virginia forces; and on the 9th of December following, he aided Colonel Woodford in defeating Capt. Fordyce and party at the Great Bridge. In March, 1776, Congress appointed him deputy adjutant-general of the Southern Department with the rank of lieutenant-colonel, and advanced him in May following to the full rank of colonel. He died while yet in service, in 1778. --L. C. D. 

 [13] The French destroyed Fort Duquesne in November, 1758. During the winter following, Fort Pitt was erected by the English troops. In his _Journal of a Tour to the Ohio River_ (1770), Washington says of it: "The fort is built on the point between the rivers Alleghany and Monongahela, but not so near the pitch of it as Fort Duquesne stood. It is five-sided and regular, two of which next the land are of brick; the others stockade. A moat encompasses it. " Fort Pitt was invested by the Indians during Pontiac's War (1763). It was fully garrisoned until 1772, when a corporal and a few men were left as care-takers. In October of that year, the property was sold, and several houses were built out of the material. In the course of the boundary dispute between Pennsylvania and Virginia, the latter colony took possession of the ruins, through Lord Dunmore's agent there, John Conolly. --R. G. T. 

 [14] The author overlooks the settlement made by Christopher Gist, the summer of 1753, in the town of Dunbar, Fayette county, Pa. , two or three miles west of the Youghiogheny and some seventy miles northwest of Will's Creek; the site was doubtless selected by him in his trip of 1751-52. Washington, who visited him there in November, 1753, on the way to Fort Le Boeuf, calls it "Gist's new settlement, " but the owner's name for his place was "Monongahela. " It was the first settlement of which there is record, upon the Ohio Company's lands. Gist induced eleven families to settle near him; and on his journey home, in January, 1754, Washington met them going out to the new lands. The victory of the French over Washington, at Fort Necessity, in July, led to the expulsion from the region of all English-speaking settlers. The French commander, De Villiers, reports that he "burnt down all the settlements" on the Monongahela (from Redstone down), and in the vicinity of Gist's. --R. G. T. 

 [15] This trail was a continuation of the famous "Warrior Branch, " which coming up from Tennessee passed through Kentucky and Southern Ohio, and threading the valley of Fish Creek crossed over to Dunkard's Creek and so on to the mouth of Redstone Creek. --R. G. T. 

 [16] In Col. Preston's MS. Register of Indian Depredations, in the Wisconsin Historical Society's library, it is stated that Robert Foyle, wife and five children, were killed on the Monongahela in 1754. Gov. Dinwiddie, in his speech to the Virginia house of burgesses in February, 1754, refers to this barbarous affair, giving the same number of the family destroyed; and the gazettes of that period state that Robert Foyle, together with his wife and five children, the youngest about ten years of age, were killed at the head of the Monongahela; their bodies, scalped, were discovered February 4th, and were supposed to have been killed about two months before. --L. C. D. 

 [17] In 1750, the Ohio Company, as a base of operations and supplies, built a fortified warehouse at Will's Creek (now Cumberland, Md. ), on the upper waters of the Potomac. Col. Thomas Cresap, an energetic frontiersman, and one of the principal agents of the Company, was directed to blaze a pack-horse trail over the Laurel Hills to the Monongahela. He employed as his guide an Indian named Nemacolin, whose camp was at the mouth of Dunlap Creek (site of the present Brownsville, Pa. ), an affluent of the Monongahela. Nemacolin pointed out an old Indian trace which had its origin, doubtless, in an over-mountain buffalo trail; and this, widened a little by Cresap, was at first known as Nemacolin's Path. It led through Little Meadows and Great Meadows--open marshes grown to grass, and useful for feeding traders' and explorers' horses. Washington traveled this path in 1753, when he went to warn the French at Fort Le Boeuf. Again, but widened somewhat, it was his highway in 1754, as far north as Gist's plantation; and at Great Meadows he built Fort Necessity, where he was defeated. Braddock followed it in great part, in 1755, and henceforth it became known as "Braddock's Road. " The present National Road from Cumberland to Brownsville, via Uniontown, differs in direction but little from Nemacolin's Path. For a map of Braddock's Road, see Lowdermilk's _History of Cumberland, Md. _, p. 140, with description on pages 51, 52, 140-148. Ellis's _History of Fayette Co. , Pa. _, also has valuable data. 

 The terminus of Nemacolin's Path was Dunlap's Creek (Brownsville). A mile-and-a-quarter below Dunlap's, enters Redstone Creek, and the name "Redstone" became affixed to the entire region hereabout, although "Monongahela" was sometimes used to indicate the panhandle between the Monongahela and the Youghiogheny. In 1752, the Ohio Company built a temporary warehouse at the mouth of Dunlap's Creek, at the end of the over-mountain trail. In 1754, Washington's advance party (Capt. Trent) built a log fort, called "The Hangard, " at the mouth of the Redstone, but this was, later in the year, destroyed by the French officer De Villiers. In 1759, Colonel Burd, as one of the features of Forbes's campaign against Fort Duquesne, erected Fort Burd at the mouth of Dunlap's, which was a better site. This fort was garrisoned as late as the Dunmore War (1774), but was probably abandoned soon after the Revolutionary War. The name "Redstone Old Fort" became attached to the place, because within the present limits of Brownsville were found by the earliest comers, and can still be traced, extensive earthworks of the mound-building era. --R. G. T. 

 [18] Cross Creek empties into the Ohio through Mingo Bottom (site of Mingo Junction, O. ). On this bottom was, for many years, a considerable Mingo village. --R. G. T. 

 [19] This statement, that Capt. Audley Paul commanded at Redstone, and of his attempting to intercept a foraging Indian party, can not possibly be true. There was no fort, and consequently no garrison, at Redstone in 1758. It was not built 'till 1759, and then by Col. James Burd, of the Pennsylvania forces. James L. Bowman, a native of Brownsville, the locality of Redstone Old Fort, wrote a sketch of the history of that place, which appeared in the _American Pioneer_ in February, 1843, in which he says: "We have seen it stated in a creditable work, that the fort was built by Capt. Paul--doubtless an error, as the Journal of Col. Burd is ample evidence to settle that matter. " Col. Burd records in his Journal: "Ordered, in Aug. 1759, to march with two hundred of my battalion to the mouth of Redstone Creek, to cut a road to that place, and to erect a fort. " He adds: "When I had cut the road, and finished the fort, " etc. 

 The other part of the story, about Capt. John Gibson commanding at Fort Pitt in "the fall of 1758, " is equally erroneous, as Gen. Forbes did not possess himself of Fort Duquesne till Nov. 25th, 1758, within five days of the conclusion of "fall" in that year; and Gen. Forbes commanded there in person until he left for Philadelphia, Dec. 3d following. There is, moreover, no evidence that Gibson was then in service. The story of his decapitating Kis-ke-pi-la, or the Little Eagle, if there was such a person, or of his beheading any other Indian, is not at all probable. He was an Indian trader for many years, and was made prisoner by the Indians in 1763, and detained a long time in captivity. 

 Gibson could not by any such decapitating exploit, have originated the designation of "Big Knife, " or "Big Knife warrior, " for this appellation had long before been applied to the Virginians. Gist says in his Journal, Dec. 7th, 1750, in speaking of crossing Elk's Eye Creek--the Muskingum--and reaching an Indian hamlet, that the Indians were all out hunting; that "the old Frenchman, Mark Coonce, living there, was civil to me; but after I was gone to my camp, upon his understanding I came from Virginia, he called me _Big Knife_. " Col. James Smith, then a prisoner with the Indians, says the Indians assigned as a reason why they did not oppose Gen. Forbes in 1758, that if they had been only red coats they could have subdued them; "but they could not withstand _Ash-a-le-co-a_, or the _Great Knife_, which was the name they gave the Virginians. "--L. C. D. 

 ------

 _Comment by R. G. T. _--See note on p. 77, regarding erection of early forts at Redstone. James Veech, in _Monongahela of Old_, says, "We know that the late Col. James Paull served a month's duty in a drafted militia company in guarding Continental stores here [Fort Burd] in 1778. " The term "Big Knives" or "Long Knives" may have had reference either to the long knives carried by early white hunters, or the swords worn by backwoods militia officers. See Roosevelt's _Winning of the West_, I. , p. 197. 

[62] CHAPTER III. 

The destruction of the Roanoke settlement in the spring of 1757, by aparty of Shawanees, gave rise to the campaign, which was called by theold settlers the "Sandy creek voyage. " To avenge this outrage, Governor Dinwiddie ordered out a company of regulars (taken chieflyfrom the garrison at Fort Dinwiddie, on Jackson's river) under thecommand of Capt. Audley Paul; a company of minute-men from Boutetourt, under the command of Capt. William Preston; and two companies fromAugusta, under Captains John Alexander[1] and William Hogg. In Capt. Alexander's company, John M'Nutt, afterwards governor of Nova Scotia, was a subaltern. The whole were placed under the command of AndrewLewis. [2]

Beside the chastisement of the Indians, the expedition had for itsobject, the establishment of a military post at the mouth of the GreatSandy. This would have enabled them, not only to maintain a constantwatch over marauding parties of Indians from that quarter; but tocheck the communication between them and the post at Galliopolis; andthus counteract the influence which the French there had obtained overthem. [3]

The different companies detailed upon the Shawanee expedition, wererequired to rendezvous on the Roanoke, near to the present town ofSalem in Bottetourt, where Col. Lewis was then posted. The companycommanded by Capt. Hogg failed to attend at the appointed time; andCol. Lewis after delaying a week for its arrival, marched forward, expecting to be speedily overtaken by it. 

To avoid an early discovery by the Indians, which would have been theconsequence of their taking the more public route by the GreatKenhawa; and that they might fall upon the Indians towns in the valleyof the Scioto, without being interrupted or seen by the French atGalliopolis, they took the route by the way of New river and Sandy. Crossing New river below the Horse-shoe, they descended it to themouth of Wolf creek; and ascending this to its source, passed over tothe head of Bluestone river; where they delayed another week awaitingthe arrival of Capt. Hogg and his company. [4]--They then marched tothe head of the north fork of Sandy, and continued down it to thegreat Burning Spring, where they also remained a day. Here the saltand provisions, which had been conveyed [63] on pack horses, wereentirely exhausted. Two buffaloes, killed just above the spring, werealso eaten while the army continued here; and their hides were hungupon a beech tree. After this their subsistence was procuredexclusively by hunting. 

The army then resumed their march; and in a few days after, it wasovertaken by a runner with the intelligence that Capt. Hogg and hiscompany were only a day's march in the rear. Col. Lewis again halted;and the day after he was overtaken by Hogg, he was likewise overtakenby an express from Francis Fauquier[5] with orders for the army toreturn home; and for the disbanding of all the troops except Capt. Paul's regulars, [6] who were to return to Fort Dinwiddie. 

This was one of the first of Gov. Fauquier's official acts; and it wasfar from endearing him to the inhabitants west of the Blue ridge. Theyhad the utmost confidence in the courage and good conduct of Col. Lewis, and of the officers and men under his command--they did not foran instant doubt the success of the expedition, and looked forwardwith much satisfaction, to their consequent exemption in a greatdegree, from future attacks from the Indians. It was not thereforewithout considerable regret, that they heard of their countermandingorders. 

Nor were they received by Lewis and his men with very differentfeelings. They had endured much during their march, from theinclemency of the weather; more from the want of provisions--They hadborne these hardships without repining; anticipating a chastisement ofthe Indians, and the deriving of an abundant supply of provisions fromtheir conquered towns--They had arrived within ten miles of the Ohioriver, and could not witness the blasting of their expectations, without murmuring. A council of war was held--disappointment andindignation were expressed in every feature. A majority of theofficers were in favor of proceeding to the Ohio river, under theexpectation that they might fall in with some of the enemy--theymarched to the river and encamped two nights on its banks. Discoveringnothing of an enemy, they then turned to retrace their steps throughpathless mountains, a distance of three hundred miles, in the midst ofwinter and without provisions. 

The reasons assigned by the friends of Gov. Fauquier, for the issuingof those orders were, that the force detailed by Gov. Dinwiddie, wasnot sufficient to render secure an establishment at the contemplatedpoint--near the Indian towns on the Scioto--within a few days journeyof several thousand warriors on the Miami--in the vicinity of thehostile post at Galliopolis and so remote from the settled part ofVirginia, that they could not be furnished with assistance, andsupplied with provisions and military stores, without incurring anexpenditure, both of blood and money, beyond what the colony couldspare, for the accomplishment of that object. 

Had Capt. Hogg with his company, been at the place of rendezvous atthe appointed time, the countermanding orders of the governor [64]could not have reached the army, until it had penetrated the enemy'scountry. What might have been its fate, it is impossible to say--thebravery of the troops--their familiar acquaintance with the Indianmode of warfare--their confidence in the officers and the experienceof many of them, seemed to give every assurance of success--While theunfortunate result of many subsequent expeditions of a similar nature, would induce the opinion that the governor's apprehensions wereperhaps prudent and well founded. That the army would soon have had toencounter the enemy, there can be no doubt; for although not an Indianhad been seen, yet it seems probable from after circumstances, that ithad been discovered and watched by them previous to its return. 

On the second night of their march homeward, while encamped at theGreat falls, some of Hogg's men went out on the hills to hunt turkeys, and fell in with a party of Indians, painted as for war. As soon asthey saw that they were discovered, they fired, and two of Hogg's menwere killed--the fire was returned and a Shawanee warrior was woundedand taken prisoner. The remaining Indians, yelling their war whoop, fled down the river. 

Many of the whites, thinking that so small a party of Indians wouldnot have pursued the army alone, were of opinion that it was only anadvanced scout of a large body of the enemy, who were following them:the wounded Indian refused to give any information of their number orobject. A council of war was convoked; and much diversity of opinionprevailed at the board. It was proposed by Capt. Paul to cross theOhio river, invade the towns on the Scioto, and burn them, or perishin the attempt. [7] The proposition was supported by Lieut. M'Nutt, butoverruled; and the officers, deeming it right to act in conformitywith the governor's orders, determined on pursuing their way home. Orders were then given that no more guns should be fired, and no fireskindled in camp, as their safe return depended very much on silenceand secrecy. 

An obedience to this order, produced a very considerable degree ofsuffering, as well from extreme cold as from hunger. The pack horses, which were no longer serviceable (having no provisions to transport)and some of which had given out for want of provender, were killed andeaten. When the army arrived at the Burning spring, the buffalo hides, which had been left there on their way down, were cut into tuggs, orlong thongs, and eaten by the troops, after having been exposed to theheat produced by the flame from the spring. --Hence they called it Tuggriver--a name by which it is still known. After this the armysubsisted for a while on beachnuts; but a deep snow falling thesecould no longer be obtained, and the restrictions were removed. 

About thirty men then detached themselves from the main body, to hunttheir way home. Several of them were known to have perished from coldand hunger--others were lost and never afterwards [65] heard of; asthey had separated into small parties, the more certainly to find gameon which to live. The main body of the army was conducted home by Col. Lewis, after much suffering--the strings of their mocasons, the beltsof their hunting shirts, and the flaps of their shot pouches, havingbeen all the food which they had eaten for some days. [8]

A journal of this campaign was kept by Lieut. M'Nutt, a gentleman ofliberal education and fine mind. On his return to Williamsburg hepresented it to Governor Fauquier by whom it was deposited in theexecutive archives. In this journal Col. Lewis was censured for nothaving proceeded directly to the Scioto towns; and for imposing on thearmy the restrictions, as to fire and shooting, which have beenmentioned. --This produced an altercation between Lewis and M'Nutt, which was terminated by a personal encounter. [9]

During the continuance of this war, many depredations were committedby hostile Indians, along the whole extent of the Virginia frontier. Individuals, leaving the forts on any occasion, scarcely everreturned; but were, almost always, intercepted by Indians, who wereconstantly prowling along the border settlements, for purposes ofrapine and murder. The particulars of occurrences of this kind, andindeed of many of a more important character, no longer exist in thememory of man--they died with them who were contemporaneous with thehappening of them. [10] On one occasion however, such was the extent ofsavage duplicity, and such, and so full of horror, the catastropheresulting from misplaced confidence, that the events which marked it, still live in the recollection of the descendants of some of those, who suffered on the theatre of treachery and blood. 

On the south fork of the South Branch of Potomac, in, what is now, thecounty of Pendleton, was the fort of Capt. Sivert. [11] In this fort, the inhabitants of what was then called the "Upper Tract, " all soughtshelter from the tempest of savage ferocity; and at the time theIndians appeared before [66] it, there were contained within its wallsbetween thirty and forty persons of both sexes and of different ages. Among them was Mr. Dyer, (the father of Col. Dyer now of Pendleton)and his family. On the morning of the fatal day, Col. Dyer and hissister left the fort for the accomplishment of some object, andalthough no Indians had been seen there for some time, yet did theynot proceed far, before they came in view of a party of forty or fiftyShawanees, going directly towards the fort. Alarmed for their ownsafety, as well as for the safety of their friends, the brother andsister endeavored by a hasty flight to reach the gate and gainadmittance into the garrison; but before they could effect this, theywere overtaken and made captives. 

The Indians rushed immediately to the fort and commenced a furiousassault on it. Capt. Sivert prevailed, (not without much opposition, )on the besieged, to forbear firing 'till he should endeavor tonegotiate with, and buy off the enemy. With this view, and under theprotection of a flag he went out, and soon succeeded in making thewished for arrangement. When he returned, the gates were thrown open, and the enemy admitted. 

No sooner had the money and other articles, stipulated to be given, been handed over to the Indians, than a most bloody tragedy was begunto be acted. Arranging the inmates of the fort, in two rows, with aspace of about ten feet between them, two Indians were selected; whotaking each his station at the head of a row, with their tomahawksmost cruelly murdered almost every white person in the fort; some few, whom caprice or some other cause, induced them to spare, were carriedinto captivity, --such articles as could be well carried away weretaken off by the Indians; the remainder was consumed, with the fort, by fire. 

The course pursued by Capt. Sivert, has been supposed to have beendictated by timidity and an ill founded apprehension of danger fromthe attack. It is certain that strong opposition was made to it bymany; and it has been said that his own son raised his rifle to shoothim, when he ordered the gates to be thrown open; and was onlyprevented from executing his purpose, by the interference of some nearto him. Capt. Sivert was also supported by many, in the plan which heproposed to rid the fort of its assailants: it was known to be weak, and incapable of withstanding a vigorous onset; and [67] its garrisonwas illy supplied with the munitions of war. Experience might havetaught them, however, the futility of any measure of security, foundedin a reliance on Indian faith, in time of hostility; and in deep andbitter anguish, they were made to feel its realization in the presentinstance. 

In the summer of 1761, about sixty Shawanee warriors penetrated thesettlements on James river. To avoid the fort at the mouth of Looney'screek, on this river, they passed through Bowen's gap in Purgatorymountain, in the night; and ascending Purgatory creek, killed ThomasPerry, Joseph Dennis and his child and made prisoner his wife, HannahDennis. They then proceeded to the house of Robert Renix, where theycaptured Mrs. Renix, (a daughter of Sampson Archer) and her fivechildren, William, Robert, Thomas, Joshua and Betsy--Mr. Renix notbeing at home. They then went to the house of Thomas Smith, whereRenix was; and shot and scalped him and Smith; and took with them, Mrs. Smith and Sally Jew, a white servant girl. [12]

William and Audley Maxwell, and George Matthews, (afterwards governorof Georgia, ) were then going to Smith's house; and hearing the reportof the guns, supposed that there was a shooting match. But when theyrode to the front of the house and saw the dead bodies of Smith andRenix lying in the yard, they discovered their mistake; andcontemplating for a moment the awful spectacle, wheeled to ride back. At this instant several guns were fired at them; fortunately withoutdoing any execution, except the cutting off the club of Mr. Matthews'cue. The door of the house was then suddenly opened; the Indiansrushed out and raising the war cry, several of them fired--AudleyMaxwell was slightly wounded in the arm. 

It appeared afterwards, that the Indians had seen Matthews and theMaxwells coming; and that some of them had crowded into the house, while the others with the prisoners went to the north side of it, andconcealed themselves behind some fallen timber. Mrs. Renix, after shewas restored to her friends in 1766, stated that she was sitting tied, in the midst of four Indians, who laying their guns on a log, tookdeliberate aim at Matthews; the others firing at the Maxwells--Thesudden wheeling of their horses no doubt saved the lives of allthree. 

The Indians then divided, and twenty of them taking the [68]prisoners, the plunder and some horses which they had stolen, set offby the way of Jackson's river, for the Ohio; the remainder startedtowards Cedar creek, with the ostensible view of committing fartherdepredations. But Matthews and the Maxwells had sounded the alarm, andthe whole settlement were soon collected at Paul's stockade fort, atthe Big spring near to Springfield. Here the women and children wereleft to be defended by Audley Maxwell and five other men; while theothers, forming a party of twenty-two, with George Matthews at theirhead, set out in quest of the enemy. 

The Indians were soon overtaken, and after a severe engagement, wereforced to give ground. Matthews and his party followed in pursuit, asfar as Purgatory creek; but the night being very dark in consequenceof a continued rain, the fugitives effected an escape; and overtakingtheir comrades with the prisoners and plunder, on the next evening, atthe forks of the James and Cowpasture rivers, proceeded to Ohiowithout further molestation. 

When Matthews and his men, on the morning succeeding the engagement, returned to the field of battle, they found nine Indians dead; whomthey buried on the spot. Benjamin Smith, Thomas Maury and the fatherof Sally Jew, were the only persons of Matthews' party, who werekilled--these, together with those who had been murdered on thepreceding day, were buried near the fork of a branch, in (what is now)the meadow of Thomas Cross sr. 

In Boquet's treaty with the Ohio Indians, it was stipulated that thewhites detained by them in captivity were to be brought in andredeemed. In compliance with this stipulation, Mrs. Renix was broughtto Staunton in 1767 and ransomed, together with two of her sons, William, the late Col. Renix of Greenbrier, and Robert, also ofGreenbrier--Betsy, her daughter, had died on the Miami. Thomasreturned in 1783, but soon after removed and settled, on the Scioto, near Chilicothe. Joshua never came back; he took an Indian wife andbecame a Chief among the Miamies--he amassed a considerable fortuneand died near Detroit in 1810. 

Hannah Dennis was separated from the other captives, and allotted tolive at the Chilicothe towns. [13] She learned their language; paintedherself as they do; and in many respects conformed to their mannersand customs. She was attentive to sick persons and was highly esteemedby the Indians, as [69] one well skilled in the art of curingdiseases. Finding them very superstitious and believers in necromancy;she professed witchcraft, and affected to be a prophetess. In thismanner she conducted herself, 'till she became so great a favoritewith them, that they gave her full liberty and honored her as a queen. Notwithstanding this, Mrs. Dennis was always determined to effect herescape, when a favorable opportunity should occur; and having remainedso long with them, apparently well satisfied, they ceased to entertainany suspicions of such a design. 

In June 1763, she left the Chilicothe towns, _ostensibly_ to procureherbs for medicinal purposes, (as she had before frequently done, ) but_really_ to attempt an escape. As she did not return that night, herintention became suspected; and in the morning, some warriors weresent in pursuit of her. In order to leave as little trail as possible, she had crossed the Scioto river three times, and was just gettingover the fourth time 40 miles below the towns, when she was discoveredby her pursuers. They fired at her across the river without effect;but in endeavoring to make a rapid flight, she had one of her feetseverely cut by a sharp stone. 

The Indians then rushed across the river to overtake and catch her, but she eluded them by crawling into the hollow limb, of a largefallen sycamore. They searched around for her some time, frequentlystepping on the log which concealed her; and encamped near it thatnight. On the next day they went on to the Ohio river, but finding notrace of her, they returned home. 

Mrs. Dennis remained at that place three days, doctoring her wound, and then set off for home. She crossed the Ohio river, at the mouth ofGreat Kenhawa, on a log of driftwood, travelling only during thenight, for fear of discovery--She subsisted on roots, herbs, greengrapes, wild cherries and river muscles--and entirely exhausted byfatigue and hunger, sat down by the side of Greenbrier river, with noexpectation of ever proceeding farther. In this situation she wasfound by Thomas Athol and three others from Clendennin's settlement, which she had passed without knowing it. She had been then upwards oftwenty days on her disconsolate journey, alone, on foot--but 'tillthen, cheered with the hope of again being with her friends. 

She was taken back to Clendennin's, where they kindly [70] ministeredto her, 'till she became so far invigorated, as to travel on horsebackwith an escort, to Fort Young on Jackson's river; from whence she wascarried home to her relations. 

In the course of a few days after Hannah Dennis had gone fromClendennins, a party of about sixty warriors came to the settlement onMuddy creek, in the county of Greenbrier. That region of country thencontained no inhabitants, but those on Muddy creek, and in the Levels;and these are believed to have consisted of at least one hundredsouls. The Indians came apparently as friends, and the French warhaving been terminated by the treaty of the preceding spring, thewhites did not for an instant doubt their sincerity. They wereentertained in small parties at different houses, and every civilityand act of kindness, which the new settlers could proffer, wereextended to them. In a moment of the most perfect confidence in theinnocense of their intentions, the Indians rose on them and tomahawkedand scalped all, save a few women and children of whom they madeprisoners. 

After the perpetration of this most barbarous and bloody outrage, theIndians (excepting some few who took charge of the prisoners)proceeded to the settlement in the Levels. Here, as at Muddy creek, they disguised their horrid purpose, and wearing the mask offriendship, were kindly received at the house of Mr. Clendennin. [14]This gentleman had just returned from a successful hunt, and broughthome three fine elks--these and the novelty of being with _friendlyIndians_, soon drew the whole settlement to his house. Here too theIndians were well entertained and feasted on the fruit of Clendennin'shunt, and every other article of provision which was there, and couldminister to their gratification. An old woman, who was of the party, having a very sore leg and having understood that Indians couldperform a cure of any ulcer, shewed it to one near her; and asked ifhe could heal it--The inhuman monster raised his tomahawk and buriedit in her head. This seemed to be the signal of a general massacre andpromptly was it obeyed--nearly every man of the settlement was killedand the women and children taken captive. 

While this tragedy was acting, a negro woman, who was [71] endeavoringto escape, was followed by her crying child. --To save it from savagebutchery, she turned round and murdered it herself. 

Mrs. Clendennin, driven to despair by the cruel and unprovoked murderof her husband and friends, and the spoliation and destruction of alltheir property, boldly charged the Indians with perfidy and treachery;and alleged that cowards only could act with such duplicity. Thebloody scalp of her husband was thrown in her face--the tomahawk wasraised over her head; but she did not cease to revile them. In goingover Keeny's knot on the next day, the prisoners being in the centre, and the Indians in the front and rear, she gave her infant child toone of the women to hold for a while. --She then stepped into thethicket unperceived, and made her escape. The crying of the infantsoon lead to a discovery of her flight--one of the Indians observedthat he could "bring the cow to her calf, " and taking the child by theheels, beat out its brains against a tree. 

Mrs. Clendennin returned that night to her home, a distance of tenmiles; and covering the body of her husband with rails and trash, retired into an adjoining corn field, lest she might be pursued andagain taken prisoner. While in the corn field, her mind was muchagitated by contending emotions; and the prospect of effecting anescape to the settlements, seemed to her dreary and hopeless. In amoment of despondency, she thought she beheld a man, with the aspectof a murderer, standing near her; and she became overwhelmed withfear. It was but the creature of a sickly and terrified imagination;and when her mind regained its proper tone, she resumed her flight andreached the settlement in safety. [15]

These melancholy events occurring so immediately after the escape ofHannah Dennis; and the unwillingness of the Indians that she should beseparated from them, has induced the supposition that the partycommitting those dreadful outrages were in pursuit of her. If suchwere the fact, dearly were others made to pay the penalty of herdeliverance. 

This and other incidents, similar in their result, satisfied thewhites that although the war had been terminated on the part of theFrench; yet it was likely to be continued with all its horrors, bytheir savage allies. This was then, and has since been, attributed tothe smothered hostility of the French in [72] Canada and on the Ohioriver; and to the influence which they had acquired over the Indians. This may have had its bearing on the event; but from the knownjealousy entertained by the Indians, of the English Colonists; theirapprehensions that they would be dispossessed of the country, whichthey then held (England claiming jurisdiction over it by virtue of thetreaty of Paris;) and their dissatisfaction at the terms on whichFrance had negotiated a peace, were in themselves sufficient to inducehostilities on the part of the Indians. Charity would incline to thebelief that the continuance of the war was rightly attributable tothese causes--the other reason assigned for it, supposing theexistence of a depravity, so deep and damning, as almost to staggercredulity itself. 

In October, 1764, about fifty Delaware and Mingo warriors ascendedthe Great Sandy and came over on New river, where they separated;and forming two parties, directed their steps toward differentsettlements--one party going toward Roanoke and Catawba--the other inthe direction of Jackson's river. They had not long passed, whentheir trail was discovered by three men, (Swope, Pack and Pitman)who were trapping on New river. These men followed the trail tillthey came to where the Indian party had divided; and judging fromthe routes which, had been taken, that their object was to visitthe Roanoke and Jackson's river settlements, they determined onapprizing the inhabitants of their danger. Swope and Pack set outfor Roanoke and Pitman for Jackson's river. But before they couldaccomplish their object, the Indians had reached the settlements onthe latter river, and on Catawba. 

The Party which came to Jackson's river, travelled down Dunlap's creekand crossed James river, above Fort Young, in the night and unnoticed;and going down this river to William Carpenter's, where was a stockadefort under the care of a Mr. Brown, they met Carpenter just above hishouse and killed him. They immediately proceeded to the house, andmade prisoners of a son of Mr. Carpenter, two sons of Mr. Brown[16][73] (all small children) and one woman--the others belonging to thehouse, were in the field at work. The Indians then dispoiled the houseand taking off some horses, commenced a precipitate retreat--fearingdiscovery and pursuit. 

When Carpenter was shot, the report of the gun was heard by those atwork in the field; and Brown carried the alarm to Fort Young. Inconsequence of the weakness of this fort, a messenger was despatchedto Fort Dinwiddie, with the intelligence. Capt. Paul (who stillcommanded there, ) immediately commenced a pursuit with twenty of hismen; and passing out at the head of Dunlap's creek, descended Indiancreek and New river to Piney creek; without making any discovery ofthe enemy. On Indian creek they met Pitman, who had been running allthe day and night before, to apprise the garrison at Fort Young of theapproach of the Indians. Pitman joined in pursuit of the party who hadkilled Carpenter; but they, apprehending that they would be followed, had escaped to Ohio, by the way of Greenbrier and Kenhawa rivers. [17]

As Capt. Paul and his men were returning, they accidently met with theother party of Indians, who had been to Catawba, and committed somedepredations and murders there. They were discovered about midnight, encamped on the north bank of New river, opposite an island at themouth of Indian creek. Excepting some few who were watching threeprisoners, (whom they had taken on Catawba, and who were sitting inthe midst of them, ) they were lying around a small fire, wrapped inskins and blankets. Paul's men not knowing that there were captivesamong them, fired in the midst, killed three Indians, and woundedseveral others, one of whom drowned himself to preserve his scalp--therest of the party fled hastily down the river and escaped. 

In an instant after the firing, Capt. Paul and his men rushed forwardto secure the wounded and prevent further escapes. One of the foremostof his party seeing, as he supposed, a squaw sitting composedlyawaiting the result, raised his tomahawk and just as it wasdescending, Capt. Paul threw himself between the assailant and hisvictim; and receiving the blow on his arm, exclaimed, "It is a shameto hurt a woman, even a squaw. " Recognising the voice of Paul, thewoman named him. She was Mrs. Catharine Gunn, an English lady, who hadcome to the country some years before; and who, previously to hermarriage, had lived in the family of Capt. Paul's father-in-law, whereshe became acquainted with that gentleman--She had been taken captiveby the Indians, on the Catawba, a few days before, when her husbandand two only children were killed by them. When questioned why she hadnot cried out, or otherwise made known that she was a white prisoner, she replied, "I had as soon be killed as not--my husband ismurdered--my children are slain--my parents are dead. I have not arelation in America--every thing dear to me here is gone--I have nowishes--no hopes--no fears--I would not have risen to my feet to savemy life. "

[74] When Capt. Paul came on the enemy's camp, he silently posted hismen in an advantageous situation for doing execution, and madearrangements for a simultaneous fire. To render this the more deadlyand efficient, they dropped on one knee, and were preparing to takedeliberate aim, when one of them (John M'Collum) called to hiscomrades, "Pull steady and send them all to hell. " This ill timedexpression of anxious caution, gave the enemy a moment's warning oftheir danger; and is the reason why greater execution was not done. 

The Indians had left all their guns, blankets and plunder--thesetogether with the three white captives, were taken by Capt. Paul toFort Dinwiddie. [18]

----- [1] Father of Dr. Archibald Alexander, sometime president of Hampden Sydney College in Virginia, and afterwards a professor at Princeton in New Jersey. 

 ------

 _Comment by L. C. D. _--He was the grandfather of Dr. Alexander. 

 [2] The attacks on the Roanoke settlement, mentioned by Withers, occurred in June and July, 1755 (not the spring of 1757, as he states); that on Greenbrier, in September following; and the expedition against the Shawnees did not take place in 1757, but in February and March, 1756. Diaries and other documents in the Wisconsin Historical Society's library prove this. Dr. Draper estimated that Lewis's force was about 263 whites and 130 Cherokees--418 in all. The several companies were officered by Peter Hogg, John Smith, William Preston, Archibald Alexander, Robert Breckenridge, Obadiah Woodson, John Montgomery, and one Dunlap. Two of Dr. Thomas Walker's companions in his Kentucky exploration of 1750, were in the expedition--Henry Lawless and Colby Chew. Governor Dinwiddie had stipulated in his note to Washington, in December, 1755, that either Col. Adam Stephen or Maj. Andrew Lewis was to command. Washington having selected the latter, dispatched him from Winchester about the middle of January, 1756, with orders to hurry on the expedition. To the mismanagement of the guides is attributed much of the blame for its failure. The interesting Journals of Capt. William Preston and Lieut. Thomas Norton are in the possession of the Wisconsin Historical Society. --R. G. T. 

 [3] But Gallipolis was not settled until 1790, as has been previously shown. Withers confounds the modern French town of Gallipolis, whose residents were the sad victims of Indian outrages rather than the abettors of them, with the old Shawnee town just below the mouth of the Scioto (site of Alexandria, O. ). This fur-trading center was a village of log huts built by the French for the accommodation of their Shawnee allies, and was a center of frontier disturbances. --R. G. T. 

 [4] Preston's Journal does not lay much stress on Hogg's delay. Norton's Journal, speaking of Hogg, says, "common soldiers were by him scarcely treated with humanity, " and he seems to have regularly overruled and disobeyed Lewis. There was much rancor in camp, and Norton writes of the Cherokee allies, "The conduct and concord that was kept up among the Indians might shame us, for they were in general quite unanimous and brotherly. "--R. G. T. 

 [5] This expedition was sent out under the auspices of Gov. Dinwiddie--Fauquier did not become governor until 1758. No countermanding orders were sent. --L. C. D. 

 [6] Audley Paul was first lieutenant in Preston's company. --L. C. D. 

 [7] Withers, deriving his information from Taylor's sketches, was misled as to any intention of establishing a fort at the mouth of the Kanawha; and also as to Paul's, or any one else's proposition to cross the Ohio, and invade the Shawnee towns. The only aim was, to reach the Upper Shawnee town. --L. C. D. 

 ------

 _Comment by R. G. T. _--"Upper Shawnee town" was an Indian village at the mouth of Old Town Creek, emptying into the Ohio from the north, 39 miles above the mouth of the Great Kanawha. 

 [8] If such a journal ever existed, it passed into the hands of Gov. Dinwiddie, or possibly to Gov. Fauquier; but no reference to it is found among the _Dinwiddie Papers_, as published by the Virginia Historical Society; nor in the _Calendar of State Papers_, published by the State of Virginia. It is to be remarked, however, that few of the records of that period have been preserved by that State. --L. C. D. 

 [9] Shortly after, M'Nutt was appointed governor of Nova Scotia, where he remained until the commencement of the American revolution. In this contest he adhered to the cause of liberty, and joined his countrymen in arms under Gen. Gates at Saratoga. He was afterwards known as a meritorious officer in the brigade of Baron de Kalb, in the south--he died in 1811, and was buried in the Falling Spring church yard, in the forks of James river. 

 [10] Preston's MS. Register of the persons of Augusta county, Va. , killed, wounded, captured by the Indians, and of those who escaped, from 1754 to May, 1758, is in the Wisconsin Historical Society's library. It is to be regretted that Col. Preston, whose opportunities were so good, did not continue the Register till the end of the Indian wars. It is a most valuable document as far as it goes, and supplies many dates and facts hitherto involved in doubt and obscurity. --L. C. D. 

 [11] Seybert's Fort was situated on the South Fork, twelve miles northeast of Franklin, in Pendleton County. At the time of this invasion, there was a fort located on the South Branch, garrisoned by Capt. James Dunlap and a company of rangers from Augusta county. Preston's Register states, that on the 27th of April, 1758, the fort at which Capt. Dunlap was stationed, was attacked and captured, the captain and twenty-two others killed; and, the next day, the same party, no doubt, attacked Seybert's Fort, killing Capt. Seybert and sixteen others, while twenty-four others were missing. Washington, at the time, placed the number as "about sixty persons killed and missing. "

 A gazette account, published at Williamsburg, May 5th ensuing, says: "The Indians lately took and burnt two forts, where were stationed one of our ranging companies, forty of whom were killed and scalped, and Lieut. Dunlap and nineteen missing. "

 Kercheval's _History of the Valley_ gives some further particulars: That Seybert's Fort was taken by surprise; that ten of the thirty persons occupying it, were bound, taken outside; the others were placed on a log and tomahawked. James Dyer, a lad of fourteen, was spared, taken first to Logstown, and then to Chillicothe, and retained a year and ten months, when as one of an Indian party he visited Fort Pitt, and managed to evade his associates while there, and finally reached the settlements in Pennsylvania, and two years later returned to the South Fork. It is added by the same historian, as another tradition, that after the fort had been invested two days, and two of the Indians had been killed, the garrison agreed to surrender on condition of their lives being spared, which, was solemnly promised. That when the gate was opened, the Indians rushed in with demoniac yells, the whites fled, but were retaken, except one person; the massacre then took place, and ten were carried off into captivity. 

 Still another tradition preserved by Kercheval, says the noted Delaware chief, Killbuck, led the Indians. Seybert's son, a lad of fifteen, exhibited great bravery in the defense of the fort. Killbuck called out to Capt. Seybert, in English, to surrender, and their lives should be spared; when young Seybert at this instant, aimed his loaded gun at the chief, and the father seized it, and took it from him, saying they could not successfully defend the place, and to save their lives should surrender, confiding in Killbuck's assurances. Capt. Seybert was among the first of those sacrificed. Young Seybert was among the prisoners, and told the chief how near he came to killing him. "You young rascal, " laughingly replied Killbuck, "if you had killed me, you would have saved the fort, for had I fallen, my warriors would have immediately fled, and given up the siege in despair. "--L. C. D. 

 [12] The name is Renick. Robert Renick, who was killed on the occasion referred to, was a man of character and influence in his day. His name appears on Capt. John Smith's company roll of Augusta militia as early as 1742; and four years later, he was lieutenant of a mounted company of Augusta militia. Instead of 1761, the captivity of the Renick family occurred July 25, 1757, as shown by the Preston Register, which states that Renick and another were killed on that day--Mrs. Renick and seven children, and a Mrs. Dennis, captured; and the same day, at Craig's Creek, one man was killed and two wounded. The Renick traditions state that Mrs. Renick had only five children when taken; and one born after reaching the Indian towns; and corrects some other statements not properly related in Withers's narrative of the affair. --L. C. D. 

 [13] In 1763-65, the great Shawnee village just below the mouth of the Scioto (site of Alexandria, O. ), was destroyed by floods. Some of the tribesmen rebuilt their town on a higher bottom just above the mouth (site of Portsmouth, O. ), while others ascended the Scioto and built successively Old and New Chillicothe. --R. G. T. 

 [14] Where Ballard Smith now resides. 

 [15] Further particulars of this captivity are in Royall's _Sketches of History, Life, and Manners in U. S. _ (New Haven, 1826), pp. 60-66. --R. G. T. 

 [16] Carpenter's son (since Doctor Carpenter of Nicholas) came home about fifteen years afterwards--Brown's youngest son, (the late Col. Samuel Brown of Greenbrier) was brought home in 1769--the elder son never returned. He took an Indian wife, became wealthy and lived at Brown's town in Michigan. He acted a conspicuous part in the late war and died in 1815. 

 ------

 _Comment by L. C. D. _--Adam Brown, who was captured as mentioned in the above text and note, was thought by his last surviving son, Adam Brown, Jr. , whom I visited in Kansas in 1868, to have been about six years old when taken; and he died, he thought, about 1817, at about seventy-five years of age. But these dates, and his probable age, do not agree; he was either older when taken, or not so old at his death. The mother was killed when the sons were captured, and the father and some others of the family escaped. The late William Walker, an educated Wyandott, and at one time territorial governor of Kansas, stated to me, that the Wyandotts never made chiefs of white captives, but that they often attained, by their merits, considerable consequence. It is, however, certain that Abraham Kuhn, a white prisoner, grew up among the Wyandotts, and, according to Heckewelder, became a war chief among them, and signed the treaty at Big Beaver in 1785; and Adam Brown himself signed the treaties of 1805 and 1808, and doubtless would have signed later ones had he not sided with the British Wyandotts, and retired to Canada, near Malden, where he died. 

 [17] It is highly probable that this foray took place in 1763. During this year, as features of the Pontiac uprising, bloody forays were made on the more advanced settlements on Jackson, Greenbrier, and Calf Pasture rivers, and several severe contests ensued between whites and Indians. Captains Moffett and Phillips, with sixty rangers, were ambuscaded with the loss of fifteen men. Col. Charles Lewis pursued the savages with 150 volunteers raised in a single night, and on October 3rd surprised them at the head of the South Fork of the Potomac, killing twenty-one, with no white losses. The spoils of this victory, beside the "five horses with all their trappings, " sold for £250. This was the most notable of the several skirmishes which took place on the Virginia frontier, that year. --R. G. T. 

 [18] Perhaps this affair is that related by Capt. William Christian, in a letter dated Roanoke, Oct. 19th, 1763, as published in the gazettes of that day--there are, at least, some suggestive similarities: "Being joined by Capt. Hickenbotham, with twenty-five of the Amherst militia, we marched on Tuesday last, to Winston's Meadows, where our scouts informed us, that they had discovered a party of Indians about three miles off. Night coming on, prevented our meeting them; and next day, being rainy, made it difficult to follow their tracks. As they were on their return, Capt. Hickenbotham marched to join Capt. Ingles down New River. I, with nineteen men and my ensign, took a different route in quest of them. We marched next day on their tracks until two hours before sunset, when we heard some guns, and soon afterwards discovered three large fires, which appeared to be on the bank of Turkey Creek, where it empties into New river. Upon this we immediately advanced, and found they were on an island. Being within gun-shot, we fired on them, and loading again, forded the creek. The Indians, after killing Jacob Kimberlain, a prisoner they had with them, made but a slight resistence, and ran off. We found one Indian killed on the spot, and, at a little distance, four blankets shot through, and very bloody. We took all their bundles, four guns, eight tomahawks, and two mares. They had several other horses, which being frightened by the firing, ran off and were lost. The party consisted of upwards of twenty Indians. By the tracks of blood, we imagined several of them were wounded. " This affair occurred Oct. 12th. --L. C. D. 

[75] CHAPTER IV. 

During the continuance of the French war, and of that with the Indianswhich immediately succeeded it, the entire frontier from New York toGeorgia was exposed to the merciless fury of the savages. In noinstance were the measures of defence adopted by the differentcolonies, adequate to their object. --From some unaccountable fatuityin those who had the direction of this matter, a defensive war, whichalone could have checked aggression and prevented the effusion ofblood, was delayed 'till the whole population, of the country west ofthe Blue ridge, had retired east of those mountains; or were cooped upin forts. 

The chief means of defence employed, were the militia of the adjoiningcounties, and the establishment of a line of forts and block-houses, dispersed along a considerable extent of country, and occupied bydetachments of British colonial troops, or by militiamen. All thesewere utterly incompetent to effect security; partly from thecircumstances of the case, and somewhat from the entire want ofdiscipline, and the absence of that subordination which is absolutelynecessary to render an army effective. 

So great and apparent were the insubordination and remissness of duty, on the part of the various garrisons, that Gen. Washington, declaredthem "utterly inefficient and useless;" and the inhabitantsthemselves, could place no reliance whatever on them, for protection. In a particular instance, such were the inattention and carelessnessof the garrison that several children playing under the walls of thefort, were run down and caught by the Indians, who were not discovered'till they arrived at the very gate. [1]

In Virginia the error of confiding on the militia, soon becameapparent. [2] Upon the earnest remonstrance and entreaty of GeneralWashington, the colonial legislature substituted a force ofregulars, [3] [76] which at once effected the partial security of herfrontier, and gave confidence to the inhabitants. 

In Pennsylvania, from the pacific disposition of her rulers and theirabhorrence of war of any kind, her border settlements suffered mostseverely. The whole extent of her frontier was desolated by theIndians, and irruptions were frequently made by them into theinterior. The establishments, which had been made in the Conococheaguevalley, were altogether broken up and scenes of the greatestbarbarity, on one side, and of the utmost suffering on the other, wereconstantly exhibiting. A few instances of this suffering and of thatbarbarity, may not be improperly adduced here. They will serve toillustrate the condition of those who were within reach of the savageenemy; and perhaps, to palliate the enormities practiced on thechristian Indians. 

In the fall of 1754 about forty or fifty Indians entered thatprovince, and dividing themselves into two parties, sought theunprotected settlements, for purposes of murder and devastation: thesmaller party went about the forks of Delaware--the other directingtheir steps along the Susquehanna. On the 2nd of October, twelve ofthe former appeared before the house of Peter Williamson, (aScotchman, with no family but his wife, ) who had made considerableimprovement near the Delaware river. Mrs. Williamson being from home, he sat up later than usual, and about 11 o'clock was astounded at thesavage war whoop, resounding from various directions, near to thehouse. Going to the window, he perceived several Indians standing inthe yard, one of whom, in broken English, promised that if he wouldcome out and surrender he should not be killed; threatening at thesame time that if he did not, they would burn him up in his house. Unable to offer an effectual resistance, and preferring the chance ofsafety by surrendering, to the certainty of a horrid death if heattempted an opposition, he yielded himself up a prisoner. 

So soon as he was in their power they plundered the house of sucharticles as they could conveniently take with them, and set fire toit, and to the barn, in which was a quantity of wheat, some horses andother cattle. After inflicting some severe tortures on Williamson, andforcing him to carry a heavy weight of the plunder, which they hadtaken from him, they went to a neighboring house, occupied by JacobSnyder, his wife, five children and a servant. The piercing cries, and[77] agonizing shrieks of these poor creatures, made no impression onthe savages. The father, mother, and children were tomahawked andscalped, and their bodies consumed by fire together with the house. The servant was spared that he might aid in carrying their plunder;but manifesting deep distress at his situation as prisoner, he wastomahawked before they proceeded far. 

Before they could accomplish farther mischief a fall of snow, makingthem apprehensive that they would be pursued by the united force ofthe settlement, induced them to return to Alamingo--taking Williamsonwith them. 

On their way back, they met with the party of Indians, which hadseparated from them, as they approached the settlements. These hadbeen lower down on the Susquehanna, and had succeeded in makinggreater havoc, and committing more depredations, than it had fallen tothe lot of those who had taken Williamson, to commit. They had withthem three prisoners and twenty scalps. According to the account oftheir transactions as detailed by the prisoners, they had on one daykilled and scalped John Lewis, his wife and three children, and in afew days after had murdered, with almost every circumstance ofcruelty, Jacob Miller, his wife and six children, and George Folke, his wife and nine children, cutting up the bodies of the latterfamily and giving them piece-meal to the hogs in the pen. Whereverthey had been, destruction marked their course. In every instance thehouses, barns and grain stacks were consumed by fire; and the stockkilled. 

The three prisoners who had been brought in by the last party, endeavored soon after to effect an escape; but their ignorance of thecountry, and the persevering activity and vigilance of the Indians, prevented the accomplishment of their attempt. They were overtaken, and brought back; and then commenced a series of cruelties, torturesand death, sufficient to shock the sensibilities of the most obdurateheart, if unaccustomed to the perpetration of such enormities. 

Two of them were tied to trees, around which large fires were kindled, and they suffered to remain for some time, in the gradual but horriblestate of being scorched to death. After the Indians had enjoyed awhilethe writhings of agony and the tears of anguish, which were drawn fromthese suffering victims, one, stepping within the circle, ripped opentheir bodies and threw their bowels into the flames. Others, toemulate [78] this most shocking deed, approached, and with knives, burning sticks, and heated irons, continued to lacerate, pierce andtear the flesh from their breasts, arms and legs, 'till death closedthe scene of horrors and rendered its victims insensible to itspains. 

The third was reserved a few hours, that he might be sacrificed undercircumstances of peculiar enormity. A hole being dug in the ground ofa depth sufficient to enable him to stand upright, with his head onlyexposed, his arms were pinioned to his body, he placed in it, and theloose earth thrown in and rammed closely around him. He was thenscalped and permitted to remain in that situation for several hours. Afire was next kindled near his head. In vain did the poor sufferingvictim of hellish barbarity exclaim, that his brains were boiling inhis head; and entreat the mercy of instant death. Deaf to his cries, and inexorable to his entreaties, they continued the fire 'till hiseye balls burst and gushed from their sockets, and death put a periodto his sufferings. 

Of all these horrid spectacles, Williamson was an unwilling spectator;and supposing that he was reserved for some still more cruel andbarbarous fate, determined on escaping. This he was soon enabled todo; and returned to the settlements. [4]

The frequent infliction of such enormities as these upon thehelpless and unoffending women and children, as well as upon thosewho were more able to resist and better qualified to endure them;together with the desolation of herds, the devastation of crops, andthe conflagration of houses which invariably characterized thoseincursions, engendered a general feeling of resentment, that soughtin some instances, to wreak itself on those who were guiltless of anyparticipation in those bloody deeds. That vindictive spirit led tothe perpetration of offences against humanity, not less atrociousthan those which they were intended to requite; and which obliteratedevery discriminative feature between the perpetrators of them, andtheir savage enemies. 

The Canestoga Indians, to the number of forty, lived in a village, inthe vicinity of Lancaster; they were in amity with the whites, and hadbeen in peace and quiet for a considerable length of time. Anassociation of men, denominated the "Paxton boys, " broke into theirlittle town and murdered all who were found at home--fourteen men, women and children fell a prey to the savage brutality of those sonsof civilization [79]. The safety of the others was sought to beeffected, by confining them in the jail at Lancaster. It was in vain. The walls of a prison could afford no protection, from the relentlessfury of these exasperated men. The jail doors were broken open, andits wretched inmates cruelly murdered. --And, as if their deaths couldnot satiate their infuriate murderers, their bodies were brutallymangled, the hands and feet lopped off, and scalps torn from thebleeding heads of innocent infants. 

A similar fate impended the christian Indians of Nequetank and Nain;and was only averted, by the timely interposition of the government ofPennsylvania. They were removed to Philadelphia, where they remainedfrom November 1763 'till after the close of the war in December 1764;during which time the Paxton boys twice assembled in the neighborhoodof the city, for the purpose of assaulting the barracks and murderingthe Indians, but were deterred by the military preparations made tooppose them; and ultimately, but reluctantly, desisted. 

Had the feelings excited in the minds of these misguided men, by thecruelties of the Indians, been properly directed, it would haveproduced a quite different result. If, instead of avenging theoutrages of others, upon those who were no otherwise guilty than inthe complexion of their skin, they had directed their exertions to therepressing of invasion, and the punishment of its authors, much goodmight have been achieved; and they, instead of being stigmatized asmurderers of the innocent, would have been hailed as benefactors ofthe border settlements. Associations of this kind were formed in thatprovince, and contributed no little to lessen the frequency of Indianmassacres, and to prevent the effusion of blood, and the destructionof property. At the time the Paxton boys were meditating andendeavoring to effect the destruction of the peaceable christianIndians, another company, formed by voluntary league, was activelyengaged in checking the intrusions, of those who were enemies, and inpunishing their aggressions. A company of riflemen, called the Blackboys (from the fact of their painting themselves red and black, afterthe Indian fashion, ) under the command of Capt. James Smith, contributed to preserve the Conococheague valley, during the years1763 and 1764, from the devastation [80] which had overspread it earlyafter the commencement of Braddock's war. 

Capt. Smith had been captured by the Indians in the spring of 1755, and remained with them until the spring of 1759, when he left them atMontreal, and after some time arrived at home in Pennsylvania. He wasin Fort du Quesne, when the Indians and French went out to surpriseGen. Braddock; and witnessed the burnings and other dreadful torturesinflicted upon those who were so unfortunate as to have been madeprisoners; and the orgies and demoniacal revels with which the victorywas celebrated. He was subsequently adopted into a family, by which hewas kindly treated; and became well acquainted with their manner ofwarfare, and the various arts practised by them, to ensure success intheir predatory incursions, and afterwards to elude pursuit. He becamesatisfied from observation, that to combat Indians successfully, theymust be encountered in their own way; and he accordingly instructedhis men in the Indian mode of warfare, dressed them after the Indianfashion, and fought after the Indian manner. [5]

An instance of the good effect resulting from practicing the artsand stratagems of the Indians, occurred during this war; and toits success the garrison of Fort Pitt were indebted for theirpreservation. 

After the ratification of the treaty of peace which had been concludedbetween England and France, war continued to be waged by the Indianson the whole western frontier. A large body of them had collected andmarched to Fort Pitt, with a view to its reduction by famine. It hadbeen invested for some time and the garrison being too weak to sallyout and give battle to the besiegers, Capt. Ecuyer dispatchedmessengers with the intelligence of his situation and a request foraid and provisions: these were either compelled to return or bekilled, as the country for some distance east of Fort Pitt was in thepossession of the savages. [6]

At length a quantity of provisions were ordered by Gov. Amherst forthe relief of the fort, and forwarded under a strong guard commandedby Colonel Boquet. The Indians were soon apprized of this anddetermined on intercepting the provisions, and if practicable, toprevent their reaching the place of their destination. With thisobject in view, a considerable force was detached, to watch themotions of Col. Boquet and [81] upon a favorable opportunity to givehim battle. In a narrow defile on Turtle creek an attack was made bythe Indians, and a severe engagement ensued. Both armies fought withthe most obstinate bravery, from one o'clock 'till night, and in themorning it was resumed, and continued with unabated fury for severalhours. At length Col. Boquet, having placed four companies of infantryand grenadiers in ambush, ordered a retreat. So soon as this wascommenced, the Indians, confident of victory, pressed forward withconsiderable impetuosity, and fell into the ambuscade. This decidedthe contest--the Indians were repulsed with great slaughter anddispersed. 

The loss of the British, in killed and wounded, exceeded one hundred. That they were not entirely cut off, was attributable to the stratagemof the retreat (a favorite one of the Indians;) the success of whichnot only saved the detachment under Col. Boquet, but likewisepreserved Fort Pitt, from falling into the hands of the savage foe. 

The loss sustained by the enemy, must have equaled that of theBritish; several of their most distinguished chiefs and warriors, wereof the number of the slain: and so decisive was the victory obtainedover them, that in the succeeding campaign against the Indians on theMuskingum, Boquet found not much difficulty in bringing them to terms. A cessation of hostilities was agreed to, upon condition that theywould give up all the whites then detained by them in captivity. Upwards of three hundred prisoners were then redeemed; but the seasonbeing far advanced and the others scattered in different parts of thecountry, it was stipulated, that they should be brought into Fort Pittearly in the ensuing spring; and as a security that they would complywith this condition of the armistice, six of their chiefs weredelivered up as hostages--these however succeeded in making theirescape before the army arrived at Fort Pitt. [7]

The ill success which had attended the combined operations of theIndians, during this war, the difficulty of procuring ammunition tosupport it, and the fact that it had begun to be carried into theirown country, disposed them to make peace. A treaty was accordinglyconcluded with them by Sir William Johnson in 1765. Previous to thishowever, some few depredations were committed by the Indians, incontravention of the agreement made with them by Col. Boquet; andwhich induced a belief that the want of clothes and ammunition, [82]was the real cause of their partial forbearance. It was therefore ofgreat consequence, to prevent their obtaining a supply of thesenecessaries, until there could be some stronger assurance, than hadbeen given, of their pacific disposition. 

Notwithstanding the prevalence of this impression, and the fact, thata royal proclamation had been issued, forbidding any person tradingwith the Indians, yet in March 1765 a number of wagons, laden withgoods and warlike stores for the Indians, was sent from Philadelphiato Henry Pollens of Conococheague, to be thence transported on packhorses to Fort Pitt. This very much alarmed the country; and manyindividuals remonstrated against the propriety of supplying theIndians at that particular juncture; alleging the well known fact, that they were then destitute of ammunition and clothing, and that tofurnish them with those articles, would be to aid in bringing onanother frontier war, and to lend themselves to the commission ofthose horrid murders, by which those wars were always distinguished. Remonstrance was fruitless. The gainful traffick which could be thencarried on with the Indians, banished every other consideration; andseventy horses, packed with goods, were directed on to Fort Pitt. 

In this situation of things, Capt. James Smith, (who had been withBoquet during the campaign of 1764, and was well convinced that asupply at that time of clothing and ammunition, would be the signalfor the recommencement of hostilities) collected ten of his "Blackboys, " painted and dressed as Indians; and waylaid the caravan, near aplace called the "Side long Hill. " He disposed his men in pairs, behind trees along the road, at intervals of about 60 yards, withorders for the second not to fire 'till the first had reloaded, sothat a regular, slow fire might be maintained at once, from front torear. 

As soon as the cavalcade approached, the firing commenced, and thepack horses beginning to fall by the side of their conductors, excitedthe fear of the latter, and induced them to cry out "Gentlemen whatwould you have us to do. " Captain Smith replied, "collect all yourloads to the front, deposit them in one place; take your privateproperty and retire. " These things were accordingly done; and thegoods left (consisting of blankets, shirts, beads, vermillion, powder, lead, tomahawks, scalping knives, &c. ) were immediately burned orotherwise destroyed. 

[83] The traders then went to Fort Loudon, and obtaining of thecommanding officer a party of Highland soldiers, proceeded in quest ofthe _Robbers_ (as they termed them;) some of whom were taken andcarried into the Fort. Capt. Smith then raised about 300 riflemen, andmarching to Fort Loudon, occupied a position on an eminence near it. He had not been long there before he had more than twice as many ofthe garrison, prisoners in his camp, as there were of his men in theguard house. Under a flag of truce proceeding from the Fort, aconvention for the exchange of prisoners was entered into betweenCapt. Grant, the commander of the garrison, and Capt. Smith, and thelatter with his men, immediately returned to their homes. [8]

Occurrences such as this, were afterwards of too frequent [84]recurrence. The people had been taught by experience, that the fortafforded very little, if any protection to those who were not confinedwithin its walls--they were jealous of the easy, and yet secure lifeled by the garrison, and apprehensive of the worst consequences fromthe intercourse of traders with the Indians. Under those feelings, they did not scruple to intercept the passage of goods to the tradingposts, and commit similar outrages to those above described, if therewere any interference on the part of the neighboring forts. On oneoccasion, Capt. Grant was himself taken prisoner, and [85] detained'till restitution was made the inhabitants of some guns, which hadbeen taken from them, by soldiers from the garrison; and in 1769, aquantity of powder, lead and other articles was taken from sometraders passing through Bedford county, and destroyed. Severalpersons, supposed to have been of the party who committed thisoutrage, were apprehended, and laid in irons in the guard house atFort Bedford. 

Capt. Smith, although in no wise engaged in this transaction, nor yetapproving it, was nevertheless so indignant that an offence againstthe civil authorities, should be attempted to be punished by amilitary tribunal, that he resolved on effecting their release. Toaccomplish this, he collected eighteen of his "Black boys, " in whom heknew he could confide; and marched along the main road in thedirection of Fort Bedford. On his way to that place, he did notattempt to conceal his object, but freely told to every one whoenquired, that he was going to take Fort Bedford. On the evening ofthe second day of their march, they arrived at the crossings ofJuniata, (14 miles from Bedford) and erected tents as if they intendedencamping there all night. 

Previous to this, Capt. Smith had communicated his intention to Mr. William Thompson (who lived in Bedford and on whom he could rely, ) andprevailed on him to obtain what information he could as to the effectproduced in the garrison by the preparations which he was making forits attack; and acquaint him with it. That he might be enabled to dothis with greater certainty, a place and hour were appointed at whichCapt. Smith would meet him. 

About 11 o'clock at night the march was resumed, and movingbriskly they arrived near to Bedford, where they met Thompson; whocommunicated to them the fact, that the garrison had been apprizedof their object that in consequence of having heard from them onthe preceding evening, at the Crossings of Juniata, it was notexpected they would arrive before mid-day, that their number wasknown, and the enterprise ridiculed. Thompson then returned toBedford, and the party moved silently under covert of the banks of theriver, 'till they approached near to the Fort, where they layconcealed, awaiting the opening of the gate. About day lightThompson apprised them that the guard had thrown open the gate, andwere taking their morning's dram; that the arms were stacked not farfrom the entrance into the Fort, and three centinels on the wall. 

Upon hearing these things, Capt. Smith with his men rushed rapidly tothe Fort, and the morning being misty, were not discovered 'till theyhad reached the gate. At that instant the centinels fired their gunsand gave the alarm; but Capt. Smith and his men took possession of thearms, and raised a loud shout, before the soldiers of the garrisoncould learn the cause of the alarm, or get to the scene of action. 

[86] Having thus obtained possession of the Fort, Capt. Smith had theprisoners released from the guardhouse, and compelling a blacksmith toknock off their irons, left the Fort with them and returned toConococheaque. "This, Capt. Smith says, was the first British fort inAmerica, taken by what they called American rebels. "

Some time after this, an attempt was made to apprehend Capt. Smith, ashe was proceeding to survey and locate land on the Youghogany river. In the encounter which succeeded, a man (by the name of Johnson) waskilled; and the murder being charged on Smith, he was confined for atime in Bedford jail; but fearing a release, the civil authority senthim privately through the wilderness to Carlisle, to await a trial forthe alledged offence. On hearing this, upwards of three hundredpersons (among whom were his old "Black boys, ") proceeded to Carlisleto effect a rescue; and were only prevented the accomplishment oftheir object, by the solicitation of Smith himself. He knew hisinnocence, and preferred awaiting a trial; and how willing soever hemight have been to oppose any encroachments of the military, he heldin just abhorrence, an opposition to the civil authority of hiscountry. He was put on his trial and acquitted. [9]

[87] Events such as those which have been narrated, serve to shew thestate of things which existed at that day; and to point out the evilsnecessarily resulting, from an absence of municipal regulations. Man, in every station and condition of life, requires the controlling handof civil power, to confine him in his proper sphere, and to checkevery advance of invasion, on the rights of others. Unrestrainedliberty speedily degenerates into licentiousness. Without thenecessary curbs and restraints of law, men would relapse into a stateof nature; [88] and although the obligations of justice (the basis ofsociety) be natural obligations; yet such are the depravity andcorruption of human nature, that without some superintending andcoercive power, they would be wholly disregarded; and human society, would become the field of oppression and outrage--instead of a theatrefor the interchange of good offices. Civil institutions and judicialestablishments; the comminations of punishment and the denunciationsof law, are barely sufficient to repress the evil propensities of man. Left to themselves, they spurn all natural restrictions, and riot inthe unrestrained indulgence of every passion. 

----- [1] At Dickenson's fort in 1755. 

 [2] When the Indians were most troublesome, and threatening even the destruction of Winchester, Lord Fairfax who was commandant of the militia of Frederick and Hampshire, ordered them out. Three days active exertion on his part, brought only 20 in the field. 

 [3] Rather rangers, who seem to have been enlisted to serve a year, and were re-engaged when necessary. --L. C. D. 

 [4] Peter Williamson had singular adventures. When a boy he was kidnapped at Aberdeen, and sent to America, for which he afterwards recovered damages. It is said that he passed a considerable period among the Cherokees. He instituted the first penny post at Edinburgh, for which, when the government assumed it, he received a pension. His _Memoirs_, and _French and Indian Cruelty Examplified_, were works of interest. He died in Edinburgh in 1799. --L. C. D. 

 [5] Col. James Smith was born in Franklin county, Pa. , in 1737; was captured by Indians in 1755, remaining in captivity until his escape in 1759. He served as ensign in 1763, and lieutenant under Bouquet in 1764; he was a leader, for several years, of the Black Boys--a sort of regulators of the traders who, the Black Boys thought, supplied the Indians with the munitions of war. As the troubles with the mother country began, Smith was selected for frontier service, and held civil and military positions--captain in the Pennsylvania line; then in 1777 as major under Washington; in 1778, he was promoted to the rank of colonel of militia, and led an expedition against the Indian town on French Creek. In 1788, he removed to Kentucky; served in the early Kentucky conventions, preparatory to State organization, and also in the legislature. He did missionary work in Kentucky and Tennessee, and preached among the Indians. He wrote a valuable account of his Indian captivity, republished a few years since by Robert Clarke & Co. , Cincinnati, and a treatise on Indian warfare, besides two controversial pamphlets against the Shakers. He died in Washington county, Ky. , in 1812, aged about seventy-five years. --L. C. D. 

 [6] Captain Simeon Ecuyer, like Bouquet, was a native of Switzerland; he did good service on the frontiers, especially in the gallant defense of Fort Pitt in 1763. He became disgusted with the bad conduct of his soldiers, especially the grenadiers, and begged leave to resign. "For God's sake, " he implored Bouquet, "let me go, and raise cabbages. "--L. C. D. 

 [7] Henry Bouquet was born at Rolle, in the canton of Berne, Switzerland, in 1721, and at the age of seventeen he entered into the service of the states general of Holland; subsequently engaged under the banner of Sardinia, and distinguished himself at the battle of Cony. In 1748, he was a lieutenant-colonel in the Swiss guards, in the service of Holland. At length, in 1756, he entered the English army, serving in the Royal Americans, and co-operated with Gen. Forbes on the campaign against Fort Du Quesne, repulsing an attack of French and Indians on Loyal Hanna. He afterwards served in Canada, and was sent for the relief of Fort Pitt, when beleagured in 1763. While marching on this service, he signally defeated the Indians at Bushy Run, after a two days' engagement, in August of that year, and relieved Fort Pitt. In 1764, he led an expedition against the Ohio Indians, compelling them to sue for peace. He died at Pensacola, September 2, 1765, of a prevailing fever, in the prime of life, at the age of forty-four years. He had attained the rank of general. --L. C. D. 

 [8] The following song was soon after composed by Mr. George Campbell (an Irish gentleman who had been educated in Dublin, ) and was frequently sung in the neighborhood to the tune of the _Black Joke_. 

 Ye patriot souls who love to sing, What serves your country and your king, In wealth, peace, and royal estate; Attention give whilst I rehearse, A modern fact, in jingling verse, How party interest strove what it cou'd, To profit itself by public blood, But justly met its merited fate. 

 Let all those Indian traders claim, Their just reward, in glorious fame, For vile, base and treacherous ends, To Pollins in the spring they sent Much warlike stores, with an intent, To carry them to our barbarous foes, Expecting that nobody dare oppose A present to their Indian friends. 

 Astonished at the wild design Frontier inhabitants combin'd, With brave souls to stop their career, Although some men apostatized Who first the grand attempt advis'd, The bold frontiers they bravely stood, To act for their king, and their country's good In joint league, and strangers to fear. 

 On March the fifth, in sixty-five, Their Indian presents did arrive, In long pomp and cavalcade, Near Sidelong-hill, where in disguise, Some patriots did their train surprise, And quick as lightning tumbled their loads And kindled them bonfires in the woods; And mostly burnt their whole brigade. 

 At Loudon when they heard the news, They scarcely knew which way to choose, For blind rage and discontent; At length some soldiers they sent out, With guides for to conduct the route, And seized some men that were travelling there And hurried them into Loudon, where They laid them fast with one consent. 

 But men of resolution thought Too much to see their neighbors caught For no crime but false surmise; Forthwith they join'd a warlike band, And march'd to Loudon out of hand, And kept the jailors pris'ners there, Until our friends enlarged were, Without fraud or any disguise. 

 Let mankind censure or commend, This rash performance in the end, Then both sides will find their account. 'Tis true no law can justify To burn our neighbors property, But when this property is design'd To serve the enemies of mankind, Its high treason in the amount. 

 [9] The following extract from the _Pennsylvania Gazette_ of November 2d, 1769, details the circumstances of this transaction. 

 "James Smith, his brother and brother in law, were going out to survey and improve their land, on the waters of the Youghogany. --Expecting to be gone some time, they took with them their arms, and horses loaded with necessaries; and as Smith's brother in law was an artist in surveying, he had also with him the instruments for that business. Travelling on their way and within nine miles of Bedford, they overtook and joined in company with one Johnson and Moorhead, who had likewise horses packed with liquor and seed wheat--their intentions being also to make improvements on their lands. Arrived at the parting of the road near Bedford, they separated, one party going through town for the purpose of having a horse shod; these were apprehended and put under confinement. --James Smith, Johnson and Moorhead taking the other road, met John Holmes of Bedford, to whom Smith spoke in a friendly manner but received no answer. Smith and his companions proceeded to where the two roads again united; and waited there the arrival of the others. 

 "At this time a number of men came riding up, and asked Smith his name. On his telling them who he was, they immediately presented their pistols, and commanded him to surrender or he was a dead man. Smith stepped back and asking if they were highwaymen, charged them to keep off; when immediately Robert George (one of the assailants) snapped a pistol at Smith's head; and that (as George acknowledged under oath) before Smith had offered to [87] shoot. Smith then presented his gun at another of the assailants, who was holding Johnson with one hand, while with the other he held a pistol, which he was preparing to discharge. Two shots were fired, one by Smith's gun, the other by the pistol, so quick as to be just distinguishable, and Johnson fell. Smith was then taken and carried to Bedford, where John Holmes (who had met him on the road, and hastened to Bedford with the intelligence) held an inquest over the dead body of Johnson. One of the assailants being the only witness examined, it was found that "Johnson had been murdered by Smith, " who was thereupon committed for trial. But jealousy arising in the breasts of many, that the inquest was not so fair as it should have been, William Deny, (the coroner of Bedford county) thought proper to re-examine the matter; and summoning a jury of unexceptionable men, out of three townships--men whose candour, probity, and honesty are unquestionable, and having raised the corpse, held a solemn inquest over it for three days. 

 "In the course of their scrutiny, they found the shirt of Johnson, around the bullet hole, blackened by the powder of the charge with which he had been killed. One of the assailants being examined, swore to the respective spots of ground on which they stood at the time of firing, which being measured, was found to be 28 feet distance from each other. The experiment was then made of shooting at the shirt an equal distance both with and against the wind, to ascertain if the powder produced the stain; but it did not. Upon the whole the jury, after the most accurate examination and mature deliberation, brought in their verdict that one of the assailants must necessarily have done the murder. "

 Captain Smith was a brave and enterprising man. In 1766, he, in company with Joshua Horton, Uriah Stone, William Baker and James Smith, by the way of Holstein, explored the country south of Kentucky at a time when it was entirely uninhabited; and the country between the Cumberland and Tennessee rivers, to their entrance into the Ohio. Stone's river, a branch of the Cumberland and emptying into it not far above Nashville, was named by them in this expedition. 

 After his acquittal from the charge of having murdered Johnson, he was elected and served as one of the board of commissioners, for regulating taxes and laying the county levy, in the county of Bedford. [88] He was for several years a delegate from the county of Westmoreland, to the General Assembly of Pennsylvania; and in the war of the revolution was an officer of merit and distinction. In 1781 he removed to Kentucky and settled in Bourbon county not far from Paris; was a member of the convention which set at Danville, to confer about a separation from the state of Virginia, in 1788, from which time until 1799, with the exception of two years, he was either a delegate of the convention or of the General Assembly of Kentucky. 

 ------

 _Comment by L. C. D. _--It would seem from Col. Smith's own statement, that his removal to, and settlement in, Bourbon county, Ky. , was in 1788. 

[89] CHAPTER V. 

The comparative security and quiet, which succeeded the treaty of1765, contributed to advance the prosperity of the Virginia frontiers. The necessity of congregating in forts and blockhouses, no longerexisting, each family enjoyed the felicities of its own fireside, undisturbed by fearful apprehensions of danger from the prowlingsavage, and free from the bustle and confusion consequent on beingcrowded together. No longer forced to cultivate their little fields incommon, and by the united exertions of a whole neighborhood, withtomahawks suspended from their belts and rifles attached to their plowbeams, their original spirit of enterprise was revived: and while acertainty of reaping in unmolested safety, the harvest for which theyhad toiled, gave to industry, a stimulus which increased theirprosperity, it also excited others to come and reside among them--aconsiderable addition to their population, and a rapid extension ofsettlements, were the necessary consequence. 

It was during the continuation of this exemption from Indian aggression, that several establishments were made on the Monongahela and itsbranches, and on the Ohio river. These were nearly cotemporaneous; thefirst however, in order of time, was that made on the Buchannon--a forkof the Tygart's valley river, and was induced by a flattering accountof the country as given by two brothers; who had spent some years invarious parts of it, under rather unpleasant circumstances. 

Among the soldiers who garrisoned Fort Pitt, were William Childers, John and Samuel Pringle and Joseph Linsey. In 1761, these four mendeserted from the fort, and ascended the Monongahela as far as to themouth of George's creek (the site afterwards selected by AlbertGallatin, for the town of Geneva. ) Here they remained awhile; but notliking the [90] situation crossed over to the head of the Youghogany;and encamping in the glades, continued there about twelve months. 

In one of their hunting rambles, Samuel Pringle came on a path, whichhe supposed would lead to the inhabited part of Virginia. On hisreturn he mentioned the discovery and his supposition, to hiscomrades, and they resolved on tracing it. This they accordingly did, and it conducted them to Loony's creek, then the most remote westernsettlement. While among the inhabitants on Loony's creek, they wererecognized and some of the party apprehended as deserters. John andSamuel Pringle succeeded in making an escape to their camp in theglades, where they remained 'till some time in the year 1764. 

During this year, and while in the employ of John Simpson (a trapper, who had come there in quest of furs, ) they determined on removingfarther west. Simpson was induced to this, by the prospect of enjoyingthe woods free from the intrusion of other hunters (the glades havingbegun to be a common hunting ground for the inhabitants of the SouthBranch;) while a regard for their personal safety, caused the Pringlesto avoid a situation, in which they might be exposed to theobservation of other men. 

In journeying through the wilderness, and after having crossed Cheatriver at the Horse shoe, a quarrel arose between Simpson and one ofthe Pringles; and notwithstanding that peace and harmony were sonecessary to their mutual safety and comfort; yet each so far indulgedthe angry passions which had been excited, as at length to produce aseparation. 

Simpson crossed over the Valley river, near the mouth of Pleasantcreek, and passing on to the head of another water course, gave to itthe name of Simpson's creek. Thence he went westwardly, and fell overon a stream which he called Elk: at the mouth of this he erected acamp, and continued to reside for more than twelve months. During thistime he neither saw the Pringles nor any other human being; and at theexpiration of it went to the South Branch, where he disposed of hisfurs and skins and then returned to, and continued at, his encampmentat the mouth of Elk, until permanent settlements were made in itsvicinity. 

The Pringles kept up the Valley river 'till they observed a largeright hand fork, (now Buchannon), [1] which they ascended [91] somemiles; and at the mouth of a small branch (afterward called Turkeyrun) they took up their abode in the cavity of a large Sycamoretree. [2] The stump of this is still to be seen, and is an object of nolittle veneration with the immediate descendants of the firstsettlers. 

The situation of these men, during a residence here of several years, although rendered somewhat necessary by their previous conduct, couldnot have been very enviable. Deserters from the army, a constant fearof discovery filled their minds with inquietude. --In the vicinity of asavage foe, the tomahawk and scalping knife were ever present to theirimaginations. --Remote from civilized man, their solitude was hourlyinterrupted by the frightful shrieks of the panther, or the hideoushowlings of the wolf. --And though the herds of Buffalo, Elk and Deer, which gamboled sportively around, enabled them easily to supply theirlarder; yet the want of salt, of bread, and of every species ofkitchen vegetable, must have abated their relish for the, otherwise, delicious loin of the one, and haunch of the others. The low state oftheir little magazine too, while it limited their hunting, to the bareprocuration of articles of subsistence, caused them, from a fear ofdiscovery, to shrink at the idea of being driven to the settlements, for a supply of ammunition. And not until they were actually reducedto two loads of powder, could they be induced to venture again intothe vicinity of their fellow men. In the latter part of the year 1767, John left his brother, and intending to make for a trading post on theShenandoah, appointed the period of his return. 

Samuel Pringle, in the absence of John, suffered a good deal. Thestock of provisions left him became entirely exhausted--one of hisloads of powder, was expended in a fruitless attempt to shoot abuck--his brother had already delayed his return several days longerthan was intended, and he was apprehensive that he had beenrecognized, taken to Port Pitt and would probably never get back. Withhis remaining load of powder, however he was fortunate enough to killa fine buffalo; and John soon after returned with the news of peace, both with the Indians and French. The two brothers agreed to leavetheir retirement. 

Their wilderness habitation was not left without some regret. Everyobject around, had become more or less endeared to them. The tree, inwhose hollow they had been so [92] frequently sheltered from storm andtempest, was regarded by them with so great reverence, that theyresolved, so soon as they could prevail on a few others to accompanythem, again to return to this asylum of their exile. 

In a population such as then composed the chief part of the SouthBranch settlement, this was no difficult matter. All of them were usedto the frontier manner of living; the most of them had gone thither toacquire land; many had failed entirely in this object, while otherswere obliged to occupy poor and broken situations off the river; thefertile bottoms having been previously located. Add to this thepassion for hunting (which was a ruling one with many, ) and thecomparative scarcity of game in their neighborhood, and it need notexcite surprise that the proposition of the Pringles to form asettlement, in such a country as they represented that on Buchannon tobe, was eagerly embraced by many. 

In the fall of the ensuing year (1768) Samuel Pringle, and severalothers who wished first to examine for themselves, visited the countrywhich had been so long occupied by the Pringles alone. Being pleasedwith it, they, in the following spring, with a few others, repairedthither, with the view of cultivating as much corn, as would servetheir families the first year after their emigration. And havingexamined the country, for the purpose of selecting the most desirablesituations; some of them proceeded to improve the spots of theirchoice. John Jackson (who was accompanied by his sons, George andEdward) settled at the mouth of Turkey run, where his daughter, Mrs. Davis, now lives--John Hacker[3] higher up on the Buchannon river, where Bush's fort was afterwards established, and Nicholas Heavenernow lives--Alexander and Thomas Sleeth, near to Jackson's, on what isnow known as the Forenash plantation. The others of the party (WilliamHacker, Thomas and Jesse Hughes, John and William Radcliff and JohnBrown) appear to have employed their time exclusively in hunting;neither of them making any improvement of land for his own benefit. Yet were they of very considerable service to the new settlement. Those who had commenced clearing land, were supplied by them withabundance of meat, while in their hunting excursions through thecountry, a better knowledge of it was obtained, than could have beenacquired, had they been engaged in making improvements. 

[93] In one of these expeditions they discovered, and gave name toStone coal creek; which flowing westwardly, induced the suppositionthat it discharged itself directly into the Ohio. Descending thiscreek, to ascertain the fact, they came to its confluence with ariver, which they then called, and has since been known as, the WestFork. After having gone some distance down the river, they returned bya different route to the settlement, better pleased with the land onit and some of its tributaries, than with that on Buchannon. 

Soon after this, other emigrants arrived under the guidance of SamuelPringle. Among them were, John and Benjamin Cutright, who settled onBuchannon, where John Cutright the younger, now lives; and Henry Rulewho improved just above the mouth of Fink's run. Before the arrival ofSamuel Pringle, John Hacker had begun to improve the spot whichPringle had chosen for himself. To prevent any unpleasant result, Hacker agreed that if Pringle would clear as much land, on a creekwhich had been recently discovered by the hunters, as he had onBuchannon, they could then exchange places. Complying with thiscondition Pringle took possession of the farm on Buchannon, and Hackerof the land improved by Pringle on the creek, which was hence calledHacker's creek. [4] John and William Radcliff, then likewise settled onthis stream--the former on the farm, where the Rev. John Mitchel nowlives; the latter at the place now owned by William Powers Esq. --Thesecomprise all the improvements which were made on the upper branches ofthe Monongahela in the years 1769 and 1770. 

At the close of the working season of 1769 some of these adventurers, went to their families on the South Branch; and when they returned togather their crops in the fall, found them entirely destroyed. Intheir absence the buffaloes, no longer awed by the presence of man, had trespassed on their enclosures, and eaten their corn to theground--this delayed the removal of their families 'till the winter of1770. 

Soon after the happening of this event, other settlements were made onthe upper branches of the Monongahela river. Capt. James Booth andJohn Thomas established themselves on what has been since calledBooth's creek--The former at the place now owned by Jesse Martin; andthe latter where William Martin at present resides, and which isperhaps the [94] most valuable landed estate in North WesternVirginia, off the Ohio river. 

Previous however to the actual settlement of the country above theforks of the Monongahela, some few families (in 1767) had establishedthemselves in the vicinity of Fort Redstone, now Brownsville, inPennsylvania. [5] At the head of these were Abraham Tegard, JamesCrawford, John Province, and John Harden. The latter of thesegentlemen afterwards removed to Kentucky and became distinguished inthe early history of that state, as well for the many excellencies ofhis private and public life, as for the untimely and perfidious mannerof his death. 

In the succeeding year Jacob Vanmeter, John Swan, Thomas Hughes andsome others settled on the west side of the Monongahela, near themouth of Muddy creek, where Carmichaelstown now stands. [6]

In this year too, the place which had been occupied for a while byThomas Decker and his unfortunate associates, and where Morgantown isnow situated, was settled by a party of emigrants; one of which wasDavid Morgan, who became so conspicuous for personal prowess, and forthe daring, yet deliberate courage displayed by him, during thesubsequent hostilities with the Indians. 

In 1769, Col. Ebenezer Zane, his brothers Silas and Jonathan, withsome others from the south Branch, visited the Ohio river for thepurpose of commencing improvements;[7] [95] and severally proceeded toselect positions for their future residence. Col. Zane chose for his, an eminence above the mouth of Wheeling creek, near to the Ohio, andopposite a beautiful and considerable island in that river. The spotthus selected by him, is now occupied by his son Noah Zane, Esq. Andis nearly the centre of the present flourishing town of Wheeling. Silas Zane commenced improving on Wheeling creek where Col. MosesShepherd now lives, and Jonathan resided with his brother Ebenezer. Several of those who accompanied the adventurers, likewise remainedwith Colonel Zane, in the capacity of laborers. 

After having made those preparations which were immediatelyrequisite for the reception of their respective families, theyreturned to their former homes. In the ensuing year they finally leftthe South Branch, and accompanied by Col. David Shepherd, (the fatherof Col. Moses Shepherd, ) John Wetzel (the father of Lewis) and theMcCulloughs--men whose names are identified with the early historyof that country--repaired again to the wilderness, and took up theirpermanent abode in it. 

Soon after this, other settlements were made at different points, bothabove and below Wheeling; and the country on Buffalo, Short, and Gravecreeks, [8] and on the Ohio river, became the abode of civilized man. Among those who were first to occupy above Wheeling, were GeorgeLefler, John Doddridge, Benjamin Biggs, Daniel Greathouse, JoshuaBaker and Andrew Swearingen. [9]

[96] The settlement thus made constituting a kind of advance _guard_, through which an Indian enemy would have to penetrate, before theycould reach the interior, others were less reluctant to occupy thecountry between them and the Alleghany mountains. Accordingly variousestablishments were soon made in it by adventurers from differentparts of Maryland, Pennsylvania and Virginia; and those places inwhich settlements had been previously effected, received considerableaccessions to their population. 

In 1772, that comparatively beautiful region of country, lying on theeast fork of the Monongahela river, between the Alleghany mountains, on its south eastern, and the Laurel Hill, or as it is there calledthe Rich mountain, on its north western side, and which had receivedthe denomination of Tygart's valley, again attracted the attention ofemigrants. --In the course of that year, the greater part of thisvalley was located, by persons said to have been enticed thither bythe description given of it, by some hunters from Greenbrier who hadpreviously explored it. Game, though a principal, was not howevertheir sole object. They possessed themselves at once of nearly all thelevel land lying between those mountains--a plain of 25 or 30 miles inlength and varying from three fourths to two miles in width, and offine soil. Among those who were first to occupy that section ofcountry, we find the names of Hadden, Connelly, Whiteman, Warwick, Nelson, Stalnaker, Riffle and Westfall: the latter of these found andinterred the bones of Files' family, which had lain, bleaching in thesun, after their murder by the Indians, in 1754. 

Cheat river too, on which no attempt at settlement had been made, butby the unfortunate Eckarly's, became an object of attention, The HorseShoe bottom was located by Capt. James Parsons, of the South Branch;and in his neighborhood settled Robert Cunningham, Henry Fink, JohnGoff and John Minear. Robert Butler, William Morgan and some otherssettled on the Dunkard bottom. 

In this year too, settlements were made on Simpson's creek, the WestFork river and on Elk creek. Those who made the former, were JohnPowers, who purchased Simpson's right (a tomahawk improvement)[10] tothe land on which Benjamin [97] Stout now resides; and James Andersonand Jonas Webb who located themselves farther up the creek. 

On Elk, and in the vicinity of Clarksburg there settled Thomas Nutter, near to the Forge-mills--Samuel Cottrial, on the east side of thecreek and nearly opposite to Clarksburg--Sotha Hickman, on the westside of the same creek, and above Cottrial--Samuel Beard at the mouthof Nanny's run--Andrew Cottrial above Beard, and at the farm now ownedby John W. Patton--Daniel Davisson, where Clarksburg is now situated, and Obadiah Davisson and John Nutter on the West Fork; the former nearto the old Salt works, and the latter at the place now owned by AdamHickman, jr. 

There was likewise, at this time, a considerable accession to thesettlements on Buchannon and Hacker's creek. So great was the increaseof population in this latter neighborhood, that the crops of thepreceding season did not afford more than one third of the breadstuff, which would be ordinarily consumed in the same time, by an equalnumber of persons. Such indeed was the state of suffering among theinhabitants, consequent on this scarcity, that the year 1773 is calledin the traditionary legends of that day, the _starving year_; and suchwere the exertions of William Lowther to mitigate that suffering, andso great the success with which they were crowned, that his name hasbeen transmitted to their descendants, hallowed by the blessings ofthose, whose wants he contributed so largely to relieve. [11]

[98] These were the principal settlements begun in North WesternVirginia, prior to the year 1774. Few and scattered as they were, nosooner was it known that they were commenced, than hundreds flocked tothem from different parts; and sought there the gratifications oftheir respective predilections. That spirit of adventurous emigration, which has since peopled, with such unprecedented rapidity, the southwestern and western states, and which was then beginning to developeitself, overcame the fond attachments of youth, and impelled itspossessors, to the dreary wilderness. Former homes, encircled by thecomforts of civilization, endeared by the grateful recollections ofby-gone days, and not unfrequently, consecrated as the spots wheretheir tenants had first inhaled the vital fluid, were readilyexchanged for "the variety of untried being, the new scenes andchanges, " which were to be passed, before the trees of the forestcould be supplanted, by the fruits of the field, or society be rearedin the solitude of the desert. With a capability to sustain fatigue, not to be subdued by toil; and with a cheerfulness, not easily to bedepressed; a patience which could mock at suffering and a daring whichnothing could daunt, every difficulty which intervened, every obstaclewhich was interposed between them and the accomplishment of theobjects of their pursuit, was surmounted or removed; and in acomparatively brief space of time, they rose to the enjoyment of manyof those gratifications, which are experienced in earlier and morepopulous settlements. That their morals should, for a while, havesuffered deterioration, and their manners and habits, instead of [99]approximating those of refined society, should have become perhaps, more barbarous and uncouth, was the inevitable consequence of theirsituation, and the certain result of circumstances, which they couldnot control. When that situation was changed, and these circumstancesceased to exist, a rapid progress was made in the advancement of manysections of the country, to the refinements of civilized society. 

The infantile state of all countries exhibits, in a greater or lessdegree, a prevalence of barbarism. The planting of colonies, orthe formation of establishments in new countries, is ever attendedwith circumstances unpropitious to refinement. The force with whichthese circumstances act, will be increased or diminished in proportionto the remoteness or proximity of those new establishments, toolder societies, in which the arts and sciences are cultivated; and tothe facility of communication between them. Man is, at all times, the creature of circumstances. Cut off from an intercourse with hisfellow men, and divested of the conveniences of life, he will readilyrelapse into a state of nature. --Placed in contiguity with thebarbarous and the vicious; his manners will become rude, hismorals perverted. --Brought into collision with the sanguinary andrevengeful; and his own conduct will eventually be distinguished, by bloody and vindictive deeds. 

Such was really the situation of those who made the first establishmentsin North Western Virginia. And when it is considered, that they were, mostly, men from the humble walks of life; comparatively illiterate andunrefined; without civil or religious institutions, and with a love ofliberty, bordering on its extreme; their more enlightened descendants cannot but feel surprise, that their dereliction from propriety had not beengreater; their virtue less. 

The objects, for the attainment of which they voluntarily placedthemselves in this situation, and tempted the dangers inseparablefrom a residence in the contiguity of Indians, jealous of territorialencroachment, were almost as various as their individual character. Generally speaking, they were men in indigent circumstances, unableto purchase land in the neigborhoods from which they came, andunwilling longer to remain the tenants of others. These were inducedto [100] emigrate, with the laudable ambition of acquiring homes, from which they would not be liable to expulsion, at the whim andcaprice of some haughty lordling. Upon the attainment of this object, they were generally content; and made but feeble exertions toacquire more land, than that to which they obtained title, by virtueof their settlements. Some few, however, availed themselves of theright of pre-emption, and becoming possessed of the more desirableportions of the country, added considerably to their individualwealth. 

Those who settled on the Ohio, were of a more enterprising andambitious spirit, and looked more to the advancement of theircondition in a pecuniary point of view. The fertile bottoms ofthat river, and the facility with which, by means of it, theirsurplus produce might be transported to a ready market, [12] wereconsiderations which influenced many. Others, again, lookingforward to the time when the Indians would be divested of thecountry north west of the Ohio river, and it be open to locationin the same manner its south eastern shores were, selected this asa situation, from which they might more readily obtain possessionof the fertile land, with which its ample plains were known toabound. In anticipation of this period, there were some whoembraced every opportunity, afforded by intervals of peace withthe Indians, to explore that country and select in it what theydeemed, its most valuable parts. Around these they would generallymark trees, or otherwise define boundaries, by which they could beafterwards identified. The cession by Virginia to the United States, of the North Western Territory, and the manner in which its landswere subsequently brought into market, prevented the realizationof those flattering, and apparently, well founded expectations. 

There were also, in every settlement, individuals, who had been drawnto them solely by their love of hunting, and an attachment to thewild, unshackled scenes of a wilderness life. These were perhaps, totally regardless of all the inconveniencies, [101] resulting fromtheir new situation; except that of being occasionally pent up inforts; and thus debarred the enjoyment of their favorite pastimes. 

Although hunting was not the object of most of the old settlers, yetit was for a good part of the year, the chief employment of theirtime. And of all those, who thus made their abode in the dense forest, and tempted aggression from the neighboring Indians, none were so wellqualified to resist this aggression, and to retaliate upon itsauthors, as those who were mostly engaged in this pursuit. Of alltheir avocations, this "mimickry of war" best fitted them to thwartthe savages in their purpose, and to mitigate the horrors of theirpeculiar mode of warfare. Those arts which enabled them, unperceivedto approach the watchful deer in his lair, enabled them likewise tocircumvent the Indian in his ambush; and if not always punish, yetfrequently defeat him in his object. Add to this the perfect knowledgewhich they acquired of the woods, and the ease and certainty withwhich they consequently, when occasion required, could make their wayto any point of the settlements and apprize the inhabitants ofapproaching danger; and it will be readily admitted that the moreexpert and successful the huntsman, the more skillful and effectivethe warrior. 

But various soever, as may have been their objects in emigrating, nosooner had they come together, than there existed in each settlement, a perfect unison of feeling. Similitude of situation and community ofdanger, operating as a magic charm, stifled in their birth thoselittle bickerings, which are so apt to disturb the quiet of society. Ambition of preferment and the pride of place, too often lets andhindrances to social intercourse, were unknown among them. Equality ofcondition rendered them strangers alike, to the baneful distinctionscreated by wealth and other adventitious circumstances; and to envy, which gives additional virus to their venom. A sense of mutualdependence for their common security linked them in amity; andconducting their several purposes in harmonious concert, together theytoiled and together suffered. 

Not all the "pomp and pride and pageantry" of life, could vie with theArcadian scenes which encircled the rude cottages of those men. Theirhumble dwellings were the abode of virtues, rarely found in the "cloudcapt towers and [102] gorgeous palaces" of splendid ambition. And whenpeace reigned around them, neither the gaudy trappings of wealth, northe insignia of office, nor the slaked thirst for distinction, couldhave added to the happiness which they enjoyed. 

In their intercourse with others they were kind, beneficent anddisinterested; extending to all, the most generous hospitality whichtheir circumstances could afford. That selfishness, which prompts toliberality for the sake of remuneration, and proffers the civilitiesof life with an eye to individual interest, was unknown to them. Theywere kind for kindness sake; and sought no other recompense, than thenever failing concomitant of good deeds--the reward of an approvingconscience. 

It is usual for men in the decline of life, to contrast the sceneswhich are then being exhibited, with those through which they passedin the days of youth; and not unfrequently, to moralize on the decayof those virtues, which enhance the enjoyment of life and give topleasure its highest relish. The mind is then apt to revert toearlier times, and to dwell with satisfaction on the manners andcustoms which prevailed in the hey-day of youth. Every change whichmay have been wrought in them is deemed a deteriorating innovation, and the sentence of their condemnation unhesitatingly pronounced. Thisis not always, the result of impartial and discriminating judgment. Itis perhaps, more frequently founded in prepossession; and based on theprejudices of education and habit. 

On the other hand those who are just entering on the vestibule oflife, are prone to give preference to the habits of the presentgeneration; viewing, too often, with contemptuous derision, those ofthe past. Mankind certainly advance in intelligence and refinement;but virtue and happiness do not at all times keep pace with thisprogress. "To inform the understanding, " is not always "to correct andenlarge the heart;" nor do the blandishments of life invariably add tothe sum of moral excellence; they are often "as dead sea fruit thattempts the eye, but turns to ashes on the lips. "--While a roughexterior as frequently covers a temper of the utmost benignity, happyin itself and giving happiness to all around. 

Such were the pioneers of this country; and the greater part ofmankind might now derive advantage from the [103] contemplation of"their humble virtues, hospitable homes and spirits patient, noble, proud and free--their self respect, grafted on innocent thoughts;their days of health and nights of sleep--their toils, by dangerdignified, yet guiltless--their hopes of cheerful old age and a quietgrave, with cross and garland over its green turf, and their grandchildren's love for epitaph. "

----- [1] Now spelled Buckhannon. --R. G. T. 

 [2] Sycamores, which attain gigantic proportions, are given to rotting in the lower portions of the trunk, and chambers eight feet in diameter are not uncommon. In the course of a canoe voyage down the Ohio, in the summer of 1894, I frequently saw such cavities, with the openings stopped by pickets or rails, utilized by small bottom farmers as hog-pens, chicken-coops, and calf stalls. 

 L. V. McWhorter, of Berlin, W. Va. , who has kindly sent me several MS. Notes on Withers's _Chronicles_ (all of which will be duly credited where used in this edition), writes: "The aged sycamore now (1894) occupying the site, is the third generation--the grand-child--of that which housed the Pringles. It stands on the farm of Webster Dix, who assures me that it shall not be destroyed. A tradition held by his descendants has it, that when John Pringle went back to the South Branch for ammunition, Charity, the wife of Samuel, who was left behind, started immediately for the wilderness home of her husband, and found him by the path which John had blazed for his own return. "--R. G. T. 

 [3] This early and meritorious pioneer was born near Winchester, Va. , Jan. 1, 1743, figured prominently in the Indian wars of his region, and served on Col. G. R. Clark's Illinois campaign of 1778; he died at his home on Hacker's Creek, April 20, 1821, in his 82d year. --L. C. D. 

 [4] Its Indian name signified "Muddy Water. "--R. G. T. 

 [5] We have already seen (p. 74, _note_), that Gist settled at Mount Braddock, Fayette county, in 1753, and that eleven families joined him in January, 1754. There is a tradition that settlers were in the district even before Gist. It has been shown that the Gist settlements, and others in the lower Monongahela, were burned by the French in July, 1754. The English borderers fled upon the outbreak of disturbances, and did not return until about 1760-61, when confidence had been restored. --R. G. T. 

 [6] Both Van Meter and Swan afterwards served under Col. G. R. Clark--at least, on the Kaskaskia campaign; Swan commanded a company on Clark's Shawnee campaign of 1780, and Van Meter on that of 1782. The latter moved to Kentucky in 1780; settled in Hardin county, Ky. , Nov. 16th, 1798, in his seventy-sixth year. --L. C. D. 

 ------

 _Comment by R. G. T. _--This note, written by Dr. Draper a few days before his death (Aug. 26, 1891), was probably his last stroke of literary work. 

 [7] These gentlemen were descendants of a Mr. Zane who accompanied William Penn, to his province of Pennsylvania, and from whom, one of the principal streets in Philadelphia, derived its name. Their father was possessed of a bold and daring spirit of adventure, which was displayed on many occasions, in the earlier part of his life. Having rendered himself obnoxious to the Society of Friends (of which he was a member, ) by marrying without the pale of that society, he moved to Virginia and settled on the South Branch, where the town of Moorfield has been since erected. One of his sons (Isaac) was taken by the Indians, when he was only nine years old, and carried in captivity, to Mad river, in Ohio. Here he continued 'till habit reconciled him to his situation, when he married a squaw, became a chief and spent the remainder of his life with them. He was never known to wage war against the whites; but was, on several occasions, of infinite service, by apprising them of meditated attacks of the Indians. His descendants still reside in Ohio. 

 The brothers, Ebenezer, Silas and Jonathan, who settled Wheeling, [95] were also men of enterprise, tempered with prudence, and directed by sound judgment. Ready at all times, to resist and punish the aggression of the Indians, they were scrupulously careful not to provoke them by acts of wanton outrage, such as were then, too frequently committed along the frontier. Col. Ebenezer Zane had been among the first, to explore the country from the South Branch, through the Alleghany glades, and west of them. He was accompanied in that excursion by Isaac Williams, two gentlemen of the name of Robinson and some others; but setting off rather late in the season, and the weather being very severe, they were compelled to return, without having penetrated to the Ohio river. On their way home, such was the extremity of cold, that one of the Robinsons died of its effects. Williams was much frost bitten, and the whole party suffered exceedingly. To the bravery and good conduct of those three brothers, the Wheeling settlement was mainly indebted for its security and preservation, during the war of the revolution. 

 [8] Joseph Tomlinson surveyed a claim at the mouth of Grave Creek, about 1770, but did not settle there until 1772. His cabin was the nucleus of the present Moundsville, W. Va. --R. G. T. 

 [9] John Doddridge settled in Washington county, Pa. , on the Ohio River a few miles east of the Pennsylvania-Virginia state line, in 1773; his son, Joseph Doddridge, was the author of _Notes on the Settlements and Indian Wars of the Western Parts of Virginia and Pennsylvania_, 1763-83, a valuable antiquarian work. The names of Greathouse and Baker became execrable through their connection with the massacre of Chief Logan's family, in 1774. Leffler and Biggs attained prominence in border warfare. --R. G. T. 

 [10] "At an early period of our settlements, there was an inferior kind of land title, denominated a tomahawk right. This was made by [97] deadening a few trees near a spring, and marking on one or more of them, the initials of the name of the person, by whom the improvement was made. Rights, acquired in this way, were frequently bought and sold. "--_Doddridge's Notes on Western Virginia. _

 [11] William Lowther was the son of Robert, and came with his father to the Hacker creek settlement in 1772. He soon became one of the most conspicuous men in that section of country; while his private virtues and public actions endeared him to every individual of the community. During the war of 1774 and subsequently, he was the most active and efficient defender of that vicinity, against the insidious attacks of the savage foe; and there were very few if any scouting parties proceeding from thence, by which the Indians were killed or otherwise much annoyed, but those which were commanded by him. 

 He was the first justice of the peace in the district of West Augusta--the first sheriff in the county of Harrison and Wood, and [98] once a delegate to the General Assembly of the States. His military merits carried him through the subordinate grades to the rank of Colonel. Despising the pomp and pageantry of office, he accepted it for the good of the community, and was truly an effective man. Esteemed, beloved by all, he might have exerted his influence, over others, to the advancement of his individual interest; but he sought the advancement of the general weal, not a personal or family aggrandizement. His example might teach others, that offices were created for the public good, not for private emolument. If aspirants for office at the present day, were to regard its perquisites less, and their fitness for the discharge of its duties more, the country would enjoy a greater portion of happiness and prosperity, and a sure foundation for the permanence of these be laid, in the more disinterested character of her counsellors, and their consequently, increased devotion to her interests. 

 [12] The Spaniards at New Orleans, from the first settlement of the country west of the Alleghany Mountains, sought to attach it to the province of Louisiana. Knowing the powerful efficacy of gold, in producing such results, they dispensed it with a liberal hand, to such as made New Orleans their market. The attachment of the first settlers, to the free institutions of our country, baffled every attempt to detach them from it. 

 ------

 _Comment by R. G. T. _--The Spanish conspiracy was, in the main, "baffled" by the prompt action of our general government. George Rogers Clark and several other leading Kentuckians were quite willing to be "detached, " for a consideration. The fact is, that at first the sense of national patriotism was weak, west of the Alleghanies; the eighteenth century had closed before efforts at separation from the East were commonly regarded as treason. The interests of the Western people apparently were centered in the south-flowing Mississippi; they seemed to have at the time little in common with the East. So long as Spain held the mouth of the river, many Western leaders thought it not improper that the West should ally itself with that power; when our government finally purchased the Spanish claim, the Western men had no further complaint. See Roosevelt's treatment of the Spanish conspiracy, in his _Winning of the West_, III. , ch. Iii. --R. G. T. 

[104] CHAPTER VI. 

In the year 1774, the peace, which had subsisted with but littleviolation since the treaty of 1765, received an interruption, whichchecked for a while the emigration to the North Western frontier; andinvolved its infant settlements in a war with the Indians. This resulthas been attributed to various causes. Some have asserted that it hadits origin in the murder of some Indians on the Ohio river both aboveand below Wheeling, in the spring of that year. Others suppose it tohave been produced by the instigation of British emissaries, and theinfluence of Canadian traders. 

That it was not caused by the murders at Captina, and opposite themouth of Yellow creek, [1] is fairly inferrible from the fact, thatseveral Indians had been previously murdered by the whites in a periodof the most profound tranquillity, without having led to a similarissue; or even given rise to any act of retaliation, on the part ofthe friends or countrymen of those, who had been thus murdered. 

At different periods of time, between the peace of 1765, and therenewal of hostilities in 1774, three Indians were unprovokedlykilled by John Ryan, on the Ohio, Monongahela and Cheat rivers. Thefirst who suffered from the unrestrained licentiousness of thisman, was an Indian of distinction in his tribe, and known by the nameof Capt. Peter; the other two were private warriors. And but thatGovernor Dunmore, from the representations made to him, was induced[105] to offer a reward for his apprehension, which caused him toleave the country, Ryan would probably have continued to murderevery Indian, with whom he should chance to meet, wanderingthrough the settlements. 

Several Indians were likewise killed on the South Branch, while on afriendly visit to that country, in the interval of peace. This deed issaid to have been done by Henry Judah, Nicholas Harpold and theirassociates; and when Judah was arrested for the offence, so great wasthe excitement among those who had suffered from savage enmity, thathe was rescued from confinement by upwards of two hundred men, collected for that especial purpose. 

The Bald Eagle was an Indian of notoriety, not only among his ownnation, but also with the inhabitants of the North Western frontier;with whom he was in the habit of associating and hunting. In one ofhis visits among them, he was discovered alone, by Jacob Scott, William Hacker and Elijah Runner, who, reckless of the consequences, murdered him, solely to gratify a most wanton thirst for Indian blood. After the commission of this most outrageous enormity, they seated himin the stern of a canoe, and with a piece of journey-cake thrust intohis mouth, set him afloat in the Monongahela. In this situation he wasseen descending the river, by several, who supposed him to be asusual, returning from a friendly hunt with the whites in the uppersettlements, and who expressed some astonishment that he did not stopto see them. The canoe floating near to the shore, below the mouth ofGeorge's creek, was observed by a Mrs. Province, who had it brought tothe bank, and the friendly, but unfortunate old Indian decentlyburied. 

Not long after the murder of the Bald Eagle, another outrage of asimilar nature was committed on a peaceable Indian, by William White;and for which he was apprehended and taken to Winchester for trial. But the fury of the populace did not suffer him to remain thereawaiting that event. --The prison doors were forced, the irons knockedoff him and he again set at liberty. 

But a still more atrocious act is said to have been soon afterperpetrated. Until then the murders committed, were only on such aswere found within the limits of white settlements, and on men &warriors. In 1772, there is every reason to believe, that women andchildren likewise became victims to the exasperated feelings of our[106] own citizens; and this too, while quietly enjoying the comfortsof their own huts, in their own village. 

There was at that time an Indian town on the Little Kenhawa, (calledBulltown) inhabited by five families, who were in habits of social andfriendly intercourse with the whites on Buchannon and on Hacker'screek; frequently visiting and hunting with them. [2] There waslikewise residing on Gauley river, the family of a German by the nameof Stroud. [3] In the summer of that year, Mr. Stroud being from home, his family were all murdered, his house plundered, and his cattledriven off. The trail made by these leading in the direction ofBulltown, induced the supposition that the Indians of that village hadbeen the authors of the outrage, and caused several to resolve onavenging it upon them. 

A party of five men, (two of whom were William White and WilliamHacker, [4] who had been concerned in previous murders) expressed adetermination to proceed immediately to Bulltown. The remonstrance ofthe settlement generally, could not operate to effect a change inthat determination. They went; and on their return, circumstancesjustified the belief that the pre-apprehension of those who knewthe temper and feelings of White and Hacker, had been well founded;and that there had been some fighting between them and the Indians. And notwithstanding that they denied ever having seen an Indian intheir absence, yet it was the prevailing opinion, that they haddestroyed all the men, women and children at Bulltown, and threw theirbodies into the river. Indeed, one of the party is said to have, inadvertently, used expressions, confirmatory of this opinion; and tohave then justified the deed, by saying that the clothes and otherthings known to have belonged to Stroud's family, were found in thepossession of the Indians. The village was soon after visited, andfound to be entirely desolated, and nothing being ever after heardof its former inhabitants, there can remain no doubt but that themurder of Stroud's family, was requited on them. 

Here then was a fit time for the Indians to commence a system ofretaliation and war, if they were disposed to engage in hostilities, for offences of this kind alone. Yet no such event was the consequenceof the killing of the Bulltown Indians, or of those other murderswhich preceded that outrage; and it may be hence rationally concluded, that the murders on the Ohio river did not lead to such an event. Ifhowever, a doubt should still remain, that doubt is surely removed bythe declaration of Logan himself. It was his family that was killedopposite Yellow creek, about the last of April; and in the followingJuly (after the expedition against the Wappatomica towns, under Col. McDonald) he says, "the Indiens are not angry on account of thosemurders, but only myself. " The fact is, that hostilities had commencedbefore the happening of the affair at Captina, or that near Yellowcreek; and these, instead of having produced that event, were theconsequence of the previous hostile movements of the Indians. 

[107] Those who lived more immediately in the neighborhood of thescene of action at that time, were generally of opinion, that theIndians were urged to war by the instigation of emissaries fromGreat Britain, and of the Canadian traders; and, independently ofany knowledge which they may have had of the conduct of these, circumstances of a general nature would seem to justify that opinion. 

The relative situation of the American colonies and the mothercountry, is matter of general history, and too well known to requirebeing repeated here. It is equally well known too, that from the firstestablishment of a colony in Canada, the Canadians obtained aninfluence over the Natives, greater than the Anglo-Americans were everable to acquire; and that this influence was frequently exercised bythem, to the great annoyance, and manifest injury of the latter. France and England have been long considered as natural enemies; andthe inhabitants of their respective plantations in America, entertained strong feelings of jealousy towards each other. When bythe treaty of Paris, the French possessions in North America (whichhad not been ceded to Spain, ) were transferred to Great Britain, thosefeelings were not subdued. The Canadians still regarded themselves asa different people. Their national prejudices were too great to beextinguished by an union under the same prince. Under the influence ofthese prejudices, and the apprehension, that the lucrative commerce ofthe natives might, by the competition of the English traders, bediverted from its accustomed channels, they may have exertedthemselves to excite the Indians to war; but that alone would hardlyhave produced this result. There is in man an inherent partiality forself, which leads him to search for the causes of any evil, elsewherethan in his own conduct; and under the operation of this propensity toassign the burden of wrong to be borne by others, the Jesuits fromCanada and Louisiana were censured for the continuation of the war onthe part of the Indians, after it had been terminated with theirallies by the treaty of 1763. Yet that event was, no doubt, justlyattributable to the erection of forts, and the location of land, inthe district of country claimed by the natives, in the province ofPennsylvania. And in like manner, the origin of the war of 1774 mayfairly be charged to the encroachments which were then being made onthe Indian territory. To be convinced of this, it is necessary toadvert to the promptitude of resistance on the part of the Natives, bywhich those encroachments were invariably met; and to recur to eventshappening in other sections of the country. --Events, perhaps nootherwise connected with the history of North Western Virginia, thanas they are believed to have been the proximate causes of anhostility, eventuating in the effusion of much of its blood; andpregnant with other circumstances, having an important bearing on itsprosperity and advancement. 

In the whole history of America, from the time when it first [108]became apparent that the occupancy of the country was the object ofthe whites, up to the present period, is there perhaps to be found asolitary instance, in which an attempt, made by the English to effecta settlement in a wilderness claimed by the Natives, was not succeededby immediate acts of hostility on the part of the latter. Everyadvance of the kind was regarded by them, as tending to effect theirexpulsion from a country, which they had long considered as their own, and as leading, most probably, to their entire extinction as a people. This excited in them feelings of the most dire resentment; stimulatingto deeds of cruelty and murder, at once to repel the encroachment andto punish its authors. Experience of the utter futility of those meansto accomplish these purposes, has never availed to repress their use, or to produce an acquiesence in the wrong. Even attempts to extendjurisdiction over a country, the right of soil in which was neverdenied them, have ever given rise to the most lively apprehensions oftheir fatal consequences, and prompted to the employment of means tothwart that aim. An Indian sees no difference between the right ofempire and the right of domain; and just as little can he discriminatebetween the right of property, acquired by the actual cultivation ofthe earth, and that which arises from its appropriation to otheruses. 

Among themselves they have lines of demarkation, which distinguishthe territory of one nation from that of another; and these are of suchbinding authority, that a transgression of them by neighboring Indians, leads invariably to war. In treaties of purchase, and otherconventional arrangements, made with them by the whites, the validityof their rights to land, have been repeatedly recognized; and aninfraction of those rights by the Anglo-Americans, encountersopposition at its threshold. The history of every attempt to settle awilderness, to which the Indian title was not previously extinguished, has consequently been a history of plunder, conflagration and massacre. 

That the extension of white settlements into the Indian country, wasthe cause of the war of 1774, will be abundantly manifested by arecurrence to the early history of Kentucky; and a brief review of thecircumstances connected with the first attempts to explore and makeestablishments in it. For several reasons, these circumstances merit apassing notice in this place. Redstone and Fort Pitt (now Brownsvilleand Pittsburgh) were for some time, the principal points ofembarkation for emigrants to that country; many of whom were from theestablishments which had been then not long made, on the Monongahela. The Indians, regarding the settlements in North Western Virginia asthe line from which swarmed the adventurers to Kentucky, directedtheir operations to prevent the success of these adventurers, as wellagainst the inhabitants of the upper country, as against them. Whileat the same time, in the efforts which were made to compel the Indiansto desist from farther opposition, the North Western Virginiansfrequently combined [109] their forces, and acted in conjunction, themore certainly to accomplish that object. In truth the war, which wasthen commenced, and carried on with but little intermission up to thetreaty of Fort Greenville in 1795 was a war in which they were equallyinterested, having for its aim the indiscriminate destruction of theinhabitants of both those sections of country, as the means ofpreventing the farther extension of settlements by the whites. [5]

When Kentucky was first begun to be explored, it is said not to havebeen claimed in individual property by any nation of Indians. Itsextensive forests, grassy plains and thick cane brakes, abounding withevery variety of game common to such latitudes, were used as commonhunting grounds, and considered by them, as open for all who chose toresort to them. The Cherokees, the Chickasaws, the Cataubas, and theChicamaugas, from the south east; and the Illinois, the Peorias, theDelawares, the Mingoes and Shawanees from the west, claimed andexercised equal rights and privileges within its limits. When thetribes of those different nations would however meet there, frequentcollisions would arise between them; and so deadly were the conflictsensuing upon these, that, in conjunction with the gloom of its denseforests, they acquired for it the impressive appellation of "the darkand bloody ground. " But frequent and deadly as may have been thoseconflicts, they sprang from some other cause, than a claim toexclusive property in it. 

In the summer of 1769, Daniel Boone, in company with John Finley (whohad previously hunted through the country) and a few other men, entered Kentucky, and travelled over much of its surface, withoutmeeting with an Indian, until the December following. [6] At this timeBoone and John Steward (one of his companions, ) while on a huntingexcursion, were discovered by a party of Indians, who succeeded inmaking them prisoners. After a detention of but few days, these meneffected their escape; & returning to their old camp, found that ithad been plundered, and their associates, either killed or taken intocaptivity. They were shortly after joined by a brother of Daniel Booneand another man, from North Carolina, who were so fortunate inwandering through the wilderness, as to discover the only, thoughtemporary residence of civilized man within several hundred miles. Butthe Indians had become alarmed for the possession of that country; andfearing that if Boone and Steward should be suffered to escape to thesettlements, they might induce others to attempt its permanentoccupancy, they sought with vigilance to discover and murder them. They succeeded in killing Steward; but Daniel Boone and his brother, then the only persons left (the man who came out with the youngerBoone having been killed by a wolf, ) escaped from them, and soon afterreturned to North Carolina. 

The Indians were not disappointed in their expectations. Thedescription given of the country by the Boones, soon led others toattempt its settlement; and in 1773, six families and about forty men, all under the guidance of Daniel Boone, commenced their journey [110]to Kentucky with a view of remaining there. Before they proceeded far, they were attacked in the rear by a party of Indians, who had beenobserving their movements; and who in the first fire killed six of theemigrants and dispersed their cattle. Nothwithstanding that, in theengagement which ensued upon this attack, the assailants wererepulsed, yet the adventurers were so afflicted at the loss of theirfriends, and dispirited by such serious and early opposition, thatthey abandoned their purpose for a time, and returned to the inhabitedparts of Tennessee. [7]

The Indians elated with their success in defeating this first attemptat the settlement of Kentucky, and supposing that the route pursued bythe party which they had driven back, would be the pass for futureadventurers, determined on guarding it closely, and checking, ifpossible, every similar enterprise. But while their attention wasdirected to this point, others found their way into the country by adifferent route and from a different direction. 

The Virginia troops, who had served in the Canadian war, had beenpromised a bounty in Western lands. Many of them being anxious toascertain their value, and deeming this a favorable period for themaking of surveys, collected at Fort Pitt in the fall of 1773; anddescending the Ohio river to its falls, at Louisville, proceeded fromthence to explore the country preparatory to a perfection of theirgrants. [8]

About the same time too, General Thompson of Pennsylvania, commencedan extensive course of surveys, of the rich land on the North Fork ofLicking; and other individuals following his example, in the ensuingwinter the country swarmed with land adventurers and surveyors. Sosensible were they all, that these attempts to appropriate those landsto their own use, would produce acts of hostility, that they wentprepared to resist those acts; and the first party who took up theirabode in Kentucky, no sooner selected a situation for their residence, than they proceeded to erect a fort for their security. [9] The conductof the Indians soon convinced them that their apprehensions were notill founded; and many of them, in consequence of the hostile movementswhich were being made, and the robberies which were committed, ascended the Ohio river to Wheeling. 

It is not known that any murders were done previously to this, andsubsequently to the attack and repulse of the emigrants who were ledon by Boone in 1773. This event happened on the tenth day of October;and it was in April the ensuing year, that the land adventurersretired to Wheeling. In this interval of time, nothing could, perhaps, be done by the Indians, but make preparation [111] for hostilities inthe spring. Indeed it very rarely happens, that the Indians engage inactive war during the winter; and there is, moreover, a strongpresumption, that they were for some time ignorant of the fact thatthere were adventurers in the country; and consequently, they knew ofno object there, on which their hostile intentions could operate. --Bethis as it may, it is certain that, from the movements of the Indiansat the close of the winter, the belief was general, that they wereassuming a warlike attitude, and meditating a continuance ofhostilities. War was certainly begun on their part, when Boone and hisassociates, were attacked and driven back to the settlement; and if itabated for a season, that abatement was attributable to other causes, than a disposition to remain quiet and peaceable, while the countrywas being occupied by the whites. 

If other evidence were wanting, to prove the fact that the war of 1774had its origin in a determination of the Indians to repress theextension of white settlements, it could be found in the circumstance, that although it was terminated by the treaty with Lord Dunmore, yetit revived as soon as attempts were again made to occupy Kentucky, andwas continued with increased ardour, 'till the victory obtained overthem by General Wayne. For, notwithstanding that in the struggle forAmerican liberty, those Indians became the allies of Great Britain, yet when independence was acknowledged, and the English forceswithdrawn from the colonies, hostilities were still carried on bythem; and, as was then well understood, because of the continuedoperation of those causes, which produced the war of 1774. That theCanadian traders and British emissaries, prompted the Indians toaggression, and extended to them every aid which they could, to renderthat aggression more effectually oppressive and overwhelming, isreadily admitted. Yet this would not have led to a war, but for theencroachments which have been mentioned. French influence, united tothe known jealousy of the Natives, would have been unavailinglyexerted to array the Indians against Virginia, at the commencement ofBraddock's war, but for the proceedings of the Ohio company, and thefact that the Pennsylvania traders represented the object of thatassociation to be purely territorial. And equally fruitless wouldhave been their endeavor to involve them in a contest [112] withVirginians at a later period, but for a like manifestation of anintention to encroach on their domain. 

In the latter end of April 1774, a party of land adventurers, who hadfled from the dangers which threatened them below, came in collisionwith some Indians, near the mouth of Captina, sixteen miles belowWheeling. A slight skirmish ensued, which terminated in thediscomfiture of the whites, notwithstanding they had only one manwounded, and one or two of the enemy were killed. About the same time, happened the affair opposite the mouth of Yellow creek; a streamemptying into the Ohio river from the northwest, nearly midway betweenPittsburg and Wheeling. [10]

In consequence of advices received of the menacing conduct of theIndians, Joshua Baker (who lived at this place) was preparing, together with his neighbors, to retire for safety, into some of thenearer forts, or to go to the older and more populous settlements, remote from danger. There was at that time a large party of Indians, encamped on both sides of Yellow creek, at its entrance into theriver; and although in their intercourse at Baker's, they had notmanifested an intention of speedily commencing depredations, yet hedeemed his situation in the immediate contiguity of them, as being farfrom secure, and was on the eve of abandoning it, when a party ofwhites, who had just collected at his house, fired upon and killedsome Indians, who were likewise there. --Among them were the brotherand daughter of the celebrated chief, Logan. [11]

In justification of this conduct it has been said, that on thepreceding evening a squaw came over from the encampment and informedMrs. Baker that the Indians meditated the murder of her family on thenext day; and that before the firing [113] at Baker's, two canoes, containing Indians painted and armed for war, were seen to leave theopposite shore. Under these circumstances, an apparently slightprovocation, and one, which would not perhaps have been, otherwiseheeded, produced the fatal result. As the canoes approached the shore, the party from Baker's commenced firing on them, and notwithstandingthe opposition made by the Indians, forced them to retire. 

An interval of quiet succeeded the happening of these events; but itwas as the solemn stillness which precedes the eruption of anearthquake, when a volcanic explosion has given notice of itsapproach;--rendered more awful by the uncertainty where its desolatinginfluence would be felt. It was however, a stillness of but shortduration. The gathering storm soon burst over the devoted heads ofthose, who had neglected to seek a shelter from its wrath. The tradersin the Indian country were the first victims sacrificed on the altarof savage ferocity; and a general massacre of all the whites foundamong them, quickly followed. A young man, discovered near the fallsof Muskingum and within sight of White Eyes town, was murdered, scalped; literally cut to pieces, and the mangled members of his body, hung up on trees. White Eyes, a chief of the friendly Delawares, hearing the scalp halloo, went out with a party of his men; and seeingwhat had been done, collected the scattered limbs of the young man, and buried them. On the next day, they were torn from the ground, severed into smaller pieces, and thrown dispersedly at greaterdistances from each other. 

[114] Apprized of impending danger, many of the inhabitants on thefrontiers of North Western Virginia, retired into the interior, beforeany depredations were committed, in the upper country; some tookrefuge in forts which had been previously built; while others, collecting together at particular houses, converted them intotemporary fortresses, answering well the purposes of protection, tothose who sought shelter in them. Fort Redstone, which had beenerected after the successful expedition of General Forbes; and FortPitt, at the confluence of the Alleghany and Monongahela rivers, afforded an asylum to many. Several private forts were likewiseestablished in various parts of the country;[12] and every thing whichindividual exertion could effect, to ensure protection to the borderinhabitants, was done. 

Nor did the colonial government of Virginia neglect the security ofher frontier citizens. When intelligence of the hostile disposition ofthe Natives, reached Williamsburg, the house of Burgesses was insession; and measures were immediately adopted, to prevent massacres, and to restore tranquillity. That these objects might be the morecertainly accomplished, it was proposed by General Andrew Lewis (thena delegate from Bottetourt, ) to organize a force, sufficient toovercome all intermediate opposition, and to carry the war into theenemy's country. In accordance to this proposition, orders were issuedby Governor Dunmore for raising the requisite number of troops, andfor making other necessary preparations for the contemplated campaign;the plan of which was concerted by the Governor, Gen. Lewis andColonel Charles Lewis (then a delegate from Augusta. ) But as some timemust necessarily have elapsed before the consummation of thepreparations which were being made; and as much individual sufferingmight result from the delays unavoidably incident to the raising, equipping and [115] organizing a large body of troops, it was deemedadvisable to take some previous and immediate step to prevent theinvasion of exposed and defenceless portions of the country. --The bestplan for the accomplishment of this object was believed to be, thesending of an advance army into the Indian country, of sufficientstrength to act offensively, before a confederacy could be formed ofthe different tribes, and their combined forces be brought into thefield. A sense of the exposed situation of their towns in thepresence of an hostile army, requiring the entire strength of everyvillage for its defence, would, it was supposed, call home thosestraggling parties of warriors, by which destruction is so certainlydealt to the helpless and unprotected. In conformity with this part ofthe plan of operations, four hundred men, to be detailed from themilitia west of the mountains, were ordered to assemble at Wheeling assoon as practicable. And in the mean time, lest the surveyors and landadventurers, who were then in Kentucky, might be discovered and fall aprey to the savages, Daniel Boone was sent by the Governor to thefalls of Ohio, to conduct them home from thence, through thewilderness; the only practicable road to safety, the Ohio river beingso effectually guarded as to preclude the hope of escaping up it. [13]

Early in June, the troops destined to make an incursion into theIndian country, assembled at Wheeling, and being placed under thecommand of Colonel Angus McDonald, descended the Ohio to the mouth ofCaptina. Debarking, at this place, from their boats and canoes, theytook up their march to Wappatomica, an Indian town on the Muskingum. The country through which the army had to pass, was one unbrokenforest, presenting many obstacles to its speedy advance, not the leastof which was the difficulty of proceeding directly to the pointproposed. [14] To obviate this, however, they were accompanied by threepersons in the capacity of guides;[15] whose knowledge of the woods, and familiarity with those natural indices, which so unerringly markthe direction of the principal points, enabled them to pursue thedirect course. --When they had approached within six miles of the town, the [116] army encountered an opposition from a party of fifty orsixty Indians lying in ambush; and before these could be dislodged, two whites were killed, and eight or ten wounded;--one Indian waskilled, and several wounded. They then proceeded to Wappatomicawithout further molestation. [16]

When the army arrived at the town, it was found to be entirelydeserted. Supposing that it would cross the river, the Indians hadretreated to the opposite bank, and concealing themselves behind treesand fallen timber, were awaiting that movement in joyful anticipationof a successful surprise. --Their own anxiety and the prudence of thecommanding officer, however, frustrated that expectation. Several werediscovered peeping from their covert, watching the motion of the army;and Colonel McDonald, suspecting their object, and apprehensive thatthey would recross the river and attack him in the rear, stationedvidettes above and below, to detect any such purpose, and to apprisehim of the first movement towards effecting it. Foiled by theseprudent and precautionary measures and seeing their town in possessionof the enemy, with no prospect of wresting it from them, 'tilldestruction would have done its work, the Indians sued for peace; andthe commander of the expedition consenting to negotiate with them, ifhe could be assured of their sincerity, five chiefs were sent over ashostages, and the army then crossed the river, with these in front. 

When a negotiation was begun, the Indians asked, that one of thehostages might be permitted to go and convoke the other chiefs, whose presence, it was alleged, would be necessary to the ratificationof a peace. One was accordingly released; and not returning at thetime specified, another was then sent, who in like manner failedto return. Colonel McDonald, suspecting some treachery, marchedforward to the next town, above Wappatomica, where another slightengagement took place, in which one Indian was killed and one whiteman wounded. It was then ascertained, that the time which shouldhave been spent in collecting the other chiefs, preparatory tonegotiation, had been employed in removing their old men, their womenand children, together with what property could be readily takenoff, and for making preparations for a combined attack on theVirginia troops. To punish this duplicity and to render peacereally desirable, Col. McDonald burned their towns and destroyedtheir crops; [117] and being then in want of provisions, retraced hissteps to Wheeling, taking with him the three remaining hostages, whowere then sent on to Williamsburg. [17]

The inconvenience of supplying provisions to an army in thewilderness, was a serious obstacle to the success of expeditionsundertaken against the Indians. The want of roads, at that earlyperiod, which would admit of transportation in wagons, rendered itnecessary to resort to pack horses; and such was at times thedifficulty of procuring these, that, not unfrequently, each soldierhad to be the bearer of his entire stock of subsistence for the wholecampaign. When this was exhausted, a degree of suffering ensued, oftenattended with consequences fatal to individuals, and destructive tothe objects of the expedition. In the present case, the army beingwithout provisions before they left the Indian towns, their onlysustenance consisted of weeds, an ear of corn each day, andoccasionally, a small quantity of venison: it being impracticable tohunt game in small parties, because of the vigilance and success ofthe Indians, in watching and cutting off detachments of this kind, before they could accomplish their purpose and regain the main army. 

No sooner had the troops retired from the Indian country, than thesavages, in small parties, invaded the settlements in differentdirections, seeking opportunities of gratifying their insatiablethirst for blood. And although the precautions which had been taken, lessened the frequency of their success, yet they did not alwaysprevent it. Persons leaving the forts on any occasion, were almostalways either murdered or carried into captivity, --a lot sometimesworse than death itself. 

Perhaps the first of these incursions into North Western Virginia, after the destruction of the towns on the Muskingum, was that made bya party of eight Indians, at the head of which was the Cayuga chiefLogan. [18] This very celebrated [118] Indian is represented as havinghitherto, observed towards the whites, a course of conduct by no meansin accordance with the malignity and steadfast implacability whichinfluenced his red brethren generally; but was, on the contrary, distinguished by a sense of humanity, and a just abhorrence of thosecruelties so frequently inflicted on the innocent and unoffending, aswell as upon those who were really obnoxious to savage enmity. Suchindeed were the acts of beneficence which characterized him, and sogreat his partiality for the English, that the finger of his brethrenwould point to his cabin as the residence of Logan, "the friend ofwhite men. " "In the course of the French war, he remained at home, idle and inactive;" opposed to the interference of his nation, "anadvocate for peace. " When his family fell before the fury ofexasperated men, he felt himself impelled to avenge their deaths; andexchanging the pipe of peace, for the tomahawk of war, became activein seeking opportunities to glut his vengeance. [19] With this objectin view, at the head of the party which has been mentioned, hetraversed the county from the Ohio to the West Fork, before anopportunity was presented him of achieving any mischief. Theirdistance from what was supposed would be the theatre of war, hadrendered the inhabitants of that section of country, comparativelyinattentive to their safety. Relying on the expectation that the firstblow would be struck on the Ohio, and that they would have sufficientnotice of this to prepare for their own security, before danger couldreach them, many had continued to perform the ordinary business oftheir farms. 

On the 12th day of July, as William Robinson, Thomas Hellen andColeman Brown were pulling flax in a field opposite the mouth ofSimpson's creek, Logan and his party approached unperceived and firedat them. Brown fell instantly; his body perforated by several balls;and Hellen and Robinson [119] unscathed, sought safety in flight. Hellen being then an old man, was soon overtaken and made captive; butRobinson, with the elasticity of youth, ran a considerable distancebefore he was taken; and but for an untoward accident might haveeffected an escape. Believing that he was outstripping his pursuers, and anxious to ascertain the fact, he looked over his shoulder, butbefore he discovered the Indian giving chase, he ran with suchviolence against a tree, that he fell, stunned by the shock and laypowerless and insensible. In this situation he was secured with acord; and when he revived, was taken back to the place where theIndians had Hellen in confinement, and where lay the lifeless body ofBrown. They then set off to their towns, taking with them a horsewhich belonged to Hellen. 

When they had approached near enough to be distinctly heard, Logan (asis usual with them after a successful scout, ) gave the scalp halloo, and several warriors came out to meet them, and conducted theprisoners into the village. Here they passed through the accustomedceremony of running the gauntlet; but with far different fortunes. Robinson, having been previously instructed by Logan (who from thetime he made him his prisoner, manifested a kindly feeling towardshim, ) made his way, with but little interruption, to the councilhouse; but poor Hellen, from the decrepitude of age, and his ignoranceof the fact that it was a place of refuge, was sadly beaten before hearrived at it; and when he at length came near enough, he was knockeddown with a war club, before he could enter. After he had fallen, theycontinued to beat and strike him with such unmerciful severity, thathe would assuredly have fallen a victim to their barbarous usage, butthat Robinson (at some peril for the interference) reached forth hishand and drew him within the sanctuary. When he had however, recoveredfrom the effects of the violent beating which he had received, he wasrelieved from the apprehension of farther suffering, by being adoptedinto an Indian family. 

A council was next convoked to resolve on the fate of Robinson; andthen arose in his breast, feelings of the most anxious inquietude. Logan assured him, that he should not be killed; but the councilappeared determined that he should die, and he was tied to the stake. Logan then addressed them, and with much vehemence, insisted thatRobinson too should be spared; and had the eloquence displayed on thatoccasion been less than Logan is believed to have possessed, [120] itis by no means wonderful that he appeared to Robinson (as heafterwards said) the most powerful orator he ever heard. Butcommanding as his eloquence might have been, it seems not to haveprevailed with the council; for Logan had to interpose otherwise thanby argument or entreaty, to succeed in the attainment of his object. Enraged at the pertinacity with which the life of Robinson was soughtto be taken, and reckless of the consequences, he drew the tomahawkfrom his belt, and severing the cords which bound the devoted victimto the stake, led him in triumph, to the cabin of an old squaw, bywhom he was immediately adopted. 

After this, so long as Logan remained in the town where Robinson was, he was kind and attentive to him; and when preparing to go again towar, got him to write the letter which was afterwards found onHolstein at the house of a Mr. Robertson, whose family were allmurdered by the Indians. Robinson remained with his adopted mother, until he was redeemed under the treaty concluded at the close of theDunmore campaign. 

----- [1] Mr. Jefferson, in his Notes on Virginia, represents this as happening at Grave creek, which empties into the Ohio from the south eastern, or Virginia side of this river, twelve miles below Wheeling. Those who lived near at the time and are supposed to have had the best opportunity of ascertaining the fact, say that it happened near the mouth of Captina, a creek sixteen miles below Wheeling, and on the Ohio side. 

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 _Comment by R. G. T. _--What is called the "Captina affair" happened April 27th, at Pipe Creek, emptying into the Ohio from the west, fourteen miles below Wheeling, and six above Captina Creek. Two friendly Shawnees were killed here by a party commanded by Michael Cresap, of Redstone, who at the time was in the neighborhood of Wheeling, surveying and clearing farms for new settlers. Cresap and his men, among whom was George Rogers Clark, then a young surveyor who had a claim at the mouth of Fish Creek, thereupon started out to destroy Chief Logan's camp, at Baker's Bottom, opposite the mouth of Yellow Creek, fifty-three miles up the Ohio, and forty miles west of Pittsburg by land; but as Logan was a well-known friend of the whites, they became ashamed of their project, and marched on across country to Fort Redstone. Meanwhile, as will be seen in due course, others were preparing to destroy Logan's band, and on April 30th occurred that infamous massacre which Logan wrongly believed to be Cresap's work. 

 [2] Capt. Bull was a Delaware chief whose original village of Oghkwaga was on Unadilla Kiver, an eastern branch of the Susquehanna, in what is now Boone county, N. Y. He had been the prime mover in an attempt to interest the Delawares in Pontiac's conspiracy (1763). In March, 1764, a strong party of whites and friendly Indians were sent out to capture him, by Sir William Johnson, English Indian superintendent in New York. After a sharp struggle, Bull and a number of his adherents were captured and conveyed in irons to New York City, where they were imprisoned for a time, but finally discharged. The Delaware towns on the Unadilla having been burned, Bull and five families of his relatives settled what the whites called Bulltown, on the Little Kanawha. This was at a salt spring about a mile and a quarter below the present Bulltown P. O. , Braxton county, Va. Capt. Bull and his people were inoffensive, and very friendly to their white neighbors, as our author says. --R. G. T. 

 [3] Adam Stroud lived on Elk River, a few miles south of Indian Bulltown. The massacre of his family--his wife and seven children--occurred in June, 1772. Shawnees were the murderers, and not Bull's people. --R. G. T. 

 [4] Mr. McWhorter writes me that two others were Jesse Hughes and John Cutright (corruption of Cartwright?), both of them settlers on Hacker's Creek. Hughes was a noted border scout, but a man of fierce, unbridled passions, and so confirmed an Indian hater that no tribesman, however peaceful his record, was safe in his presence. Some of the most cruel acts on the frontier are by tradition attributed to this man. The massacre of the Bulltown Indians was accompanied by atrocities as repulsive as any reported by captives in Indian camps; of these there had long been traditions, but details were not fully known until revealed by Cutright upon his death-bed in 1852, when he had reached the age of 105 years. Want of space alone prevents me from giving Mr. McWhorter's narrative of Hughes's long and bloody career. "Hughes died, " he says, "in Jackson county, W. Va. , at a date unknown to me, but in very old age. While he was a great scout and Indian trader, he never headed an expedition of note. This no doubt was because of his fierce temperament, and bad reputation among his own countrymen. " In studying the annals of the border, we must not fail to note that here and there were many savage-hearted men among the white settlers, whose deeds were quite as atrocious as any attributed to the red-skins. Current histories of Indian warfare seldom recognize this fact. --R. G. T. 

 [5] Lord Dunmore's War (1774) was a natural outgrowth of the strained relations which had long existed between the savages and the white colonists in their midst. As our author has made clear, minor hostilities had broken out here and there ever since the Pontiac uprising, but there had been no general campaign since Bouquet's treaty in 1764. Affairs had come to that pass by the early spring of 1774, that diplomacy was no longer possible, and an Indian war was inevitable. It was merely a question of detail, as to how and when. The immediate cause of precipitation--not the cause of the war, for that lay deeper--was the territorial dispute over the Ft. Pitt region, between Virginia and Pennsylvania. Dunmore, as royal governor of Virginia, had several reasons for bringing matters to a head--he was largely interested in land speculations under Virginia patents that would be vitiated if Pennsylvania, now becoming aggressive, should succeed in planting her official machinery at Ft. Pitt, which was garrisoned by Virginia; again, his colonists were in a revolutionary frame of mind, and he favored a distraction in the shape of a popular Indian war; finally, it seemed as though a successful raid by Virginia militia would clinch Virginia's hold on the country and the treaty of peace that must follow would widen the area of provincial lands and encourage Western settlements. April 25, 1774, he issued a proclamation in which, after reference to Pennsylvania's claims, it was asserted that Ft. Pitt was "in danger of some annoyance from the Indians, " and he called on his local military commandant, the fire-eating Dr. John Connolly, "to embody a sufficient number of men to repel any insult. " Connolly, evidently as part of a preconcerted plan, at once (April 26) issued a circular letter to the excited borderers, which was well calculated to arouse them, being in effect a declaration of war against the Indians. The very next day occurred the Pipe Creek affair, then came the Logan tragedy at Baker's Bottom, three days later, and at once the war was on at full-head. --R. G. T. 

 [6] Of John Findlay (so he signed his name), "the precursor and pilot of Daniel Boone to Kentucky, " but little is known and less has been published. Apparently he was a native of the north of Ireland. In early life he emigrated to the neighborhood of Carlisle, Cumberland county, Pa. , a district almost wholly settled by Scotch-Irish Protestants. In February, 1752, we find him a trader among the Shawnees; the following year, he was robbed and driven off. It is probable that he served in the Pennsylvania frontier militia from the opening of the French and Indian War (1754). Boone met him on the Braddock campaign (1755), and they became fast friends. Findlay had already (1752) been in Kentucky as far as the Falls of the Ohio, in the course of his ramblings as a trader, and inspired Boone with an intense desire to seek this El Dorado of the West. It was in 1767, when settled near the head of the Yadkin River, that Boone first tried to reach Kentucky by way of the Sandy, but failed. In the winter of 1768-69, Findlay, now a peddler, with a horse to carry his traps, appeared at Boone's cabin on the Yadkin, and the two old comrades had a happy time rehearsing their various adventures during the thirteen years of separation. An expedition to Kentucky was agreed upon, and the party set out from Boone's cabin, May 1, 1769; it was composed of Findlay, now advanced in years, Daniel Boone, the latter's brother-in-law, John Stuart, and three Yadkin neighbors, Joseph Holden, James Mooney, and William Cooley. The story of their expedition through Cumberland Gap, and their long hunt, is now familiar to readers of Western history. Their principal camp was probably on Red Lick Fork of Station Camp Creek. In December, Stuart and Boone were captured by Indians, but escaped early in January (1770), and on rejoining their comrades on Rockcastle River found that Daniel's brother, Squire, had arrived with fresh horses and traps from the North Carolina home; and with him was Alexander Neely, whom Squire had found on New (Great Kanawha) River. Findlay, Holden, Mooney, and Cooley now elected to return home, leaving the others to spend a longer period in Kentucky; Findlay took the left-hand road through the West Virginia settlements, to Pennsylvania, and the others, turning to the right, wended their way to North Carolina through Cumberland Gap. Not long after this, Stuart was killed by Indians, while alone in the woods, and Neely, discouraged by his fate, returned home. The story, often copied from Withers, that Neely was killed by a wolf, is erroneous. As for Findlay, he appears to have again become an Indian trader in Western Pennsylvania; for late in 1771 he is reported to have been robbed of $500 worth of goods, by a Seneca war party raiding the Youghiogheny district. There is a tradition that not long after this he "was lost in the wilds of the West. " Holden and Cooley spent the rest of their days on the Upper Yadkin. Mooney was killed at the battle of Point Pleasant (1774). --R. G. T. 

 [7] The Boones and five other families set out from their homes on the Yadkin, Sept. 25, 1773. In Powell's Valley they were joined by forty people under Boone's brother-in-law, William Bryan. While the main party were slowly advancing through the valley, a small squad, under Boone's oldest son, James, went on a side expedition for flour, cattle, and other supplies. With these they had nearly caught up to the advance, when, not knowing they were so near, they camped on the evening of October 9 a few miles in the rear. Early in the morning of the 10th, a small band of Shawnees and Cherokees, who were nominally at peace with the whites, fell upon and, after cruel tortures, slaughtered them. In Dunmore's speech at Fort Pitt, this tragedy in Powell's Valley was alluded to as one of the chief causes of the Indian war of 1774. At the Camp Charlotte treaty (October, 1774), some of the plunder from this massacre was delivered up by the savages. After the tragedy, the greater part of the Kentucky caravan returned to their homes, but the Boones spent the winter of 1773-74 at a settlement some forty miles distant, on Clinch River. During the Dunmore War, Boone was active as an Indian fighter. --R. G. T. 

 [8] The leader of this party was Capt. Thomas Bullitt. He was born in Fauquier county, Va. , in 1730; was one of Washington's captains at the Great Meadows (1754), and fought gallantly with Braddock (1755) and Forbes (1758); in 1763, was made adjutant-general of Virginia; during the early part of the Revolution he held the same office in the Southern Department of the United States, but resigned in 1776 because not promoted; he died in Fauquier county, in 1778. The project of Franklin, Walpole, and others to found the Colony of Pittsylvania, with its seat at the mouth of the Great Kanawha, greatly stimulated Western land speculation, and there was a rush of those holding military land warrants to locate claims. Lord Dunmore's agent at Fort Pitt, Dr. John Connolly--with whom his lordship was doubtless in partnership--had large interests of this character, and Bullitt went to the Falls of the Ohio (1773) to survey lands for him. Bullitt had a surveyor's commission from Williams and Mary College, but Col. William Preston, county surveyor for Fincastle county--in which Kentucky was then included--declined to recognize any but his own deputies. Preston carried his point, and the lands were re-surveyed the following year (1774) by his deputies. Bullitt had laid off a town on this Connolly survey; but the Revolution soon broke out, Bullitt was otherwise engaged, Dunmore was deposed, Connolly was imprisoned, and the scheme fell through. In 1778, George Rogers Clark camped at the Falls on his way to the Illinois, and the garrison he established there grew into the town of Louisville. With Bullitt's surveying party in 1773, were James Douglas, James Harrod, James Sodousky, Isaac Hite, Abraham Haptonstall, Ebenezer Severns, John Fitzpatrick, John Cowan, --prominent names in later Kentucky history, --and possibly others. George Rogers Clark was probably with the party during a part of its canoe voyage down the Ohio, but seems to have gone no farther than Big Bone Creek. --R. G. T. 

 [9] This was done by a party of men from the Monongahela, under the guidance of James Harrod; by whom was built the first cabin for human habitancy ever erected in Kentucky. This was on the present site of Harrodsburg. 

 [10] These are the Pipe Creek and Baker's Bottom affairs, respectively mentioned on pp. 134, 149, _notes_. Yellow Creek, opposite Baker's Bottom, empties into the Ohio 51 miles below Pittsburg; Wheeling is 91 miles below Pittsburg, and Pipe Creek 104. --R. G. T. 

 [11] There is some difficulty in fixing on the precise time when these occurrences happened. Col. Ebenezer Zane says that they took place in the latter part of April, and that the affair at Captina preceded the one at Yellow creek a few days. John Sappington, who was of the party at Baker's, and is said to be the one who killed Logan's brother, says, the murders at that place occurred on the 24th of May, and that the skirmish at Captina was on the day before (23rd May. ) Col. Andrew Swearingen, a presbyterian gentleman of much respectability, one of the early settlers near the Ohio above Wheeling, and afterwards intimate with those engaged at both places, says that the disturbance opposite Yellow creek preceded the engagement [113] at Captina, and that the latter, as was then generally understood, was caused by the conduct of the Indians, who had been at Yellow creek and were descending the river, exasperated at the murder of their friends at Baker's. Mr. Benjamin Tomlinson, who was the brother-in-law of Baker and living with him at the time, says that this circumstance happened in May, but is silent as to the one at Captina. These gentlemen all agree in the fact that Logan's people were murdered at Baker's. Indeed Logan himself charges it as having been done there. The statement of Sappington, that the murders were caused by the abusive epithets of Logan's brother and his taking the hat and coat of Baker's brother in law is confirmed by Col. Swearingen and others; who also say that for some days previous, the neighborhood generally had been engaged in preparing to leave the country, in consequence of the menacing conduct of the Indians. 

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 _Comment by R. G. T. _--The date is now well established--April 30. Withers is altogether too lenient, in his treatment of the whites engaged in this wretched massacre. Logan, encamped at the mouth of Yellow River, on the Ohio side, was a peaceful, inoffensive Indian, against whom no man harbored a suspicion; he was made a victim of race hatred, in a time of great popular excitement. Joshua Baker, who was settled opposite him on Baker's Bottom, in Virginia, kept a low grog-shop tavern, and had recently been warned not to sell more liquor to Indians. Daniel Greathouse lived in the vicinity--a cruel, bloodthirsty fellow, who served Connolly as a local agent in fomenting hatred of Indians. It will be remembered (p. 131, _note_) that Cresap's party were intending to strike the camp of Logan, but that they abandoned the project. In the meantime, probably without knowledge of Cresap's intent, Greathouse had collected a party of 32 borderers to accomplish the same end. Logan's camp seemed too strong for them to attack openly; so they secreted themselves in Baker's house, and when Logan's family, men and women, came over to get their daily grog, and were quite drunk, set upon them and slew and tomahawked nine or ten. The chief, standing on the Ohio bank, heard the uproar and witnessed the massacre; he naturally supposed that the murderers were led by Cresap. From a friend of the whites, Logan became their implacable enemy, and during the ensuing war his forays were the bloodiest on the border. We shall hear of him and his famous speech, later on. 

 [12] It was then that Westfall's and Casinoe's forts were erected in Tygart's valley, --Pricket's, on Pricket's creek, --Jackson's on Ten Mile, and Shepherd's on Wheeling creek, a few miles above its mouth. There were also others established in various parts of the country and on the Monongahela and Ohio rivers. Nutter's fort, near to Clarksburg, afforded protection to the inhabitants on the West Fork, from its source, to its confluence with the Valley river; and to those who lived on Buchannon and on Hacker's creek, as well as to the residents of its immediate vicinity. 

 [13] June 20, Col. William Preston, having charge of the defenses of Fincastle county, authorized Capt. William Russell to employ two faithful woodsmen to go to Kentucky and inform the several surveying parties at work there, of their danger. June 26, Russell replied, "I have engaged to start immediately on the occasion, two of the best hands I could think of--Daniel Boone and Michael Stoner; who have engaged to reach the country as low as the Falls, and to return by way of Gasper's Lick on Cumberland, and through Cumberland Gap; so that, by the assiduity of these men, if it is not too late, I hope the gentlemen will be apprized of the imminent danger they are daily in. "

 Boone and Stoner journeyed overland to Harrodsburg, where Col. James Harrod and thirty men were making improvements and laying out the town. The thrifty Boone secured a good lot, hastily built a claim cabin, and proceeded on his tour. At Fontaine Blue, three miles below Harrodsburg, the two scouts found another party of surveyors, whom they warned; and in going down the Kentucky River came across Capt. John Floyd's surveying party, --eight men, who had left Preston's house for Kentucky, April 9, --who agreed to meet them farther down the river. But circumstances prevented a reunion, and Floyd's band penetrated through the wilderness on their own account, and had a painful journey of sixteen days' duration before reaching Russell's Fort on Clinch River. Meanwhile, Boone and Stoner descended to the mouth of the Kentucky, and thence to the Falls of the Ohio, and found more surveyors at Mann's Lick, four miles southeast. Indians were making bloody forays through the district, and the scouts had frequent thrilling adventures. Finally, after having been absent sixty-one days and travelled 800 miles, they reached Russell's on the Clinch, in safety. Russell was absent on the Point Pleasant campaign, and Boone set out with a party of recruits to reinforce him, but was ordered back to defend the Clinch settlements. He was busy at this task until the close of the war. He was present at the Watauga treaty, March 17, 1775; later that year, he led another band to Kentucky, and early in April built Fort Boone, on Kentucky River, "a little below Big Lick, " the nucleus of the Henderson colony. --R. G. T. 

 [14] The party numbered about four hundred men. The line of march was about ninety miles in length, as estimated by the zig-zag course pursued. --R. G. T. 

 [15] They were Jonathan Zane, Thomas Nicholson and Tady Kelly. A better woodsman than the first named of these three, perhaps never lived. 

 [16] Doddridge locates Wapatomica "about sixteen miles below the present Coshocton. " Butterfield (_History of the Girtys_) places it "just below the present Zanesville, in Logan county, Ohio, not a great distance from Mac-a-cheek. " For localities of Indian towns on the Muskingum, see map in St. John de Creve Coeur's _Lettres d'un Cultivateur Américain_ (Paris, 1787), III. , p. 413. --R. G. T. 

 [17] John Hargus, a private in Capt. Cresap's company, while stationed as a vidette below the main army, observed an Indian several times raising his head above his blind, and looking over the river. Charging his rifle with a second ball, he fired, and both bullets passed through the neck of the Indian, who was found next day and scalped by Hargus. 

 [18] Logan was the son of Shikellemus, a celebrated chief of the Cayuga nation, who dwelt at Shamokin, and always attached to the [118] English, was of much service to them on many occasions. After the close of Dunmore's war, Logan became gloomy and melancholy, drank freely and manifested symptoms of mental derangement. He remained some time at Detroit, and while there, his conduct and expressions evinced a weariness of the world. Life he said had become a burden to him, he knew no more what pleasure was, and thought it had been better if he had never existed. In this disponding and disconsolate condition he left Detroit, and on his way between that place and Miami, is said to have been murdered. 

 [19] See p. 149, _note_, for account of the massacre. --R. G. T. 

[121] CHAPTER VII. 

When information of the hostile deportment of the Indians was carriedto Williamsburg, Col. Charles Lewis sent a messenger with theintelligence to Capt. John Stuart, and requesting of him, to apprizethe inhabitants on the Greenbrier river that an immediate war wasanticipated, and to send out scouts to watch the warrior's pathsbeyond the settlements. The vigilance and activity of Capt. Stuart, were exerted with some success, to prevent the re-exhibition of thosescenes which had been previously witnessed on Muddy creek and in theBig Levels: but they could not avail to repress them altogether. 

In the course of the preceding spring, some few individuals had begunto make improvements on the Kenhawa river below the Great Falls; andsome land adventurers, to examine and survey portions of the adjoiningcountry. To these men Capt. Stuart despatched an express, to informthem that apprehensions were entertained of immediate irruptions beingmade upon the frontiers by the Indians, and advising them to removefrom the position which they then occupied; as from its exposedsituation, without great vigilance and alertness, they mustnecessarily fall a prey to the savages. 

When the express arrived at the cabin of Walter Kelly, twelve milesbelow the falls, Capt. John Field of Culpepper (who had been in activeservice during the French war, and was then engaged in makingsurveys, ) was there with a young Scotchman and a negro woman. Kellywith great prudence, directly sent his family to Greenbrier, under thecare of a younger brother. But Capt. Field, considering theapprehension as groundless, determined on remaining with Kelly, whofrom prudential motives did not wish to subject himself to observationby mingling with others. [1] Left with no persons but the Scotchmanand negro, they were not long permitted to doubt the reality of thosedangers, of which they had been forewarned by Capt Stuart. 

[122] Very soon after Kelly's family had left the cabin, and while yetwithin hearing of it, a party of Indians approached, unperceived, nearto Kelly and Field, who were engaged in drawing leather from a tantrough in the yard. The first intimation which Field had of theirapproach was the discharge of several guns and the fall of Kelly. Hethen ran briskly towards the house to get possession of a gun, butrecollecting that it was unloaded, he changed his course, and spranginto a cornfield which screened him from the observation of theIndians; who, supposing that he had taken shelter in the cabin, rushedimmediately into it. Here they found the Scotchman and the negrowoman, the latter of whom they killed; and making prisoner of theyoung man, returned and scalped Kelly. 

When Kelly's family reached the Greenbrier settlement, they mentionedtheir fears for the fate of those whom they had left on the Kenhawa, not doubting but that the guns which they heard soon after leaving thehouse, had been discharged at them by Indians. Capt. Stuart, with apromptitude which must ever command admiration, exerted himselfeffectually to raise a volunteer corps, and proceed to the scene ofaction, with the view of ascertaining whether the Indians had beenthere; and if they had, and he could meet with them, to endeavor topunish them for the outrage, and thus prevent the repetition ofsimilar deeds of violence. 

They had not however gone far, before they were met by Capt. Field, whose appearance of itself fully told the tale of woe. He had ranupwards of eighty miles, naked except his shirt, and without food; hisbody nearly exhausted by fatigue, anxiety and hunger, and his limbsgreviously lacerated with briers and brush. Captain Stuart, fearinglest the success of the Indians might induce them to push immediatelyfor the settlements, thought proper to return and prepare for thatevent. 

In a few weeks after this another party of Indians came to thesettlement on Muddy creek, and as if a certain fatality attended theKelly's, they alone fell victims to the incursion. As the daughter ofWalter Kelly was walking with her uncle (who had conducted the familyfrom the Kenhawa) some distance from the house, which had beenconverted into a temporary fort, and in which they lived, they werediscovered and fired upon; the latter was killed and scalped, and theformer being overtaken in her flight, was carried into captivity. 

After the murder of Brown, and the taking of Hellen and Robinson, theinhabitants on the Monongahela and its upper branches, alarmed fortheir safety, retired into forts. But in the ensuing September, asJosiah Pricket and Mrs. Susan Ox, who had left Pricket's fort for thepurpose of driving up their cows, were returning in the evening theywere way laid by a party of Indians, who had been drawn to the path bythe tinkling of the cowbell. Pricket was killed and scalped, and Mrs. Ox taken prisoner. 

[123] It was in the course of this season, that Lewis Wetsel[2] firstgave promise of that daring and discretion, which were so fullydeveloped in his maturer years, and which rendered him among the mostfortunate and successful of Indian combatants. When about fourteenyears old, he and his brother Jacob, (still younger) were discoveredsome distance from the house, by a party of Indians, who had beenprowling through the settlements on the Ohio river, with theexpectation of fortunately meeting with some opportunity of takingscalps or making prisoners. As the boys were at some distance fromthem, and in a situation too open to admit of their being approachedwithout perceiving those who should advance towards them, the Indiansdetermined on shooting the larger one, lest his greater activity mightenable him to escape. A shot was accordingly discharged at him, which, partially taking effect and removing a portion of his breast bone, sofar deprived him of his wonted powers, that he was easily overtaken;and both he and his brother were made prisoners. The Indiansimmediately directed their steps towards their towns, and havingtravelled about twenty miles beyond the Ohio river, encamped at theBig Lick, on the waters of McMahon's creek, on the second night afterthey had set off. When they had finished eating, the Indians laiddown, without confining the boys as on the preceding night, and soonfell to sleep. After making some little movements to test thesoundness of their repose, Lewis whispered to his brother that he mustget up and go home with him; and after some hesitation on the part ofJacob, they arose and set off. Upon getting about 100 yards from thecamp, Lewis stopped, and telling his brother to await there, returnedto the camp and brought from thence a pair of mocasons for each ofthem. He then observed, that he would again go back and get hisfather's gun; this he soon effected, and they then commenced theirjourney home. The moon shining brightly, they were easily able todistinguish the trail which they had made in going out; but had nothowever pursued it far, before they heard the Indians coming inpursuit of them. So soon as Lewis perceived by the sound of theirvoices that they were approaching tolerably near to them, he led hisbrother aside from the path, and squatting down, concealed themselves'till their pursuers had passed them; when they again commencedtravelling and in the rear of the Indians. Not overtaking the boys assoon as was expected, those who had been sent after them, began toretrace their steps. Expecting this, the boys were watchful of everynoise or object before them, and when they heard the Indiansreturning, again secreted themselves in the bushes, and escapedobservation. They were then followed by two, of the party who had madethem prisoners, on horseback; but by practising the same stratagem, they eluded them also; and on the next day reached the Ohio riveropposite to Wheeling. Apprehensive that it would be dangerous toapprize those on the opposite side of the river of their situation, byhallooing, Lewis set himself to work as silently, and yet asexpeditiously [124] as possible, and with the aid of his littlebrother, soon completed a raft on which they safely crossed the Ohio;and made their way home. 

That persons, should, by going out from the forts, when the Indianswere so generally watching around them, expose themselves to captivityor death, may at first appear strange and astonishing. But when themind reflects on the tedious and irksome confinement, which they werecompelled to undergo; the absence of the comforts, and frequently, ofthe necessaries of life, coupled with an overweening attachment to theenjoyment of forest scenes and forest pastimes, it will perhaps bematter of greater astonishment that they did not more frequentlyforego the security of a fortress, for the uncertain enjoyment ofthose comforts and necessaries, and the doubtful gratification of thisattachment. Accustomed as they had been "free to come and free to go, "they could not brook the restraint under which they were placed; andrather than chafe and pine in unwilling confinement, would putthemselves at hazard, that they might revel at large and wanton in thewilderness. Deriving their sustenance chiefly from the woods, thestrong arm of necessity led many to tempt the perils which environedthem; while to the more chivalric and adventurous "the danger's selfwere lure alone. " The quiet and stillness which reigned around, evenwhen the enemy were lurking nearest and in greater numbers, inspiredmany too, with the delusive hope of exemption from risk, notunfrequently the harbinger of fatal consequences. It seemed indeed, impracticable at first to realize the existence of a danger, whichcould not be perceived. And not until taught by reiterated sufferingdid they properly appreciate the perilous situation of those, whoventured beyond the walls of their forts. But this state of things wasof short duration. The preparations, which were necessary to be madefor the projected campaign into the Indian country, were completed;and to resist this threatened invasion, required the concentratedexertions of all their warriors. 

The army destined for this expedition, was composed of volunteers andmilitia, chiefly from the counties west of the Blue ridge, andconsisted of two divisions. The northern division, comprehending thetroops, collected in Frederick, Dunmore, [3] and the adjacent counties, was to be commanded by Lord Dunmore, in person;[4] and the southern, comprising the different companies raised in Botetourt, Augusta andthe adjoining counties east of the Blue ridge, was to be led on byGen. Andrew Lewis. These two divisions, proceeding by differentroutes, were to form a junction at the mouth of the Big Kenhawa, andfrom thence penetrate the country north west of the Ohio river, as faras the season would admit of their going; and destroy all the Indiantowns and villages which they could reach. 

About the first of September, the troops placed under the command[125] of Gen. Lewis rendezvoused at Camp Union (now Lewisburg) andconsisted of two regiments, commanded by Col. William Fleming ofBotetourt and Col. Charles Lewis of Augusta, and containing about fourhundred men each. At Camp Union they were joined by an independentvolunteer company under Col. John Field of Culpepper; a company fromBedford under Capt. Buford and two from the Holstein settlement (nowWashington county) under Capts. Evan Shelby and Harbert. These threelatter companies were part of the forces to be led on by Col. Christian, who was likewise to join the two main divisions of the armyat Point Pleasant, so soon as the other companies of his regimentcould be assembled. The force under Gen. Lewis, having been thusaugmented to eleven hundred men, commenced its march for the mouth ofKenhawa on the 11th of September 1774. [5]

From Camp Union to the point proposed for the junction of the northernand southern divisions of the army, a distance of one hundred andsixty miles, the intermediate country was a trackless forest, sorugged and mountainous as to render the progress of the army, at once, tedious and laborious. Under the guidance of Capt. Matthew Arbuckle, they however, succeeded in reaching the Ohio river after a march ofnineteen days; and fixed their encampment on the point of landimmediately between that river and the Big Kenhawa. [6] The provisionsand ammunition, transported on packhorses, and the beeves in droves, arrived soon after. 

When the army was preparing to leave Camp Union, there was for a whilesome reluctance manifested on the part of Col. Field to submit to thecommand of Gen. Lewis. This proceeded from the fact, that in a formermilitary service, he had been the senior of Gen. Lewis; and from thecircumstance that the company led on by him were IndependentVolunteers, not raised in pursuance of the orders of Governor Dunmore, but brought into the field by his own exertions, after his escape fromthe Indians at Kelly's. These circumstances induced him to separatehis men from the main body of the army on its march, and to take adifferent way from the one pursued by it, --depending on his ownknowledge of the country to lead them a practicable route to theriver. [7]

While thus detached from the forces under Gen. Lewis, two of his men(Clay and Coward) who were out hunting and at some little distancefrom each other, came near to where two Indians were concealed. SeeingClay only, and supposing him to be alone, one of them fired at him;and running up to scalp him as he fell, was himself shot by Coward, who was then about 100 yards off. The other Indian ran off unarmed, and made his escape. A bundle of ropes found where Clay was killed, induced the belief that it was the object of these Indians to stealhorses;--it is not however improbable, that they had been observingthe progress of the army, and endeavoring to ascertain its numbers. Col. Field, fearing that he might [126] encounter a party of the enemyin ambush, redoubled his vigilance 'till he again joined GeneralLewis; and the utmost concert and harmony then prevailed in the wholearmy. [8]

When the Southern division arrived at Point Pleasant, Governor Dunmorewith the forces under his command, had not reached there; and unableto account for his failure to form the preconcerted junction at thatplace, it was deemed advisable to await that event; as by so doing, abetter opportunity would be afforded to Col. Christian of coming up, with that portion of the army, which was then with him. [9] MeanwhileGeneral Lewis, to learn the cause of the delay of the Northerndivision, despatched runners by land, in the direction of Port Pitt, to obtain tidings of Lord Dunmore, and to communicate them to himimmediately. In their absence, however, advices were received from hisLordship, that he had determined on proceeding across the country, directly to the Shawanee towns; and ordering General Lewis to crossthe river, march forward and form a junction with him, near to them. These advices were received on the 9th of October, and preparationswere immediately begun to be made for the transportation of the troopsover the Ohio river. [10]

Early on the morning of Monday the tenth of that month, twosoldiers[11] left the camp, and proceeded up the Ohio river, in questof deer. When they had progressed about two miles, they unexpectedlycame in sight of a large number of Indians, rising from theirencampment, and who discovering the two hunters fired upon them andkilled one;--the other escaped unhurt, and running briskly to thecamp, communicated the intelligence, "that he had seen a body of theenemy, covering four acres of ground as closely as they could stand bythe side of each other. " The main part of the army was immediatelyordered out under Colonels Charles Lewis, [12] and William Fleming; andhaving formed into two lines, [127] they proceeded about four hundredyards, when they met the Indians, and the action commenced. 

At the first onset, Colonel Charles Lewis having fallen, and ColonelFleming being wounded, both lines gave way and were retreating brisklytowards the camp, when they were met by a reinforcement under ColonelField, [13] and rallied. The engagement then became general, and wassustained with the most obstinate fury on both sides. The Indiansperceiving that the "tug of war" had come, and determined on affordingthe Colonial army no chance of escape, if victory should declare forthem, formed a line extending across the point, from the Ohio to theKenhawa, and protected in front, by logs and fallen timber. In thissituation they maintained the contest with unabated vigor, fromsunrise 'till towards the close of evening; bravely and successfullyresisting every charge which was made on them; and withstanding theimpetuosity of every onset, with the most invincible firmness, until afortunate movement on the part of the Virginia troops, decided theday. 

Some short distance above the entrance of the Kenhawa river into Ohio, there is a stream, called Crooked creek, emptying into the formerof these, from the North east, [14] whose banks are tolerably high, and were then covered with a thick and luxuriant growth of weeds. Seeing the impracticability of dislodging the Indians, by the mostvigorous attack, and sensible of the great danger, which mustarise to his army, if the contest were not decided before night, General Lewis detached the three companies which were commanded byCaptains Isaac Shelby, George Matthews, and John Stuart, with ordersto proceed up the Kenhawa river, and Crooked creek under cover ofthe banks and weeds, 'till they should [128] pass some distancebeyond the enemy; when they were to emerge from their covert, march downward towards the point and attack the Indians in theirrear. [15] The manoeuvre thus planned, was promptly executed, and gavea decided victory to the Colonial army. The Indians finding themselvessuddenly and unexpectedly encompassed between two armies, & notdoubting but that in their rear, was the looked for reinforcementunder Colonel Christian, soon gave way, and about sun down, commenced a precipitate retreat across the Ohio, to their towns onthe Scioto. 

Some short time after the battle had ended, Colonel Christian arrivedwith the troops which he had collected in the settlements on theHolstein, and relieved the anxiety of many who were disposed tobelieve the retreat of the Indians to be only a feint;[16] and thatan attack would be again speedily made by them, strengthened andreinforced by those of the enemy who had been observed during theengagement, on the opposite side of the Ohio and Kenhawa rivers. Butthese had been most probably stationed there, in anticipation ofvictory, to prevent the Virginia troops from effecting a retreatacross those rivers, (the only possible chance of escape, had theybeen overpowered by the enemy in their front;) and the loss sustainedby the Indians was too great, and the prospect of a better fortune, too gloomy and unpromising, for them to enter again into anengagement. Dispirited by the bloody repulse with which they had met, they hastened to their towns, better disposed to purchase securityfrom farther hostilities by negotiation, than risk another battle withan army whose strength and prowess, they had already tested; and foundsuperior to their own. The victory indeed, was decisive, and manyadvantages were obtained by it; but they were not cheaply bought. TheVirginia army sustained, in this engagement, a loss of seventy-fivekilled, and one hundred and forty wounded. --About one fifth of theentire number of the troops. 

Among the slain were Colonels Lewis and Field; Captains Buford, Morrow, Wood, Cundiff, Wilson, and Robert McClannahan; and LieutenantsAllen, Goldsby and Dillon, with some other subalterns. The loss of theenemy could not be ascertained. On the morning after the action, Colonel Christian marched his men over the battle ground and foundtwenty-one of the Indians lying dead; and twelve others [129] wereafterwards discovered, where they had been attempted to be concealedunder some old logs and brush. [17]

From the great facility with which the Indians either carry off orconceal their dead, it is always difficult to ascertain the number oftheir slain; and hence arises, in some measure, the disparity betweentheir known loss and that sustained by their opponents in battle. Other reasons for this disparity, are to be found in their peculiarmode of warfare, and in the fact, that they rarely continue a contest, when it has to be maintained with the loss of their warriors. It wouldnot be easy otherwise to account for the circumstance, that even whensignally vanquished, the list of their slain does not, frequently, appear more than half as great, as that of the victors. In thisparticular instance, many of the dead were certainly thrown into theriver. 

Nor could the number of the enemy engaged, be ever ascertained. Theirarmy is known to have been composed of warriors from the differentnations, north of the Ohio; and to have comprised the flower of theShawanee, Delaware, Mingo, Wyandotte and Cayuga tribes; led on by men, whose names were not unknown to fame, [18] and at the head of whom wasCornstalk, Sachem of the Shawanees, and King of the NorthernConfederacy. [19]

This distinguished chief and consummate warrior, proved himself onthat day, to be justly entitled to the prominent station which heoccupied. His plan of alternate retreat & attack, was well conceived, and occasioned the principal loss sustained by the writes. If at anytime his warriors were believed to waver, his voice could be heardabove the din of arms, exclaiming in his native tongue, "Be strong! Bestrong;" and when one near him, by trepidation and reluctance toproceed to the charge, evinced a dastardly disposition, fearing theexample might have a pernicious influence, with one blow of thetomahawk he severed his skull. It was perhaps a solitary instance inwhich terror predominated. Never did men exhibit a more conclusiveevidence of bravery, in making a charge, and fortitude in withstandingan onset, than did these undisciplined soldiers of the forest, in the[130] field at Point Pleasant. Such too was the good conduct of thosewho composed the army of Virginia, on that occasion; and such thenoble bravery of many, that high expectations were entertained oftheir future distinction. Nor were those expectations disappointed. Inthe various scenes through which they subsequently passed, the pledgeof after eminence then given, was fully redeemed; and the names ofShelby, Campbell, Matthews, Fleming, Moore, and others, theircompatriots in arms on the memorable tenth of October, 1774, have beeninscribed in brilliant characters on the roll of fame. [20]

Having buried the dead, and made every arrangement of which theirsituation admitted, for the comfort of the wounded, entrenchments werethrown up, and the army commenced its march to form a junction withthe northern division, under Lord Dunmore. Proceeding by the way ofthe Salt Licks, General Lewis pressed forward with astonishingrapidity (considering that the march was through a trackless desert);but before he had gone far, an express arrived from Dunmore, withorders to return immediately to the mouth of the Big Kenhawa. Suspecting the integrity of his Lordship's motives, and urged by theadvice of his officers generally, General [131] Lewis refused to obeythese orders; and continued to advance 'till he was met, (at Kilkennycreek, and in sight of an Indian village, which its inhabitants hadjust fired and deserted, ) by the Governor, (accompanied by WhiteEyes, ) who informed him, that he was negotiating a treaty of peacewhich would supersede the necessity of the further movement of theSouthern division, and repeating the order for its retreat. 

The army under General Lewis had endured many privations and sufferedmany hardships. They had encountered a savage enemy in great force, and purchased a victory with the blood of their friends. When arrivednear to the goal of their anxious wishes, and with nothing to preventthe accomplishment of the object of the campaign; they received thoseorders with evident chagrin; and did not obey them without murmuring. Having, at his own request, been introduced severally to the officersof that division; complimenting them for their gallantry and goodconduct in the late engagement, and assuring them of his high esteem, Lord Dunmore returned to his camp; and General Lewis commenced hisretreat. [21]

If before the opening of this campaign, the belief was prevalent, thatto the conduct of emissaries from Great Britain, because of thecontest then waging between her and her American colonies, the Indiandepredations of that year, were mainly attributable; that belief hadbecome more general, and had received strong confirmation, from themore portentous aspect which that contest had assumed, prior to thebattle at Point Pleasant. The destruction of the tea at Boston hadtaken place in the March preceding. The _Boston Port Bill_, the signalfor actual conflict between the colonies and mother country, had beenreceived early in May. The house of Burgesses in Virginia, being insession at the time, recommended that the first of June, the day onwhich that bill was to go into operation, be observed throughout thecolony "as a day of fasting, humiliation and prayer, imploring thedivine interposition to avert the heavy calamity which threateneddestruction to their civil rights, and the evils of a civil war. " Inconsequence of this recommendation and its accompanying resolutions, the Governor had dissolved the Assembly. The Legislature ofMassachusetts had likewise passed declaratory resolutions, expressiveof their sense of the state of public affairs and the designs ofParliament; and which led [132] to their dissolution also. Thecommittee of correspondence at Boston, had framed and promulgated anagreement, which induced Governor Gage, to issue a proclamation, denouncing it as "an unlawful, hostile and traitorous combination, contrary to the allegiance due to the King, destructive of the legalauthority of Parliament, and of the peace, good order, and safety ofthe community;" and requiring of the magistrates, to apprehend andbring to trial, all such as should be in any wise guilty of them. Acongress, composed of delegates from the different colonies, andconvened for the purpose "of uniting and guiding the councils, anddirecting the efforts of North America, " had opened its session on the4th of September. In fine, the various elements of that tempest, whichsoon after overspread the thirteen united colonies, had been alreadydeveloped, and were rapidly concentrating, before the orders for theretreat of the Southern division of the army, were issued by LordDunmore. How far these were dictated by a spirit of hostility to thecause of the colonies, and of subservience to the interests of GreatBritain, in the approaching contest, may be inferred from his conductduring the whole campaign; and the course pursued by him, on hisreturn to the seat of government. If indeed there existed (as has beensupposed, ) between the Indians and the Governor from the time of hisarrival with the Northern Division of the army at Fort Pitt, a secretand friendly understanding, looking to the almost certain result ofthe commotions which were agitating America, then was the battle atPoint Pleasant, virtually the first in the series of those brilliantachievements which burst the bonds of British tyranny; and the bloodof Virginia, there nobly shed, was the first blood spilled in thesacred cause of American liberty. [22]

It has been already seen that Lord Dunmore failed to form a junctionwith General Lewis, at the mouth of the Great Kenhawa, agreeably tothe plan for the campaign, as concerted at Williamsburg by thecommanding officer of each division. No reason for changing thedirection of his march, appears to have been assigned by him; andothers were left to infer his motives, altogether from circumstances. 

While at Fort Pitt Lord Dunmore was joined by the notorious SimonGirty, [23] who accompanied him from thence 'till the close of theexpedition. The subsequent conduct of this man, his attachment to theside of Great Britain, in her [133] attempts to fasten the yoke ofslavery upon the necks of the American people, --his withdrawal fromthe garrison at Fort Pitt while commissioners were there for thepurpose of concluding a treaty with the Indians, as was stipulated inthe agreement made with them by Dunmore, --the exerting of hisinfluence over them, to prevent the chiefs from attending there, andto win them to the cause of England, --his ultimate joining the savagesin the war which (very much from his instigation, ) they waged againstthe border settlements, soon after, --the horrid cruelties, andfiendish tortures inflicted on unfortunate white captives by hisorders and connivance;--all combined to form an exact counterpart tothe subsequent conduct of Lord Dunmore when exciting the negroes tojoin the British standard;--plundering the property of those who wereattached to the cause of liberty, --and applying the brand ofconflagration to the most flourishing town in Virginia. 

At Wheeling, as they were descending the river, the army delayed somedays; and while proceeding from thence to form a junction with thedivision under general Lewis, was joined, near the mouth of the LittleKenhawa, by the noted John Connoly, of great fame as a tory. 

Of this man, Lord Dunmore thence forward became an intimate associate;and while encamped at the mouth of Hock Hocking--seemed to make himhis confidential adviser. It was here too, only seventy miles distantfrom the head quarters of General Lewis, that it was determined toleave the boats and canoes and proceed by land to the Chilicothetowns. [24]

The messengers, despatched by Lord Dunmore to apprize the lowerarmy of this change of determination, were Indian traders; one of whombeing asked, if he supposed the Indians would venture to give battleto the superior force of the whites, replied that they certainlywould, and that Lewis' division would soon see his predictionverified. [25] This was on the day previous to the engagement. On thereturn of these men, on the evening of the same day, they must haveseen the Indian army which made the attack on the next morning;and the belief was general on the day of battle, that they hadcommunicated to the Indians, the present strength and expectedreinforcement of the southern division. It has also been said thaton the evening of the 10th of October, while [134] Dunmore, Connoly and one or two others were walking together, his Lordshipremarked "by this time General Lewis has warm work. "[26]

The acquaintance formed by the Governor with Connoly, in the ensuingsummer was further continued, and at length ripened into one of themost iniquitous conspiracies, that ever disgraced civilized man. 

In July, 1775, Connoly presented himself to Lord Dunmore withproposals, well calculated to gain the favor of the exasperatedGovernor, and between them a plan was soon formed, which seemed topromise the most certain success. Assurances of ample rewards fromLord Dunmore, were transmitted to such officers of the militia on thefrontiers of Virginia, as were believed to be friendly to the royalcause, on putting themselves under the command of Connoly; whoseinfluence with the Indians, was to ensure their co-operation againstthe friends of America. To perfect this scheme, it was necessary tocommunicate with General Gage; and about the middle of September, Connoly, with despatches from Dunmore, set off for Boston, and in thecourse of a few weeks returned, with instructions from the Governor ofMassachusetts, which developed their whole plan. Connoly was investedwith the rank of Colonel of a regiment, (to be raised among those onthe frontiers, who favored the cause of Great Britain, ) with which hewas to proceed forthwith to Detroit, where he was to receive aconsiderable reinforcement, and be supplied with cannon, muskets andammunition. He was then to visit the different Indian nations, enlistthem in the projected enterprise, and rendezvous his whole force atFort Pitt. From thence he was to cross the Alleghany mountain, andmarching through Virginia join Lord Dunmore, on the 20th of theensuing April, at Alexandria. 

This scheme, (the execution of which, would at once, have laid waste aconsiderable portion of Virginia, and ultimately perhaps, nearly thewhole state, ) was frustrated by the taking of Connoly, and all theparticulars of it, made known. This development, served to shew thevillainous connexion existing between Dunmore and Connoly, and tocorroborate the suspicion of General Lewis and many of his officers, that the conduct of the former, during the campaign of 1774, was [135]dictated by any thing else than the interest and well being of thecolony of Virginia. 

This suspicion was farther strengthened by the readiness withwhich Lord Dunmore embraced the overtures of peace, and the terms onwhich a treaty was concluded with them; while the encamping of hisarmy, without entrenchments, in the heart of the Indian country, andin the immediate adjacency of the combined forces of the Indiannations of Ohio, would indicate, that there must have been afriendly understanding between him and them. To have relied solelyon the bravery and good conduct of his troops, would have been theheight of imprudence. His army was less than that, which had beenscarcely delivered from the fury of a body of savages inferior innumber, to the one with which he would have had to contend; and itwould have been folly in him to suppose, that he could achieve witha smaller force, what required the utmost exertions of GeneralLewis and his brave officers, to effect with a greater one. [27]

When the Northern division of the army resumed its march forChilicothe, it left the greater part of its provisions in a blockhouse which had been erected during its stay at the mouth of theHockhocking, under the care of Captain Froman with a small partyof troops to garrison it. On the third day after it left Fort Gore(the block house at the mouth of Hockhocking) a white man by the nameof Elliott came to Governor Dunmore, with a request from theIndians that he would withdraw the army from their country, andappoint commissioners to meet their chiefs at Pittsburg to conferabout the terms of a treaty. To this request a reply was given, thatthe Governor was well inclined to make peace, and was willing thathostilities should cease; but as he was then so near their towns, and all the chiefs of the different nations were at that time with thearmy, it would be more convenient to negotiate then, than at afuture period. He then named a place at which he would encamp, andlisten to their proposals; and immediately despatched a courier toGeneral Lewis with orders for his return. [28]

The Indian spies reporting that General Lewis had disregarded theseorders, and was still marching rapidly towards their towns, theIndians became apprehensive of the result; and one of their chiefs(the White Eyes) waited on Lord Dunmore in person, and complained thatthe "Long Knives" [136] were coming upon them and would destroy alltheir towns. Dunmore then, in company with White Eyes, visited thecamp of General Lewis, and prevailed with him, as we have seen, toreturn across the Ohio. 

In a few days after this, the Northern division of the army approachedwithin eight miles of Chilicothe, and encamped on the plain, at theplace appointed for the chiefs to meet without entrenchments or breastworks, or any protection, save the vigilance of the sentinels and thebravery of the troops. [29] On the third day from the halting of thearmy eight chiefs, with Cornstalk at their head, came into camp; andwhen the interpreters made known who Cornstalk was, Lord Dunmoreaddressed them, and from a written memorandum, recited the variousinfractions, on the part of the Indians, of former treaties, anddifferent murders, unprovokedly committed by them. To all thisCornstalk replied, mixing a good deal of recrimination with thedefence of his red brethren; and when he had concluded, a time wasspecified when the chiefs of the different nations should come in, andproceed to the negotiation of a treaty. 

Before the arrival of that period, Cornstalk came alone to the camp, and acquainted the Governor that none of the Mingoes would attend; andthat he was apprehensive there could not a full council be convened. Dunmore then requested that he would convoke as many chiefs of theother nations as he could, and bring them to the council fire withoutdelay, as he was anxious to close the war at once; and that if thiscould not be effected peaceably, he should be forced to resumehostilities. Meantime two interpreters were despatched to Logan, [30]by Lord Dunmore, requesting his attendance;--but Logan replied, that"he was a warrior, not a councillor, and would not come. "[31]

On the night after the return of the interpreters to camp [137]Charlotte (the name of Dunmore's encampment, ) Major William Crawford, with three hundred men, left the main army about midnight, on anexcursion against a small Mingo village, not far off. Arriving therebefore day, the detachment surrounded the town; and on the firstcoming out of the Indians from their huts, there was some littlefiring on the part of the whites, by which one squaw and a man werekilled--the others about 20 in number were all made prisoners andtaken to the camp; where they remained until the conclusion of atreaty. Every thing about the village, indicated an intention of theirspeedily deserting it. [32]

Shortly after Cornstalk and two other chiefs, made their appearance atcamp Charlotte, and entered into a negotiation which soon terminatedin an agreement to forbear all farther hostilities against eachother, --to give up the prisoners then held by them, and to attend atPittsburgh, with as many of the Indian chiefs as could be prevailed onto meet the commissioners from Virginia, in the ensuing summer, wherea treaty was to be concluded and ratified--Dunmore requiring hostages, to guarantee the performance of those stipulations, on the part of theIndians. 

If in the battle at Point Pleasant, Cornstalk manifested the braveryand generalship of a mighty captain; in the negotiations at campCharlotte, he displayed the skill of a statesman, joined to powersof oratory, rarely, if ever surpassed. With the most patrioticdevotion to his country, and in a strain of most commanding eloquence, he recapitulated the accumulated wrongs, which had oppressed theirfathers, and which were oppressing them. Sketching in livelycolours, the once happy and powerful condition of the Indians, heplaced in striking contrast, their present fallen fortunes andunhappy destiny. Exclaiming against the perfidiousness of thewhites, and the dishonesty of the traders, he proposed as the basisof a treaty, that no persons should be permitted to carry on acommerce with the Natives, for individual profit; but that [138]their white brother should send them such articles as they needed, by the hands of honest men, who were to exchange them at a fair price, for their skins and furs; and that no spirit of any kind should besent among them, as from the "fire water" of the whites, proceededevil to the Indians. [33]

This truly great man, is said to have been opposed to the war from itscommencement; and to have proposed on the eve of the battle at PointPleasant, to send in a flag, and make overtures for peace; but thisproposal was overruled by the general voice of the chiefs. When acouncil was first held after the defeat of the Indians, Cornstalk, reminding them of their late ill success, and that the Long Kniveswere still pressing on them, asked what should be then done. But noone answered. Rising again, he proposed that the women and childrenshould be all killed; and that the warriors should go out and fight, until they too were slain. Still no one answered. Then, said he, striking his tomahawk into the council post, "I will go and makepeace. " This was done, and the war of 1774 concluded. 

----- [1] He is said to have committed some offence, in the upper part of South Carolina, which rendered him obnoxious to the laws of that colony, and to evade the punishment for which, he had fled to the wilderness and taken up his abode in it. 

 [2] Lewis Wetzel, the son of a German settler on Wheeling Creek, some fourteen miles above its mouth, was born about 1764. He and his brothers Martin, Jacob, John, and George became famous in border warfare after the close of the Revolution; the annals of the frontier abound in tales of their hardy achievements. Martin and Lewis were the heroes of most remarkable escapes from Indian captivity; John was also famous as an Indian fighter; and Jacob's name will ever be connected with the exploits of that other great border scout, Simon Kenton. But of all the brothers, Lewis achieved the widest celebrity, and two biographies of him have been published: by Cecil B. Hartley (Phila. , 1860), and by R. C. V. Meyers (Phila. , 1883). --R. G. T. 

 [3] Now Shenandoah. 

 [4] The northern wing was composed of men from Frederick, Berkeley, and Dunmore (afterwards Shenandoah) counties, and Col. Adam Stephen was placed in command. With this wing went Lord Dunmore and Major John Connolly. Counting the forces already in the field under Maj. Angus McDonald and Capt. William Crawford, this levy numbered some twelve hundred men. Among them, as scouts, were George Roger Clark, Simon Kenton, and Michael Cresap. --R. G. T. 

 [5] Lewis was colonel of the militia of Botetourt county. Camp Union (so called because several bodies of troops met there) was on the Big Savannah or Great Levels of Greenbrier River; the town of Lewisburg now occupies the site. 

 In Dunmore's letter to Andrew Lewis, dated July 12, he directed him to raise a sufficient body of men, and proceeding to the mouth of the Great Kanawha there erect a fort; if he deemed best he was to cross the Ohio, proceed directly to the Indian towns, and destroy their crops and supplies; in any event he was to keep communication open between Fort Wheeling and Fort Dunmore (Pittsburg). It is evident that his lordship then contemplated no separate expedition of his own, for he talks of sending Major Angus McDonald's party and a new levy to Lewis's assistance. But he changed his mind, and August 30 wrote to Lewis directing that the latter meet him at the mouth of the Little Kanawha. Lewis replied through Col. William Preston that it was now too late to change his plans; he should proceed at once with the levy just summoned, to the mouth of the Great Kanawha, and there await further orders. --R. G. T. 

 [6] This cape was called Point Pleasant, and is now occupied by the West Virginia town of that name. --R. G. T. 

 [7] This is misleading. On September 6, Col. Charles Lewis, with his Augusta troops, numbering about six hundred, were detached to proceed to the mouth of the Elk, and there make canoes for transporting the supplies to the mouth of the Great Kanawha. This body had in charge a drove of 108 beef cattle, and 400 pack-horses laden with 54, 000 lbs. Of flour. Field's company soon followed this advance. --R. G. T. 

 [8] Saturday, the 10th, Clay and Coward were sent out to hunt deer for Field's company, on the banks of the Little Meadow. Then occurred the incident related by Withers. The Indian who escaped, hurried on to the Shawnee towns and gave them their first notice of the approach of the army. Alarmed at this incident, Field hurried and caught up with the advance under Charles Lewis. The text reads as though he had hastened back to Andrew Lewis, who had not yet left Camp Union. --R. G. T. 

 [9] Col. Andrew Lewis marched out of Camp Union the 12th, with about 450 men. These consisted of Fleming's Botetourt troops, three companies of Fincastle men under Capts. Evan Shelby, William Herbert, and William Russell, the Bedford men under Thomas Buford, and Dunmore men under Slaughter. They had with them 200 pack-horses laden with flour, and the remainder of the beeves. Col. William Christian, who arrived at Camp Union the day Andrew Lewis left, was ordered, with the rest of the Fincastle men, to remain there, to guard the residue of the provisions, and when the brigade of horses sent to the mouth of the Elk had returned, to hurry every thing forward to the mouth of the Great Kanawha. Five weeks were thus consumed in transporting the troops and the supplies a distance of 160 miles through the tangled forest, to Point Pleasant, where the main army, upwards of 1, 100 strong, had arrived, quite spent with exertions, on the 6th of October. 

 When Christian left Camp Union for the front, Anthony Bledsoe, with a company of Fincastle men, was detailed to remain behind with the sick, while the base of supplies at the mouth of the Elk was placed in charge of Slaughter. As will be seen, Christian arrived too late to engage in the battle of Point Pleasant. --R. G. T. 

 [10] When Lewis arrived at Point Pleasant (October 6th), he found awaiting him in a hollow tree dispatches from Dunmore, brought by Simon Kenton and two companions, directing him to join his lordship at the mouth of the Big Hockhocking, where the governor's northern wing, under Major Crawford, was building a stockade. But Lewis's men were spent, and pens had to be built for the cattle, and shelter for the stores, so no move was made. On Saturday, the 8th, came a further message from the governor, who was still at the Big Hockhocking. Lewis replied that he would join him there as soon as the troops, food supply, and powder had all reached Point Pleasant. His men were angry at Dunmore's interference, and argued with Lewis that it was sixty miles by river and over half that by land, to Dunmore's camp, whereas it was less than either to the hostile towns which they had started out to attack; and to turn aside from this purpose was to leave open for the hostiles the back-door to the frontier settlements of Virginia. The 9th was Sunday, and these sturdy Scotch-Irish Presbyterians spent the day in religious exercises, listening to a stout sermon from their chaplain. On the morrow, they were surprised by the Indians, as the sequel relates. --R. G. T. 

 [11] James Mooney, of Russell's company, and Joseph Hughey, of Shelby's. They were surprised at the mouth of Old Town Creek, three miles distant. Hughey was killed by a shot fired by Tavenor Ross, a white renegade in Cornstalk's party. --R. G. T. 

 [12] Few officers were ever more, or more deservedly, endeared to those under their command than Col. Charles Lewis. In the many skirmishes, which it was his fortune to have, with the Indians he was uncommonly successful; and in the various scenes of life, thro' which he passed, his conduct was invariably marked by the distinguishing characteristicks of a mind, of no ordinary stamp. His early fall on this bloody field, was severely felt during the whole engagement; and to it has been attributed the partial advantages gained by the Indian army near the commencement of the action. When the [127] fatal ball struck him, he fell at the root of a tree; from whence he was carried to his tent, against his wish, by Capt. Wm. Morrow and a Mr. Bailey, of Captain Paul's company, and died in a few hours afterwards. In remembrance of his great worth, the legislature named the county of Lewis after him. 

 [13] An active, enterprising and meritorious officer, who had been in service in Braddock's war, and profited by his experience of the Indian mode of fighting. His death checked for a time the ardor of his troops, and spread a gloom over the countenances of those, who had accompanied him on this campaign. 

 [14] A half-mile up the Big Kanawha. --R. G. T. 

 [15] From MS. Journals and letters in possession of the Wisconsin Historical Society, it appears that the conduct of the battle was as follows: Andrew Lewis, who as yet thought the enemy to be but a scouting party, and not an army equal in size to his own, had the drums beat to arms, for many of his men were asleep in their tents; and while still smoking his pipe, ordered a detachment from each of the Augusta companies, to form 150 strong under Col. Charles Lewis, with John Dickinson, Benjamin Harrison, and John Skidmore as the captains. Another party of like size was formed under Col. Fleming, with Captains Shelby, Russell, Buford, and Philip Love. Lewis's party marched to the right, near the foot of the hills skirting the east side of Crooked Creek. Fleming's party marched to the left, 200 yards apart from the other. A quarter of a mile from camp, and half a mile from the point of the cape, the right-going party met the enemy lurking behind trees and fallen logs at the base of the hill, and there Charles Lewis was mortally wounded. Fleming marched to a pond three-quarters of a mile from camp, and fifty rods inland from the Ohio--this pond being one of the sources of Crooked Creek. The hostile line was found to extend from this pond along Crooked Creek, half way to its mouth. The Indians, under Cornstalk, thought by rushes to drive the whites into the two rivers, "like so many bullocks, " as the chief later explained; and indeed both lines had frequently to fall back, but they were skillfully reinforced each time, and by dusk the savages placed Old Town Creek between them and the whites. This movement was hastened, a half hour before sunset, by a movement which Withers confounds with the main tactics. Captains Matthews, Arbuckle, Shelby, and Stuart were sent with a detachment up Crooked creek under cover of the bank, with a view to securing a ridge in the rear of the enemy, from which their line could be enfiladed. They were discovered in the act, but Cornstalk supposed that this party was Christian's advance, and in alarm hurried his people to the other side of Old Town Creek. The battle was, by dark, really a drawn game; but Cornstalk had had enough, and fled during the night. --R. G. T. 

 [16] During the day, a messenger had been dispatched to hurry on Christian, who with 250 men was convoying cattle and powder. In the early evening, fifteen miles from Point Pleasant, this rear party was found, toiling painfully over the wilderness trail. Christian at once left his property in charge of a small party, and arrived in camp by midnight. --R. G. T. 

 [17] Most of the killed and wounded, on both sides, were shot in the head or breast, which indicates good marksmanship. The Indians, though skillful marksmen, did not exhibit sufficient mechanical knowledge to enable them properly to clean their guns, and thus were at some disadvantage. 

 The statistician was at work in those days, as now, for we learn from an old diary that at Old Town Creek were found by the white victors, 78 rafts with which the Indians had crossed the Ohio to the attack, the night of October 9-10; and on the battlefield during the 10th and 12th, were collected 23 guns, 27 tomahawks, 80 blankets, and great numbers of war-clubs, shot-pouches, powder-horns, match-coats, deer-skins, "and other articles, " all of which were put up at auction by the careful commissary, and brought nearly £100 to the army chest. --R. G. T. 

 [18] Such were Redhawk, a Delaware chief, --Scoppathus, a Mingo, --Ellinipsico, a Shawanee, and son to Cornstalk, --Chiyawee, a Wyandotte, and Logan, a Cayuga. 

 [19] The first recorded foray of Cornstalk was on October 10, 1759, against the Gilmore family and others, on Carr's Creek, in what is now Rockbridge county, Va. "The Carr's Creek massacre" was long remembered on the border as one of the most daring and cruel on record. He was again heard of during the Pontiac conspiracy, in 1763, when he led a large war-party from the Scioto towns against the Virginia frontier. Both at Muddy Creek, and the Clendenning farm near Lewisburg, on the Levels of the Greenbrier, the marauders pretended to be friendly with the settlers, and in an unguarded moment fell upon and slew them. Other massacres, in connection with the same foray, were at Carr's Creek, Keeney's Knob, and Jackson's River. The story of the captivity of Mrs. Clendenning and her children, who were taken to the Shawnee towns on the Scioto, is one of the most heartrendering in Western history. In 1764, Bouquet raided these towns, and Cornstalk was one of the hostages sent to Fort Pitt in fulfillment of the terms of the treaty, but later he effected his escape. Nothing more is heard of this warrior until 1774, when he became famous as leader of the Indians at the battle of Point Pleasant. Cornstalk's intelligence was far above that of the average Shawnee. He had, before the Dunmore War, strongly counseled his people to observe the peace, as their only salvation; but when defeated in council, he with great valor led the tribesmen to war. After the treaty of Fort Charlotte, he renewed his peace policy, and was almost alone in refusing to join the Shawnee uprising in 1777. Late in September, that year, he visited his white friends at Fort Randolph (Point Pleasant), and was retained as one of several hostages for the tribe. Infuriated at some murders in the vicinity, the private soldiers in the fort turned upon the Indian prisoners and basely killed them, Cornstalk among the number. Governor Patrick Henry and General Hand--the latter then organizing his futile expedition against the Shawnees--wished to punish the murderers; but in the prevalent state of public opinion on the border, it was easy for them to escape prosecution. --R. G. T. 

 [20] The following gentlemen, with others of high reputation in private life, were officers in the battle at Point Pleasant. Gen. Isaac Shelby, the first governor of Kentucky, and afterwards, secretary of war;--Gen. William Campbell and Col. John Campbell, heroes of King's mountain and Long Island;--Gen. Evan Shelby, one of the most favored citizens of Tennessee, often honored with the confidence of that state;--Col. William Fleming, an active governor of Virginia during the revolutionary war;--Gen. Andrew Moore of Rockbridge, the only man ever elected by Virginia, from the country west of the Blue ridge, to the senate of the United States;--Col. John Stuart, of Greenbrier;--Gen. Tate, of Washington county, Virginia;--Col. William McKee, of Lincoln county, Kentucky;--Col. John Steele, since a governor of Mississippi territory;--Col. Charles Cameron, of Bath;--Gen. Bazaleel Wells, of Ohio; and Gen. George Matthews, a distinguished officer in the war of the revolution, the hero of Brandywine, Germantown, and of Guilford;--a governor of Georgia, and a senator from that state in the congress of the United States. The salvation of the American army at Germantown, is ascribed, in Johnston's life of Gen. Green, to the bravery and good conduct of two regiments, one of which was commanded by General, then Col. Matthews. 

 [21] In order to get a clearer view of the situation, a few more details are essential here. For several days after the battle of Point Pleasant, Lewis was busy in burying the dead, caring for the wounded, collecting the scattered cattle, and building a store-house and small stockade fort. Early on the morning of October 13th, messengers who had been sent on to Dunmore, advising him of the battle, returned with orders to Lewis to march at once with all his available force, against the Shawnee towns, and when within twenty-five miles of Chillicothe to write to his lordship. The next day, the last rear guard, with the remaining beeves, arrived from the mouth of the Elk, and while work on the defenses at the Point was hurried, preparations were made for the march. By evening of the 17th, Lewis, with 1, 150 men in good condition, had crossed the Ohio and gone into camp on the north side. Each man had ten days' supply of flour, a half pound of powder, and a pound and a half of bullets; while to each company was assigned a pack-horse for the tents. Point Pleasant was left in command of Col. Fleming, --who had been severely wounded in the battle, --Captains Dickinson, Lockridge, Herbert, and Slaughter, and 278 men, few of whom were fit for service. On the 18th, Lewis, with Captain Arbuckle as guide, advanced towards the Shawnee towns, eighty miles distant in a straight line, and probably a hundred and twenty-five by the circuitous Indian trails. The army marched about eleven miles a day, frequently seeing hostile parties but engaging none. Reaching the salt licks near the head of the south branch of Salt Creek (in the present Lick township, Jackson county, O. ), they descended that valley to the Scioto, and thence to a prairie on Kinnikinnick (not Kilkenny) Creek, where was the freshly-deserted Indian village referred to above, by Withers. This was thirteen miles south of Chillicothe (now Westfall). Here they were met, early on the 24th, by a messenger from his lordship, ordering them to halt, as a treaty was nearly concluded at Camp Charlotte. But Lewis's army had been fired on that morning, and the place was untenable for a camp in a hostile country, so he concluded to seek better ground. A few hours later another messenger came, again peremptorily ordering a halt, as the Shawnees had practically come to terms. Lewis now concluded to join the northern division in force, at Camp Charlotte, not liking to have the two armies separated in the face of a treacherous enemy; but his guide mistook the trail, and took one leading directly to the Grenadier Squaw's Town. Lewis camped that night on the west bank of Congo Creek, two miles above its mouth, and five and a quarter miles from Chillicothe, with the Indian town half-way between. The Shawnees were now greatly alarmed and angered, and Dunmore himself, accompanied by the Delaware chief White Eyes, a trader, John Gibson, and fifty volunteers, rode over in hot haste that evening to stop Lewis, and reprimand him. His lordship was mollified by Lewis's explanations, but the latter's men, and indeed Dunmore's, were furious over being stopped when within sight of their hated quarry, and tradition has it that it was necessary to treble the guards during the night to prevent Dunmore and White Eyes from being killed. The following morning (the 25th), his lordship met and courteously thanked Lewis's officers for their valiant service; but said that now the Shawnees had acceded to his wishes, the further presence of the southern division might engender bad blood. Thus dismissed, Lewis led his army back to Point Pleasant, which was reached on the 28th. He left there a garrison of fifty men under Captain Russell, and then by companies the volunteers marched through the wilderness to their respective homes, where they disbanded early in November. --R. G. T. 

 [22] This is not the view of students in our own day, coolly looking at the affair from the distance of a hundred and twenty years. There now seems no room to doubt that Dunmore was thoroughly in earnest, that he prosecuted the war with vigor, and knew when to stop in order to secure the best possible terms. Our author wrote at a time when many heroes of Point Pleasant were still alive, and his neighbors; he reflected their views, and the passions of the day. That it was, in view of the events then transpiring, the best policy to turn back the southern army, after the great battle, and not insist too closely on following up the advantage gained, seems now incontrovertible. --R. G. T. 

 [23] Butterfield's _History of the Girtys_ (Cincinnati, 1890) is a valuable contribution to Western history. Simon, James, and George Girty were notorious renegade whites, who aided the Indians against the borderers from 1778 to 1783; Simon and George were similarly active in the Indian war of 1790-95. --R. G. T. 

 [24] Upon leaving Pittsburg, --where the governor held a council with several Delaware and Mingo chiefs, to whom he recited the outrages perpetrated by the Shawnees since Bouquet's treaty of 1764--the northern division divided into two wings. One, 700 strong, under Dunmore, descended the river in boats; the other 500 went across the "pan-handle" by land, with the cattle, and both rendezvoused, September 30th, at Wheeling, 91 miles below Pittsburg. Next day, Crawford resumed his march along the south bank of the Ohio, to a point opposite the mouth of Big Hockhocking, 107 miles farther down. Here the men, the 200 bullocks, and the 50 pack-horses swam the Ohio, and just above the Big Hockhocking (the site of the present Hockingport) erected a blockhouse and stockade, which they called Fort Gower, in honor of the English earl of that name. A part of the earthwork can still (1894) be seen in the garden of a Hockingport residence. Dunmore's party, in 100 canoes and pirogues, arrived a few days later. While at Fort Gower, he was joined by the Delaware chiefs, White Eyes and John Montour, the former of whom was utilized as an agent to negotiate with the Shawnees--R. G. T. 

 [25] This was William McCulloch. --R. G. T. 

 [26] The authority for this is Stuart's _Indian Wars_, p. 56. Abraham Thomas, in his _Sketches_, relates that the governor, placing his ear at the surface of the river, said he thought he heard the firing of guns; and Thomas, then a young militiaman, was asked to do likewise, and reported that it was the rattle of musketry. The distance across country to Point Pleasant was but twenty-eight miles, but by the river windings was sixty-six. These anecdotes have been related as proof that Dunmore desired Lewis beaten. White Eyes had notified the governor that a conflict was expected, though he had reported a much smaller Indian army than Lewis's; hence his lordship had no fear of the result. Had he known that the opposing forces were equal in number, and that the whites had been surprised, he doubtless would have sent relief. Knowing the Shawnee warriors were away from home, fighting Lewis, whom he had reason to suppose was very well able to handle them, he determined to advance inland to the deserted towns on the Scioto and destroy their houses and crops. He was upon this errand when met and stopped by the messengers of peace. --R. G. T. 

 [27] The two wings of the white army had about the same strength--1100 under Dunmore, and 1150 (after leaving Point Pleasant) under Lewis. The fighting quality was also the same, in both. It is to be remembered that in the army under Dunmore there was very little discontent at the issue, and at the close of the campaign the men heartily thanked his lordship for his valuable services in behalf of the people. They did this, too, at a time when they knew from Eastern news received in camp, that the Revolution was near at hand, and Dunmore must soon be fighting against them in behalf of his royal master. --R. G. T. 

 [28] Dunmore had, through White Eyes, summoned the Shawnee chiefs to treat with him at Fort Gower (not Gore), but they had declined to come in. He then set out, October 11th, to waste their towns on the Scioto, as previously noted, leaving the fort in charge of Captain Kuykendall (not Froman), with whom remained the disabled and the beeves. Each man on the expedition carried flour for sixteen days. Just after the Point Pleasant battle, Lewis had dispatched a messenger to his lordship with news of the affair; Dunmore's messenger to Lewis, with instructions to the latter to join him _en route_, crossed Lewis's express on the way. The messenger from Lewis found that his lordship had marched up the Big Hockhocking valley for the Scioto, and hurried after him. The governor was overtaken at the third camp out (west of the present Nelsonville, Athens county, O. ), and the good news caused great joy among the soldiers. October 17th, Dunmore arrived at what he styled Camp Charlotte (on the northern bank of Sippo Creek, Pickaway county, eight miles east of Chillicothe, in view of Pickaway Plains), and here the treaty of peace was concluded. --R. G. T. 

 [29] Doddridge's _Notes_ says that the camp was surrounded by a breastwork of fallen trees, and an entrenchment, and Roosevelt's _Winning of the West_ follows him. But Dr. Draper was distinctly told (in 1846-51) by two survivors of the campaign, Samuel Murphy and John Grim, that Withers's account is correct; and this is confirmed in Whittlesey's _Fugitive Essays_. In the center of the field, a building of poles was erected, in which to hold the council; around this, the army encamped. A large white oak having been peeled, Dunmore wrote upon it in red chalk, "Camp Charlotte, " thus honoring the then English queen. --R. G. T. 

 [30] Logan was the Mingo chief, the massacre of whose family at Baker's Bottom, the previous April, has already been described. He had just returned (October 21) from a foray on the Holston border, bringing several scalps and three prisoners, when the trader Gibson and the scout Simon Girty were sent to him by his lordship. --R. G. T. 

 [31] Colonel Benjamin Wilson, Sen. (then an officer in Dunmore's army, and whose narrative of the campaign furnished the facts which are here detailed) says that he conversed freely with one of the interpreters (Nicholson) in regard to the mission to Logan, and that neither from the interpreter, nor any other one during the campaign, did he hear of the charge preferred in Logan's speech against Captain Cresap, as being engaged in the affair at Yellow creek. --Captain Cresap was an officer in the division of the army under Lord Dunmore; and it would seem strange indeed, if Logan's speech had been made public, at camp Charlotte, and neither he, (who was so materially interested in it, and could at once have proved the falsehood of the allegation which it contained, ) nor Colonel Wilson, (who was present during the whole conference between Lord Dunmore and the Indian chiefs, and at the time when the speeches were delivered sat immediately behind and close to Dunmore, ) should have heard nothing of it until years after. 

 ------

 _Comment by R. G. T. _--Withers thus shortly disposes of the famous speech by Logan, which schoolboys have been reciting for nearly a hundred years as one of the best specimens extant, of Indian eloquence. The evidence in regard to the speech, which was undoubtedly recited to Gibson, and by him written out for Lord Dunmore's perusal, and later "improved" by Jefferson, is clearly stated in Roosevelt's _Winning of the West_, I. , app. Iii. 

 [32] The reason for the attack was, that the Mingoes were implacable, and Dunmore had learned that instead of coming into the treaty they purposed retreating to the Great Lakes with their prisoners and stolen horses. This Mingo village was Seekonk (sometimes called the Hill Town), 30 or 40 miles up the Scioto. Crawford left Camp Charlotte the night of the 25th, and surprised the town early in the morning of the 27th. Six were killed, several wounded, and fourteen captured; the rest escaping into the forest. Crawford burned several Mingo towns in the neighborhood. --R. G. T. 

 [33] In remarking on the appearance and manner of Cornstalk while speaking, Colonel Wilson says, "When he arose, he was in no wise confused or daunted, but spoke in a distinct, and audible voice, without stammering or repetition, and with peculiar emphasis. His looks while addressing Dunmore, were truly grand and majestic; yet graceful and attractive. I have heard the first orators in Virginia, Patrick Henry and Richard Henry Lee, but never have I heard one whose powers of delivery surpassed those of Cornstalk on that occasion. "

[139] CHAPTER VIII. 

Upon the close of the campaign of 1774, there succeeded a short periodof perfect quiet, and of undisturbed repose from savage invasion, along the borders of North Western Virginia. The decisive battle ofthe 10th of October, repressed incursion for a time, and taught thoseimplacable enemies of her citizens, their utter inability, alone andunaided, to maintain a contest of arms, against the superior power ofVirginia. They saw that in any future conflict with this colony, herbelligerent operations would no longer be confined to the merepurposes of defence; but that war would be waged in their own country, and their own towns become the theatre of its action. Had the leadingobjects of the Dunmore campaign been fully accomplished, --had thecontemplated junction of the different divisions of the army takenplace;--had its combined forces extended their march into the Indianterritory, and effected the proposed reduction of the Chilicothe, andother towns on the Scioto and Sandusky, it would have been longindeed, before the frontier settlements, became exposed to savageinroad. A failure to effect these things however, left the Indianscomparatively at liberty, and prepared to renew invasion, and revivetheir cruel and bloody deeds, whenever a savage thirst for vengeanceshould incite them to action, and the prospect of achieving them withimpunity, be open before them. In the then situation of our country, this prospect was soon presented to them. 

The contest between Great Britain and her American colonies, which hadbeen for some time carried on with increasing warmth, was ripeningrapidly into war. The events of every day, more and more confirmed thebelief, that the "_unconditional submission_" of the colonies, was theobject of the parent state; and that to accomplish this, she was [140]prepared to desolate the country by a civil war, and imbrue her handsin the blood of its citizens. This state of things the Indians knew, would favor the consummation of their hopes. Virginia, having to applyher physical strength to the repulsion of other enemies, could not beexpected to extend her protecting ægis over the remote and isolatedsettlements on her borders. These would have to depend on themselvesalone, for resistance to ruthless irruption, and exemption from totalannihilation. The Indians well knew the weakness of those settlements, and their consequent incapacity to vie in open conflict with theoverwhelming force of their savage foes; and their heriditaryresentment to the whites prompted them to take advantage of thatweakness, to wreak this resentment, and involve them once more inhostilities. 

Other circumstances too, combined in their operation, to produce thisresult. The plan of Lord Dunmore and others, to induce the Indians toco-operate with the English in reducing Virginia to subjection, anddefeated by the detection and apprehension of Connoly, was soon afterresumed on a more extensive scale. British agents were busily engagedfrom Canada to the Gulph of Mexico, in endeavoring by immediatepresents and the promise of future reward, to excite the savages to awar upon the western frontiers. To accomplish this object, no meanswhich were likely to be of any avail, were neglected to be used. Gratified resentment and the certainty of plunder, were held up toview as present consequences of this measure; and the expulsion of thewhites, and the repossession, by the Natives, of the country fromwhich their fathers had been ejected, as its ultimate result. --Lesscogent motives might have enlisted them on the side of Great Britain. These were too strong to be resisted by them, and too powerful to becounteracted by any course of conduct, which the colonies couldobserve towards them; and they became ensnared by the delusive bait, and the insidious promises which accompanied it. 

There were in the colonies too, many persons, who from principle orfear, were still attached to the cause of Great Britain; and who notonly, did not sanction the opposition of their country to thesupremacy of Parliament, but were willing in any wise to lend theiraid to the royal cause. Some of those disaffected Americans, (as theywere at first denominated) who resided on the frontiers, foreseeingthe [141] attachment of the Indians to the side of Britain, andapprehensive that in their inroads, the friends as well as the enemiesof that country, might, from the difficulty of discriminating, beexposed to savage fury; and at the same time, sensible that they hadbecome obnoxious to a majority of their neighbors, who were perhaps, too much inclined to practice summary modes of punishment, sought arefuge among the Indians, from those impending evils. In someinstances, these persons were under the influence of the mostrancorous and vindictive passions, and when once with the savages, strove to infuse those passions into their breasts, and stimulate themto the repetition of those enormities, which had previously, soterribly annoyed the inhabitants of the different frontiers. [1] Thuswrought upon, their inculcated enmity to the Anglo-Americansgenerally, roused them to action, and the dissonant notes of the warsong, resounded in their villages. For a while indeed, they refrainedfrom hostilities against North Western Virginia. It was however, butto observe the progress of passing events, that they might act againstthe mountain borders, simultaneously with the British on the Atlanticcoast; as a premature movement on their part, might, while Virginiawas yet at liberty to bear down upon them with concentrated forces, bring upon their towns the destruction which had so appallinglythreatened them after the battle at Point Pleasant. 

But though the inhabitants on the Virginia frontiers, enjoyed amomentary respite from savage warfare; yet were the Indians not whollyunemployed in deeds of aggression. The first attempt to occupyKentucky, had been the signal of hostilities in 1774; and the renewedendeavors to form establishments in it, in 1775, induced theircontinuance, and brought on those who were engaged in effecting them, all the horrors of savage warfare. 

Upon the close of the campaign under Lord Dunmore, Kentucky becamemore generally known. James Harrod, with those who had associatedthemselves with him in making a settlement in that country and aidedin the erection of the fort at Harrodsburg, joined the army of GeneralLewis at Point Pleasant; and when, after the treaty of Camp Charlotte, the army was disbanded, many of the soldiers and some of the officers, enticed by the description given of it by Harrod, returned to southWestern Virginia, through that country. [2] The result of theirexamination of it, induced many to migrate thither immediately; and in1775, families began to take up their residence in it. 

At that time, the only white persons residing in Kentucky, were thoseat Harrod's fort; and for a while, emigrants to that country [142]established themselves in its immediate vicinity, that they mightderive protection from its walls, from the marauding irruptions ofIndians. Two other establishments were, however, soon made, andbecame, as well as Harrod's, rallying points for land adventurers, andfor many of those, whose enterprising spirits led them, to make theirhome in that wilderness. The first of these was that at Boonesborough, and which was made, under the superintendence of Daniel Boone. 

The prospect of amassing great wealth, by the purchase of a large bodyof land from the Indians, for a comparatively trifling consideration, induced some gentlemen in North Carolina, to form a company, andendeavor by negotiation to effect such purpose. This association wasknown under the title of Henderson and company; and its object was, the acquisition of a considerable portion of Kentucky. [3] The firststep, necessary towards the accomplishment of this object, was, toconvene a council of the Indians; and as the territory sought to beacquired, did not belong, in individual property to any one nation ofthem, it was deemed advisable to convoke the chiefs of the differentnations south of the Ohio river. A time was then appointed at whichthese were to assemble; and it became necessary to engage an agent, possessing the requisite qualifications, to attend the council, onbehalf of Henderson and company, and to transact the business forthem. The fame of Daniel Boone which had reached them, recommendedhim, as one eminently qualified to discharge the duties devolving onan agent; and he was employed in that capacity. At the appointedperiod, the council was held, and a negotiation commenced, whichresulted in the transfer, to Henderson and company, of the title ofthe southern Indians to the land lying south of the Kentucky river, and north of the Tennessee. [4]

Boone was then placed at the head of a party of enterprising men, sentto open a road from the Holstein settlement, through the wilderness, to the Kentucky river, and to take possession of the company'spurchase. When within fifteen miles of the termination of theirjourney, they were attacked by a body of northern Indians, who killedtwo of Boone's comrades, and wounded two others. 

Two days after, they were again attacked by them, and had two more oftheir party killed and three wounded. [5] From this time theyexperienced no farther molestation until they had arrived within thelimits of the purchase, and erected a fort, at a lick near thesouthern bank of the Kentucky river--the site of the present town ofBoonesborough. Enfeebled by the loss sustained in the attacks made onthem by the Indians; and worn down by the continued labor of opening aroad through an almost impervious wilderness, it was some time beforethey could so far complete the fort, so as to render it secure againstanticipated assaults of the savages, and justify a detachment beingsent from the garrison, to escort the family of Boone to his newsituation. When it was thus far completed, an office [143] was openedfor the sale of the company's land;[6] and Boone and some othersreturned to Holstein, and from thence, guarded the family of Boone, through the wilderness, to the newly erected fort. Mrs. Boone and herdaughter, are believed to be the first white females who ever stood onthe banks of the Kentucky river. [7]

[143] In 1775 Benjamin Logan, who had been with Lord Dunmore at CampCharlotte, visited Kentucky and selected a spot for his futureresidence, near to the present village of Stamford, erected thereon afort; and in the following year moved his family thither. 

These were the only settlements then begun to be made within thelimits of the now state of Kentucky. As the tide of emigration flowedinto the country, those three forts afforded an asylum, from theIndian hostility to which the whites were incessantly subjected; andnever perhaps lived three men better qualified by nature and habit, toresist that hostility, and preserve the settlers from captivity anddeath, than James Harrod, Daniel Boone, and Benjamin Logan. Reared inthe lap of danger, and early inured to the hardships and sufferings ofa wilderness life, they were habitually acquainted with those artswhich were necessary to detect and defeat the one, and to lessen andalleviate the others. Intrepid and fearless, yet cautious and prudent, there was united in each of them, the sly, circumventive powers of theIndian, with the bold defiance, and open daring of the whites. Quick, almost to intuition, in the perception of impending dangers, instantin determining, and prompt in action; to see, to resolve, and toexecute, were with them the work of the same moment. Rife inexpedients, the most perplexing difficulties rarely found them at aloss. Possessed of these qualities, they were placed at the head ofthe little colonies planted around them; not by ambition, but by theuniversal voice of the people; from a deep and thorough conviction, that they only were adequate to the exigencies of their situation. The conviction was not ill founded. Their intellectual and physicalresources were powerfully and constantly exerted for the preservationand security of the settlements; and frequently, with astonishingsuccess, under the most inauspicious circumstances. Had they indeed, by nature, been supine and passive, their isolated situation, and theconstantly repeated attempts of the Indians, at their extermination, would have aroused them, as it did others, to activity and energy, andbrought their every [144] nerve into action. For them, there were no"weak, piping times of peace, "--no respite from danger. Theindefatigable vigilance and persevering hostility of an unrelentingfoe, required countervailing exertions on their part; and kept alivethe life, which they delighted to live. 

From the instant those establishments were made, and emigrants placedthemselves in their vicinity, the Savages commenced their usual modeof warfare; and marauding parties were ever in readiness, to seizeupon, those, whose misfortune it was to become exposed to theirvigilance. In the prosecution of these hostilities, incidents of themost lively and harrowing interest, though limited in theirconsequences, were constantly recurring; before a systematic course ofoperations, was undertaken for the destruction of the settlers. 

The Indians, seeing that they had to contend with persons, as wellskilled in their peculiar mode of warfare, as themselves, and as likelyto detect them, while lying in wait for an opportunity to strike thedeadly blow, as they were to strike it with impunity, they entirelychanged their plans of annoyance. Instead of longer endeavoring to cutoff the whites in detail, they brought into the country a force, sufficiently numerous and powerful to act simultaneously against allthe settlements. The consequence of this was, much individualsuffering and several horrid massacres. Husbandmen, toiling to securethe product of the summer's labor, for their sustenance anotherseason, were frequently attacked, and murdered. --Hunters, engaged inprocuring meat for immediate and pressing use, were obliged topractise the utmost wariness to evade the ambushed Indian, and makesure their return to the fort. Springs and other watering places, andthe paths leading to them, were constantly guarded by the savages; whowould lie near them day and night, until forced to leave their covert, in quest of food to satisfy their extreme hunger; and who, when thisend was attained, would return to their hiding places, with renovatedstrength, and increased watchfulness. The cattle belonging to thegarrisons were either driven off, or killed, so that no suppliescould be derived from them. This state of things continued, withoutintermission, 'till the severity of winter forced the Indians todepart for their towns; and then succeeded, of necessity, a truce, which had become extremely desirable to the different settlements. 

When we reflect on the dangers, the difficulties, the complicateddistresses, to which the inhabitants were then exposed, it is reallymatter of astonishment that they did not abandon the country, and seekelsewhere an exemption from those evils. How women, with all thefeminine weakness of the sex, could be prevailed upon to remain duringthe winter, and encounter with the returning spring, the returninghorrors of savage warfare, is truly surprising. The frequentrecurrence of danger, does indeed, produce a comparative insensibilityand indifference to it; but it is difficult to conceive, [145] thatfamiliarity with the tragic scenes which were daily exhibited there, could reconcile persons to a life of constant exposure to them. Yetsuch was the fact; and not only did the few, who were first to ventureon them, continue in the country, but others, equally adventurous, moved to it; encountering many hardships and braving every danger, toaid in maintaining possession of the modern Canaan, and to obtain ahome in that land of milk and honey. If for a while, they flatteredthemselves with the hope, that the ravages which had been checked bywinter, would not be repeated on the return of spring, they were sadlydisappointed. Hostilities were resumed, as soon as the abatement ofcold, suffered the Indians to take the field; and were carried onwith renovated ardor, and on an enlarged scale. [8]

Feeling the hopelessness of extirpating the settlements, so long asthe forts remained to afford a safe retreat to the inhabitants; andhaving learned, by the experience of the preceding season, that thewhites were but little, if at all, inferior to them in their own arts, and were competent to combat them, in their own mode of warfare, theIndians resolved on bringing into the country a larger force, and todirect their united energies to the demolition of the different forts. To prevent any aid being afforded by the other garrisons, whileoperations were leveled against one, they resolved on detaching fromtheir main body, such a number of men as was deemed sufficient to keepwatch around the other forts, and awe their inmates from attempting toleave them, on any occasion. This was a course of excellent policy. Itwas calculated not only to prevent the marching of any auxiliaryforces from one to the other of the fortresses, but at the same timeby preventing hunting parties from ranging the woods, cut off theprincipal source, from which their supplies were derived; and thustended to render their fall, the more certain and easy. 

Accordingly in March 1777, they entered Kentucky with a force ofupwards of two hundred warriors; and sending some of their most expertand active men to watch around Boone's and Logan's forts, marchedwith the chief part of their army to attack Harrodsburg. On the 14thof March three persons (who were engaged in clearing some land) notfar from Harrod's fort, discovered the Indians proceeding through thewoods, and sought to escape observation and convey the intelligence tothe garrison. But they too, were discovered and pursued; and one ofthem was killed, another taken prisoner, and the third (James, afterwards Gen. Ray, then a mere youth) reached Harrodsburg alone insafety. [9] Aware that the place had become alarmed, and that they hadthen no chance of operating on it, by surprise, they encamped near toit on that evening; and early on the morning of the 15th commenced afurious and animated attack. 

Apprized of the near approach of the enemy, the garrison had madeevery preparation for defense, of which their situation admitted; andwhen the assailants rushed to the assault, not intimidated by theirhorrible and unnatural yells, nor yet dispirited by the [146] presenceof a force so far superior to their own, they received them with afire so steady and well directed, as forced them to recoil; leavingone of their slain on the field of attack. This alone, argued a greatdiscomfiture of the Indians; as it is well known to be theirinvariable custom, to remove, if practicable, those of their warriorswho fall in battle. Their subsequent movements, satisfied the inmatesof the fort, that there had been indeed a discomfiture; and that theyhad but little to apprehend from a renewed assault on their littlefortress. After reconnoitering for a while, at a prudent distance fromthe garrison, the Indians kindled their fires for the night; and inthe following day, leaving a small party for the purpose of annoyance, decamped with the main body of their army, and marched towardsBoonesborough. [10] In consequence however, of a severe spell of Marchweather, they were forced to remain inactive for a time; and did notmake their appearance there, until the middle of April. 

In the assault on Boone's fort, the Indians soon, became satisfiedthat it was impregnable against them; and although their repulse wasnot as signal here, as it had been at Harrodsburg, yet they soonwithdrew from the contest, and marched towards Logan's fort, --havingkilled one and wounded four, of the whites. [11]

Several causes combined to render an attack on the fort at Logan'sstation, an event of most fearful consequence. [12] Its inmates hadbeen but a short time in the country, and were not provided with anample supply either of provisions or ammunition. They were few innumber; and though of determined spirit and undaunted fortitude, yetsuch was the disparity between thirteen and two hundred--the force ofthe garrison and the force of the assailants, joined to theirotherwise destitute situation, that hope itself, could scarcely livein so perilous a situation. Had this been the first point, againstwhich the enemy levelled their operations when they arrived in thecountry, it must have fallen before them. But by deferring the attackon it, 'till they had been repulsed at the two other forts, thegarrison was allowed time; and availing themselves of it, to fortifytheir position more strongly, the issue was truly, most fortunate, though unexpected. 

On the night preceding the commencement of the attack on the fort, theIndians had approached near to it unperceived, and secreted themselvesin a cane brake, which had been suffered to remain around the cabins. 

Early in the morning the women, went out to milk, guarded by most ofthe garrison; and before they were aware of impending danger, theconcealed Indians opened a general fire, which killed three of themen, and drove the others, hastily within the fort. [13] A mostaffecting spectacle was then presented to view, well calculated toexcite the sympathies of human nature, and arouse to action a manpossessed of the generous sensibility and noble daring, which animatedthe bosom of Logan. 

One of the men who had fallen on the first fire of the Indians andhad been supposed by his comrades to be dead, was in truth though[147] badly wounded, yet still alive; and was observed feeblystruggling to crawl towards the fort. The fear of laceration andmangling from the horrid scalping knife, and of tortures from morebarbarous instruments, seemed to abate his exertions in dragginghis wounded body along, lest he should be discovered and borne off bysome infuriated and unfeeling savage. It was doubtful too, whetherhis strength would endure long enough to enable him to reach thegate, even if unmolested by any apprehension of danger. Themagnanimous and intrepid Logan resolved on making an effort tosave him. He endeavored to raise volunteers, to accompany him withoutthe fort, and bring in their poor wounded companion. It seemed as ifcourting the quick embrace of death, and even his adventurousassociates for an instant, shrunk from the danger. At length a manby the name of Martin, who plumed himself on rash and daring deeds, consented to aid in the enterprise; and the two proceeded towardsthe gate. Here the spirit of Martin forsook him, and he recoiled fromthe hazardous adventure. Logan was then alone. He beheld the feeble, but wary exertions of his unfortunate comrade, entirely subside;and he could not hesitate. He rushed quickly through the gate, caughtthe unhappy victim in his arms, and bore him triumphantly into thefort, amid a shower of bullets aimed at him; and some of which buriedthemselves in the pallisades close by his head. A most noble anddisinterested achievement, and worthy of all commendation. [14]

[148] The siege being maintained by the Indians, the animation of thegarrison was nearly exhausted, in repelling the frequent assaults madeon the fort; and it was apparent, that the enemy did not intendspeedily to withdraw their forces. Parties of Indians were frequentlydetached from the main body, as well to obtain a supply of provisionsby hunting, as to intercept and cut off any [147] aid, which might besent to St. Asaph's[15] from the other forts. In this posture ofaffairs, it was impossible that the garrison could long hold out, unless its military stores could be replenished; and to effect this, under existing circumstances, appeared to be almost impossible. Harrodsburg and Boonesborough were not themselves amply provided withstores; and had it been otherwise, so closely was the intermediatecountry between them and St. Asaph's, guarded by the savages, that nocommunication could be carried from one to the other of them. Thesettlement on the Holstein was the nearest point, from which it couldbe practicable to derive a supply of ammunition, and the distance tothat neighborhood, was considerable. 

Logan knew the danger which must result to the garrison, from beingweakened as much as it must be, by sending a portion of it on thishazardous enterprise; but he also knew, that the fort could not bepreserved from falling, unless its magazine was soon replenished. Prefering the doubtful prospect of succeeding in its relief, byadopting the plan of sending to Holstein, he proposed the measure tohis companions, and they eagerly embraced it. It remained then toselect the party, which was to venture on this high enterprise. Important as the presence of Logan, was known to be, in the fort, yetas the lives of all within, depended on the success of the expeditionand as to effect this, required the exercise of qualities rarelypossessed in so great degree by any other individual, he wasunanimously chosen to conduct the enterprise. 

Accompanied by four of the garrison, Logan, as slyly as possible, slipped from the fort, and commenced his tedious journey. [16] Tolessen the chance of coming in contact [148] with straggling bands ofIndians, he avoided the pack road which had been opened by Boone; andpursuing an untrodden route, reached the settlement in safety. Therequisite supplies were soon engaged; and while they were beingprepared for transportation, Logan was actively engaged in endeavoringto prevail on the inhabitants, to form a company as expeditiously aspossible and march to their relief. With a faint promise ofassistance, and with the assurance that their situation should beimmediately made known to the executive authority of the state, he setoff on his return. Confiding the ammunition which he had obtained, tothe care of his companions, and prudently advising and instructingthem in the course best to be pursued, he left them, and hastened tomake his way alone, back to St. Asaph. In ten days after his departurefrom the fort, he returned to it again; and his [149] presencecontributed much to revive and encourage the garrison; 'till then inalmost utter despair of obtaining relief. In a few days after, theparty arrived with the ammunition, and succeeded in entering the fortunperceived; though it was still surrounded by the Indians. With somuch secrecy and caution had the enterprise been conducted, that theenemy never knew it had been undertaken, until it was happilyaccomplished. 

For some time after this the garrison continued in high expectation ofseeing the besiegers depart, despairing of making any impression onthe fort. But they were mistaken in this expectation. Each returningday shewed the continued investiture of the fort, and exhibited theIndians as pertinaciously intent on its reduction by assault orfamine, as they were on the day of their arrival before it. Weekselapsed, and there was no appearance of the succours which had beenpromised to Logan, when in the settlement on Holstein. And althoughthe besieged were still successful in repelling every assault on thegarrison, yet their stock of provisions was almost entirely exhausted;and there was no chance of obtaining a farther supply, but from thewoods around them. To depend on the success of hunting parties, torelieve their necessities and prevent their actual starvation orsurrender, seemed indeed, but a slender reed on which to rely; andthe gloom of despondency overshadowed their hitherto sanguinecountenances. But as they were resigning themselves to despair, andyielding up the last hope of being able to escape from savage fury andsavage vengeance, Colonel Bowman arrived to their relief, and forcedthe Indians to raise the siege. It was not however, without some losson his part. A detachment of his men, which had preceded the advanceof the main army, was unfortunately unable to reach the fort, undiscovered by the besiegers; who attacked and killed them beforethey could enter the garrison. On the body of one of these men, wasleft a proclamation, issued by the Governor of Detroit promisingprotection and reward to those who would renounce the cause of theAmerican colonies, and espouse that of Great Britain; and denouncingthose who would not. When this proclamation was carried to Logan, hecarefully kept secret its contents, lest it might produce anunfavorable effect on the minds of some of his men; worn down, exhausted, and discouraged as they then were. [17]

[150] After the arrival of Colonel Bowman in the country, there wasfor a time, a good deal of skirmishing between his forces, aided byindividuals from the different forts, and those Indians. In all ofthem, the superiority of the whites in the use of the rifle, becameapparent to the savages; and as the feat of Captain Gibson with thesword, had previously acquired for the Virginians, the appellation ofthe Long Knives, [18] the fatal certainty, with which Bowman's men andthe inhabitants of the various settlements in Kentucky, then aimedtheir shots, might have added to that title, the forcible epithet ofsharp-shooters. They were as skilful and successful, too, in thepractice of those arts, by which one is enabled to steal unaware uponhis enemy, as the Natives themselves; and were equally as sure toexecute the purposes, for which those arts were put in requisition, asthese were. The consequence was, that the Indians were not only moreshy in approaching the garrison, than they had been; but they likewisebecame, more cautious and circumspect, in their woods operations, thanformerly. 

The frequent success of Colonel Bowman's men, in scouring thesurrounding country, gave to the inhabitants of all the settlements, an opportunity of cultivating their little fields, and of laying insuch a stock of provisions and military stores, as would suffice inthe hour of need; when that force should be withdrawn from thecountry, and the Indians consequently be again enabled to overrun it. All that the inhabitants, by reason of the paucity of their numbers, could yet do, was to shut themselves in forts, and preserve these fromfalling into the hands of the enemy. When the term of those, who hadso opportunely came to their relief, expired, and they returned totheir homes, there were at Boonesborough only twenty-two, atHarrodsburg sixty-five, and at St. Asaph's fifteen men. Emigrantshowever, flocked to the country during the ensuing season, in greatnumbers; and their united strength enabled them the better to resistaggression, and conduct the various operations of husbandry andhunting--then the only occupations of the men. 

While these things were transacting in Kentucky, North WesternVirginia enjoyed a repose undisturbed, save by the conviction of themoral certainty, that it would be again involved in all the horrors ofsavage warfare; and that too, at no distant period: The machinationsof British agents, to [151] produce this result, were well known to begaining advocates daily, among the savages; and the hereditaryresentments of these, were known to be too deeply seated, for thevictory of Point Pleasant to have produced their eradication, and tohave created in their stead, a void, to become the future receptacleof kindlier feelings, towards their Virginia neighbors. A coalitionof the many tribes north west of the Ohio river, had been some timeforming, and the assent of the Shawanees, alone, was wanting to itsperfection. The distinguished Sachem at the head of that nation, wasopposed to an alliance with the British, and anxious to preserve afriendly intercourse with the colonists. All his influence, with allhis energy, was exerted, to prevent his brethren from again involvingthemselves, in a war with the whites. But it was likely to be in vain. Many of his warriors had fallen at the mouth of the Kenhawa, and hispeople had suffered severely during the continuance of that war; theywere therefore, too intent on retaliation, to listen to the sagecounsel of their chief. In this posture of affairs, Cornstalk, in thespring of 1777, visited the fort, which had been erected at PointPleasant after the campaign of 1774, in company with the Red Hawk, andanother Indian. Captain Matthew Arbuckle was then commandant of thegarrison; and when Cornstalk communicated to him the hostilepreparations of the Indians, --that the Shawanees alone were wanting torender a confederacy complete, --that, as the "current set so stronglyagainst the colonies, even they would float with the stream in despiteof his endeavors to stem it, " and that hostilities would commenceimmediately, he deemed it prudent to detain him and his companions ashostages, for the peace and neutrality of the different tribes ofIndians in Ohio. He at the same time acquainted the newly organizedgovernment of Virginia, with the information which he had receivedfrom Cornstalk, and the course which he had taken with that chief, andthe others who accompanied him to the garrison. 

Upon the receipt of this intelligence, it was resolved, if volunteerscould be had for this purpose, to march an army into the Indiancountry and effectually accomplish the objects, which had beenproposed to be achieved in the campaign of Lord Dunmore in 1774. Thevolunteers in Augusta and Bottetourt, were to rendezvous as early aspossible, at the mouth of the Big Kenhawa, where they would be joinedby [152] other troops under General Hand, [19] who would then assumethe command of the whole expedition. 

In pursuance of this resolve, three or four companies only, wereraised in the counties of Bottetourt and Augusta; and theseimmediately commenced their march, to the place of general rendezvous, under the command of Colonel George Skillern. In the Greenbriercountry, great exertions were made by the militia officers there, toobtain volunteers, but with little effect. One company only wasformed, consisting of thirty men, and the officers, laying aside alldistinctions of rank, placed themselves in the line as commonsoldiers, and proceeded to Point Pleasant with the troops led on byColonel Skillern. Upon their arrival at that place, nothing had beenheard of General Hand, or of the forces which it was expected wouldaccompany him from Fort Pitt; and the volunteers halted, to await someintelligence from him. 

The provisions, for the support of the army in its projected invasionof the Indian country, were expected to be brought down the river, from Fort Pitt; and the troops under Colonel Skillern had only takenwith them, what was deemed sufficient for their subsistence on theirmarch to the place of rendezvous. This stock was nearly exhausted, andthe garrison was too illy supplied, to admit of their drawing on itsstores. --While thus situated, and anxiously awaiting the arrival ofGeneral Hand with his army and provisions, the officers held frequentconversations with Cornstalk, who seemed to take pleasure inacquainting them with the geography of the country west of the Ohioriver generally, and more particularly with that section of it lyingbetween the Mississippi and Missouri rivers. One afternoon while hewas engaged in delineating on the floor a map of that territory, withthe various water courses emptying into those two mighty streams, anddescribing the face of the country, its soil and climate, a voice washeard hallooing from the opposite shore of the Ohio, which heimmediately recognised to be that of his son Ellinipsico, and whocoming over at the instance of Cornstalk, embraced him mostaffectionately. Uneasy at the long absence of his father, and fearingthat some unforseen evil might have befallen him, he had come to learnsome tidings of him here; knowing that it was the place, to go towhich he had left the nation. His visit was prompted by feelings [153]which do honor to human nature--anxious solicitude for a father, --butit was closed by a most terrible catastrophe. 

On the day after the arrival of Ellinipsico, and while he was yet inthe garrison, two men, from Captain Hall's company of Rockbridgevolunteers, crossed the Kenhawa river on a hunting excursion. As theywere returning to the canoe for the purpose of recrossing to the Fort, after the termination of the hunt, Gilmore was espied by two Indians, concealed near the bank, who fired at, killed and scalped him. At thatinstant, Captains Arbuckle and Stuart (the latter having accompaniedthe Greenbrier volunteers as a private soldier) were standing on thepoint opposite to where lay the canoe in which Hamilton and Gilmorehad crossed the river; and expressed some astonishment that the menshould be so indiscreet as to be shooting near to the encampment, contrary to commands. They had scarcely time to express theirdisapprobation at the supposed violation of orders, when Hamilton wasseen running down the bank of the river, and heard to exclaim, thatGilmore was killed. A party of Captain Hall's men immediately spranginto a canoe and went over to relieve Hamilton from danger, and tobring the body of Gilmore to the encampment. Before they relanded withthe bloody corpse of Gilmore, a cry arose, "let us go and kill theIndians in the fort;" and pale with rage they ascended the bank, withcaptain Hall at their head, to execute their horrid purpose. It wasvain to remonstrate. To the interference of Captains Arbuckle andStuart to prevent the fulfilling of this determination, theyresponded, by cocking their guns, and threatening instant death to anyone who should dare to oppose them. 

The interpreter's wife, (who had lately returned from Indiancaptivity, and seemed to entertain a feeling of affection forCornstalk and his companions) seeing their danger, ran to their cabinto apprise them of it, and told them that Ellinipsico was charged withhaving brought with him the Indians who had killed Gilmore. Thishowever he positively denied, averring that he came alone, and withthe sole object of learning something of his father. In this timeCaptain Hall and his men had arrived within hearing, and Ellinipsicoappeared much agitated. Cornstalk however, encouraged him to meet hisfate composedly, saying, "my son, the Great Spirit has seen fit thatwe should die together, and has sent you here to that [154] end. It ishis will and let us submit;--it is all for the best;" and turning tomeet his murderers at the door, received seven bullets in his body andfell without a groan. 

Thus perished the mighty Cornstalk, Sachem of the Shawanees, and kingof the northern confederacy in 1774: A chief remarkable for many greatand good qualities. He was disposed to be at all times the friend ofwhite men; as he ever was, the advocate of honorable peace. But whenhis country's wrongs "called aloud to battle, " he became thethunderbolt of war; and made her oppressors feel the weight of hisuplifted arm. He sought not to pluck the scalp from the head of theinnocent, nor to war against the unprotected and defenceless; choosingrather to encounter his enemies, girded for battle, and in openconflict. His noble bearing, --his generous and disinterestedattachment to the colonies, when the thunder of British cannon wasreverberating through the land--his anxiety to preserve the frontierof Virginia from desolation and death, (the object of his visit toPoint Pleasant)--all conspired to win for him the esteem and respectof others; while the untimely, and perfidious manner of his death, caused a deep and lasting regret to pervade the bosoms, even of thosewho were enemies to his nation; and excited the just indignation ofall, towards his inhuman and barbarous murderers. 

When the father fell, Ellinipsico continued still and passive; noteven raising himself from the seat, which he had occupied before theyreceived notice, that some infuriated whites were loudly demandingtheir immolation. He met death in that position, with the utmostcomposure and calmness. The trepidation which first seized upon him, was of but momentary duration, and was succeeded by a most dignifiedsedateness and stoical apathy. It was not so with the young Red Hawk. He endeavored to conceal himself up the chimney of the cabin, in whichthey were; but without success. He was soon discovered and killed. Theremaining Indian was murdered by piece-meal; and with almost all thosecircumstances of cruelty and horror, which characterize the savage, inwreaking vengeance upon an enemy. 

Cornstalk is said to have had a presentiment of his approachingfate. On the day preceding his death, a council of officers wasconvoked, in consequence of the continued absence of General Hand, and their entire ignorance of his [155] force or movements, toconsult and determine on what would be the course for them to pursueunder existing circumstances. Cornstalk was admitted to the council;and in the course of some remarks, with which he addressed it, said, "When I was young and went to war, I often thought, each might be mylast adventure, and I should return no more. I still lived. Now Iam in the midst of you, and if you choose, may kill me. I can diebut once. It is alike to me, whether now or hereafter. " Little didthose who were listening with delight to the eloquence of hisaddress, and deriving knowledge from his instruction, think to seehim so quickly and inhumanly, driven from the theatre of life. Itwas a fearful deed; and dearly was it expiated by others. TheShawanees were a warlike people, and became henceforward the mostdeadly foe, to the inhabitants on the frontiers. 

In a few days after the perpetration of this diabolical outrage uponall propriety, General Hand arrived from Pittsburg without an army, and without provisions for those who had been awaiting his coming. Itwas then determined to abandon the expedition; and the volunteersreturned to their homes. [20]

----- [1] Chief among the fomenters of disorder were the renegades Simon Girty, Matthew Elliott, and Alexander McKee. The dastardly deeds of this trio are fully set forth in Butterfield's _History of the Girtys_, an important work to all students of the annals of the West during the Revolutionary War. --R. G. T. 

 [2] James Harrod's father emigrated from England to Virginia, about 1734, and was one of the first settlers on the Shenandoah, in the Valley of Virginia. One of his sons, Samuel, accompanied Michael Stoner on his famous Western hunting and exploring trip, in 1767; another, William, born at the new family seat, at Big Cove, in what is now Bedford County, Pa. , served with distinction under George Rogers Clark. James, born in 1742, was twelve years old when his father died, leaving a large family on an exposed frontier, at the opening of the French and Indian War. In November, 1755, a raid was made on the Big Cove settlement, by the Delaware chief Shingiss (p. 45, _note_), but the Harrods were among the few families who escaped unharmed to Fort Littleton. When James was sixteen years of age he served with his brother William on Forbes's campaign, and very likely saw further service during that war. In 1772, when he had attained wide celebrity on the border as an adept in woodcraft, he helped William settle on Ten Mile Creek, a tributary of the Monongahela; and in 1773 he and several other explored Kentucky, returning home by way of Greenbrier River. We have seen (p. 152, _note_) that he was surveying the site of Harrodsburg in 1774, when warned by Boone and Stoner. Retiring with his men to the Holston, he and they joined Col. Christian's regiment, but arrived at Point Pleasant a few hours after the battle of October 10. Returning to his abandoned Kentucky settlement March 18, 1775, a fortnight before Boonesborough was founded, he was chosen a delegate to the Transylvania convention, and became a man of great prominence in the Kentucky colony. In 1779 he commanded a company on Bowman's campaign, and the year following was a captain on Clark's Indian campaign; declining a majorship, he served as a private on Clark's campaign of 1782. He was a member of the Kentucky convention (at Danville) of December, 1784, and at one time represented Kentucky in the Virginia legislature. In February, 1792, having made his will, he set out from Washington, Ky. , with two men, in search of a silver mine reported to be at the Three Forks of the Kentucky. No more was heard of him or his companions, and it is still the belief of the family that the latter murdered him. He was survived by his wife and a daughter, and left a large landed estate. Harrod, although unlettered, was a man of fine presence and many sterling qualities, and made a strong impress on his generation. He is still remembered in Kentucky as one of the worthiest pioneers of that state. --R. G. T. 

 [3] The company--successively called The Louisa Company, Henderson & Co. , and The Transylvania Company--was composed of Col. Richard Henderson, Col. John Williams, Thomas Hart, Col. David Hart, Capt. Nathaniel Hart, Col. John Luttsell, James Hogg, William Johnston, and Leonard Henley Bullock. 

 Henderson's paternal great-grandfather was a Scottish immigrant, and one of his grandmothers was Welsh. The family settled in Hanover County, Va. , where Richard, son of Samuel Henderson, was born April 20, 1735. Samuel moved with his family to North Carolina, in 1745, and became sheriff of Granville County. Richard had the education of a rural youth of good station, and became a lawyer. In 1767 he was appointed one of the two associate justices of the superior court of the colony, and served with great credit for six years, when the court was abolished. During professional visits to Salisbury, Henderson heard frequently--chiefly through the brothers Hart--of the exploits of Boone, and the latter's glowing reports of the beauty and fertility of Kentucky. Relying implicitly on Boone's statements, these four men energetically resolved to settle the country. In the autumn of 1774, Henderson and Nathaniel Hart visited the Cherokees to ascertain if they would sell their claims to Kentucky, and receiving a favorable reply agreed to meet the Indians in treaty council at the Sycamore Shoals, on Watauga River. On their return home, they were accompanied by a wise old Indian (Little Carpenter), and a young buck and his squaw, delegates to see that proper goods were purchased for the proposed barter. These goods were bought in December at Cross Creek, now Fayetteville, N. C. , and forwarded by wagons to Watauga. 

 Boone was then sent out to collect the Indians, and when the council opened (March 14, 1775) had twelve hundred assembled at the Sycamore Shoals--half of them warriors. The council proceeded slowly, with much characteristic vacillating on the part of the Indians; but on the third day (March 17) the deed of sale was signed to what came to be known as "the great grant:" The tract from the mouth of the Kentucky (or Louisa) River to the head spring of its most northerly fork; thence northeasterly to the top of Powell's Mountain; thence westerly and then northwesterly to the head spring of the most southerly branch of the Cumberland; thence down that stream, including all its waters, to the Ohio, and thence up the Ohio to the mouth of the Kentucky. The Indians were conscious that they had sold what did not belong to them; and Dragging Canoe and other chiefs were outspoken in their opinion that the whites would have difficulty in settling the tract. The Indians were much dissatisfied with the division of the goods. These "filled a house" and cost £10, 000 sterling, yet when distributed among so many greedy savages each had but a small share. One warrior, who received but a shirt for his portion, said he "could have shot more game in one day on the land ceded, than would pay for so slight a garment. "

 Governors Martin, of North Carolina, and Dunmore, of Virginia, issued proclamations against the purchase, as contrary to the royal proclamation of 1763. But those who were present at the treaty--among them such prominent borderers as Daniel Boone, James Robertson, John Sevier, Isaac Shelby, Felix Walker, the Bledsoes, Richard Callaway, William Twitty, William Cocke, and Nathaniel Henderson--were heedless of such proclamations, and eager to become settlers under the company's liberal offer made to them on the spot: for each man who assisted in the first settlement, and went out and raised a crop of corn that year, a grant of 500 acres for £5 sterling, clear of all charges. 

 Boone, as the company's agent, started out at once (March 10) with twenty men, soon reinforced to thirty; with their hatchets they blazed a bridle path over Cumberland Gap, and across Cumberland, Laurel, and Rockcastle rivers, to the banks of the Kentucky, where, after a running fight with the Indians, they arrived April 1, and founded Boonesborough. Henderson, at the head of thirty men conveying the wagons and supplies, arrived at Boonesborough April 20; with him were Luttsell and Nathaniel Hart. May 23, there met at Boonesborough the Legislature of Transylvania, in which sat eighteen delegates from the little group of four frontier forts, all established at about this time--Harrodsburg, Boiling Springs, and St. Asaph's (or Logan's Station), lying some thirty or more miles southwest of Boonesborough, the capital of this little western colony. Withers does not mention this first legislative assembly held in the Mississippi Valley. It is an interesting and suggestive episode in American commonwealth-building, and deserves careful study. Roosevelt gives it admirable treatment, in his _Winning of the West_. The journal of the convention is given at length in the appendix to the second edition of Butler's _Kentucky_; Hall's _Sketches of the West_, i. , pp. 264, 265; Louisville _Literary News-Letter_, June 6, 1840; and Hazard's _U. S. Register_, iii. , pp. 25-28. Henderson's MS. Journal is in the possession of the Wisconsin Historical Society, and has never yet been published. 

 Virginia and North Carolina did not favor an independent government in Kentucky, and annulled the title of the Henderson company--but Virginia (1795) granted the proprietors in recompense 200, 000 acres on Powell's and Clinch rivers. 

 We hear little more of Richard Henderson, in pioneer history. In 1779, he was one of the North Carolina commissioners to extend the western boundary between that State and Virginia. During the winter of 1789-90 he was at the French Lick on Cumberland, where he opened a land office. His last public service was in 1781, when a member of the North Carolina house of commons. He died at his country seat in Granville County, N. C. , January 30, 1785, in his fiftieth year. Two of his sons, Archibald and Leonard, attained eminence at the bar of their native State. --R. G. T. 

 [4] Among Dr. Draper's manuscripts I find this succinct review of the aboriginal claims to Kentucky: "There is some reason to suppose that the Catawbas may once have dwelt upon the Kentucky River; that stream, on some of the ancient maps published a hundred years ago, was called the 'Cuttawa or Cawtaba River. ' But that tribe of Indians, so far as we know, never laid any claim to the territory. 

 "It would appear from the historical evidences extant, that the Shawanoes were the earliest occupants of Kentucky of whom we have any certain knowledge. Colden, the primitive historian of the Iroquois Confederacy, informs us, that when the French commenced the first settlement of Canada in 1603, the Five Nations, who then resided near the present locality of Montreal, were at war with the powerful Adirondacks, who at that time lived three hundred miles above the Three Rivers, in Canada. The Iroquois found it difficult to withstand the vigorous attacks of their enemies, whose superior hardihood was to be attributed to their constant devotion to the chase, while the Iroquois had been chiefly engaged in the more peaceful occupation of planting corn. Compelled to give way before their haughty foes, the confederates had recourse to the exercise of arms, in order, if possible, to retrieve their martial character and prowess. To raise the spirits of their people, the Iroquois leaders turned their warriors against the Satanas or Shawanoes, 'who then, ' says Colden, 'lived on the banks of the lakes, '--or, as other historians assert, in Western New York, and south of Lake Erie, --and soon subdued and drove them out of the country. The Shawanoes then retired to the Ohio, along which and its tributaries they planted numerous settlements. Some of them, however, when driven from Western New York, seem to have located somewhere on the Delaware, for De Laet, in 1624, speaks of _Sawanoos_ residing on that river. 

 "The _Jesuit Relations_ of 1661-62, allude to their residence in the West under the name of Ontouagannha or Chaoüanons; they seem to have been the same as were called Tongorias, Erighecks, Erieehonons, Eries, or Cats, by the early missionaries and historians; and the same, moreover, known in the traditions of the Senecas as Gah-kwahs, who resided on Eighteen Mile Creek, a few miles southwest of Buffalo, in Western New York, which the Senecas still call Gah-kwah-gig-a-ah Creek, which means _the place where the Gah-kwahs lived_. In 1672, the Shawanoes and their confederates in the Ohio Valley met with a disastrous overthrow by the Five Nations at Sandy Island, just below the Falls of Ohio, where large numbers of human bones were still to be seen at the first settlement of the country. The surviving Shawanoes must then have retired still farther down the Ohio, and settled probably in the western part of Kentucky; and Marquette, in 1673, speaks of their having twenty-three villages in one district, and fifteen in another, all lying quite near each other: At length the Shawanoes departed from Kentucky, and seem to have gone to the upper part of the Carolinas, and to the coast of Florida, and ever after proved a migratory people. They were evidently 'subdued, ' as Colden, Evans, and Pownall inform us, and the decisive battle was fought at Sandy Island, where a vital blow was given to the balance of power on the Ohio, which decided finally the fall of Kentucky with its ancient inhabitants. 

 "It was this conquest that gave to the powerful Iroquois all the title they ever acquired to Kentucky. At the peace of Ryswick, in 1697, their right to their western conquests was fully acknowledged; and at the treaty of Lancaster, in Pennsylvania, in 1744, they ceded to Virginia all their lands west of that colony. In 1752, the Shawanoes and other western tribes, at Logstown on the Ohio, confirmed the Lancaster treaty, and sold their claim to the country south of the Ohio; and, at the treaty of Fort Stanwix, in 1768, the Six Nations made a new cession of their claim to Kentucky as low as the Cherokee or Tennessee River. Up to this period, the Cherokees never so much as thought of contesting with the Iroquois their claim to the Kentucky country; for some of the visiting Cherokees, while on their route to attend the Fort Stanwix treaty, killed game for their subsistence, and on their arrival at Fort Stanwix, tendered the skins to the Six Nations, saying, 'They are yours, we killed them after passing the Big River, ' the name by which they had always designated the Tennessee. But probably discovering that other Indian nations were driving a good business by disposing of their distant land rights, the Cherokees managed to hatch up some sort of claim, which they, in part, relinquished to Virginia, at the treaty of Lochaber in 1770; and when Col. Donelson ran the line the following year, the boundary was fixed, at the suggestion of the Cherokee deputies, on the Kentucky River as the south-western line, as they delighted, they said, in natural landmarks. This considerably enlarged the cession, for which they received an additional compensation. 

 "In 1772, the Shawanoes made no claim to Kentucky; and at the treaty of Camp Charlotte, in October, 1774, they tacitly confirmed their old sale of that country in 1752, by agreeing not even to hunt south of the Ohio. Thus, then, we see that the Iroquois had twice ceded their right to Kentucky as low as the Tennessee River, and twice received their pay; the Shawanoes had disposed of their claim, such as it was, and received for it a valuable consideration; and the Cherokees, finding it profitable to lay claim to some valuable unoccupied region, sold their newly assumed right to the country south and east of Kentucky River. Their claim, if indeed it rises to the dignity of a claim, south and west of the Kentucky, was fairly purchased by Henderson and Company, and thus with the subsequent purchase by treaty, of the Chickasaws, of the strip between the Tennessee and Mississippi, the Indian title to the whole Kentucky country was fully and fairly extinguished. "--R. G. T. 

 [5] The first attack occurred the morning of March 25, when the party were encamped near the head of Taylor's Fork of Silver Creek. Capt. Twitty and Felix Walker were severely wounded, and a negro servant killed; Twitty subsequently died from his wound. The other attack was on an outlying company, probably on Tate's Creek; this occurred the 27th, and "Thomas McDowell and Jeremiah McFeeters were, " Boone wrote to Henderson, "killed and sculped. "--R. G. T. 

 [6] The purchase of Henderson and company, was subsequently declared by the legislature of Virginia, to be null and void, so far as the purchasers were concerned; but effectual as to the extinguishment of the Indian title, to the territory thus bought of them. To indemnify the purchasers for any advancement of money or other things which they had made to the Indians, the assembly granted to them 200, 000 acres of land, lying at the mouth of Green river, and known generally as Henderson's grant. 

 [7] Boone set out from Boonesborough, June 13, 1775. He left the settlement in a state approaching anarchy; there were several good men in the district, but the majority were shiftless wanderers who would brook no exercise of authority. The buffalo were fast moving westward, and all game was now getting scarce--"hunt or starve" was the motto of the hour. A diarist (Capt. Floyd) estimated that there were then a total of 300 people in all the Kentucky settlements--not reckoning "a great many land-jobbers from towards Pittsburg, who go about on the north side of Kentucky, in companies, and build forty or fifty cabins a piece on lands where no surveying has yet been done. " Among the best of the numerous arrivals, were George Rogers Clark, Simon Kenton, Benjamin Logan, and Whitley, who came to be very prominent characters in Kentucky history. Boone, with his wife and daughters, and twenty-one men, arrived at Boonesborough September 6 or 7. "My wife and daughters, " writes Boone, "were the first women that ever stood on the banks of Kentucky river. " Mrs. McGary, Mrs. Hogan, and Mrs. Denton arrived at Harrodsburg the 8th of September, and were the first white women in that settlement. With the arrival of these families, and fresh fighting men, the Kentucky colony began to take on a permanent air, and thenceforward there was better order. --R. G. T. 

 [8] In the winter of 1776-77, McClelland's Station and Logan's Station, (indifferently styled Fort or Station) were abandoned because of Indian attacks, and the settlers huddled into Boonesborough and Harrodsburg--although possibly Price's settlement, on the Cumberland, maintained a separate existence throughout the winter. There were at this time not to exceed a hundred and fifty white men in the country, available for active militia duty. As during January and February, 1777, the Indians were quiet, confidence was restored in some degree, and during the latter month, Logan, with his own and some half dozen other families, left Harrodsburg and re-occupied Logan's Station. Thus far, each settlement had chosen its own military leader, and discipline was practically unknown. March 5, under order and commissions from Virginia, the militia of Kentucky county were assembled and organized at Boonesborough, Harrodsburg, and Logan's Station, with George Rogers Clark as major, and Daniel Boone, James Harrod, John Todd, and Benjamin Logan as captains. --R. G. T. 

 [9] This foray took place March 6--not the 14th, as in the text--at Shawnee Springs, four miles north-east of Harrodsburg. The whites--James Ray, William Ray, Thomas Shores, and William Coomes--were sugar-making, when attacked by about seventy Shawnees, under Black Fish. William Ray was killed, and Shores taken prisoner. James Ray outran his pursuers and gave the alarm. The unsuccessful attack on the incomplete fort of Harrodsburg occurred early the following morning, the 7th. Other brief attacks on Harrodsburg, were on March 18 and 28. --R. G. T. 

 [10] A small detachment from Black Fish's party made a dash on workers in the Boonesborough fields, the day after the Harrodsburg fight--killing a negro, and wounding several whites. --R. G. T. 

 [11] This assault on Boonesborough occurred the morning of Thursday, April 24. The Indians numbered about one hundred. Boone was wounded, and very nearly lost his life, in a sortie. The story of the fight abounds with instances of heroism on the part of both women and men. --R. G. T. 

 [12] It occurred throughout Friday, May 30. The Indians are reported to have numbered fifty-seven. --R. G. T. 

 [13] Those who went out early in the morning to milk the cows, were Mrs. Ann Logan, Mrs. Whitley, and a negro woman. They were guarded only by William Hudson, Burr Harrison, John Kennedy, and James Craig. The women and Craig escaped into the fort unharmed; Kennedy, with four balls in his body, contrived also to escape; Hudson was killed outright, and Harrison fell wounded. He was supposed by friend and foe to have been killed. The story of his final rescue by Logan, is related by Withers below. As told to Dr. Draper, by Capt. Benjamin Biggs, and as recorded in Whitley's MS. Narrative, in possession of the Wisconsin Historical Society, the story in Withers is substantially correct. It is said that Logan rolled a bag of wool before him, and thus approached Harrison under cover; then making a rush towards the latter, he picked him up in his arms and dashed successfully into the fort. These accounts make no mention of Martin's intervention. Harrison died of his wounds, June 13. --R. G. T. 

 [14] Benjamin Logan was by birth a Virginian; and at the age of fourteen was left by the death of his father, to provide for his mother and her other children, and with the other cares of a family upon his infant hands. He discharged the duties thus devolving on him, with the utmost fidelity; and having provided amply for the support of his mother, and placed the other members of her household in eligible situations, he removed to the Holstein, married, purchased land, and commenced making improvements. From thence he went to Kentucky, where he spent the balance of his life, in the discharge of every social and relative duty, with credit to himself and advantage to the community. He was a delegate to the Virginia legislature from the county of Kentucky in 1780; was soon after commissioned county Lieutenant, (then the highest military title in the militia of a county) and in the various battles, as well as in the many skirmishes, which he fought with the Indians, his conduct and bearing were such, as fully established for him the reputation of a brave, skilful, prudent and meritorious officer. In private life, and in his intercourse with his fellow men, his whole course was distinguished by the most uncompromising honor, and expanded philanthrophy. The heroic adventure, by which he saved his wounded comrade, from the tomahawk, the scalping knife, and from fire, was but one of many such exploits, whereby he achieved good to others, at the most imminent hazard of his own life. 

 [15] This was the name given to the station of Logan. 

 [16] Whitley's MS. Narrative and Cowan's MS. Diary, in the Wisconsin Historical Society's library, say that Logan left alone during the night of June 6. Logan returned to his fort on the 23d, having travelled almost incessantly, and brought news that relief would soon come. Soon after Logan's expedition to the Holston, other messengers were sent to the East, clamoring for help--McGary and Hoggin to Fort Pitt, and Smith to the Yadkin; and twice Harrod vainly went forth to meet expected troops. But the Continental army was hard pressed in those days, and despite the rumor on the coast that Kentucky was in a sad way, it was long before relief could be sent. --R. G. T. 

 [17] Bowman arrived at Boonesborough the first of August, with two companies from Virginia, under Capts. Henry Pauling and John Dunkin--the latter being soon succeeded by Isaac Ruddell. The force numbered 100 men. August 25, while six of Bowman's men were on their way to Logan's, they were attacked by Indians, two being killed and one wounded. Before escaping, the Indians left on the body of one of the men, several copies of a proclamation addressed to Clark and Logan in person, by Lieut. -Gov. Henry Hamilton, at the head of the British forces at Detroit, offering immunity to repentant rebels. --R. G. T. 

 [18] See pp. 79, 80, _note_, for origin of the term "Long Knives. "--R. G. T. 

 [19] Edward Hand was born in Ireland. He came to America in 1774 as a surgeon's mate in the Eighth (Royal Irish) Regiment, and soon settled in Pennsylvania as a physician. When the Revolution broke out he joined a Pennsylvania regiment as lieutenant colonel, and served in the siege of Boston. In April, 1777, he was appointed brigadier-general in the Continental army, and the first of June assumed command of Fort Pitt. Lieut. -Gov. Henry Hamilton, of Detroit, under orders from London, was actively engaged in stirring up the Northwest Indians to forays on the Virginia and Pennsylvania borders, thus harrying the Americans in the rear. Hand, in whose charge was the frontier from Kittanning to the Great Kanawha, determined on an aggressive policy, and in February, 1778, undertook a campaign against the savages. An open winter, with heavy rains, prevented the force of about 500 men--chiefly from Westmoreland county--making satisfactory headway. Finally, the expedition was abandoned when it had proceeded no farther than Mahoning Creek. From the fact that this first American movement against the savages, during the Revolution, resulted only in the capture of non-combatants, in the almost deserted villages, it was long known as "the squaw campaign. " Hand was a competent officer, but was much pestered, at Fort Pitt, with the machinations of tories, who were numerous among the borderers. Succeeded at Fort Pitt in 1778, by Brig. -Gen. Lachlan McIntosh, Hand in turn succeeded Stark in command at Albany. We find him, in 1779, actively engaged on Sullivan's campaign against the New York Indians, and in 1780 he became adjutant general. A member of congress in 1784-85, he was in 1790 a member of the constitutional convention of Pennsylvania, and died at Rockford, Lancaster County, Pa. , September 3, 1802--R. G. T. 

 [20] See p. 172, _note_ 2, for sketch of life and death of Cornstalk. --R. G. T. 

[156] CHAPTER IX. 

While Cornstalk was detained at Point Pleasant, as surety for thepeace and neutrality of the Shawanees, Indians, of the tribes alreadyattached to the side of Great Britain, were invading the moredefenceless and unprotected settlements. Emerging, as Virginia thenwas, from a state of vassalage and subjection, to independence andself-government--contending in fearful inferiority of strength and themunitions of war with a mighty and warlike nation--limited inresources, and wanting in means, essential for supporting the unequalconflict, she could not be expected to afford protection and securityfrom savage inroad, to a frontier so extensive as hers; and still lesswas she able to spare from the contest which she was waging with thatcolossal power, a force sufficient to maintain a war in the Indiancountry and awe the savages into quiet. It had not entered into thepolicy of this state to enlist the tomahawk and scalping knife in herbehalf; or to make allies of savages, in a war with Christians andcivilized men. She sought by the force of reason and the conviction ofpropriety, to prevail on them to observe neutrality--not to become herauxiliaries. "To send forth the merciless cannibal, thirsting forblood, against protestant brethren, " was a refinement in war to whichshe had not attained. That the enemy, with whom she was struggling forliberty and life as a nation, with all the lights of religion andphilosophy to illumine her course, should have made of them allies, and "let loose those horrible hell-hounds of war against theircountrymen in America, endeared to them by every tie which shouldsanctify human nature, " was a most lamentable circumstance--in itsconsequences, blighting and desolating the fairest portions of thecountry, and covering the face of [157] its border settlements, withthe gloomy mantle of sorrow and woe. 

There is in the Indian bosom an hereditary sense of injury, whichnaturally enough prompts to deeds of revengeful cruelty towards thewhites, without the aid of adventitious stimulants. When these aresuperadded, they become indeed, the most ruthless and infuriatedenemy--"thirsting for blood, " and causing it literally to flow, alikefrom the hearts of helpless infancy and hoary age--from the timorousbreast of weak woman, and the undaunted bosom of the stout warrior. Leagued with Great Britain, the Indians were enabled more fully andeffectually, to glut their vengeance on our citizens, and gratifytheir entailed resentment towards them. 

In the commencement of Indian depredations on North Western Virginia, during this war, the only places of refuge for the inhabitants, besides private forts and block-houses, were at Pittsburg, Redstone, Wheeling and Point Pleasant. Garrisons had been maintained at FortPitt and Redstone, ever after their establishment; and fortresses wereerected at the two latter places in 1774. They all seemed to afford anasylum to many, when the Indians were known to be in the country; butnone of them had garrisons, strong enough to admit of detachmentsbeing sent, to act offensively against the invaders. All that theycould effect, was the repulsion of assaults made on them, and theexpulsion from their immediate neighborhoods, of small maraudingparties of the savage enemy. When Captain Arbuckle communicated to theGovernor the information derived from Cornstalk, that extensivepreparations were making by the Indians, for war, and the probabilityof its early commencement, such measures were immediately adopted, toprevent its success, as the then situation of the country wouldjustify. A proclamation was issued, advising the inhabitants of thefrontier, to retire into the interior as soon as practicable; and thatthey might be enabled the better to protect themselves from savagefury, some ammunition was forwarded to settlements on the Ohio river, remote from the state forts, and more immediately exposed to dangerfrom incursion. General Hand too, then stationed at Fort Pitt, sent anexpress to the different settlements, recommending that they shouldbe immediately abandoned, and the individuals composing them, shouldforthwith seek shelter in some contiguous fortress, or retire east ofthe [158] mountain. All were apprized of the impending danger, andthat it was impracticable in the pressing condition of affairs, forthe newly organized government to extend to them any effectiveprotection. 

Thus situated, the greater part of those who had taken up their abodeon the western waters, continued to reside in the country. Others, deeming the means of defence inadequate to security, and unwilling toencounter the horrors of an Indian war, no better provided than theywere, pursued the advice of government, and withdrew from the presenceof danger. Those who remained, sensible of dependence on theirindividual resources, commenced making preparations for theapproaching crisis. The positions which had been selected as places ofsecurity and defence in the war of 1774, were fortified anew, andother block-houses and forts were erected by their unaided exertion, into which they would retire on the approach of danger. Nor was itlong before this state of things was brought about. 

In June 1777, [1] a party of Indians came to the house of CharlesGrigsby on Rooting creek, a branch of the West Fork, and in the countyof Harrison. Mr. Grigsby being from home, the Indians plundered thehouse of every thing considered valuable by them, and which they couldreadily carry with them; and destroying many other articles, departed, taking with them Mrs. Grigsby and her two children as prisoners. Returning home soon after, seeing the desolation which had been donein his short absence, and unable to find his wife and children, Mr. Grigsby collected some of his neighbors and set out in pursuit ofthose, by whom the mischief had been effected, --hoping that he mightovertake and reclaim from them the partner of his bosom, and thepledges of her affection. His hopes were of but momentary existence. 

Following in the trail of the fugitive, when they had arrived near toLoss creek, a distance of but six miles, they found the body of Mrs. Grigsby and of her younger child, where they had recently been killedand scalped. The situation of this unfortunate woman (being near thehour of confinement, ) and the entire helplessness of the child, werehindrances to a rapid retreat; and fearing pursuit, the Indians thusinhumanly rid themselves of those incumbrances to their flight andleft them to accidental discovery, or to become food for the beasts ofthe forest. 

[159] Stimulated to more ardent exertions by the distressing scenejust witnessed, the pursuers pushed forward, with increasedexpectation of speedily overtaking and punishing, the authors of thisbloody deed; leaving two of their party to perform the sepulture ofthe unfortunate mother, and her murdered infant. But before the whiteswere aware of their nearness to the Indians, these had become apprizedof their approach, and separated, so as to leave no trail by whichthey could be farther traced. They had of course to give over thepursuit; and returned home, to provide more effectually against theperpetration of similar acts of atrocity and darkness. 

A short time after this, two Indians came on the West Fork, andconcealed themselves near to Coon's fort, awaiting an opportunity ofeffecting some mischief. While thus lying in ambush, a daughter of Mr. Coon came out for the purpose of lifting some hemp in a field near tothe fort, and by the side of the road. Being engaged in performingthis business, Thomas Cunningham and Enoch James passing along, andseeing her, entered into conversation with her, and after a whileproceeded on their road. But before they had gone far, alarmed by thereport of a gun, they looked back and saw an Indian run up to thegirl, tomahawk and scalp her. The people of the fort were quicklyapprised of what had been done, and immediately turned out in pursuit;but could not trace the course taken by the savages. It afterwardsappeared that the Indians had been for some time waiting for the girlto come near enough for them to catch and make her prisoner, beforeshe could alarm the fort, or get within reach of its guns; but whenone of them crossed the fence for this purpose, she espied him and randirectly towards the fort. --Fearing that he would not be able toovertake her, without approaching the fort so as to involve himself insome danger, he shot her as she ran; and going up to her he tomahawkedand scalped her. In endeavoring then to secure himself by flight, hewas shot at by James, but at so great distance as to prevent the doingof execution. 

In the neighborhood of Wheeling, some mischief of this kind wasdone about the same time, and by Indians who acted so warily, as toavoid being discovered and punished. A man by the name of Thomas Ryanwas killed in a field some distance from the house, and a negrofellow at work with him, [160] taken prisoner and carried off. Noinvasion however, of that country, had been as yet, of sufficientimportance to induce the people to forsake their homes and go intothe forts. --Scouting parties were constantly traversing the woodsin every direction, and so successfully did they, observe everyavenue to the settlements, that the approach of Indians was generallydiscovered and made known, before any evil resulted from it. But inAugust the whole country bordering on the Ohio, from Fort Pitt toWheeling, became justly alarmed for its fate; and the most seriousapprehensions for the safety of its inhabitants, were excited in thebosoms of all. Intelligence was conveyed to General Hand at FortPitt, [2] by some friendly Indians from the Moravian towns, that alarge army of the north western confederacy, had come as far as thosevillages, and might soon be expected to strike an awful blow on somepart of the Ohio settlements. The Indian force was represented asbeing so great, as to preclude all idea of purchasing safety, by openconflict; and the inhabitants along the river, generally retired intoforts, as soon as they received information of their danger, and madeevery preparation to repel an assault on them. They did nothowever, remain long in suspense, as to the point against which theenemy would direct its operations. 

Wheeling Fort, although it had been erected by the proper authoritiesof the government, and was supplied with arms and ammunition from thepublic arsenal, was not at this time garrisoned, as were the otherstate forts on the Ohio, by a regular soldiery; but was left to bedefended solely by the heroism and bravery of those, who might seekshelter within its walls. [3] The settlement around it was flourishing, and had grown with a rapidity truly astonishing, when its situation, and the circumstances of the border country generally, are taken intoconsideration. A little village, of twenty-five or thirty houses, hadsprung up, where but a few years before, the foot of civilized man hadnever trod; and where the beasts of the forest had lately rangedundisturbedly, were to be seen lowing herds and bleating flocks, atonce, the means of sustenance, and the promise of future wealth totheir owners. --In the enjoyment of this, comparatively, prosperouscondition of things, the inhabitants little dreamed, how quickly thosesmiling prospects were to be blighted, their future hopes blasted, andthey deprived of almost every necessary of life. They [161] were notinsensible to the danger which in time of war was ever impending overthem; but relying on the vigilance of their scouts, to ascertain andapprize them of its approach, and on the proximity of a fort intowhich they could retire upon a minute's warning, they did not shutthemselves up within its walls, until advised of the immediatenecessity of doing so, from the actual presence of the enemy. 

On the night of the first of September, Captain Ogal, who with a partyof twelve men, had been for some days engaged in watching the paths tothe settlement and endeavoring to ascertain the approach of danger, [4]came into Wheeling with the assurance that the enemy were not at hand. In the course of that night, however, the Indian army, consisting ofthree hundred and eighty-nine warriors, [5] came near to the village, and believing from the lights in the fort, that the inhabitants wereon their guard, and that more might be effected by an ambuscade in themorning, than by an immediate and direct attack, posted themselvesadvantageously for that purpose. Two lines were formed, at somedistance from each, extending from the river across the point to thecreek, with a cornfield to afford them concealment. In the centrebetween these lines, near a road leading through the field to thefort, and in a situation easily exposing them to observation, sixIndians were stationed, for the purpose of decoying within the lines, any force which might discover, and come out to molest them. 

Early in the morning of the second, two men, going to a field forhorses, passed the first line, and came near to the Indians in thecentre, before they were aware of danger. [6]--Perceiving the sixsavages near them, they endeavored to escape by flight. A single shotbrought one of them to the ground: the other was permitted to escapethat he might give the alarm. Captain Mason (who, with Captain Ogaland his party, and a few other men had occupied the fort thepreceding night) hearing that there were but six of the enemy, marched with fourteen men, to the place where they had been seen. Hehad not proceeded far from the fort, before he came in view of them;and leading his men briskly towards where they were, soon foundthemselves enclosed by a body of Indians, who 'till then hadremained concealed. --Seeing the impossibility of maintaining aconflict with them, he endeavored to retreat with his men, to thefort; but in [162] vain. They were intercepted by the Indians, andnearly all literally, cut to pieces. [7] Captain Mason however, and hissergeant succeeded in passing the front line, but being observed bysome of the enemy, were pursued, and fired at, as they began torise the hill. The sergeant was so wounded by the ball aimed at him, that he fell, unable again to get up; but seeing his Captain pass nearwithout a gun and so crippled that he moved but slowly in advance ofhis pursuers, he handed him his, and calmly surrendered himself tohis fate. 

Captain Mason had been twice wounded, and was then so enfeebled by theloss of blood, and faint from fatigue that he almost despaired of everreaching the fort; yet he pressed forward with all his powers. He wassensible that the Indian was near him, and expecting every instant, that the tomahawk would sever his skull, he for a while forgot thathis gun was yet charged. The recollection of this, inspiring him withfresh hopes, he wheeled to fire at his pursuer, but found him so closethat he could not bring his gun to bear on him. Having greatly theadvantage of ground, he thrust him back with his hand. The upliftedtomahawk descended to the earth with force; and before the Indiancould so far regain his footing as to hurl the fatal weapon from hisgrasp, or rush forward to close in deadly struggle with hisantagonist, the ball from Captain Mason's gun had done its errand, andthe savage fell lifeless to the earth. Captain Mason was able toproceed only a few paces farther; but concealing himself by the sideof a large fallen tree, he remained unobserved while the Indianscontinued about the fort. 

The shrieks of Captain Mason's men, and the discharge of the guns, induced Capt. Ogal to advance with his twelve scouts, to their relief. Being some distance in the rear of his men, the Indians, in closinground them, fortunately left him without the circle, and he concealedhimself amid some briers in the corner of the fence; where he layuntil the next day. The same fate awaited his men, which had befallenCapt. Mason's. Of the twenty six who were led out by these twoofficers, only three escaped death, and two of these were badlywounded: a striking evidence of the fact, that the ambuscade wasjudiciously planned, and the expectations of its success, wellfounded. [8]

While these things were doing, the inhabitants of the village werebusily employed in removing to the fort and preparing for itsdefense. A single glance at the situation of the parties led on byMason and Ogal, convinced them of the overwhelming force of the [163]Indians, and the impossibility of maintaining an open contest withthem. And so quick had been the happening of the events which havebeen narrated, that the gates of the fort were scarcely closed, beforethe Indian army appeared under its walls, with a view to its reductionby storm. [9] But before the assault was begun to be made, theattention of the garrison was directed to a summons for its surrender, made by that infamous renegado, Simon Girty. [10]

This worse than savage wretch, appeared at the end window of a housenot far from the fort, and told them, that he had come with a largearmy to escort to Detroit, such of the Inhabitants along the frontier, as were willing to accept the terms offered by Governor Hamilton, tothose who would renounce the cause of the colonies and attachthemselves to the interest of Great Britain; calling upon them toremember their fealty to their sovereign; assuring them of protection, if they would join his standard, and denouncing upon them, all thewoes which spring from the uncurbed indulgence of savage vengeance, ifthey dared to resist, or fire one gun to the annoyance of his men. Hethen read to them, Gov. Hamilton's proclamation; and told them, hecould allow only fifteen minutes to consider of his proposition. Itwas enough. In love with liberty, attached to their country, andwithout faith in his proffered protection, they required but littletime to "deliberate, which of the two to choose, slavery or death. "Col. Zane replied to him, "that they had consulted their wives andchildren, and that all were resolved to perish, sooner than placethemselves under the protection of a savage army with him at its head, or abjure the cause of liberty and of the colonies. " Girty thenrepresented to them the great force of the Indians, --the impossibilitythat the fort could withstand the assault, --the certainty ofprotection if they acceded to his propositions, and the difficulty ofrestraining the assailants, if enraged and roused to vengeance byopposition and resistance. A shot discharged at him from the fort, caused him to withdraw from the window and the Indians commenced theassault. 

There were then in the fort but thirty-three men, to defend it againstthe attack of upwards of three hundred and eighty Indians; and bravelydid they maintain their situation against the superior force of theenemy, and all that art and fury could effect to accomplish theirdestruction. For twenty-three hours, all was life, and energy, andactivity within the walls. Every individual had particular duties toperform; and promptly and faithfully were they discharged. The moreexpert of the women, took stations by the side of the men; andhandling their guns with soldier like readiness, aided in the repulse, with fearless intrepidity. [11] Some were engaged in moulding bullets;others in loading and supplying the [164] men with guns alreadycharged; while the less robust were employed in cooking, and infurnishing to the combatants, provisions and water, during thecontinuance of the attack. It seemed indeed, as if each individualwere sensible, that the safety of all depended on his lone exertions;and that the slightest relaxation of these, would involve them all inone common ruin. 

Finding that they could make no impression on the fort, and fearing toremain longer before it, lest their retreat might be cut off, byreinforcements from the surrounding country, the assailants fired allthe houses without the walls; killed all the stock, which could befound; and destroying every thing on which they could lay their hands, retired about day light, and left the garrison in possession of thefortress, but deprived of almost every thing else. The alarm of thepresence of Indians having been given after day light, and the attackon the fort commencing before sun rise, but little time was affordedthem, for securing their moveable property. The greater part had takenwith them nothing but their clothes, while some had left their homeswith their night apparel only. Few were left the enjoyment of a bed, or the humble gratification of the coarse repast of bread and milk. Their distress was consequently great; and their situation for sometime, not much more enviable, than when pent within the fort, andstraining every nerve to repel its savage assailants. 

Before this, the Governor had sent to Col. Andrew Swearingen, aquantity of ammunition for the defence of those who remained inthe country above Wheeling. By his exertions, and under hissuperintendence, Bolling's and Holliday's old forts were repaired, and the latter made strong enough to serve as a magazine. In it wascollected, all the inhabitants from its neighborhood; and it wasgenerally regarded, as a strong position, and able, occasionally, to detach part of its garrison, for the aid of other portions ofthe country. Soon after the attack was begun to be made on Wheeling, the alarm reached Shepherd's fort, and a runner was despatchedfrom thence to Holliday's fort with the intelligence, and theapprehension that if speedy relief were not afforded, the garrisonat Wheeling must fall. No expectation, of being able to collect aforce sufficient to cope with the assailants, was entertained. Allthat was expected was, to throw succours into the fort, and thusenable the garrison the more successfully to repel assaults, andpreserve it from the violence of the Indian onsets. For thispurpose, Col. Swearingen left Holliday's with fourteen men, whonobly volunteered to accompany him in this hazardous enterprise, to the regret of those who remained, from an apprehension that thusweakened, if Holliday's fort were attacked it must fall easily intothe hands of the enemy. These men got into a large _continentalcanoe_, and plied their paddles industriously, to arrive in timeto be of service to the besieged. But the night being dark, and adense fog hanging over the river, they toiled to great disadvantage, frequently coming in contact with the banks; until [165] at length itwas thought advisable to cease rowing and float with the current, lest they might, unknowingly, pass Wheeling, and at the appearanceof day be obliged to contend with the force of the stream, to regainthat point. Floating slowly, they at length descried the light whichproceeded from the burning of the houses at Wheeling, and with alltheir exertion could not then attain their destination before thereturn of day. Could they have realized their expectation ofarriving before day, they might from, the river bank, in thedarkness of the night, have gained admission into the fort; butbeing frustrated in this, they landed some of the men near aboveWheeling, to reconnoiter and ascertain the situation of things: itbeing doubtful to them, from the smoke and fog, whether the fortand all, were not a heap of ruins. Col. Swearingen, Cap. Bilderbockand William Boshears, volunteered for this service, and proceedingcautiously soon reached the fort. 

When arrived there, it was still questionable whether the Indians hadabandoned the attack, or were only lying concealed in the cornfield, in order to fall on any, who might come out from the fort, under theimpression that danger was removed from them. Fearing that the latterwas the case, it was thought prudent, not to give the preconcertedsignal for the remainder of Col. Swearingen's party to come on, lestit might excite the Indians to greater vigilance and they interceptthe men on their way to the fort. To obviate the difficulty arisingfrom this apprehension, Col. Swearingen, Capt. Bilderbock and WilliamBoshears, taking a circuitous route to avoid passing near thecornfield, returned to their companions, and escorted them toWheeling. It then remained to ascertain whether the Indians had reallywithdrawn, or were only lying in ambush. A council, consisting of Col. Zane, Col. Shepherd, Doctor McMahon and Col. Swearingen, beingrequested to devise some expedient by which to be assured of the fact, recommended that two of their most active and vigilant men, should goout openly from the fort, and carelessly, but surely, examine thecornfield near to the palisade. Upon their return, twenty others, under the guidance of Col. Zane, marched round at some distance fromthe field, and approaching it more nearly on their return, becameassured that the Indians had indeed despaired of success, and werewithdrawn from the field. About this time Major M'Cullough arrivedwith forty-five men, and they all proceeded to view the battleground. 

Here was indeed a pitiable sight. Twenty-three of the men who hadaccompanied Capts. Mason and Ogal in the preceding morning, were lyingdead; few of them had been shot, but the greater part, most inhumanlyand barbarously butchered with the tomahawk and scalping knife. Upwards of three hundred head of cattle, horses, and hogs, wantonlykilled by the savages, were seen lying about the field, and all thehouses, with every thing which they contained, and which could not beconveniently taken off by the enemy, were but heaps of ashes. It waslong indeed, before the [166] inhabitants of that neighborhoodregained the comforts, of which that night's desolation had deprivedthem. 

Soon after the happening of these events a company of militia underthe command of Capt. Foreman, arrived from east of the Alleghany, toafford protection to the settlements around Wheeling, and occupy thefort at this place. While stationed in it, it was known that partiesof Indians were still lurking about, seeking opportunities of doingmischief, and to prevent which, detachments were frequently sent onscouting expeditions. On the 26th of September, Capt. Foreman withforty five men, went about twelve miles below Wheeling and encampedfor the night. He was ignorant of the practices of the Indians, andseemed rather indisposed to take council of those, who were conversantwith them. After building fires for the night, he remained with hismen close around them, contrary to the advice of one of the settlers, by the name of Lynn, who had accompanied him as a spy. Lynn however, would not consent to remain there himself, but taking with him thoseof the frontiers men who were in company, retired some distance fromthe fires, and spent the night. Before it was yet light, Lynn, beingawake, thought he heard such a noise, as would be probably produced bythe launching of rafts on the river, above the position occupied byCapt. Foreman. In the morning he communicated his suspicion that anIndian force was near them, and advised the Captain to return toWheeling along the hill sides and avoid the bottoms. His advice wasrejected; but Lynn, with the caution of one used to such a conditionof things, prudently kept on the hill side with four others, whilethey, who belonged to the command of Capt. Foreman, continued alongthe level at the base of the hill. 

In marching along the Grave creek narrows, one of the soldiers saw aparcel of Indian ornaments lying in the path; and picking them up, soon drew around him the greater part of the company. While thuscrowded together inspecting the trinkets, a galling fire was opened onthem by a party of Indians who lay in ambush, and which threw theminto great confusion. The fire was continued with deadly effect, forsome minutes; and must eventually have caused the loss of the wholeparty, but that Lynn, with his few comrades rushed from the hilldischarging their guns, and shouting so boisterously, as induced theIndians to believe that a reinforcement was at hand, and theyprecipitately retreated. 

In this fatal ambuscade there were twenty-one of Captain Foreman'sparty killed, and several much wounded; among the slain were theCaptain and his two sons. 

It appeared that the Indians had dropped their ornaments, purposely toattract the attention of the whites; while they themselves were lyingconcealed in two parties; the one to the right of the path, in asink-hole on the bottom, and the other to the left, under covert ofthe river bank. From these advantageous positions, they [167] firedsecurely on our men; while they were altogether exempt from danger'till the party in the sink hole was descried by Lynn. His firing wasnot known to have taken effect; but to his good conduct is justlyattributable the saving of the remnant of the detachment. The Indianforce was never ascertained. It was supposed to have been small; notexceeding twenty warriors. 

On the ensuing day, the inhabitants of the neighborhood of Wheelingunder the direction and guidance of Colonel Zane, proceeded to GraveCreek and buried those who had fallen. [12]

At the time of the happening of those occurrences the belief wasgeneral, that the army which had been led to Wheeling by Girty, hadbeen ordered on, for the purpose of conducting the tories from thesettlements to Detroit; and that detachments from that army continuedto hover about the frontiers for some time, to effect that object. There was then, unfortunately for the repose and tranquility of manyneighborhoods, a considerable number of those misguided and deludedwretches, who, disaffected to the cause of the colonies, were willingto advance the interest of Britain, by the sacrifice of every socialrelation, and the abandonment of every consideration, save that ofloyalty to the king. So far did their opposition, to those whoespoused the cause of American liberty, blunt every finer and morenoble feeling, that many of them were willing to imbrue their hands inthe blood of their neighbors, in the most sly and secret manner, andin the hour of midnight darkness, for no offence but attachment to theindependence of the colonies. A conspiracy for the murder of the whigsand for accepting the terms, offered by the Governor of Canada tothose who would renounce their allegiance to the United States andrepair to Detroit, by the relenting of one individual, was preventedbeing carried into effect; and many were consequently saved fromhorrors, equalling, if not transcending in enormity, the outrages ofthe savages themselves. Scenes of licentiousness and fury, followedupon the discovery of the plot. --Exasperated at its heinousness, andunder the influence of resentful feelings, the whigs retaliated uponthe tories, some of the evils which these had conspired to inflictupon them. In the then infuriated state of their minds, and the littlerestraint at that time imposed on the passions by the operation of thelaws, it is really matter of admiration that they did not proceedfarther, and requite upon those deluded wretches, the full measure oftheir premeditated wrongs. The head only of this fiendish league, losthis life; but many depredations were committed, on the property of itsmembers. 

A court, for the trial of the conspirants, was held at Redstone Fort;and many of them were arraigned at its bar. But as their object hadbeen defeated by its discovery, and as no farther danger wasapprehended from them, they were released, after having been requiredto take the oath of allegiance to the United States and to bear withthe injuries which had [168] been done their property. Those who weresuspected for the murder of the chief conspirator, were likewisearraigned for that offence, but were acquitted. 

Hitherto the inhabitants of Tygart's Valley had escaped the illeffects of savage enmity; Indian hostility not having prompted anincursion into that country, since its permanent settlement waseffected previous to the war of 1774. This however had not the effectto lull them into confident security. Ascribing their fortunateexemption from irruptions of the enemy, to other causes than awillingness on the part of the Indians, to leave them in quiet andrepose, they exercised the utmost vigilance to discover theirapproach, and used every precaution to ensure them safety, if theenemy should appear among them. Spies were regularly employed inwatching the warriors paths beyond the settlements, to detect theiradvance and to apprize the inhabitants of it. 

In September of this year (1777) Leonard Petro and Wm. White, beingengaged in watching the path leading up the Little Kenhawa, killed anElk late in the evening; and taking part of it with them, withdrew ashort distance for the purpose of eating their suppers and spendingthe night. About midnight, White, awaking from sleep, discovered bythe light of the moon, that there were several Indians near, who hadbeen drawn in quest of them by the report of the gun in the evening. He saw at a glance, the impossibility of escaping by flight; andpreferring captivity to death, he whispered to Petro to lie still, lest any movement of his, might lead to this result. In a few minutesthe Indians sprang on them; and White raising himself as one lay holdon him, aimed a furious blow, with his tomahawk, hoping to wound theIndian by whom he was beset, and then make his escape. Missing his aimhe affected to have been ignorant of the fact that he was encounteredby Indians, professed great joy at meeting with them, and declaredthat he was then on his way to their towns. They were not deceived bythe artifice; for although he assumed an air of pleasantness andgaity, calculated to win upon their confidence, yet the wofulcountenance and rueful expression of poor Petro, convinced them thatWhite's conduct was feigned, that he might lull them into inattention, and they be enabled to effect an escape. They were both tied for thenight; and in the morning White being painted red, and Petro black, they were forced to proceed to the Indian towns. When approaching a[169] village, the whoop of success brought several to meet them; andon their arrival at it, they found that every preparation was made fortheir running the gauntlet; in going through which ceremony both weremuch bruised. White did not however remain long in captivity. Eludingtheir vigilance, he took one of their guns and began his flighthomeward. --Before he had travelled far, he met an Indian on horseback, whom he succeeded in shooting; and mounting the horse from which hefell, his return to the Valley was much facilitated. Petro was neverheard of afterwards. The painting of him black, had indicated theirintention of killing him; and the escape of White probably hastenedhis doom. 

During this time, and after the return of White among them, theinhabitants of Tygart's Valley practiced their accustomed watchfulness'till about the twentieth of November; when there was a considerablefall of snow. This circumstance induced them to believe, that thesavages would not attempt an irruption among them until the return ofspring; and they became consequently, inattentive to their safety. 

Generally, the settlements enjoyed perfect quiet from the firstappearance of winter, until the return of spring. In this interval oftime, the Indians are usually deterred from penetrating into them, aswell because of their great exposure to discovery and observation inconsequence of the nakedness of the woods and the increased facilityof pursuing their trail in the snows which then usually covered theearth, as of the suffering produced by their lying in wait andtravelling, in their partially unclothed condition, in this season ofintense cold. Instances of their being troublesome during the winterwere rare indeed; and never occurred, but under very peculiarcircumstances: the inhabitants, were therefore, not culpably remiss, when they relaxed in their vigilance, and became exposed to savageinroad. 

A party of twenty Indians, designing to commit some depredationsduring the fall, had nearly reached the upper end of Tygart's Valley, when the snow, which had inspired the inhabitants with confidence intheir security, commenced falling. Fearful of laying themselves opento detection, if they ventured to proceed farther at that time, andanxious to effect some mischief before they returned home, theyremained concealed about ten miles from the settlements, until thesnow disappeared. On the 15th of December, they came to the [170]house of Darby Connoly, at the upper extremity of the Valley, andkilled him, his wife and several of the children, and took threeothers prisoners. Proceeding to the next house, killed John Stewart, his wife and child, and took Miss Hamilton (sister-in-law to Stewart)into captivity. They then immediately changed their direction, andwith great dispatch, entered upon their journey home; with thecaptives and plunder, taken at those two places. 

In the course of the evening after these outrages were committed, JohnHadden passing by the House of Connoly saw a tame elk belonging there, lying dead in the yard. This, and the death-like silence which reignedaround, excited his fears that all was not right; and entering intothe house, he saw the awful desolation which had been committed. Seeing that the work of blood had been but recently done, he hastenedto alarm the neighborhood, and sent an express to Capt. BenjaminWilson, living about twenty miles lower in the Valley, with themelancholy intelligence. With great promptitude, Capt. Wilson wentthrough the settlement, exerting himself to procure as manyvolunteers, as would justify going in pursuit of the aggressors; andso indefatigable was he in accomplishing his purpose, that, on the dayafter the murders were perpetrated, he appeared on the theatre oftheir exhibition with thirty men, prepared to take the trail and pushforward in pursuit of the savages. For five days they followed throughcold and wet, without perceiving that they had gained upon them. Atthis time many of the men expressed a determination to return. Theyhad suffered much, travelled far, and yet saw no prospect ofovertaking the enemy. It is not wonderful that they became dispirited. In order to expedite their progress, the numerous water courses whichlay across their path, swollen to an unusual height and width, werepassed without any preparation to avoid getting wet; the consequencewas that after wading one of them, they would have to travel withicicles hanging from their clothes the greater part of a day, beforean opportunity could be allowed of drying them. They suffered much toofor the want of provisions. The short time afforded for preparation, had not admitted of their taking with them as much as they expectedwould be required, as they had already been on the chase longer thanwas anticipated. Under these circumstances it was with greatdifficulty, Captain Wilson could prevail [171] on them to continue thepursuit one day longer; hoping the Indians would have to halt, inorder to hunt for food. Not yet being sensible that they gained uponthem, the men positively refused going farther; and they returned totheir several homes. 

This was the last outrage committed by the savages on North WesternVirginia, in this year. And although there was not as much mischiefeffected by them in this season, as had been in others, yet the year1777, has become memorable in the annals of Border Warfare. The murderof Cornstalk and his companions, --the attack on Wheeling Fort, --theloss of lives and destruction of property which then took place, together with the fatal ambuscade at Grave Creek Narrows, allconspired to render it a period of much interest, and to impress itsincidents deeply on the minds of those who were actors in thesescenes. 

----- [1] This "year of the three sevens, " as it was called, was long known as "the bloody year" of border history. --R. G. T. 

 [2] General Hand was commandant, and George Morgan Indian agent, at Fort Pitt. Runners from the Moravian towns on the Tuscarawas and Muskingum rivers, in Ohio, frequently came into the fort during the summer, with dispatches for either of these officials. The Delawares, as a nation, were friendly throughout the year. The hostiles were chiefly composed of Wyandots and Mingoes, but with them were a few Shawnees and Delawares. --R. G. T. 

 [3] The first fort at Wheeling was built in the summer of 1774, by order of Lord Dunmore, under direction of Majors William Crawford and Angus McDonald. It stood upon the Ohio bank about a quarter of a mile above the entrance of Wheeling Creek. Standing in open ground, it was a parallelogram of square pickets pointed at top, with bastions and sentry boxes at the angles, and enclosed over half an acre. It ranked in strength and importance, next to Fort Pitt. Within the fort were log barracks, an officers' house, a storehouse, a well, and cabins for families. A steep hill rises not far inland; between the fort and the base of this hill the forest had been leveled, and a few log cabins were nestled in the open. Such was Wheeling in 1777. At first the fort had been called Fincastle, for the Ohio Valley settlements were then in Fincastle County, Va. ; but upon the opening of the Revolution the post, now in Ohio County, was named Fort Henry, in honor of the first state governor of Virginia. --R. G. T. 

 [4] News came to Fort Pitt, early in August, that an Indian attack in force, on Wheeling, might be expected at any time. Says the Shane MSS. , "White Eyes came to Fort Pitt and told them the Indians were going to take Wheeling home. " August 2d, Gen. Hand wrote to David Shepherd, lieutenant of Ohio County, warning him of the perilous situation, and ordering him to leave his own fort, six miles from Fort Henry, and to rally at the latter all the militia between the Ohio and Monongahela, --the "pan-handle. " Shepherd did this, and by the close of the month Fort Henry was, as he said, "Indian proof. " But the non-arrival of the foe caused a relaxation of vigilance. Nine companies were allowed to go home, and by the last day of August only two companies remained in the fort, those of Capts. Joseph Ogle and Samuel Mason. --R. G. T. 

 [5] Shepherd to Hand, Sept. 15, 1777: "By the best judges here . . . It is thought their numbers must have been not less than between two and three hundred. " The Shepherd, Hand, Shane, and Doddridge MSS. , in the library of the Wisconsin Historical Society, throw much light on this episode. --R. G. T. 

 [6] The Indians made their appearance on the night of August 31st--not September 1st, as in the text. The incident here related occurred at about sunrise of September 1st. Andrew Zane, young John Boyd, Samuel Tomlinson, and a negro, set out to hunt for the horses of Dr. James McMechen, because the latter wished that day to return to the older settlements, either on the Monongahela, or east of the mountains. Boyd was killed, but his companions escaped--Zane, by leaping from a cliff, the height of which local tradition places at seventy feet. --R. G. T. 

 [7] De Hass, in his _History of the Early Settlement and Indian Wars of West Virginia_, --a conscientious work, which depends, however, too closely on traditions, --says (p. 225), "out of the fourteen, but two escaped. "--R. G. T. 

 [8] Among the survivors was Ogle who, like Mason, hid himself in the bushes until nightfall enabled him to return to the fort. --R. G. T. 

 [9] As a matter of fact, the Indians made no attack on the fort at this time, being content with the success of their ambuscade. After throwing up some rude earth-works and blinds, scalping the dead whites, killing all the live stock within reach, and setting fire to the outlying cabins, they retired across the Ohio in the night, and dispersed. Their loss was one killed and nine wounded; the whites lost fifteen killed and five wounded. The next day (September 2), the whites buried their dead, and unavailingly scoured the country for Indians. 

 Tradition has made sad havoc with the records, in regard to this first "siege" of Wheeling. Some of the deeds of heroism related below, by Withers, were incidents of the second siege--September 11, 1782, seven years later; but most of them are purely mythical, or belong to other localities. Perhaps no events in Western history have been so badly mutilated by tradition, as these two sieges. --R. G. T. 

 [10] This statement of Withers, that Simon Girty was at the siege of Wheeling, was long accepted as fact by Western historians. But it is now established beyond doubt, that neither Simon nor his brothers were present at that affair, being at the time in the employ of Indian Agent Morgan, at Fort Pitt. For details of the evidence, consult Butterfield's _History of the Girtys_, _passim_. --R. G. T. 

 [11] [163] The notes furnished the compiler, mention particularly a Mrs. Glum and Betsy Wheat, as performing all the duties of soldiers with firmness and alacrity. 

 ------

 _Comment by R. G. T. _--Withers derived his information from traditional notes in the possession of Noah Zane, son of Ebenezer. 

 [12] After the affair at Wheeling, September 1, the Indians returned home. But soon thereafter, Half King, head chief of the Wyandots, set out with forty of that tribe to again harry the Wheeling country. On the morning of the 26th, Capts. William Foreman with twenty-four men, Ogle with ten men, and William Linn with nine, started from Fort Henry on a scout. Linn was ranking officer, although there was little discipline. Foreman was a new arrival from Hampshire County, enlisted to go on Hand's intended expedition. They intended crossing the Ohio at Grave Creek, 12 miles below, and proceeding 8 miles farther down to Captina. At Grave, however, they found that the Tomlinson settlement (nucleus of the present Mound City, W. Va. ) had been abandoned, and sacked by Indians, and no canoes were to be had. They camped for the night, and the next morning (the 27th) started to return along the river bank, to Wheeling. Linn, apprehensive of Indians, marched along the hill crest, but Ogle and Foreman kept to the trail along the bottom. At a point where the bottom narrows because of the close approach of the hills to the river--a defile then known as McMechen's (or McMahon's) Narrows--they were set upon by Half King's party, awaiting them in ambush. Foreman and twenty others were killed, and one captured. The story about Linn's gallant attack on the Indians from his vantage point on the hilltop, is without foundation. His party helped to secrete a wounded man who escaped in the melee, and then put off in hot haste for home. It was not until four days later, when reinforcements had arrived from Fort Pitt, that Colonel Shepherd ventured from the fort to bury the dead. In 1835, an inscribed stone was set up at the Narrows, to commemorate the slain. --R. G. T. 

[172] CHAPTER X. 

After the winter became so severe as to prevent the Indians frompenetrating the country and committing farther aggression, theinhabitants became assured of safety, and devoted much of their timeto the erection of new forts, the strengthening of those which hadbeen formerly established, and the making of other preparations, deemed necessary to prevent the repetition of those distressingoccurrences, which had spread gloom and sorrow over almost every partof North Western Virginia. That the savages would early renew theirexertions to destroy the frontier settlements, and harrass theircitizens, could not for an instant be doubted. --Revenge for the murderof Cornstalk, and the other chiefs killed in the fort by the whites, had operated to unite the warlike nation of the Shawanees in a leaguewith the other Indians, against them; and every circumstance seemed topromise increased exertions on their part, to accomplish theirpurposes of blood and devastation. 

Notwithstanding all which had been suffered during the precedingseason; and all, which it was confidently anticipated, would have tobe undergone after the return of spring, yet did the whole frontierincrease in population, and in capacity to defend itself against theencroachments of a savage enemy, aided by British emissaries, and ledon by American tories. The accession to its strength, caused by thenumber of emigrants, who came into the different settlements, wasindeed considerable; yet it was insufficient, to enable theinhabitants to purchase by offensive operations, exemption from [173]invasion, or security from the tomahawk and scalping knife. Assured ofthis, Virginia extended to them farther assistance; and a small bodyof regular troops, under the command of General McIntosh, wasappropriated to their defence. 

In the spring of 1778, General McIntosh, [1] with the regulars and somemilitiamen, attached to his command, descended the Ohio river fromFort Pitt, to the mouth of Big Beaver--a creek discharging itself intothat river from the north-west. [2] This was a favorable position, atwhich to station his troops to effect the partial security of thefrontier, by intercepting parties of Indians on their way to thesettlements on the opposite side of the river, and by pursuing andpunishing them while engaged, either in committing havoc, or inretreating to their towns, after the consummation of their horridpurposes. Fort McIntosh was accordingly erected here, and garrisoned;a six pounder mounted for its defence. 

From Wheeling to Point Pleasant, a distance of one hundred andeighty-six miles, [3] there was then no obstacle whatever, presentedto the advance of Indian war parties, into the settlements on theEast and West Forks of the Monongahela, and their branches. Theconsequences of this exposure had been always severely felt; andnever more so than after the establishment of Fort McIntosh. Everyimpediment to their invasion of one part of the country, caused morefrequent irruptions into others, where no difficulties wereinterposed to check their progress, and brought heavier woes onthem. --This had been already experienced, in the settlements on theupper branches of the Monongahela, and as they were the last to feelthe effects of savage enmity in 1777, so were they first to becomesacrificed to its fury in 1778. 

Anticipating the commencement of hostilities at an earlier period ofthe season, than usual, several families retired into Harbert'sblock-house, on Ten Mile (a branch of the West Fork, ) in the month ofFebruary. And notwithstanding the prudent caution manifested by themin the step thus taken; yet, the state of the weather lulling theminto false security, they did not afterwards exercise the vigilanceand provident care, which were necessary to ensure their futuresafety. On the third of March, some children, playing with a crippledcrow, at a short distance from the yard, espied a number of Indiansproceeding towards them; and running briskly to the house, told "thata number of _red men_ were close by. "--[174] John Murphey stepped tothe door to see if danger had really approached, when one of theIndians, turning the corner of the house, fired at him. The ball tookeffect, and Murphey fell back into the house. The Indian springingdirectly in, was grappled by Harbert, and thrown on the floor. A shotfrom without, wounded Harbert, yet he continued to maintain hisadvantage over the prostrate savage, striking him as effectually as hecould with his tomahawk, when another gun was fired at him fromwithout the house. The ball passed through his head, and he felllifeless. His antagonist then slipped out at the door, sorely woundedin the encounter. 

Just after the first Indian had entered, an active young warrior, holding in his hand a tomahawk with a long spike at the end, also camein. Edward Cunningham instantly drew up his gun to shoot him; but itflashed, and they closed in doubtful strife. Both were active andathletic; and sensible of the high prize for which they werecontending, each put forth his utmost strength, and strained his everynerve, to gain the ascendency. For a while, the issue seemed doubtful. At length, by great exertion, Cunningham wrenched the tomahawk fromthe hand of the Indian, and buried the spike end to the handle, in hisback. Mrs. Cunningham closed the contest. Seeing her husbandstruggling closely with the savage, she struck at him with an axe. The edge wounding his face severely, he loosened his hold, and madehis way out of the house. 

The third Indian, which had entered before the door was closed, presented an appearance almost as frightful as the object which he hadin view. He wore a cap made of the unshorn front of a buffalo, withthe ears and horns still attached to it, and which hanging looselyabout his head, gave to him a most hideous aspect. On entering theroom, this infernal monster, aimed a blow with his tomahawk at a MissReece, which alighting on her head, wounded her severely. The motherof this girl, seeing the uplifted arm about to descend on herdaughter, seized the monster by the horns; but his false head comingreadily off, she did not succeed in changing the direction of theweapon. The father then caught hold of him; but far inferior instrength and agility, he was soon thrown on the floor, and must havebeen killed, but for the timely interference of Cunningham. Having[175] succeeded in ridding the room of one Indian, he wheeled, andsunk a tomahawk into the head of the other. 

During all this time the door was kept by the women, tho' not withoutgreat exertion. The Indians from without endeavored several times toforce it open and gain admittance; and would at one time havesucceeded, but that, as it was yielding to their effort to open it, the Indian, who had been wounded by Cunningham and his wife, squeezingout at the aperture which had been made, caused a momentary relaxationof the exertions of those without, and enabled the women again toclose it, and prevent the entrance of others. --These were not however, unemployed. They were engaged in securing such of the children in theyard, as were capable of being carried away as prisoners, and inkilling and scalping the others; and when they had effected this, despairing of being able to do farther mischief, they retreated totheir towns. 

Of the whites in the house, one only was killed and four were wounded;and seven or eight children in the yard, were killed or takenprisoners. One Indian was killed, and two badly wounded. Had Reeceengaged sooner in the conflict, the other two who had entered thehouse, would no doubt have been likewise killed; but being a quaker, he looked on, without participating in the conflict, until hisdaughter was wounded. Having then to contend singly, with superiorprowess, he was indebted for the preservation of his life, to theassistance of those whom he refused to aid in pressing need. 

On the eleventh of April, some Indians visited the house of Wm. Morgan, at the Dunkard bottom of Cheat river. They there killed ayoung man by the name of Brain, Mrs. Morgan, (the mother ofWilliam) and her grand daughter, and Mrs. Dillon and her twochildren; and took Mrs. Morgan (the wife) and her child prisoners. When, on their way home, they came near to Pricket's fort, they boundMrs. Morgan to a bush, and went in quest of a horse for her toride, leaving her child with her. She succeeded in untying withher teeth, the bands which confined her, and wandered the balance ofthat day and part of the next before she came in sight of the fort. Here she was kindly treated and in a few days sent home. Some mengoing out from Pricket's fort some short time after, found at thespot where Mrs. Morgan had [176] been left by the Indians, a finemare stabbed to the heart. --Exasperated at the escape of Mrs. Morgan, they had no doubt vented their rage on the animal which theyhad destined to bear her weight. 

In the last of April, a party of about twenty Indians came to theneighborhoods of Hacker's creek and the West Fork. At this time theinhabitants of those neighborhoods had removed to West's fort, on thecreek, and to Richards' fort on the river; and leaving the women andchildren in them during the day, under the protection of a few men, the others were in the habit of performing the usual labors of theirfarms in companies, so as to preserve them from attacks of theIndians. A company of men, being thus engaged, the first week of May, in a field, now owned by Minter Bailey, on Hacker's creek, and being agood deal dispersed in various occupations, some fencing, othersclearing, and a few ploughing, they were unexpectedly fired upon bythe Indians, and Thomas Hughes and Jonathan Lowther shot down: theothers being incautiously without arms fled for safety. Two of thecompany, having the Indians rather between them and West's fort, randirectly to Richards', as well for their own security as to give thealarm there. But they had been already apprized that the enemy was athand. Isaac Washburn, who had been to mill on Hacker's creek the daybefore, on his return to Richards' fort and near to where Clement'smill now stands, was shot from his horse, tomahawked and scalped. Thefinding of his body, thus cruelly mangled, had given them the alarm, and they were already on their guard, before the two men from Hacker'screek arrived with the intelligence of what had been done there. TheIndians then left the neighborhood without effecting more havoc; andthe whites were too weak to go in pursuit, and molest them. 

The determination of the Shawanees to revenge the death of theirSachem, had hitherto been productive of no very serious consequences. A while after his murder, a small band of them made their appearancenear the fort at Point Pleasant; and Lieutenant Moore was dispatchedfrom the garrison, with some men, to drive them off. Upon his advance, they commenced retreating; and the officer commanding the detachment, fearing they would escape, ordered a quick pursuit. He did not proceedfar before he fell into an ambuscade. He and three of his men werekilled at the first [177] fire;--the rest of the party savedthemselves by a precipitate flight to the fort. 

In the May following this transaction, a few Indians again came insight of the fort. But as the garrison had been very much reduced bythe removal of Captain Arbuckle's company, and the experience of thelast season had taught them prudence, Captain McKee forbore to detachany of his men in pursuit of them. Disappointed, in their expectationsof enticing others to destruction, as they had Lieutenant Moore in thewinter, the Indians suddenly rose from their covert, and presented anunbroken line, extending from the Ohio to the Kanawha river in frontof the fort. A demand for the surrender of the garrison, was thenmade; and Captain McKee asked 'till the next morning to consider ofit. In the course of the night, the men were busily employed inbringing water from the river, expecting that the Indians wouldcontinue before the fort for some time. 

In the morning, Captain McKee sent his answer by the grenadier squaw, (sister to Cornstalk, and who, notwithstanding the murder of herbrother and nephew, was still attached to the whites, and wasremaining at the fort in the capacity of interpreter)[4] that he couldnot comply with their demand. --The Indians immediately began theattack, and for one week kept the garrison closely besieged. Findinghowever, that they made no impression on the fort, they collected thecattle about it and instead of returning towards their own countrywith the plunder, proceeded up the Kanawha river towards theGreenbrier settlement. 

Believing their object to be the destruction of that settlement, andknowing from their great force that they would certainly accomplishit, if the inhabitants were unadvised of their approach, Captain McKeedespatched two men to Col. Andrew Donnelly's, (then the frontierhouse, ) with the intelligence. These men soon came in view of theIndians; but finding that they were advancing in detached groups, anddispersed in hunting parties, through the woods, they despaired ofbeing able to pass them, and returned to the fort. Captain McKee thenmade an appeal to the chivalry of the garrison, and asked, "who wouldrisk his life to save the people of Greenbrier. " John Pryor and PhilipHammond, at once stepped forward, and replied "WE WILL. " They werethen habited after the Indian manner, and painted in Indian style bythe Grenadier Squaw, and departed on their hazardous, but noble andgenerous undertaking. Travelling, night and day, with great rapidity, they [178] passed the Indians at Meadow river, and arrived, aboutsunset of that day at Donnelly's fort, twenty miles farther on. 

As soon as the intelligence of the approach of the Indians, wascommunicated by these men, Col. Donnelly had the neighbors all advisedof it; and in the course of the night, they collected at his house. Healso dispatched a messenger to Capt. John Stuart, to acquaint him withthe fact; and made every preparation to resist attack and ensure theirsafety, of which his situation admitted. Pryor and Hammond told themhow, by the precaution of Captain McKee, the garrison at PointPleasant had been saved from suffering by the want of water; andadvised them to lay in a plentiful supply, of that necessary article. A hogshead was accordingly filled and rolled behind the door of thekitchen, which adjoined the dwelling house. 

Early next morning, John Pritchet (a servant to Col. Donnelly) wentout for some firewood, and while thus engaged, was fired at andkilled. The Indians then ran into the yard, and endeavored to forceopen the kitchen door; but Hammond and Dick Pointer (a negro belongingto Col. Donnelly) who were the only persons within, aided by thehogshead of water, prevented their accomplishing this object. Theynext proceeded to cut it in pieces, with their tomahawks. Hammondseeing that they would soon succeed in this way, with the assistanceof Dick, rolled the hogshead to one side, and letting the doorsuddenly fly open, killed the Indian at the threshold, and the otherswho were near gave way. Dick then fired among them, with a musketheavily charged with swan shot, and no doubt with effect, as the yardwas crowded with the enemy; a war club with a swan shot in it, wasafterwards picked up near the door. 

The men in the house, who were asleep at the commencement of theattack, being awakened at the firing of Hammond and Dick, now opened agalling fire upon the Indians. Being chiefly up stairs they wereenabled to do greater execution, and fired with such effect that, about one o'clock, the enemy retired a small distance from the house. Before they retired however, some of them succeeded in getting underthe floor, when they were aided by the whites below in raising some ofthe puncheons of which it was made. It was to their advantage to dothis; and well did they profit by it. Several of the Indians werekilled in this attempt to gain admittance, while only one of thewhites received a wound, which but slightly injured his hand. 

When intelligence was conveyed to Capt. Stuart of the approach of solarge a body of savages, Col. Samuel Lewis was with him; and they bothexerted themselves to save the settlement from destruction, bycollecting the inhabitants at a fort where Lewisburg now stands. Having succeeded in this, they sent two men to Donnelly's to learnwhether the Indians had advanced that far. As they approached, thefiring became distinctly audible, and they returned [179] with thetidings. Capt. Stuart and Col. Lewis proposed marching to the reliefof Donnelly's fort, with as many men as were willing to accompanythem; and in a brief space of time, commenced their march at the headof sixty-six men. Pursuing the most direct route without regarding theroad, they approached the house on the back side; and thus escaped anambuscade of Indians placed near the road to intercept and cut off anyassistance which might be sent from the upper settlements. 

Adjoining the yard, there was a field of well grown rye, into whichthe relief from Lewisburg, entered about two o'clock; but as theIndians had withdrawn to a distance from the house, there was nofiring heard. They soon however, discovered the savages in the field, looking intently towards Donnoly's; and it was resolved to pass them. Capt. Stuart and Charles Gatliff fired at them, and the whole partyrushed forward into the yard, amid a heavy discharge of balls from thesavage forces. The people in the fort hearing the firing in the rearof the house, soon presented themselves at the port holes, to resist, what they supposed, was a fresh attack on them; but quicklydiscovering the real cause, they opened the gates, and all the partyled on by Stuart and Lewis, safely entered. 

The Indians then resumed the attack, and maintained a constant fire atthe house, until near dark, when one of them approached, and in brokenEnglish called out, "we want peace. " He was told to come in and heshould have it; but he declined the invitation to enter, and they allretreated, dragging off those of their slain, who lay not too nearthe fort. 

Of the whites, four only were killed by the enemy. Pritchet, beforethe attack commenced, --James Burns and Alexander Ochiltree, as theywere coming to the house early in the morning, --and James Graham whilein the fort. It was impossible to ascertain the entire loss of theIndians. Seventeen lay dead in the yard; and they were known to carryoff others of their slain. Perhaps the disparity of the killed, equalled, if it did not exceed the disparity of the number engaged. There were twenty-one men at Donnoly's fort, before the arrival of thereinforcement under Stuart and Lewis; and the brunt of the battle wasover before they came. The Indian force exceeded two hundred men. 

It was believed, that the invasion of the Greenbrier country had beenprojected, some time before it actually was made. During the precedingseason, an Indian calling himself John Hollis, had been very muchthrough the settlement; and was known to take particular notice of thedifferent forts, which he entered under the garb of friendship. He waswith the Indians in the attack on Donnoly's fort; and was recognizedas one of those who were left dead in the yard. 

On the morning after the Indians departed, Capt. Hamilton went inpursuit of them with seventy men; but following two days, without[180] perceiving that he gained on them, he abandoned the chase andreturned. 

About the middle of June, three women went out from West's fort, togather greens in a field adjoining; and while thus engaged wereattacked by four Indians, lying in wait. One gun only was fired, andthe ball from it, passed through the bonnet of Mrs. Hackor, whoscreamed aloud and ran with the others towards the fort. An Indian, having in his hand a long staff, with a spear in one end, pursuingclosely after them, thrust it at Mrs. Freeman with such violence that, entering her back just below the shoulder, it came out at her leftbreast. With his tomahawk, he cleft the upper part of her head, andcarried it off to save the scalp. 

The screams of the women alarmed the men in the fort; and seizingtheir guns, they ran out, just as Mrs. Freeman fell. Several guns werefired at the Indian while he was getting her scalp, but with noeffect. They served however, to warn the men who went out, that dangerwas at hand; and they quickly came in. 

Jesse Hughs[5] and John Schoolcraft (who were out) in making their wayto the fort, came very near two Indians standing by the fence lookingtowards the men at West's, so intently, that they did not perceive anyone near them. They however, were observed by Hughs and Schoolcraft, who, avoiding them, made their way in, safely, Hughs immediately tookup his gun, and learning the fate of Mrs. Freeman, went with someothers to bring in the corpse. While there, he proposed to go and shewthem, how near he had approached the Indians after the alarm had beengiven, before he saw them. Charles and Alexander West, Chas. Hughs, James Brown and John Steeth, went with him. Before they had arrived atthe place, one of the Indians was heard to howl like a wolf; and themen with Hughs moved on in the direction from which the soundproceeded. Supposing that they were then near the spot, Jesse Hughshowled in like manner, and being instantly answered, they ran to apoint of the hill and looking over it, saw two Indians coming towardsthem. Hughs fired and one of them fell. The other took to flight. Being pursued by the whites, he sought shelter in a thicket of brush;and while they were proceeding to intercept him at his coming out, hereturned by the way he had entered, and made his escape. The woundedIndian likewise got off. When the whites were in pursuit of the onewho took to flight, they passed near to him who had fallen, and one ofthe men was for stopping and finishing him; but Hughs called to him, "he is safe--let us have the other, " and they all pressed forward. Ontheir return, however, he was gone; and although his free bleedingenabled them to pursue his track readily for a while, yet a heavyshower of rain soon falling, all trace of him was quickly lost andcould not be afterwards regained. 

On the 16th of June as Capt. James Booth and Nathaniel Cochran, wereat work in a field on Booth's creek, they were fired at by [181] theIndians. Booth fell, but Cochran, being very slightly wounded, took toflight. He was however, overtaken, and carried into captivity to theirtowns. From thence he was taken to Detroit, where he remained sometime; and endeavoring to escape from that place, unfortunately took apath which led him immediately to the Maumee old towns. Here he wasdetained a while, & then sent back to Detroit, where he was exchanged, and from whence he made his way home, after having had to endure muchsuffering and many hardships. The loss of Booth was severely felt bythe inhabitants in that settlement. He was not only an active andenterprising man, but was endowed with superior talents, and a bettereducation than most of those who had settled in the country; and onthese accounts was very much missed. 

In a few days after this transaction, Benjamin Shinn, Wm. Grundy, andBenjamin Washburn, returning from a lick on the head of Booth's creek, were fired on by the Indians, when near to Baxter's run. Washburn andShinn escaped unhurt, but Grundy was killed: he was brother to FelixGrundy of Tennessee, whose father was then residing at Simpson'screek, at a farm afterwards owned by Colonel Benjamin Wilson, senior. 

This party of Indians continued for some days, to prowl about theneighborhood, seeking opportunities of committing murder on theinhabitants; fortunately however, with but little success. JamesOwens, a youth of sixteen years of age, was the only one whom theysucceeded in killing after the murder of Grundy. Going from Powers'fort on Simpson's creek, to Booth's creek, his saddle girth gave way, and while he was down mending it, a ball was discharged at him, whichkilled both him and the horse. 

Seeing that the whites, in that neighborhood, had all retired to thefort; and being too weak, openly to attack it, they crossed over toBartlett's run, and came to the house of Gilbert Hustead, who was thenalone, and engaged in fixing his gun lock. Hearing a noise in theyard, for which he was unable to account, he slipped to the door, toascertain from whence it proceeded. The Indians were immediately roundit, and there was no chance for his escape. Walking out with an air ofthe utmost pleasantry, he held forth his hand to the one nearest him, and asked them all to walk in. While in the house he affected greatcheerfulness, and by his tale [182] won their confidence andfriendship. He told them that he was a King's man and unwilling tolive among the rebels; for which reason, when others retired into thefort, he preferred staying at his own house, anxiously hoping for thearrival of some of the British Indians, to afford him an opportunityof getting among English friends. Learning upon enquiry, that theywould be glad to have something to eat, he asked one of them to shoota fat hog which was in the yard, that they might regale on it thatnight, and have some on which to subsist while travelling to theirtowns. In the morning, still farther to maintain the deception he waspractising, he broke his furniture to pieces, saying "the rebels shallnever have the good of you. " He then accompanied them to their towns, acting in the same, apparently, contented and cheerful manner, 'tillhis sincerity was believed by all, and he obtained leave to return forhis family. He succeeded in making his way home, where he remained, sore at the destruction of his property, but exulting in the successof his artifice. 

While this party of Indians were thus engaged, on Booth's creek and inthe circumjacent country, a more numerous body had invaded thesettlements lower down, and were employed in the work of destructionthere. They penetrated to Coburn's creek unperceived, and were makingtheir way (as was generally supposed) to a fort not far fromMorgantown, when they fell in with a party of whites, returning fromthe labors of the cornfield, and then about a mile from Coburn's fort. The Indians had placed themselves on each side of the road leading tothe fort, and from their covert fired on the whites, before they wereaware of danger. John Woodfin being on horseback, had his thigh brokenby a ball; which killed his horse and enabled them to catch himeasily. --Jacob Miller was shot through the abdomen, and soonovertaken, tomahawked and scalped. --The others escaped to the fort. 

Woodfin was afterwards found on a considerable eminence overlooking thefort, tomahawked and scalped. The Indians had, most probably, taken himthere, that he might point out to them the least impregnable part ofthe fortress, and in other respects give them such information, aswould tend to ensure success to their meditated attack on it; but whenthey heard its strength and the force with which it was garrisoned, despairing of being able to reduce it, in a fit of disappointedfury, they murdered him on the spot. 

[183] They next made their appearance on Dunkard creek, and near toStradler's fort. Here, as on Coburn's creek, they lay in ambush on theroad side, awaiting the return of the men who were engaged at work, insome of the neighboring fields. Towards evening the men came on, carrying with them some hogs which they had killed for the use of thefort people, and on approaching where the Indians lay concealed, werefired on and several fell. Those who escaped injury from the firstfire, returned the shot, and a severe action ensued. But so many ofthe whites had been killed before the savages exposed themselves toview, that the remainder were unable long to sustain the unequalcontest. Overpowered by numbers, the few, who were still unhurt, fledprecipitately to the fort, leaving eighteen of their companions deadin the road. These were scalped and mangled by the Indians in a mostshocking manner, and lay some time, before the men in the fort, assured of the departure of the enemy, went out and buried them. 

Weakened by the severe loss sustained in this bloody skirmish, had theIndians pushed forward to attack the fort, in all human probability, it would have fallen before them. There were at that day very fewsettlements which could have maintained possession of a garrison forany length of time, after having suffered so great a diminution ofthe number of their inhabitants, against the onsets of one hundredsavages, exercising their wonted energy: and still less would they beable to leave their strong holds, and cope with such superior force, in open battle. Nor were the settlements, as yet, sufficientlycontiguous to each other, to admit of their acting in concert, andcombining their strength, to operate effectively against theirinvaders. When alarmed by the approach of the foe, all that they couldgenerally do, was, retire to a fort, and endeavor to defend it fromassault. If the savages, coming in numbers, succeeded in committingany outrage, it usually went unpunished. Sensible of their want ofstrength, the inhabitants rarely ventured in pursuit, to harrass ormolest the retiring foe. When, however, they would hazard to hang ontheir retreat, the many precautions which they were compelled toexercise, to prevent falling into ambuscades and to escape theentangling artifices of their wily enemies, frequently rendered theirenterprises abortive, and their exertions inefficient. 

[184] The frequent visits paid by the Indians to the country on theWest Fork, and the mischief which they would effect at these times, led several of the inhabitants to resolve on leaving a place so fullof dangers, as soon as they could make the necessary preparations. Afamily of Washburns particularly, having several times very narrowlyescaped destruction, commenced making arrangements and fitting up fortheir departure. But while two of them were engaged in procuring pineknots, from which to make wax for shoemaking, they were discovered, and shot at by the Indians. Stephen fell dead, and James was takenprisoner and carried to their towns. --He was there forced to undergorepeated and intense suffering before death closed the scene of hismiseries. 

According to the account given by Nathaniel Cochran on his return fromcaptivity, Washburn was most severely beaten, on the first evening ofhis arrival at their village, while running the gauntlet; and althoughhe succeeded in getting into the council house, where Cochran was, yethe was so disfigured and mutilated, that he could not be recognised byhis old acquaintance; and so stunned and stupified, that he remainednearly all night in a state of insensibility. Being somewhat revivedin the morning, he walked to where Cochran sat by the fire, and beingasked if he were not James Washburn, replied with a smile--as if aperiod had been put to his sufferings by the sympathetic tone in whichthe question was proposed--that he was. The gleam of hope whichflashed over his countenance, was transient and momentary. In a fewminutes he was again led forth, that the barbarities which had beensuspended by the interposition of night, might be revived; and he madeto endure a repetition of their cruelties. He was now feeble and toomuch exhausted to save himself from the clubs and sticks, even of theaged of both sexes. The old men and the old women, who followed him, had strength and activity enough to keep pace with his fleetestprogress, and inflict on him their severest blows. Frequently he wasbeaten to the ground, and as frequently, as if invigorated by theextremity of anguish, he rose to his feet. Hobbling before histormentors, with no hope but in death, an old savage passed a knifeacross his ham, which cutting the tendons, disabled him fromproceeding farther. Still they repeated their unmerciful blows withall their energy. He was next scalped, though alive, and struggling toregain his feet. [185] Even this did not operate to suppress theircruelty. They continued to beat him, until in the height of sufferinghe again exhibited symptoms of life and exerted himself to move. Hishead was then severed from his shoulders, attached to a pole, andplaced in the most public situation in the village. 

After the attack on the Washburns, there were but two other outragescommitted in the upper country during that season. The cessation onthe part of the savages, of hostile incursions, induced an abandonmentof the forts, and the people returned to their several homes, andrespective occupations. But aggression was only suspended for a time. In October, two Indians appeared near the house of Conrad Richards, and finding in the yard a little girl at play, with an infant in herarms, they scalped her and rushed to the door. For some time theyendeavored to force it open; but it was so securely fastened within, that Richards was at liberty to use his gun for its defence. Afortunate aim wounded one of the assailants severely, and the otherretreated, helping off his companion. The girl who had been scalped inthe yard, as soon as she observed the Indians going away, ran, withthe infant still in her arms and uninjured, and entered the house--aspectacle of most heart-rending wretchedness. 

Soon after, David Edwards, returning from Winchester with salt, wasshot near the Valley river, tomahawked and scalped; in which situationhe lay for some time before he was discovered. He was the last personwho fell a victim to savage vengeance, in North Western Virginia inthe year 1778. 

The repeated irruptions of the Indians during the summer of theyear;[6] and the frequent murders and great devastation committed bythem, induced Government to undertake two expeditions into the Indiancountry. One thousand men were placed under the command of GeneralMcIntosh, some time in the fall, and he received orders to proceedforthwith against the Sandusky towns. Between two and three hundredsoldiers were likewise placed under Colonel Clarke, to operate againstthe Canadian settlements in Illinois. It was well known that theGovernor of those settlements was an indefatigable agent of Britishcruelty, stimulating the savages to aggression, and paying them wellfor scalps, torn alike from the heads of the aged matron and thehelpless infant. [7] [186] The settlements in Kentucky, were constantlythe theatre of outrage and murder; and to preserve these from entiredestruction, it was necessary that a blow should be aimed, at thehives from which the savages swarmed, and if possible, that thoseholds, into which they would retire to reap the rewards of theircruelties and receive the price of blood, should be utterly broken up. The success of those two expeditions could not fail to check savageencroachments, and give quiet and security to the frontier; andalthough the armies destined to achieve it, were not altogetheradequate to the service required, yet the known activity andenterprise of the commanding officers, joined to their prudence andgood conduct, and the bravery and indefatigable perseverance andhardiness of the troops, gave promise of a happy result. 

The success of the expedition under Colonel Clarke, [8] fully realizedthe most sanguine expectations of those, who were acquainted with theadventurous and enterprising spirit of its commander; and wasproductive of essential benefit to the state, as well as ofcomparative security to the border settlements. Descending the Ohioriver, from Fort Pitt to the Falls, he there landed his troops, andconcealing his boats, marched directly towards Kaskaskias. Theirprovisions, which were carried on their backs, were soon exhausted;and for two days, the army subsisted entirely on roots. This was theonly circumstance, which occurred during their march, calculated todamp the ardor of the troops. No band of savage warriors, hadinterposed to check their progress, --no straggling Indian, haddiscovered their approach. These fortunate omens inspired them withflattering hopes; and they pushed forward, with augmented energy. Arriving before Kaskaskias in the night, they entered it, unseen andunheard, and took possession of the town and fort, without opposition. Relying on the thick and wide extended forests which interposedbetween them and the American settlements, the inhabitants had beenlulled to repose by fancied security, and were unconscious of dangeruntil it had become too late to be avoided. Not a single individualescaped, to spread the alarm in the adjacent settlements. 

But there still remained other towns, higher up the Mississippi, which, if unconquered, would still afford shelter to the savages andfurnish them the means of annoyance and of ravage. Against these, Colonel Clarke immediately directed [187] operations. Mounting adetachment of men, on horses found at Kaskaskias, and sending themforward, three other towns were reduced with equal success. Theobnoxious governor at Kaskaskias was sent directly to Virginia, withthe written instructions which he had received from Quebec, Detroitand Michillimacinac, for exciting the Indians to war, and remuneratingthem for the blood which they might shed. 

Although the country within which Colonel Clarke had so successfullycarried on operations, was considered to be within the limits ofVirginia; yet as it was occupied by savages and those who were butlittle, if any, less hostile than they; and being so remote from hersettlements, Virginia had as yet exercised no act of jurisdiction overit. But as it now belonged to her, by conquest as well as charter, theGeneral Assembly created it into a distinct county, to be calledIllinois; a temporary government was likewise established in it, and aregiment of infantry and a troop of cavalry, ordered to be enlistedfor its defence, and placed under the command of its intrepid andenterprising conqueror. 

The expedition directed under General McIntosh, was not equallysuccessful. The difficulty of raising, equipping, and organizing, solarge a force as was placed under his command, at so great a distancefrom the populous district of the state, caused the consumption of somuch time, that the season for carrying on effective operations hadwell nigh passed before he was prepared to commence his march. Anxioushowever, to achieve as much as could then be effected for the securityof the frontier, he penetrated the enemy's country, as far asTuscarawa, when it was resolved to build and garrison a fort, anddelay farther operations 'till the ensuing spring. Fort Laurens wasaccordingly erected on the banks of the Tuscarawa, a garrison of onehundred and fifty men, under the command of Colonel John Gibson, leftfor its preservation, and the main army returned to Fort Pitt. 

----- [1] Lachlan McIntosh was born near Inverness, Scotland, March 17, 1725. With his father, and 100 others of the Clan McIntosh, he emigrated to Georgia in 1736, in the train of Oglethorpe. The party founded New Inverness, in McIntosh County. Lachlan entered the Colonial army at the opening of the Revolution, and rose to be brigadier-general. In a duel with Button Gwinnett, a signer of the Declaration of Independence, he killed the latter. General McIntosh was at the siege of Savannah in 1779, was a prisoner of war in 1780, a member congress in 1784, and in 1785 a commissioner to treat with the Southern Indians. He died at Savannah, February 20, 1806. --R. G. T. 

 [2] The distance below Pittsburg is 26 miles. See p. 45, _note_, for notice of Shingiss Old Town, at this point. --R. G. T. 

 [3] The distance, according to the shore meanderings of the U. S. Corps of Engineers, is 263 miles; the mileage of the channel would be somewhat greater. --R. G. T. 

 [4] See p. 176, _note_, for notice of Grenadier Squaw's Town, near Chillicothe. --R. G. T. 

 [5] See p. 137, _note_, for notice of Jesse Hughes; also, Peyton's _History of Augusta County_, p. 353. --R. G. T. 

 [6] These war parties largely emanated from the Detroit region. Lieutenant-Governor Hamilton, the British commander at Detroit, writing to his superior, General Haldimand, September 16, 1778, mentions incidentally that he sent out small parties of Miamis and Chippewas, August 5, and September 5 and 9; these were but three of dozens of such forays which he incited against the Virginia and Pennsylvania borders, during that year. --R. G. T. 

 [7] This reference is to Lieut. -Governor Hamilton, whom George Rogers Clark called "the hair-buying general. "--R. G. T. 

 [8] Gen. George Rogers Clark was born November 19, 1752, near Monticello, Albemarle County, Va. At the age of twenty he was practicing his profession as a surveyor on the upper Ohio, and took up a claim at the mouth of Fish Creek. In 1774, he participated as a captain in Dunmore's campaign against the Shawnees and Mingoes. Early in 1775, Clark went as a surveyor to Kentucky, where he acquired marked popularity, and in 1776 was elected as "a delegate to the Virginia convention, to urge upon the state authorities the claims of the colony for government and defense. " He secured the formation of the new county of Kentucky, and a supply of ammunition for the defense of the border. In 1777, Clark, now a major of militia, repelled the Indian attacks on Harrodsburg, and proceeded on foot to Virginia to lay before the state authorities his plan for capturing the Illinois country and repressing the Indian forays from that quarter. His scheme being approved, he was made a lieutenant-colonel, and at once set out to raise for the expedition a small force of hardy frontiersmen. He rendezvoused and drilled his little army of a hundred and fifty on Corn Island in the Ohio river, at the head of the Falls (or rapids), opposite the present city of Louisville. June 24, 1778, he started in boats down the Ohio, and landed near the deserted Fort Massac, which was on the north bank, ten miles below the mouth of the Tennessee; thence marching across country, much pressed for food, he reached Kaskaskia in six days. The inhabitants there were surprised and coerced during the night of July 4-5, without the firing of a gun. Cahokia and Vincennes soon quietly succumbed to his influence. Lieut. -Governor Hamilton, on hearing of this loss of the Illinois country and the partial defection to the Americans of the tribes west and southwest of Lake Michigan, at once set out to organize an army, chiefly composed of Indians, to retake the Illinois. He proceeded via the Wabash and Maumee, with eight hundred men, and recaptured Vincennes, December 17. 

 The intelligence of this movement of Hamilton was not long in reaching Clark at Kaskaskia, and he at once set out for Vincennes to recapture it. The march thither was one of the most heroic in American military annals. Hamilton surrendered to him, February 25, and was forwarded to Virginia as a prisoner. Early in 1780 he established Fort Jefferson, just below the mouth of the Ohio, and later in the season aided in repelling a body of British and Indians who had come to regain the Illinois country and attack the Spaniards at St. Louis. Leaving Colonel Montgomery to pursue the enemy up the Mississippi, Clark, with what force could be spared, hastened to Kentucky, where he quickly raised a thousand men, and invaded and laid waste the Shawnee villages, in retaliation for Capt. Henry Bird's invasion (see p. 262, _note_). 

 Later, he was engaged in some minor forays, and was appointed a brigadier-general; but his favorite scheme of an expedition to conquer Detroit miscarried, owing to the poverty of Virginia and the activity of the enemy under Brant, McKee, Girty, and other border leaders. In 1782 Clark led a thousand men in a successful campaign against the Indians on the Great Miami. This was his last important service, his subsequent expeditions proving failures. His later years were spent in poverty and seclusion, and his social habits became none of the best. In 1793 he imprudently accepted a commission as major-general from Genet, the French diplomatic agent, and essayed to raise a French revolutionary legion in the West to overcome the Spanish settlements on the Mississippi; upon Genet's recall, Clark's commission was canceled. Later, he sought to secure employment under the Spanish (see p. 130, _note_. ) He died February 18, 1818, at Locust Grove, near Louisville, and lies buried at Cave Hill, in the Louisville suburbs. In his article on Clark, in Appleton's _Cyclop. Of Amer. Biog. _, i. , pp. 626, 627, Dr. Draper says: "Clark was tall and commanding, brave and full of resources, possessing the affection and confidence of his men. All that rich domain northwest of the Ohio was secured to the republic, at the peace of 1783, in consequence of his prowess. " Cf. William F. Poole, in Winsor's _Narr. And Crit. Hist. Amer. _, vi. , pp. 710-742. While due credit should be given to Clark for his daring and successful undertaking, we must not forget that England's jealousy of Spain, and shrewd diplomacy on the part of America's peace plenipotentiaries, were factors even more potent in winning the Northwest for the United States. --R. G. T. 

[188] CHAPTER XI. 

No sooner had the adventurous advance of Col. Clarke, and the successwith which it was crowned, become known at Detroit, than preparationswere made to expel him from Kaskaskias, or capture his little army, and thus rid the country of this obstacle to the unmolested passage ofthe savages, to the frontier of Virginia. An army of six hundred men, principally Indians, led on by Hamilton, the governor of Detroit--aman at once bold and active, yet blood-thirsty and cruel, and wellknown as a chief instigator of the savages to war, and as a stay andprop of tories--left Detroit and proceeded towards the theatre ofClarke's renown. With this force, he calculated on being able toeffect his purpose as regarded Col. Clarke and his little band of boldand daring adventurers, and to spread devastation and death along thefrontier, from Kentucky to Pennsylvania. Arriving at Fort St. Vincent, [1] on the Wabash, about the middle of December, and deemingit too late to advance towards Kaskaskias, he repaired its battlementsand converting it into a repository for warlike implements of everydescription, he detached the greater part of his force in maraudingparties to operate against the settlements on the Ohio river, reserving for the security of his head quarters only one company ofmen. 

While these alarming preparations were being made, Col. Clarke wasactively engaged in acquiring an ascendency over the neighboringtribes of Indians; and in endeavors to attach them to the cause of theUnited States, from principle or fear. The aid which had been votedhim, fell far short of [189] the contemplated assistance, and had notyet arrived; but his genius and activity amply compensated for thedeficiency. In the heart of an Indian country, --remote from everysuccour, --and in the vicinity of powerful and hostile tribes, he yetnot only maintained his conquest and averted injury, but carriedterror and dismay into the very strongholds of the savages. Intelligence of the movement of Hamilton at length reached him, andhostile parties of Indians soon hovered around Kaskaskias. Undismayedby the tempest which was gathering over him, he concentrated hisforces, withdrawing garrisons from the other towns to strengthen this, and made every preparation to enable him to endure a siege, andwithstand the assault of a powerful army. The idea of abandoning thecountry never occurred to him. He did not despair of being able tomaintain his position, and he and his gallant band resolved that theywould do it, or perish in the attempt. In this fearful juncture, allwas activity and industry, when the arrival of a Spanish merchant whohad been at St. Vincents brought information of the reduced state ofHamilton's army. [2] Convinced that a crisis had now arrived, Clarkeresolved by one bold stroke to change the aspect of affairs, andinstead of farther preparing to resist attack, himself to become theassailant. For this purpose, a galley, mounting two four pounders andfour swivels, and having on board a company of men, was despatched, with orders to the commanding officer, to ascend the Wabash andstation himself a few miles below St. Vincents, allowing no one topass him until the arrival of the main army. Garrisoning Kaskaskias, with militia, and embodying the inhabitants for the protection of theother towns, Colonel Clarke set forward on his march across thecountry, on the 7th of February, 1779, at the head of one hundred andthirty brave and intrepid men. [3]

Such was the inclemency of the weather, and so many and great theobstacles which interposed, that in despite of the ardor, perseveranceand energy of the troops, they could yet advance very slowly towardsthe point of destination. They were five days in crossing the drownedlands of the Wabash, and for five miles had to wade through water andice, frequently up to their breasts. They overcame every difficultyand arrived before St. Vincents on the evening of the twenty-third ofFebruary and almost simultaneously with the galley. 

Thus far fortune seemed to favor the expedition. The army had not beendiscovered on its march, and the garrison was totally ignorant of itsapproach. Much however yet remained to be done. They had arrivedwithin view of the enemy, but the battle was yet to be fought. 

Sensible of the advantage to be derived from commencing the attack, while the enemy was ignorant of his approach, at seven o'clock hemarched to the assault. The inhabitants instead of offeringopposition, received the troops with gladness, and surrendering [190]the town, engaged with alacrity in the siege of the fort. For eighteenhours the garrison resisted the repeated onsets of the assailants; butduring the night succeeding the commencement of the attack, ColonelClarke had an entrenchment thrown up within rifle shot of the enemy'sstrongest battery, and in the morning, from this position, poured uponit such a well-directed shower of balls, that in fifteen minutes hesilenced two pieces of cannon without sustaining any loss whatever. The advantages thus gained, induced Hamilton to demand a parley, intimating an intention of surrendering. The terms were soon arranged. The governor and garrison became prisoners of war, and a considerablequantity of military stores fell into the hands of the conqueror. [4]

During the continuance of the siege, Colonel Clarke receivedinformation that a party of Indians which had been detached byHamilton to harrass the frontiers, was returning and then near to St. Vincents with two prisoners. He immediately ordered a detachment ofhis men to march out and give them battle--nine Indians were taken andthe two prisoners released. 

History records but few enterprises, which display as strikingly theprominent features of military greatness, and evince so much of thegenius and daring which are necessary to their successful termination, as this; while the motives which led to its delineation, were such, asmust excite universal admiration. Bold and daring, yet generous anddisinterested, Colonel Clarke sought not his individual advancement inthe projection or execution of this campaign. It was not to gratifythe longings of ambition, or an inordinate love of fame, that promptedhim to penetrate the Indian country to the Kaskaskias, nor thattempted him forth from thence, to war with the garrison at St. Vincent. He was not one of

 "Those worshippers of glory, Who bathe the earth in blood, And launch proud names for an after age, Upon the crimson flood. "

The distress and sufferings of the frontier of Virginia required thata period should speedily be put to them, to preserve the country fromravage and its inhabitants from butchery. Clarke had seen andparticipated in that distress and those sufferings, and put inrequisition every faculty of his mind and all the energies of hisbody, to alleviate and prevent them. Providence smiled on hisundertaking, and his exertions were crowned with complete success. Theplan which had been concerted for the ensuing campaign against thefrontier of Virginia, threatening to involve the whole country west ofthe Alleghany mountains in destruction and death, was thus happilyfrustrated; and he, who had been mainly instrumental in impelling thesavages to war, and in permitting, if not instigating them to thecommission of the most atrocious barbarities, was a prisoner in thehands of the enemy. So justly obnoxious had he [191] rendered himselfby his conduct, that a more than ordinary rigor was practised uponhim; and by the orders of the governor of Virginia, the governor ofDetroit was manacled with irons, and confined in jail. [5]

Far different was the termination of the enterprise entrusted to theconduct of General McIntosh. It has been already seen that theapproach of winter forced the main army to retire to the settlementsinto winter quarters, before they were able to accomplish any thing, but the erection of Fort Laurens. [6] Colonel Gibson, the commandant ofthe garrison, though a brave and enterprising officer, was sosituated, that the preservation of the fort, was all which he couldaccomplish; and this was no little hazard of failure, from the verysuperior force of the enemy, and the scarcity of provisions for thesubsistance of the garrison. So soon as the Indians became acquaintedwith the existence of a fort so far in their country, they put inpractice those arts which enable them, so successfully to annoy theirenemies. 

Early in January, a considerable body of savages approached FortLaurens unperceived and before the garrison was apprised that anIndian knew of its erection. [7] In the course of the night theysucceeded in catching the horses outside of the fort; and taking offtheir bells, carried them into the woods, some distance off. They thenconcealed themselves in the prairie grass, along a path leading fromthe fort, and in the morning commenced rattling the bells, at thefarther extremity of the line of ambushment, so as to induce thebelief that the horses was there to be found. The stratagem succeeded. Sixteen men were sent out to bring in the horses. Allured by the soundof the bells, they kept the path, along which the Indians layconcealed, until they found themselves unexpectedly in the presence ofan enemy, who opened upon them a destructive fire from front and rear. Fourteen were killed on the spot, and the remaining two were takenprisoners. 

On the evening of the day on which this unfortunate surprise tookplace, the Indian army, consisting of eight hundred and forty-sevenwarriors, painted and equipped for war, marched in single file througha prairie near the fort and in full view of the garrison, and encampedon an adjacent elevation on the opposite side of the river. From thissituation, frequent conversations were held by them with the whites, in which they deprecated the longer continuance of hostilities, butyet protested against the encroachment made upon their territory bythe whites, the erection of a fort and the garrisoning soldiers withintheir country, not only unpermitted by them, but for some time beforethey knew any thing of it. For these infringements on their rights, they were determined on prosecuting the war, and continued theinvesture of the fort, for six weeks. In this time they becamestraitened for provisions, and aware that without a fresh supply ofthem, they would be forced to abandon the siege, they sent word to thecommander of the garrison, by a Delaware [192] Indian, calling himselfJohn Thompson, (who, though with the whites in the fort, was permittedby both parties to go in and out, as he choose) that they weredesirous of peace, and were willing to enter into a negotiation, if hewould send them a barrel of flour and some tobacco. Scarce as thesearticles had actually become in the garrison, yet Col. Gibson compliedwith their request, hoping that they might be induced to make peace, or withdraw from the fort, and hopeless of timely succours from thesettlements. Upon the receipt of those presents, the Indians raisedthe siege and marched their army off, much to the relief of thegarrison, although they did not fulfil their promise of entering intoa treaty. 

During the time the Indians remained about the fort, there was muchsickness in the garrison; and when they were believed to have retired, the commandant detached Col. Clarke, of the Pennsylvania line, [8] witha party of fifteen men, to escort the invalids to Fort McIntosh. Theyproceeded but a small distance from the gate, where they wereattacked by some Indians, who had been left concealed near the fort, for the purpose of effecting farther mischief. A skirmish ensued; butoverpowered by numbers and much galled by the first fire, Col. Clarkecould not maintain the conflict. With much difficulty, he and threeothers reached the fort in safety: the rest of the party were allkilled. 

Col. Gibson immediately marched out at the head of the greater part ofthe garrison, but the Indians had retreated as soon as they succeededin cutting off the detachment under Col. Clarke, and prudence forbadeto proceed in pursuit of them, as the main army was believed to be yetin the neighborhood. The dead were however brought in, and buried withthe honors of war, in front of the fort gate. 

In a few days after this, Gen. McIntosh arrived with a considerablebody of troops and a supply of provisions for the garrison. While thesavages were continuing the siege, a friendly Indian, had beendespatched by Col. Gibson to acquaint Gen. McIntosh with thesituation at Fort Laurens, and that without the speedy arrival of areinforcement of men and an accession to their stock of provisions, the garrison would have to surrender; or seek a doubtful safety, by evacuating the fort and endeavoring to regain the Ohio river, in the presence of an overwhelming body of the enemy. With greatpromptitude the settlers flocked to the standard of Gen. McIntosh, and loading pack horses, with abundance of provisions for thesupply of the garrison at Fort Laurens, commenced a rapid march totheir relief. Before their arrival, they had been relieved from themost pressing danger, by the withdrawal of the Indian army; and wereonly suffering from the want of flour and meat. A manifestation ofthe great joy felt upon the arrival of Gen. McIntosh, had wellnigh deprived them of the benefit to be derived from the provisionsbrought for them. When the relief army approached the fort, asalute was fired by the garrison, which, alarming the pack horses, caused them [193] to break loose and scatter the greater part ofthe flour in every direction through the woods, so that it wasimpossible to be again collected. 

The remains of those, who had unfortunately fallen into the ambuscadein January, and which had lain out until then, were gathered togetherand buried;[9] and a fresh detachment, under Major Vernon, being leftto garrison the fort, in the room of that which had been stationedthere during winter, Gen. McIntosh, withdrew from the country andreturned to Fort McIntosh. In the ensuing fall, Fort Laurens wasentirely evacuated; the garrison having been almost reduced tostarvation, and it being found very difficult to supply them withprovisions at so great a distance from the settlements and in theheart of the Indian country. 

During the year 1778, Kentucky was the theatre of many outrages. InJanuary, a party of thirty men, among whom was Daniel Boone, repairedto the "Lower Blue Licks" for the purpose of making salt; and on the7th of February, while Boone was alone in the woods, on a hunt tosupply the salt makers with meat, he was encountered by a party of onehundred and two Indians and two Canadians, and made prisoner. Thesavages advanced to the Licks, and made prisoners of twenty-seven ofthose engaged in making salt. [10] Their object in this incursion, was[193] the destruction of Boonesborough; and had they continued theirmarch thither, there is no doubt but that place, weakened as it was bythe loss of so many of its men and not expecting an attack at thatinclement season, would have fallen into their hands; but elated withtheir success, the Indians marched directly back with their prisonersto Chillicothe. The extreme suffering of the prisoners, during thismarch, inspired the savages with pity, and induced them to exercise anunusual lenity towards their captives. In March, Boone was carried toDetroit, where the Indians refused to liberate him, though an hundredpounds were offered for his ransom, and from which place heaccompanied them back to Chillicothe in the latter part of April. Inthe first of June, he went with them to the Scioto salt springs, andon his return found one hundred and fifty choice warriors of theShawanee nation, painting, arming, and otherwise equipping themselvesto proceed again to the attack of Boonesborough. 

[194] Hitherto Boone had enjoyed as much satisfaction, as wasconsistent with his situation, and more than would have beenexperienced by the most of men, in captivity to the Indians; but whenhe found such great preparations making for an attack on the placewhich contained all that he held most dear, his love of family, hisattachment to the village reared under his superintending hand, and toits inhabitants protected by his fostering care, determined him toattempt an immediate escape. Early on the morning of the 16th of June, he went forth as usual to hunt. He had secreted as much food as wouldserve him for one meal, and with this scanty supply, he resolved onfinding his way home. On the 20th, having travelled a distance of onehundred and sixty miles, crossed the Ohio and other rivers, and withno sustenance, save what he had taken with him from Chillicothe, hearrived at Boonesborough. The fort was quickly repaired, and everypreparation made to enable it to withstand a siege. 

In a few days after, another, of those who had been taken prisoners atthe Blue Licks, escaped, and brought intelligence that in consequenceof the flight of Boone, the Indians had agreed to postpone theirmeditated irruption, for three weeks. [11] This intelligence determinedBoone to invade the Indian country, and at the head of only ten menhe went forth on an expedition against Paint creek town. Near to thisplace, he met with a party of Indians going to join the main army, then on its march to Boonesborough, whom he attacked and dispersedwithout sustaining any loss on his part. The enemy had one killed andtwo severely wounded in this skirmish; and lost their horses andbaggage. On their return, they passed the Indian army on the 6th ofAugust, and on the next day entered Boonesborough. [12]

On the 8th of August, the Indian army, consisting of four hundred andfifty men, and commanded by Capt. Du Quesne, eleven other Frenchmen, and their own chiefs, appeared before the Fort and demanded itssurrender. [13] In order to gain time, Boone requested two days'consideration, and at the expiration of that period, returned foranswer, that the garrison had resolved on defending it, while oneindividual remained alive within its walls. 

Capt. Du Quesne then made known, that he was charged by Gov. Hamilton, to make prisoners of the garrison, but not to treat themharshly; and that if nine of their principal men would come out, and negotiate a treaty, based on a renunciation of allegiance tothe United States, and on a renewal of their fealty to the king, theIndian army should be instantly withdrawn. Boone did not confide inthe sincerity of the Frenchman, but he determined to gain theadvantage of farther preparation for resistance, by delaying theattack. He consented to negotiate on the terms proposed; butsuspecting treachery, insisted that the conference should be heldnear the fort walls. The garrison were on the alert, while thenegotiation continued, and did not fail to remark that many of theIndians, not [195] concerned in making the treaty, were stalkingabout, under very suspicious circumstances. The terms on which thesavage army was to retire were at length agreed upon, and thearticles signed, when the whites were told that it was an Indiancustom, in ratification of compacts, that two of their chiefs shouldshake hands with one white man. Boone and his associates, consentingto conform to this custom, not without suspicion of a sinisterdesign, were endeavored to be dragged off as prisoners by thesavages; but strong and active, they bounded from their grasp, andentered the gate, amid a heavy shower of balls--one only of thenine, was slightly wounded. The Indians then commenced a furiousassault on the fort, but were repulsed with some loss on their part;and every renewed attempt to carry it by storm, was in like manner, frustrated by the intrepidity and gallantry of its inmates. [14]

Disappointed in their expectation of succeeding in this way, thesavages next attempted to undermine the fort, commencing at the watermark of the Kentucky river, only sixty yards from the walls. Thiscourse was no doubt dictated to them by their French commanders, as they are ignorant of the practice of war, farther than dependson the use of the gun, and tomahawk, and the exercise of stratagemand cunning. The vigilance of the besieged however, soon led to adiscovery of the attempt--the water below, was colored by the claythrown out from the excavation, while above it retained its usualtransparency; and here again they were foiled by the activeexertion of the garrison. A countermine was begun by them, the earthfrom which being thrown over the wall, manifested the nature of theiroperations, and led the enemy to raise the siege, and retire from thecountry. [15]

In the various assaults made on the fort by this savage army, twoonly, of the garrison, were killed, and four wounded. The loss of theenemy, as usual, could not be properly ascertained: thirty-seven wereleft dead on the field, and many, were no doubt wounded. [16]

So signally was the savage army repulsed, in their repeated attacks onBoonesborough, that they never afterwards made any great effort toeffect its reduction. The heroism and intrepidity of Boone and hisassistants rendered it impregnable to their combined exertions todemolish it; while the vigilance and caution of the inhabitants, convinced them, that it would be fruitless and unavailing to deviseplans for gaining admission into the fort, by stratagem or wile. Stillhowever, they kept up a war of ravage and murder, against such as wereunfortunately found defenceless and unprotected; and levelled combinedoperations against other and weaker positions. 

[196] The success of the expedition under Col. Clarke, thoughproductive of many and great advantages to the [195] frontierinhabitants, did not achieve for them, an unmolested security. Theirproperty was still liable to plunder, and families newly arrived amongthem, to be murdered or taken prisoners. Combined efforts wererequired, to put a period to savage aggression; and a meeting of thesettlers was held at Harrodsburg, to concert measures to effect thatobject. Their consultation resulted in a determination, to carry thewar into the enemy's country; and as the Shawanees had been mostefficient in waging hostilities, it was resolved to commenceoperations, against their most considerable town. Two hundredvolunteers were accordingly raised, and when rendezvoused atHarrodsburg, were placed under the command of Col. Bowman, andproceeded against Chillicothe. [17]

The expedition thus fitted out, arrived, by forced marches, near toChillicothe in the evening towards the latter end of July, 1779; andon deliberation, it was agreed to defer the attack 'till next morning. Before dawn the army was drawn up and arranged in order of battle. Theright wing led on by Col. Bowman, was to assume a position on oneside of the town, and the left, under Capt. Logan, was to occupy theground on the opposite side; and at a given signal, both were todevelope to the right and left, so as to encircle and attack it inconcert. [18] The party, led on by Logan, repaired to the pointassigned, and was waiting in anxious, but vain expectation for thesignal of attack to be given, when the attention of the Indians wasdirected towards him by the barking of their dogs. At this instant agun was discharged by one of Bowman's men, and the whole villagealarmed. The squaws and children were hurried into the woods, along apath not yet occupied by the assailants, and the warriors collected ina strong cabin. [19] Logan, being near enough to perceive everymovement of the enemy, ordered his men quietly to occupy the desertedhuts, as a momentary shelter from the Indian fires, until Col. Bowmanshould march forward. It was now light; and the savages began aregular discharge of shot at his men, as they advanced to the desertedcabins. This determined him to move directly to the attack of thecabin, in which the warriors were assembled; and ordering his men totear off the doors and hold them in front, as a shield, whileadvancing to the assault, he was already marching on the foe, when hewas overtaken by an order from Col. Bowman, to retreat. 

Confounded by this command, Capt. Logan was for a time reluctant toobey it; a retreat was however, directed; and each individual, sensible of his great exposure while retiring from the towns, soughtto escape from danger, in the manner directed by his own judgment; andfled to the woods at his utmost speed. There they rallied, andresumed more of order, though still too much terrified to stand acontest, when the Indians sallied out to give battle. Intimidated bythe apprehension of danger, which they had not seen, [197] butsupposed to be great from the retreating order of Col. Bowman, theycontinued to fly before the savages, led on by their chief, the BlackFish. At length they were brought to a halt, and opened a brisk, though inefficient fire, upon their pursuers. Protected by bushes, theIndians maintained their ground, 'till Capts. Logan and Harrod, withsome of the men under their immediate command, mounted on pack horses, charged them with great spirit, and dislodged them from their covert. Exposed in turn to the fire of the whites, and seeing their chieffall, the savages took to flight, and Col. Bowman continued hisretreat homeward, free from farther interruption. [20]

In this illy conducted expedition, Col. Bowman had nine of his menkilled and one wounded. The Indian loss was no doubt less: only two orthree were known to be killed. Had the commanding officer, instead ofordering a retreat when Logan's men were rushing bravely to theconflict, marched with the right wing of the army to their aid, fardifferent would have been the result. The enemy, only thirty strong, could not long have held out, against the bravery and impetuosity oftwo hundred backwoodsmen, stimulated to exertion by repeatedsuffering, and nerved by the reflection, that they were requiting itupon its principal authors. Col. Bowman doubtless believed that he waspursuing a proper course. The gallantry and intrepidity, displayed byhim on many occasions, forbid the supposition that he was under theinfluence of any unmilitary feeling, and prompted to that course by adisposition to shrink from ordinary dangers. His motives werecertainly pure, and his subsequent exertions to rally his men andbring them to face the foe, were as great as could have been made byany one; but disheartened by the fear of unreal danger, and in thetrepidation of a flight, deemed to be absolutely necessary for theirsafety, they could not be readily brought to bear the brunt of battle. The efforts of a few cool and collected individuals, drove back thepursuers, and thus prevented an harrassed retreat. 

Notwithstanding the frequent irruptions of the Indians, and theconstant exposure of the settlers to suffering and danger, Kentuckyincreased rapidly in population. From the influx of emigrants duringthe fall and winter months, the number of its inhabitants wereannually doubled for some years; and new establishments were made invarious parts of the country. In April 1779, a block house was erectedon the present site of Lexington, [21] and several stations wereselected in its vicinity, and in the neighborhood of the present townof Danville. Settlements were also made, in that year, on the watersof Bear Grass, Green and Licking rivers, and parts of the countrybegan to be distinguished by their interior and frontier situation. 

----- [1] Called by the English, Fort Sackville. --R. G. T. 

 [2] From Clark's Journal: "January 29. --M. Vigo, a Spanish subject who had been at Post St. Vincents on his lawful business, arrived and gave us intelligence that Governor Hamilton, with thirty regulars and fifty volunteers and about 400 Indians, had arrived in November and taken that post with Capt. Helms and such other Americans who were there with arms, and disarmed the settlers and inhabitants. "--R. G. T. 

 [3] Forty-six men, under Lieut. John Rogers, went with the artillery and stores, in a large galley or batteau, called the "Willing. " The distance to Vincennes by land, was a hundred and fifty miles. --R. G. T. 

 [4] The originals of the correspondence between Clark and Hamilton are, with much other MS. Material relative to the movements of Clark, in possession of the Wisconsin Historical Society. Hamilton's letter, in a neat, scholarly hand, ran:

 "Lieutenant Governor Hamilton proposes to Colonel Clark a Truce for three days, during which time he promises, there shall not be any defensive work carried on in the Garrison, on Condition Colo^l. Clark shall observe on his part a like cessation from any offensive Work--

 "He further proposes that whatever may pass between them two and any persons (mutually agreed upon to be) present, shall remain secret, till matters be finally concluded--

 "As he wishes that whatever the result of their conference may be the honor and credit of each party may be considered, so he wishes to confer with Colo^l. Clark as soon as may be--

 "As Colo^l. Clark makes a difficulty of coming into the Garrison, L^t. G. Hamilton will speak with him before the Gate--

 Henry Hamilton. "Feb^y. 24^th. 1779--Fort Sackville--"

 Clark's gruff reply, in rugged, but not unclerical chirography, was as follows:

 "Colonel Clark's Compliments to M^r. Hamilton and begs leave to inform him that Co^l. Clark will not agree to any Other Terms than that of M^r. Hamilton's Surrendering himself and Garrison, Prisoners at Discretion--

 "If M^r. Hamilton is Desirous of a Conferance with Co^l. Clark he will meet him at the Church with Capt^n. Helms--

 "Feb^y. 24^th. , 1779. G. R. CLARK. "--R. G. T. 

 [5] Hamilton, in a letter of July 6, 1781, contained in the Haldimand Papers, in the British Museum, gives what he calls "a brief account" of his ill-starred expedition. See Roosevelt's _Winning of the West, passim. _--R. G. T. 

 [6] On the Tuscarawas River, about ten miles north of the present New Philadelphia, O. , and a mile south of what is now Bolivar, Tuscarawas County. At the time Withers alludes to, it was garrisoned by 150 men under Col. John Gibson. --R. G. T. 

 [7] Simon Girty and seventeen Indians, mostly Mingoes. Withers confounds this raid with the more formidable siege in February and March. In the January assault, Girty's band ambushed Capt. John Clark, a sergeant, and fourteen men, returning to Fort Pitt from convoying provisions to Fort Laurens. Two whites were killed, four wounded, and one taken prisoner. In February, came an attacking party of a hundred and twenty Indians (mostly Wyandots and Mingoes), led by Capt. Henry Bird, of the Eighth (or King's) Regiment; with him were Simon Girty and ten soldiers. The enemy arrived February 22, but remained in hiding. The next day Gibson sent out a guard of eighteen men, despite warnings of the enemy's presence, to assist the wagoner in collecting the horses of the fort. All the party were killed and scalped, within sight of the fort, save two, who were made prisoners. The fort was then openly invested until March 20, when the besiegers withdrew, torn with dissensions and short of supplies. See Butterfield's _Washington-Irvine Correspondence_ for further details. --R. G. T. 

 [8] Not to be confounded with George Rogers Clark, of Kentucky. --R. G. T. 

 [9] The bodies of these men were found to have been much devoured by the wolves, and bearing the appearance of having been recently torn by them. With a view of taking revenge on these animals for devouring their companions, the fatigue party sent to bury their remains, after digging a grave sufficiently capacious to contain all, and having deposited them in it, they covered the pit with slender sticks, bark and rotten wood, too weak to bear the weight of a wolf, and placed a piece of meat on the top and near the center of this covering, as a bait. In the morning seven wolves were found in the pit, and killed and the grave then filled up. 

 [10] Boone had left Boonesborough January 8, in charge of thirty men, to make salt at the Lower Blue Licks, on Licking River. They carried with them, on horses, several large boiling pans, given to the settlement by the government of Virginia. So weak was the water there, that 840 gallons were necessary to make a bushel of salt, against ninety at the Kanawha salines, and forty at Onondaga. While the salt-makers were at work, two or three others of the party served as scouts and hunters; generally, Boone was one of these. This day (Saturday, February 7) Boone started out alone with his pack-horse for a supply of game, which usually was plenty in the neighborhood of the salt licks; Thomas Brooks and Flanders Callaway, his fellow scouts, were taking another circuit. Having killed a buffalo, Boone was on his way home in the afternoon, with the choicest of the meat packed upon his horse. Snow was falling fast, and he was ten miles from camp, when discovered by four Indians, outlying members of a large party of Shawnees under Munseka and Black Fish, who had taken the war-path to avenge the murder of Cornstalk (see p. 172, _note_. 2). Benumbed by cold, and unable easily to untie or cut the frozen thongs which bound on the pack, Boone could not unload and mount the horse, and after a sharp skirmish was captured, and led to the main Indian encampment, a few miles away. Boone induced his fellow salt-makers to surrender peaceably the following day (February 8); the number of prisoners was, including Boone, twenty-seven--two scouts and two salt-packers being absent. After a ten days' "uncomfortable journey, in very severe weather, " says Boone, in which they "received as good treatment as prisoners could expect from savages, " the party arrived at Little Chillicothe, on Little Miami--so called in contradistinction to Old Chillicothe, on the Scioto. Boone's strong, compact build caused the Indians to call him Big Turtle, and under that name he was adopted as the son of Black Fish, who took a fancy to him; sixteen of his companions were also adopted by other warriors. The ten who were not adopted were, with Boone, taken on a trip to Detroit (starting March 10), guarded by forty Indians under Black Fish. The ten were sold to Lieut. Governor Hamilton and citizens of Detroit, for £20 each, the usual price for American prisoners. Boone remained in Detroit until April 10, during which he was treated with great courtesy by Hamilton, who offered Black Fish £100 for him, but the latter declined and took the great pioneer home with him; but Boone himself was given by Hamilton a horse and trappings, with silver trinkets to give to the Indians. At Little Chillicothe, Boone was kindly treated by Black Fish, and little by little his liberty was extended. June 16, while the family were making salt on the Scioto, preparatory to another expedition against Boonesborough, Boone escaped on the horse given him by Hamilton. After many curious adventures, in the course of which he swam the Ohio, he safely reached Boonesborough, June 20, having traveled, he estimated, a hundred and sixty miles in four days. Boone's wife and family, supposing him dead, had returned to their old home in North Carolina, but Boone himself remained to assist in the defense of Boonesborough against the impending attack, of which he had brought intelligence. --R. G. T. 

 [11] This was William Hancock, who had, like Boone, been adopted into an Indian family. Not so expert a woodsman as Boone, he had consumed twelve days in the journey from Chillicothe to Boonesborough, and suffered great hardships. He arrived at the fort July 17. In consequence of Boone's escape, he reported, the Indians had postponed their intended attack for three weeks. The next day (July 18), Boone wrote to Arthur Campbell, lieutenant of Washington County, Va. (the Holston settlements, 200 miles away), that he expected the enemy in twelve days, and that the fort was prepared for a siege of three or four weeks; but relief would then be of infinite service. --R. G. T. 

 [12] At the close of six weeks after Hancock's arrival, Boone had become weary of waiting for the enemy, hence his expedition with nineteen men--not ten, as in the text--against the Shawnee town on Paint Creek, during the last week of August. It was the 5th of September when, undiscovered, he passed the Indian force encamped at Lower Blue Licks, and the next day arrived at Boonesborough. --R. G. T. 

 [13] About 10 A. M. Of Monday, September 7, --Withers places it a month, less a day, too early, --the hostiles crossed the Kentucky a mile and a half above Boonesborough, at a point since known as Black Fish's Ford, and soon made their appearance marching single file, some of them mounted, along the ridge south of the fort. They numbered about 400, and displayed English and French flags. The strength of the force has been variously estimated, from 330 Indians and 8 Frenchmen (Col. John Bowman), to 444 Indians and 12 Frenchmen (Boone's Narrative, by Filson). The English Indian department was represented by Capt. Isidore Chêne, who had with him several other French-Canadians; there was also a negro named Pompey, who had long lived with the Indians, and served them as interpreter; the principal chiefs were, Black Fish, Moluntha, Black Hoof, and Black Beard. --R. G. T. 

 [14] The garrison numbered, old and young, white and black, sixty persons capable of bearing arms; only forty, however, were really effective. Women and children, dressed and armed as men, frequently appeared upon the walls, to give an appearance of greater strength. --R. G. T. 

 [15] This ruse of the Indians was discovered on Friday, the 11th. The garrison commenced its countermine immediately, and prosecuted the work for several days. The rival parties could hear each other at work underground. When the Indians had proceeded about forty yards, two-thirds of the distance from the river bank, successive rainstorms had so saturated the earth that sections of their tunnel caved in, and this it was that frustrated their scheme. --R. G. T. 

 [16] When the Indians retired from before Boonesboro, one hundred and twenty-five pounds weight of bullets were picked up by the garrison, besides many that stuck in the logs of the fort. A conclusive proof that the Indians were not idle, during the continuance of the siege. 

 [17] John Bowman, of Harrodsburgh, was lieutenant of Kentucky County, and colonel of its militia. During the spring of 1779, there was a general desire to raid the unsuspecting Shawnees, in retaliation for their invasions of Kentucky, and Bowman decided to command in person this "first regular enterprise to attack, in force, the Indians beyond the Ohio, ever planned in Kentucky. " The company of volunteers of the interior rendezvoused in May at Harrodsburgh, and under Capts. Benjamin Logan and Silas Harlan marched to Lexington, where they met the Boonesborough company under Capt. John Holder, and another party under Capt. Levi Todd. At the mouth of the Licking (site of Covington, Ky. ), the general rendezvous agreed on, they found a company from the Falls of the Ohio (site of Louisville), under Capt. William Harrod. Also in the little army, which finally mustered 297 men, including officers, were frontiersmen from Redstone Old Fort, and other settlements in the valleys of the Ohio and Monongahela. The Redstone men were on their way home, when they heard of the expedition, and joined it at the Licking; they had been on a visit to Big Bone Lick, and had a canoe-load of relics therefrom, which they were transporting up river. The force crossed the Ohio, May 28, just below the mouth of the Licking; 32 men remained behind in charge of the boats, leaving 265 to set out for the Shawnee town of Little Chillicothe, on the Little Miami, distant about sixty-five miles northeast. George Clark and William Whitley were pilots, and George M. Bedinger adjutant and quartermaster. --R. G. T. 

 [18] Without having seen an Indian, the expedition arrived in sight of Little Chillicothe, at dusk of May 29--Withers places the date two months ahead of the actual time. Capt. Logan had charge of the left wing, Harrod of the right, and Holder of the center. The white force now numbered 263--two men having returned to the boats, disabled; the Indians numbered about 100 warriors and 200 squaws and children. Black Fish was the principal village chief, and subordinate to him were Black Hoof and Black Beard. --R. G. T. 

 [19] This was the council house, which was so stoutly defended that the white assailants were glad to take refuge in a neighboring hut, from which they escaped with difficulty. --R. G. T. 

 [20] The chief cause of alarm, and the consequent disorder, was a false report started among the whites, that Simon Girty and a hundred Shawnees from the Indian village of Piqua, twelve miles distant, were marching to the relief of Black Fish. Order was soon restored, and when, fourteen miles out upon the homeward trail, Indians were discovered upon their rear, the enemy were met with vigor, and thereafter the retreat was unhampered. The force reached the Ohio, just above the mouth of the Little Miami, early on June 1. The "pack-horses" alluded to by Withers, were 163 Indian ponies captured in the Chillicothe woods; the other plunder was considerable, being chiefly silver ornaments and clothing. After crossing the Ohio in boats--the horses swimming--there was an auction of the booty, which was appraised at £32, 000, continental money, each man getting goods or horses to the value of about £110. The Indian loss was five killed at the town, and many wounded; the whites had seven men killed. Little Chillicothe had been for the most part destroyed by fire, and its crops destroyed. The newspapers of the day regarded the expedition as an undoubted success. --R. G. T. 

 [21] George W. Ranck: "April 1. Robert Patterson, at the head of twenty-five men, commenced a block house where Lexington now stands. "--R. G. T. 

[198] CHAPTER XII. 

In North Western Virginia, the frequent inroads of small parties ofsavages in 1778, led to greater preparations for security, fromrenewed hostilities after the winter should have passed away; and manysettlements received a considerable accession to their strength, fromthe number of persons emigrating to them. In some neighborhoods, thesufferings of the preceding season and the inability of theinhabitants, from the paucity of their numbers, to protect themselvesfrom invasion, led to a total abandonment of their homes. Thesettlement on Hacker's creek was entirely broken up in the spring of1779, --some of its inhabitants forsaking the country and retiring eastof the mountains; while the others went to the fort on Buchannon, andto Nutter's fort, near Clarksburg, to aid in resisting the foe and inmaintaining possession of the country. When the campaign of that yearopened, the whole frontier was better prepared to protect itself frominvasion and to shield its occupants from the wrath of the savageenemy, than it had ever been, since it became the abode of white men. There were forts in every settlement, into which the people couldretire when danger threatened, and which were capable of withstandingthe assaults of savages, however furious they might be, if having todepend for success, on the use of small arms only. It was fortunatefor the country, that this was their dependence. A few well directedshots even from small cannon, would have demolished [199] theirstrongest fortress, and left them no hope from death, but captivity. 

In the neighborhood of Pricket's fort, the inhabitants were earlyalarmed, by circumstances which induced a belief that the Indians werenear, and they accordingly entered that garrison. It was soonevident that their fears were groundless, but as the season wasfast approaching, when the savages might be expected to commencedepredations, they determined on remaining in the fort, of anight, and yet prosecute the business of their farms as usual duringthe day. Among those who were at this time in the fort, was DavidMorgan, (a relation of General Daniel Morgan, ) then upwards of sixtyyears of age. Early in April, being himself unwell, he sent histwo children--Stephen, a youth of sixteen, and Sarah, a girl offourteen--to feed the cattle at his farm, about a mile off. Thechildren, thinking to remain all day and spend the time in preparingground for water melons, unknown to their father took with themsome bread and meat. Having fed the stock, Stephen set himself towork, and while he was engaged in grubbing, his sister would removethe brush, and otherwise aid him in the labor of clearing theground; occasionally going to the house to wet some linen whichshe had spread out to bleach. Morgan, after the children had beengone some time, betook himself to bed, and soon falling asleep, dreamed that he saw Stephen and Sarah walking about the fort yard, scalped. Aroused from slumber by the harrowing spectacle presentedto his sleeping view, he enquired if the children had returned, and upon learning they had not, he set out to see what detainedthem, taking with him his gun. As he approached the house, stillimpressed with the horrible fear that he should find his dreamrealized, he ascended an eminence, from which he could distinctly seeover his plantation, and descrying from thence the objects of hisanxious solicitude, he proceeded directly to them, and seatedhimself on an old log, near at hand. He had been here but a fewminutes, before he saw two Indians come out from the house and maketoward the children. Fearing to alarm them too much, and thusdeprive them of the power of exerting themselves ably to make anescape, he apprized them in a careless manner, of their danger, and told them to run towards the fort--himself still maintaininghis seat on the log. The Indians then raised a hideous yell andran in pursuit; but the old [200] gentleman shewing himself atthat instant, caused them to forbear the chase, and shelter themselvesbehind trees. He then endeavored to effect an escape, by flight, andthe Indians followed after him. Age and consequent infirmity, rendered him unable long to continue out of their reach; and awarethat they were gaining considerably on him, he wheeled to shoot. Both instantly sprang behind trees, and Morgan seeking shelter inthe same manner, got behind a sugar, which was so small as to leavepart of his body exposed. Looking round, he saw a large oak abouttwenty yards farther, and he made to it. Just as he reached it, theforemost Indian sought security behind the sugar sapling, which hehad found insufficient for his protection. The Indian, sensible thatit would not shelter him, threw himself down by the side of a logwhich lay at the root of the sapling. But this did not afford himsufficient cover, and Morgan, seeing him exposed to a shot, firedat him. The ball took effect, and the savage, rolling over on hisback, stabbed himself twice in the breast. 

Having thus succeeded in killing one of his pursuers, Morgan againtook to flight, and the remaining Indian after him. It was now thattrees could afford him no security--His gun was unloaded, and hispursuer could approach him safely. --The unequal race was continuedabout sixty yards, when looking over his shoulder, he saw the savagewithin a few paces of him, and with his gun raised. Morgan sprang toone side, and the ball whizzed harmlessly by him. The odds was now notgreat, and both advanced to closer combat, sensible of the prize forwhich they had to contend, and each determined, to deal death to hisadversary. Morgan aimed a blow with his gun; but the Indian hurled atomahawk at him, which cutting the little finger of his left handentirely off, and injuring the one next it very much, knocked the gunout of his grasp, and they closed. Being a good wrestler, Morgansucceeded in throwing the Indian; but soon found himself overturned, and the savage upon him, feeling for his knife and sending forth amost horrifick yell, as is their custom when they consider victory assecure. A woman's apron, which he had taken from the house andfastened round him above his knife, so hindered him in getting at itquickly, that Morgan, getting one of his fingers in his mouth, deprived him of the use of that hand, and disconcerted him very muchby continuing to grind it between his teeth. At length the [201]Indian got hold of his knife, but so far towards the blade, thatMorgan too got a small hold on the extremity of the handle; and as theIndian drew it from the scabbard, Morgan, biting his finger with allhis might, and thus causing him somewhat to relax his grasp, drew itthrough his hand, gashing it most severely. 

By this time both had gained their feet, and the Indian, sensible ofthe great advantage gained over him, endeavored to disengage himself;but Morgan held fast to the finger, until he succeeded in giving him afatal stab, and felt the almost lifeless body sinking in his arms. Hethen loosened his hold and departed for the fort. 

On his way he met with his daughter, who not being able to keep pacewith her brother, had followed his footsteps to the river bank wherehe had plunged in, and was then making her way to the canoe. Assuredthus far of the safety of his children, he accompanied his daughter tothe fort, and then, in company with a party of the men, returned tohis farm, to see if there were any appearance of other Indians beingabout there. On arriving at the spot where the desperate struggle hadbeen, the wounded Indian was not to be seen; but trailing him by theblood which flowed profusely from his side, they found him concealedin the branches of a fallen tree. --He had taken the knife from hisbody, bound up the wound with the apron, and on their approaching him, accosted them familiarly, with the salutation "How do do broder, howdo broder. " Alas! poor fellow! their brotherhood extended no fartherthan to the gratification of a vengeful feeling. He was tomahawked andscalped; and, as if this would not fill the measure of theirvindictive passions, both he and his companion were flayed, theirskins tanned and converted into saddle seats, shot pouches andbelts--A striking instance of the barbarities, which a revengefulspirit will lead its possessors to perpetrate. [1]

The alarm which had caused the people in the neighborhood of Pricket'sfort, to move into it for safety, induced two or three families onDunkard creek to collect at the house of Mr. Bozarth, thinking theywould be more exempt from danger when together, than if remaining attheir several homes. About the first of April, when only Mr. Bozarthand two men were in the house, the children, who had been out at play, came running into the yard, exclaiming that there were [202] "_uglyred men coming. _" Upon hearing this, one of the two men in the house, going to the door to see if Indians really were approaching, receiveda glancing shot on his breast, which caused him to fall back. TheIndian who had shot him, sprang in immediately after, and grapplingwith the other white man, was quickly thrown on the bed. Hisantagonist having no weapon with which to do him any injury called toMrs. Bozarth for a knife. Not finding one at hand, she siezed an axe, and at one blow, let out the brains of the prostrate savage. At thatinstant a second Indian entering the door, shot dead the man engagedwith his companion on the bed. Mrs. Bozarth turned on him, and with awell directed blow, let out his entrails and caused him to bawl outfor help. Upon this, others of his party, who had been engaged withthe children in the yard, came to his relief. The first who thrust hishead in at the door, had it cleft by the axe of Mrs. Bozarth and felllifeless on the ground. Another, catching hold of his wounded, bawlingcompanion, drew him out of the house, when Mrs. Bozarth, with the aidof the white man who had been first shot and was then somewhatrecovered, succeeded in closing and making fast the door. The childrenin the yard were all killed, but the heroism and exertions of Mrs. Bozarth and the wounded white man, enabled them to resist therepeated attempts of the Indians, to force open the door, and tomaintain possession of the house, until they were relieved by a partyfrom the neighboring settlement. --The time occupied in this bloodyaffair, from the first alarm by the children to the shutting of thedoor, did not exceed three minutes. And in this brief space, Mrs. Bozarth, with infinite self possession, coolness and intrepidity, succeeded in killing three Indians. 

On the eleventh of the same month, five Indians came to a house onSnowy creek, (in the, now, county of Preston, ) in which lived JamesBrain and Richard Powell, and remained in ambush during the night, close around it. In the morning early, the appearance of some ten ortwelve men, issuing from the house with guns, for the purpose ofamusing themselves in shooting at a mark, deterred the Indians frommaking their meditated attack. The men seen by them, were travellers, who had associated for mutual security, and who, after partaking of amorning's repast, resumed their journey, unknown to the savages; whenMr. Brain and the sons of Mr. Powell [203] went to their day's work. Being engaged in carrying clap-boards for covering a cabin, at somedistance from the house, they were soon heard by the Indians, who, despairing of succeeding in an attack on the house, changed theirposition, & concealed themselves by the side of the path, along whichthose engaged at work had to go. Mr. Brain and one of his sons beingat a little distance in front of them, they fired and Brain fell. Hewas then tomahawked and scalped, while another of the party followedand caught the son as he was attempting to escape by flight. 

Three other boys were then some distance behind and out of sight, andhearing the report of the gun which killed Brain, for an instantsupposed that it proceeded from the rifle of some hunter in quest ofdeer. They were soon satisfied that this supposition was unfounded. Three Indians came running towards them, bearing their guns in onehand, and tomahawks in the other. One of the boys stupefied byterror, --and unable to stir from the spot, was immediately madeprisoner. Another, the son of Powell, was also soon caught; but thethird, finding himself out of sight of his pursuer, ran to one sideand concealed himself in a bunch of alders, where he remained untilthe Indian passed the spot where he lay, when he arose, and taking adifferent direction, ran with all his speed, and effected an escape. The little prisoners were then brought together; and one of Mr. Powell's sons, being discovered to have but one eye, was strippednaked, had a tomahawk sunk into his head, a spear ran through hisbody, and the scalp then removed from his bleeding head. 

The little Powell who had escaped from the savages, being forced to goa direction opposite to the house, proceeded to a station about eightmiles off, & communicated intelligence of what had been done atBrain's. A party of men equipped themselves and went immediately tothe scene of action; but the Indians had hastened homeward, as soon asthey perpetrated their horrid cruelties. One of their little captives, (Benjamin Brain) being asked by them, "how many men were at thehouse, " replied "twelve. " To the question, "how far from thence wasthe nearest fort, " he answered "two miles. " Yet he well knew thatthere was no fort, nearer than eight miles, and that there was not aman at the house, --Mr. Powell being from home, and the twelvetravellers having departed, before his father and he had gone out to[204] work. His object was to save his mother and the other women andchildren, from captivity or death, by inducing them to believe that itwould be extremely dangerous to venture near the house. He succeededin the attainment of his object. Deterred by the prospect of beingdiscovered, and perhaps defeated by the superior force of the whitemen, represented to be at Mr. Brain's, they departed in the greatesthurry, taking with them their two little prisoners, Benjamin and IsaacBrain. 

So stilly had the whole affair been conducted (the report of a gunbeing too commonly heard to excite any suspicion of what was doing, )and so expeditiously had the little boy who escaped, and the men whoaccompanied him back, moved in their course, that the first intimationgiven Mrs. Brain of the fate of her husband, was given by the men whocame in pursuit. 

Soon after the happening of this affair, a party of Indians came intothe Buchannon settlement, and made prisoner Leonard Schoolcraft, ayouth of about sixteen, who had been sent from the fort on somebusiness. --When arrived at their towns and arrangements being made forhis running the gauntlet, he was told that he might defend himselfagainst the blows of the young Indians who were to pursue him to thecouncil house. Being active and athletic, he availed himself of thisprivilege, so as to save himself from the beating which he wouldotherwise have received, and laying about him with well timed blows, frequently knocked down those who came near to him--much to theamusement of the warriors, according to the account given by others, who were then prisoners and present. This was the last certaininformation which was ever had concerning him. He was believedhowever, to have been afterwards in his old neighborhood in thecapacity of guide to the Indians, and aiding them, by his knowledge ofthe country, in making successful incursions into it. 

In the month of June, at Martin's fort on Crooked Run, anothermurderous scene was exhibited by the savages. The greater part of themen having gone forth early to their farms, and those who remained, being unapprehensive of immediate danger, and consequently supine andcareless, the fort was necessarily, easily accessible, and thevigilance of the savages who were lying hid around it, discovering itsexposed and [205] weakened situation, seized the favorable moment toattack those who were without. The women were engaged in milking thecows outside the gate, and the men who had been left behind wereloitering around. The Indians rushed forward, and killed and madeprisoners of ten of them. James Stuart, James Smally and Peter Crouse, were the only persons who fell, and John Shiver and his wife, two sonsof Stuart, two sons of Smally and a son of Crouse, were carried intocaptivity. According to their statement upon their return, there werethirteen Indians in the party which surprised them, and emboldened bysuccess, instead of retreating with their prisoners, remained at alittle distance from the fort 'till night, when they put the captivesin a waste house near, under custody of two of the savages, while theremaining eleven, went to see if they could not succeed in forcing anentrance at the gate. But the disaster of the morning had taught theinhabitants the necessity of greater watchfulness. The dogs were shutout at night, and the approach of the Indians exciting them to barkfreely, gave notice of impending danger, in time for them to avert it. The attempt to take the fort being thus frustrated, the savagesreturned to the house in which the prisoners were confined, and movedoff with them to their towns. 

In August, two daughters of Captain David Scott living at the mouth ofPike run, going to the meadow with dinner for the mowers, were takenby some Indians who were watching the path. The younger was killed onthe spot; but the latter being taken some distance farther, and everysearch for her proving unavailing, her father fondly hoped that shehad been carried into captivity, and that be might redeem her. Forthis purpose he visited Pittsburg and engaged the service of afriendly Indian to ascertain where she was and endeavour to prevail onthem to ransom her. Before his return from Fort Pitt, some of hisneighbors directed to the spot by the buzzards hovering over it, foundher half eaten and mutilated body. 

In September, Nathaniel Davisson and his brother, being on a huntingexpedition up Ten Mile, left their camp early on the morning of theday on which they intended to return home; and naming an hour at whichthey would be back, proceeded through the woods in differentdirections. At the appointed time, Josiah went to the camp, and afterwaiting there in vain for the arrival of his brother, and becominguneasy lest [206] some unlucky accident had befallen him, he set outin search of him. Unable to see or hear anything of him he returnedhome, and prevailed on several of his neighbors to aid in endeavouringto ascertain his fate. Their search was likewise unavailing; but inthe following March, he was found by John Read, while hunting in thatneighborhood. He had been shot and scalped; and notwithstanding hehad lain out nearly six months, yet he was but little torn by wildbeasts, and was easily recognized. 

During this year too, Tygarts Valley, which had escaped being visitedby the Indians in 1778 again heard their harrowing yells; and althoughbut little mischief was done by them while there, yet its inhabitantswere awhile, kept in fearful apprehension that greater ills wouldbetide them. In October of this year, a party of them lying in ambushnear the road, fired several shots at Lieut. John White, riding by, but with no other effect than by wounding the horse to cause him tothrow his rider. This was fatal to White. Being left on foot and onopen ground, he was soon shot, tomahawked and scalped. 

As soon as this event was made known, Capt. Benjamin Wilson, with hiswonted promptitude and energy, raised a company of volunteers, andproceeding by forced marches to the Indian crossing at the mouth ofthe Sandy fork of Little Kenhawa, he remained there nearly three dayswith a view to intercept the retreat of the savages. They however, returned by another way and his scheme, of cutting them off whilecrossing the river, consequently failed. 

Some time after this several families in the Buchannon settlement, left the fort and returned to their homes, under the belief thatthe season had advanced too far, for the Indians again to come amongthem. But they were sorely disappointed. The men being all assembledat the fort for the purpose of electing a Captain, some Indiansfell upon the family of John Schoolcraft, and killed the women andeight children, --two little boys only were taken prisoners. Asmall girl, who had been scalped and tomahawked 'till a portion ofher brains was forced from her head, was found the next day yetalive, and continued to live for several days, the brains still oozingfrom the fracture of her skull. 

The last mischief that was done this fall, was perpetrated at the houseof Samuel Cottrail near to the present town of Clarksburg. --During thenight considerable fear was excited, both at Cottrial's and at SothaHickman's on the opposite side of Elk creek, by the continued barkingof the dogs, that Indians were lurking near, and in consequence of thisapprehension Cottrial, on going to bed, secured well the doors anddirected that no one should stir out in the morning until it wasascertained that there was no danger threatening. A while beforeday, Cottrial being fast asleep, Moses Coleman, who lived with him, got up, shelled some corn, and giving a few ears to Cottrial'snephew with directions to feed the pigs around [207] the yard, went tothe hand mill in an out house, and commenced grinding. The little boy, being squatted down shelling the corn to the pigs, found himselfsuddenly drawn on his back and an Indian standing over him, orderinghim to lie there. The savage then turned toward the house in whichColeman was, fired, and as Coleman fell ran up to scalp him. Thinking this a favorable time for him to reach the dwelling house, the little boy sprang to his feet, and running to the door, it wasopened and he admitted. Scarcely was it closed after him, when oneof the Indians with his tomahawk endeavored to break it open. Cottrail fired through the door at him, and he went off. In order tosee if others were about, and to have a better opportunity of shootingwith effect, Cottrail ascended the loft, and looking through a crevicesaw them hastening away through the field and at too great distancefor him to shoot with the expectation of injuring them. Yet hecontinued to fire and halloo; to give notice of danger to those wholived near him. 

The severity of the following winter put a momentary stop to savageinroad, and gave to the inhabitants on the frontier an interval ofquiet and repose extremely desirable to them, after the dangers andconfinement of the preceding season. Hostilities were however, resumedupon the first appearance of spring, and acts of murder anddevastation, which had, of necessity, been suspended for a time, werebegun to be committed, with a firm determination on the part of thesavages, utterly to exterminate the inhabitants of the westerncountry. To effect this object, an expedition was concerted betweenthe British commandant at Detroit and the Indian Chiefs north west ofthe Ohio to be carried on by their united forces against Kentucky, while an Indian army alone, was to penetrate North Western Virginia, and spread desolation over its surface. No means which could avail toensure success and which lay within their reach, were left unemployed. The army destined to operate against Kentucky, was to consist of sixhundred Indians and Canadians, to be commanded by Col. Byrd (a Britishofficer) and furnished with every implement of destruction, from thewar club of the savages, to the cannon of their allies. [2] Happily forNorth Western Virginia, its situation exempted its inhabitants fromhaving to contend against these instruments of war; the want of roadsprevented the transportation of cannon through the intermediateforests, and the difficulty and labor of propelling them up the Ohioriver, forbade the attempt in that way. 

While the troops were collecting for these expeditions, and otherpreparations were making for carrying them on, the settlements ofNorth Western Virginia were not free from invasion. Small parties ofIndians would enter them at unguarded moments, and kill and plunder, whenever opportunities occurred of their being done with impunity, andthen retreat to their villages. Early in March (1780) Thomas Lackeydiscovered some mocason tracks near the upper extremity of TygartsValley, and thought he heard a voice saying in [208] an under tone, "_let him alone, he will go and bring more_. " Alarmed by thesecircumstances, he proceeded to Hadden's fort and told there what hehad seen, and what he believed, he had heard. Being so early in theseason and the weather yet far from mild, none heeded his tale, andbut few believed it. On the next day however, as Jacob Warwick, William Warwick and some others from Greenbrier were about leaving thefort on their return home, it was agreed that a company of men shouldaccompany them some distance on the road. Unapprehensive of danger, inspite of the warning of Lackey, they were proceeding carelessly ontheir way, when they were suddenly attacked by some Indians lying inambush, near to the place, where the mocason tracks had been seen onthe preceding day. The men on horse back, all got safely off; butthose on foot were less fortunate. The Indians having occupied thepass both above and below, the footmen had no chance of escape but incrossing the river and ascending a steep bluff, on its opposite side. In attempting this several lost their lives. John McLain was killedabout thirty yards from the brow of the hill. --James Ralston, when alittle farther up it, and James Crouch was wounded after having nearlyreached its summit, yet he got safely off and returned to the fort onthe next day. John Nelson, after crossing over, endeavored to escapedown the river; but being there met by a stout warrior, he too waskilled, after a severe struggle. His shattered gun breech, the uptornearth, and the locks of Indian hair in his yet clenched hands, showedthat the victory over him had not been easily won. 

Soon after this, the family of John Gibson were surprised at theirsugar camp, on a branch of the Valley river, and made prisoners. Mrs. Gibson, being incapable of supporting the fatigue of walking so farand fast, was tomahawked and scalped in the presence of her children. 

West's fort on Hacker's creek, was also visited by the savages, earlyin this year. [3] The frequent incursions of the Indians into thissettlement, in the year 1778, had caused the inhabitants to deserttheir homes the next year, and shelter themselves in places of greatersecurity; but being unwilling to give up the improvements which theyhad already made and commence anew in the woods, some few familiesreturned to it during the winter, & on the approach of spring, movedinto the fort. They had not been long here, before the savages madetheir appearance, and continued to invest the fort for some time. Tooweak to sally out and give them battle, and not knowing when to expectrelief, the inhabitants were almost reduced to despair, when JesseHughs resolved at his own hazard, to try to obtain assistance to driveoff the enemy. Leaving the fort at night, he broke by their sentinelsand ran with speed to the Buchannon fort. Here he prevailed on a partyof the men to accompany him to West's, and relieve those who had beenso long confined there. They arrived before day, and it was thoughtadvisable to abandon the place once more, and remove to Buchannon. Ontheir way, the [209] Indians used every artifice to separate theparty, so as to gain an advantageous opportunity of attacking them;but in vain. They exercised so much caution, and kept so welltogether, that every stratagem was frustrated, and they all reachedthe fort in safety. 

Two days after this, as Jeremiah Curl, Henry Fink and Edmund West, whowere old men, and Alexander West, [4] Peter Cutright, and SimonSchoolcraft, were returning to the fort with some of their neighbor'sproperty, they were fired at by the Indians who were lying concealedalong a run bank. Curl was slightly wounded under the chin, butdisdaining to fly without making a stand he called to his companions, "_stand your ground, for we are able to whip them. _" At this instant alusty warrior drew a tomahawk from his belt and rushed towards him. Nothing daunted by the danger which seemed to threaten him, Curlraised his gun; but the powder being damped by the blood from hiswound, it did not fire. He instantly picked up West's gun (which hehad been carrying to relieve West of part of his burden) anddischarging it at his assailant, brought him to the ground. 

The whites being by this time rid of their encumbrances, the Indiansretreated in two parties and pursued different routes, not howeverwithout being pursued. Alexander West being swift of foot, soon camenear enough to fire, and brought down a second, but having onlywounded him, and seeing the Indians spring behind trees, he could notadvance to finish him; nor could he again shoot at him, the flinthaving fallen out when he first fired. Jackson (who was hunting sheepnot far off) hearing the report of the guns, ran towards the spot, andbeing in sight of the Indian when West shot, saw him fall andafterwards recover and hobble off. Simon Schoolcraft, following afterWest, came to him just after Jackson, with his gun cocked; and askingwhere the Indians were, was advised by Jackson to get behind a tree, or they would soon let him know where they were. Instantly the reportof a gun was heard, and Schoolcraft let fall his arm. The ball hadpassed through it, and striking a steel tobacco box in his waistcoatpocket, did him no farther injury. Cutright, when West fired at one ofthe Indians, saw another of them drop behind a log, and changing hisposition, espied him, where the log was a little raised from theearth. With steady nerves, he drew upon him. The moaning cry of thesavage, as he sprang from the ground and moved haltingly away, convinced them that the shot had taken effect. The rest of the Indianscontinued behind trees, until they observed a reinforcement coming upto the aid of the whites, and they fled with the utmost precipitancy. Night soon coming on, those who followed them, had to give over thepursuit. 

A company of fifteen men went early next morning to the battle ground, and taking the trail of the Indians and pursuing it some distance, came to where they had some horses (which they had stolen after theskirmish) hobbled out on a fork of Hacker's creek. They [210] thenfound the plunder which the savages had taken from neighboring houses, and supposing that their wounded warriors were near, the whitescommenced looking for them, when a gun was fired at them by an Indianconcealed in a laurel thicket, which wounded John Cutright. [5] Thewhites then caught the stolen horses and returned with them and theplunder to the fort. 

For some time after this, there was nothing occurring to indicate thepresence of Indians in the Buchannon settlement, and some of those whowere in the fort, hoping that they should not be again visited by themthis season, determined on returning to their homes. AustinSchoolcraft was one of these, and being engaged in removing some ofhis property from the fort, as he and his niece were passing through aswamp in their way to his house, they were shot at by some Indians. Mr. Schoolcraft was killed and his niece taken prisoner. 

In June, John Owens, John Juggins and Owen Owens, were attacked bysome Indians, as they were going to their cornfield on Booth's creek;and the two former were killed and scalped. Owen Owens being somedistance behind them, made his escape to the fort. John Owens theyounger, who had been to the pasture field for the plough horses, heard the guns, but not suspecting any danger to be near, rode forwardtowards the cornfield. As he was proceeding along the path by a fenceside, riding one and leading another horse, he was fired at by severalIndians, some of whom afterwards rushed forward and caught at thebridle reins; yet he escaped unhurt from them all. 

The savages likewise visited Cheat river, during the spring, andcoming to the house of John Sims, were discovered by a negro woman, who ran immediately to the door and alarmed the family. --Bernard Sims(just recovering from the small pox) taking down his gun, and going tothe door, was shot. The Indians, perceiving that he was affected witha disease, of all others the most terrifying to them, not only did notperform the accustomed operation of scalping, but retreated with asmuch rapidity, as if they had been pursued by an overwhelming force ofarmed men, --exclaiming as they ran "_small pox, small pox. _"

After the attack on Donnelly's fort in May 1778, the Indians made noattempt to effect farther mischiefs in the Greenbrier country, untilthis year. The fort at Point Pleasant guarded the principal pass tothe settlements on the Kenhawa, in the Levels, and on Greenbrierriver, and the reception with which they had met at Col. Donnelly's, convinced them that not much was to be gained by incursions into thatsection of the frontiers. But as they were now making greatpreparations for effectual operations against the whole bordercountry, a party of them was despatched to this portion of it, at oncefor the purpose of rapine and murder, and to ascertain the state ofthe country and its capacity to resist invasion. 

The party then sent into Greenbrier consisted of twenty-two [211]warriors, and committed their first act of atrocity near the house ofLawrence Drinnan, a few miles above the Little Levels. Henry Baker andRichard Hill, who were then staying there, going early in the morningto the river to wash, were shot at by them: Baker was killed, but Hillescaped back to the house. When the Indians fired at Baker, he wasnear a fence between the river and Drinnan's and within gunshot of thelatter place. Fearing to cross the fence for the purpose of scalpinghim, they prized it up, and with a pole fastening a noose around hisneck, drew him down the river bank & scalped and left him there. 

Apprehensive of an attack on the house, Mr. Drinnan made suchpreparations as were in his power to repel them, and despatched aservant to the Little Levels, with the intelligence and to procureassistance. He presently returned with twenty men, who remained thereduring the night, but in the morning, seeing nothing to contradict thebelief that the Indians had departed, they buried Baker, and set outon their return to the Levels, taking with them all who were atDrinnan's and the most of his property. Arrived at the fork of theroad, a question arose whether they should take the main route, leading through a gap which was deemed a favorable situation for anambuscade, or continue on the farther but more open and secure way. Amajority preferred the latter; but two young men, by the name ofBridger, separated from the others, and travelling on the nearer path, were both killed at the place, where it was feared danger might belurking. 

The Indians next proceeded to the house of Hugh McIver, where theysucceeded in killing its owner, and in making prisoner his wife; andin going from thence, met with John Prior, who with his wife andinfant were on their way to the country on the south side of the BigKenawha. Prior was shot through the breast, but anxious for the fateof his wife and child, stood still, 'till one of the Indians came upand laid hold on him. Notwithstanding the severe wound which he hadreceived, Prior proved too strong for his opponent, and the otherIndians not interfering, forced him at length to disengage himselffrom the struggle. Prior, then seeing that no violence was offered toMrs. Prior or the infant, walked off without any attempt being made tostop, or otherwise molest him: the Indians no doubt suffering him todepart under the expectation that he would obtain assistance andendeavor to regain his wife and child, and that an opportunity ofwaylaying any party coming with this view, would be [212] thenafforded them. Prior returned to the settlement, related the aboveincidents and died that night. His wife and child were never afterheard of, and it is highly probable they were murdered on their way, as being unable to travel as expeditiously as the Indians wished. 

They next went to a house, occupied by Thomas Drinnon and a Mr. Smithwith their families, where they made prisoners of Mrs. Smith, Mrs. Drinnon and a child; and going then towards their towns, killed, ontheir way, an old gentleman by the name of Monday and his wife. Thiswas the last outrage committed by the Indians in the Greenbriersettlements. And although the war was carried on by them against thefrontier settlements, with energy for years after, yet did they notagain attempt an incursion into it. Its earlier days had been days oftribulation and wo, and those who were foremost in occupying andforming settlements in it, had to endure all that savage fury couldinflict. Their term of probation, was indeed of comparatively shortduration, but their sufferings for a time, were many and great. Thescenes of murder and blood, exhibited on Muddy creek and the BigLevels in 1776, will not soon be effaced from the memory; and thelively interest excited in the bosoms of many, for the fate of thosewho there treacherously perished, unabated by time, still gleams inthe countenance, when tradition recounts the tale of their unhappylot. 

----- [1] L. V. McWhorter, of Berlin, W. Va. , writes me: "A few years ago, the descendants of David Morgan erected a monument on the spot where fell one of the Indians. On the day of the unveiling of the monument, there was on exhibition at the spot, a shot-pouch and saddle skirt made from the skins of the Indians. Greenwood S. Morgan, a great-grandson of the Indian slayer, informs me that the shot-pouch is now in the possession of a distant relative, living in Wetzel County, W. Va. The knife with which the Indian was killed, is owned by Morgan's descendants in Marion County, W. Va. "--R. G. T. 

 [2] See p. 262, _note_, for account of Capt. Henry Bird's attack on Fort Laurens. --R. G. T. 

 [3] Mr. McWhorter says that this fort stood on an eminence, where is now the residence of Minor C. Hall. Upon the fort being abandoned by the settlers, the Indians burned it. When the whites again returned to their clearings, a new fort was erected, locally called Beech Fort, "because built entirely of beech logs--beech trees standing very thick in this locality. " Beech Fort was not over 500 yards from the old West Fort; it was "in a marshy flat, some 75 yards east of the house built by the pioneer Henry McWhorter, and still extant as the residence of Ned J. Jackson. " In the same field where Beech Fort was, "Alexander West discovered an Indian one evening; he fired and wounded him in the shoulder. The Indian made off, and fearing an ambuscade West would not venture in pursuit. Two weeks later, he ventured to hunt for the red man. Two miles distant, on what is now known as Life's Run, a branch of Hacker's Creek, the dead savage was found in a cleft of rocks, into which he had crawled and miserably perished. His shoulder was badly crushed by West's bullet. "

 Henry McWhorter, born in Orange County, N. Y. , November 13, 1760, was a soldier in the Revolution, from 1777 to the close. In 1784, he settled about two miles from West's Fort; three years later, he moved nearer to the fort, and there built the house of hewn logs, mentioned above, which "is to-day in a good state of preservation. " McWhorter died February 4, 1848. --R. G. T. 

 [4] Alexander West was prominent as a frontier scout. Rev. J. M. McWhorter, who saw him frequently, gives this description of him: "A tall, spare-built man, very erect, strong, lithe, and active; dark-skinned, prominent Roman nose, black hair, very keen eyes; not handsome, rather raw-boned, but with an air and mien that commanded the attention and respect of those with whom he associated. Never aggressive, he lifted his arm against the Indians only in time of war. " West died in 1834. His house of hewed logs is, with its large barn, still standing and occupied by his relatives, about a mile east of the site of West's Fort. --R. G. T. 

 [5] L. V. McWhorter says: "The branch of Hacker's creek on which John Cutright was wounded, is now known as Laurel Lick, near Berlin, W. Va. " For notice of Cutright, see p. 137, _note_. --R. G. T. 

[213] CHAPTER XIII. 

Early in June 1780, every necessary preparation having been previouslymade, the Indian and Canadian forces destined to invade Kentucky, moved from their place of rendezvous, to fulfil the objects of theexpedition. In their general plan of the campaign, Louisville was thepoint against which operations were first to be directed. The hero ofKaskaskias and St. Vincent had been for some time stationed there, with a small body of troops, to intercept the passage of war partiesinto the interior, and the force thus placed under his command, havingbeen considerably augmented by the arrival of one hundred and fiftyVirginia soldiers under Colonel Slaughter, that place had assumed theappearance of a regular fortification, capable of withstanding asevere shock;[1] while detachments from it gave promise of security tothe settlements remote from the river, as well by detecting andchecking every attempt at invasion, as by acting offensively againstthe main Indian towns, from which hostile parties would sally, spreading desolation along their path. The reduction of thisestablishment, would at once give wider scope to savage hostilitiesand gratify the wounded pride of the Canadians. Stung by the boldnessand success of Colonel Clarke's adventure, and fearing the effectwhich it might have on their Indian allies, they seemed determined toachieve a victory over him, and strike a retributive blow against theposition which he then held. 

[214] It is highly probable however, that the reputation which, thegallant exploits of Colonel Clarke had acquired for him, induced somedoubts, in the minds of the commanding officers, of the ultimatesuccess of a movement against that post. [2] They changed theirdestination; and when their army arrived in their boats at the Ohio, instead of floating with its rapid current to the point proposed, theychose to stem the stream; and availing themselves of an uncommon swellof the waters, ascended the river Licking to its forks, where theylanded their men and munitions of war. [3]

Not far from the place of debarkation, there was a station, [4] rearedunder the superintendence of Captain Ruddle, and occupied by severalfamilies and many adventurers. Thither Colonel Byrd, with his combinedarmy of Canadians and Indians then amounting to one thousand men, directed his march; and arriving before it on the 22d of June, gavethe first notice, which the inhabitants had of the presence of anenemy, by a discharge of his cannon. He then sent in a flag, demandingthe immediate surrender of the place. Knowing that it was impossibleto defend the station against artillery, Captain Ruddle consented tosurrender it, provided the inhabitants should be considered prisonersto the British, and not to the Indians. To this proposition ColonelByrd assented, and the gates were thrown open. The savages instantlyrushed in, each laying his hands on the first person with whom hechanced to meet. Parents and children, husbands and wives, were thustorn from each other; and the [214] air was rent with sighs ofwailing, and shrieks of agony. In vain did Captain Ruddle exclaim, against the enormities which were perpetrated in contravention to theterms of capitulation. To his remonstrances, Colonel Byrd replied thathe was unable to control them, and affirmed, that he too was in theirpower. 

That Colonel Byrd was really unable to check the enormities of thesavages, will be readily admitted, when the great disparity of theCanadian and Indian troops, and the lawless and uncontrolable temperof the latter, are taken into consideration. That he had theinclination to stop them, cannot be [215] doubted--his subsequentconduct furnished the most convincing evidence, that the power toeffect it, was alone wanting in him. [5]

After Ruddle's station had been completely sacked, and the prisonersdisposed of, the Indians clamoured to be led against Martin's station, then only five miles distant. Affected with the barbarities which hehad just witnessed, Colonel Byrd peremptorily refused, unless thechiefs would guaranty that the prisoners, which might be there taken, should be entirely at his disposal. For awhile the Indians refused toaccede to these terms, but finding Colonel Byrd, inflexible in hisdetermination, they at length consented, that the prisoners should behis, provided the plunder were allowed to them. --Upon this agreement, they marched forward. Martin's station, like Ruddle's, was incapableof offering any available opposition. It was surrendered on the firstsummons, and the prisoners and plunder divided, in conformity with thecompact between Colonel Byrd and the savages. 

The facility, with which these conquests were made, excited the thirstof the Indians for more. Not satisfied with the plundering of Ruddle'sand Martin's stations, their rapacity prompted them to insist on goingagainst Bryant's and Lexington. Prudence forbade it. The waters wererapidly subsiding, and the fall of the Licking river, would haverendered it impracticable to convey their artillery to the Ohio. Theirsuccess too, was somewhat doubtful; and it was even then difficult toprocure provisions, for the subsistence of the prisoners alreadytaken. [6] Under the influence of these considerations, Colonel Byrddetermined to return to the boats, and embarking on these hisartillery and the Canadian troops, descended the river; while theIndians, with their plunder, and the prisoners taken at Ruddle's, moved across the country. 

Among those who were taken captive at Ruddle's station, was a man ofthe name of Hinkstone, remarkable for activity and daring, and foruncommon tact and skill as a woodsman. On the second night of theirmarch, the Indians encamped on the bank of the river, and inconsequence of a sudden shower of rain, postponed kindling their firesuntil dark, when part of the savages engaged in this business, whilethe remainder guarded the prisoners. Hinkstone thought the darknessfavorable to escape, and inviting its attempt. He resolved on tryingit, and springing suddenly from them, ran a small [216] distance andconcealed himself behind a large log, under the shade of a widespreading tree. The alarm was quickly given, and the Indians, pursuing, searched for him in every direction. It was fruitless andunavailing. Hid in thick obscurity, no eye could distinguish hisprostrate body. Perceiving at length, by the subsiding of the noisewithout the camp, that the Indians had abandoned the search, heresumed his flight, with the stillness of death. The heavens affordedhim no sign, by which he could direct his steps. Not a star twinkledthrough the dark clouds which enveloped the earth, to point out hiscourse. Still he moved on, as he supposed, in the direction ofLexington. He had mistaken the way, and a short space of time, servedto convince him that he was in error. After wandering about for twohours, he came in sight of the Indian fires again. Perplexed by hisdevious ramble, he was more at fault than ever. The sky was still alldarkness, and he had recourse to the trees in vain, to learn thepoints of the compass by the feeling of the moss. He remembered thatat nightfall, the wind blew a gentle breeze from the west; but it hadnow, become so stilled, that it no longer made any impression on him. The hunter's expedient, to ascertain the direction of the air, occurred to him. --He dipped his finger in water, and, knowing thatevaporation and coolness would be first felt on the side from whichthe wind came, he raised it high in the air. It was enough. --Guided bythis unerring indication, and acting on the supposition that thecurrent of air still flowed from the point from which it had proceededat night, he again resumed his flight. After groping in the wildernessfor some time, faint and enfeebled, he sat down to rest his weariedlimbs, and sought their invigoration in refreshing sleep. When heawoke, fresh dangers encircled him, but he was better prepared toelude, or encounter them. 

At the first dawn of day, his ears were assailed by the tremulousbleating of the fawn, the hoarse gobbling of the turkey, and thepeculiar sounds of other wild animals. Familiar with the deceptiveartifices, practised to allure game to the hunter, he was quicklyalive to the fact, that they were the imitative cries of savages inquest of provisions. Sensible of his situation, he became vigilant todiscover the approach of danger, and active in avoiding it. Severaltimes however, with all his wariness, he found himself within a fewpaces of [217] some one of the Indians; but fortunately escaping theirobservation, made good his escape, and reached Lexington in safety, gave there the harrowing intelligence of what had befallen theinhabitants of Ruddle's and Martin's stations. 

The Indians after the escape of Hinkstone, crossed the Ohio river atthe mouth of Licking, and, separating into small parties, proceeded totheir several villages. The Canadian troops descended Licking to theOhio, and this river to the mouth of the Great Miami, up which theyascended as far as it was navigable for their boats, and made theirway thence by land to Detroit. 

The Indian army destined to operate against North Western Virginia, was to enter the country in two divisions of one hundred and fiftywarriors each; the one crossing the Ohio near below Wheeling, theother, at the mouth of Racoon creek, about sixty miles farther up. Both were, avoiding the stronger forts, to proceed directly toWashington, then known as Catfishtown, between which place and theOhio, the whole country was to be laid waste. 

The division crossing below Wheeling, was soon discovered by scouts, who giving the alarm, caused most of the inhabitants of the moreproximate settlements, to fly immediately to that place, supposingthat an attack was meditated on it. The Indians however, proceededon the way to Washington making prisoners of many, who, althoughapprized that an enemy was in the country, yet feeling secure intheir distance from what was expected to be the theatre of operations, neglected to use the precaution necessary to guard them againstbecoming captives to the savages. From all the prisoners, theylearned the same thing, --that the inhabitants had gone to Wheelingwith a view of concentrating the force of the settlements to effecttheir repulsion. This intelligence alarmed them. The chiefs held acouncil, in which it was determined, instead of proceeding toWashington, to retrace their steps across the Ohio, lest theirretreat, if delayed 'till the whites had an opportunity of organizingthemselves for battle, should be entirely cut off. Infuriate at theblasting of their hopes of blood and spoil, they resolved to murderall their male prisoners--exhausting on their devoted heads, thefury of disappointed expectation. Preparations to carry thisresolution into effect, were immediately begun to be made. 

The unfortunate victims to their savage wrath, were led [218] forthfrom among their friends and their families, --their hands werepinioned behind them, --a rope was fastened about the neck of each andthat bound around a tree, so as to prevent any motion of the head. The tomahawk and scalping knife were next drawn from their belts, andthe horrid purpose of these preparations, fully consummated. 

"Imagination's utmost stretch" can hardly fancy a more heart-rendingscene than was there exhibited. Parents, in the bloom of life and glowof health, mercilessly mangled to death, in the presence of children, whose sobbing cries served but to heighten the torments of thedying. --Husbands, cruelly lacerated, and by piece-meal deprived oflife, in view of the tender partners of their bosoms, whose agonizingshrieks, increasing the anguish of torture, sharpened the sting ofdeath. It is indeed

 ----"A fearful thing, To see the human soul, take wing, In any shape, --in any mood;"

but that wives and children should be forced to behold the last ebb oflife, and to witness the struggle of the departing spirit of husbandsand fathers, under such horrific circumstances, is shocking tohumanity, and appalling, even in contemplation. 

Barbarities such as these, had considerable influence on the temperand disposition of the inhabitants of the country. They gave birth toa vindictive feeling in many, which led to the perpetration of similarenormities and sunk civilized man, to the degraded level of thebarbarian. They served too, to arouse them to greater exertion, tosubdue the savage foe in justifiable warfare, and thus prevent theirunpleasant recurrence. 

So soon as the Indian forces effected a precipitate retreat across theOhio, preparations were begun to be made for acting offensivelyagainst them. An expedition was concerted, to be carried onagainst the towns at the forks of the Muskingum; and through theinstrumentality of Col's Zane and Shepard, Col. Broadhead, commanderof the forces at Fort Pitt, was prevailed upon to co-operate in it. [7]Before however, it could be carried into effect, it was deemedadvisable to proceed against the Munsie towns, up the north branch ofthe Alleghany river; the inhabitants of which, had been long engagedin active [219] hostilities, and committed frequent depredations onthe frontiers of Pennsylvania. In the campaign against them, as manyof those, who resided in the settlements around Wheeling, as couldbe spared from the immediate defence of their own neighborhoods, were consociated with the Pennsylvania troops, and the regulars underCol. Broadhead. It eventuated in the entire destruction of all theircorn, (upwards of 200 acres, ) and in the cutting off a party offorty warriors, on their way to the settlements in Westmorelandcounty. 

Very soon after the return of the army, from the Alleghany, thetroops, with which it was intended to operate against the Indianvillages up the Muskingum and amounting to eight hundred, rendezvousedat Wheeling. From thence, they proceeded directly for the place ofdestination, under the command of Col. Broadhead. [8]

When the army arrived near to Salem (a Moravian town, )[9] many of themilitia expressed a determination to go forward and destroy it, but as the Indians residing there, had ever been in amity with thewhites, and were not known to have ever participated in themurderous deeds of their more savage red brethren, the officersexerted themselves effectually, to repress that determination. Col. Broadhead sent forward an express to the Rev'd Mr. Heckewelder (themissionary of that place, )[10] acquainting him with the object of theexpedition, & requesting a small supply of provisions, and that hewould accompany the messenger to camp. When Mr. Heckewelder came, the commander enquired of him, if any christian Indians wereengaged in hunting or other business, in the direction of theirmarch, --stating, that if they were, they might be exposed todanger, as it would be impracticable to distinguish between them andother Indians, and that he should greatly regret the happening tothem, of any unpleasant occurrence, through ignorance or mistake. Onhearing there were not, the army was ordered to resume its march, and proceeded towards the forks of the river. 

At White Eyes plain, near to the place of destination, an Indian wasdiscovered and made prisoner. Two others were seen near there, andfired at; and notwithstanding one of them was wounded, yet bothsucceeded in effecting their escape. Apprehensive that they wouldhasten to the Indian towns, and communicate the fact that an army ofwhites was near at hand, Col. Broadhead moved rapidly forward with the[220] troops, notwithstanding a heavy fall of rain, to reachCoshocton, (the nearest village, )[11] and take it by surprise. Hisexpectations were not disappointed. Approaching the town, the rightwing of the army was directed to occupy a position above it, on theriver; the left to assume a stand below, while the centre marcheddirectly upon it. The Indian villages, ignorant of the fact that anenemy was in their country, were all made prisoners without the firingof a single gun. So rapid, and yet so secret, had been the advance ofthe army, that every part of the town was occupied by the troops, before the Indians knew of its approach. 

Successful as they thus far were, yet the expedition accomplished buta portion of what had been contemplated. The other towns were situatedon the opposite side of the river, and this was so swollen by theexcessive rains which had fallen and continued yet to deluge theearth, that it was impracticable to cross over to them; and Col. Broadhead, seeing the impossibility of achieving any thing farther, commenced laying waste the crops about Coshocton. This measure was notdictated by a spirit of revenge, naturally enkindled by theexterminating warfare, waged against the whites by the savages, butwas a politic expedient, to prevent the accomplishment of their horridpurposes and to lessen the frequency of their incursions. When theyfail to derive sustenance from their crops of corn and other ediblevegetables, the Indians are forced to have recourse to hunting, toobtain provisions, and consequently, to suspend their hostileoperations for a season. To produce this desirable result, was theobject sought to be obtained by the destruction which was made ofevery article of subsistence, found here and at the Munsie towns, andsubsequently at other places. 

It remained then to dispose of the prisoners. Sixteen warriors, particularly obnoxious for their diabolical deeds, were pointed out byPekillon (a friendly Delaware chief who accompanied the army of Col. Broadhead) as fit subjects of retributive justice; and taken intoclose custody. A council of war was then held, to determine on theirfate, and which doomed them to death. They were taken some distancefrom town, despatched with tomahawks and spears, and then scalped. Theother captives were committed to the care of the militia, to beconducted to Fort Pitt. 

On the morning after the taking of Coshocton, an Indian, [221] makinghis appearance on the opposite bank of the river, called out for the"Big Captain. " Col. Broadhead demanded what he wished. I want peacereplied the savage. Then send over some of your chiefs, said theColonel. May be you kill, responded the Indian. No, said Broadhead, they shall not be killed. One of their chiefs, a fine looking fellow, then come over; and while he and Col. Broadhead were engaged inconversation, a militiaman came up, and with a tomahawk which he hadconcealed in the bosom of his hunting shirt, struck him a severe blowon the hinder part of his head. The poor Indian fell, and immediatelyexpired. 

This savage like deed was the precursor of other, and perhaps equallyattrocious enormities. The army on its return, had not proceeded morethan half a mile from Coshocton, when the militia guarding theprisoners, commenced murdering them. In a short space of time, a fewwomen and children alone remained alive. These were taken to FortPitt, and after a while exchanged for an equal number of whitecaptives. 

The putting to death the sixteen prisoners designated by Pekillon, canbe considered in no other light, than as a punishment inflicted fortheir great offences; and was certainly right and proper. Not so withthe deliberate murder of the chief, engaged in negotiation with Col. Broadhead. He had come over under the implied assurance of thesecurity, due to a messenger for peace, and after a positive promiseof protection had been given him by the commander of the army. --Hisdeath can, consequently, only be considered as an unwarrantablemurder; provoked indeed, by the barbarous and bloody conduct of thesavages. These, though they do not justify, should certainly extenuatethe offence. 

The fact, that the enemy, with whom they were contending, did notobserve the rules of war, and was occasionally, guilty of the crime, of putting their prisoners to death, would certainly authorize thepractice of greater rigor, than should be exercised towards those whodo not commit such excesses. This extraordinary severity, of itself, tends to beget a greater regard for what is allowable among civilizedmen, and to produce conformity with those usages of war, which weresuggested by humanity, and are sanctioned by all. But the attainmentof this object, if it were the motive which prompted to the deed, cannot justify the murder of the prisoners, placed [222] under the safekeeping of the militia. It evinced a total disregard of the authorityof their superior officer. He had assured them they should only bedetained as prisoners, and remain free from farther molestation; andnothing, but the commission of some fresh offence, could sanction theenormity. But, however sober reflection may condemn those acts asoutrages of propriety, yet so many and so great, were the barbarousexcesses committed by the savages upon the whites in their power, thatthe minds of those who were actors in those scenes, were deprived ofthe faculty of discriminating between what was right or wrong to bepractised towards them. And if acts, savouring of sheer revenge, weredone by them, they should be regarded as but the ebullitions of men, under the excitement of great and damning wrongs, and which, in theirdispassionate moments, they would condemn, even in themselves. 

When, upon the arrival of Hinkston at Lexington, the people becameacquainted with the mischief which had been wrought by the Canadianand Indian army, [12] every bosom burned with a desire to avengethose outrages, and to retort them on their authors. Runners weredespatched in every direction, with the intelligence, and the cryfor retribution, arose in all the settlements. In this state offeeling, every eye was involuntarily turned towards Gen. Clarke asthe one who should lead them forth to battle; and every ear wasopened, to receive his counsel. He advised a levy of four-fifths ofthe male inhabitants, capable of bearing arms, and that theyshould speedily assemble at the mouth of Licking, and proceed fromthence to Chilicothe. He ordered the building of a number oftransport boats, and directed such other preparations to be made, aswould facilitate the expedition, and ensure success to its object. When all was ready, the boats with the provisions and stores on board, were ordered up the Ohio, under the command of Col. Slaughter. 

In ascending the river, such was the rapidity of the current, that theboats were compelled to keep near to the banks, and were worked up, intwo divisions--one near each shore. While thus forcing their wayslowly up the stream, one of the boats, being some distance inadvance of the others and close under the north western bank, wasfired into by a party of Indians. The fire was promptly returned; butbefore the other boats could draw nigh to her aid, a number of thoseon [223] board of her, was killed and wounded. As soon however, asthey approached and opened a fire upon the assailants, the savageswithdrew, and the boats proceeded to the place of rendezvous, withoutfarther interruption. 

On the second of August, General Clarke took up the line of march fromthe place where Cincinnati now stands, at the head of nine hundred andseventy men. They proceeded without any delay, to the point ofdestination, where they arrived on the sixth of the month. The townwas abandoned, and many of the houses were yet burning, having beenfired on the preceding day. There were however, several hundred acresof luxuriant corn growing about it, every stalk of which was cut downand destroyed. 

The army then moved in the direction of the Piqua Towns, twelve milesfarther, and with a view to lay waste every thing around it, and withthe hope of meeting there an enemy, with whom to engage in battle; butbefore they had got far, a heavy shower of rain, accompanied with loudthunder and high winds, forced them to encamp. Every care which couldbe taken to keep the guns dry, was found to be of no avail, andGeneral Clarke, with prudent precaution, had them all fired andre-loaded--continuing to pursue this plan, to preserve them fit foruse, whenever occasion required, and keeping the troops on the alertand prepared to repel any attack which might be made on them--duringthe night. 

In the afternoon of the next day, they arrived in sight of Piqua, andas they advanced upon the town, were attacked by the Indians concealedin the high weeds which grew around. Colonel Logan, with four hundredmen, was ordered to file off, --march up the river to the east, andoccupy a position from which to intercept the savages, should theyattempt to fly in that direction. Another division of the army was inlike manner posted on the opposite side of the river, while GeneralClarke with the troops under Colonel Slaughter and those attached tothe artillery, was to advance directly upon the town. The Indiansseemed to comprehend every motion of the army, and evinced the skillof tacticians in endeavoring to thwart its purpose. To prevent beingsurrounded by the advance of the detachment from the west, they made apowerful effort to turn the left wing. Colonel Floyd extended his linesome distance west of the town, and the engagement became general. Both armies fought with determined [224] resolution, and the contestwas warm and animated for some time. The Indians, finding that theirenemy was gaining on them retired unperceived, through the prairie, afew only remaining in the town. The piece of cannon was then bro't tobear upon the houses, into which some of the savages had retired toannoy the army as it marched upon the village. --They were soondislodged and fled. 

On reaching the houses, a Frenchman was discovered concealed in one ofthem. From him it was learned, that the Indians had been apprized ofthe intention of Gen. Clarke to march against Chilicothe and othertowns in its vicinity, by one of Col. Logan's men, who had desertedfrom the army while at the mouth of Licking, and was supposed to havefled to Carolina, as he took with him the horse furnished him for theexpedition. Instead of this however, he went over to the enemy, andhis treason, ----"Like a deadly blight, Came o'er the councils of the brave, And damped them in their hour of might. "

Thus forwarned of the danger which threatened them, they were enabledin a considerable degree to avoid it, and watching all the movementsof the army, were on the eve of attacking it silently, with tomahawksand knives, on the night of its encamping between Chilicothe andPiqua. The shooting of the guns, convincing them that they had notbeen rendered useless by the rain, alone deterred them from executingthis determination. 

Notwithstanding that the victory obtained by Gen. Clarke, wascomplete and decided, yet the army under his command sustained aloss in killed and wounded, as great as was occasioned to theenemy. This circumstance was attributable to the sudden andunexpected attack made on it, by the Indians, while entirelyconcealed, and partially sheltered. No men could have evinced moredauntless intrepidity and determined fortitude than was displayedby them, when fired upon by a hidden foe, and their comrades werefalling around them. When the "combat thickened, " such was theirnoble daring, that Girty, (who had been made chief among theMingoes, ) remarking the desperation with which they exposedthemselves to the hottest of the fire, drew off his three hundredwarriors; observing, that it was useless to fight with fools andmadmen. The loss in killed under the peculiar [225] circumstances, attending the commencement of the action, was less than would perhapsbe expected to befall an army similarly situated;--amounting in allto only twenty men. 

Here, as at Chilicothe, the crops of corn and every article ofsubsistence on which the troops could lay their hands, were entirelylaid waste. At the two places, it was estimated that not less thanfive hundred acres of that indispensable article, were entirelydestroyed. [13]

An unfortunate circumstance, occurring towards the close of theengagement, damped considerably the joy which would otherwise havepervaded the army. A nephew of Gen. Clarke, who had been taken, andfor some time detained, a prisoner by the savages, was at Piqua duringthe action. While the battle continued, he was too closely guarded toescape to the whites; but upon the dispersion of the savages whichensued upon the cannonading of the houses into which some of them hadretreated, he was left more at liberty. Availing himself of thischange of situation, he sought to join his friends. He was quicklydiscovered by some of them, and mistaken for an Indian. The mistakewas fatal. He received a shot discharged at him, and died in a fewhours. 

Notwithstanding the success of the expeditions commanded by Col. Broadhead and Gen. Clarke, and the destruction which took place on theAlleghany, at Coshocton, Chilicothe and Piqua, yet the savagescontinued to commit depredations on the frontiers of Virginia. Thewinter, as usual, checked them for awhile, but the return of spring, brought with it, the horrors which mark the progress of an Indianenemy. In Kentucky and in North Western Virginia, it is true that theinhabitants did not suffer much by their hostilities in 1781, as inthe preceding years; yet were they not exempt from aggression. 

Early in March a party of Indians invaded the settlements on the upperbranches of Monongahela river; and on the night of the 5th of thatmonth, came to the house of Capt. John Thomas, near Booth's creek. Unapprehensive of danger, with his wife and seven children around him, and with thoughts devotedly turned upon the realities of anotherworld, this gentleman was engaging in his accustomed devotions whenthe savages approached his door; and as he was repeating the firstlines of the hymn, "Go worship at Emanuel's feet, " a gun was fired athim, and he fell. The Indians [226] immediately forced open the door, and, entering the house, commenced the dreadful work of death. Mrs. Thomas raised her hands and implored their mercy for herself and herdear children. It was in vain. The tomahawk was uplifted, and strokefollowed stroke in quick succession, till the mother and six childrenlay weltering in blood, by the side of her husband and their father--asoul-chilling spectacle to any but heartless savages. When all weredown, they proceeded to scalp the fallen, and plundering the house ofwhat they could readily remove, threw the other things into the fireand departed--taking with them one little boy a prisoner. 

Elizabeth Juggins, (the daughter of John Juggins who had been murderedin that neighborhood, the preceding year) was at the house of Capt. Thomas, when the Indians came to it; but as soon as she heard thereport of the gun and saw Capt. Thomas fall, she threw herself underthe bed, and escaped the observation of the savages. After they hadcompleted the work of blood and left the house, fearing that theymight be lingering near, she remained in that situation until sheobserved the house to be in flames. When she crawled forth from herasylum, Mrs. Thomas was still alive, though unable to move; andcasting a pitying glance towards her murdered infant, asked that itmight be handed to her. Upon seeing Miss Juggins about to leave thehouse, she exclaimed, "Oh Betsy! do not leave us. " Still anxious forher own safety, the girl rushed out, and taking refuge for the nightbetween two logs, in the morning early spread the alarm. 

When the scene of those enormities was visited, Mrs. Thomas was foundin the yard, much mangled by the tomahawk and considerably torn byhogs--she had, perhaps in the struggle of death, thrown herself out atthe door. The house, together with Capt. Thomas and the children, wasa heap of ashes. [14]

In April, Matthias, Simon and Michael Schoolcraft left Buchannon fort, and went to the head of Stone coal creek for the purpose of catchingpigeons. On their return, they were fired upon by Indians, andMatthias killed--the other two were taken captive. These were the lastof the Schoolcraft family, --fifteen of them were killed or takenprisoners in the space of a few years. Of those who were carried intocaptivity, none ever returned. They were believed to have consociatedwith the savages, and from the report of others [227] who wereprisoners to the Indians, three of them used to accompany war parties, in their incursions into the settlements. 

In the same month, as some men were returning to Cheat river fromClarksburg, (where they had been to obtain certificates ofsettlement-rights to their lands, from the commissioners appointed toadjust land claims in the counties of Ohio, Youghiogany andMonongalia) they, after having crossed the Valley river, wereencountered by a large party of Indians, and John Manear, DanielCameron and a Mr. Cooper were killed, --the others effected theirescape with difficulty. 

The savages then moved on towards Cheat, but meeting with James Brownand Stephen Radcliff, and not being able to kill or take them, theychanged their course, and passing over Leading creek, (in TygartsValley) nearly destroyed the whole settlement. They there killedAlexander Roney, Mrs. Dougherty, Mrs. Hornbeck and her children, Mrs. Buffington and her children, and many others; and made prisoners, Mrs. Roney and her son, and Daniel Dougherty. Jonathan Buffington andBenjamin Hornbeck succeeded in making their escape and carried thedoleful tidings to Friend's and Wilson's forts. Col. Wilsonimmediately raised a company of men and proceeding to Leading creek, found the settlement without inhabitants, and the houses nearly allburned. He then pursued after the savages, but not coming up with themas soon as was expected, the men became fearful of the consequenceswhich might result to their own families, by reason of thisabstraction of their defence, provided other Indians were to attackthem, and insisted on their returning. On the second day of thepursuit, it was agreed that a majority of the company should decidewhether they were to proceeded farther or not. Joseph Friend, RichardKettle, Alexander West and Col. Wilson, were the only persons in favorof going on, and they consequently had to return. 

But though the pursuit was thus abandoned, yet did not the savages getoff with their wonted impunity. When the land claimants, who had beenthe first to encounter this party of Indians escaped from them, theyfled back to Clarksburg, and gave the alarm. This was quicklycommunicated to the other settlements, and spies were sent out, towatch for the enemy. By some of these, the savages were discovered onthe West Fork, near the mouth of Isaac's Creek, and intelligence ofit immediately carried to the forts. Col. Lowther [228] collected acompany of men, and going in pursuit, came in view of theirencampment, awhile before night, on a branch of Hughes' river, eversince known as _Indian creek_. Jesse and Elias Hughs--active, intrepidand vigilant men--were left to watch the movements of the savages, while the remainder retired a small distance to refresh themselves, and prepare to attack them in the morning. 

Before day Col. Lowther arranged his men in order of attack, and whenit became light, on the preconcerted signal being given, a generalfire was poured in upon them. Five of the savages fell dead and theothers fled leaving at their fires, all their shot bags and plunder, and all their guns, except one. Upon going to their camp, it was foundthat one of the prisoners (a son of Alexander Rony who had been killedin the Leading creek massacre) was among the slain. Every care hadbeen taken to guard against such an occurrence, and he was the onlyone of the captives who sustained any injury from the fire of thewhites. [15]

In consequence of information received from the prisoners who wereretaken (that a larger party of Indians was expected hourly to comeup, ) Col. Lowther [228] deemed it prudent not to go in pursuit ofthose who had fled, and collecting the plunder which the savages hadleft, catching the horses which [229] they had stolen, and havingburied young Rony, the party set out on its return and marchedhome--highly gratified at the success which had crowned theirexertions to punish their untiring foe. 

Some short time after this, John Jackson and his son George, returningto Buchannon fort, were fired at by some Indians, but fortunatelymissed. George Jackson having his gun in his hand, discharged it at asavage peeping from behind a tree, without effect; and they then rodeoff with the utmost speed. 

At the usual period of leaving the forts and returning to their farms, the inhabitants withdrew from Buchannon and went to their respectivehomes. Soon after, a party of savages came to the house of CharlesFurrenash, and made prisoners of Mrs. Furrenash and her four children, and despoiled their dwelling. Mrs. Furrenash, being a delicate andweakly woman, and unable to endure the fatigue of travelling far onfoot, was murdered on Hughes' river. Three of the children wereafterwards redeemed and came back, --the fourth was never more heardof. In a few days after, the husband and father returned fromWinchester (where he had been for salt) and instead of the welcomegreeting of an affectionate wife, and the pleasing prattle of hisinnocent children, was saluted with the melancholy intelligence oftheir fate. It was enough to make him curse the authors of theoutrage, and swear eternal enmity to the savage race. 

The early period in spring at which irruptions were frequently made bythe savages upon the frontier, had induced a belief, that if theMoravian Indians did not participate in the bloody deeds of their redbretren, yet that they afforded to them shelter and protection fromthe inclemency of winter, and thus enabled them, by their greaterproximity to the white settlements, to commence depredations earlierthan they otherwise could. The consequence of this belief was, theengendering in the minds of many, a spirit of hostility towards thoseIndians; occasionally threatening a serious result to them. Reportstoo, were in circulation, proceeding from restored captives, at warwith the general pacific profession of the Moravians, and which, whether true or false, served to heighten the acrimony of feelingtowards them, until the militia of a portion of the frontier came tothe determination of breaking up the villages on the Muskingum. [16] To[230] carry this determination into effect, a body of troops, commanded by Col. David Williamson, set out for those towns, in thelatter part of the year 1781. Not deeming it necessary to use the fireand sword, to accomplish the desired object, Col. Williamson resolvedon endeavoring to prevail on them to move farther off; and if hefailed in this, to make prisoners of them all, and take them to FortPitt. Upon his arrival at their towns, they were found to be nearlydeserted, a few Indians only, remaining in them. These were madeprisoners and taken to Fort Pitt; but were soon liberated. 

It is a remarkable fact, that at the time the whites were planning thedestruction of the Moravian villages, because of their supposedco-operation with the hostile savages, the inhabitants of thosevillages were suffering severely from the ill treatment of those verysavages, because of their supposed attachment to the whites. By theone party, they were charged with affording to Indian war parties, aresting place and shelter, and furnishing them with provisions. By theother, they were accused of apprizing the whites of meditatedincursions into the country, and thus defeating their purpose, orlessening the chance of success; and of being instrumental inpreventing the Delawares from entering in the war which they werewaging. Both charges were probably, well founded, and the MoravianIndians yet culpable in neither. [17]

Their villages were situated nearly midway between the frontierestablishments of the whites, and the towns of the belligerentIndians, and were consequently, convenient resting places for warriorsproceeding to and from the settlements. That they should havepermitted war parties after ravages to refresh themselves there, oreven have supplied them with provisions, does not argue a dispositionto aid or encourage their hostile operations. It was at any time inthe power of those warring savages, to exact by force whatever wasrequired of the Moravian Indians, and the inclination was not wanting, to do this or other acts of still greater enormity. That the warriorswere the better enabled to make incursions into the settlements, andeffect their dreadful objects by reason of those accommodations, cannot be questioned; the fault however, lay not in any inimical feelingof the christian Indians towards the whites, but in their physicalinability to withhold whatever might be demanded of them. 

And although they exerted themselves to prevail on other [231] tribesto forbear from hostilities against the whites, and apprised thelatter of enterprizes projected against them, yet did not these thingsproceed from an unfriendly disposition towards their red brethren. They were considerate and reflecting, and saw that the savages mustultimately suffer, by engaging in a war against the settlements; whiletheir pacific and christian principles, influenced them to forewarnthe whites of impending danger, that it might be avoided, and theeffusion of blood be prevented. But pure and commendable as were, nodoubt, the motives which governed them, in their intercourse witheither party, yet they were so unfortunate as to excite the enmity andincur the resentment of both, and eventually were made to suffer, though in different degrees, by both. 

In the fall of 1781, the settlements of the Moravians were almostentirely broken up by upwards of three hundred warriors, and themissionaries, residing among them, after having been robbed of almostevery thing, were taken prisoners and carried to Detroit. Here theywere detained until the governor became satisfied that they wereguiltless of any offence meriting a longer confinement; when they werereleased & permitted to return to their beloved people. The Indianswere left to shift for themselves in the Sandusky plains where most oftheir horses and cattle perished from famine. [18]

----- [1] Col. Reuben T. Durrett, in his _Centenary of Louisville_, p. 47, says that Louisville at this time consisted of Clark's original block house, with eighteen cabins, on Corn Island, at the head of the rapids; a small fort at the foot of Third street, erected by Col. John Floyd in 1779; "a large fort on the east side of a ravine that entered the Ohio at Twelfth street, and a few rude log cabins scattered through the woods near the Twelfth street fort, all occupied by one hundred inhabitants, who had cleared and cultivated garden-spots around their humble cabins. "--R. G. T. 

 [2] The expedition was sent out by Maj. A. S. De Peyster, then British commandant at Detroit. It was headed by Capt. Bird, with whom were Simon, James, and George Girty. The force, as rendezvoused at Detroit, consisted of 150 whites, and 100 Indians from the Upper Lakes; they carried two cannon. They were joined on the Miami by Capt. McKee, deputy Indian agent, and a large party of Indians, making the force of savages amount to 700. --R. G. T. 

 [3] The original destination was Louisville, but en route the Indian chiefs compelled Bird to first proceed against the forts on the Licking. --R. G. T. 

 [4] A station was a parallelogram of cabins, united by palisades so as to present a continued wall on the outer side, the cabin doors opening into a common square, on the inner side. They were the strong holds of the early settlers. 

 [5] There seems to be abundant evidence that Bird, a competent officer, was humanely inclined; but he was quite in the power of his savage allies, who would brook little control of their passions. The number of prisoners taken at Isaac Ruddell's was nearly 300; about fifty more were taken at Martin's. --R. G. T. 

 [6] The Indians had, contrary to Bird's expostulations, wantonly slaughtered all the cattle at Ruddell's Station, and this it was that caused the famine. With an abundance of food to sustain both prisoners and warriors, Bird might readily have carried out his purpose of uprooting nearly every settlement in Kentucky. There is nothing in his official report of the expedition, to warrant the statement that high water had any thing to do with the matter. --R. G. T. 

 [7] Col. Daniel Brodhead was in command of the Eighth Pennsylvania Regiment. He succeeded McIntosh at Fort Pitt, in April, 1779. --R. G. T. 

 [8] Brodhead set out from Fort Pitt, April 7, 1781, with 150 regulars; at Wheeling he picked up David Shepherd, lieutenant of Ohio County, Va. , with 134 militia, including officers; besides these were five friendly Indians, eager for Delaware scalps. --R. G. T. 

 [9] Salem, established by Heckewelder for his Indian converts, was on the west bank of the Tuscarawas, a mile and a half south-west of the present Port Washington. --R. G. T. 

 [10] John Gottlieb Ernestus Heckewelder was born at Bedford, England, March 12, 1743. Coming to Pennsylvania in 1754, he was at first a cooper, but later became an assistant to Charles Frederick Post, the Moravian missionary. In 1771, he first became an evangelist to the Indians, on his own account, and spent fifteen years in Ohio, where he assisted in the work of David Zeisberger. He was a man of learning, and made important contributions to the study of American archæology and, ethnology. The last thirteen years of his life were spent in literary work. He died at Bethlehem, Pa. , January 21, 1823. --R. G. T. 

 [11] Called in some of the contemporary chronicles, Goschocking. --R. G. T. 

 [12] Withers here reverts to the Bird invasion in the summer of 1780, and the escape of Hinkstone from his British captors, related _ante_, pp. 295-98. Clark's retaliatory expedition was made during August, 1780. --R. G. T. 

 [13] Butterfield, in _History of the Girtys_, p. 121, places the white loss at seventeen killed, and "a number wounded;" and the Indian loss at six killed and three wounded. Clark's nephew, Joseph Rogers, was killed on August 8, the day of the general engagement. Clark left Piqua, the 10th. --R. G. T. 

 [14] I am informed by S. R. Harrison, of Clarksburg, W. Va. , that the bodies of the victims were buried about five rods from the house, and "the graves are yet marked by the original rude stones. " Mr. Harrison continues, "This burial ground, and also where the house stood, had never been disturbed until March, 1888--a hundred and seven years after the massacre--when the ground about the site of the house was plowed; many interesting relics were turned up, among them a compass and sun-dial in a copper case. I myself found a number of relics among the charred ruins of the house. "--R. G. T. 

 [15] As soon as the fire was opened upon the Indians, Mrs. Rony (one of the prisoners) ran towards the whites rejoicing at the prospect of deliverance, and exclaiming, "I am Ellick Rony's wife, of the Valley, I am Ellick Rony's wife, of the Valley, and a pretty little woman too, if I was well dressed. " The poor woman, ignorant of the fact that her son was weltering in his own gore, and forgetting for an instant that her husband had been so recently killed, seemed intent only on her own deliverance from the savage captors. 

 Another of the captives, Daniel Dougherty, being tied down, and unable to move, was discovered by the whites as they rushed towards the camp. Fearing that he might be one of the enemy and do them some injury if they advanced, one of the men, stopping, demanded who he was. Benumbed with cold, and discomposed by the sudden firing of the whites, he could not render his Irish dialect intelligible to them. The white man raised his gun and directed it towards him, calling aloud, that if he did not make known who he was, he should blow a ball through him, let him be white man or Indian. Fear supplying him with energy, Dougherty exclaimed, "Loord Jasus! and am I too be killed by white people at last!" He was heard by Col. Lowther and his life saved. 

 [16] The Moravian Indians were originally from the Susquehanna River. They moved to the Tuscarawas River in 1772, under the missionaries Zeisberger and Heckewelder, who built two villages on the eastern bank of that river, on land set apart for them by the Delawares: Schönbrunn, about three miles south-east of the present New Philadelphia, in what is now Goshen township, Tuscarawas County, O. , and Gnadenhütten, lower down, in the outskirts of the present town of that name, in Clay township. The principal Delaware town, at that time, was some distance below, near the site of the present Newcomerstown; this was later moved to what is now Coshocton, at the confluence of the Tuscarawas and Walholding, which unite to form the Muskingum. At this time there was a Moravian village called Friedensstadt, on Beaver River, in what is now Lawrence County, Pa. In 1776 a new village for the accommodation of converts was established on the east bank of the Muskingum, two and a half miles below Coshocton, and called Lichtenau; William Edwards was the missionary in charge. In consequence of the disturbances on the border, Schönbrunn and Gnadenhütten were deserted in 1777, and all the teachers returned to Pennsylvania save Zeisberger and Edwards, who gathered the Indians together at Lichtenau; but in the spring of 1778, Gnadenhütten was re-occupied, with Edwards in charge. This was not for a long time, however, for in July we find Zeisberger, Heckewelder, and Edwards in charge of the union station at Lichtenau, the others being deserted. The spring of 1779 finds Edwards again at the resuscitated Gnadenhütten, Zeisberger re-occupying Schönbrunn with a small party, and Heckewelder at Lichtenau. Later in the season Zeisberger began New Schönbrunn on the west bank of the Tuscarawas, in what is now Goshen township, a quarter of a mile from the present Lockport, and a mile and a quarter south of New Philadelphia; thither he removed his flock in December. In the spring of 1780, Heckewelder abandoned Lichtenau, and took his converts to the west bank of the Tuscarawas, where he established Salem, in the present Salem township, a mile and a half north-west of Port Washington. In the autumn the Moravian villages were in general charge of Zeisberger, who traveled from one to the other; Gottlob Senseman being in charge of New Schönbrunn, Edwards of Gnadenhütten, and Heckewelder of Salem. It will thus be seen that at the time of the massacre, the Moravian villages were wholly in the valley of the Tuscarawas. --R. G. T. 

 [17] Zeisberger and Heckewelder kept Brodhead continually informed, by letters, of the movements and councils of the hostiles. The position of the missionaries was one of exceeding delicacy, but the voluminous correspondence between them and Brodhead proves that the former were steadfast friends of the American colonies, and did effective service throughout the several years of disturbance on the frontier. --R. G. T. 

 [18] Brodhead's successful expedition against the Coshocton Indians, in April, 1781, led to preparations for a retaliatory foray. Headed by the renegade Capt. Matthew Elliott, a party of about 250 Indians, --mostly Wyandots, with chiefs Half King, Pipe, Snip, John and Thomas Snake, and others--assembled at Gnadenhütten, for a talk with the Moravian teachers, preparatory to an expedition against Wheeling. They arrived August 17, and Zeisberger at once secretly sent a message of warning to Ft. Pitt, which threw the frontier into alarm, and caused the garrison at Wheeling to be fully prepared when the enemy appeared. A boy whom the Wyandots captured outside of Wheeling told them of Zeisberger's warning, and when the unsuccessful war party returned to Gnadenhütten (Sept. 2), vengeance was wreaked on the Moravians. The town was sacked that day, and the missionaries were kept as prisoners for several days. Finally they were released (Sept. 6), on promise that they remove their converts from the line of the warpaths. September 11, the Moravians and their teachers left Salem in a body, with but few worldly goods, for most of their property had been destroyed by the Wyandots. They proceeded down the Tuscarawas to the mouth of the Walhonding, thence up the latter stream and Vernon River, and across country to the Sandusky, where they arrived October 1, and erected a few huts on the east bank of the river, about two and a-half miles above the present Upper Sandusky. Fourteen days later, the missionaries were summoned to appear before the British commandant at Detroit, Major De Peyster. Zeisberger, Heckewelder, Edwards, and Senseman left for Detroit, October 25. De Peyster questioned them closely, and finally released them with the statement that he would confer with them later, relative to their final abode. They reached the Sandusky, on their return, November 22. Meanwhile, the winter had set in early; and in danger of starving, a party of the Moravians had returned to the Tuscarawas to gather corn in the abandoned fields; while there, a party of border rangers took them prisoners and carried them to Fort Pitt. Brig. -Gen. William Irvine, then in command, treated the poor converts kindly, and allowed them to go in peace, many returning to their old villages on the Tuscarawas, to complete their dismal harvesting. --R. G. T. 

[232] CHAPTER XIV. 

The revengeful feelings which had been engendered, by inevitablecircumstances, towards the Moravian Indians, and which had given riseto the expedition of 1781, under Col. Williamson, were yet more deeplyradicated by subsequent events. On the night after their liberationfrom Fort Pitt, the family of a Mr. Monteur were all killed or takencaptive; and the outrage, occurring so immediately after they were setat liberty and in the vicinity of where they were, was very generallyattributed to them. An irruption was made too, in the fall of 1781, into the settlement on Buffalo creek, and some murders committed andprisoners taken. One of these, escaping from captivity and returningsoon after, declared that the party committing the aggression, washeaded by a Moravian warrior. 

These circumstances operated to confirm many in the belief, that thoseIndians were secretly inimical to the whites, and not only furnishedthe savages with provisions and a temporary home, but likewise engagedpersonally in the war of extermination, which they were waging againstthe frontier. Events occurring towards the close of winter, dispelledall doubt, from the minds of those who had fondly cherished everysuggestion which militated against the professed, and generallyaccredited, neutrality and pacific disposition of the Moravians. 

On the 8th of February 1782, while Henry Fink and his son John, wereengaged in sledding rails, on their farm in the Buchannon settlement, several guns were simultaneously discharged at them; and before Johnhad time to reply to his father's inquiry, whether he were hurt, another gun was fired and he fell lifeless. Having unlinked the chainwhich fastened the horse to the sled, the old man [233] gallopedbriskly away. He reached his home in safety, and immediately moved hisfamily to the fort. On the next day the lifeless body of John, wasbrought into the fort. --The first shot had wounded his arm; the ballfrom the second passed through his heart, & he was afterwardsscalped. 

Near the latter part of the same month, some Indians invaded thecountry above Wheeling, and succeeded in killing a Mr. Wallace, andhis family, consisting of his wife and five children, & in taking JohnCarpenter a prisoner. The early period of the year at which thoseenormities were perpetrated, the inclemency of the winter of 1781--2, and the distance of the towns of hostile Indians from the theatre ofthese outrages, caused many to exclaim, "_the Moravians have certainlydone this deed_. " The destruction of their villages was immediatelyresolved, and preparations were made to carry this determination intoeffect. 

There were then in the North Western wilderness, between three andfour hundred of the christian Indians, and who, until removed by theWyandots and whites in 1781, as before mentioned, had resided on theMuskingum in the villages of the Gnadenhutten, Salem and Shoenbrun. The society of which they were members, had been established in theprovince of Pennsylvania about the year 1752, and in a short timebecame distinguished for the good order and deportment of its members, both as men and as christians. During the continuance of the Frenchwar, they nobly withstood every allurement which was practised to drawthem within its vortex, and expressed their strong disapprobation ofwar in general; saying, "that it must be displeasing to that GreatBeing, who made men, not to destroy men, but to love and assist eachother. " In 1769 emigrants from their villages of Friedenshutten, Wyalusing and Shesheequon in Pennsylvania, began to make anestablishment in the North Western wilderness, and in a few years, attained a considerable degree of prosperity, their towns increasedrapidly in population, and themselves, under the teaching of pious andbeneficent missionaries, in civilization and christianity. In the warof 1774, their tranquil and happy hours were interrupted, by reportsof the ill intention of the whites along the frontier, towards them, and by frequent acts of annoyance, committed by war parties of thesavages. 

This state of things continued with but little, if any, intermission, occasionally assuming a more gloomy and portentious aspect, until thefinal destruction of their villages. In the spring of 1781, theprincipal war chief of the Delawares apprised the missionaries andthem, of the danger which threatened them, as well from the whites asthe savages, and advised them to remove to some situation, where theywould be exempt from molestation by either. Conscious of the rectitudeof their conduct as regarded both, and unwilling to forsake thecomforts which their industry had procured for them, and the fieldsrendered productive by their labor, they disregarded the [234]friendly monition, and continued in their villages, progressing in theknowledge and love of the Redeemer of men, and practising the virtuesinculcated by his word. 

This was their situation, at the time they were removed to Sandusky, early in the fall of 1781. When their missionaries and principal menwere liberated by the governor of Detroit, they obtained leave of theWyandot chiefs to return to the Muskingum to get the corn which hadbeen left there, to prevent the actual starvation of their families. About one hundred and fifty of them, principally women and childrenwent thither for this purpose, and were thus engaged when the secondexpedition under Col. Williamson proceeded against them. 

In March 1782, between eighty and ninety men assembled themselves forthe purpose of effecting the destruction of the Moravian towns. [1] Ifthey then had in contemplation the achieving of any other injury tothose people, it was not promulgated in the settlements. They avowedtheir object to be the destruction of the houses and the laying wastethe crops, in order to deprive the hostile savages of the advantage ofobtaining shelter and provisions, so near to the frontier; and theremoval of the Moravians to Fort Pitt, to preserve them from thepersonal injury which, it was feared, would be inflicted on them bythe warriors. Being merely a private expedition, each of the men tookwith him, his own arms, ammunition and provisions; and many of them, their horses. They took up the line of march from the Mingo Bottom, and on the second night thereafter, encamped within one mile of thevillage of Gnadenhutten; and in the morning proceeded towards it, inthe order of attack prescribed by a council of the officers. 

The village being built upon both sides of the river, and the scoutshaving discovered and reported that it was occupied on both sides, one-half the men were ordered to cross over and bear down upon thetown on the western bank, while the other half would possessthemselves of that part of it which lay on the eastern shore. Upon thearrival of the first division at the river, no boat or other smallcraft was seen in which they could be transported across; and theywere for a time, in some difficulty how they should proceed. Whatappeared to be a canoe was at length discovered on the opposite bank, and a young man by the name of Slaughter, plunging in swam to it. Itproved to be a trough for containing sugar water, and capable ofbearing only two persons at a time. To obviate the delay which musthave resulted from this tedious method of conveying themselves over, many of the men unclothed themselves, and placing their garments, armsand ammunition in the trough, swam by its sides, notwithstanding thatice was floating in the current and the water, consequently, cold andchilling. 

When nearly half this division had thus reached the western bank, twosentinels, who on the first landing had been stationed a shortdistance in advance, discovered and fired at, one of the Indians. [235] The shot of one broke his arm, --the other killed him. Directionswere then sent to the division which was to operate on the easternside of the river, to move directly to the attack, lest the firingshould alarm the inhabitants and they defeat the object which seemednow to be had in view. The few who had crossed without awaiting forthe others, marched immediately into the town on the western shore. 

Arrived among the Indians, they offered no violence, but on thecontrary, professing peace and good will, assured them, they had comefor the purpose of escorting them safely to Fort Pitt, that they mightno longer be exposed to molestation from the militia of the whites, orthe warriors of the savages. Sick of the sufferings which they had sorecently endured, and rejoicing at the prospect of being deliveredfrom farther annoyance they gave up their arms, and with alacritycommenced making preparations for the journey, providing food as wellfor the whites, as for themselves. A party of whites and Indians wasnext despatched to Salem, to bring in those who were there. They thenshut up the Moravians left at Gnadenhutten, in two houses somedistance apart, and had them well guarded, When the others arrivedfrom Salem, they were treated in like manner, and shut up in the samehouses with their brethren of Gnadenhutten. 

The division which was to move into the town on the eastern side ofthe river, coming unexpectedly upon one of the Indian women, sheendeavored to conceal herself in a bunch of bushes at the water edge, but being discovered, by some of the men, was quickly killed. She wasthe wife of Shabosh, who had been shot by the sentinels of the otherdivision. Others, alarmed at the appearance of a party of armed men, and ignorant that a like force was on the opposite side of the river, attempted to escape thither. --They did not live to effect theirobject. Three were killed in the attempt; and the men then crossedover, with such as they had made prisoners, to join their comrades, inthe western and main part of the town. 

A council of war was then held to determine on the fate of theprisoners. Col. Williamson having been much censured for the lenity ofhis conduct towards those Indians in the expedition of the precedingyear, the officers were unwilling to take upon themseves the entireresponsibility of deciding upon their fate now, and agreed that itshould be left to the men. The line was soon formed, and they weretold it remained with them to say, whether the Moravian prisonersshould be taken to Fort Pitt or murdered; and Col. Williamsonrequested that those who were inclined to mercy, should advance andform a second link, that it might be seen on which side was themajority. Alas! it required no scrutiny to determine. Only sixteen, orat most eighteen men, stepped forward to save the lives of thisunfortunate people, and their doom became sealed. [2]

From the moment those ill fated beings were immured in houses theyseemed to anticipate the horrid destiny which awaited them; [236] andspent their time in holy and heartfelt devotion, to prepare them forthe awful realities of another world. They sang, they prayed, theyexhorted each other to a firm reliance on the Saviour of men, andsoothed those in affliction with the comfortable assurance, thatalthough men might kill the body, they had no power over the soul, andthat they might again meet in a better and happier world, "where thewicked cease from troubling and the weary find rest. " When told thatthey were doomed to die, they all affectionately embraced, andbedewing their bosoms with mutual tears, reciprocally sought, andobtained forgiveness for any offences which they might have given eachother through life. Thus at peace with God, and reconciled with oneanother, they replied to those, who impatient for the slaughter hadasked if they were not yet prepared, "Yes! We have commended our soulsto God, and are ready to die. "

What must have been the obduracy of those, who could remain inflexiblein their doom of death, amid such scenes as these? How ruthless &unrelenting their hearts, who unmoved by the awful spectacle of somany fellow creatures, preparing for the sudden and violentdestruction of life and asking of their God, mercy for themselves andforgiveness for their enemies--could yet thirst for blood, andmanifest impatience that its shedding was delayed for an instant? Didnot the possibility of that innocence, which has been ever since souniversally accorded to their victims, once occur to them; or weretheir minds so under the influence of exasperation and resentment, that they ceased to think of any thing, but the gratification of thosefeelings? Had they been about to avenge the murder of friends on its_known authors_, somewhat might have been pardoned to retaliation andto vengeance; but involving all in one common ruin, for _the supposedoffences_ of a few, there can be no apology for their conduct, --noexcuse for their crime. 

It were well, if all memory of the tragedy at Gnadenhutten, wereeffaced from the mind; but it yet lives in the recollection of manyand stands recorded on the polluted page of history. --Impartial truthrequires, that it should be here set down. 

A few of the prisoners, supposed to have been actively engaged in war, were the first to experience their doom. They were tied and taken somedistance from the houses in which [237] they had been confined;despatched with spears and tomahawks, and scalped. The remainder ofboth sexes, from the hoary head of decrepitude, incapable of wrong, tohelpless infancy, pillowed on its mother's breast, were cruelly &shockingly murdered; and the different apartments of those houses ofblood, exhibited their bleeding bodies, mangled by the tomahawk, scalping knife and spear, and disfigured by the war-club and themallet. [3]

Thus perished ninety-six of the Moravian Indians. Of these, sixty-twowere grown persons, one-third of whom were women; the remainingthirty-four were children. [4] Two youth alone, made their escape. Oneof them had been knocked down and scalped, but was not killed. He hadthe presence of mind to lie still among the dead, until nightfall, when he crept silently forth and escaped. The other, in the confusionof the shocking scene, slipped through a trap door into the cellar, and passing out at a small window, got off unnoticed and uninjured. 

In the whole of this transaction the Moravians were passive andunresisting. They confided in the assurances of protection given themby the whites, and until pent up in the houses, continued cheerful andhappy. If when convinced of the murderous intent of their visitors, they had been disposed to violence and opposition, it would haveavailed them nothing. They had surrendered their arms (being requestedto do so, as a guarantee for the security of the whites, ) and were nolonger capable of offering any effectual or available resistance, andwhile the dreadful work of death was doing, "they were as lambs led tothe slaughter; & as sheep before the shearers are dumb, so opened theynot their mouths. " There was but a solitary exception to thispassiveness, and it was well nigh terminating in the escape of itsauthor, and in the death of some of the whites. 

As two of the men were leading forth one of the supposed warriors todeath, a dispute arose between them, who should have the scalp of thisvictim to their barbarity. He was progressing after them with a silentdancing motion, and singing his death song. Seeing them occupied soclosely with each other, he became emboldened to try an escape. Drawing a knife from its scabbard, he cut the cord which bound him;and springing forward, aimed a thrust at one of his conductors. Thecutting of the rope had, however, drawn it so [238] tightly that hewho held it became sensible that it was wrought upon in some way; andturning quickly round to ascertain the cause, scarcely avoided thestab. The Indian then bounded from them, and as he fled towards thewoods, dexterously removed the cord from his wrists. Several shotswere discharged at him without effect, when the firing was stopped, lest in the hurry and confusion of the pursuit, some of their ownparty might suffer from it. A young man, mounting his horse, was soonby the side of the Indian, and springing off, his life had well nighbeen sacrificed by his rashness. He was quickly thrown to the ground, and the uplifted tomahawk about to descend on his head, when a timelyshot, directed with fatal precision, took effect on the Indian andsaved him. 

Had the Moravians been disposed for war, they could easily haveensured their own safety, and dealt destruction to the whites. If, when their town was entered by a party of only sixteen, their thirtymen, aided by the youths of the village, armed and equipped as allwere, had gone forth in battle array, they could have soon cut offthose few; and by stationing some gunners on the bank of the river, have prevented the landing of the others of the expedition. But theirfaith in the sincerity of the whites--their love of peace andabhorrence of war, forbade it; and the confidence of those who firstrushed into the town, in these feelings and dispositions of theIndians, no doubt prompted them to that act of temerity, while anunfordable stream was flowing between them and their only support. 

During the massacre at Gnadenhutten, a detachment of the whites wasordered to Shoenbrun to secure the Moravians who were there. Fortunately however, two of the inhabitants of this village haddiscovered the dead body of Shabosh in time to warn their brethren ofdanger, and they all moved rapidly off. When the detachment arrived, nothing was left for them _but plunder_. --_This was secured_, and theyreturned to their comrades. Gnadenhutten was then _pillaged_ of everyarticle of value which could be easily removed; its houses--even thosewhich contained the dead bodies of the Moravians--were burned toashes, and the men set out on their return to the settlements. [5]

The expedition against the Moravian towns on the Muskingum, wasprojected and carried on by inhabitants of the [239] western countiesof Pennsylvania, --a district of country which had long been thetheatre of Indian hostilities. Its result (strange as it may nowappear) was highly gratifying to many; and the ease with which so much_Indian_ blood had been made to flow, coupled with an ardent desire toavenge the injuries which had been done them by the savages, led toimmediate preparations for another, to be conducted on a moreextensive scale, and requiring the co-operation of more men. Andalthough the completion of the work of destruction, which had been sosuccessfully begun, of the Moravian Indians, was the principalinducement of some, yet many attached themselves to the expedition, from more noble and commendable motives. 

The residence of the Moravians ever since they were removed to theplains of Sandusky, was in the immediate vicinity of the Wyandotvillages, and the warriors from these had been particularly activeand untiring in their hostility to the frontier settlements ofPennsylvania. The contemplated campaign against the Moravians, wasviewed by many as affording a fit opportunity to punish those savagesfor their many aggressions, as it would require that they shouldproceed but a short distance beyond the point proposed, in orderto arrive at their towns; and they accordingly engaged in it for thatpurpose. 

Other causes too, conspired to fill the ranks and form an army for theaccomplishment of the contemplated objects. --The commandants of themilitia of Washington and Westmoreland counties (Cols. Williamsonand Marshall)[6] encouraged the inhabitants to volunteer on thisexpedition, and made known, that every militia man who accompaniedit, finding his own horse and gun, and provisions for a month, should be exempt from two tours of militia duty; and that allhorses unavoidably lost in the service, should be replaced from thosetaken in the Indian country. From the operation of these differentcauses, an army of nearly five hundred men was soon raised, who beingsupplied with ammunition by the Lieutenant Colonel of Washingtoncounty, proceeded to the Old Mingo towns, the place of generalrendezvous--where an election was held to fill the office of commanderof the expedition. [7] The candidates were Colonel Williamson andColonel Crawford; and the latter gentleman being chosen immediatelyorganized the troops, and prepared to march. 

[240] On the 25th of May, the army left the Mingo towns, and pursuing"Williamson's trail, " arrived at the upper Moravian town on theMuskingum (Shoenbrun, ) where (finding plenty of corn of the precedingyear's crop, yet on the stalk) they halted to refresh their horses. While here, Captains Brenton and Bean, discovered and fired upon twoIndians; and the report of the guns being heard in camp, the men, indespite of the exertions of their officers, rushed towards the sourceof alarm, in the most tumultuous and disorderly manner. --ColonelCrawford, used to the discipline of continental soldiers, saw in theimpetuosity and insubordination of the troops under his command, enough to excite the liveliest apprehensions for the event of theexpedition. He had volunteered to go on the campaign, only incompliance with the general wish of the troops that he should headthem, and when chosen commander in chief of the forces assembled atthe Mingo towns, he is said to have accepted the office withreluctance, not only sensible of the impracticability of controllingmen unused to restraint, but opposed to some of the objects of theexpedition, and the frequently expressed determination of the troops, to spare no Indian whom accident or the fortune of war should place intheir power. 

From Shoenbrun the army proceeded as expeditiously as was practicableto the site of the Moravian village, near the Upper Sandusky; butinstead of meeting with this oppressed and persecuted tribe, or havinggained an opportunity of plundering their property, they saw nothingwhich manifested that it had been the residence of man, save a fewdesolate and deserted huts, --the people, whom it was their intentionto destroy, had some time before, most fortunately for themselves, moved to the Scioto. 

Discontent and dissatisfaction ensued upon the disappointment. Theguides were ignorant of there being any Indian towns nearer than thoseon Lower Sandusky, and the men became impatient to return home. Inthis posture of affairs, a council of war, consisting of the fieldofficers and captains, was held, and it was resolved to move forward, and if no enemy appeared that day, to retrace their steps. Just afterthis determination was made known, an express arrived, from adetachment of mounted men, which had been sent forward to reconnoitre, with information that about three miles in advance a large body ofIndians had been discovered hastening [241] rapidly to meet them. Thefact was, that Indian spies had watched and reported the progress ofthe expedition, ever after it left the Mingo towns; and when satisfiedof its destination, every arrangement which they could make to defeatits object, and involve the troops in the destruction to which it wastheir purpose to consign others, was begun by the savages. Havingperfected these, they were marching on to give battle to the whites. 

Immediately upon the reception of this intelligence, the army movedforward, and meeting the reconnoitreing party coming in, had proceededbut a short distance farther, when they came in view of the Indianshastening to occupy a small body of woods, in the midst of anextensive plain. The battle was then begun by a heavy fire from bothsides, and the savages prevented gaining possession of the woods. Aparty of them having however, taken post in them before the whitescame up, continued much to annoy the troops, until some of them, alighting from their horses, bravely rushed forward and dislodgedthem. The Indians then attempted to gain a small skirt of wood onColonel Crawford's right; but the vigilance of the commanding officerof the right wing, (Major Leet) detected the movement, and the braveryof his men defeated it. The action now became general and severe andwas warmly contested until dark, when it ceased for a time withouthaving been productive of much advantage to either side. During thenight, both armies lay on their arms; adopting the wise policy ofkindling large fires along the line of battle, and retreating somedistance behind them, to prevent being surprised by a night attack. 

Early in the morning a few shots were fired, but at too great distancefor execution. The Indians were hourly receiving reinforcements, andseemed busily engaged in active preparations for a decisiveconflict. The whites became uneasy at their increasing strength;and a council of the officers deemed it expedient to retreat. As itwould be difficult to effect this in open day, in the presence ofan enemy of superior force, it was resolved to postpone it untilnight, making in the mean time every arrangement to ensure itssuccess. --The killed were buried, and fires burned over the gravesto prevent discovery, --litters were made for bearing the wounded, andthe army was formed into three lines with them in the centre. 

[242] The day passed, without an attack being made by the Indians. They were still seen to traverse the plains in every direction, and inlarge bodies; and not until the troops were about forming the line ofretreat, did they seem to have any idea that such a movement wasintended. They then commenced firing a few shots, and in a littlewhile it became apparent that they had occupied every pass, leavingopen only that which led to Sandusky. Along this way, the guidesconducted the main army, until they had passed the Indian lines abouta mile; when wheeling to the left, they marched round and gained thetrail of their outward march. Continuing in this they proceeded to thesettlements without any interruption. --The savage warriors thinking itbetter to follow detached parties than the main army. 

The few shots which were fired by the Indians as the whites wereforming the line of retreat, were viewed by many as evidence thattheir purpose had been discovered, and that these were signal gunspreceding a general attack. Under these impressions, the men infront hurried off and others following the example, at least onethird of the army were to be seen flying in detached parties, andin different directions from that taken by the main body, supposingthat the attention of the Indians would be wholly turned to thispoint. They were not permitted to proceed far under this delusivesupposition. Instead of following the main army, the Indians pursuedthose small parties with such activity, that not many of thosecomposing them were able to escape;--one company of forty men undera Captain Williamson, [8] was the only party detached from theprincipal body of the troops, fortunate enough to get with themain army on its retreat. Late in the night, they broke through theIndian lines under a heavy fire and with some loss, and on themorning of the second day of the retreat, again joined their comradesin the expedition, who had marched off in a body; in compliancewith the orders of the commander-in-chief. 

Colonel Crawford himself proceeded at the head of the army for someshort distance, when missing his son, his son-in-law (Major Harrison)and two nephews, [9] he stopped to enquire for them. Receiving nosatisfactory information respecting either of them, he was inducedthrough anxiety for their fate to continue still, until all hadpassed on, when he resumed his flight, in company with doctorKnight[10] and two [243] others. For their greater security, theytravelled some distance apart, but from the jaded and exhaustedcondition of their horses could proceed but slowly. One of the two menin company with the Colonel and doctor Knight, would frequently fallsome distance behind the others, and as frequently call aloud for themto wait for him. Near the Sandusky creek he hallooed to them to halt, but the yell of a savage being heard near him, they went on and neveragain was _he heard of_. About day, Colonel Crawford's horse gave outand he was forced to proceed on foot, as was also the other of the twowho had left the field with him and Knight. They continued however totravel together, and soon overtook Captain Biggs, endeavoring tosecure the safety of himself and Lieutenant Ashly, who had been sobadly wounded that he was unable to ride alone. A heavy fall of raininduced them to halt, and stripping the bark from some trees, theyformed a tolerable shelter from the storm, and remained there allnight. In the morning they were joined by another of the troops, whentheir company consisted of six--Colonel Crawford and Doctor Knight, who kept about an hundred yards in front--Captain Biggs and LieutenantAshly, in the center; and the other two men in the rear. Theyproceeded in this way about two miles, when a party of Delawaressuddenly sprang from their hiding places into the road, and makingprisoners of Colonel Crawford and Doctor Knight, carried them to theIndian camp near to where they then were. On the next day the scalpsof Captain Biggs and Lieutenant Ashly, were brought in by anotherparty of Indians who had been likewise watching the road. From theencampment, they were led, in company with nine other prisoners, tothe old Wyandot town, from which place they were told they would betaken to the new town, not far off. Before setting out from thisplace, Colonel Crawford and Doctor Knight were painted black byCaptain Pipe, a Delaware chief, who told the former, that he intendedto have him shaved when he arrived among his friends, and the latterthat he was to be carried to the Shawnee town, to see some of his oldacquaintance. The nine prisoners were then marched off in front ofColonel Crawford and Doctor Knight, who were brought on by Pipe andWingenim, [11] another of the Delaware chiefs. As they went on, theypassed the bodies of four of the captives, who had been tomahawked andscalped on the way, and came [244] to where the remaining five were, in time to see them suffer the same fate from the hands of squaws andboys. The head of one of them (John McKinley, formerly an officer inone of the Virginia regiments) was cut off, and for some time kickedabout on the ground. A while afterwards they met Simon Girty andseveral Indians on horseback; when Col. Crawford was stripped naked, severely beaten with clubs and sticks, and made to sit down near apost which had been planted for the purpose, and around which a fireof poles was burning briskly. His hands were then pinioned behind him, and a rope attached to the band around his wrist and fastened to thefoot of a post about fifteen feet high, allowing him liberty only tosit down, or walk once or twice round it, and return the same way. Apprehensive that he was doomed to be burned to death, he asked Girtyif it were possible that he had been spared from the milderinstruments of the tomahawk and scalping knife, only to suffer themore cruel death by fire. "_Yes, said Girty, composedly, you must beburned Colonel. _" "It is dreadful, replied Crawford, but I willendeavor to bear it patiently. " Captain Pipe then addressed thesavages in an animated speech, at the close of which, they rent theair with hideous yells, and immediately discharged a number of loadsof powder at the naked body of their victim. His ears were then cutoff, and while the men would apply the burning ends of the poles tohis flesh, the squaws threw coals and hot embers upon him, so that ina little time he had too, to walk on fire. In the midst of thesesufferings, he begged of the infamous Girty to shoot him. That worsethan savage monster, tauntingly replied, "how can I? you see I have nogun, " and laughed heartily at the scene. 

For three hours Colonel Crawford endured the most excruciating agonieswith the utmost fortitude, when faint and almost exhausted, hecommended his soul to God, and laid down on his face. He was thenscalped, and burning coals being laid on his head and back, by one ofthe squaws, he again arose and attempted to walk; but strength failedhim and he sank into the welcome arms of death. His body was thenthrown into the fire and consumed to ashes. [12]

Of the whole of this shocking scene, Doctor Knight was [245] anunwilling spectator; and in the midst of it was told by Girty, that itshould be his fate too, when he arrived at the Shawanee towns. Thesewere about forty miles distant; and he was committed to the care of ayoung warrior to be taken there. On the first day they travelled abouttwenty-five miles, and when they stopped for the night, the Doctor wassecurely fastened. In vain did he anxiously watch for an opportunityto endeavor to [244] release himself from the cords which bound him. The Indian was vigilant and slept none. About day light they arose, and while the Indian was kindling a fire, the gnats were sotroublesome that he untied his prisoner, and set him likewise tomaking a fire to relieve them from the annoyance. The doctor took aburning coal between two sticks, and going behind the Indian towardsthe spot at which he was directed to excite a smoke, turned suddenlyaround, and struck the savage with all his force. The Indian fellforward, but quickly recovering and seeing his gun in the hands of hisassailant, ran off, howling hideously. --The anxiety of Doctor Knight, saved the life of the savage. --When he seized the gun, he drew backthe cock in such haste and with so much violence as to break the mainspring and render it useless to him; but as the Indian was ignorant ofthis circumstance, he continued his flight and the doctor was thenenabled to escape. After a toilsome travel of twenty-one days, duringwhich time he subsisted altogether on wild gooseberries, youngnettles, a raw terrapin and two young birds, he arrived safely at FortMcIntosh--meagre, emaciated and almost famished. 

Another instance of great good-fortune occurred in the person of JohnSlover, [13] who was also made prisoner after having travelled morethan half the distance from the fatal scene of [246] action to FortPitt. When only eight years of age he had been taken by some Indianson New river, and detained in captivity for twelve years. In this timehe became well acquainted with their manners and customs, and attachedto their mode of living so strongly, that when ransomed by hisfriends, he left his Indian companions with regret. He had become too, while with them, familiar with the country north west of the Ohio, andan excellent woodsman; and in consequence of these attainments wasselected a principal guide to the army on its outward march. When aretreat was prematurely began to be made by detached parties, he wassome distance from camp, and having to equip himself for flight, wasleft a good way in the rear. It was not long however, before he cameup with a party, whose horses were unable to extricate themselves froma deep morass, over which they had attempted to pass. Slover's wassoon placed in the same unpleasant situation, and they all, alightingfrom them, proceeded on foot. In this manner they traveled on untilthey had nearly reached the Tuscarawa, when a party of savages fromthe way side, fired upon them. One of the men was killed, Slover andtwo others made prisoners, & the fifth escaped to Wheeling. 

Those taken captive were carried first to Wachatomakah (a small townof the Mingoes and Shawanees, ) from whence after having been severelybeaten, they were conducted to a larger town two miles farther. Ontheir arrival here, they had all to pass through the usual ceremoniesof running the gauntlet; and one of them who had been stripped of hisclothes and painted black, was most severely beaten, mangled, andkilled, and his body cut in pieces and placed on poles outside thetown. Here too, Slover saw the dead bodies of Col. McClelland, MajorHarrison and John Crawford; and learned that they had all been put todeath but a little while before his arrival there; and although he wasspared for some time, yet every thing which he saw acted towards otherprisoners, led him to fear that he was reserved for a more cruel fate, whenever the whim of the instant should suggest its consummation. Atlength an express arrived from Detroit with a speech for the warriors, which decided his doom. Being decyphered from the belt of wampum whichcontained it, the speech began by enquiring why they continued to takeprisoners, and said, "Provisions are scarce and when you send in [247]prisoners, we have them to feed, and still some of them are gettingoff, and carrying tidings of our affairs. When any of your people aretaken by the rebels, they shew no mercy. Why then should you? Mychildren take no more prisoners of any sort, men, women, or children. "Two days after the arrival of the express with this speech, a councilof the different tribes of Indians near, was held, and it wasdetermined to act in conformity with the advice of the Governor ofDetroit. Slover was then the only white prisoner at this town; and onthe morning after the council was dissolved, about forty warriors cameto the house where he was, and tying a rope around his neck, led himoff to another village, five miles distant. Here again he was severelybeaten with clubs & the pipe end of the tomahawk, & then tied to apost, around which were piles of wood. These were soon kindled, but aviolent rain falling unexpectedly, extinguished the flames, beforethey had effected him. It was then agreed to postpone his execution, until the next day, and being again beaten and much wounded by theirblows, he was taken to a block house, his hands tied, the rope abouthis neck fastened to a beam of the building, and three warriors leftto guard him for the night. 

If the feelings of Slover would have permitted him to enjoy sleep, theconduct of the guard would have prevented it. They delighted inkeeping alive in his mind the shocking idea of the suffering which hewould have to endure, & frequently asking him "how he would like toeat fire, " tormented him nearly all night. Awhile before day however, they fell asleep, and Slover commenced untying himself. Without muchdifficulty he loosened the cord from his arms, but the ligature aroundhis neck, of undressed buffalo-hide, seemed to defy his exertions toremove it; and while he was endeavoring to gnaw it in vain, one of thesleeping Indians, rose up and going near to him, sat and smoked hispipe for some time. Slover lay perfectly still, apprehensive that allchance of escape was now lost to him. But no--the Indian againcomposed himself to sleep, and the first effort afterwards made, toloose the band from his neck by slipping it over his head, resulted inleaving Slover entirely unbound. He then crept softly from the houseand leaping a fence, gained the cornfield. Passing on, as heapproached a tree, he espied a squaw with several children lying atits root; and fearing that some of them might discover him and givethe alarm of his [248] escape, he changed his course. He soon afterreached a glade, in which were several horses, one of which hecaught; and also found a piece of an old rug, which afforded him hisonly covering until he reached Wheeling. This he was enabled to do ina few days, being perfectly acquainted with the country. 

The town, from which Slover escaped, was the one to which Dr. Knight was to have been taken. The Indian who had him in charge, came in while Slover was there, and reported his escape--magnifyingthe Doctor's stature to gigantic size and attributing to himherculean strength. When Slover acquainted the warriors with thefact, that Doctor Knight was diminutive and effeminate, they laughedheartily at this Indian, and mocked at him for suffering the escape. He however bore a mark which showed that, weak and enfeebled as hewas, the Doctor had not played booty when he aimed the blow at hisconductor. --It had penetrated to the skull and made a gash of fullfour inches length. 

These are but few of the many incidents which no doubt occurred, toindividuals who endeavored to effect an escape by detaching themselvesfrom the main army. The number of those, thus separated from thetroops, who had the good fortune to reach the settlements, was smallindeed; and of the many of them who fell into the hands of thesavages, Knight and Slover are believed to be the only persons, whowere so fortunate as to make an escape. The precise loss sustained inthe expedition, was never ascertained, and is variously representedfrom ninety to one hundred and twenty. 

Among those of the troops who went out under Col. Crawford, that cameinto Wheeling, was a man by the name of Mills. [14] Having rode veryfast, and kept his horse almost continually travelling, he was forcedto leave him, near to the present town of St. Clairsville in Ohio. Notliking the idea of loosing him altogether, upon his arrival atWheeling he prevailed on Lewis Wetsel[15] to go with him to the placewhere his horse gave out, to see if they could not find him. Apprehensive that the savages would pursue the fugitives to theborder of the settlements, Wetsel advised Mills that their path wouldnot be free from dangers, and counselled him to "prepare forfighting. "

When they came near to the place where the horse had been left, theymet a party of about forty Indians going towards [249] the Ohio riverand who discovered Mills and Wetsel as soon as these saw them. Uponthe first fire from the Indians Mills was wounded in the heel, andsoon overtaken and killed. Wetzel singled out his mark, shot, andseeing an Indian fall, wheeled and ran. He was immediately followed byfour of the savages, who laid aside their guns that they might themore certainly overtake him. Having by practice, acquired the art ofloading his gun as he ran, Wetsel was indifferent how near the savagesapproached him, if he were out of reach of the rifles of the others. Accordingly, keeping some distance ahead of his pursuers whilstre-loading his gun, he relaxed his speed until the foremost Indian hadgot within ten or twelve steps of him. He then wheeled, shot him dead, and again took to flight. He had now to exert his speed to keep inadvance of the savages 'till he should again load, & when this wasaccomplished and he turned to fire, the second Indian was near enoughto catch hold of the gun, when as Wetsel expressed it, "_they had asevere wring_. " At length he succeed in raising the muzzle to thebreast of his antagonist, and killed him also. 

In this time both the pursuers and pursued had become much jaded, andalthough Wetsel had consequently a better opportunity of loadingquickly, yet taught wariness by the fate of their companions, the tworemaining savages would spring behind trees whenever he made amovement like turning towards them. Taking advantage of a more openpiece of ground, he was enabled to fire on one of them who had soughtprotection behind a sapling too small to screen his body. The ballfractured his thigh, and produced death. The other, instead ofpressing upon Wetsel, uttered a shrill yell, and exclaiming, "no catch_him_, gun always loaded, " returned to his party. 

----- [1] One hundred and eighty-six men, mounted, from the Monongahela settlements. Early in March, 1782, they assembled under David Williamson, colonel of one of the militia battalions of Washington County, Pa. , on the east bank of the Ohio, a few miles below Steubenville. The water was high, the weather cold and stormy, and there were no boats for crossing over to Mingo Bottom. Many turned back, but about two hundred succeeded in crossing. The expedition was not a "private" affair, but was regularly authorized by the military authority of Washington County; its destination was not the Moravian settlements, but the hostile force, then supposed to be on the Tuscarawas river. It seems to have generally been understood on the border that the Moravian towns were now deserted. --R. G. T. 

 [2] Contemporary accounts speak of a council of war, held in the evening, at which this question was decided. But a small majority voted for the butchery; Williamson himself was in the minority. Dorsey Pentecost, writing from Pittsburg, May 8, 1782 (see _Penn. Arch. _, ix. , p. 540), says: "I have heard it intimated that about thirty or forty only of the party gave their consent or assisted in the catastrophe. "--R. G. T. 

 [3] Lineback's Relation (_Penn. Arch. _, ix. , p. 525) says: "In the morning, the militia chose two houses, which they called the 'slaughter houses, ' and then brought the Indians two or three at a time, with ropes about their necks, and dragged them into the slaughter houses where they knocked them down. " This accords with Heckewelder's _Narrative_, p. 320, which says they were knocked down with a cooper's mallet. The victims included those converts living at Salem, who had peaceably come in to Gnadenhütten with their captors; but those at New Schönbrunn had taken the alarm and fled. --R. G. T. 

 [4] Later authorities put the total number at ninety--twenty-nine men, twenty-seven women, and thirty-four children. --R. G. T. 

 [5] Salem, New Schönbrunn and Gnadenhütten were all destroyed by fire. The whites returned home the following day, with ninety-six scalps--ninety Moravians and six outlying Indians. It seems certain that a few hostiles were with the Moravians at the time of the massacre. --R. G. T. 

 [6] David Williamson, as previously seen, was a colonel of militia in Washington County, Pa. ; James Marshal, as county lieutenant of Washington, was his superior officer. --R. G. T. 

 [7] The place of rendezvous was Mingo Bottom (the present Mingo Junction, O. ), and the date May 20. It was the 24th before all were present. The volunteers numbered 480, of whom two-thirds were from Washington County; most of the others were from Fayette County, Pa. , and a few from Ohio County, Va. In the vote for commander, William Crawford received 235, and Williamson 230. Four field majors were elected to rank in the order named: Williamson, Thomas Gaddis, John McClelland, and one Brinton. The standard modern authority for the details of this expedition, is Butterfield's _Crawford's Expedition Against Sandusky_ (Cincinnati: Robert Clarke & Co. , 1873). --R. G. T. 

 [8] Col. David Williamson. --R. G. T. 

 [9] His son John, his son-in-law Major William Harrison, and one of his nephews, --not two, --William Crawford. They were captured by the Indians and killed. --R. G. T. 

 [10] Dr. John Knight, surgeon to the expedition. He was captured, and sentenced to death, but after thrilling adventures finally escaped. --R. G. T. 

 [11] Wingenund. --R. G. T. 

 [12] Colonel Crawford was then about fifty years of age, and had been an active warrior against the savages for a great while. During [245] the French war, he distinguished himself by his bravery and good conduct, and was much noticed by General Washington, who obtained for him an ensigncy. At the commencement of the revolution, he raised a regiment by his own exertions, and at the period of this unfortunate expedition, bore the commission of Colonel in the Continental army. He possessed a sound judgment, was a man of singular good nature and great humanity, and remarkable for his hospitality. His melancholy sufferings and death spread a gloom over the countenances of all who knew him. His son, John Crawford, and his son-in-law, Major Harrison, were taken prisoners, carried to the Shawanee towns and murdered. 

 ------

 _Comment by R. G. T. _--Crawford was born in 1732, in Orange County, Va. , of Scotch-Irish parentage. He made the friendship of Washington while the latter was surveying for Lord Fairfax, in the Shenandoah Valley, in 1749. Washington taught him his art, but in 1755 he abandoned it for a military life, and thenceforward was a prominent character on the frontier, often serving under Washington. From 1767 forward, his home was on the banks of the Youghiogheny, on Braddock's Road. Crawford fought in Dunmore's War, and throughout the Revolution did notable service on the Virginia border. 

 [13] John Slover, one of the guides to the expedition, was among the best known scouts of his day, on the Upper Ohio. His published _Narrative_ is a prime source of information relative to the events of the campaign. --R. G. T. 

 [14] Thomas Mills. --R. G. T. 

 [15] Lewis Wetzel, a noted Indian fighter. See p. 161, _note_. --R. G. T. 

[250] CHAPTER XV. 

While expeditions were carrying on by the whites, against the Moravianand other Indians, the savages were prosecuting their accustomedpredatory and exterminating war, against several of the settlements. Parties of Indians, leaving the towns to be defended by the unitedexertions of contiguous tribes, would still penetrate to the abode ofthe whites, and with various success, strive to avenge on them theirreal and fancied wrongs. 

On the 8th of March as William White, Timothy Dorman and his wife, were going to, and in site of Buchannon fort, some guns weredischarged at them, and White being shot through the hip soon fellfrom his horse, and was tomahawked, scalped and lacerated in the mostfrightful manner. [1]--Dorman and his wife were taken prisoners. Thepeople in the fort heard the firing and flew to arms; but the riverbeing between, the savages cleared themselves, while the whites werecrossing over. 

After the killing of White (one of their most active and vigilantwarriors and spies) and the capture of Dorman, it was resolved toabandon the fort, and seek elsewhere, security from the greater illswhich it was found would befall them if they remained. Thisapprehension arose from the fact, that Dorman was then with thesavages, and that to gratify his enmity to particular individuals inthe settlement, he would unite with the Indians, and _from hisknowledge of the_ [251] _country, be enabled_ to conduct them the moresecurely to blood and plunder. He was a man of sanguinary andrevengeful disposition, prone to quarrelling, and had been known tosay, that if he caught particular individuals with whom he was atvariance, in the woods alone, he would murder them and attribute it tothe savages. He had led, when in England, a most abandoned life, andafter he was transported to this country, was so reckless ofreputation and devoid of shame for his villainies, that he would oftenrecount tales of theft and robbery in which he had been a conspicuousactor. The fearful apprehensions of increased and aggravated injuriesafter the taking of him prisoner, were well-founded; and subsequentevents fully proved, that, but for the evacuation of the fort, and theremoval of the inhabitants, all would have fallen before the fury ofsavage warriors, with this abandoned miscreant at their head. 

While some of the inhabitants of that settlement were engaged inmoving their property to a fort in Tygart's Valley (the othersremoving to Nutter's fort and Clarksburg, ) they were fired upon by aparty of savages, and two of them, Michael Hagle and Elias Paynter, fell. The horse on which John Bush was riding, was shot through; yetBush succeeded in extricating himself from the falling animal, andescaped though closely pursued by one of the savages. Several timesthe Indian following him, would cry out to him, "_Stop, and you shallnot be hurt--If you do not, I will shoot you_, " and once Bush, nearlyexhausted, and in despair of getting off, actually relaxed his pacefor the purpose of yielding himself a prisoner, when turning round hesaw the savage stop also, and commence loading his gun. This inspiredBush with fear for the consequences, and renewing his flight he madehis escape. Edward Tanner, a mere youth, was soon taken prisoner, andas he was being carried to their towns, met between twenty and thirtysavages, headed by Timothy Dorman, proceeding to attack Buchannonfort. Learning from him that the inhabitants were moving from it, andthat it would be abandoned in a few days, the Indians pursued theirjourney with so much haste, that Dorman had well nigh failed fromfatigue. They arrived however, too late, for the accomplishment oftheir bloody purpose; the settlement was deserted, and the inhabitantssafe within the walls of other fortresses. 

[252] A few days after the evacuation of the fort, some of its formerinmates went from Clarksburg to Buchannon for grain which had beenleft there. When they came in sight, they beheld a heap of ashes wherethe fort had been; and proceeding on, became convinced that thesavages were yet lurking about. They however, continued to go fromfarm to farm collecting the grain, but with the utmost vigilance andcaution, and at night went to an out house, near where the fort hadstood. Here they found a paper, with the name of Timothy Dormanattached to it, dated at the Indian towns, and containing informationof those who had been taken captive in that district of country. 

In the morning early, as some of the men went from the house to themill, they saw the savages crossing the river, Dorman being withthem. Thinking it best to impress them with a belief that they wereable to encounter them in open conflict, the men advanced towardsthem, --calling to their companions in the house, to come on. TheIndians fled hastily to the woods, and the whites, not so rash as topursue them, returned to the house, and secured themselves in it, aswell as they could. At night, Captain George Jackson went privatelyforth from the house, and at great hazzard of being discovered bythe waylaying savages, proceeded to Clarksburg, where he obtained sucha reinforcement as enabled him to return openly and escort hisformer companions in danger, from the place of its existence. 

Disappointed in their hopes of involving the inhabitants of theBuchannon settlements in destruction, the savages went on to theValley. Here, between Westfall's and Wilson's forts, they came uponJohn Bush and his wife, Jacob Stalnaker and his son Adam. The twolatter being on horse back and riding behind Bush and his wife, werefired at, and Adam fell. The old gentleman, rode briskly on, but someof the savages were before him and endeavored to catch the reins ofhis bridle, and thus stop his flight. He however, escaped them all. The horse from which Adam Stalnaker had fallen, was caught by Bush, and both he and Mrs. Bush got safely away on him. 

The Indians then crossed the Alleghany mountains, and coming to thehouse of Mrs. Gregg, (Dorman's former master) made an attack on it. Adaughter of that gentleman, alone fell a victim to their thirst forblood. When taken prisoner, [253] she refused to go with them, andDorman sunk his tomahawk into her head and then scalped her. Shehowever, lived several days and related the circumstances abovedetailed. 

After the murder of John Thomas and his family in 1781, the settlementon Booth's creek was forsaken, and its inhabitants went to Simpson'screek, for greater security. In the Spring John Owens procured theassistance of some young men about Simpson's creek, and proceeded toBooth's creek for the purpose of threshing some wheat at his farmthere. --While on a stack throwing down sheaves, several guns werefired at him by a party of twelve Indians, concealed not far off. Owens leapt from the stack, and the men caught up their guns. Theycould not, however, discover any one of the savages in their covertand thought it best to retreat to Simpson's creek and strengthen theirforce before they ventured in pursuit of their enemy. They accordinglydid so, and when they came again to Booth's creek, the Indians haddecamped, taking with them the horses left at Owens'. The men howeverfound their trail and followed it until night. --Early next morning, crossing the West Fork at Shinnston, they went on in pursuit and camewithin sight of the Indian camp, and seeing some of the savages lyingnear their fires, fired at them, but, as was believed without effect. The Indians again took to flight; and as they were hastening on, oneof them suddenly wheeled and fired upon his pursuers. The ball passedthrough the hunting-shirt of one of the men, & Benjamin Coplin (thenan active, enterprising young man) returning the shot, an Indian wasseen suddenly to spring into a laurel thicket. Not supposing thatCoplin's ball had taken effect, they followed the other savages somedistance farther, and as they returned got the horses and plunder leftat the camp. Some time afterwards a gun was found in the thicket, intowhich the Indian sprang, and it was then believed that Coplin's shothad done execution. 

In the same spring the Indians made their appearance on Crooked run, in Monongalia county. Mr. Thomas Pindall, having been one day atHarrison's fort, at a time when a greater part of the neighbourhoodhad gone thither for safety, prevailed on three young men, (Harrison, Crawford and Wright, to return and spend the night with him. ) Sometime after they had been abed, the females waked Mr. Pindall, andtelling him that they had heard several times a noise very much [254]resembling the whistling on a charger, insisted on going directly tothe fort. The men heard nothing, and being inclined to believe thatthe fears of the females had given to the blowing of the wind, thatpeculiar sound, insisted that there was no danger and that it would beunpleasant to turn out then, as the night was very dark. Hearingnothing after this, for which they could not readily account, the menrose in the morning unapprehensive of interruption; and the females, relieved of their fears of being molested by savages during the night, continued in bed. Mr. Pindall walked forth to the woods to catch ahorse, and the young men went to the spring hard by, for the purposeof washing. While thus engaged three guns were fired at them, andCrawford and Wright were killed. Harrison fled and got safely to thefort. 

The females alarmed at the report of the guns, sprang out of bed andhastened towards the fort, pursued by the Indians. Mrs. Pindall wasovertaken and killed, but Rachael Pindall, her sister-in-law, escapedsafely to the fort. 

In June some Indians came into the neighborhood of Clarksburg, and notmeeting with an opportunity of killing or making prisoners any of theinhabitants without the town, one of them, more venturous than therest, came so near as to shoot Charles Washburn as he was chopping alog of wood in the lot, and then running up, with the axe, severed hisskull, scalped him, and fled safely away. Three of Washburn's brothershad been previously murdered by the savages. 

In August as Arnold and Paul Richards were returning to Richard'sfort, they were shot at by some Indians, lying hid in a cornfieldadjoining the fort, and both fell from their horses. The Indiansleaped over the fence immediately and tomahawked and scalped them. 

These two men were murdered in full view of the fort, and the firingdrew its inmates to the gate to ascertain its cause. When they sawthat the two Richards' were down, they rightly judged that Indians haddone the deed; and Elias Hughes, ever bold and daring, taking down hisgun, went out alone at the back gate, and entered the cornfield, intowhich the savages had again retired, to see if he could not avenge onone of them the murder of his friends. Creeping softly along, he camein view of them standing near the fence, reloading their guns, andlooking intently at the people at the fort gate. Taking [255] adeliberate aim at one of them, he touched the trigger. His gunflashed, and the Indians alarmed ran speedily away. 

A most shocking scene was exhibited some time before this, on Muddycreek in Pennsylvania. On the 10th of May as the Reverend John Corbly, his wife and five children were going to meeting, (Mr. Corbly being ashort distance behind) they were attacked by a party of savageswaylaying the road. The shrieks of Mrs. Corbly and the children, drewthe husband and father to the fatal spot. As he was approaching, hiswife called to him, "to fly, " He knew that it was impossible for himto contend successfully against the fearful odds opposed to him, andsupposing that his family would be carried away as prisoners, and thathe would be enabled either to recover them by raising a company andpursuing the savages, or to ransom them, if conducted to the Indiantowns, he complied with her wish, and got safely off, though pursuedby one of the savages. But it was not their intention to carry theminto captivity. They delighted too much, to look upon the lifebloodflowing from the heart; and accordingly shed it most profusely. Theinfant in its mother's arms was the first on whom their savage furyfell, --it was tomahawked and scalped. The mother then received severalsevere blows, but not falling, was shot through the body, by thesavage who chased her husband; and then scalped. Into the brains of alittle son, six years old, their hatchets were sunk to the heft. Twolittle girls, of two and four years of age, were tomahawked andscalped. The eldest child, also a daughter, had attempted to escape byconcealing herself in a hollow log, a few rods from the scene ofaction. From her hiding place, she beheld all that was done, and whenthe bleeding scalp was torn from the head of her last little sister, &she beheld the savages retiring from the desolation which they hadwrought, she crawled forth from concealment. It was too soon. One ofthe savages yet lingered near, to feast to satiety on the horridspectacle. His eyes caught a glimpse of her as she crept from the log, and his tomahawk and scalping knife became red with her blood. 

When Mr. Corbly returned, all his hopes vanished. Which ever way heturned, the mangled body of some one of his family was presented tohis view. His soul sickened at the contemplation of the scene, and hefainted and fell. When he had revived, he was cheered with the hopethat some of [256] them might yet survive. Two of his daughters hadmanifested symptoms of returning life, and with care and attentionwere restored to him. 

Thus far in the year 1782, the settlements only suffered from theaccustomed desultory warfare of the savages. No numerous collection ofIndians had crossed their border, --no powerful army of warriors, threatening destruction to the forts, those asylums of their safety, had appeared among them. --But the scene was soon to change. 

In August, there was a grand council convened at Chilicothe, in whichthe Wyandots, the Shawanees, the Mingoes, the Tawas, Pottowatomies, andvarious other tribes were represented. [2] Girty and McKee--disgracesto human nature--aided in their deliberations. The surrender ofCornwallis, which had been studiously kept secret from the Indians, was now known to them, and the war between Great Britain and theUnited States, seemed to them to be verging to a close. --Should apeace ensue, they feared that the concentrated strength of Virginia, would bear down upon them and crush them at once. In anticipation ofthis state of things, they had met to deliberate, what course it bestbecame them to pursue. Girty addressed the council. He reminded themof the gradual encroachments of the whites;--of the beauty of Kentuckyand its value to them as a hunting ground. --He pointed out to them thenecessity of greater efforts to regain possession of that country, andwarned them that if they did not combine their strength to change thepresent state of things, the whites would soon leave them no huntinggrounds; and they would consequently, have no means of procuring rumto cheer their hearts, or blankets to warm their bodies. His advicewas well received and they determined to continue the war. [3]

When the council was adjourned, the warriors proceeded to execute itsdeterminations. Two armies, the one of six hundred, and the otherthree hundred and fifty men, prepared to march, each to it assignedstation--The larger was destined to operate against Kentucky, whilethe smaller, was to press upon North Western Virginia; and each wasabundantly supplied with the munitions of war. [4] Towards the last ofAugust the warriors who were to act in Kentucky, appeared beforeBryant's station, south of Licking river, and placed themselves undercovert during night, [5] and in advantageous [257] situations forfiring upon the station, so soon as its doors should be thrown open. 

There were at that time but few inhabitants occupying that station. William Bryant, its founder, and one in whose judgment, skill andcourage, many confidently reposed for security from savage enormity, had been unfortunately discovered by some Indians near the mouth ofCane run, and killed. --His death caused most of those who had come tothat place from North Carolina, to forsake the station, and return totheir own country. Emigrants from Virginia, arriving some short timebefore, and among whom was Robert Johnson, (the father of Richard M. Johnson) to a certain extent supplied this desertion; yet it was inrespect to numbers so far inferior to the savage forces, that the mostresolute shuddered in apprehension of the result. 

The station too, was at that time, careless and inattentive to its owndefence; not anticipating the appearance of a savage army before itsgates. Indeed had the Indians delayed their attack a few hours, itwould have been in almost an entirely defenceless condition; as themen were on that morning to have left it, for the purpose of aiding inthe defence of another station, which was then understood to beassailed by an army of Indians. Fortunately however, for theinhabitants, as soon as the doors of some of the cabins were opened inthe morning, the savages commenced the fire, and thus admonished themof danger, while it was not yet too late to provide against it. 

The Indians in the attack on Bryant's station practised theirusual stratagem, to ensure their success. It was begun on thesouth-east angle of the station, by one hundred warriors, while theremaining five hundred were concealed in the woods on the oppositeside, ready to take advantage of its unprotected situation when, asthey anticipated, the garrison would concentrate its strength, toresist the assault on the south-east. But their purpose was fullycomprehended by the garrison, and instead of returning the fire of theone hundred, they secretly sent an express to Lexington forassistance, and commenced repairing the pallisades, and puttingthemselves in the best possible condition to withstand the fury ofthe assailants. Aware that the Indians were posted near thespring, and believing that they would not fire unless some of themen should be seen going thither, the women [258] were sent to bringin water for the use of the garrison. The event justified theirexpectations--The concealed Indians, still farther to strengthen thebelief, that their whole force were engaged in the attack on thesouth-east, forbore to fire, or otherwise contradict the impressionwhich they had studiously sought to make on the minds of its inmates. 

When a sufficiency of water had been provided, and the station placedin a condition of defence, thirteen men were sent out in the directionfrom which the assault was made. They were fired upon by the assailingparty of one hundred, but without receiving any injury; and retiredagain within the pallisades. Instantly the savages rushed to theassault of, what they deemed, the unprotected side of the station, little doubting their success. A steady, well directed fire, put themquickly to flight. Some of the more desperate and daring however, approached near enough to fire the houses, some of which wereconsumed; but a favorable wind drove the flames from the mass of thebuildings and the station escaped conflagration. 

Disappointed of the expected success of their first stratagem, theassailants withdrew a short distance, and concealed themselves underthe bank of the creek, to await the arrival of the assistance, whichwas generally sent to a besieged fort or station, arranging themselvesin ambushment to intercept its approach. 

When the express from Bryant's station reached Lexington, the maleinhabitants had left there to aid in the defence of Holder'sstation, which was reported to be attacked. Following on theirroute, they overtook them at Boonesborough, and sixteen mounted, andthirty footmen were immediately detached to aid the inhabitants ofBryant's station. When this reinforcement came near, the firing hadentirely ceased, no enemy was visible, and they approached in theconfidence that all was well. A sudden discharge of shot from thesavages in ambush, dispelled that hope. The horsemen however, passedsafely by. The cloud of dust produced by the galloping of theirhorses, obscured the view and hindered the otherwise deadly aim ofthe Indians. The footmen were less fortunate. Two of them were killed, and four wounded; and but for the luxuriant growth of corn in thefield through which they passed, nearly all must have fallen, beforethe overwhelming force of the enemy. 

[259] Thus reinforced, the garrison did not for an instant doubt ofsafety; while the savages became hopeless of success by force ofarms, and resorted to another expedient to gain possession of thestation. In the twilight of evening, Simon Girty covertly drew near, and mounting on a stump from which he could be distinctly heard, demanded the surrender of the place. He told the garrison, that areinforcement, with cannon, would arrive that night, and that thisdemand was suggested by _his humanity_, as the station mustultimately fall, and he could assure them of protection if theysurrendered, but could not if the Indians succeeded by storm; and thendemanded, if "they knew who was addressing them. " A young man by thename of Reynolds, (fearing the effect which the threat of cannon mighthave upon the garrison, as the fate of Ruddle's and Martin'sstations was yet fresh in their recollections, ) replied, that he"knew him well, and held him in such contempt, that he had named aworthless dog which he had SIMON GIRTY; that his reinforcements andthreats, were not heeded by the garrison, who expected to receivebefore morning such an auxiliary force as would enable them to givea good account of the cowardly wretches that followed him, whom heheld in such contempt that he had prepared a number of switches withwhich to drive them out of the country if they remained there 'tillday. "[6]

Affecting to deplore their obstinacy, Girty retired, and during thenight, the main body of the Indian army marched off, leaving a fewwarriors to keep up an occasional firing and the semblance of asiege. [7]

Shortly after the retreat of the savages, one hundred and sixty men, from Lexington, Harrodsburg and Boonesborough, assembled at Bryant'sstation, and determined to pursue them. [8] Prudence should haveprevailed with them to await the arrival of Colonel Logan, who wasknown to be collecting additional forces from the other station; butbrave and fearless, well equipped, and burning with ardent desire tochastise their savage invaders, they rather indiscreetly chose tomarch on, unaided, sooner than risk suffering the enemy to retire, bydelaying for other troops. But the Indians had no wish to retire, toavoid the whites. The trail left by them, to the experienced eye ofDaniel Boone, furnished convincing evidence, that they were onlysolicitous to conceal their numbers, in reality to tempt pursuit. 

[260] When the troops arrived at the Lower Blue Licks, they saw theonly Indians, which had met their eye on the route. These were slowlyascending the ridge on the opposite side of the river. The party washalted, and Boone consulted as to what course it would be best topursue. He was of opinion that the savage force was much greater, thanmost had been led to believe by the appearance of the trail, andanticipating pursuit, were then in ambush in the ravines; and headvised that the force be divided into two equal parts, the one, marching up the river, to cross it at the mouth of Elk creek, abovethe upper ravine, while the other party should take a position belowfor the purpose of co-operating whenever occasion might require; butthat neither party should by any means cross the river, until spieswere sent out to learn the position and strength of the enemy. [9] Theofficers generally were inclined to follow the counsel of Boone, butMajor McGary, remarkable for impetuosity, exclaiming, "Let all who arenot cowards, follow me, " spurred his horse into the river. The wholeparty caught the contagious rashness, --all rushed across the river. There was no order, --no arrangement--no unity or concert. None "pausedin their march of terror, " lest "we should hover o'er the path, " buteach, following his own counsel, moved madly towards the shelteredravines and wooded ground, where Boone had predicted the savages layhid. The event justified the prediction, and showed the wisdom of hiscounsel. 

At the head of a chosen band of warriors, Girty[10] advanced withfierceness upon the whites, from the advantageous position which hecovertly occupied, and "madness, despair and death succeed, theconflict's gathering wrath. " The Indians had greatly the advantage innumbers, as well as position, and the disorderly front of thewhites, gave them still greater superiority. The bravery of the troopsfor a while withstood the onset, and the contest was fierce andsanguinary 'till their right wing being turned, a retreat becameinevitable. All pressed towards the ford, but a division of thesavage army, foreseeing this, had been placed so as to interposebetween them and it; and they were driven to a point on the river, where it could only be crossed by swimming. Here was indeed ascene of blood and carnage. Many were killed on the bank; othersin swimming over, and some were tomahawked in the edge of thewater. Some of those who had been foremost in getting across theriver, wheeled and opened a steady fire upon the pursuers. Others, animated by the example, as soon as they reached the bank dischargedtheir guns upon the savages, and checking them for a while enabledmany to escape death. But for this stand, the footmen would havebeen much harrassed, and very many of them entirely cut off. As itwas, the loss in slain was great. Of one hundred and seventy-six (thenumber of whites, ) sixty-one were killed, and eight taken prisoners. Cols. Todd and Trigg, --Majors Harland and Bulger, --Capts. Gordon, McBride, and a son of Daniel Boone, were among those who fell. Theloss of the savages was never known;--they [261] were left inpossession of the battle ground, and at leisure to conceal or carryoff their dead, and when it was next visited by the whites, nonewere found. [11]

A most noble and generous act, performed by one of the whites, deserves to be forever remembered. While they were flying before theclosely pursuing savages, Reynolds (who at Bryant's station had socavalierly replied to Girty's demand of its surrender) seeing Col. Robert Patterson, unhorsed and considerably disabled by his wounds, painfully struggling to reach the river, sprang from his saddle, andassisting him to occupy the relinquished seat, enabled that veteranofficer to escape, and fell himself into the hands of the savages. Hewas not long however, detained a prisoner by them. He was taken by aparty of only three Indians; and two whites passing hurriedly ontowards the river, just after, two of his captors hastened in pursuitof them, and he was left guarded by only one. Reynolds was cool andcollected, and only awaited the semblance of an opportunity, toattempt an escape. Presently the savage in whose custody he was, stooped to tie his moccason. Suddenly he sprang to one side, and beingfleet of foot, got safely off. 

The battle of the Blue Licks was fought on the 19th of August. On thenext day Col. Logan, with three hundred men, met the remnant of thetroops retreating to Bryant's station; and learning the fatal resultof the contest, hurried on to the scene of action to bury the dead, and avenge their fall--if the enemy should be found yet hovering near. On his arrival not a savage was to be seen. Flushed with victory, andexulting in their revenge, they had retired to their towns, to feastthe eyes of their brethren, with the scalps of the slain. The field ofbattle presented a miserable spectacle. All was stillness, where solately had arisen the shout of the impetuous, but intrepid whites, andthe whoop and yell of the savages, as they closed in deadly conflict;not a sound was to be heard but the hoarse cry of the vulture, flapping her wings and mounting into the air, alarmed at the intrusionof man. Those countenances, which had so lately beamed with daring anddefiance, were unmeaning and inexpressive; and what with the effectproduced on the dead bodies, by the excessive heat and the manglingand disfiguration of the tomahawk and scalping knife, scarcely onecould be distinguished from another. Friends tortured themselves invain, to find friends, in the huge mass of slain, --fathers torecognize their sons. The mournful gratification of bending over thelifeless bodies of dear relations and gazing with intense anxiety ontheir pallid features, was denied them. Undistinguished, though notunmarked, all were alike consigned to the silent grave, amid sighs ofsorrow and denunciations of revenge. 

An expedition against the Indian towns was immediately resolved upon, and in September, Gen. Clarke marched towards them, at the head ofnearly one thousand men. Being discovered on their route and theintelligence soon spreading that an army from [262] Kentucky waspenetrating the country, the savages deserted their villages and fled;and the expedition was thus hindered of its purpose of chastisingthem. The towns however were burned, and in a skirmish with a party ofIndians, five of them were killed, and seven made prisoners, with theloss of only one man. [12]

The Indian forces which were to operate against North WesternVirginia, for some time delayed their purpose, and did not set out ontheir march, until awhile before the return of those who had beensent into Kentucky. On their way, a question arose among them--againstwhat part of the country they should direct their movements--and theirdivision on this subject, rising by degrees 'till it assumed a seriousaspect, led many of the chiefs to determine on abandoning theexpedition; but a runner arriving with intelligence of the greatsuccess which had crowned the exertion of the army in Kentucky, theychanged that determination, and proceeded hastily towards Wheeling. 

In the first of September, John Lynn (a celebrated spy and the samewho had been with Capt. Foreman at the time of the fatal ambuscade atGrave creek) being engaged in watching the warriors paths, northwestof the Ohio, discovered the Indians marching with great expedition forWheeling, and hastening to warn the inhabitants of the danger whichwas threatening them, swam the river, and reached the village, but alittle while before the savage army made its appearance. The fort wasat this time without any regular garrison, and depended for defenceexclusively, on the exertions of those who sought security within itswalls. The brief space of time which elapsed between the alarm byLynn, and the arrival of the Indians, permitted only those who wereimmediately present to retire into it, and when the attack was begunto be made, there were not within its pallisades, twenty effective mento oppose the assault. The dwelling house of Col. Ebenezer Zane, standing about forty yards from the fort, contained the militarystores which had been furnished by the government of Virginia; and asit was admirably situated as an out post from which to annoy thesavages in their onsets, he resolved on maintaining possession of it, as well to aid in the defence of the fort, as for the preservation ofthe ammunition. Andrew Scott, George Green, Mrs. Zane, Molly Scott andMiss McCullough, were all who remained with him. The kitchen(adjoining) was occupied by Sam (a negro belonging to Col, Zane) andKate, his wife. --Col. Silas Zane commanded in the fort. 

When the savage army approached, the British colors were waving overthem; and before a shot was discharged at the fort, they demanded thesurrender of the garrison. No answer was deigned to this demand, butthe firing of several shot (by order of Silas Zane) at the standardwhich they bore; and the savages rushed to the assault. A welldirected and brisk fire opened upon them from Col. Zane's house andthe fort, soon drove them back. Again they rushed forward; and againwere they repulsed. The number of [263] arms in the house and fort, and the great exertions of the women in moulding bullets, loading gunsand handing them to the men, enabled them to fire so briskly, yet soeffectively, as to cause the savages to recoil from every charge. Thedarkness of night soon suspended their attacks, and afforded atemporary repose to the besieged. Yet were the assailants not whollyinactive. Having suffered severely by the galling fire poured uponthem from the house, they determined on reducing it to ashes. For thispurpose, when all was quietness and silence, a savage, with afirebrand in his hand crawled to the kitchen, and raising himself fromthe ground, waving the torch to and fro to rekindle its flame, andabout to apply it to the building, received a shot which forced him tolet fall the engine of destruction and hobble howling away. Thevigilance of Sam had detected him, in time to thwart his purpose. 

On the return of light, the savages were seen yet environing the fort, and although for some time they delayed to renew their suspendedassault, yet it was evident they had not given over its contemplatedreduction. They were engaged in making such preparations, as they wereconfident would ensure success to their exertions. 

Soon after the firing of the preceding day had subsided, a small boat, proceeding from Fort Pitt to the Falls of Ohio with cannon balls forthe use of the troops there, put to shore at Wheeling; and the man whohad charge of her, although discovered and slightly wounded by thesavages, reached the postern and was admitted to the fort. The boat ofcourse fell into the hands of the enemy, and they resolved on usingthe balls aboard, for the demolition of the fortress. To this end theyprocured a log, with a cavity as nearly corresponding with the sizeof the ball, as they could; and binding it closely with some chainstaken from a shop hard by, charged it heavily, and pointing it towardsthe fort, in imagination beheld its walls tumbling into ruin, and thegarrison bleeding under the strokes and gashes of their tomahawks andscalping knives. All things being ready, the match was applied. --Adreadful explosion ensued. Their cannon burst;--its slivers flew inevery direction; and instead of being the cause of ruin to the fort, was the source of injury only to themselves. Several were killed, manywounded, and all, dismayed by the event. Recovering from the shock, they presently returned with redoubled animation to the charge. Furious from disappointment, exasperated with the unforseen yet fatalresult, they pressed to the assault with the blindness of phrensy. Still they were received with a fire so constant and deadly, that theywere again forced to retire; and most opportunely for the garrison. 

When Lynn gave the alarm that an Indian army was approaching, the forthaving been for some time unoccupied by a garrison, and Col. Zane'shouse being used as a magazine, those who retired into the fortresshad to take with them a supply of ammunition for its defence. Thesupply of powder, deemed ample at the time, by reason of the longcontinuance of the savages, and the repeated [264] endeavors made bythem, to storm the fort was now almost entirely exhausted, a few loadsonly, remaining. In this emergency, it became necessary to replenishtheir stock, from the abundance of that article in Col. Zane's house. During the continuance of the last assault, apprized of its security, and aware of the danger which would inevitably ensue, should thesavages after being again driven back, return to the assault before afresh supply could be obtained, it was proposed that one of theirfleetest men should endeavor to reach the house, obtain a keg andreturn with it to the fort. It was an enterprise full of danger; butmany of the chivalric spirits, then pent up within the fortress, werewilling to encounter them all. 

Among those who volunteered to go on this emprise, was Elizabeth, the younger sister of Colonel Zane. She was then young active andathletic;--with precipitancy to dare danger, and fortitude tosustain her in the midst of it. Disdaining to weigh the hazard of herown life, against the risk of that of others, when told that a manwould encounter less danger by reason of his greater fleetness, shereplied--"and should he fall, his loss will be more severely felt. You have not one man to spare;--a woman will not be missed in thedefence of the fort. " Her services were accepted. Divesting herselfof some of her garments, as tending to impede her progress, shestood prepared for the hazzardous adventure; and when the gate wasopened, she bounded forth with the buoyancy of hope, and in theconfidence of success. Wrapt in amazement, the Indians beheld herspring forward; and only exclaiming, "a squaw, a squaw, " no attemptwas made to interrupt her progress. Arrived at the door, sheproclaimed her embassy. Col. Zane fastened a table cloth around herwaist, and emptying into it a keg of powder, again she venturedforth. The Indians were no longer passive. Ball after ball passedwhizzing and innocuous by. She reached the gate and entered the fortin safety. [13]

Another instance of heroic daring, deserves to be recorded [265] here. When intelligence of the investiture of Wheeling by the savages, reached Shepherd's fort, a party was immediately detached from it, totry and gain admission into the besieged fortress, and aid in itsdefence. Upon arriving in view, it was found that the attempt would behopeless and unavailing, and the detachment consequently prepared toreturn. Francis Duke, (son-in-law to Colonel Shepherd) was unwillingto turn his back on a people, straitened as he knew the besieged mustbe, and declared his intention of endeavoring to reach the fort, thathe might contribute to its defence. It was useless to disuade him fromthe attempt;--he knew its danger, but he also knew their weakness, and putting spurs to his horse, rode briskly forward, calling aloud, "open the gate, --open the gate. " He was seen from the fort, and thegate was loosed for his admission; but he did not live to reachit. --Pierced by the bullets of the savages, he fell, to the regret ofall. Such noble daring, deserved a better fate. 

During that night and the next day, the Indians still maintained theseige, and made frequent attempts to take the fort by storm; but theywere invareiably repulsed by the deadly fire of the garrison and thefew brave men in Colonel Zane's house. On the third night, despairingof success, they resolved on raising the siege; and leaving onehundred chosen warriors to scour and lay waste the country, theremainder of their army retreated across the Ohio, and encamped at theIndian Spring, --five miles from the river. Their loss in the variousassaults upon the fort, could not be ascertained; but was doubtlessvery considerable. Of the garrison, none were killed and only twowounded, --the heroic Francis Duke was the only white who fell duringthe siege. The gallantry displayed by all, both men and women, in thedefence of the fort, can not be too highly commended; but to thecaution and good conduct of those few brave individuals who occupiedColonel Zane's house, its preservation has been mainly attributed. 

In the evening preceding the departure of the savages from beforeWheeling, two white men, who had been among them for several years, and then held commands in the army, deserted from them, and on thenext morning early were taken prisoners by Colonel Swearingen, who, with ninety-five men, was on his way to aid in the defence of Wheelingfort, and the chastisement of its assailants. Learning from them [266]the determination of the savages to withdraw from Wheeling, and detacha portion of their force to operate in the country, he despatchedrunners in every direction to alarm the country and apprize theinhabitants of danger. [14] The intelligence was received by JacobMiller when some distance from home, but apprehensive that themeditated blow would be aimed at the fort where he resided, hehastened thither, and arrived in time to aid in preparing for itsdefence. 

The place against which the savages directed their operations, wassituated on Buffaloe creek, twelve or fifteen miles from its entranceinto the Ohio, and was known as Rice's fort. Until Miller's returnthere were in it only five men; the others having gone to Hagerstownto exchange their peltries, for salt, iron and ammunition. Theyimmediately set about making preparations to withstand an assault; andin a little while, seeing the savages approaching from everydirection, forsook the cabins and repaired to the blockhouse. TheIndians perceived that they were discovered, and thinking to take thestation by storm, shouted forth the war whoop and rushed to theassault. They were answered by the fire of the six brave and skilfulriflemen in the house, and forced to take refuge behind trees andfallen timber. Still they continued the firing; occasionally callingon the whites to "_give up, give up. Indian too many. Indian too big. Give up. Indian no kill. _" The men had more faith in the efficacy oftheir guns to purchase their safety, than in the preferred mercy ofthe savages; and instead of complying with their demand, called onthem, "as cowards skulking behind logs to leave their coverts, andshew but their yellow hides, and they would make holes in them. "

The firing was kept up by the savages from their protected situation, until night, and whenever even a remote prospect of galling them waspresented to the whites, they did not fail to avail themselves of it. The Indian shots in the evening, were directed principally against thestock as it came up as usual to the station, and the field was strewedwith its dead carcases. About ten o'clock of the night they fired alarge barn (thirty or forty yards from the blockhouse) filled withgrain and hay, and the flames from which seemed for awhile to endangerthe fort; but being situated on higher ground, and the current of airflowing in a contrary direction, it escaped conflagration. Collectingon the side of the fort opposite [267] to the fire, the Indians tookadvantage of the light it afforded them to renew the attack; and keptit up until about two o'clock, when they departed. Their ascertainedloss was four warriors, --three of whom were killed by the first firingof the whites, --the other about sundown. George Folebaum was the onlywhite who suffered. Early in the attack, he was shot in the forehead, through a port-hole, and instantly expired; leaving Jacob Miller, George Leffler, Peter Fullenwieder, Daniel Rice and Jacob Leffler, junior, sole defenders of the fort; and bravely and effectually didthey preserve it, from the furious assaults of one hundred chosensavage warriors. 

Soon after the Indians left Rice's fort, they moved across the hillsin different directions and in detached parties. One of theseobserving four men proceeding towards the fort which they had latelyleft, waylaid the path and killed two of them on the first fire. Theremaining two fled hastily; and one of them swift of foot, soon madehis escape. The other, closely pursued by one of the savages, and indanger of being overtaken, wheeled to fire. His gun snapped, and heagain took to flight. Yet more closely pressed by his pursuer, he oncemore attempted to shoot. Again his gun snapped, and the savage beingnow near enough, hurled a tomahawk at his head. It missed its objectand both strained every nerve for the chase. The Indian gained rapidlyupon him; and reaching forth his arm, caught hold of the end of hisbelt. It had been tied in a bow-knot, and came loose. --Sensible thatthe race must soon terminate to his disadvantage unless he could killhis pursuer, the white man once more tried his gun. It fired; and thesavage fell dead at his feet. 

Some time in the summer of this year, a party of Wyandots, consistingof seven warriors, (five of whom were, one of the most distinguishedchiefs of that nation and his four brothers) came into one of theintermediate settlements between Fort Pitt and Wheeling, killed an oldman whom they found alone, robbed his cabin, and commenced retreatingwith the plunder. They were soon discovered by spies; and eight men, two of whom were Adam and Andrew Poe, (brothers, remarkable foruncommon size, great activity, and undaunted bravery) went in pursuitof them. Coming on their trail not far from the Ohio, Adam Poe, fearing an ambuscade, left his companions [268] to follow it, while hemoved across to the river under cover of the high weeds and bushes, with the view to attack them in the rear should he find them situatedas he expected. --Presently he espied an Indian raft at the water'sedge, but seeing nothing of the savages, moved cautiously down thebank; and when near the foot, discovered the large Wyandot chief and asmall Indian standing near and looking intently towards the party ofwhites, then some distance lower down the bottom. Poe raised his gun, and aiming surely at the chief, pulled trigger. It missed fire, andthe snap betrayed his presence. Too near to retreat, he sprangforward; and seizing the large Indian by the breast, and at the sameinstant encircling his arms around the neck of the smaller one, threwthem both to the ground. Extricating himself from the grasp of Poe, the small savage raised his tomahawk; but as he aimed the blow, avigorous and well directed kick, staggered him back, and he let fallthe hatchet. Recovering quickly, he aimed several blows in defianceand exultation, --the vigilance of Poe distinguished the real from thefeigned stroke, and suddenly throwing up his arm, averted it from hishead, but received a wound in his wrist. By a violent effort, he freedhimself from the grip of the chief, and snatching up a gun, shot hiscompanion through the breast, as he advanced the third time with thetomahawk. 

In this time the large chief had regained his feet; and seizing Poe bythe shoulder and leg threw him to the ground. --Poe however, soon gotup, and engaged with the savage in a close struggle, which terminatedin the fall of both into the water. Now it became the object of eachto drown his antagonist, and the efforts to accomplish this werecontinued for some time with alternate success;--first one and thenthe other, being under water. At length, catching hold of the longtuft of hair which had been suffered to grow on the head of the chief, Poe held him under water, until he supposed him dead; but relaxinghis hold too soon, the gigantic savage was again on his feet and readyfor another grapple. In this both were carried beyond their depth, andhad to swim for safety. Both sought the shore, and each, with all hismight, strained every nerve to reach it first that he might end theconflict with one of the guns lying on the beach. The Indian was themore expert swimmer, and Poe, outstripped by him, turned and swamfarther into the river, in the hope of avoiding being [269] shot bydiving. Fortunately his antagonist laid hold on the gun which had beendischarged at the little Indian, and he was enabled to get somedistance into the river. 

At this juncture, two others of the whites came up; and one of themmistaking Poe for a wounded savage attempting to escape, shot andwounded him in the shoulder. He then turned to make for shore, andseeing his brother Andrew on the bank, called to him to "shoot the bigIndian. " Having done this, Andrew plunged into the river to assistAdam in getting out; and the wounded savage, to preserve his scalp, rolled himself into the water, and struggling onward, sunk and couldnot be found. 

During the continuance of this contest, the whites had overtaken theother five Indians, and after a desperate conflict, succeeded inkilling all but one; with the loss of three of their companions. --Agreat loss, when the number engaged is taken into consideration. 

----- [1] L. V. McWhorter informs me that White, who was a prominent settler, was once with others on a hunting expedition, when they surprised a small party of Indians. They killed several, but one active young brave ran off, with White close at his heels. The Indian leaped from a precipice, alighting in a quagmire in which he sank to his waist. White, with tomahawk in hand, jumped after him. In the struggle which ensued, White buried his weapon in the red man's skull. The victim's father was among those who escaped, and for a long time--McWhorter says "several years"--he lurked about the settlements trailing White. Finally, he succeeded in shooting his man, within sight of the fort. Mrs. White was an eye-witness of the tragedy. McWhorter claims that Withers is mistaken in saying that White was "tomahawked, scalped and lacerated in the most frightful manner. " The avenging Indian tried to get his scalp, but an attacking party from the fort were so close upon him that he fled before accomplishing his object. McWhorter reports another case, not mentioned in Withers. One Fink was "killed by Indians in ambush, while letting down a pair of bars one evening, just in front of where the Buckhannon court-house now stands. "--R. G. T. 

 [2] The council was held at Wapatomica, in June. There were present representatives of the Ottawas, Chippewas, Wyandots, Delawares, Shawnees, Munsees, and Cherokees. Simon Girty came with the Wyandots; Captain McKee was then a trader at Wapatomica. --R. G. T. 

 [3] See the alleged speech in Butterfield's _History of the Girtys_, pp. 190, 191. --R. G. T. 

 [4] The Kentucky party was under Capt. William Caldwell, who wrote, "I crossed the Ohio with three hundred Indians and rangers. " Capts. McKee and Elliott, and the three Girtys were with the expedition. Caldwell crossed the river early in July, not far below the mouth, of Limestone creek--site of the present Maysville, Ky. --R. G. T. 

 [5] They arrived on the night of August 15. --R. G. T. 

 [6] The above incident is mentioned in none of the contemporary chronicles, and is probably fiction. --R. G. T. 

 [7] The attack was begun early in the morning of the 16th, and continued with more or less vigor until about 10 A. M. Of the 17th. Caldwell then withdrew his force "in a leisurely manner. " The attacking party lost five killed and two wounded, all Indians; the garrison lost four killed and three wounded. --R. G. T. 

 [8] A hundred and eighty-two, under Col. John Todd. Pursuit was commenced on the 18th. --R. G. T. 

 [9] The battle occurred at 8 A. M. Of August 19, a short distance north of the Lower Blue Licks, on the Licking river, in what is now Nicholas County. --R. G. T. 

 [10] The tendency among early Western chroniclers has been greatly to magnify the importance of Simon Girty. He was merely an interpreter on this, as on most other expeditions. Caldwell was in command. The British force now consisted of 200 Indians and 30 rangers. Some of the Indians had already left for their villages. --R. G. T. 

 [11] The British rangers lost one of their number by death; of their Indian allies, ten were killed and fourteen wounded. Of the Kentuckians, about seventy were killed, several badly wounded, and seven made prisoners. Caldwell continued his leisurely retreat to Upper Sandusky, which he reached September 24, the Indians meanwhile dispersing to their several homes. --R. G. T. 

 [12] Gen. George Rogers Clark gave this official report of his expedition against the Shawnees, in a letter dated Lincoln, November 27, 1782: "We left the Ohio the 4th instant, with 1050 men, surprised the principal Shawanese Town in the evening of the 10th, and immediately detached strong parties to different quarters; and in a few hours afterwards two thirds of the towns were laid in ashes, and every thing they were possessed of destroyed, except such as were most useful to the troops, the enemy not having time to secrete any part of their property. The British trading post at the head of the Miami and Carrying Place to the waters of the Lakes, shared the same by a party of 150 horse, commanded by Col. Logan, and property to a great amount was also destroyed: the quantity of provisions burnt far surpassed any idea we had of their stores. The loss of the enemy was ten scalps, seven prisoners, and two whites retaken; ours, one killed and one wounded. 

 "After laying part of four days in their towns, and finding all attempts to bring them to a general action fruitless, we retired, as the season was far advanced and the weather threatening. I could not learn by the prisoners that they had the least idea of General Irvin's design of penetrating into their country. Should he have given them another stroke at Sandusky, it will more than double the advantages already gained. 

 "We might probably have got many more scalps and prisoners--could we have known in time whether or not we were discovered, which we took for granted until getting within three miles when some circumstances occurred that gave us reason to think otherwise, though uncertain. --Col. Floyd, with 300 men, was ordered to advance and bring on an action or attack the town, Major Wells with a party of horse being previously detached by a different route as a party of observation: although Col. Floyd's motion was so quick as to get to the town but a few minutes later than those who discovered his approach, the inhabitants had sufficient notice to effect their escape to the woods by the alarm cry being given, and which was repeated by all that heard it; of course our party only fell in with the rear of the enemy. 

 "I must beg leave to recommend the militia of Kentucky whose behaviour on the occasion does them honour, particularly their desire of saving prisoners. "

 The document is here given as found in Almon's _Remembrancer_, xvi. , pp. 93, 94; but it has of course been edited, after the fashion of that day, for Clark's original letters abound in misspellings. --R. G. T. 

 [13] [264] This heroine had but recently returned from Philadelphia, where she had received her education, and was totally unused to such scenes as were daily exhibiting on the frontier. She afterwards became the wife of Mr. McGlanlin; and he dying, she married a Mr. Clarke, and is yet living in Ohio. 

 [14] See p. 224, _note_ 1, for reference to confusion between the two sieges of Wheeling, and the over-statement of early border historians. --R. G. T. 

[270] CHAPTER XVI. 

The treaty of peace between the United States and Great Britain, whichterminated so gloriously the war of the revolution, did not put aperiod to Indian hostilities. [1] The aid which had been extended tothe savages, and which enabled them so successfully to gratify theirimplacable resentment against the border country, being withdrawn, they were less able to cope with the whites than they had been, andwere less a hindrance to the population and improvement of thosesections of country which had been the theatre of their many outrages. In North Western Virginia, indeed, although the war continued to bewaged against its inhabitants, yet it assumed a different aspect. Itbecame a war rather of plunder, than of blood; and although in thepredatory incursions of the Indians, individuals some times fell asacrifice to savage passion; yet this was of such rare occurrence, that the chronicles of those days are divested of much of theinterest, which attaches to a detail of Indian hostilities. Forseveral years, scarce an incident occurred worthy of being rescuedfrom oblivion. 

In Kentucky it was far otherwise. The war continued to be prosecutedthere, with the wonted vigor of the savages. --The General Assemblyof Virginia having, at the close of the revolution, passed an actfor surveying the land set apart for her officers and soldiers, southof Green river, the surveyors descended to the Ohio, to explore thecountry and perform the duties assigned them. On their arrival theyfound it occupied by the savages, and acts of hostilities immediately[271] ensued. In December, 1783, the Legislature likewise passed anact, appropriating the country between the Scioto and Miami rivers, for the purpose of satisfying the claims of the officers andsoldiers, if the land previously allotted, in Kentucky, should proveinsufficient for that object. This led to a confederacy of the manytribes of Indians, interested in those sections of country, andproduced such feelings and gave rise to such acts of hostility ontheir part, as induced Benjamin Harrison the Governor of Virginia, inNovember, 1784, to recommend the postponement of the surveys; andin January, 1785, a proclamation was issued, by Patrick Henry, (successor of Gov. Harrison) commanding the surveyors to desist andleave the country. A treaty was soon after concluded, by which thecountry on the Scioto, Miami, and Muskingum, was ceded to theUnited States. [2] In this interval of time, North Western Virginiaenjoyed almost uninterrupted repose. There was indeed an alarm ofIndians, on Simpson's creek in 1783, but it soon subsided; and thecircumstance which gave rise to it (the discharge of a gun at MajorPower) was generally attributed to a white man. 

In 1784, the settlement towards the head of West Fork, sufferedsomewhat from savage invasion. A party of Indians came to the house ofHenry Flesher, (where the town of Weston now is) and fired at the oldgentleman, as he was returning from the labors of the field. The gundischarged at him, had been loaded with two balls, and both takingeffect, crippled his arm a good deal. Two savages immediately rantowards him; and he, towards the door; and just as he was in the actof entering it, one of them had approached so closely as to strike athim with the butt end of his gun. The breech came first in contactwith the facing of the door, and descending on his head, seemed tothrow him forward into the house, and his wife closing the door, noattempt was made by the savages to force it open. Still, however, theydid not feel secure; and as soon as they became assured that thesavages were withdrawn, they left the house and sought securityelsewhere. Most of the family lay in the woods during the night, --oneyoung woman succeeded in finding the way to Hacker's creek, fromwhence Thomas Hughes immediately departed to find the others. This waseffected early next morning, and all were safely escorted to thatsettlement. 

[272] The foregoing event happened in September, and in a few daysafter, as Daniel Radcliff was proceeding to the Brushy Fork of Elkcreek on a hunting expedition, he was shot (probably by the Indianswho had been at Flesher's, ) tomahawked and scalped in a shockingmanner. 

In 1785, six Indians came to Bingamon creek, (a branch of the WestFork) and made their appearance upon a farm occupied by Thomas andEdward Cunningham. At this time the two brothers were dwelling withtheir families in separate houses, but nearly adjoining, though not ina direct line with each other. Thomas was then on a trading visit eastof the mountain, and his wife and four children were collected intheir room for the purpose of eating dinner, as was Edward with hisfamily, in their house. Suddenly a lusty savage entered where wereMrs. Thomas Cunningham and her children, but seeing that he would beexposed to a fire from the other house, and apprehending no dangerfrom the woman and children, he closed the door and seemed for a timeonly intent on the means of escaping. 

Edward Cunningham had seen the savage enter his brother's house, andfastened his own door, seized his gun and stepping to a small aperturein the wall next the house in which was the Indian, and which servedas well for a port hole as for the admission of light, was ready tofire whenever the savage should make his appearance. But in the otherhouse was a like aperture, and through it the Indian fired at Edward, and shouted the yell of victory. It was answered by Edward. He hadseen the aim of the savage only in time to avoid it, --the bark fromthe log close to his head, was knocked off by the ball and flew intohis face. The Indian seeing that he had missed his object, andobserving an adze in the room, deliberately commenced cutting anaperture in the back wall through which he might pass out withoutbeing exposed to a shot from the other building. [3]

Another of the Indians came into the yard just after the firing of hiscompanion, but observing Edward's gun pointing through the port hole, he endeavored to retreat out of its range. He failed of his purpose. Just as he was about to spring over the fence, the gun was fired andhe fell forward. The ball however only fractured his thigh bone, andhe was yet able to hobble over the fence and take shelter behind a[273] coverlet suspended on it, before Edward could again load hisgun. 

While the Indian was engaged in cutting a hole in the wall, Mrs. Cunningham made no attempt to get out. She was well aware that itwould draw down upon her head the fury of the savage; and that if sheescaped this, she would most probably be killed by some of those whowere watching around, before the other door could be opened for heradmission. --She knew too, that it was impossible for her to take thechildren with her, and could not brook the idea of leaving them in thehands of the savage monster. She even trusted to the hope that hewould withdraw, as soon as he could, without molesting any of them. Afew minutes served to convince her of the fallacy of this expectation. When the opening had been made sufficiently large, he raised histomahawk, sunk it deep into the brains of one of the children, andthrowing the scarcely lifeless body into the back yard, ordered themother to follow after. There was no alternative but death, and sheobeyed his order, stepping over the dead body of one of herchildren, [4] with an infant in her arms and two others screaming fromhorror at the sight, and clinging to her. When all were out he scalpedthe murdered boy, and setting fire to the house, retired to aneminence in the field, where two of the savages were, with theirwounded companion. --leaving the other two to watch the opening ofEdward Cunningham's door, when the burning of the house should forcethe family from their shelter. They were disappointed in theirexpectation of that event by the exertions of Cunningham and his son. When the flame from the one house communicated to the roof of theother, they ascended to the loft, threw off the loose boards whichcovered it, and extinguished the fire;--the savages shooting at themall the while, and their balls frequently striking close by. 

Despairing of accomplishing farther havoc, and fearful of detectionand pursuit, the Indians collected together and prepared to retreat. Mrs. Cunningham's eldest son was first tomahawked and scalped; thefatal hatchet sunk into the head of her little daughter, whom theythen took by the arms and legs, and slinging it repeatedly against atree, ended its sufferings with its life. Mrs. Cunningham stoodmotionless with grief, and in momentary expectation of having the samedealt to her and her innocent infant. But no! She was [274] doomed tocaptivity; and with her helpless babe in her arms, was led off fromthis scene of horror and of wo. The wounded savage was carried on arough litter, and they all departed, crossing the ridge to Bingamoncreek, near which they found a cave that afforded them shelter andconcealment. [5] After night, they returned to Edward Cunningham's, andfinding no one, plundered and fired the house. 

When the savages withdrew in the evening, Cunningham went with hisfamily into the woods, where they remained all night, there being nosettlement nearer than eight or ten miles. In the morning, proceedingto the nearest house, they gave the alarm and a company of men wassoon collected to go in pursuit of the Indians. When they came toCunningham's and found both houses heaps of ashes, they buried thebones which remained of the boy who was murdered in the house, withthe bodies of his brother and little sister, who were killed in thefield; but so cautiously had the savages conducted their retreat thatno traces of them could be discovered, and the men returned to theirhomes. 

Some days after, circumstances induced the belief that the Indianswere yet in the neighborhood, and men were again assembled for thepurpose of tracing them. They were now enabled to distinguish thetrail, and pursued it near to the cave, where from the number of rockson the ground and the care which had been taken by the Indians toleave no vestige, they could no longer discover it. They howeverexamined for it in every direction until night forced them to desist. In thinking over the incidents of the day; the cave occurred to themind of Major Robinson, who was well acquainted with the woods, and heconcluded that the savages must be concealed in it. It was examinedearly next morning, but they had left it the preceding night anddeparted for their towns. After her return from captivity, Mrs. Cunningham stated, that in time of the search on the day before, theIndians were in the cave, and that several times the whites approachedso near, that she could distinctly hear their voices; the savagesstanding with their guns ready to fire, in the event of their beingdiscovered, and forcing her to keep the infant to her breast, lest itscrying might point to the place of their concealment. [6]

In consequence of their stay at this place on account of their woundedcompanion, it was some time before they arrived [275] in their owncountry;[7] and Mrs. Cunningham's sufferings, of body as well as mindwere truly great. Fatigue and hunger oppressed her sorely, --the infantin her arms, wanting the nourishment derived from the due sustenanceof the mother, plied at the breast for milk, in vain--blood came instead; and the Indians perceiving this, put a period to itssufferings, with the tomahawk, even while clinging to its mother'sbosom. It was cast a little distance from the path, and left without aleaf or bush to hide it from beasts of prey. 

The anguish of this woman during the journey to the towns, can only beproperly estimated by a parent; her bodily sufferings may be inferredfrom the fact, that for ten days her only sustenance consisted of thehead of a wild turkey and three papaws, and from the circumstance thatthe skin and nails of her feet, scalded by frequent wading of thewater, came with her stockings, when upon their arrival at a villageof the Delawares, she was permitted to draw them off. Yet was sheforced to continue on with them the next day. --One of the Indiansbelonging to the village where they were, by an application of somesanative herbs, very much relieved the pain which she endured. 

When she came to the town of those by whom she had been made prisoner, although receiving no barbarous or cruel usage, yet everythingindicated to her, that she was reserved for some painful torture. Thewounded Indian had been left behind, and she was delivered to hisfather. Her clothes were not changed, as is the case when a prisoneris adopted by them; but she was compelled to wear them, dirty as theywere, --a bad omen for a captive. She was however, not long inapprehension of a wretched fate. A conference was soon to take placebetween the Indians and whites, preparatory to a treaty of peace; andwitnessing an uncommon excitement in the village one evening, uponinquiring, learned that the Great captain Simon Girty had arrived. Shedetermined to prevail with him, if she could, to intercede for herliberation, and seeing him next day passing near on horseback, shelaid hold on his stirrup, and implored his interference. For a whilehe made light of her petition, --telling her that she would be as wellthere as in her own country, and that if he were disposed to do her akindness he could not as his saddle bags were too small to concealher; but her importunity at length prevailed, and he whose heart hadbeen so long steeled [276] against every kindly feeling, everysympathetic impression, was at length induced to perform an act ofgenerous, disinterested benevolence. He paid her ransom, had herconveyed to the commissioners for negotiating with the Indians, and bythem she was taken to a station on the south side of the Ohio. [8] Hereshe met with two gentlemen (Long and Denton) who had been at thetreaty to obtain intelligence of their children taken captive sometime before, but not being able to gain any information respectingthem, they were then returning to the interior of Kentucky and kindlyfurnished her a horse. 

In consequence of the great danger attending a journey through thewilderness which lay between the settlements in Kentucky and those onthe Holstein, persons scarcely ever performed it but at particularperiods of the year, and in caravans, the better to defend themselvesagainst attacks of savages. Notice of the time and place of theassembling of one of these parties being given, Mrs. Cunninghamprepared to accompany it; but before that time arrived, they weredeterred from the undertaking by the report that a company oftravellers, stronger than theirs would be, had been encountered by theIndians, and all either killed or made prisoners. Soon after anotherparty resolved on a visit to Virginia, and Mrs. Cunningham wasfurnished a horse belonging to a gentleman on Holstein (which hadescaped from him while on a buffalo hunt in Kentucky and was foundafter his return, ) to carry her that far on her way home. Experiencingthe many unpleasant circumstances incident to such a jaunt, shereached Holstein, and from thence, after a repose of a few days, keeping up the Valley of Virginia, she proceeded by the way ofShenandoah, to the county of Harrison. [9] Here she was sadlydisappointed in not meeting with her husband. Having understood thatshe had been ransomed and taken to Kentucky, he had, some time before, gone on in quest of her. Anxiety for his fate, alone and on a journeywhich she well knew to be fraught with many dangers, she could notcheerily partake of the general joy excited by her return. In a fewdays however, he came back. He had heard on Holstein of her havingpassed there and he retraced his steps. Arriving at his brotherEdward's, he again enjoyed the satisfaction of being with all that wasthen dear to him on earth. It was a delightful satisfaction, butpresently damped by the recollection of [277] the fate of his lucklesschildren--Time assuaged the bitterness of the recollection and blessedhim with other and more fortunate children. [10]

In October 1784, a party of Indians ascended Sandy river and passingover to the head of Clynch, came to the settlement near where Tazewellcourt house is now located. Going first to the house of a Mr. Davisson, they killed him and his wife; and setting fire to theirdwelling, proceeded towards the residence of James Moore, sr. On theirway they met Moore salting his horses at a _lick trough_ in the woods, and killed him. They then went to the house and captured Mrs. Mooreand her seven children, and Sally Ivens, a young lady who was thereon a visit. Fearing detection, they immediately departed for Ohio withthe prisoners; and in order to expedite their retreat, killed JohnMoore, jr. And the three younger children. 

Upon their arrival at the Shawanee town on the Scioto (near the mouthof Paint creek) a council was held, and it was resolved that two ofthe captives should be _burned alive_, to avenge the death of some oftheir warriors who had been killed on the Kentucky river. Thisdreadful doom was allotted to Mrs. Moore and her daughter Jane, --aninteresting girl about sixteen years of age. They were tied to a postand tortured to death with burning splinters of pine, in the presenceof the remaining members of the family. 

After the death of his mother and sister, James Moore was sent tothe Maumee towns in Michigan, where he remained until December1785, --his sister Mary and Sally Ivins remaining with the Shawanees. In December 1786, they were all brought to Augusta county inconformity with the stipulations of the treaty of Miami, and ransomedby their friends. [11]

In the fall of 1796, John Ice and James Snodgrass were killed by theIndians when looking for their horses which they [278] had lost on abuffalo hunt on Fishing creek. Their remains were afterwardsfound--the flesh torn from the bones by the wolves--and buried. 

In a few days after Ice and Snodgrass left home in quest of theirhorses, a party of Indians came to Buffalo creek in Monongalia, andmeeting with Mrs. Dragoo and her son in a corn field gathering beans, took them prisoners, and supposing that their detention would induceothers to look for them, they waylaid the path leading [277] from thehouse. According to their expectation, uneasy at their continuedabsence, Jacob Strait and Nicholas Wood went to ascertain its cause. As they approached the Indians fired from their covert, and Woodfell;--Strait taking to flight was soon overtaken. Mrs. Strait and herdaughter, hearing the firing and seeing the savages in pursuit of Mr. Strait, betook themselves also to flight, but were discovered by someof the Indians who immediately ran after them. The daughter concealedherself in a thicket of bushes and escaped observation. Her mothersought concealment under a large shelving rock, and was not afterwardsdiscovered by the savages, although those in pursuit of her husband, passed near and overtook him not far off. Indeed she was at that timeso close, as to hear Mr. Strait say, when overtaken, "don't kill meand I will go with you;" and the savage replying "will you go withme, " she heard the fatal blow which deprived her husband of life. 

Mrs. Dragoo being infirm and unable to travel to their towns, wasmurdered on the way. Her son (a lad of seven) remained with theIndians upwards of twenty years, --he married a squaw, by whom he hadfour children, --two of whom he brought home with him, when he forsookthe Indians. 

In 1787 the Indians again visited the settlement on Buffaloe, and asLevi Morgan was engaged in skinning a wolf which he had just takenfrom his trap, he saw three of them--one riding a horse which he wellknew, the other two walking near behind--coming towards him. On firstlooking in the direction they were coming, he recognized the horse, and supposed the rider to be its owner--one of his near neighbors. Asecond glance discovered the mistake, and he siezed his gun and sprangbehind a large rock, --the Indians at the same instant taking shelterby the side of a large tree. --As soon as his body was obscured fromtheir view, he turned, and seeing the Indians looking towards thefarther end of the [279] rocks as if expecting him to make hisappearance there, he fired and one of them fell. Instantly he hadrecourse to his powder horn to reload, but while engaged in skinningthe wolf the stopper had fallen out and his powder was wasted. Hethen fled, and one of the savages took after him. For some time heheld to his gun; but finding his pursuer sensibly gaining on him, hedropped it under the hope that it would attract the attention of theIndian and give him a better chance of escape. The savage passedheedlessly by it. Morgan then threw his shot pouch and coat in theway, to tempt the Indian to a momentary delay. It was equallyvain, --his pursuer did not falter for an instant. He now had recourseto another expedient to save himself from captivity or death. Arrivingat the summit of the hill up which he had directed his steps, hehalted; and, as if some men were approaching from the other side, called aloud, "come on, come on; here is one, make haste. " The Indiannot doubting that he was really calling to some men at hand, turnedand retreated as precipitately as he had advanced; and when he heardMorgan exclaim, "shoot quick, or he will be out of reach, " he seemedto redouble his exertion to gain that desirable distance. Pleased withthe success of the artifice, Morgan hastened home; leaving his coatand gun to reward the savage for the deception practised on him. [12]

In September of this year, a party of Indians were discovered in theact of catching some horses on the West Fork above Clarksburg; and acompany of men led on by Col. Lowther, went immediately in pursuit ofthem. [13] On the third night the Indians and whites, unknown to eachother, encamped not far apart; and in the morning the fires of thelatter being discovered by Elias Hughes, the detachment which wasaccompanying him fired upon the camp, and one of the savages fell. Theremainder taking [279] to flight, one of them passed near to whereCol. Lowther and the other men were, and the Colonel firing at him ashe ran, the ball entering at his shoulder, perforated him, and hefell. The horses and plunder which had been taken by the savages, werethen collected by the whites, and they commenced their return home, inthe confidence of false security. They had not proceeded far, when twoguns were unexpectedly fired at them, and John Bonnet fell, piercedthrough the body. He died before he reached home. [14]

[280] The Indians never thought the whites justifiable in flying toarms to punish them for acts merely of rapine. They felt authorized tolevy contributions of this sort, whenever an occasion served, viewingproperty thus acquired as (to use their own expression) the "only rentwhich they received for their lands;" and if when detected in secretlyexacting them, their blood paid the penalty, they were sure toretaliate with tenfold fury, on the first favorable opportunity. Themurder of these two Indians by Hughes and Lowther was soon followed byacts of retribution, which are believed to have been, at leastmediately, produced by them. 

On the 5th of December, a party of Indians and one white man (LeonardSchoolcraft) came into the settlement on Hacker's creek, and meetingwith a daughter of Jesse Hughes, took her prisoner. Passing on, theycame upon E. West, Senr. Carrying some fodder to the stable, andtaking him likewise captive, carried him to where Hughes' daughter hadbeen left in charge of some of their party. --Here the old gentlemanfell upon his knees and expressed a fervent wish that they would notdeal harshly by him. His petition was answered by a stroke of thetomahawk, and he fell dead. 

They then went to the house of Edmund West, Jun. Where were Mrs. Westand her sister (a girl of eleven years old, daughter of John Hacker)and a lad of twelve, a brother of West. Forcing open the door, Schoolcraft and two of the savages entered; and one of themimmediately tomahawked Mrs. West. The boy was taking some corn fromunder the bed, --he was drawn out by the feet and the tomahawk sanktwice in his forehead, directly above each eye. The girl was standingbehind the door. One of the savages approached and aimed at her ablow. She tried to evade it; but it struck on the side of her neck, though not with sufficient force to knock her down. She fell however, and lay as if killed. Thinking their work of death accomplished here, they took from a press some milk, butter and bread, placed it on thetable, and deliberately sat down to eat, --the little girl observingall that passed, in silent stillness. When they had satisfied theirhunger, they arose, scalped the woman and boy, plundered thehouse--even emptying the feathers to carry off the ticking--anddeparted, dragging the little girl by the hair, forty or fifty yardsfrom the house. They then threw her over the fence, and scalped her;but as she evinced symptoms of life, Schoolcraft observed "_that isnot enough_, " when immediately one of the savages thrust a knife intoher side, and they left her. Fortunately the point of the knife camein contact with a rib and did not injure her much. 

Old Mrs. West and her two daughters, who were alone when the oldgentleman was taken, became uneasy that he did not return; and fearingthat he had fallen into the hands of savages (as they could nototherwise account for his absence) they left the house and went toAlexander West's, who was then on a hunting expedition with hisbrother Edmund. They told of the absence of old Mr. West and [281]their fears for his fate; and as there was no man here, they went overto Jesse Hughes' who was himself uneasy that his daughter did not comehome. Upon hearing that West too was missing, he did not doubt butthat both had fallen into the hands of Indians; and knowing of theabsence from home of Edmund West, Jun. He deemed it advisable toapprize his wife of danger, and remove her to his house. For thispurpose and accompanied by Mrs. West's two daughters, he went on. Onentering the door, the tale of destruction which had been done therewas soon told in part. Mrs. West and the lad lay weltering in theirblood, but not yet dead. The sight overpowered the girls, and Hugheshad to carry them off. --Seeing that the savages had but just leftthem; and aware of the danger which would attend any attempt to moveout and give the alarm that night, Hughes guarded his own house untilday, when he spread the sorrowful intelligence, and a company werecollected to ascertain the extent of the mischief and try to findthose who were known to be missing. 

Young West was found--standing in the creek about a mile from where hehad been tomahawked. The brains were oozing from his head; yet hesurvived in extreme suffering for three days. Old Mr. West was foundin the field where he had been tomahawked. Mrs. West was in the house;she had probably lived but a few minutes after Hughes and hersisters-in-law had left there. --The little girl (Hacker's daughter)was in bed at the house of old Mr. West. She related the history ofthe transactions at Edmund West's, Jun. And said that she went to_sleep_ when thrown over the fence and was awaked by the scalping. After she had been stabbed at the suggestion of Schoolcraft and left, she tried to re-cross the fence to the house, but as she was climbingup she again went to sleep and fell back. She then walked into thewoods, sheltered herself as well as she could in the top of a fallentree, and remained there until the cocks crew in the morning. 

Remembering that there was no person left alive at the house of hersister, awhile before day she proceeded to old Mr. West's. She foundno person at home, the fire nearly out, but the hearth warm and shelaid down on it. The heat produced a sickly feeling, which caused herto get up and go to the bed, in which she was found. --She recovered, grew up, was married, gave birth to ten children, and died, as wasbelieved, of an affection of the head, occasioned by the wound shereceived that night. Hughes' daughter was ransomed by her father thenext year, and is yet living in sight of the theatre of those savageenormities. 

In March 1789, two Indians came to the house of Mr. Glass in the upperend of Ohio (now Brooke) county. They were discovered by a negrowoman, who immediately exclaimed, "here are Indians. " Mrs. Glass roseup from her spinning wheel, ran to the door, and was met by an Indianwith his gun presented. She laid hold on the muzzle and turning itaside, begged that he would not kill, [282] but take her prisoner. Hewalked into the house and when joined by another Indian with the negrowoman and her boy, about four years old, they opened a chest, took outa small box and some articles of clothing, and without doing farthermischief, departed with the prisoners, --Mrs. Glass and her child, twoyears of age, the negro woman and boy and her infant child. They hadproceeded but a short distance when a consultation was held, and Mrs. Glass supposing from their gestures and frequent pointing towards thechildren they were the subject of deliberation, held forth her littleboy to one of the savages and begged that he might be spared--adding, "he will make a fine little Indian after awhile. " He signed to her togo on. The other savage then struck the negro boy with the pipe end ofhis tomahawk, and with the edge gave him a blow across the back of theneck, and scalped and left him. 

In the evening they came to the Ohio river just above Wellsburg, anddescended it in a canoe about five miles, to the mouth of Rush run. They drew the canoe some distance up the run and proceeding betweenone and two miles farther encamped for the night. --Next morning theyresumed their march and about two o'clock halted on Indian Shortcreek, twenty miles farther. 

When the savages came to the house of Mr. Glass he was at work in afield some few hundred yards off, and was ignorant that any thingextraordinary had occurred there, until in the afternoon. --Searchingin vain for his wife, he became satisfied that she had been taken bythe Indians; and proceeding to Well's fort prevailed on ten men toaccompany him in quest of them. Early next morning they discovered theplace where the Indians embarked in the canoe; and as Mr. Glassreadily distinguished the impression made by Mrs. Glass' shoe on thesand, they crossed the river with great expectation of being able toovertake them. They then went down the river to the mouth of Rush run, where the canoe was found and identified by some of Mr. Glass' papers, purposely left there by Mrs. Glass. From this place the trail of theIndians and their prisoners was plainly visible, and pursuing it, theparty arrived in view of the smoke from their fire on Short creek, about an hour after the Indians had halted. Crossing slyly forward, when rather more than one hundred yards off they beheld the twosavages attentively inspecting a red jacket which one of them held, and Mrs. Glass and her little boy and the negro woman and her child afew paces from them. --Suddenly the Indians let fall the jacket, andlooked towards the men. Supposing they were discovered, theydischarged their guns and rushed towards the fire. One of the Indiansfell and dropped his gun, but recovering, ran about one hundred yardswhen a shot aimed at him by Major McGuire brought him to his hands andknees. --Mrs. Glass informing them that there was another encampment ofIndians close by, instead of following the wounded savage, theyreturned home with all speed. 

[283] In August five Indians on their way to the settlements on thewaters of the Monongahela, met with two men on Middle Island creek, and killed them. Taking their horses they continued on their routeuntil they came to the house of William Johnson on Ten Mile, and madeprisoner of Mrs. Johnson and some children; plundered the house, killed part of the stock, and taking with them one of Johnson'shorses, returned towards the Ohio. When the Indians came to the house, Johnson had gone to a lick not far off, and on his return in themorning, seeing what had been done, and searching until he found thetrail of the savages and their prisoners, ran to Clarksburg forassistance. A company of men repaired with him immediately to wherehe had discovered the trail, and keeping it about a mile, found fourof the children lying dead in the woods. The savages had tomahawkedand scalped them, and placing their heads close together, turned theirbodies and feet straight out so as to represent a cross. The dead wereburied and farther pursuit given over. 

Other Indians, about the same time, came to the house of John Mack ona branch of Hacker's creek. He being from home, they killed all whowere at the house. Two of the children, who had been sent into thewoods to hunt the cattle, returning, saw a little sister lying in theyard scalped, and directly fled, and gave the alarm. In the morningsome men assembled and went to ascertain the extent of the mischief. The house was no longer to be seen, --a heap of ashes was all thatremained of it. The little girl who had been scalped in the yard, wasmuch burned, and those who had been murdered in the house, wereconsumed with it. Mrs. Mack had been taken some distance from thehouse, tomahawked, scalped, and stripped naked. She was yet alive; andas the men approached, a sense of her situation induced her to exerther feeble strength in drawing leaves around her so as to conceal hernakedness. The men wrapped their hunting shirts about her, and carriedher to a neighboring house. She lived a few days, gave birth to achild and died. 

Some time after the murder of Mack's family, John Sims, living on abranch of Gnatty creek, seeing his horses come running up muchaffrighted, was led to believe that the Indians had been trying tocatch them. In a few minutes, the dogs began to bark furiously in thecorn field adjoining, and he became satisfied the savages wereapproaching. Knowing [284] that he could offer no effectualresistance, if they should attack his house, he contrived an artificeto deter them from approaching. Taking down his gun, he walked aroundthe house backward and forward, and as if speaking to men in it, called out, "_Be watchful. _ They will soon be here, and as soon as yousee them, draw a fine bead;" Mrs. Sims in a coarse tone of voice andwith feigned resolution, answering as she had been advised, "Neverfear! let them once shew their yellow hides, and we'll pepper them. "He would then retire into the house, change his garments, the betterto support the deception, and again go forth to watch and givedirections to those within. He pursued this plan until night, when hewithdrew with his family to a place of safety. The Indians hadactually been in the cornfield, and near enough to have shotSims, --the place where they had been sitting being plainly discerniblenext morning. Sims' artifice no doubt drove them off, and as they wereretreating they fired the house of Jethro Thompson on Lost creek. 

In the spring of 1790, the neighborhood of Clarksburg was againvisited by Indians in quest of plunder, and who stole and carried offseveral horses. They were discovered and pursued to the Ohio river, when the pursuers, being reinforced, determined to follow on over intothe Indian country. Crossing the river and ascending the Hockhocking, near to the falls, they came upon the camp of the savages. The whitesopened an unexpected fire, which killing one and wounding another ofthe Indians, caused the remainder to fly, leaving their horses abouttheir camp. --These were caught, brought back and restored to theirowners. 

In April as Samuel Hull was engaged in ploughing a field for MajorBenjamin Robinson, he was discovered by some Indians, shot, tomahawked, and scalped. The murder was first ascertained by Mrs. Robinson. Surprised that Hull did not come to the house as usual, tofeed the horses and get his own dinner, she went to the field to seewhat detained him. She found the horses some distance from where theyhad been recently at work; and going on, presently saw Hull lyingwhere he had been shot. 

----- [1] News of the preliminary articles of peace, which had been signed at Paris, November 30, 1782, did not reach Fort Pitt until May, 1783. In July following, De Peyster, British commandant at Detroit, gathered at that post the chiefs of eleven tribes as far south as the Great Miami and the Wabash, and informed them of the event. --R. G. T. 

 [2] The treaty was held at Fort McIntosh, at the mouth of the Beaver, early in January, 1785. The tribes represented were the Wyandots, Chippewas, Delawares, and Ottawas. The commissioners were Arthur Lee, Richard Butler, and George Rogers Clark. Col. Josiah Harmar was in charge of the troops. --R. G. T. 

 [3] L. V. McWhorter, well informed in the local traditions, writes: "When the Indian sprang into the house, with drawn tomahawk, he closed and for a few moments stood with his back to the door. Then, while cutting an opening through the wall, he asked Mrs. Cunningham how many men there were in the other house. She answered by holding up the extended fingers of both hands, indicating 10. "--R. G. T. 

 [4] McWhorter: "Mrs. Cunningham related that the last she saw of her little daughter, was one quivering little foot sticking up over a log behind which she had been thrown. "--R. G. T. 

 [5] McWhorter: "The cave in which Mrs. Cunningham was concealed is on Little Indian Run, a branch of Big Bingamon Creek, on which stream the tragedy took place. The cave is about two miles northwest of the site of the capture, and in Harrison County, W. Va. "--R. G. T. 

 [6] McWhorter: "Mrs. Cunningham stated that an Indian stood over her with an uplifted tomahawk, to prevent her from crying out. At times, the whites were upon the very rock above their heads. "--R. G. T. 

 [7] McWhorter says local tradition has it that the Indians remained in the cave a night and a day; they departed before daylight, during the second night. Mrs. Cunningham related that just before leaving, the wounded brave was borne from the cave by his fellows, and she never again saw him; her opinion was, that he was then dead, and his body was sunk in a neighboring pool. --R. G. T. 

 [8] Mrs. Cunningham had been over three years with the savages, when she was taken to a great Indian conference held at the foot of the Maumee rapids, "at or near the site of the present Perrysburgh, Ohio, " in the autumn of 1788. Girty brought the attention of McKee, then a British Indian agent, to the matter, and McKee furnished the trinkets which constituted the ransom. --R. G. T. 

 [9] See McKnight's _Our Western Border_, pp. 714, 716. --R. G. T. 

 [10] Superstition was rife among the Scotch-Irish borderers. McWhorter writes: "On the day before the capture, a little bird came into Mrs. Cunningham's cabin and fluttered around the room. Ever afterwards, she grew frightened whenever a bird would enter her house. The fear that such an occurrence would bring bad luck to a household, was an old and widely-spread superstition. "--R. G. T. 

 [11] Mary Moore afterwards became the wife of Mr. Brown, a presbyterian preacher in Augusta. Her brother James Moore, jr. , still resides in Tazewell county; and notwithstanding that he witnessed the cruel murder of his mother and five brothers and sisters by the hands of the savages, he is said to have formed and still retain a strong attachment to the Indians. The anniversary of the burning of Mrs. Moore & her daughter, is kept by many in Tazewell as a day of fasting and prayer; and that tragical event gave rise to some affecting verses, generally called "Moore's Lamentation. "

 [12] At the treaty of Au Glaize, Morgan met with the Indian who had given him this chase, and who still had his gun. After talking over the circumstance, rather more composedly than they had acted it, they agreed to test each other's speed in a friendly race. The Indian being beaten, rubbed his hams and said, "_stiff, stiff; too old, too old_. " "Well, said Morgan, you got the gun by outrunning me then, and I should have it now for outrunning you;" and accordingly took it. 

 [13] McWhorter: "Alexander West was with Col. William Lowther on this expedition. They followed the Indians to the Little Kanawha River. "--R. G. T. 

 [14] Another case of border superstition is related to me by McWhorter. Alexander West had been doing sentry duty most of the night before, and on being relieved early in the morning, sat with his back to a tree and, rifle across his lap, fell to sleep. On awakening he sprang to his feet and cried, "Boys, look out! Some of us will be killed to-day! I saw the _red doe_ in my dream; that is the sign of death; I never knew it to fail!" When Bonnett fell, it was considered in camp to be a verification of the "red sign. " Bonnett was carried by his comrades on a rude stretcher, but in four days died. His body was placed in a cleft of rock and the entrance securely chinked. --R. G. T. 

[285] CHAPTER XVII. 

Upon the close of the war of the revolution, many circumstancesconspired to add considerably to the population of Kentucky; and herstrength and ability to cope with the savages and repel invasion, wereconsequently much increased. Conscious of this, and sensible of theirown condition, weakened by the withdrawal of their allies, the Indiansdid not venture upon expeditions against its inhabitants, requiring tobe conducted by the co-operation of many warriors. They preferred towage war in small parties, against detached settlements andunprotected families; and guarding the Ohio river and the "_wildernesstrace_, "[1] to cut off parties of emigrants removing to that country. In all of those they were eminently successful. In the interval oftime, between the peace of 1783 and the defeat of General Harmar, in1790, it is inferred from evidence laid before Congress, that inKentucky, not less than one thousand human beings were killed andtaken prisoners. And although the whites were enabled to carry the warinto the heart of the Indian country, and frequently with success, yetdid not this put a stop to their enormities. When pressed by thepresence of a conquering army, they would sue for peace, and enterinto treaties, which they scarcely observed inviolate 'till thosearmies were withdrawn from among them. 

In April 1785, some Indians hovering about Bear Grass, met withColonel Christian and killed him. His loss was severely feltthroughout the whole country. [2]

In October of the same year, several families moving to the [286]country were attacked and defeated on Skegg's creek. Six of the whiteswere killed, and a number of the others made prisoners, among whomwere Mrs. McClure and her infant. When the attack was begun, shesecreted herself with four children in some bushes, which togetherwith the darkness of the night, protected her from observation; andcould she have overcome the feelings of a mother for her child, shemight have ensured her own safety and that of her three other childrenby leaving her infant at some distance from them. She was aware of thedanger to which its cries would expose her, and sought to prevent themby giving it the breast. For awhile it had that effect, but itsshrieks at length arose and drew the savages to the spot. Three of herchildren were slain by her side. 

On hearing of this disastrous event, Capt. Whitley collectedtwenty-one men from the nearer stations, and went in pursuit of theaggressors. He presently overtook them, killed two of their party, andretook the prisoners and the scalps of those whom they had slain. --Sosignal was his success over them. 

In ten days afterwards, another company of _movers_, led on by Mr. Moore, was attacked, and in the skirmish which ensued, nine of theirparty were killed. Again Capt. Whitley went in pursuit of the savageperpetrators of this outrage, having thirty men to accompany him. Onthe sixth day of the pursuit, they overtook twenty mounted Indians, some of whom were clad in the clothes of those they had slain; and whodismounted and fled upon the first fire. Three of them however werekilled, and eight scalps and all the plunder were recovered. 

In consequence of the many repeated aggressions of the savages, anexpedition was this fall concerted against their towns on the Wabash, to be carried into immediate execution. Through the exertions of thecounty lieutenants an army of one thousand men, was soon assembled atLouisville[3] and placed under the command of Gen. Clarke, who marcheddirectly for the theatre of contemplated operations--leaving theprovisions and much of their munitions to be transported in boats. Thearmy arrived near the towns, before the boats;--the men becamedissatisfied and mutinous, and Gen. Clarke was in consequence, reluctantly forced to return without striking a blow. [4]

[287] When the army under Gen. Clarke marched from Louisville, Col. Logan knowing that the attention of the Indians would be drawn almostexclusively towards it, & other towns be left exposed and defenceless, raised a body of troops and proceeded against the villages on theGreat Miami, and on the head waters of Mad river. In this campaign heburned eight large towns, killed twenty warriors and took betweenseventy and eighty prisoners. [5]

Among the troops led on by Col. Logan, was the late Gen. Lyttle (sinceof Cincinnati) then a youth of sixteen. [6] At the head of a party ofvolunteers, when the first towns on the Mad river were reduced, hecharged on some of the savages whom he saw endeavoring to reach aclose thicket of hazel and plum bushes. Being some distance in frontof his companions, when within fifty yards of the retreating enemy, hedismounted, and raising his gun to fire, saw the warrior at whom hewas aiming, hold out his hand in token of surrendering. In this timethe other men had come up and were making ready to fire, when youngLyttle called to them, "they have surrendered; and remember theColonel's orders to kill none who ask for quarters. " The warrioradvanced towards him with his hand extended, and ordering the othersto follow him. As he approached, Lyttle gave him his hand, but withdifficulty restrained the men from tomahawking him. It was the headchief with his three wives and children, two or three of whom werefine looking lads, and one of them a youth of Lyttle's age. Observingthe conduct of Lyttle in preventing the murder of the chief, thisyouth drew close to him. When they returned to the town, a crowd ofmen rushed around to see the chief, and Lyttle stepped out of thecrowd to fasten his horse. The lad accompanied him. A young man whohad been to the spring to drink, seeing Lyttle with the Indian lad, came running towards him. The youth supposed that he was advancing tokill him, and in the twinkling of an eye let fly an arrow. It passedthrough Curner's dress, and grazed his side; and but for the timelytwitch which Lyttle gave the lad's arm, would have killed him. Hisother arrows were then taken away, and he sternly reprimanded. 

Upon the return of Lyttle to where the chief stood, he heard Col. Logan give orders that the prisoners must not be molested, but takento a house and placed under guard for their [288] security; and seeingMajor McGary[7] riding up and knowing his disposition, he called tohim saying, "Major McGary, you must not molest those prisoners" androde off. McGary mutteringly replied, "I'll see to that;" anddismounting, entered the circle around the prisoners. He demanded ofthe chief, if he were at the battle of the Blue Licks. The chiefprobably not understanding the purport of the question, repliedaffirmatively. McGary instantly seized an axe from the GrenadierSquaw, standing by and sunk it into his head. Lyttle saw thedescending stroke and interposed his arm to prevent it or break itsforce. The handle came in contact with his wrist and had well nighbroke it. Indignant at the barbarous deed, with the impetuosity ofyouth he drew his knife to avenge it. His arm was arrested, or thesteel would have been plunged into the heart of McGary. The bloody actof this man caused deep regret, humiliation and shame to pervade thegreater part of the army, and none were more affected by it, than thebrave and generous Logan. --When the prisoners were conducted to thehouse, it was with much difficulty the Indian lad could be prevailedupon to quit the side of Lyttle. 

The commencement of the year 1786 witnessed treaties of peace with allthe neighboring tribes;[8] but its progress was marked by acts ofgeneral hostility. Many individual massacres were committed and in thefall, a company of _movers_ were attacked, and twenty-one of themkilled. This state of things continuing, in 1787 the secretary of warordered detachments of troops to be stationed at [288] differentpoints for the protection of the frontier. Still the Indians kept upsuch an incessant war against it, as after the adoption of the federalconstitution, led the general government to interpose more effectuallyfor the security of its inhabitants, by sending a body of troops tooperate against them in their own country. 

While these things were doing, a portion of the country north west ofthe river Ohio, began to be occupied by the whites. One million and ahalf acres of land in that country, having been appropriated asmilitary land, a company, composed of officers and soldiers in the warof the revolution, was formed in Boston in March 1786 under the titleof the [289] "Ohio Company, " and Gen. Rufus Putnam was appointed itsagent. In the spring of 1788, he with forty-seven other persons, fromMassachusetts, Rhode Island and Connecticut, repaired to Marietta, erected a stockade fort for security against the attacks of Indians, and effected a permanent settlement there. [9] In the autumn of thesame year, twenty families, chiefly from Essex and Middlesex countiesin Massachusetts, likewise moved there, and the forests of loftytimber fell before their untiring and laborious exertions. Many ofthose who thus took up their abodes in that, then _distant_ countryhad been actively engaged in the late war, and were used, not only toface danger with firmness when it came upon them; but also to deviseand practice, means to avert it. Knowing the implacable resentment ofthe savages to the whites generally, they were at once careful not toprovoke it into action, and to prepare to ward off its effects. Inconsequence of this course of conduct, and their assiduity andattention to the improvement of their lands, but few massacres werecommitted in their neighborhoods, although the savages were waging ageneral war against the frontier, and carrying destruction intosettlements, comparatively in the interior. 

In the winter of 1786, Mr. Stites of Redstone visited New York withthe view of purchasing (congress being then in session there) forsettlement, a tract of country between the two Miamies. The betterto insure success to his project, he cultivated the acquaintance ofmany members of congress and endeavored to impress upon their mindsits propriety and utility. John Cleves Symmes, then a representativefrom New Jersey, and whose aid Stites solicited to enable him toeffect the purchase, becoming impressed with the great pecuniaryadvantage which must result from the speculation, if the country weresuch as it was represented to be, determined to ascertain this fact bypersonal inspection. He did so; and on his return a purchase of onemillion of acres, lying on the Ohio and between the Great and LittleMiami, was made in his name. Soon after, he sold to Matthias Denmanand others, that part of his purchase which forms the present site ofthe city of Cincinnati; and in the fall of 1789, some families fromNew York, New Jersey, and Redstone, descended the Ohio river to themouth of the Little Miami. As the Indians were now more thanordinarily troublesome, forty soldiers under Lieut. Kersey, wereordered to join them for the [290] defence of the settlement. Theyerected at first a single blockhouse, and soon after adding to itthree others, a stockade fort was formed on a position now includedwithin the town of Columbia. 

In June 1789, Major Doughty with one hundred and forty regulars, arrived opposite the mouth of Licking, and put up four block houses onthe purchase made by Denman of Symmes, and directly after, erectedFort Washington. Towards the close of the year, Gen. Harmar arrivedwith three hundred other regulars, and occupied the fort. Thus assuredof safety, Israel Ludlow, (jointly interested with Denman andPatterson) with twenty other persons, moved and commenced buildingsome cabins along the river and near to the fort. --During the winterMr. Ludlow surveyed and laid out the town of Losantiville, [10] butwhen Gen. St. Clair came there as governor of the North WesternTerritory, he changed its name to Cincinnati. [11]

[290] In 1790, a settlement was made at the forks of Duck creek, twenty miles up the Muskingum at the site of the present town ofWaterford; another fifteen miles farther up the river at Big Bottom, and a third at Wolf creek near the falls. These settlements were madeon a tract of one hundred thousand acres, laid off into "donation"lots of one hundred acres, and gratuitously assigned to _actualsettlers_; and at the close of the year they contained nearly fivehundred men, of whom one hundred and seven had families. 

Thus was the present flourishing State of Ohio begun to be occupied bythe whites; and the mind cannot but be struck with astonishment incontemplating the wonderful changes which have been _wrought there_, in such brief space of time, by industry and enterprise. Where thenstood mighty and unbroken forests, through which the savage passed onhis mission of blood; or stalked the majestic buffaloe, gamboled thesportive deer, or trotted the shaggy bear, are now to [291] be seenproductive farms, covered with lowing herds and bleating flocks, andteeming with all the comforts of life. --And where then stood the townof Losantiville with its three or four little cabins and their twentyinmates, is now to be seen a flourishing city with its splendidedifices, and a population of 26, 513 souls. Continuing thusprogressively to improve, the mind of man, "pervading and far darting"as it is, can scarcely picture the state which may be there exhibitedin the lapse of a few centuries. 

The formations of those establishments north west of the Ohio river, incited the savages to the commission of such and so frequentenormities that measures were taken by the general government toreduce them to quiet and render peace truly desirable to them. Whilepreparations were making to carry those measures into operation, detachments from the regular troops at Fort Washington were stationedat Duck creek, the Big Bottom and Wolf creek, for the security of the_settlers_ at those places; and when every thing was prepared, Gen. Harmar, at the head of three hundred and twenty regulars, moved fromhis head quarters at Fort Washington, to the Little Miami, where themilitia detailed for the expedition, were then assembled. The objectwas to bring the Indians, if possible, to a general engagement; and ifthis could not be effected, to destroy their towns and crops on theScioto and Miami. 

On the last day of September 1790, the army then consisting offourteen hundred and forty-three men, (of whom only three hundred andtwenty were regulars) marched forward, and on the 17th of Octoberreached the Great Miami village. [12] It was found to be entirelydeserted and all the valuable buildings in flames--having been firedby the Indians. As it was apparent that the savages had but recentlyleft there, Col. Hardin was detached with two hundred and ten men, sixty of whom were regulars to overtake them. Having marched about sixmiles, he was suddenly attacked by a body of Indians who wereconcealed in thickets on every side of an open plain. On the firstonset, the militia made a most precipitate retreat, leaving the few, but brave regulars to stand the charge. The conflict was short butbloody. The regular troops, over powered by numbers, were literallycut to pieces; and only seven of them made their escape and rejoinedthe main army at the Great Miami town. [13]

[292] Among those who were so fortunate as to escape after theshameful flight of the militia, was Capt. Armstrong of the regulars. He reached a pond of water about two hundred yards from the field ofaction; and plunging himself up to the neck in it, remained there allnight, a spectator of the horrid scene of a savage war dance, performed over the dead and wounded bodies of his brave soldiers. Theescape of ensign Hartshorn was perhaps owing entirely to a luckyaccident. As he was flying at his best speed he faltered over a log, which lay in his path, and by the side of which he concealed himselffrom the view of the savages. 

Notwithstanding the disastrous termination of this engagement, thedetachment succeeded in reducing the other towns to ashes, and indestroying their crops of corn and other provisions; and rejoining themain army under Gen. Harmar, commenced their return to FortWashington. Anxious to wipe off in another action, the disgrace whichhe felt would attach to the defeat, when within eight miles ofChilicothe, Gen. Harmar halted his men, and again detached Col. Hardinand Major Wylleys, with five hundred militia and sixty regulars, tofind the enemy and bring them to an engagement. 

Early next morning, a small body of the enemy was discovered, andbeing attacked, fled in different directions. --The militia pursuedthem as they ran in despite of orders; and when by this means theregulars were left alone, they were attacked by the whole force of theIndians, excepting the small parties whose flight had drawn off themilitia. A severe engagement ensued. The savages fought withdesperation; & when the troops which had gone in pursuit of those whofled upon the first onset, returned to take part in the engagement, they threw down their guns and rushed upon the regulars tomahawk inhand. Many of them fell, but being so very far superior in numbers, the regulars were at last overpowered. Their firmness and braverycould not avail much, against so overwhelming a force; for though oneof them might thrust his bayonet into the side of an Indian, two othersavages were at hand to sink their tomahawks into his head. In hisofficial account of this battle, Gen. Harmar claimed the victory; butthe thinned ranks of his troops shewed that they had been severelyworsted. Fifty of the regulars and one hundred of the militia werekilled in the contest, and many wounded. The loss of the Indians wasno doubt considerable, [293] or they would not have suffered the armyto retire to Fort Washington unmolested. [14]

Instead of the security from savage hostilities, which it was expectedwould result from Harmar's campaign, the inhabitants of the frontiersuffered from them, more than they had been made to endure since theclose of the war with Great Britain. Flushed with the success whichhad crowned their exertions to repel the invasion which had been madeinto their country, and infuriated at the destruction of their cropsand the conflagration of their villages, they became more active andzealous in the prosecution of hostilities. 

The settlements which had been recently made in Ohio up the Muskingum, had ever after their first establishment, continued apparently on themost friendly terms with the Indians; but on the part of the savages, friendship had only been feigned, to lull the whites into a ruinoussecurity. When this end was attained, they too were made to feel thebitterness of savage enmity. On the 2d of January 1791, a party ofIndians came to the Big Bottom, and commenced an indiscriminate murderof the inhabitants; fourteen of whom were killed and five takenprisoners. The settlement at Wolf's creek escaped a similar fate, bybeing apprized of the destruction of Big Bottom by two men who gotsafely off in time of the massacre. When the Indians arrived there thenext morning, finding the place prepared to receive them, theywithdrew without making any serious attempt to take it. 

On the 24th of April, John Bush (living on Freeman's creek, ) havingvery early sent two of his children to drive up the cattle, becamealarmed by their screams, and taking down his gun, was proceeding tolearn the cause of it, when he was met at the door by an Indian, whocaught hold of the gun, forced it from his grasp, and shot him withit. Bush fell across the threshold, and the savage drew his knife toscalp him. Mrs. Bush ran to the assistance of her husband, and with anaxe, aimed a blow at the Indian with such force that it fasteneditself in his shoulder, and when he jumped back his exertion pulledthe handle from her hand. She then drew her husband into the house andsecured the door. 

In this time other of the savages had come up, and after endeavoringin vain to force open the door, they commenced shooting through it. Fortunately Mrs. Bush remained unhurt, although eleven bullets passedthrough her frock and some of [294] them just grazing the skin. One ofthe savages observing an aperture between the logs, thrust the muzzleof his gun thro' it. With another axe Mrs. Bush struck on the barrelso as to make it ring, and, the savage on drawing it back, exclaimed"_Dern you. _" Still they were endeavoring to force an entrance intothe house, until they heard what they believed to be a party of whitescoming to its relief. It was Adam Bush, who living close by andhearing the screams of the children and the firing of the gun, had setoff to learn what had given rise to them, and taking with him hisdogs, the noise made by them in crossing the creek alarmed thesavages, and caused them to retreat, taking off the two children asprisoners. A company of men were soon collected and went in pursuit ofthe Indians; but were unable to surprise them and regain theprisoners. They however, came so nearly upon them, on the LittleKenhawa, [15] that they were forced to fly precipitately, leaving theplunder and seven horses which they had taken from the settlement:these were retaken and brought back. 

In May, as John McIntire and his wife were returning from a visit, they passed through the yard of Uriah Ashcraft; and in a small spaceof time after, Mr. Ashcraft, startled by the sudden growling andspringing up of one of his dogs, stepped quickly to the door to seewhat had aroused him. He had hardly reached the door, when he espiedan Indian on the outside with his gun presented. Closing and makingfast the door, he ascended the stairs that he might the better fireupon the unwelcome intruder; and after snapping three several times, and having discovered that there were other Indians in the yard, heraised a loud shout to apprize those who were within the sound of hisvoice, that he was surrounded by danger. Upon this the Indians movedoff; and three brothers of McIntire coming to his relief, they allpursued the trail of the savages. About a mile from Ashcraft's, theyfound the body of John McIntire, tomahawked, scalped, and stripped;and concluding that Mrs. McIntire, was taken prisoner, they sentintelligence to Clarksburg of what had happened, and requestedassistance to follow the Indians and recover the prisoner fromcaptivity. The desired assistance was immediately afforded; and acompany of men, led on by Col. John Haymond and Col. George Jackson, went in pursuit. On Middle Island creek, [16] before they were aware oftheir proximity to the savages, they were fired upon by them, and[295] two of the party very narrowly escaped being shot. --A ballpassed through the hankerchief on the head of Col. Haymond, andanother through the sleeve of Col. Jackson's shirt. The fire waspromptly returned, and the men rushed forward. The Indians however, made good their retreat, though not without having experienced someinjury; as was discovered by the blood, and the throwing down some ofthe plunder which they had taken. It was here first ascertained thatMrs. McIntire had been killed, --her scalp being among the thingsleft--and on the return of the party, her body was found some smalldistance from where that of her husband had been previouslydiscovered. 

Towards the last of June, another party of Indians invaded thesettlement on Dunkard creek, in the county of Monongalia. Early in themorning, as Mr. Clegg, Mr. Handsucker, and two of Handsucker's sonswere engaged at work in a cornfield near the house, they were shot atby some concealed savages, and Handsucker was wounded and soonovertaken. Clegg and Handsucker's sons ran towards the house, and theformer entering it, defended it for a while; but confident that hewould soon be driven out by fire, he surrendered on condition thatthey would spare his life and that of his little daughter with him. The boys passed the house, but were taken by some of the savages whowere also concealed in the direction which they ran, and who had justmade captive Mrs. Handsucker and her infant. They then plundered andset fire to the house, caught the horses and made off with theprisoners, leaving one of their company, as usual, to watch aftertheir retreat. 

When the firing was first heard, Mrs. Clegg being some distance fromthe house, concealed herself in the creek, under some projectingbushes, until every thing became quiet. She then crept out, butperceiving the Indian who had remained near the burning house, shetook to flight; and he having at the same time discovered her, ran inpursuit. She was so far in advance, and ran so well, that the savage, despairing of overtaking her, raised his gun and fired as she ran. Theball just grazed the top of her shoulder, but not impeding her flight, she got safely off. Mr. Handsucker, his wife and child, were murderedon the dividing ridge between Dunkard and Fish creeks. [17] Mr. Cleggafter some time got back, and upon the close of the Indian war, ransomed his two daughters. 

[296] In the month of September Nicholas Carpenter set off to Mariettawith a drove of cattle to sell to those who had established themselvesthere; and when within some miles from the Ohio river, encamped forthe night. [18] In the morning early, and while he and the drovers wereyet dressing, they were alarmed by a discharge of guns, which killedone and wounded another of his party. The others endeavored to savethemselves by flight; but Carpenter being a cripple (because of awound received some years before) did not run far, when findinghimself becoming faint, he entered a pond of water where he fondlyhoped he should escape observation. But no! both he and a son who hadlikewise sought security there, were discovered, tomahawked andscalped. George Legget, one of the drovers, was never after heard of;but Jesse Hughes succeeded in getting off though under disadvantageouscircumstances. He wore long leggins, and when the firing commenced atthe camp, they were fastened at top to his belt, but hanging loosebelow. Although an active runner, yet he found that the pursuers weregaining and must ultimately overtake him if he did not rid himself ofthis incumbrance. For this purpose he halted somewhat and stepping onthe lower part of his leggins, broke the strings which tied them tohis belt; but before he accomplished this, one of the savagesapproached and hurled a tomahawk at him. It merely grazed his head, and he then again took to flight and soon got off. 

It was afterwards ascertained that the Indians by whom this mischiefwas effected, had crossed the Ohio river near the mouth of LittleKenhawa, where they took a negro belonging to Captain James Neal, andcontinued on towards the settlements on West Fork, until they cameupon the trail made by Carpenter's cattle. Supposing that theybelonged to families moving, they followed on until they came upon thedrovers; and tying the negro to a sapling made an attack on them. Thenegro availed himself of their employment elsewhere, and loosing thebands which fastened him, returned to his master. 

After the defeat of General Harmer, the terrors and the annoyanceproceeding from Indian hostilities, still continued to harrassKentucky, and to spread destruction over its unprotected portions. Seeing that the expeditions of the savages were yet conducted on asmall scale, the better to effect their purposes, the inhabitants hadrecourse to other measures [297] of defence; and established manyposts on the frontier, garrisoned by a few men, to watch the motionsof the enemy, and intercept them in their progress, or spread thealarm of their approach. It was productive of but little benefit, andall were convinced, that successful offensive war could alone givesecurity from Indian aggression. Convinced of this, preparations weremade by the General Government for another campaign to be carried onagainst them; the objects of which were the destruction of the Indianvillages between the Miamies; the expulsion of their inhabitants fromthe country, and the establishment of a chain of forts to preventtheir return, until a general peace should give promise of a cessationof hostilities on their part. Means, deemed adequate to theaccomplishment of those objects, were placed by Congress at thedisposal of the executive, and of the army destined to effect them, hedirected General Arthur St. Clair to take the command. [19]

It was some time before the troops detailed for this campaign, couldbe assembled at Fort Washington; but as soon as they rendezvousedthere, the line of march was taken up. [20] Proceeding immediately forthe principal establishments of the Indians on the Miami, General St. Clair had erected the Forts Hamilton and Jefferson, [21] and placingsufficient garrisons in each, continued his march. The opening of aroad for the passage of the troops and artillery, necessarily consumedmuch time; and while it was in progress, small parties of the enemywere often seen hovering near, and some unimportant skirmishes tookplace; and as the army approached the Indian villages, sixty of themilitia deserted in a body. To prevent the evil influence of thisexample, General St. Clair despatched Major Hamtrack at the head of aregiment, to overtake and bring them back; and the rest of the armymoved forward. 

On the night of the third of November, General St. Clair encamped nearthe Great Miami village, and notwithstanding the reduced state of theforces under his command, (by reason of the detachment of so large abody in pursuit of the deserters, ) he proposed to march in the morningdirectly to its attack. [22] Having understood that the Indians werecollected in great force, and apprehensive of a night attack, his menwere drawn up in a square, and kept under arms until the return ofday, when they were dismissed from parade for [298] the purpose ofrefreshment. Directly after, and about half an hour before sun rise, an attack was begun by the Indians on the rear line, and the militiathere immediately gave way, and retreated, --rushing through abattalion of regulars, to the very centre of the camp. The confusionwas great. Thrown into disorder by the tumultuous flight of themilitia, the utmost exertion of the officers could not entirelycompose the regulars, so as to render them as effective as they wouldotherwise have been. 

After the first fire, the Indians rushed forward, tomahawk in hand, until they were checked by the well directed aim of the front line;which being almost simultaneously attacked by another body of theenemy, had to direct their attention to their own assailants, and theaction became general. The weight of the enemy being brought to bearon the centre of each line where the artillery had been placed, themen were driven with great slaughter from the guns and these rendereduseless by the killing of the matrosses. The enemy taking advantage ofthis state of things, pushed forward upon the lines, and confusionbegan to spread itself in every quarter. A charge was ordered, andLieutenant Colonel Drake succeeded in driving back the Indians threeor four hundred yards at the point of the bayonet; but rallying, theyreturned to the attack, and the troops in turn gave way. At thismoment the camp was entered by the left flank: and, another charge wasdirected. This was made by Butler and Clark's battalions with greateffect, and repeated several times with success; but in each of thesecharges, many being killed, and particularly the officers, it wasimpossible longer to sustain the conflict, and a retreat wasdirected. 

To enable the troops to effect this they were again formed into line, as well as could be under such circumstances, and another charge wasmade, as if to turn the right flank of the enemy, but in reality togain the road. This object was effected; and a precipitate flightcommenced which continued until they reached Fort Jefferson, adistance of thirty miles, the men throwing away their guns andaccoutrements as they ran. 

Great was the havoc done by the Indians in this engagement. Of thetwelve hundred men engaged under General St. Clair, nearly six hundredwere left dead on the field, and many were wounded. Every officer ofthe second regiment [299] was killed in the various charges made by itto retrieve the day, except three, and one of these was shot throughthe body. Major General Butler having been wounded, and carried to aconvenient place to have his wounds dressed, an Indian desperatelyadventurous, broke through the guard in attendance, rushed up, tomahawked and scalped him, before his own life paid the forfeit ofhis rashness. General St. Clair had many narrow escapes. [23] Early inthe action, a number of savages surrounded his tent and seemedresolved on entering it and sacrificing him. They were with difficultyrestrained by some regular soldiers at the point of the bayonet. During the engagement eight balls passed through his clothes, andwhile the troops were retreating, having had his own horse killed, andbeing mounted on a sorry beast, "which could not be pricked out of awalk, " he had to make his way to Fort Jefferson as he could, considerably in the rear of the men. During the action AdjutantBulgess received a severe wound, but yet continued to fight withdistinguished gallantry. Presently a second shot took effect and hefell. A woman who was particularly attached to him had accompanied himin the campaign, raised him up, and while supporting him in her arms, received a ball in the breast which killed her instantly. 

The Chicasaws were then in amity with the whites, and some of theirwarriors were to have cooperated with Gen. St. Clair, but did notarrive in time. There was however one of that nation in theengagement, and he killed and scalped eleven of the enemy with his ownhands, and while engaged with the twelfth was himself killed, to theregret of those who witnessed his deeds of daring and of courage. 

According to the statement of the Indians, they killed six hundred andtwenty of the American troops, and took seven pieces of cannon, twohundred head of oxen, many horses, but no prisoners. [24] They gavetheir own loss in killed at only sixty-five; but it was no doubt muchgreater. Their force consisted of four thousand warriors, and was ledon by a Missasago chief who had served with the British in the latewar; and who planned and conducted the attack contrary to the opinionof a majority of the chiefs, who yet, having such confidence in hisskill and judgment, yielded their individual plans and gave to him theentire control of their movements. He is reported to have caused thesavages to forbear the pursuit of the retreating troops; telling themthat they had killed enough, and it was time to enjoy the booty theyhad gained with the victory. He was then about forty-five years ofage, six feet in height, and of a [300] sour, morose countenance. Hisdress was Indian leggins and moccasons, a blue petticoat coming halfway down his thighs, and European waistcoat and surtout. His head wasbound with an Indian cap, reaching midway his back, and adorned withupwards of two hundred silver ornaments. In each ear he had two earrings, the upper part of each of which was formed of three silvermeddles of the size of a dollar; the lower part consisted of quartersof dollars, and more than a foot in length; one from each ear hangingdown his breast, --the others over his back. In his nose he woreornaments of silver curiously wrought and painted. 

Two days after the action the warriors from the Chicasaw nationarrived at Fort Jefferson, under the command of Piomingo, or the"Mountain Leader. " On their march they heard of the fatal battle, andsaw one of the enemy; who mistaking Piomingo's party for some of hisown comrades, made up to them. He discovered the mistake when it wastoo late to rectify it. Piomingo accosted him in harsh tones, saying--"Rascal, you have been killing the whites, " and immediatelyordered two of his warriors to expand his arms, and a third to shoothim. This was done and his scalp taken. 

After the disastrous termination of this campaign, [25] the inhabitantsof Kentucky were as much as, or perhaps more than ever, exposed tosavage enmity and those incursions which mark the bitterness of Indianresentment. Soon after the retreat of the army under Gen. Sinclair, aparty of them came upon Salt river, where two men and some boys werefishing; and falling suddenly upon them killed the men and madeprisoners of the boys. They then liberated one of the boys, and givinghim a tomahawk, directed him to go home; shew it to his friends;inform them what had been the fate of his companions, and what theywere to expect for their own. The threat was fearfully executed. Manyfamilies were entirely cut off and many individuals sacrificed totheir fury. Companies of Indians were constantly traversing thecountry in secret, and committing depredations, wherever they supposedit could be done with impunity. A remarkable instance of their failureand suffering in attempting to form an entrance into a house where wasan almost unprotected family, deserves to be particularly mentioned. 

On the 24th of December 1791, a party of savages attacked the house ofJohn Merril, in Nelson county. Mr. Merril, alarmed by the barking ofthe dogs, hastened to the door to learn the cause. --On opening it, hewas fired at by two Indians and his leg and arm were both broken. Thesavages then ran forward to enter the house, but before they could dothis, the door was closed and secured by Mrs. Merril and her daughter. After a fruitless attempt to force it open, they commenced hewing offa part of it with their tomahawks, and when a passage was thus opened, one of them attempted to enter through it. The heroic Mrs. Merril, inthe midst of her screaming and affrighted children, and her groaningsuffering husband, seized an axe, gave the ruffian a fatal blow, and[301] instantly drew him into the house. Supposing that their end wasnow nearly attained, the others pressed forward to gain admittancethrough the same aperture. Four of them were in like manner despatchedby Mrs. Merril, before their comrades were aware that any oppositionwas making in the house. Discovering their mistake the survivorsretired for awhile, and returning, two of them endeavored to gainadmittance by climbing to the top of the house, and descending in thechimney, while the third was to exert himself at the door. Satisfiedfrom the noise on the top of the house, of the object of the Indians, Mr. Merril directed his little son to rip open a bed and cast itscontents on the fire. This produced the desired effect. --The smoke andheat occasioned by the burning of the feathers brought the two Indiansdown, rather unpleasantly; and Mr. Merril somewhat recovered, exertedevery faculty, and with a billet of wood soon despatched those halfsmothered devils. Mrs. Merril was all this while busily engaged indefending the door against the efforts of the only remaining savage, whom she at length wounded so severely with the axe, that he was gladto get off alive. 

A prisoner, who escaped from the Indians soon after the happening ofthis transaction, reported that the wounded savage was the only one, of a party of eight, who returned to their towns; that on being askedby some one, "what news, "--he replied, "bad news for poor Indian, melose a son, me lose a brother, --the squaws have taken the breechclout, and fight worse than the Long Knives. "

The frequent commission of the most enormous outrages, led to anexpedition against the Indians, carried on by the inhabitants ofKentucky alone. An army of one thousand mounted volunteers wasraised, and the command of it being given to Gen. Scott, he marchedimmediately for their towns. [26] When near them, he sent out two spiesto learn the state of the enemy; who reported that they had seen alarge body of Indians, not far from the fatal spot where St. Clair'sbloody battle had been fought, enjoying themselves with the plunderthere taken, riding the oxen, and acting in every respect as if drunk. Gen. Scott immediately gave orders to move forward briskly; andarranging his men into three divisions, soon came upon and attackedthe savages. The contest was short but decisive. --Two hundred of theenemy were killed on the spot, the cannon and such of the other storesas were in their possession, retaken, and the savage forces completelyrouted. The loss of the Kentuckians was inconsiderable, --only six menwere killed and but few wounded. 

Gen. Scott on his return, gave an affecting account of the appearanceof the field, where Gen. St. Clair had been encountered by thesavages. "The plain, " said he, "had a very melancholy appearance. Inthe space of three hundred and fifty yards, lay three hundred skullbones, which were buried by my men while on the ground; from thencefor miles on, and the road was strewed with skeletons, muskets, &c. " Astriking picture of the desolation wrought there on the bloody fourthof November. 

----- [1] The "Wilderness Road" (or "trace") was the overland highway through Cumberland Gap. It was sometimes called "Boone's trace. " From North Carolina and Southern Virginia, it was the nearest road to Kentucky; to those living farther north, the Ohio was the favorite highway. While the river was an easier path, it was more dangerous on account of Indians: but travelers of the early period who had come down the Ohio, preferred returning east by the Wilderness Road to poling up stream. See Thomas Speed's _Wilderness Road_, in the Filson Club publications (Louisville, 1886. )--R. G. T. 

 [2] Col. William Christian, who served in Lord Dunmore's War. He was killed in April, 1786. John May, writing to Governor Henry from Crab Orchard, Ky. , April 19, says: "The Indians about the Wabash had frequently been on Bear Grass, and Col. Christian, in order to induce others to go in pursuit of them, has upon every occasion gone himself. And last week he with about twenty men crossed the Ohio, and overtook three Indians, whom they killed; but his men not obeying his orders, which were to rush altogether on them, he with three others only overtook the Indians, and was so unfortunate as to receive a mortal wound himself and Capt. Isaac Kellar received another. "--R. G. T. 

 [3] The time for rendezvous was September 10, 1786 (letter of Col. Levi Todd to Governor Henry, August 29). --R. G. T. 

 [4] Clark was roundly scored in contemporary accounts, for being much of the time under the influence of liquor. His futile expedition was against the Indians around Vincennes, while Logan's party, which appears practically to have revolted from Clark, had a successful campaign against the towns on Mad River. See Green's _Spanish Conspiracy_, ch. V. , and Roosevelt's _Winning of the West_, iii. , _passim_. --R. G. T. 

 [5] Col. Benjamin Logan to Governor Randolph, Dec. 17, 1786: "Sept. 14, 1786, I received orders [from Clark] to collect a sufficient number of men in the District of Kentucky to march against the Shawnee's Towns. Agreeable to said orders I collected 790 men, and on the 6th of October I attacked the above mentioned Towns, killed ten of the chiefs of that nation, captured thirty-two prisoners, burnt upwards of two hundred dwelling houses and supposed to have burnt fifteen thousand bushels of corn, took some horses and cattle, killed a number of hogs, and took near one thousand pounds value of Indian furniture, and the quantity of furniture we burnt I can not account for. " The force was on duty "not above twenty-seven days . . . And I would venture to say the expenses will be found to be very moderate. "--R. G. T. 

 [6] William Lytle, born in Carlisle, Pa. , September 1, 1770. He came to Ohio with his father, at the age of ten, and subsequently became surveyor-general of the Northwest Territory. His father served as a captain in the French and Indian War, and as a colonel in the Revolution, and headed a large colony to Ohio in 1780. --R. G. T. 

 [7] This name is sometimes written Magery. It is the same individual who caused the disaster at the Blue Licks in August 1782. 

 [8] The treaty with the Shawnees was negotiated January 30, 1786, at Fort Finney, near the mouth of the Great Miami, by George Rogers Clark, Richard Butler, and Samuel H. Parsons, commissioners. The treaty with the Wyandots, Delawares, Chippewas, and Ottawas was negotiated at Fort McIntosh, January 21, 1785, by Clark, Butler, and Arthur Lee. These treaties were of little avail, so long as British agents like McKee, Elliott, and Simon Girty lived among the Indians and kept them in a constant ferment against the Americans. --R. G. T. 

 [9] The several states which, under their colonial charters had claims to territory beyond the Ohio River, --Virginia, New York, Connecticut, and Massachusetts, --had (1781-84) relinquished their several claims to the newly-formed United States, and the Ordinance of 1787 had provided for this Northwest Territory an enlightened form of government which was to be the model of the constitutions of the five states into which it was ultimately to be divided. There was formed in Boston, in March, 1786, the Ohio Company of Associates, and October 17, 1787, it purchased from Congress a million and a half acres in the new territory, about the mouth of the Muskingum. Many of the shareholders were Revolutionary soldiers, and great care was taken to select only good men as colonists--oftentimes these were the best and most prosperous men of their several localities. Gen. Rufus Putnam, a cousin of Israel, and a near friend of Washington, was chosen as superintendent of the pioneers. Two parties--one rendezvousing at Danvers, Mass. , and the other at Hartford, Conn. --arrived after a difficult passage through the mountains at Simrall's Ferry (now West Newton), on the Youghiogheny, the middle of February, 1788. A company of boat-builders and other mechanics had preceded them a month, yet it was still six weeks more before the little flotilla could leave: "The Union Gally of 45 tons burden; the Adelphia ferry boat, 3 tons; & three log canoes of different sizes. No. Of pioneers, 48. " The winter had been one of the severest known on the Upper Ohio, and the spring was cold, wet, and backward; so that amid many hardships it was the seventh of April before they arrived at the Muskingum and founded Marietta, named for the unfortunate Marie Antoinette, for the love of France was still strong in the breasts of Revolutionary veterans. --R. G. T. 

 [10] Perhaps there never was a more strange compound derivative term than this. Being situated opposite to the mouth of Licking, the name was made expressive of its locality, by uniting the Latin word _os_, (the mouth) with the Greek, _anti_ (opposite) and the French, _ville_, (a town, ) and prefixing to this union from such different sources, the initial (_L_) of the river. The author of this word, must have been good at invention, and in these days of _town making_ could find ample employment for his talent. 

 [11] In 1788, John Cleves Symmes--uncle of he of "Symmes's Hole"--the first United States judge of the Northwest Territory, purchased from congress a million acres of land on the Ohio, lying between the two Miami Rivers. Matthias Denman bought from him a square mile at the eastern end of the grant, "on a most delightful high bank" opposite the Licking, and--on a cash valuation for the land of two hundred dollars--took in with him as partners Robert Patterson and John Filson. Filson was a schoolmaster, had written the first history of Kentucky, and seems to have enjoyed much local distinction. To him was entrusted the task of inventing a name for the settlement which the partners proposed to plant here. The outcome was "Losantiville, " a pedagogical hash of Greek, Latin, and French: _L_, for Licking; _os_, Greek for mouth; _anti_, Latin for opposite; _ville_, French for city--Licking-opposite-City, or City-opposite-Licking, whichever is preferred. This was in August; the Fates work quickly, for in October poor Filson was scalped by the Indians in the neighborhood of the Big Miami, before a settler had yet been enticed to Losantiville. But the survivors knew how to "boom" a town; lots were given away by lottery to intending actual settlers, who moved thither late in December or early in January, and in a few months Judge Symmes was able to write that "it populates considerably. "

 A few weeks previous to the planting of Losantiville, a party of men from Redstone had settled at the mouth of the Little Miami, about where the suburb of California now is; and a few weeks later, a third colony was started by Symmes himself at North Bend, near the Big Miami, at the western extremity of his grant, and this the judge wished to make the capital of the new Northwest Territory. At first it was a race between these three colonies. A few miles below North Bend, Fort Finney had been built in 1785-86, hence the Bend had at first the start; but a high flood dampened its prospects, the troops were withdrawn from this neighborhood to Louisville, and in the winter of 1789-90 Fort Washington was built at Losantiville by General Harmar. The neighborhood of the new fortress became in the ensuing Indian war the center of the district. To Losantiville, with its fort, came Arthur St. Clair, the new governor of the Northwest Territory (January, 1790), and making his headquarters here, laid violent hands on Filson's invention, at once changing the name to Cincinnati, in honor of the Society of the Cincinnati, of which the new official was a prominent member--"so that, " Judge Symmes sorrowfully writes, "Losantiville will become extinct. " It was a winter of suffering for the Western Cincinnati. The troops were in danger of starvation, and three professional hunters were contracted with to supply them with game, till corn could come in from Columbia and other older settlements on the river. --R. G. T. 

 [12] Col. Josiah Harmar's militia were from Virginia, Kentucky, and Pennsylvania. He left Fort Washington (Cincinnati), October 3. At this time the Miami Indians had seven villages in the neighborhood of the junction of St. Joseph and St. Mary's, which streams unite to form the Maumee. The village which lay in the forks of the St. Joseph and the Maumee, was the principal; one in the forks of the St. Mary's and the Maumee, which was called Kekionga, had 30 houses; at Chillicothe, on the north bank of the Maumee, were 58 houses, and opposite these 18 houses. The Delawares had two villages on the St. Mary's, 45 houses in all, and a town on the St. Joseph of 36 houses. --R. G. T. 

 [13] A third expedition, under Maj. J. F. Hamtramck, went against the Wabash Indians, successfully destroyed several deserted villages, and reached Vincennes without loss. --R. G. T. 

 [14] In his report to the Secretary of War, October 29, 1790, Governor St. Clair said: "I have the pleasure to inform you of the entire success of Gen. Harmar at the Indian towns on the Miami and St. Joseph Rivers, of which he has destroyed five in number, and a very great quantity of corn and other vegetable provisions. It is supposed that about two hundred of the Indians have likewise fallen in the different encounters that have happened between them and the detachment, for there has been no general action; but it has not been without considerable loss on our part. . . . Of the Federal troops, Major Wyllys and Lieutenant Frothingham and seventy-seven men; of the militia, Major Fontaine, Captain McMurtry, and Captain Scott, a son of General Scott, and seventy-three men, are among the slain. "--R. G. T. 

 [15] Thirteen miles below Marietta. --R. G. T. 

 [16] Eighteen miles above Marietta, and one above St. Mary's, W. Va. --R. G. T. 

 [17] Dunkard Creek flows eastward into the Monongahela. Fish Creek flows southwestward into the Ohio, emptying 113 miles below Pittsburg, and 58 above Marietta. A famous Indian war-trail ran up Fish and down Dunkard--a short-cut from Ohio to the western borders of Pennsylvania and Virginia. --R. G. T. 

 [18] Soon after the establishment of Marietta, a rude wagon road was opened through the forest between that colony and Redstone (Brownsville, Pa. ) This was the road Carpenter was following. --R. G. T. 

 [19] With Gen. Richard Butler, who was killed in the final battle, second in command. --R. G. T. 

 [20] Early in September, 1791. St. Clair had 2, 000 men, fifty per cent less than had been promised him by the war department. --R. G. T. 

 [21] Fort Hamilton, a stockade with four bastions, was on the Big Miami, 24 miles from Fort Washington (Cincinnati), on the site of the present Hamilton, O. Fort Jefferson, built of logs laid horizontally, was six miles south of the present Greenville, O. The army left Fort Jefferson, October 24. --R. G. T. 

 [22] The army then numbered 1, 400 men, and was encamped at the site of the present Fort Recovery, O. , 55 miles away, as the crow flies, from the head of the Maumee, the objective point of the expedition. --R. G. T. 

 [23] He lay sick in his tent, when the action opened, but arose and acted with remarkable courage throughout the fight. General Butler was acting commandant while St. Clair was ill, and was credibly informed by his scouts, the night before the battle, of the proximity of the enemy. But he took no precautions against surprise, neither did he communicate his news to his superior. Upon Butler's head appears to rest much of the blame for the disaster. --R. G. T. 

 [24] The Americans lost 37 officers and 593 men, killed and missing, and 31 officers and 252 men, wounded. See _St. Clair Papers_, edited by William Henry Smith (Cincinnati: Robert Clarke & Co. , 1882), for official details of the disaster. For Simon Girty's part, consult Butterfield's _History of the Girtys, passim. _--R. G. T. 

 [25] St. Clair arrived at Fort Washington, on his return, November 8--R. G. T. 

 [26] This expedition under Gen. Charles Scott, one of the Kentucky committee of safety, was made in June, 1791, against the Miami and Wabash Indians. It was followed in August by a second expedition under Gen. James Wilkinson. In the course of the second campaign, at the head of 500 Kentuckians, Wilkinson laid waste the Miami village of L'Anguille, killing and capturing 42 of the savages. --R. G. T. 

[302] CHAPTER XVIII. 

Neither the signal success of the expedition under General Scott, northe preparations which were being made by the general government, forthe more rigorous prosecution of the war against them, caused theIndians to relax their exertions to harrass the frontier inhabitants. The ease with which they had overcome the two armies sent against themunder Harmar and St. Clair, inspired them with contempt for ourtroops, and induced a belief of their own invincibility, if practisingthe vigilance necessary to guard against a surprise. To the want ofthis vigilance, they ascribed the success of Gen. Scott; and deemingit necessary only to exercise greater precaution to avoid similarresults, they guarded more diligently the passes into their country, while discursive parties of their warriors would perpetrate theiraccustomed acts of aggression upon the persons and property of thewhites. 

About the middle of May, 1792, a party of savages came upon a branchof Hacker's creek, and approaching late in the evening a fieldrecently cleared by John Waggoner, found him seated on a log, restinghimself after the labors of the day. In this company of Indians wasthe since justly celebrated General Tecumseh, who leaving hiscompanions to make sure of those in the house, placed his gun on thefence and fired deliberately at Waggoner. The leaden messenger ofdeath failed of its errand, and passing through the sleeve of hisshirt, left Waggoner uninjured, to try his speed with the Indian. Taking a direction opposite the house, to avoid coming in contact withthe savages there, he outstripped his pursuer, and got safely off. 

[303] In the mean time, those who had been left to operate againstthose of the family who were at the house, finding a small boy in theyard, killed and scalped him; and proceeding on, made prisoners ofMrs. Waggoner and her six children, and departed immediately withthem, lest the escape of her husband, should lead to their instantpursuit. They were disappointed in this expectation. A company ofmen was soon collected, who repaired to the then desolate mansion, and from thence followed on the trail of the savages. About a milefrom the house, one of the children was found where its brains hadbeen beaten out with a club, and the scalp torn from its head. Asmall distance farther, lay Mrs. Waggoner and two others of herchildren, --their lifeless bodies mangled in the most barbarous andshocking manner. Having thus freed themselves from the principalimpediments to a rapid retreat, the savages hastened on; and thepursuit was unavailing. They reached their towns with the remainingprisoners--two girls and a boy--and avoided chastisement for theoutrage. The elder of the two girls did not long remain with them;but escaping to the neighborhood of Detroit with another femaleprisoner, continued there until after the treaty of 1795. Her sisterabided with her captors 'till the close of the war; and the boy untilduring the war of 1812. He was then seen among some friendlyIndians, and bearing a strong resemblance in features to hisfather, was recognized as Waggoner's captive son. He had married asquaw, by whom he had several children, was attached to his mannerof life, and for a time resisted every importunity, to withdrawhimself from among them. When his father visited him, it was withdifficulty he was enticed to return to the haunts of his childhood, and the associates of his younger days, even on a temporary visit. When however he did return to them, the attention and kindlyconduct of his friends, prevailed with him to remain, until hemarried and took up his permanent abode amid the habitations ofcivilized men. Still with the feelings natural to a father, hisheart yearns towards his children in the forest; and at times heseems to lament that he ever forsook them. [1]

In the summer of this year, a parcel of horses were taken from theWest Fork, and the Indians who had stolen them, being discovered asthey were retiring, they were pursued by Captain Coburn, who wasstationed at the mouth of Little [304] Kenhawa with a party of men asscouts. Following them across the Ohio river, he overtook them somedistance in the Indian country, and retaking the horses, returned tohis station. Hitherto property recovered from the savages, had beeninvariably restored to those from whom it had been stolen; but on thepresent occasion a different course was pursued. Contending that theyreceived compensation for services rendered by them in Virginia, andwere not bound to treat without its limits in pursuit of the savagesor to retake the property of which they had divested its rightfulowners, they claimed the horses as plunder taken from the Indians, sold them, and divided the proceeds of sale among themselves--much tothe dissatisfaction of those from whom the savages had taken them. [2]

In the course of the ensuing fall, Henry Neal, William Triplett andDaniel Rowell, from Neal's station ascended the Little Kenhawa incanoes to the mouth of the Burning Spring run, from whence theyproceeded on a Buffoloe hunt in the adjoining woods. But they had beenseen as they plied their canoes up the river, by a party of Indians, who no sooner saw them placed in a situation favoring the bloodypurposes of their hearts, than they fired upon them. Neal and Triplettwere killed, and fell into the river. --Rowell was missed and escapedby swimming the Kenhawa, the Indians shooting at him as he swam. In afew days after the dead were found in a ripple and buried. TheIndians had not been able to draw them from their watery grave, andobtain their scalps. 

During this year unsuccessful attempts were made by the generalgovernment, to terminate Indian hostilities by negotiation. They weretoo much elated with their recent success, to think of burying theirresentments in a treaty of peace; and so little did they fear theoperation of the governmental forces, and such was their confidence intheir own strength, that they not only refused to negotiate at all, but put to death two of those who were sent to them as messengers ofpeace. Major Truman and Col. Hardin, severally sent upon this mission, were murdered by them; and when commissioners to treat with them, werereceived by them, their only answer was, a positive refusal to enterinto a treaty. [3]

When this determination was made known to the President, everyprecaution which could be used, was taken by him to prevent therecurrence of these enormities which were daily committed on the[305] frontier, and particularly in the new state of Kentucky. Gen. St. Clair, after having asked that a court of enquiry should be held, to consider of his conduct in the campaign of 1791, and findingthat his request could not be granted, resigned the command of thearmy, and was succeeded by Gen. Anthony Wayne. That the operationsof the army might not be defeated as heretofore, by a too greatreliance on undisciplined militia, it was recommended to Congress toauthorize the raising of three additional regiments of regularsoldiers; and the bill for complying with this recommendation, notwithstanding it was strenuously opposed by a strong partyhostile to the then administration, was finally passed. [4]

The forts Hamilton and Jefferson, erected by Gen. St. Clair, continuedto be well garrisoned; but there was some difficulty in supplyingthem with provisions--the Indians being always in readiness tointercept them on their way. As early as April 1792, they taughtus the necessity of having a strong guard to escort supplies withsafety, by a successful attack on Major Adair; who with onehundred and twenty volunteers from Kentucky, had charge of a numberof pack horses laden with provisions. He was engaged by a body ofsavages, not much superior in number, and although he was undercover of Fort St. Clair, yet did they drive him into the fort, andcarry off the provisions and pack horses. The courage and bolddaring of the Indians, was eminently conspicuous on this occasion. They fought with nearly equal numbers, against a body of troops, better tutored in the science of open warfare, well mounted andequipped, armed with every necessary weapon, and almost under theguns of the fort. And they fought successfully, --killing one captainand ten privates, wounding several, and taking property estimatedto be worth fifteen thousand dollars. Nothing seemed to abate theirardor for war. Neither the strong garrisons placed in the fortserected so far in advance of the settlements, nor the greatpreparations which were making for striking an effectual blow atthem, caused them for an instant to slacken in hostilities, or checktheir movements against the frontier. 

In the spring of 1793, a party of warriors proceeding towards the headwaters of the Monongahela river, discovered a marked way, leading adirection which they did not know to be inhabited by whites. It led toa settlement which had been recently made on Elk river, by Jeremiahand Benjamin Carpenter and a few others from Bath county, and who hadbeen particularly careful to make nor leave any path which might leadto a discovery of their situation, but Adam O'Brien moving into thesame section of country in the spring of 1792, and being rather anindifferent woodsman, incautiously blazed the trees in severaldirections so as to enable him readily to find his home, when businessor pleasure should have drawn him from it. It was upon one of thesemarked traces that the Indians chanced to fall; and pursuing it, cameto the deserted cabin of [306] O'Brien: he having returned to theinterior, because of his not making a sufficiency of grain for thesubsistence of his family. Proceeding from O'Brien's, they came to theHouse of Benjamin Carpenter, whom they found alone and killed. Mrs. Carpenter being discovered by them, before she was aware of theirpresence, was tomahawked and scalped, a small distance from the yard. 

The burning of Benjamin Carpenter's house, led to a discovery of theseoutrages; and the remaining inhabitants of that neighborhood, remotefrom any fort or populous settlement to which they could fly forsecurity, retired to the mountains and remained for several daysconcealed in a cave. They then caught their horses and moved theirfamilies to the West Fork; and when they visited the places of theirformer habitancy for the purpose of collecting their stock andcarrying it off with their other property, scarce a vestige of themwas to be seen, --the Indians had been there after they left the cave, and burned the houses, pillaged their movable property, and destroyedthe cattle and hogs. 

Among the few interesting incidents which occurred in the uppercountry, during this year, was the captivity and remarkable escape oftwo brothers, John and Henry Johnson:--the former thirteen, the lattereleven years of age. They lived at a station on the west side of theOhio river near above Indian Short creek; and being at some distancefrom the house, engaged in the sportive amusements of youth, becamefatigued and seated themselves on an old log for the purpose ofresting. They presently observed two men coming towards them, whomthey believed to be white men from the station until they approachedso close as to leave no prospect of escape by flight, when to theirgreat grief they saw that two Indians were beside them. They were madeprisoners, and taken about four miles, when after partaking of someroasted meat and parched corn given them by their captors, they werearranged for the night, by being placed between the two Indians andeach encircled in the arms of the one next him. 

Henry, the younger of the brothers, had grieved much at the idea ofbeing carried off by the Indians, and during his short but sorrowfuljourney across the hills, had wept immoderately. John had in vainendeavored to comfort him with the hope that they should be enabled toelude the vigilence of the savages, and to return to the hearth oftheir parents and brethren. He refused to be comforted. --The ugly redman, with his tomahawk and scalping knife, which had been often calledin to quiet the cries of his infancy, was now actually before him; andevery scene of torture and of torment which had been depicted, bynarration, to his youthful eye, was now present to his terrifiedimagination, hightened by the thought that they were about to bere-enacted on himself. In anticipation of this horrid doom for sometime he wept in bitterness and affliction; but

 [307] "The tear down childhood's cheek that flows, Is like the dew drop on the rose;-- When next the summer breeze comes by And waves the bush, the flower is dry. "--

When the fire was kindled at night, the supper prepared and offered tohim, all idea of his future fate was merged in their presentkindness; and Henry soon sunk to sleep, though enclosed in horrid hug, by savage arms. 

It was different with John. He felt the reality of their situation. --Hewas alive to the anguish which he knew would agitate the bosom of hismother, and he thought over the means of allaying it so intensely, that sleep was banished from his eyes. Finding the others all lockedin deep repose, he disengaged himself from the embrace of the savage athis side, and walked to the fire. To test the soundness of theirsleep, he rekindled the dying blaze, and moved freely about it. Allremained still and motionless, --no suppressed breathing, betrayed afeigned repose. He gently twitched the sleeping Henry, and whisperingsoftly in his ear, bade him get up. Henry obeyed, and they both stood bythe fire. "I think, said John, we had better go home now. " "Oh!replied Henry, they will follow and catch us again. " "Never fearthat, rejoined John, we'll kill them before we go. " The idea was forsome time opposed by Henry; but when he beheld the savages so soundlyasleep, and listened to his brother's plan of executing his wish, hefinally consented to act the part prescribed him. 

The only gun which the Indians had, was resting against a tree, at thefoot of which lay their tomahawks. John placed it on a log, with themuzzle near to the head of one of the savages; cocked it, and leavingHenry with his finger to the trigger, ready to pull upon the signalbeing given, he repaired to his own station. Holding in his hand oneof their tomahawks, he stood astride of the other Indian, and as heraised his arm to deal death to the sleeping savage, Henry fired, andshooting off the lower part of the Indian's jaw, called to hisbrother, "_lay on, for I've done for this one_, " seized up the gun andran off. The first blow of the tomahawk took effect on the back of theneck, and was not fatal. The Indian attempted to spring up; but Johnrepeated his strokes with such force and so quickly, that he soonbrought him again to the ground; and leaving him dead proceeded onafter his brother. 

They presently came to a path which they recollected to havetravelled, the preceding evening, and keeping along it, arrived atthe station awhile before day. The inhabitants were however, all upand in much uneasiness for the fate of the boys; and when they camenear and heard a well known voice exclaim in accents of deep distress, "_Poor little fellows, they are killed or taken prisoners_, " Johnreplied aloud, --"No mother, we are here again. "

When the tale of their captivity, and the means by which theirdeliverance was effected, were told, they did not obtain fullcredence. [308] Piqued at the doubts expressed by some, John observed, "you had better go and see. " "But, can you again find the spot, " saidone. "Yes, replied he, I hung my hat up at the turning out place andcan soon shew you the spot. " Accompanied by several of the men, Johnreturned to the theatre of his daring exploits; and the truth of hisstatement received ample confirmation. The savage who had beentomahawked was lying dead by the fire--the other had crawled somedistance; but was tracked by his blood until found, when it was agreedto leave him, "_as he must die at any rate_. "

Companies of rangers had been for several seasons stationed on theOhio river, for the greater security of the persons and property ofthose who resided on and near the frontier. During this year a companywhich had been stationed at the mouth of Fishing creek, [5] and hadremained there until its term of service had expired, determined thenon a scout into the Indian country; and crossing the river, marched onfor some days before they saw any thing which indicated their nearnessto Indians. Pursuing a path which seemed to be much used, they came inview of an Indian camp, and observing another path, which likewiseseemed to be much frequented, Ensign Levi Morgan was sent with adetachment of the men, to see if it would conduct them to where wereothers of the Indians, who soon returned with the information that hehad seen another of their encampments close by. Upon the receipt ofthis intelligence, the Lieutenant was sent forward with a party ofmen to attack the second encampment, while the Captain with theresidue of the company should proceed against that which had beenfirst discovered, and commence an assault on it, when he should hearthe firing of the Lieutenant's party at the camp which he was sent toassail. 

When the second camp was approached and the men posted at intervalsaround it, awaiting the light of day to begin the assault, theLieutenant discovered that there was a greater force of Indians withwhom he would have to contend than was expected, and prudentlyresolved to withdraw his men without coming into collision with them. Orders for this movement were directly given, and the partyimmediately retired. There was however, one of the detachment, who hadbeen posted some small distance in advance of the others withdirections to fire as soon as the Indians should be seen stirring, andwho, unapprized of the withdrawal of the others, [309] maintained hisstation, until he observed a squaw issuing from a camp, when he firedat her and rushed up, expecting to be supported by his comrades. Hefell into the hands of those whom he had thus assailed; but his fatewas far different from what he had every reason to suppose it wouldbe, under those circumstances. It was the hunting camp of Isaac Zane, and the female at whom he had shot was the daughter of Zane; the ballhad slightly wounded her in the wrist. Her father, although he hadbeen with the Indians ever since his captivity when only nine years ofage, had not yet acquired the ferocious and vindictive passions ofthose with whom he had associated; but practising the forbearance andforgiveness of christian and civilized man, generously conducted thewanton assailant so far upon his way, that he was enabled though aloneto reach the settlement in safety. His fate was different from that ofthose, who had been taken prisoners by that part of the company whichremained at the first camp with the Captain. When the Lieutenant withthe detachment, rejoined the others, disappointment at the failure ofthe expedition under him, led some of the men to fall upon the Indianprisoners and inhumanly murder them. 

Notwithstanding that preparations for an active campaign against thesavages was fast ripening to their perfection, and that the troops ofthe general government had penetrated as far as to the field, on whichhad been fought the fatal battle of the fourth of November, 1791, anderected there Fort Recovery, [6] yet did they not cease from theiraccustomed inroads upon the settlements, even after the winter of1793. --In March 1794, a party of them crossed the Ohio river, and asthey were advancing towards the settlements on the upper branches ofthe Monongahela, met with Joseph Cox, then on his way to the mouth ofLeading creek on Little Kenhawa, for a load of furs and skins which hehad left there, at the close of his hunt the preceding fall. Cox veryunexpectedly met them in a narrow pass, and instantly wheeled hishorse to ride off. Endeavoring to stimulate the horse to greater speedby the application of the whip, the animal became stubborn and refusedto go at all, when Cox was forced to dismount and seek safety on foot. His pursuers gained rapidly upon him, and he saw that one of themwould soon overtake him. He faced the savage who was near, and raisedhis gun to fire; but nothing daunted, the Indian rushed forward. Cox'sgun [310] missed fire, and he was instantly a prisoner. He was takento their towns and detained in captivity for some time; but at lengthmade his escape, and returned safely to the settlement. 

On the 24th of July, six Indians visited the West Fork river, and atthe mouth of Freeman's creek, met with, and made prisoner, a daughterof John Runyan. She was taken off by two of the party of savages, butdid not go more than ten or twelve miles, before she was put to death. The four Indians who remained, proceeded down the river and on thenext day came to the house of William Carder, near below the mouth ofHacker's creek. Mr. Carder discovered them approaching, in time tofasten his door; but in the confusion of the minute, shut out two ofhis children, who however ran off unperceived by the savages andarrived in safety at the house of a neighbor. He then commenced firingand hallooing, so as to alarm those who were near and intimidate theIndians. Both objects were accomplished. The Indians contentedthemselves with shooting at the cattle, and then retreated; and Mr. Joseph Chevront, who lived hardby, hearing the report of the guns andthe loud cries of Carder, sent his own family to a place of safety, and with nobleness of purpose, ran to the relief of his neighbor. Heenabled Carder to remove his family to a place of greater security, although the enemy were yet near, and engaged in skinning one of thecattle that they might take with them a supply of meat. On the nextday a company of men assembled, and went in pursuit; but they couldnot trail the savages far, because of the great caution with whichthey had retreated, and returned without accomplishing any thing. 

Two days afterward, when it was believed that the Indians had left theneighborhood, they came on Hacker's creek near to the farm of JacobCozad, and finding four of his sons bathing, took three of themprisoners, and killed the fourth, by repeatedly stabbing him with abayonet attached to a staff. The boys, of whom they made prisoners, were immediately taken to the Indian towns and kept in captivity untilthe treaty of Greenville in 1795. Two of them were then delivered upto their father, who attended to enquire for them, --the third was notheard of for some time after, but was at length found at Sandusky, byhis elder brother and brought home. 

After the victory obtained by General Wayne over the Indians, [311]Jacob Cozad, Jr. Was doomed to be burned to death, in revenge of theloss then sustained by the savages. Every preparation for carryinginto execution this dreadful determination was quickly made. The woodwas piled, the intended victim was apprized of his approaching fate, and before the flaming torch was applied to the faggots, he was toldto take leave of those who were assembled to witness the awfulspectacle. The crowd was great, and the unhappy youth could withdifficulty press his way through them. Amid the jeers and taunts ofthose whom he would address, he was proceeding to discharge the lastsad act of his life, when a female, whose countenance beamed withbenignity, beckoned him to follow her. He did not hesitate. Heapproached as if to bid her farewell, and she succeeded in taking himoff unobserved by the many eyes gazing around, and concealed him in awigwam among some trunks and covered loosely with a blanket. He waspresently missed, and a search immediately made for him. Many passednear in quest of the devoted victim, and he could hear their steps andnote their disappointment. After awhile the uproar ceased, and he feltmore confident of security. In a few minutes more he heard approachingfootsteps and felt that the blanket was removed from him. He turned tosurrender himself to his pursuers, and meet a dreadful death. --But no!they were two of his master's sons who had been directed where to findhim, and they conducted him securely to the Old Delaware town, wherehe remained until carried to camp upon the conclusion of a treaty ofpeace. [7]

In a short time after the happening of the events at Cozad's, a partyof Indians made an irruption upon Tygart's Valley. For some time theinhabitants of that settlement had enjoyed a most fortunate exemptionfrom savage molestation; and although they had somewhat relaxed invigilance, they did not however omit to pursue a course calculated toensure a continuance of their tranquillity and repose. Instead offlying for security, as they had formerly, to the neighboring fortsupon the return of spring, the increase of population and theincreased capacity of the communion to repel aggression, caused themto neglect other acts of precaution, and only to assemble atparticular houses, when danger was believed to be instant and at hand. In consequence of the reports which reached them of the injurieslately committed by the [312] savages upon the West Fork, severalfamilies collected at the house of Mr. Joseph Canaan for mutualsecurity, and while thus assembled, were visited by a party ofIndians, when perfectly unprepared for resistance. The savages enteredthe house awhile after dark, and approaching the bed on which Mr. Canaan was lolling, one of them addressed him with the familiarity ofan old acquaintance and saying "how d'ye do, how d'ye do, " presentedhis hand. Mr. Canaan was rising to reciprocate the greeting, when hewas pierced by a ball discharged at him from another savage, and felldead. The report of the gun at once told, who were the visitors, andput them upon using immediate exertions to effect their safety byflight. A young man who was near when Canaan was shot, aimed at themurderer a blow with a drawing knife, which took effect on the head ofthe savage and brought him to the ground. Ralston then escaped throughthe door, and fled in safety, although fired at as he fled. 

When the Indians entered the house, there was a Mrs. Ward sitting inthe room. So soon as she observed that the intruders were savages, shepassed into another apartment with two of the children, and going outwith them through a window, got safely away. Mr. Lewis (brother toMrs. Canaan) likewise escaped from a back room, in which he had beenasleep at the firing of the gun. Three children were tomahawked andscalped, --Mrs. Canaan made prisoner, and the savages withdrew. Thesevere wound inflicted on the head of the Indian by Ralston, made itnecessary that they should delay their return to their towns, untilhis recovery; and they accordingly remained near the head of themiddle fork of Buchannon, for several weeks. Their extreme caution intravelling, rendered any attempt to discover them unavailing; and whentheir companion was restored they proceeded on, uninterruptedly. Onthe close of the war, Mrs. Canaan was redeemed from captivity by abrother from Brunswick, in New Jersey, and restored to her survivingfriends. 

Thus far in the year 1794, the army of the United States had not beenorganised for efficient operations. Gen. Wayne had been activelyemployed in the discharge of every preparatory duty devolving on him;and those distinguishing characteristics of uncommon daring andbravery, which had acquired for him the appellation of "_MadAnthony_, " and which [313] so eminently fitted him for the command ofan army warring against savages, gave promise of success to his arms. 

Before the troops marched from Fort Washington, it was deemedadvisable to have an abundant supply of provisions in the differentforts in advance of this, as well for the supply of their respectivegarrisons, as for the subsistence of the general army, in the event ofits being driven into them, by untoward circumstances. With this view, three hundred pack-horses, laden with flour, were sent on to FortRecovery; and, as it was known that considerable bodies of the enemywere constantly hovering about the forts, and awaiting opportunitiesof cutting off any detachments from the main army, Major McMahon, witheighty riflemen under Capt. Hartshorn, and fifty dragoons, under Capt. Taylor, was ordered on as an escort. This force was too great tojustify the savages in making an attack, until they could unite themany war parties which were near;. And before this could be effected, Major McMahon reached his destination. 

On the 30th of July, [8] as the escort was about leaving Fort Recovery, it was attacked by an army of one thousand Indians, in the immediatevicinity of the fort. Captain Hartshorn had advanced only three orfour hundred yards, at the head of the riflemen, when he wasunexpectedly beset on every side. With the most consummate bravery andgood conduct, he maintained the unequal conflict, until Major McMahon, placing himself at the head of the cavalry, charged upon the enemy, and was repulsed with considerable loss. Maj. McMahon, Capt. Taylorand Cornet Terry fell upon the first onset, and many of the privateswere killed or wounded. The whole savage force being now brought topress on Capt. Hartshorn, that brave officer was forced to try andregain the Fort, but the enemy interposed its strength, to preventthis movement. Lieutenant Drake and Ensign Dodd, with twentyvolunteers, marched from Fort Recovery and forcing a passage through acolumn of the enemy at the point of the bayonet, joined the riflecorps, at the instant that Capt. Hartshorn received a shot which brokehis thigh. Lieut. Craig being killed and Lieut. Marks taken prisoner, Lieut. Drake conducted the retreat; and while endeavoring for aninstant to hold the enemy in check, so as to enable the soldiers tobring off their wounded captain, himself received a shot in the groin, and the retreat was resumed, leaving Capt. Hartshorn on the field. 

[314] When the remnant of the troops came within the walls of theFort, Lieut. Michael, who had been early detached by Capt. Hartshornto the flank of the enemy, was found to be missing, and was given upas lost. But while his friends were deploring his unfortunate fate, he and Lieut. Marks, who had been early taken prisoner, were seenrushing through the enemy, from opposite directions towards the Fort. They gained it safely, notwithstanding they were actively pursued, and many shots fired at them. Lieut. Marks had got off by knockingdown the Indian who held him prisoner; and Lieut. Michael had lostall of his party, but three men. The entire loss of the Americans wastwenty-three killed, and forty wounded. [9] The riflemen brought inten scalps which were taken early in the action; beyond this theenemy's loss was never ascertained. Many of them were no doubtkilled and wounded, as they advanced in solid columns up to thevery muzzles of the guns, and were afterwards seen carrying off manyof their warriors on pack horses. 

At length Gen. Wayne put the army over which he had been given thecommand, in motion;[10] and upon its arrival at the confluence of theAu Glaize and the Miami of the Lakes, another effort was made for theattainment of peace, without the effusion of blood. Commissioners weresent forward to the Indians to effect this desirable object; whoexhorted them to listen to their propositions for terminating the war, and no longer to be deluded by the counsels of white emissaries, whohad not the power to afford them protection; but only sought toinvolve the frontier of the United States in a war, from which muchevil, but no good could possibly result to either party. The savageshowever felt confident that success would again attend their arms, andderiving additional incentives to war from their proximity to theBritish fort, recently erected at the foot of the rapids, declined theoverture for peace, and seemed ardently to desire the battle, whichthey knew must soon be fought. 

The Indian army at this time, amounted to about two thousand warriors, and when reconnoitered on the 19th of August were found encamped in athick bushy wood and near to the British Fort. The army of Gen. Waynewas equal in numbers to that of the enemy; and when on the morning ofthe 20th, it took up the line of march, the troops were so disposed asto avoid being surprised, and to come into action on the [315]shortest notice, and under the most favorable circumstances. A selectbattalion of mounted volunteers, commanded by Major Price, moving inadvance of the main army, had proceeded but a few miles, when a fireso severe was aimed at it by the savages concealed, as usual, that itwas forced to fall back. The enemy had chosen their ground with greatjudgment, taking a position behind the fallen timber, [11] which hadbeen prostrated by a tornado, and in a woods so thick as to render itimpracticable for the cavalry to act with effect. They were formedinto three regular lines, much extended in front, within supportingdistance of each other, and reaching about two miles; and their firsteffort was to turn the left flank of the American army. 

Gen. Wayne ordered the first line of his army to advance with trailedarms, to rouse the enemy from their covert at the point of thebayonet, and when up to deliver a close and well directed fire, to befollowed by a charge so brisk as not to allow them time to reload orform their lines. The second line was ordered to the support of thefirst; and Capt. Campbell at the head of the cavalry, and Gen. Scottat the head of the mounted volunteers were sent forward to turn theleft and right wings of the enemy. All these complicated orders werepromptly executed; but such was the impetuosity of the charge made bythe first line of infantry, so completely and entirely was the enemybroken by it, and so rapid the pursuit, that only a small part of thesecond line and of the mounted volunteers were in time to participatein the action, notwithstanding the great exertions of their respectiveofficers to co-operate in the engagement; and in less than one hour, the savages were driven more than two miles and within gunshot of theBritish Fort, by less than one half their numbers. 

Gen. Wayne remained three days on the banks of the Miami, in front ofthe field of battle left to the full and quiet possession of his army, by the flight and dispersion of the savages. In this time, all thehouses and cornfields, both above and below the British Fort, andamong the rest, the houses and stores of Col. McKee, [12] an Englishtrader of great influence among the Indians and which had beeninvariably exerted to prolong the war, were consumed by fire orotherwise entirely destroyed. On the 27th, the American army returnedto its head quarters, laying waste the cornfields and villages on eachside of the river for about fifty miles; and [316] this too in themost populous and best improved part of the Indian country. 

The loss sustained by the American army, in obtaining this brilliantvictory, over a savage enemy flushed with former successes, amountedto thirty-three killed and one hundred wounded:[13] that of the enemywas never ascertained. In his official account of the action, Gen. Wayne says, "The woods were strewed for a considerable distance, withthe dead bodies of the Indians and their white auxiliaries;" and at acouncil held a few days after, when British agents endeavored toprevail on them to risk another engagement, they expressed adetermination to "bury the bloody hatchet" saying, that they had justlost more than two hundred of their warriors. 

Some events occurred during this engagement, which are deemed worthyof being recorded here, although not of general interest. While Capt. Campbell was engaged in turning the left-flank, of the enemy, three ofthem plunged into the river, and endeavored to escape the fury of theconflict, by swimming to the opposite shore. They were seen by twonegroes, who were on the bank to which the Indians were aiming, andwho concealed themselves behind a log for the purpose of interceptingthem. When within shooting distance one of the negroes fired andkilled one of the Indians. The other two took hold of him to drag himto shore, when one of them was killed, by the fire of the other negro. The remaining Indian, being now in shoal water, endeavored to drawboth the dead to the bank; but before he could effect this, the negrowho had first fired, had reloaded, and again discharging his gun, killed him also, and the three floated down the river. 

Another circumstance is related, which shows the obstinacy with whichthe contest was maintained by individuals in both armies. A soldierand an Indian came in collision, the one having an unloaded gun, --theother a tomahawk. After the action was over, they were both founddead; the soldier with his bayonet in the body of the Indian, --and theIndian with his tomahawk in the head of the soldier. 

Notwithstanding the signal victory, obtained by General Wayne over theIndians, yet did their hostility to the whites lead them to acts ofoccasional violence, and kept them for some time from acceding to theproposals for peace. In [317] consequence of this, their whole countrywas laid waste, and forts erected in the hearts of their settlementsat once to starve and awe them into quiet. The desired effect wasproduced. Their crops being laid waste, their villages burned, fortresses erected in various parts of their country and kept wellgarrisoned, and a victorious army ready to bear down upon them at anyinstant, there was no alternative left them but to sue for peace. Whenthe Shawanees made known their wish to bury the _bloody hatchet_, Gen. Wayne refused to treat singly with them, and declared that all thedifferent tribes of the North Western Indians should be parties to anytreaty which he should make. This required some time as they had beenmuch dispersed after the defeat of the 20th of August, and the greatdevastation committed on their crops and provisions by the Americanarmy, had driven many to the woods, to procure a precarioussubsistence by hunting. Still however, to such abject want andwretchedness were they reduced, that exertions were immediately madeto collect them in general council; and as this was the work of sometime, it was not effected until midsummer of 1795. 

In this interval of time, there was but a solitary interruption, caused by savage aggression, to the general repose and quiet of NorthWestern Virginia; and that interruption occurred in a settlement whichhad been exempt from invasion since the year 1782. In the summer of1795, the trail of a large party of Indians was discovered on Leadingcreek, and proceeding directly towards the settlements on the head ofthe West Fork, those on Buchannon river, or in Tygart's Valley. Inconsequence of the uncertainty against which of them, the savageswould direct their operations, intelligence of the discovery which hadbeen made, was sent by express to all; and measures, to guard againstthe happening of any unpleasant result, were taken by all, save theinhabitants on Buchannon. They had so long been exempt from themurderous incursions of the savages, while other settlements notremote from them, were yearly deluged with blood, that a falsesecurity was engendered, in the issue, fatal to the lives andhappiness of some of them, by causing them to neglect the use of suchprecautionary means, as would warn them of the near approach ofdanger, and ward it when it came. 

Pursuing their usual avocations in despite of the warning which hadbeen given them, on the day after the express had [318] sounded analarm among them, as John Bozarth, sen. And his sons George and Johnwere busied in drawing grain from the field to the barn, the agonizingshrieks of those at the house rent the air around them; and theyhastened to ascertain, and if practicable avert the cause. Theelasticity of youth enabled George to approach the house some fewpaces in advance of his father, but the practised eye of the oldgentleman, first discovered an Indian, only a small distance from hisson, and with his gun raised to fire upon him. With parentalsolicitude he exclaimed, "See George, an Indian is going to shootyou. " George was then too near the savage, to think of escaping byflight. He looked at him steadily, and when he supposed the fatal aimwas taken and the finger just pressing on the trigger, he fell, andthe ball whistled by him. Not doubting but that the youth had fallenin death, the savage passed by him and pressed in pursuit of thefather. 

Mr. Bozarth had not attained to that age when the sinews become toomuch relaxed for active exertion, but was yet springy and agile, andwas enabled to keep ahead of his pursuer. Despairing of overtakinghim, by reason of his great speed, the savage hurled a tomahawk at hishead. It passed harmless by; and the old gentleman got safely off. 

When George Bozarth fell as the Indian fired, he lay still as if dead, and supposing the scalping knife would be next applied to his head, determined on seizing the savage by the legs as he would stoop overhim, and endeavor to bring him to the ground; when he hoped to be ableto gain the mastery over him. Seeing him pass on in pursuit of hisfather, he arose and took to flight also. On his way he overtook ayounger brother, who had become alarmed, and was hobbling slowly awayon a sore foot. George gave him every aid in his power to facilitatehis flight, until he discovered that another of the savages waspressing close upon them. Knowing that if he remained with hisbrother, both must inevitably perish, he was reluctantly forced toleave him to his fate. Proceeding on, he came up with his father, whonot doubting but he was killed when the savage fired at him, brokeforth with the exclamation, "_Why George, I thought you were dead_, "and manifested, even in that sorrowful moment, a joyful feeling at hismistake. 

The Indians who were at the house, wrought their work of blood uponsuch as would have been impediments to their [319] retreat; andkilling two or three smaller children, took Mrs. Bozarth and two boysprisoners. With these they made their way to their towns and arrivedin time to surrender their captives to Gen. Wayne. 

This was the last mischief done by the Indians in North WesternVirginia. For twenty years the inhabitants of that section of thecountry, had suffered all the horrors of savage warfare, and all thewoes which spring from the uncurbed indulgence of those barbarous andvindicitive passions, which bear sway in savage breasts. The treaty ofGreenville, concluded on the 3d of August 1795, put a period to thewar, and with it, to those acts of devastation and death which had solong spread dismay and gloom throughout the land. 

FINIS. ----- [1] Drake, in _Aboriginal Races of North America_ (15th ed. ), p. 616, cites the Waggoner massacre as "the first exploit in which we find Tecumseh engaged. " L. V. McWhorter sends me this interesting note, giving the local tradition regarding the affair: "John Waggoner lived on Jesse's Run, more than two miles above its junction with Hacker's Creek. While engaged in burning logs in his clearing, he was sitting upon a log, with a handspike lying across his lap. It was thought that Tecumseh mistook this tool for a gun, and was nervous. But three in number, the Indians had entered the district with some trepidation. Over Sunday, while the settlers were holding religious services in West's Fort, the savages lay in a neighboring ravine. The dogs of the settlement barked furiously at them, and ran toward their hiding place, trying to lead their masters; but the latter supposed that the animals had merely scented wolves, hence paid no attention to them. Tecumseh was but thirty paces from Waggoner when he fired, and it is singular that he missed, for the latter was a large man and in fair view. Waggoner sprang up and started for his cabin, a short distance only, but when about fifteen yards away saw an Indian chasing one of the children around the house. Waggoner was unarmed; his gun was in the house, but he feared to enter, so ran for help to the cabin of Hardman, a neighbor. But Hardman was out hunting, and there was no gun left there. The screams of his family were now plainly heard by Waggoner, and he was with difficulty restrained from rushing back to help them, unarmed. Jesse Hughes carried the news into the fort, and a rescue party at once set out. Mrs. Waggoner and her three youngest children had been carried across the ridge to where is now Rev. Mansfield McWhorter's farm, on McKenley's Run, and here they were tomahawked and scalped. Henry McWhorter helped to carry the bodies to the fort, but made no mention of their being 'mangled in the most barbarous and shocking manner. '"

 The boy Peter, then eight years old, remained with the Indians for twenty years. The manner of his return, as related to me by Mr. McWhorter, was singular, and furnishes an interesting and instructive romance of the border. One Baker, one of John Waggoner's neighbors, went to Ohio to "squat, " and on Paint Creek saw Peter with a band of Indians, recognizing him by the strong family resemblance. Baker at once wrote to the elder Waggoner, telling him of his discovery, and the latter soon visited the Paint Creek band, with a view to inducing his son to return home. But Peter was loth to go. He was united to a squaw, and by her had two children. In tears, she bitterly opposed his going. When finally he yielded to parental appeals, he promised her he would soon be back again. When the time for his return to the forest came, his relatives kept him under guard; when it had passed, he was afraid to return to his Indian relatives, having broken his word. Gradually he became reconciled in a measure to his new surroundings, but was ever melancholy, frequently lamenting that he had left his savage family. "Some time after his return to civilization, " continues McWhorter, "an Indian woman, supposed to be his wife, passed through the Hacker Creek settlements, inquiring for Peter, and going on toward the East. She appeared to be demented, and sang snatches of savage songs. Peter never knew of her presence, nor would any one inform her of his whereabouts. He was reticent about his life among the Indians, and no details of that feature of his career became known to his white friends. "

 Tecumseh, who is said to have been born on Hacker's Creek, possibly at a village near the mouth of Jesse's Run, visited the white settlements there, after the peace, and told the whites of his experiences in connection with the Waggoner massacre. --R. G. T. 

 [2] It must be acknowledged that many of these militia forays against the Indians partook of the nature of buccaneering. The spoils were often considerable. Clark, in his Kaskaskia campaign (1778), captured so much booty, in property and slaves, that he declares his men were made "almost rich. "--R. G. T. 

 [3] In the spring of 1792, Major Trueman, Colonel Hardin, and Mr. Freeman were dispatched from Fort Washington by different routes, to open peace negotiations, but they were murdered by the savages. Gen. Rufus Putnam, aided by Hekewelder, the Moravian, succeeded in binding the Wabash and Illinois Indians to keep the peace. Later, Benjamin Lincoln, Timothy Pickering, and Beverly Randolph were ordered by the president to go to the Maumee to conclude a general treaty which Indians had declared their willingness to enter into. But the commissioners were detained at Niagara by sham conferences with Gov. John Graves Simcoe, of Canada, until the middle of July, when the Indians sent them word that unless they would in advance "agree that the Ohio shall remain the boundary between us, " the proposed "meeting would be altogether unnecessary. " The commissioners declined to accept this ultimatum, and returned home. Meanwhile, General Wayne was prosecuting preparations for an active campaign against the hostiles. --R. G. T. 

 [4] On a plain near the old French-Indian-English trading village, called Logstown (just below the present Economy, Pa. , on the north side of the Ohio, 18 miles below Pittsburg), Wayne's army lay encamped from November, 1792, to April 30, 1793. The army was fancifully called the "Legion of the United States, " and the camp was known as Legionville. From here, Wayne proceeded to Cincinnati, and took up his headquarters in Fort Washington. --R. G. T. 

 [5] Fishing Creek enters the Ohio 128 miles below Pittsburgh. At its mouth is now the town of New Martinsville, W. Va. --R. G. T. 

 [6] This was an expedition made by Gen. James Wilkinson, second in command under Wayne, in December, 1793. He marched to the field from Fort Washington at the head of a thousand men, and left a garrison at the new fort. --R. G. T. 

 [7] McWhorter says that the capture of the Cozad boys took place at the mouth of Lanson Run, near Berlin, W. Va. The boy who was killed was but six years of age; crying for his mother, an Indian grasped him by the heels and cracked his head against a tree, --a favorite method of murdering white children, among Indian war parties. "Jacob yelled once, after starting with the Indians, but was knocked down by a gun in the hands of one of the savages. When he came to his senses, a squaw was dragging him up hill by one foot. He remained with the Indians for about two years, being adopted into a chief's family. He died in 1862, in his eighty-ninth year. "--R. G. T. 

 [8] Thirtieth of June. --R. G. T. 

 [9] The white loss, in killed, was 22, including Major McMahon. --R. G. T. 

 [10] The force started August 8. Besides the regulars, were about 1, 100 mounted Kentucky militia, under Gen. Charles Scott. --R. G. T. 

 [11] Hence the popular name of the engagement, "Battle of Fallen Timbers. "--R. G. T. 

 [12] Alexander McKee, the renegade, of whom mention has frequently been made in foregoing pages. --R. G. T. 

 [13] Later authorities place the white loss at 107, killed and wounded. --R. G. T. 

INDEX. Acosta, Father Joseph, on origin of Indians, 14. 

 Adair, James, _History of American Indians_, 17-23. 

 Adair, Maj. , attacked by Indians, 413. 

 Albermarle county, Va. , 54. 

 Alexander, Archibald, early settler, 52; in Sandy-creek voyage, 81. 

 Alexander, John, in Sandy-creek voyage, 81. 

 Alexandria, O. , old Shawneetown at, 82, 92. 

 Alexandria, Va. , 60, 181. 

 Alleghany county, Va. , census (1830), 55. 

 Alleghany mountains, early Indians in, 44, 45, 47; crossed by English, 63-66. 

 Alleghany river, early Indians on, 45, 46, 73; discovered by Le Moyne, 64; French on, 65; Grant's defeat, 71; in Dunmore's war, 150; in Revolution, 301, 309. 

 Allen, ----, killed at Point Pleasant, 171. 

 Almon, J. , _Remembrancer_, 355. 

 Amherst county, Va. , militia of, 99. 

 Amherst, Jeffrey, orders Bouquet's expedition, 107. 

 Anderson, James, early settler, 126. 

 Appalachas, Indian village, attacked by Narvaez, 7. 

 Arbuckle, Matthew, in Dunmore's war, 165, 170, 175; at murder of Cornstalk, 211, 212, 216; commandant of Ft. Randolph, 209, 241. 

 Archæology. _See_ Mound-builders. 

 Archer, Betsy, daughter of Sampson, 52. 

 Archer, Sampson, early settler, 52, 89. 

 Arkansas river, Salling at, 48. 

 Armstrong, Capt. , on Harmar's campaign, 394. 

 Ashcraft, Uriah, attacked by Indians, 397. 

 Ashly, Lieut. , killed by Indians, 332. 

 Athol, Thomas, 93. 

 Au Glaize river, treaty of, 376; Wayne on, 424, 425. 

 Augusta county, Va. , formed, 55, 57, 61, 151; early settlers in, 53; census (1830), 55, 56; militia of, 49, 52, 66, 68, 81, 90, 164, 166, 170, 209, 210; McDowell's fight, 52; ransom of Moores, 374; Preston's _Register of Indian Depredations_, 87; _History of_, 246. 

 Bailey, ----, in Dunmore's war, 169. 

 Bailey, Minter, 240. 

 Baker, ----, discovers Peter Waggoner, 410. 

 Baker, Henry, killed by Indians, 291, 292. 

 Baker, Joshua, murders Logan family, 125, 148-150. 

 Baker, William, explores Kentucky, 115. 

 Baker's bottom, massacre of Indians at, 134, 142, 148-150, 184. 

 Bald Eagle, killed by whites, 135, 136. 

 Barkley, Elihu, with Braddock, 66. 

 Barlow, Joel, agent of Scioto Co. , 60. 

 Bartlett's run, 248. 

 Bath county, Va. , census (1830), 55, 56. 

 Baxter's run, 247. 

 Bean, Capt. , on Sandusky campaign, 328. 

 Beard, Samuel, early settler, 127. 

 Bear Grass river, early settlements on, 274; foray on, 384, 385. 

 Beaver, Delaware chief, 45. 

 Beaver river, Shingiss Old Town, 45; Moravians on, 314; Ft. McIntosh built, 237; treaty at Ft. McIntosh, 366. 

 Bedinger, George M. , in Bowman's campaign, 271. 

 Bedford county, Pa. , 190; in "Black boys" uprising, 112-114. 

 Bedford county, Va. , 70; militia of, 164. 

 Bell, James, with Braddock, 66. 

 Berkeley county, W. Va. , census (1830), 55, 56; militia of, 164. 

 Berkeley, Sir William, fosters western exploration, 64. 

 Berlin, W. Va. , 290; foray near, 421. 

 Beverly, W. Va. , origin of, 74. 

 Big Beaver river. _See_ Beaver. 

 Big Bone creek, Clark at, 146. 

 Big Bone lick, 271. 

 Biggs, Benjamin, early settler, 125, 203; killed by Indians, 332. 

 Big Hockhocking river. _See_ Hockhocking. 

 Big Kanawha river. _See_ Great Kanawha. 

 Big Knives. _See_ Long Knives. 

 Big lick, 162. 

 Big Miami river. _See_ Miami. 

 Big Sandy river, in Shawnee campaign, 81-86. 

 Big Sewell mountain, origin of name, 57. 

 Bildercock, ----, militia officer, 227, 228. 

 Bingamon creek, forays on, 367, 369. 

 Bird, Henry, attacks American borderers, 254; beseiges Ft. Laurens, 262; invades Kentucky, 286, 297-300, 305. 

 Black Beard, Shawnee chief, 268. 

 Black boys, border regulators, 105, 106; attack Pennsylvania traders, 109-116. 

 Black Fish, Shawnee chief, 201, 202, 266, 268, 273. 

 Black Hoof, Shawnee chief, 268. 

 Bledsoe, Anthony, in Dunmore's war, 167. 

 Blevins, William, early settler, 59, 60. 

 Blue licks, 268; Boone's captivity, 265-267; battle of, 351-354, 388. 

 Blue ridge, 69, 83, 100; early tribes of, 44, 47; early explorations of, 64; Borden grant, 51; first settlements beyond, 50, 52, 55. 

 Bluestone river, 61; in Sandy creek voyage, 82. 

 Boiling Springs, Ky. , represented in Transylvania legislature, 193. 

 Bolivar, O. , 261. 

 Bonnett, John, killed by Indians, 377. 

 Boone county, N. Y. , Delawares in, 136. 

 Boone, Daniel, on Holston, 59; first explores Kentucky, 142-144; second trip (1773), 144, 145, 147; in Dunmore's war, 152, 153, 190; founds Boonesborough, 190-197; captured by Indians, 265-267; in Chêne's attack on Boonesborough, 268, 269; in Paint creek expedition, 267, 268; at battle of Blue licks, 351-353. 

 Boone, Mrs. Daniel, first white woman in Kentucky, 196, 197. 

 Boone, James, killed by Indians, 144, 145. 

 Boone, Squire, explores Kentucky, 143, 144. 

 Boonesborough, Ky. , founded, 190-197; first attacked by Indians, 200, 202, 205; Bowman's arrival, 207, 208; during Boone's captivity, 265-267; Chêne's attack on, 268, 270; during Revolution, 350, 351. 

 Booth's creek, origin of name, 122, 123; forays on, 247, 248, 290, 309, 343. 

 Booth, James, early settler, 122, 123; killed by Indians, 247. 

 Borden, Benjamin, Sr. , land-grant, 50-54, 66; sketch, 51. 

 Borden, Benjamin, Jr. , 52. 

 Boshears, William, scouting service, 227, 228. 

 Botetourt county, Va. , 66, 70; census (1830), 55, 56; Holston settlement, 59; militia of, 81, 164, 165, 167, 209, 210. 

 Bouquet, Henry, campaign against Indians, 106-109, 173; treaty with Indians, 91, 141, 173, 179. 

 Bourbon county, Ky. , 67, 115. 

 Bowman, James L. , 79. 

 Bowman, John, campaign (1779), 190; early defense of Kentucky, 207, 208; Chillicothe expedition, 271-274; cited, 268; sketch, 271. 

 Boyd, John, killed by Indians, 222. 

 Bozarth, George, adventure with Indians, 429, 430. 

 Bozarth, John, Sr. , attacked by Indians, 279, 429, 430. 

 Bozarth, John, Jr. , adventure with Indians, 429, 430. 

 Bozarth, Mrs. , adventures with Indians, 279, 280. 

 Braddock, Edward, campaign and defeat of, 65-69, 71, 72, 77, 105, 106, 143, 145, 147, 169. 

 Braddock, Pa. , 68. 

 Braddock's road, history of, 77. 

 Brain, ----, killed by Indians, 240. 

 Brain, Benjamin, captured by Indians, 280, 281. 

 Brain, Isaac, captured by Indians, 280, 281. 

 Brain, James, killed by Indians, 280, 281. 

 Brant, Joseph, Indian chief, 254. 

 Braxton county, Va. , Bulltown massacre, 136-138. 

 Breckenridge, Robert, in Sandy-creek voyage, 81. 

 Brenton, Capt. , on Sandusky campaign, 328. 

 Bridger, ----, killed by Indians, 292. 

 Brinton, Maj. , on Sandusky campaign, 328. 

 Brodhead, Daniel, expedition to Muskingum, 300-305, 309; receives news from Moravians, 315. 

 Brooke county, W. Va. , census (1830), 55, 63; forays in, 380, 381. 

 Brooks, Thomas, scout, 266. 

 Brown, ----, in New-river foray, 96, 97. 

 Brown, ----, killed by Indians, 161. 

 Brown, Adam, Sr. , imprisoned by Indians, 96, 97. 

 Brown, Adam, Jr. , 96. 

 Brown, Coleman, killed by Indians, 156. 

 Brown, James, chases Indians, 246; attacked by Indians, 311. 

 Brown, John, early hunter, 121. 

 Brown, Samuel, captured by Indians, 96. 

 Brownsville, Pa. _See_ Redstone. 

 Bryan, William, companion of Boone, 144. 

 Bryant, William, killed by Indians, 348. 

 Bryant station, Ky. , threatened by Bird, 296; beseiged by Caldwell, 348-351, 353, 354. 

 Buchanan, John, diary of, 49. 

 Buckhannon river, early settlements on, 117-122, 127; Bulltown massacre, 136; in Dunmore's war, 151; Indian forays on, 151, 275, 282, 284, 288, 290, 318, 319, 340, 342, 343, 422, 428. 

 Buffalo creek, first settlement on, 125; Indian forays, 318, 374-376. 

 Buffalo gap, Mackey's settlement near, 50. 

 Buffington, Jonathan, captured by Indians, 311. 

 Buffington, Mrs. , killed by Indians, 311. 

 Buford, ----, captain in Dunmore's war, 164, 165, 170, 171. 

 Bulger, Maj. , killed at Blue licks, 353. 

 Bulgess, Adj. , killed by Indians, 403. 

 Bull, Capt. , killed by whites, 136-138. 

 Bullitt, Thomas, in Forbes's campaign, 71; surveys Connolly tract, 145, 146; sketch, 71, 72. 

 Bullock, Leonard Henley, of Transylvania Co. , 191. 

 Bulltown, Va. , massacre of Delawares near, 136-138. 

 Burd, James, at Redstone, 77-79. 

 Burning Spring, 82, 85. 

 Burns, James, killed by Indians, 245. 

 Bush, Adam, chases Indians, 397. 

 Bush, John, adventure with Indians, 341, 343; killed by Indians, 396. 

 Bush, Mrs. John, adventure with Indians, 396, 397. 

 Bushy run, Bouquet's fight on, 108. 

 Butler, Mann, _Kentucky_, 193. 

 Butler, Richard, treaty commissioner, 366, 388; in St. Clair's campaign, 401-403. 

 Butler, Robert, early settler, 126. 

 Butterfield, Consul W. , _Crawford's Expedition Against Sandusky_, 328; _History of the Girtys_, 153, 178, 189, 224, 308, 347, 404; _Washington-Irvine Correspondence_, 262. 

 Cabell county, W. Va. , census (1830), 55, 56. 

 Cahokia, Ill. , founded by La Salle, 6; Indian mounds at, 40; captured by Clark, 253. 

 Caldwell, William, expedition against Kentucky, 348-354. 

 California, O. , founded, 392. 

 Calf Pasture river, in Pontiac war, 97. 

 Callaway, Richard, at Watauga treaty, 192. 

 Cameron, Charles, at Point Pleasant, 174. 

 Cameron, Daniel, killed by Indians, 311. 

 Campbell, Arthur, militia officer, 268. 

 Campbell, Capt. , on Wayne's campaign, 426, 427. 

 Campbell, George, border poet, 110, 111. 

 Campbell, John, at Point Pleasant, 174. 

 Campbell, William, settles on Holston, 59; at Point Pleasant, 174. 

 Camp Charlotte, Indian treaty at, 145, 173, 176-186, 190, 197. 

 Camp Union, in Dunmore's war, 164, 165, 167. 

 Canaan, Joseph, killed by Indians, 422. 

 Canestoga Indians, killed by Paxton boys, 104, 105. 

 Captina creek, in Dunmore's war, 134, 138, 148, 149, 153; in Revolution, 230. 

 Carder, William, attacked by Indians, 419, 420. 

 Carlisle, Pa. , trial of Smith, 113-115; Scotch-Irish at, 143. 

 Carmichael's, Pa. , founded, 123. 

 Carpenter, Benjamin, killed by Indians, 414. 

 Carpenter, Dr. , captured by Indians, 96, 97. 

 Carpenter, Jeremiah, 414. 

 Carpenter, John, captured by Indians, 319. 

 Carpenter, Nicholas, adventure with Indians, 399, 400. 

 Carpenter, William, killed by Indians, 96, 97. 

 Carr's creek, massacre on, 172, 173. 

 Carver, ----, settles on Greenbrier, 57. 

 Carver, Jonathan, visits western Indians, 20, 21, 23, 24; on Indian creek, 38. 

 Casper's lick, 152. 

 Catawba Indians, early strength of, 46; attack Delawares, 47; fought by McDowell, 52; claim Kentucky, 142, 194. 

 Catawba river, early Indians on, 46; Patton's settlement, 51; forays on, 96, 98. 

 Catholics (Roman), missionary efforts of, 36; at Gallipolis, 60. _See_ Jesuits. 

 Cayahoga river, Delawares on, 45. 

 Cayuga Indians, strength of, 46; in Dunmore's war, 155, 172. 

 Cedar creek, early settlement on, 52. 

 Champlain, Samuel de, founds Quebec, 4, 5. 

 Charleston, S. C. , 49, 59. 

 Charlevoix, Father, on origin of Indians, 15, 16. 

 Cheat river, 63, 118; first settlements on, 75, 76, 126; massacre of Indians on, 135; Indian forays on, 240, 291, 310, 311. 

 Chêne, Isidore, attacks Boonesborough, 268-270. 

 Cherokee Indians, early strength of, 46; capture Salling, 48, 49; Williamson among, 104; visit Gov. Glen, 59; in Sandy-creek voyage, 81, 82; opposition to Kentucky settlers, 142, 145; cession to Henderson, 192, 195; during Revolution, 347. 

 Chevrout, Joseph, relieves Carder, 420. 

 Chew, Colby, explores Kentucky, 81. 

 Chickamauga Indians, claim Kentucky, 142. 

 Chickasaw Indians, early strength, 46; claim Kentucky, 142; cession to Henderson, 195; in St. Clair's campaign, 403-405. 

 Childers, William, settles on Youghiogheny, 117, 118. 

 Chillicothe towns, Dyer's captivity, 87; in Dunmore's war, 176, 179, 182, 183, 187; Boone's captivity, 266, 267; Bowman's expedition against, 271-274; in Piqua expedition, 305, 307-309; Indian council at, 346, 347; in Harmar's campaign, 393, 394. 

 Chillicothe (Old), Renick captivity, 91; Hannah Dennis's escape, 91-93. 

 Chillicothe (New), Hannah Dennis's escape, 92. 

 Chippewa Indians, early strength, 46; fight Clark, 252; during Revolution, 347; at Ft. McIntosh treaty, 366, 388. 

 Chiyawee, Wyandot chief, 172. 

 Christian, William, in Cherokee campaign, 59; in New-river foray, 99; in Dunmore's war, 165, 167, 170, 171, 190; killed by Indians, 385. 

 Cincinnati, Indian relics found in, 42; Clark on site of, 306; genesis of, 390-393; in Harmar's campaign, 393-395; in St. Clair's campaign, 401, 405; in Wayne's campaign, 413, 419, 423. 

 Circleville, O. , Indians mounds at, 41. 

 Clark, ----, on St. Clair's campaign, 402. 

 Clark, George, scout, 271. 

 Clark, George Rogers, on Indian mounds, 40; in Dunmore's war, 134, 164; arrival in Kentucky, 197, 200; in early defense of Kentucky, 207; founds Louisville, 146; Illinois campaign, 121, 123, 190, 252-255, 257-261, 270, 294, 295, 411; Piqua campaign, 305-309; Shawnee campaign, 354, 355; Wabash campaign, 386; treaty commissioner, 366, 388; in Spanish conspiracy, 130; sketch, 253, 254. 

 Clark, John, ambushed by Indians, 262. 

 Clarke, Col. , Pennsylvania militia officer, 263, 264. 

 Clarksburg, W. Va. , 275; founded, 127; in Dunmore's war, 151; during Revolution, 284, 310, 311, 341, 342, 345; miscellaneous forays near, 376, 381, 383, 397. 

 Clay, ----, killed by Indians, 166. 

 Clegg, ----, family captured by Indians, 398, 399. 

 Clendennin's settlement, Hannah Dennis at, 93; massacre at, 93-95; family captured by Indians, 172, 173. 

 Clinch river, first settlements on, 59, 60; Boone on, 145, 152; in Henderson's grant, 193; foray on, 374. 

 Coburn, Capt. , chases Indians, 410, 411. 

 Coburn's creek, 248, 249. 

 Cochran, Nathaniel, captured by Indians, 247, 250, 251. 

 Cocke, William, at Watauga treaty, 192. 

 Cohunnewago Indians, strength of, 46. 

 Colden, C. , _Five Nations of New York_, 194. 

 Coleman, Moses, killed by Indians, 285. 

 Columbia, O. , founded, 391, 392. 

 Congo creek, 176. 

 Connecticut, relinquishes Western land claim, 389. 

 Connelly, ----, early settler, 126. 

 Connoly, Darby, killed by Indians, 234. 

 Connolly, John, agent of Dunmore, 74, 142, 145, 149; in Dunmore's war, 164, 179-181, 188; land claim at Louisville, 145, 146. 

 Conococheague valley, massacre in, 101, 105; a fur-trade centre, 109, 113. 

 Cooley, William, companion of Boone, 143. 

 Coomes, William, adventure with Indians, 201. 

 Coon, ----, daughter killed by Indians, 218, 219. 

 Coonce, Mark, French trader, 79. 

 Cooper, ----, killed by Indians, 311. 

 Coplin, Benjamin, kills an Indian, 344. 

 Corbly, John, attacked by Indiana, 345. 

 Corn island, Clark at, 253, 294. 

 Cornstalk, Shawnee chief, at Point Pleasant, 168, 170, 172, 173; at treaty of Camp Charlotte, 183-186; imprisoned at Ft. Randolph, 209, 215, 216; murder of, 173, 211-214, 235, 236, 241, 266; sketch of, 172, 173. 

 Cornwallis, Lord, surrender of, 347. 

 Coshocton, O. , 153, 314. 

 Coshocton, Indian village, Brodhead's expedition against, 302-305, 309, 316. 

 Cottrial, Andrew, early settler, 127. 

 Cottrial, Samuel, early settler, 127; attacked by Indians, 284, 285. 

 Cowan, John, on Bullitt's survey, 146. 

 Coward, ----, adventure with Indians, 166. 

 Cowpasture river, 91. 

 Cox, Joseph, captured by Indians, 419. 

 Cozad, Jacob, Sr. , sons killed by Indians, 420. 

 Cozad, Jacob, Jr. , escapes from Indians, 420, 421. 

 Craig, Lieut. , killed by Indians, 424. 

 Craig, James, adventure with Indians, 203. 

 Craig's creek, 90. 

 Crawford, ----, killed by Indians, 344. 

 Crawford, James, early settler, 123. 

 Crawford, John, killed by Indians, 331, 334, 336. 

 Crawford, William, in Dunmore's war, 164, 168, 179, 185, 220; Sandusky campaign of, 328-339; sketch, 334. 

 Crawford, William (nephew of foregoing), killed by Indians, 331. 

 Cresap, Michael, in Dunmore's war, 134, 149, 154, 164; accused by Logan, 184. 

 Cresap, Thomas, opens Braddock's road, 77. 

 Crooked creek, 169, 170. 

 Crooked run, Indian forays on, 282, 344. 

 Cross creek, 78. 

 Cross, Thomas, Sr. , 91. 

 Crouch, James, wounded by Indians, 287. 

 Crouse, Peter, killed by Indians, 282. 

 Culpeper county, Va. , 59; militia of, 66; in Dunmore's war, 159, 164. 

 Cumberland county, Pa. , 143. 

 Cumberland Gap, Walden's trip, 60; Boone opens path, 143, 192. 

 Cumberland, Md. , Ohio Co. 's post at, 77. 

 Cumberland river, Walden's trip, 60; explored by Smith, 115; Boone on, 152; in Henderson's purchase, 192, 193; foray on, 200. 

 Cundiff, ----, killed at Point Pleasant, 171. 

 Cunningham, Edward, fight with Indians, 238, 239, 367-370, 373. 

 Cunningham, Robert, early settler, 126. 

 Cunningham, Thomas, 218; family attacked by Indians, 367, 373. 

 Cunningham, Mrs. Thomas, captured by Indians, 367-373. 

 Curl, Jeremiah, attacked by Indians, 288, 289. 

 Curner, ----, on Mad-river campaign, 387. 

 Cusick, David, _Ancient History of Six Nations_, 18, 26, 40. 

 Cutright, Benjamin, early settler, 122. 

 Cutright, John, Sr. , early settler, 122; murders Indians, 137; wounded by Indians, 290. 

 Cutright, John, Jr. , 122. 

 Cutright, Peter, attacked by Indians, 288, 289. 

 Danville, Ky. , origin of, 274; convention at, 115, 190. 

 Davis, ----, settles on Holston, 59. 

 Davis, Mrs. , daughter of John Jackson, 121. 

 Davisson, ----, killed by Indians, 373. 

 Davisson, Daniel, early settler, 127. 

 Davisson, Josiah, brother of Nathaniel, 283. 

 Davisson, Nathaniel, killed by Indians, 283, 284. 

 Davisson, Obadiah, early settler, 127. 

 Decker, Thomas, early settler, 123; attacked by Indians, 77, 78. 

 Decker's creek, first settlement on, 77. 

 De Creve Coeurs, St. John, _Lettres_, 153. 

 De Hass, Wills, _History of Indian Wars_, 222. 

 De Huron, George, on origin of Indians, 15. 

 De Kalb, Baron, 86. 

 De Laet, John, on origin of Indians, 14. 

 Delaware Indians, on Upper Ohio, 45, 46; attacked by Catawbas, 47; in Decker's creek massacre, 77-79; Seybert massacre, 88, 89; New-river foray, 96-99; Bulltown massacre, 136-138; Pontiac's conspiracy, 136; claim Kentucky, 142; in Dunmore's war, 150, 172, 179; during Revolution, 219, 263, 301, 303, 314, 315, 320, 332, 333, 347; in Harmar's campaign, 393; Ft. McIntosh treaty, 366, 388; subsequent foray, 371; Wayne's campaign, 421. 

 Delaware river, massacre on, 101-104. 

 De Moraez, Emanuel, on origin of Indians, 14. 

 Denman, Matthias, founds Cincinnati, 390-392. 

 Dennis, Hannah, imprisoned by Indians, 89-93, 95. 

 Dennis, Joseph, killed by Indians, 89. 

 Denton, ----, assists Mrs. Cunningham, 372. 

 Denton, Mrs. , settles in Kentucky, 197. 

 Deny, William, coroner of Bedford, 114. 

 De Peyster, Arent Schuyler, commandant at Detroit, 295, 317, 365. 

 De Soto, Ferdinand, discovers Mississippi, 7, 8. 

 Detroit, 91; Indian villages near, 46; under French domination, 72; Logan at, 155, 156; Connolly at, 181; Boone at, 266, 267; English headquarters during Revolution, 252, 254, 255, 257; English machinations at, 207, 231, 247, 286, 295, 299, 317, 320, 336, 337; arrival of peace news, 365. 

 De Villiers, defeats Washington, 74; destroys Redstone fort, 77. 

 Dickinson, John, in Dunmore's war. 170, 175. 

 Dillon, ----, killed at Point Pleasant, 171. 

 Dillon, Mrs. , killed by Indians, 240. 

 Dinwiddie, Robert, governor of Virginia, 53, 65; authorizes Sandy-creek voyage, 81, 83, 84; _Papers_, 68, 86. 

 Dix, Webster, 119. 

 Dodd, Ensign, on Wayne's campaign, 424. 

 Doddridge, John, early settler, 125. 

 Doddridge, Joseph, _Notes on the Settlements_, 125, 126, 153, 183; MS. Of, 221. 

 Donelson, Col. , runs Indian boundary, 195. 

 Donnelly, Andrew, beseiged by Indians, 242-245; repulses them, 291. 

 Dorman, Timothy, captured by Indians, 340, 341; turns renegade, 341, 342. 

 Dougherty, Daniel, captured by Indians, 311, 312. 

 Dougherty, Mrs. , killed by Indians, 311. 

 Doughty, Maj. , builds Ft. Washington, 391. 

 Douglas, James, on Bullitt's survey, 146. 

 Dragging Canoe, Cherokee chief, 192. 

 Dragoo, Mrs. , killed by Indians, 374, 375. 

 Drake, Lieut. , on Wayne's campaign, 424. 

 Drake, Lieut. -col. , on St. Clair's campaign, 402. 

 Drake, Samuel G. , _Aboriginal Races of North America_, 409. 

 Draper, Lyman C. , historical notes by, 40, 50-53, 57-60, 65, 66, 68, 71, 72, 75, 79, 81, 83, 85-88, 90, 96, 97, 99, 101, 104, 106-108, 115, 121, 123; interviews Salling's descendants, 48; on aboriginal claims to Kentucky, 193-195; cited, 183, 203, 254. 

 Drinnon, Thomas, attacked by Indians, 292, 293. 

 Drinnon, Lawrence, attacked by Indians, 291, 292. 

 Duke, Francis, killed by Indians, 359, 360. 

 Dunbar, Pa. , settled by Gist, 74. 

 Dunkard bottom, settled, 126; massacre on, 240. 

 Dunkard creek, a war trail, 75: first settled on, 75; forays on, 249, 250, 279, 398, 399. 

 Dunkards, early settlements by, 75; massacre of, 76, 77. 

 Dunkin, John, militia officer, 207. 

 Dunlap, James, in Sandy-creek voyage, 81; killed by Indians, 87. 

 Dunlap creek, first settlement on, 77; foray on, 96. 

 Dunmore, Lord, 74; in Dunmore's war, 135-190, 197, 209, 220, 253, 385; opposes Henderson's purchase, 192. 

 Du Pratz, Le Page, _History of Louisiana_, 49. 

 Durrett, Reuben T. , _Centenary of Louisville_, 294. 

 Dutch, introduce African slavery, 10; in New York, 48. 

 Dyer, James, imprisoned by Indians, 87, 88. 

 East Meadows, Braddock at, 67. 

 Eckarly family, early settlers, 126. 

 Eckarly, Thomas, Dunkard pioneer, 75; massacre of his brother, 76, 77. 

 Economy, Pa. , 413. 

 Ecuyer, Simeon, under Bouquet. 107. 

 Edwards, David, killed by Indians, 252. 

 Edwards, William, Moravian missionary, 314, 317. 

 Elk creek, in Caldwell's invasion, 351; during Revolution, 284; foray on, 367. 

 Elk river, origin of name, 118, 119; first settlement on, 126, 127; Stroud massacre, 136, 137; in Dunmore's war, 166, 167, 175; foray on, 414. 

 Elk's Eye creek. _See_ Muskingum. 

 Ellinipsico, Cornstalk's son, 172, 211-213. 

 Elliott, Matthew, in Dunmore's war, 182, 189; attacks Wheeling, 316, 317; encourages forays, 347, 388. 

 Ellis, Franklin, _History of Fayette Co. _, 77. 

 English, territorial claims of, 1-5, 7; emigration to Virginia, 49; first occupation of the Ohio, 63; struggle for Forks of Ohio, 64-74; Braddock's campaign, 65-69; Forbes's campaign, 69-73; Bouquet's expedition, 106-109; Dunmore's war, 134-190; Bird's invasion, 294-300, 305, 336, 337; Caldwell's invasion, 348-354; second seige of Wheeling, 356, 357; encourage forays on American borderers, 147, 207-210, 215, 216, 224, 225, 231, 236, 252, 253, 260, 285, 286, 317, 388, 425-427. 

 Episcopalians, 50, 57. 

 Fairfax, Lord, land-grant of, 50, 51, 334; militia officer, 101. 

 Fairfield, Va. , settled, 52. 

 Fallen Timbers, battle of, 425-428. 

 Falling Spring, Va. , 86. 

 Falls of Ohio. _See_ Louisville. 

 Fauquier county, Va. , 145. 

 Fauquier, governor of Virginia, 86. 

 Fayette county, Pa. , settled, 74, 123; militia from, 328. 

 Fayette county, W. Va. , 57. 

 Fayetteville, N. C. , 192. 

 Field, John, with Braddock, 66; adventure with Indians, 159-161; in Dunmore's war, 164, 166, 169, 171. 

 Files. _See_ Foyle, Robert. 

 Files creek, first settlement on, 74. 

 Files family, massacre of, 126. 

 Filson, John, partner of Denman, 391; _Boone's Narrative_, 268. 

 Fincastle county, Va. , 56, 220; Preston as surveyor, 140, 146; militia of, 167. 

 Findlay, John, explores Kentucky, 142-144. 

 Fink, ----, killed by Indians, 340. 

 Fink, John, killed by Indians, 318, 319. 

 Fink, Henry, early settler, 126; attacked by Indians, 288, 318, 319. 

 Fink's run, 122. 

 Fish creek, a war trail, 75, 399; Clark at, 134, 253; foray on, 399. 

 Fishing creek, foray on, 374; garrison on, 417. 

 Fitzpatrick, John, on Bullitt's survey. 146. 

 Fleming, William, in Dunmore's war, 164, 167-170, 174, 175. 

 Flesher, Henry, attacked by Indians, 366, 367. 

 Floyd, John, Kentucky surveyor, 152; _Diary of_, 196; builds fort at Louisville, 294; in Piqua campaign, 307. 

 Florida, discovered by Spanish, 7, 8. 

 Folebaum, George, killed by Indians, 362. 

 Folke, George, killed by Indians, 102, 103. 

 Fontaine, Maj. , killed by Indians, 395. 

 Forbes, John, campaign against Ft. Du Quesne, 69-73, 77, 79, 108, 145, 190. 

 Fordyce, Capt. , 72. 

 Foreman, William, defeated by Indians, 228-230, 356. 

 Fort Bedford, in "Black boys" uprising, 112-114. 

 Fort Bolling, during Revolution, 226. 

 Fort Boone, seat of Henderson colony, 153. 

 Fort Buckhannon, during Revolution, 313. 

 Fort Burd. _See_ Redstone. 

 Fort Bush, 121. 

 Fort Casinoe, in Dunmore's war, 151. 

 Fort Coburn, during Revolution, 248. 

 Fort Crevecoeur, built by La Salle, 6; Salling at, 48. 

 Fort Cumberland, 71. 

 Fort Dickenson, massacre of children, 100. 

 Fort Dinwiddie, in Sandy-creek voyage, 81; in New-river foray, 97, 99; during Revolution, 291. 

 Fort Du Quesne, erected, 65; Braddock's expedition, 65-69; Forbes's campaign, 69-73; destroyed, 73. _See_ Pittsburg. 

 Fort Fincastle. _See_ Wheeling. 

 Fort Finney, built, 392; treaty of, 388. 

 Fort Frederick, 71. 

 Fort Frontenac, built by La Salle, 6; Salling at, 48. 

 Fort Gower, in Dunmore's war, 179, 182. 

 Fort Greenville. _See_ Greenville, O. 

 Fort Hadden, during Revolution, 286. 

 Fort Hamilton, built by St. Clair, 401; in Wayne's campaign, 413. 

 Fort Henry. _See_ Wheeling. 

 Fort Holliday, during Revolution, 226, 227. 

 Fort Jackson, in Dunmore's war, 151. 

 Fort Jefferson (Ky. ), built by Clark, 254. 

 Fort Jefferson (O. ), built by St. Clair, 401-403, 405; in Wayne's campaign, 413. 

 Fort Laurens, during Revolution, 256, 261-265. 

 Fort Le Boeuf, Washington at, 74, 77. 

 Fort Ligonier, in Forbes's campaign, 73. 

 Fort Littleton, in French and Indian war, 190. 

 Fort Loudon, in "Black boys" uprising, 110, 111. 

 Fort McIntosh, built, 237; during Revolution, 263, 265; treaty of, 366. 

 Fort Martin, during Revolution, 282. 

 Fort Massac, Clark at, 253. 

 Fort Miami, Indian villages near, 46. 

 Fort Necessity, Washington's defeat at, 69, 74, 77, 145. 

 Fort Nutter, in Dunmore's war, 151; during Revolution, 275, 341. 

 Fort Pitt. _See_ Pittsburg. 

 Fort Pleasant, Eckarly at, 76. 

 Fort Powers, during Revolution, 247. 

 Fort Pricket, in Dunmore's war, 151; during Revolution, 240, 275, 279. 

 Fort Randolph. _See_ Point Pleasant. 

 Fort Recovery, 401; built by Wilkinson, 419; in Wayne's campaign, 423, 424. 

 Fort Richards, during Revolution, 240, 241. 

 Fort Sackville. _See_ Vincennes. 

 Fort St. Joseph, Indian villages near, 46; in Wayne's campaign, 413. 

 Fort Seybert, massacre at, 87-89. 

 Fort Shepherd, in Dunmore's war, 151. 

 Fort Stradler, during Revolution, 249, 250. 

 Fort Stanwix, treaty of, 70, 195. 

 Fort Washington. _See_ Cincinnati. 

 Fort Wells, 381. 

 Fort West, during Revolution, 240, 241, 245, 246; forays against, 287-290, 410. 

 Fort Westfall, in Dunmore's war, 151; during Revolution, 343. 

 Fort Wilson, during Revolution, 343. 

 Fort Young, Hannah Dennis at, 93; in New-river foray, 96, 97. 

 Fox river, explored by French, 6. 

 Foyle, Robert, settles on Files's creek, 74; massacre of family, 75. 

 Franklin, Benjamin, 145. 

 Franklin county, Pa. , 106. 

 Franklin, W. Va. , 87. 

 Frederick county, Va. , established, 55; census (1830), 55, 56; Borden manor, 51; militia of, 101, 164. 

 Freeman, ----, killed by Indians, 412. 

 Freeman, Mrs. , killed by Indians, 245, 246. 

 Freeman's creek, forays on, 396, 419. 

 French in America, territorial claims, 5; early explorations, 4-6; occupy Upper Ohio, 45, 63, 64; ransom Salling, 48; conflict with Ohio Co. , 64, 65, 74, 77, 123, 147; on Muskingum, 79: on Scioto, 82; Braddock's campaign, 65-69; Forbes's campaign, 69-73; French and Indian war, 143, 145, 156, 159, 190, 334; found Gallipolis, 60, 82; make peace with England, 106, 120; in attack on Boonesborough, 268-270; relations with Clark, 254. 

 French creek, Smith's expedition to, 106. 

 French lick, 193. 

 Friedensstadt, Pa. , Moravian village, 314, 319. 

 Friend, Joseph, chases Indians, 311. 

 Frothingham, Lieut. , killed by Indians, 395. 

 Fry, Col. , in Braddock's army, 66. 

 Fullenwieder, Peter, defends Rice's fort, 362. 

 Fur trade, tribal barter, 34; at Winchester, 47; Borden's trade, 51; of Ohio Co. , 64, 65, 67, 74, 77, 147; on Scioto, 82; French and English rivalry, 138, 139; Findlay's adventures, 143; of Dunkards, 76; Gibson's, 79; "Black-boys" trouble, 106, 109-116; Simpson's adventures, 118, 119; at Pringle's fort, 120; in Dunmore's war, 150; McKee's, 347; in W. Va. , 361. 

 Furrenash, Charles, children killed by Indians, 313. 

 Gaddis, Thomas, on Sandusky campaign, 328. 

 Gage, Thomas, confers with Connolly, 181. 

 Gallatin, Albert, founds Geneva, W. Va. , 117. 

 Gallipolis, founded by French, 60, 82, 84. 

 Game, pioneers as hunters, 131; on Greenbrier, 56, 57, 126; in Kentucky, 196, 198, 199, 206, 265, 266; in Valley of Virginia, 119-122; in Tygart's valley, 232, 234; in West Virginia, 280, 283, 367, 374, 375, 410, 411. 

 Garcia, Gregorio, on origin of Indians, 14. 

 Gates, Horatio, at Saratoga, 86. 

 Gatliff, Charles, fights Indians, 244. 

 Gauley river. 57; Stroud massacre, 136, 137. 

 Genêt, Edmund Charles, commissions Clark, 254. 

 Geneva, W. Va. , founded, 117. 

 George, Robert, attacks James Smith, 114. 

 George's creek, Pringle settlement, 117; murder of Bald Eagle, 136. 

 Georgia, early slavery in, 9, 10; in Tecumseh's conspiracy, 36. 

 Germans, at Gallipolis. 60. 

 Gibson, Col. John, at Fort Pitt, 78, 79; in Dunmore's war, 176, 184; expert swordsman, 207; commands Ft. Laurens, 256, 261-265. 

 Gibson, John, family captured by Indians, 287. 

 Giles county, Va. , census (1830), 55, 56. 

 Gilmore, ----, killed by Indians, 211, 212. 

 Girty, George and James, renegades, 178; during Revolution, 295. 

 Girty, Simon, in Dunmore's war, 178, 179, 184, 189; not at Wheeling seige, 224, 225, 231; during Revolution, 254, 262, 273, 295, 308, 333, 334, 347, 350-353; subsequent forays, 372, 388; in St. Clair's defeat, 404. 

 Gist, Christopher, visits Shingiss, 45; trip down Ohio, 79; settles Fayette Co. , Pa. , 74, 77, 123. 

 Glass, ----, family attacked by Indians, 380, 381. 

 Glenn, ----, governor of South Carolina, 59. 

 Glum, Mrs. , at seige of Wheeling, 225. 

 Gnadenhütten, Moravian village, 314, 317; sacked by whites, 319, 321-327. 

 Gnatty creek, foray on, 382. 

 Goff, John, early settler, 126. 

 Goldsby, ----, killed at Point Pleasant, 171. 

 Gooch, Sir William, grants Borden manor, 50, 51. 

 Gordon, Capt, killed at Blue Licks, 353. 

 Goschocking. _See_ Coshocton. 

 Graham, James, killed by Indians, 245. 

 Grand Portage, Carver at, 20. 

 Grand river. _See_ Ottawa. 

 Grant, James, with Braddock, 66; defeated by Indians, 68-73; in "Blackboys" uprising, 110, 111. 

 Grave creek, Indian mounds on, 40; first settlement on, 125; in Dunmore's war, 134; in Foreman's defeat, 229, 230, 235, 356. 

 Grayson county, Va. , census (1830), 55. 

 Great bridge, Va. , defeat of Fordyce, 72. 

 Greathouse, Daniel, murders Logan's family, 125, 149. 

 Great Kanawha river, 60, 61; Salling on, 49; discovered by Wood, 64; in Sandycreek voyage, 82, 85; in Hannah Dennis's escape, 93; Squire Boone on, 143; in Dunmore's war, 145, 159-161, 164-167, 169-174, 178; in Hand's expedition, 209-211; during Revolution, 291-292; salines of, 265. 

 Great Meadows. Washington at, 77, 145. 

 Great Miami river. _See_ Miami. 

 Great Sandy river, 60, 61; in New-river foray, 96. 

 Green, George, at seige of Wheeling, 356. 

 Green river, Henderson's grant on, 196; early surveys, 365; early settlements, 274. 

 Green, Thomas M. , _Spanish Conspiracy_, 386. 

 Greenbrier county, W. Va. , 53, 54, 57, 71, 91; census (1830), 55, 56; Shawnee attack (1755), 81; Clendennin massacre, 93-95; militia from, 210, 211; emigrants from, 286; forays into, 242-245, 291-293. 

 Greenbrier river, 61; explored, 126; origin of name, 49; Loyal Co. 's grant, 49; first settlements on, 56-59; Lewis on, 68; in Pontiac's war, 97. 

 Greenlee, Mary, enters land on Borden manor, 52, 53. 

 Greenville, O. , Ft. Hamilton built, 401; treaty at, 420, 430. 

 Gregg, Mrs. , attacked by Indians, 343. 

 Grenadier Squaw, in Dunmore's war, 176; at Ft. Randolph, 242; in Mad-river campaign, 388. 

 Grigsby; Charles, family killed by Indians, 217, 218. 

 Grim, John, 183. 

 Grollon, Father, on origin of Indians, 15, 16. 

 Grundy, Felix, 247. 

 Grundy, William, killed by Indians, 247. 

 Gunn, Catharine, imprisoned by Indians, 98. 

 Gwinnett, Button, killed by McIntosh, 237. 

 Hacker, John, settles on Buckhannon, 121, 122; daughter wounded by Indians, 378-380. 

 Hacker, Mrs. , attacked by Indians, 245. 

 Hacker, William, early hunter, 121; murders Indians, 135, 137; attacked by Indians, 245. 

 Hacker's creek, Indian relics on, 42; origin of name, 121, 122; first settlement on, 127; in Dunmore's war, 151; Bulltown massacre, 136, 137; killing of Hughes and Lowther, 240, 241; Waggoner massacre, 408, 411; miscellaneous forays on, 275, 287-290, 367, 377, 382, 419, 420. 

 Hadden, ----, early settler, 126. 

 Hadden, John, 234. 

 Hagerstown, Md. , 361. 

 Hagle, Michael, killed by Indians, 341. 

 Haldimand, Sir Frederick, English general-in-chief, 252, 261. 

 Half King, Wyandot chief, 230, 316. 

 Hall, Capt. , murders Cornstalk, 211, 212. 

 Hall, James, _Sketches of the West_, 193. 

 Hall, Minor C. , 287. 

 Hamilton, ----, adventure with Indians, 211, 212. 

 Hamilton, Capt. , chases Indians. 245. 

 Hamilton, Henry, English lieutenant-governor, 207, 210; encourages Indian forays, 224, 225, 252, 266, 268, 269; attacks Clark, 253, 257, 258; captured by Clark, 254, 255, 259-261. 

 Hamilton, Miss, captured by Indians, 234. 

 Hammond, Philip, scouting adventure, 242, 243. 

 Hampden Sydney College, Va. , 81. 

 Hampshire county, W. Va. , census (1830), 56; militia from, 101, 230. 

 Hamtramck, J. F. , on Harmar's campaign, 394; on St. Clair's campaign, 401. 

 Hancock, William, escapes from Indians, 267, 268. 

 Hand, Edward, commands Ft. Pitt. 209-211, 213, 214, 216, 219, 221, 230; MS. Of, 221; sketch, 210. 

 Handsucker, ----, killed by Indians, 398, 399. 

 Hangard. _See_ Redstone. 

 Hanover county, Va. , 191. 

 Haptonstall, Abraham, on Bullitt's survey, 146. 

 Harbert, ----, killed by Indians, 233. 

 Hardin county, Ky. , origin of name, 123. 

 Hardin, John, early Kentucky settler, 123; on Harmar's campaign, 394; killed by Indians, 412. 

 Hardman, ----, of Hacker's creek, 410. 

 Hardy county, W. Va. , census (1830), 56. 

 Hargus, John, kills an Indian, 154, 155. 

 Harlan, Silas, in Bowman's campaign, 271. 

 Harland, Maj. , killed at Blue Licks, 253. 

 Harmar, Josiah, at treaty of Ft. McIntosh, 366; occupies Ft. Washington, 391, 392; campaign of, 384, 393-395, 400, 408. 

 Harpold, Nicholas, kills Indians, 135. 

 Harrison, ----, attacked by Indians, 344. 

 Harrison, Benjamin, in Dunmore's war, 170; governor of Virginia, 366. 

 Harrison, Burr, rescued by Logan, 203. 

 Harrison county, W. Va. , 373; census (1830), 56, 63; first sheriff of, 127; forays in, 217, 369. 

 Harrison, S. R. , cited, 310. 

 Harrison, William, killed by Indians, 331, 334, 336. 

 Harrison, William H. , defeats Tecumseh, 36. 

 Harrod, James, on Bullitt's survey, 146; founds Harrodsburg, 152, 190, 191; prominence as a pioneer, 197, 200; sketch, 190, 191. 

 Harrod, Samuel, explores Kentucky, 190. 

 Harrod, William, with Clark, 190; in Bowman's campaign, 271, 273. 

 Harrodsburg, Ky. , founded, 146, 152, 190, 191, 197; represented in Transylvania legislature, 193; first attacked by Indians, 200-202, 205, 208; Clark's defense of, 253; settlers' council at, 271. 

 Hart, David, of Transylvania Co. , 191. 

 Hart, Nathaniel, of Transylvania Co. , 191-193. 

 Hart, Thomas, of Transylvania Co. , 191. 

 Hartley, Cecil B. , _Life of Wetzel_, 161. 

 Hartshorn, ----, ensign in Harmar's campaign, 394; captain with Wayne, 423, 424. 

 Haymond, John, chases Indians, 398. 

 Hayward, John, _History of Tennessee_, 60. 

 Hazard, Samuel, _U. S. Register_, 193. 

 Heavener, Nicholas, 121. 

 Heckewelder, John G. , Moravian missionary, 97, 301, 302, 314, 315, 317; peace commissioner, 412; _Narrative_, 325; sketch, 301, 302. 

 Hedgman river, 55. 

 Hellen, Thomas, captured by Indians, 156, 157; killed by Indians, 161. 

 Helms, Leonard, holds Vincennes, 258, 260. 

 Henderson, Archibald, 193. 

 Henderson, Nathaniel, at Watauga treaty, 192. 

 Henderson, Richard, founds Transylvania, 153, 191-196; sketch, 191-193. 

 Henderson, Samuel, father of Richard, 191. 

 Henderson, Leonard, 193. 

 Hennepin, Father Louis, French explorer, 6. 

 Henry county, Va. , 60. 

 Henry, Patrick, governor of Virginia, 173, 186, 220, 366. 

 Herbert, William, in Dunmore's war, 167, 175. 

 Hickenbotham, Capt. , attacks Indians, 99. 

 Hickman, Adam, Jr. , 127. 

 Hickman, Sotha, early settler, 127, 284. 

 Hill, Richard, attacked by Indians, 291. 

 Hinkstone, ----, captured by Indians, 297, 298, 305. 

 Hite, Isaac, on Bullitt's survey, 146. 

 Hockhocking river, in Dunmore's war, 168, 179, 182, 183; Indians raided on, 383. 

 Hockingport, O. , founded, 179. 

 Hogan, Mrs. , settles in Kentucky, 197. 

 Hogg, James, of Transylvania Co. , 191. 

 Hogg, Peter, in Sandy-creek voyage, 81-85. 

 Hogg, William, in Sandy-creek voyage, 81. 

 Hoggin, ----, of St. Asaph's, 205. 

 Holden, Joseph, companion of Boone, 143. 

 Holder, John, in Bowman's campaign, 271. 

 Holder's station, Ky. , during Caldwell's invasion, 349. 

 Hollis, John, Indian spy, 245. 

 Holmes, John, informs against James Smith, 114. 

 Holston, Stephen, settles on Holston, 59. 

 Holston river, 60; first settlements on, 58, 115; forays on, 158, 184. 

 Holston settlements, militia of, 165, 170, 268; Harrod at, 190; Boone at, 196; Logan at, 204-206; Mrs. Cunningham at, 372, 373. 

 Hornbeck, Benjamin, captured by Indians, 311. 

 Hornbeck, Mrs. , killed by Indians, 311. 

 Horse Shoe bottom, settled, 126. 

 Horton, Joshua, explores Kentucky, 115. 

 Howard, John, companion of Salling, 49. 

 Hudson, William, killed by Indians, 203. 

 Hughes, Charles, chases Indians, 246. 

 Hughes, Elias, scouting service, 312; fights Indians, 345, 376, 377. 

 Hughes, Jesse, early hunter, 121; chases Indians, 246, 378, 379, 410; services at Ft. West, 288; scouting service, 312; escapes from Indians, 399, 400; daughter captured by Indians, 377-380; character, 137. 

 Hughes, Thomas, early settler, 121, 123; defense of borderers, 367; killed by Indians, 240, 241. 

 Hughey, Joseph, killed by Indians, 168. 

 Hull, Samuel, killed by Indians, 383. 

 Huron Indians, possible origin of, 16. 

 Husted, Gilbert, captured by Indians, 248. 

 Hutchins, Thomas, geographer, 46. 

 Iberville. Lemoyne d', finds Mississippi, 7. 

 Ice, John, killed by Indians, 374. 

 Illinois, early French in, 6, 7; Clark's expedition to, 146, 252-255, 257, 261. 

 Illinois Indians, claim Kentucky, 142; agree to keep peace, 412. 

 Ingles, Capt. , on New-river campaign, 99. 

 Indian creek, foray on, 312, 313. 

 Indian Short creek, 380, 381, 415. 

 Indians, origin of, 12-27; beliefs, customs and traditions, 17-43; forest commerce, 34; prehistoric remains, 39-43; intimacy with French, 5, 64; relations with Spanish, 7-9; claims to Kentucky reviewed, 193-195; relations with first settlers, 129-133; Christian missions among, 106. _See_ the several tribes. 

 Iroquois Indians, supposed origin of, 44; oppose French on Ohio, 64; at Easton treaty, 58; at Ft. Stanwix treaty, 70; claim Kentucky, 194, 195. 

 Irvine, William, releases Moravians, 317; Indian campaign of, 355. 

 Isaac's creek, 312. 

 Ivens, Sally, captured by Indians, 373, 374. 

 Jackson, ----, adventure with Indians, 289. 

 Jackson county, O. , 175. 

 Jackson county, W. Va. , 137. 

 Jackson, Edward, early settler, 121. 

 Jackson, George, early settler, 121; attacked by Indians, 313; defends Buckhannon, 342; chases Indians, 398. 

 Jackson, John, early settler, 121; attacked by Indians, 313. 

 Jackson, Ned J. , 287. 

 Jackson's river, 57, 71, 81; Hannah Dennis on, 93; in Pontiac war, 97; forays on, 90, 96, 173. 

 James, Enoch, adventure with Indians, 218, 219. 

 James river, 61, 66, 86; Salling on, 48, 50; early settlements on, 52; McDowell's fight, 52; Borden's grant, 50-53; forays on, 89-91, 96. 

 Jefferson county, W. Va. , census (1830), 56. 

 Jefferson, Thomas, on origin of Indians, 13, 14, 25, 26; on Indian mounds, 41; "improves" Logan's speech, 184; _Notes on Virginia_, 134. 

 Jesuits, early missions to Indians, 14, 15, 60, 64, 410, 411: _Relations_, 194. 

 Jew, ----, killed by Indians, 91. 

 Jew, Sally, imprisoned by Indians, 90. 

 Johnson, ----, thought to have been killed by James Smith, 113-115. 

 Johnson, Henry and John, escape from Indians, 415-417. 

 Johnson, Richard M. , 348. 

 Johnson, Robert, arrives in Kentucky, 348. 

 Johnson, William, family massacred by Indians, 381, 382. 

 Johnson, Sir William, British Indian superintendent, 108, 136. 

 Johnston, William, of Transylvania, 191. 

 Joliet, Louis, discovers Mississippi, 5, 6. 

 Judah, Henry, kills Indians, 135. 

 Juggins, Elizabeth, adventure with Indians, 309, 310. 

 Juggins, John, killed by Indians, 290. 

 Juniata river, 112, 113. 

 Kanawha county, W. Va. , census (1830), 55, 56. 

 Kaskaskia, Ill. , 294; founded by La Salle, 6; Salling at, 48; Clark's capture of, 253-255, 257, 258, 260, 411. 

 Kate (negress), at seige of Wheeling, 356. 

 Keeney's knob, massacre at, 173. 

 Kekionga, Miami village, 393. 

 Kellar, Isaac, killed by Indians, 385. 

 Kelly, Tady, in Dunmore's war, 153. 

 Kelly, Walter, killed by Indians, 159-161. 

 Kennedy, John, wounded by Indians, 203. 

 Kenton, Simon, border scout, 161; in Dunmore's war, 164, 167; arrival in Kentucky, 197. 

 Kentucky, 66, 67, 75; Indian antiquities in, 43; exploration by Salling, 48, 49; by Bullitt, 71; by Walker, 81; by Smith, 115; by Findlay, 142, 143; by Boone, 142-145, 147, 152, 153, 190; by Stone, 190; Indian claims to, 193-195; Connolly's survey, 145, 146; first settlements in, 123, 197; early land jobbing, 196, 197; Harrodsburg founded, 146, 190; Indian opposition to first settlers, 140-142, 189, 190, 200-208; character of pioneers, 197-200; rapid increase of population, 274; Transylvania Co. , 191-196; early missions, 106; Spanish conspiracy, 130; state convention, 106. 

 Kentucky river, Boone on, 152, 153; Harrod on, 190; Catawbas on, 194; in Henderson's purchase. 192, 193, 195, 196; forays on, 268, 269, 374. 

 Kercheval, Samuel, _History of Valley of Virginia_, 49, 87, 88. 

 Kersey, Lieut. [Kearsey, John], builds at Columbia. 390, 391. 

 Kettle, Richard, chases Indians, 311. 

 Killbuck, Delaware chief, 88. 

 Kimberlain, Jacob, escapes from Indians, 99. 

 King, Thomas, Iroquois chief, 58. 

 Kinnikinnick creek, 174, 176. 

 Kiskepila. _See_ Little Eagle. 

 Kittanning, in Hand's expedition, 210. 

 Knight, John, captured by Indians, 332-335, 338. 

 Knoxville, Tenn. , 60. 

 Kuhn, Abraham, Wyandot chief, 97. 

 Kuydendall, Capt. , in Dunmore's war, 182. 

 Lackey, Thomas, warns settlers, 286. 

 Lake Cayuga, early Indians on, 46. 

 Lake Erie, Catawbas on, 47. 

 Lake Michigan, early French on, 6. 

 Lancaster, Pa. , massacre of Canestogas, 104, 105; treaty of, 195. 

 Land claims, Loyal Co. , 49, 58; Lord Fairfax, 50, 51; Borden manor, 50-53; Ohio Co. , 64, 65, 67, 74, 77, 147; Pittsylvania, 145; Virginia military warrants, 145; Transylvania Co. , 191-196; Connolly, 145, 146; early Kentucky jobbers, 196, 197; "tomahawk rights, " 126; Indian attitude toward, 140, 141; commissioners killed by Indians, 311; post-Revolutionary military warrants, 365, 366; Ohio Co. Of Associates, 389, 390; Scioto Co. , 60; Miami purchase, 390-392. 

 Lane, Lalph, attempts western exploration, 64. 

 Langlade, Charles, at Braddock's defeat, 68. 

 L'Anguille, Miami village, 407. 

 La Salle, Chevalier, explorations of, 6, 7; at falls of Ohio, 64. 

 Lanson run, 421. 

 Laurel hills, 126; explored by Walden, 60; by Cresap, 77; by Boone, 192. 

 Lawless, Henry, explores Kentucky, 81. 

 Leading creek, 419; forays on, 311, 428. 

 Lederer, John, on Blue ridge, 64. 

 Lee. Arthur, treaty commissioner, 366, 388. 

 Lee county, Va. , census (1830), 56. 

 Leet, Maj. , on Sandusky campaign, 330. 

 Leffler, George, early settler, 125; defends Rice's fort, 362. 

 Leffler, Jacob, Jr. , defends Rice's fort, 362. 

 Legget, George, lost in Indian foray, 399. 

 Le Moyne, Father, discovers Alleghany, 64. 

 Lewis, ----, escapes from Indians, 422. 

 Lewis, Andrew, 49, 50; explores Greenbrier, 57, 58; with Braddock, 66; in Forbes's campaign, 68-73; in Sandy-creek voyage, 81-83, 86; in Dunmore's war, 151, 164-168, 170, 174-176, 178-183, 190; _Journal_, 81, 82. 

 Lewis, Charles, with Braddock, 66; in Pontiac's war, 97; in Dunmore's war, 151, 159, 166-168; death, 168-171; _Journal_, 69. 

 Lewis county, W. Va. , census (1830), 56, 63. 

 Lewis, John (1), father of Andrew, 53, 62; explores Greenbrier, 57, 58; with Braddock, 66; settles Augusta, 66; sketch, 49, 50. 

 Lewis, John (2), scalped by Indians, 102. 

 Lewis, John, Jr. , with Braddock, 66. 

 Lewis, Margaret, wife of John (1), 53. 

 Lewis, Samuel, defends Greenbrier, 244, 245. 

 Lewis, Thomas, son of John (1), 50; with Braddock, 66. 

 Lewis, William, with Braddock, 66. 

 Lewisburgh, W. Va. , founded, 164, 165, 244; massacre near, 172, 173. 

 Lexington, Ky. , 271; founded, 52, 274; threatened by Bird, 296-298, 305; during Caldwell's invasion, 349, 351. 

 Licking river, Thompson's surveys, 146; early settlements on, 274; Boone's captivity, 265, 266; Bird's invasion, 295, 297, 298; in Piqua campaign, 305, 307; in Caldwell's invasion, 348; other Revolutionary happenings, 271, 352. 

 Lichtenau, Moravian village, 314. 

 Limestone creek, 348. 

 Lincoln, Benjamin, peace commissioner, 412. 

 Lineback, ----, _Relation_, 324. 

 Linn, John, in defense of Wheeling, 356, 358. 

 Linn, William, at Foreman's defeat, 229, 230. 

 Linsey, Joseph, settles on Youghiogheny, 117, 118. 

 Little Carpenter, a Cherokee, 192. 

 Little Eagle, Mingo chief, 78, 79. 

 Little Kenawha river, Bulltown massacre, 136-138; in Dunmore's war, 165, 179; during Revolution, 232, 284; miscellaneous forays on, 376, 397, 400, 411, 419. 

 Little Meadow creek, 166. 

 Little Meadows, 77. 

 Little Miami river, Shawnees on, 271; Boone on, 266; during Revolution, 273; Symmes's land-grant on, 390-392; in Harmar's campaign, 393; in St. Clair's campaign, 400-405. 

 Little Saluda river, Holston on, 59. 

 Little Sewell mountain, origin of name, 57. 

 Lochaber, treaty of, 195. 

 Lockard, Patrick, with Braddock, 66. 

 Lockport, O. , 314. 

 Lockridge, ----, at Point Pleasant, 175. 

 Locust Grove, Ky. , 254. 

 Logan, Ann, adventure with Indians, 203. 

 Logan, Benjamin, builds Logan's station, 197; in seige thereof, 200, 202-207; in Bowman's campaign, 271-273; in Piqua campaign, 306; at Blue Licks, 351-354; in Shawnee campaign, 355; in Miami campaign, 386-388; sketch, 204. 

 Logan county, O. , 153. 

 Logan county, W. Va. , census (1830), 56. 

 Logan, Mingo chief, massacre of family, 125, 134, 138, 142, 148-150, 184; attacks whites, 155-158; speech of, 184. 

 Logan's station, Ky. , founded, 197; represented in Transylvania legislature, 193; attacked by Indians, 200, 202-208. 

 Logstown, old trading post, 413; Dyer's captivity, 87; treaty at, 195. 

 Long, ----, assists Mrs. Cunningham, 372. 

 "Long Knives, " origin of term, 79, 80; use of, 183, 186, 207, 406. 

 Looney's creek, 89; Pringle settlement on, 118. 

 Losantiville, origin of name, 391, 392. _See_ Cincinnati. 

 Loss creek, 218. 

 Lost creek, foray on, 383. 

 Louisa Company, settles Kentucky, 191. 

 Louisiana, founded, 7; French in, 64; Spanish in, 130. 

 Louisville, 271, 357; Iroquois defeat Shawnees, 194, 195; La Salle at, 64; Findlay at, 143; Boone at, 152; surveyed by Bullitt, 145; founded by Clark, 146, 253, 254; threatened by Bird, 294; in Clark's Wabash expedition, 386; _Literary News-Letter_, 193. 

 Love, Philip, in Dunmore's war, 170. 

 Lowdermilk, Will H. , _History of Cumberland_, 77. 

 Lowther, Jonathan, killed by Indians, 241. 

 Lowther, Robert, early settler, 127. 

 Lowther, William, militia officer, 127, 128; chases Indians, 312, 313, 376, 377. 

 Loyal Company, land grant on Greenbrier, 49, 58. 

 Loyal Hanna river, in Forbes's campaign, 73; foray on, 108. 

 Ludlow, Israel, partner of Denman, 391. 

 Luttsell, John, of Transylvania Co. , 191, 193. 

 Lynn, Jane, marries Hugh Paul and David Stuart, 53, 54. 

 Lynn, Margaret, wife of John Lewis, 49. 

 Lytle, William, on Mad-river campaign, 387, 388. 

 McBride, Capt. , killed at Blue Licks, 353. 

 McClannahan, Robert, killed at Point Pleasant, 171. 

 McClelland, John, on Sandusky campaign, 328, 336. 

 McClelland's station, Ky. , attacked by Indians, 200. 

 McClure, Mrs. , captured by Indians, 385. 

 McCollum, John, in New-river foray, 99. 

 McCulloch, William, in Dunmore's war, 180. 

 McCullough family, early settlers, 125. 

 McCullough, Maj. , at seige of Wheeling, 228. 

 McCullough, Miss, at seige of Wheeling, 356. 

 McDonald, Angus, Wapatomica expedition, 138, 153-155, 164, 165; in Dunmore's war, 220. 

 McDowell, Ephraim, early settler, 52. 

 McDowell, James, 52. 

 McDowell, John, early settler, 53; killed by Indians, 49, 51, 52, 66. 

 McDowell, Thomas, killed by Indians, 196. 

 McFeeters, Jeremiah, killed by Indians, 196. 

 McGary, Maj. , of St. Asaph's, 205; at Blue Licks, 352; in Mad-river campaign, 388. 

 McGary, Mrs. , settles in Kentucky, 197. 

 McGuire, Maj. , wounds an Indian, 381. 

 McIntire, John, killed by Indians, 397, 398. 

 McIntosh, Lachlan, commandant at Pittsburgh, 210, 237, 300; expedition against Sandusky, 252, 255, 256, 261, 264, 265. 

 McIver, Hugh, killed by Indians, 292. 

 Mack, John, family massacred by Indians, 382. 

 McKee, Alexander, in Dunmore's war, 189; during Revolution, 254, 295, 347; ransoms Mrs. Cunningham, 372; encourages forays, 388; property destroyed by Wayne, 426. 

 McKee, Capt. , commandant at Ft. Randolph, 241-243. 

 McKee, William, at Point Pleasant, 174. 

 McKenley's run, 410. 

 Mackey, John, early settler, 49, 50, 66. 

 Mackinaw, in Tecumseh's conspiracy, 36; Chippewa villages near, 46. 

 McKinley, John, killed by Indians, 333. 

 McKnight, Charles, _Our Western Border_, 373. 

 McLain, John, killed by Indians, 287. 

 McMahon, Maj. , killed by Indians, 423. 

 McMahon's creek, 162. 

 McMechen, James, a Wheeling settler, 222, 228, 230. 

 McMurtry, Capt. , killed by Indians, 395. 

 McNutt, John, in Sandy-creek voyage, 81, 85, 86; in Revolution, 86; _Journal_, 86. 

 McWhorter, Henry, early settler, 287, 288, 410. 

 McWhorter, J. M. , 288. 

 McWhorter, L. V. , cited, 119, 137, 278, 287, 340, 368-371, 376, 377, 409-411, 421. 

 McWhorter, Mansfield, 410. 

 Mad river, 124; Logan's campaign to, 386-388. 

 Mahoning creek, 210. 

 Manear, John, killed by Indians, 311. 

 Mann's lick, 152. 

 Marietta, O. , the Scioto purchase, 60; settled by Ohio Co. , 389, 390; cattle supply attacked, 399, 400. 

 Marion county, W. Va. , 279. 

 Marks, Lieut. , on Wayne's campaign, 424. 

 Marquette, Father James, discovers Mississippi, 5, 6. 

 Marshall, James, militia officer, 327, 328. 

 Martin, ----, settles on Greenbrier, 57. 

 Martin, ----, in seige of St. Asaph's, 204. 

 Martin, Gov. , opposes Henderson's purchase, 192, 193. 

 Martin, Jesse, 123. 

 Martin, William, 123. 

 Martin's station, Ky. , sacked by Bird, 296, 298; defended, 350. 

 Martinsville, Va. , 60. 

 Maryland, emigrants from, 125. 

 Mason county, W. Va. , census (1830), 56. 

 Mason, Samuel, at seige of Wheeling, 221-224, 228. 

 Massachusetts, relinquishes Western land claim, 389. 

 Massawomee Indians, in West Virginia, 44. 

 Matthew, John, early settler, 52. 

 Matthews, George, attacked by Indians, 90, 91; in Dunmore's war, 169, 170, 174. 

 Matthews, John, with Braddock, 66. 

 Matthews, Maj. , 52. 

 Maumee Indians, 374. 

 Maumee river, Mrs. Cunningham on, 372; in Harmar's campaign, 393; in St. Clair's campaign, 401; peace commissioners sent to, 412; in Wayne's campaign, 424-426. 

 Maury, Thomas, killed by Indians, 91. 

 Maxwell, Audley, attacked by Indians, 90, 91. 

 Maxwell, William, attacked by Indians, 90, 91. 

 May, John, 385. 

 Maysville, Ky. , 348. 

 Meadow river, 242. 

 Merrill, John, wounded by Indians, 405, 406. 

 Merrill, Mrs. John, adventure with Indians, 406. 

 Myers, R. C. V. , _Life of Wetzel_, 161. 

 Miami Indians, early strength of, 46; Renick captivity, 91; operate against Clark, 252; in Harmar's campaign, 393-395; in St. Clair's campaign, 400-405: raided by Scott, 407, 408. 

 Miami river, Indians on, 46; in Renick captivity, 91; in Clark's campaign, 254; during Revolution, 295, 299, 355; arrival of peace news, 365; military land-claims on, 366; Logan's campaign on, 386; treaty of Ft. Finney, 388; Symmes's land-grant on, 390, 392; in Harmar's campaign, 393-395; in St. Clair's campaign, 400-405. 

 Michael, Lieut. , on Wayne's campaign, 424. 

 Michillimackinac, 255. _See_ Mackinaw. 

 Middle Island creek, foray on, 381, 398. 

 Miller, Jacob, killed by Indians (Delaware river), 102. 

 Miller, Jacob, killed by Indians (Ft. Coburn), 249. 

 Miller, Jacob, defends Ft. Rice, 361, 362. 

 Mills, Thomas, killed by Indians, 338, 339. 

 Minear, John, early settler, 126. 

 Mingo Bottom, Indian village at, 78; in Moravian expedition, 320; in Crawford's campaign, 328, 329. 

 Mingo Indians, on Upper Ohio, 45; Decker's-creek massacre, 77-79; New-river foray, 96-99; claim Kentucky, 142; massacre of Logan's family, 134, 138, 142, 148-150; Logan's forays, 155-158; Dunmore's war generally, 172, 179, 184, 185, 253; during Revolution, 219, 262, 308, 336, 347. 

 Mingo Junction, O. _See_ Mingo Bottom. 

 Missions among Kentucky and Tennessee Indians, 106. _See_ Catholics and Moravians. 

 Missasago Indians, in St. Clair's campaign, 404. 

 Mississippi river, 255; territorial claims in basin of, 5; French on, 5-7, 63; Spanish on, 7, 8, 130, 254; Salling on, 49; Holston on, 59; Chickasaws on, 195; in Tecumseh's conspiracy, 36; Cornstalk's knowledge of, 211. 

 Mitchell, John, 122. 

 Moffett, Capt. , ambuscaded, 97. 

 Mohican Indians, in King Philip's war, 32, 33. 

 Moluntha, Shawnee chief, 268. 

 Monday, ----, killed by Indians, 293. 

 Monongahela river, 73-75; early Indians on, 45, 47; French on, 65; Braddock's defeat, 67-69, 72; Grant's defeat, 71; Gist's settlement, 74; Pringle settlement, 117, 118, 122; other early settlements, 77, 117. 123, 125, 190; in Dunmore's war, 135, 141, 146, 150, 151, 161; during Revolution, 221, 222, 237, 271, 309; militia from, 320; forays on, 381, 414, 419. 

 Monongalia county, W. Va. , census (1830), 56, 63; during Revolution, 311; forays in, 344, 374, 398, 399. 

 Monroe county, W. Va. , census (1830), 55, 56. 

 Montgomery, Col. , companion of Clark, 254. 

 Montgomery county, Va. , census (1830), 55, 56. 

 Montgomery, John, in Sandy-creek voyage, 81. 

 Monteur, ----, family massacred, 318. 

 Monticello, Va. , 253. 

 Montour, John, Delaware chief, 179. 

 Mooney, James, adventure with Indians, 168; companion of Boone, 143. 

 Moore, ----, attacked by Indians, 385. 

 Moore, Andrew, early settler, 52; in Dunmore's war, 174. 

 Moore, James, Sr. , killed by Indians, 373. 

 Moore, James, Jr. , captured by Indians, 374. 

 Moore, Jane, burned by Indians, 374. 

 Moore, Mrs. John, burned by Indians, 373, 374. 

 Moore, Lieut. , killed by Indians, 241. 

 Moore, Mary, captured by Indians, 374. 

 Moorefield, W. Va. , founded, 124. 

 Moorehead, ----, Youghiogheny settler, 114. 

 Moravians, missionaries and Indians, 36, 412; give information to Hand, 219; visited by Brodhead, 301, 302; villages sacked by whites, 313-327, 340; historical sketch, 314. 

 Morgan county, W. Va. , census (1830), 56. 

 Morgan, Daniel, 276. 

 Morgan, David, early settler, 123; adventure with Indians, 276-279. 

 Morgan, George, Indian agent, 219, 224. 

 Morgan, Greenwood S. , 279. 

 Morgan, Levi, adventures with Indians, 375, 376, 417, 418. 

 Morgan, Sarah and Stephen, adventure with Indians, 276-279. 

 Morgan, William, early settler, 126; escapes from Indians, 240. 

 Morgantown, Pa. , 75; founded, 123; foray near, 248, 249. 

 Morlin, Thomas, early peddler, 47, 48. 

 Morrow, William, in Dunmore's war, 169, 171. 

 Mound-building, by early Indians, 39-43. 

 Moundsville, W. Va. , "big mound" at, 40; settled, 125, 230. 

 Mount Braddock. Pa. , settled, 123. 

 Muddy creek, 123; first settled, 58; Clendennin massacre, 93-95; miscellaneous forays on, 159, 161, 172, 173, 293, 345. 

 Mulhollin, Polly. _See_ Mary Greenlee. 

 Munsee Indians, on Susquehanna, 46; raided by Brodhead, 301; during Revolution, 347. 

 Munseka, Shawnee chief, 266. 

 Murphey, John, killed by Indians, 238. 

 Murphy, Samuel, 183. 

 Muscle shoals, 59. 

 Muskingum river, early Indians on, 46; Gist on, 79; Bouquet's expedition, 108; Indian atrocities on, 150, 396; Wapatomica campaign, 153-155; Moravian villages on, 219; during Revolution, 300-305, 314, 320, 328; land cession by Indians, 366; Ohio Co. 's grant, 389; Waterford founded, 392. 

 Nain Indians, threatened by Paxtons, 105. 

 Nanny's run, 127. 

 Natchez, Holston at, 59. 

 Narragansett Indians, war with Puritans, 31-33. 

 Narvaez, Pamphilio de, in Florida, 7. 

 Nashville, Tenn. , 115. 

 Neal, Henry, killed by Indians, 411, 412. 

 Neal, James, slave stolen from, 400. 

 Neely, Alexander, companion of Boone, 143, 144. 

 Nelson, ----, early settler, 126. 

 Nelson county, Va. , foray in, 405, 406. 

 Nelsonville, O. , 183. 

 Nemacolin, Delaware Indian, 77. 

 Nemacolin's path. _See_ Braddock's road

 Nequetank Indians, threatened by Paxtons, 105. 

 Newcomerstown, O. , 314. 

 New Englanders, on Greenbrier, 57. 

 New France. _See_ French. 

 New Inverness, Ga. , founded, 237. 

 New Martinsville, O. , 417. 

 New Orleans, founded, 7; Spanish at, 130. 

 New Philadelphia, O. , 261, 314. 

 Newport, Christopher, attempts western exploration, 64. 

 New river, first settlements on, 59; in Sandy-creek voyage, 82; Delaware and Mingo foray, 96-99. _See_ Great Kanawha. 

 New Schönbrunn, Moravian village, 314, 325, 326. 

 New York, Delawares in. 136; relinquishes Western land claim, 389. 

 Nicholas county, W. Va. , 96; census (1830), 56. 

 Nicholson, ----, interpreter, 184. 

 Nicholson, Thomas, in Dunmore's campaign, 153. 

 North Bend, O. , founded, 392. 

 North Branch, 63. 

 North Carolina, Cherokees in, 46; Boone in, 143, 144, 266; Henderson family in, 191-193; emigration from, 348, 384. 

 North river, early settlement on, 52. 

 Northwest Territory, early tribes in, 45; cession of land claims in, 131; ordinance of 1787, 389; St. Clair's arrival, 391, 392; first settlements in, 392, 393. 

 Norton, Thomas, _Journal_ of Sandy-creek voyage, 81, 82. 

 Nutter, John, early settler, 127. 

 O'Brien, Adam, 414. 

 Ochiltree, Alexander, killed by Indians, 245. 

 Oghkwaga, Delaware village, 136. 

 Ogle, Joseph, at seige of Wheeling, 221-224, 228; in Foreman's defeat, 230. 

 Oglethorpe, James, attitude toward slavery, 10. 

 Ohio (state), Indian mounds in, 41, 42; first settlements in, 392, 393. 

 Ohio Company, relations with French, 45; open Ohio valley to settlement, 64, 65, 67, 74, 77, 147. 

 Ohio Company of Associates, settles Marietta, 389, 390. 

 Ohio county. W. Va. , census (1830), 55, 56, 63; during Revolution, 311. 

 Ohio river, 36, 40, 55, 78, 115, 117, 121, 123, 125; early Indians on, 45-47; Salling on, 49; Holston on, 59; as a war trail, 75; first English occupation, 63, 64; French and English rivalry for, 64-74, 95; Decker captivity, 78, 79; in Sandy-creek voyage, 83-85; Renick captivity, 91; Hannah Dennis's escape, 92, 93; character of early settlers on, 130, 131; in Dunmore's war, 134, 138, 145, 146, 148, 149, 151-153, 156, 162-165, 167-175, 179, 183; in Henderson's purchase, 192, 193; Shawnees on, 194, 195, 209, 211, 216, 219; during Revolution, 219, 220, 227, 230, 254, 257, 264, 266, 267, 271, 273, 285, 286, 294, 295, 297-300, 305, 320, 335, 347, 355, 360, 363, 384, 389, 390, 399, 411, 415, 417; after Revolution, 367, 372, 374, 380, 381, 383; as a race boundary, 412. 

 Old Town creek, 168, 170, 172; Shawnee village at, 85. 

 Oneco, chief of Mohicans, 32. 

 Orange county, Va. , 55; early settlement of, 55, 66. 

 Ordinance of 1787, 389. 

 Orme, Robert, with Braddock, 68. 

 Osage Indians, stature of, 29. 

 Ottawa Indians, early strength of, 46: during Revolution, 347; at Ft. McIntosh treaty, 366, 388. 

 Ottawa river, early French on, 5. 

 Ouisconsin river. _See_ Wisconsin river. 

 Owens, James, killed by Indians, 247. 

 Owens, John, Sr. , killed by Indians, 290. 

 Owens, John, Jr. , attacked by Indians, 290, 343, 344. 

 Owens, Owen, attacked by Indians, 290. 

 Ox, Susan, captured by Indians, 161. 

 Pack, ----, trapper, 96. 

 Paint creek, Boone's expedition to, 267, 268; Shawnees on, 374; Waggoner on, 410. 

 Parsons, James, early settler, 126. 

 Parsons, Samuel H. , treaty commissioner, 388. 

 Patterson, Robert, founds Lexington, Ky. , 274; partner of Denman, 391; at battle of Blue Licks, 353. 

 Patton, Elizabeth, marries John Preston, 51. 

 Patton, James, early settler of Catawba, 51, 52, 68. 

 Patton, John W. , 127. 

 Pattonsburgh, Va. , 51. 

 Paul, Audley, son of Hugh, 53; at Ft. Redstone, 77, 78; in Sandy-creek voyage, 81, 83, 85; in James-river foray, 91; in New-river foray, 97-99; in Dunmore's war, 169. 

 Paul, Hugh, 53. 

 Paul, Polly, marries Gov. Matthews, 53. 

 Pauling, Henry, militia officer, 207. 

 Paull, James, at Redstone, 80. 

 Paxton boys, kill Canestoga Indians, 104, 105. 

 Paynter, Elias, killed by Indians, 341. 

 Pekillon, Delaware chief, 303, 304. 

 Pendleton county, W. Va. , census (1830), 56; Seybert massacre, 87-89. 

 Penn, William, 124. 

 Pennsylvania, boundary dispute with Virginia, 74; Western settlements in, 74, 75, 123-125, 143; fur trade of, 101; Paxton boys, 104, 105; "Black-boys" uprising, 109-116; Findlay's adventures, 143; _Records_, 58; _Archives_, 323. 

 Pentecost, Dorsey, 323. 

 Peoria Indians, claim Kentucky, 142. 

 Perry, Thomas, killed by Indians, 89. 

 Perrysburgh, O. , 372. 

 Peter, Captain, Indian chief, 135. 

 Petro, Leonard, captured by Indians, 232, 233. 

 Peyton, John L. , _History of Augusta county_, 53, 246. 

 Philadelphia, 105, 109, 124. 

 Philip, chief of Narragansetts, 31, 32. 

 Phillips, Capt. , ambuscaded, 97. 

 Phoebe's Falls, W. Va. , settled, 52. 

 Pickaway plains, Indian treaty at, 183-186. 

 Pickering, Timothy, peace commissioner, 412. 

 Pike run, Indian foray on, 283. 

 Pindall, Rachel, chased by Indians, 344. 

 Pindall, Thomas, attacked by Indians, 344. 

 Piomingo, Chickasaw chief, 405. 

 Pipe, Delaware chief, 333. 

 Pipe, Wyandot chief, 316. 

 Pipe creek, massacre of Indians at, 134, 142, 148. 

 Piqua, Shawnee village, 273; Clark attacks, 305-309. 

 Pitman, ----, trapper, 96. 

 Pittsburg, 117, 120; French fort at, 45; treaties at, 66; Braddock's defeat, 68, 69, 106; in Forbes's campaign, 69-73, 77, 79, 80; Connolly at, 74; Dyer's escape, 87; in Bouquet's expedition, 107-109, 173; in Dunmore's war, 134, 141, 142, 145, 148, 150, 165, 167, 177-179, 181, 182; "Blackboys" uprising, 109; asked to aid Kentucky, 205; during Revolution, 220, 221, 224, 230, 254, 256, 262, 283, 318, 321-323, 335, 357, 362; arrival of peace news, 365; Hand's administration, 210, 211, 214, 216, 219; McIntosh's administration, 210, 237; warned by Moravians, 315, 317; Brodhead's expedition, 300, 301, 303, 304, 316. 

 Pittsylvania, proposed colony of, 145. 

 Pleasant creek, 118. 

 Pocahontas county, W. Va. , census (1830), 56. 

 Poe, Adam, adventure with Indians, 362-364. 

 Poe, Andrew, adventure with Indians, 363, 364. 

 Point Pleasant, W. Va. , battle of, 59, 60, 66, 143, 152, 165-178, 180, 182, 185-187, 189, 190, 208; Ft. Randolph at, 173, 291; surrender of Cornstalk at, 173, 209, 211-216; during Revolution, 237, 241-243. 

 Pointer, Dick, fights Indians, 243. 

 Pollens, Henry, fur trader, 109. 

 Pompey (negro), friend of Indians, 268. 

 Pontiac, uprising of, 73, 141, 172. 

 Poole, William F. , on Clark's campaign, 254. 

 Port Washington, O. , 301, 314. 

 Portsmouth, O. , old Shawnee town at, 92. 

 Post, Charles F. , Moravian missionary, 301. 

 Potomac river, 55; fur trade on, 77; Seybert massacre, 87-89. 

 Pottawattomie Indians, early strength of, 46; during Revolution, 347. 

 Powell, Richard, sons captured by Indians, 280, 281. 

 Powell's valley, 60; Walden in, 60; attack on Boones, 144, 145; Henderson's grant, 193. 

 Power, Major, shot at, 366. 

 Powers, John, early settler, 126. 

 Powers, William, 122. 

 Presbyterians, 50, 54, 57, 168. 

 Presque Isle, 65. 

 Preston county, W. Va. , 280; census (1830), 56, 63. 

 Preston, James Patton, governor of Virginia, 51. 

 Preston, John, marries Elizabeth Patton, 51. 

 Preston, William, militia officer, 51; settles on Holston, 59; in Sandy-creek voyage, 81, 83; surveyor, 145, 146; in Dunmore's war, 152, 165; _Journal_, 82; _Register of Indian Depredations_, 57, 75, 87, 90. 

 Price, Maj. , on Wayne's campaign, 425. 

 Price's settlement, Ky. , 200. 

 Pricket, ----, killed by Indians, 245. 

 Pricket, Josiah, killed by Indians, 161. 

 Pricket's creek, 151. 

 Prince William county, Va. , 71. 

 Pringle, Charity, 119. 

 Pringle, John and Samuel, adventures of, 117-122. 

 Prior, John, killed by Indians, 292. 

 Pritchet, John, killed by Indians, 243. 

 Province, John, early settler, 123. 

 Province, Mrs. , buries Bald Eagle, 136. 

 Pryor, John, scouting adventure, 242, 243. 

 Purgatory creek, 89, 91. 

 Purgatory mountain, 89. 

 Putnam, Rufus, heads Marietta colonists, 389, 390; peace commissioner, 412. 

 Quakers, 124, 240. 

 Quebec, founded by Champlain, 4, 5. 

 Raccoon creek, 299. 

 Radcliff, Daniel, killed by Indians, 367. 

 Radcliff, John, early settler, 121, 122. 

 Radcliff, Stephen, attacked by Indians, 311. 

 Radcliff, William, early settler, 121, 122. 

 Ralston, James, killed by Indians, 287. 

 Ranck, Geo. W. , 274. 

 Randolph, Beverly, peace commissioner, 412. 

 Randolph county, W. Va. , census (1830), 56, 63; settled, 74. 

 Ray, James, adventures with Indians, 201. 

 Ray, William, killed by Indians, 201. 

 Read, John, finds Davisson, 283. 

 Red Hawk, Shawnee warrior, 209. 

 Red river, De Soto on, 8. 

 Redhawk, Delaware chief, 172. 

 Redstone (Brownsville, Pa. ), first settled 77-80, 123, 216; De Villiers at, 74; Decker massacre, 77, 78; in Dunmore's war, 134, 141, 150; tory trials, 231, 232: militia from, 271; emigrants from, 390, 392; road to Marietta, 399. 

 Reece, ----, attacked by Indians, 239. 

 Reece, Miss, wounded by Indian, 239. 

 Renick family, attacked by Indians, 89-91. 

 Reynolds, ----, at seige of Bryant's station, 350, 351, 353, 354. 

 Rice, Daniel, attacked by Indians, 361. 

 Rich mountain, 126. 

 Richards, Arnold and Paul, killed by Indians, 345. 

 Richards, Conrad, attacked by Indians, 251, 252. 

 Richmond, Va. , 62. 

 Riffle, ----, early settler, 126. 

 Roanoke county, Va. , 61; Salling in, 49. 

 Roanoke river, 70; explored, 48; in New-river foray, 96, 99; settlements raided by Shawnees, 61, 81, 82. 

 Robertson, Dr. , on origin of Indians, 25. 

 Robertson family, killed by Indians, 158. 

 Robertson, James, at Watauga treaty, 192. 

 Robinson, ----, explorer, 124; killed by Indians, 161. 

 Robinson, Mrs. Edward, discovers Hull's body, 383. 

 Robinson, Maj. , searches for Mrs. Cunningham, 370. 

 Robinson, William, captured by Indians, 156-158. 

 Rockbridge county, Va. , Salling in, 48; district of Augusta, 49; first settled, 53; census (1830), 56; militia of, 66, 174, 211, 212; massacre in, 172. 

 Rockcastle river, Boone on, 143, 192. 

 Rockford, Pa. , 210. 

 Rockingham county, Va. , census (1830), 56, 66. 

 Rogers, John, on Clark's campaign, 258, 259. 

 Rogers, Joseph, killed by Indians, 308. 

 Roney, Alexander, killed by Indians, 311, 312. 

 Roney, Mrs. Alexander, captured by Indians, 311, 312. 

 Roosevelt, Theodore, _Winning of the West_, 80, 130, 183, 184, 193, 261, 386. 

 Rooting creek, 217. 

 Ross, Tavenor, renegade, 168. 

 Rowell, Daniel, adventure with Indians, 411. 

 Royall, Ann, _Sketches_, 57, 95. 

 Ruddell, Isaac, arrival in Kentucky, 207; defeated by Bird, 295-297, 350. 

 Rule, Henry, early settler, 122. 

 Runner, Elijah, murders Bald Eagle, 135. 

 Runyan, John, daughter killed by Indians, 419. 

 Rush run, foray on, 380, 381. 

 Russell county, Va. , census (1830), 56. 

 Russell, William, treaty commissioner, 66; in Dunmore's war, 152, 167, 170, 176. 

 Ryan, John, kills Indians, 135. 

 Ryswick, treaty of, 195. 

 St. Asaph's. _See_ Logan's station. 

 St. Clair, Arthur, arrives at Ft. Washington, 391, 392; names Cincinnati, 391, 392; reports on Harmar's campaign, 395; campaign against Miamis, 400-405, 407, 408, 413; resigns command, 412. 

 St. Clairsville, O. , 338. 

 St. Joseph river, in Harmar's campaign, 393, 395. 

 St. Lawrence river, Champlain on, 5. 

 St. Louis, attacked by English, 254. 

 St. Mary's river, in Harmar's campaign, 393. 

 Salem, Va. , Salling at, 49; in Sandy-creek voyage, 82. 

 Salem, Moravian village, 301, 302, 314, 319, 322, 325, 327. 

 Salisbury, N. C. , 191. 

 Salling, Henry, brother of John Peter, 48. 

 Salling, John Peter, explorations of, 47-49: settles Augusta, 66. 

 Salt creek, 175. 

 Salt licks, in Kentucky, 48, 196, 199, 265, 266; in West Virginia, 265, 361; in Ohio, 267. 

 Salt river, foray on, 405. 

 Saluda Old Town, S. C. , 59. 

 Sam (negro), at seige of Wheeling, 356, 357. 

 Sandusky, early Indians at, 46; in Dunmore's war, 187; McIntosh's expedition against, 252; Moravians at, 316, 317, 320, 327; Crawford's campaign, 327-339; Irvine's expedition, 355; Cozad at, 420. 

 "Sandy-creek voyage, " against Shawnees, 81-86. 

 Sandy island, Iroquois defeat Shawnees at, 194, 195. 

 Sandy river, foray on, 373. 

 Sapoonie Indians, strength of, 46. 

 Sappington, John, murders Indians, 148, 149. 

 Sargent, Winthrop, expedition against Ft. Du Quesne, 68. 

 Savannah, Ga. , 237. 

 Schoolcraft, Austin, killed by Indians, 290. 

 Schoolcraft, Henry A. , _Indian Tribes_, 40. 

 Schoolcraft, John, family massacred, 284. 

 Schoolcraft, Leonard, captured by Indians, 282; turns renegade, 377-379. 

 Schoolcraft, Matthias, killed by Indians, 310. 

 Schoolcraft, Michael, captured by Indians, 310. 

 Schoolcraft, Simon, attacked by Indians, 288, 289; captured by Indians, 310. 

 Schönbrunn, Moravian village, 314, 319, 328, 329. 

 Scioto Company, settles Gallipolis, 60. 

 Scioto river, Shawnees on, 46; in Sandy-creek voyage, 82, 84; Renick captivity, 91; Hannah Dennis on, 92; in Pontiac's war, 172; Clendenning captivity, 173; in Dunmore's war, 170, 175, 180, 182, 183, 185; during Revolution, 329; military land-claims on, 366; Moore captivity, 374; in Harmar's campaign, 393. 

 Scoppathus, Mingo chief, 172. 

 Scotch and Scotch-Irish, on the border, 49, 54, 101, 104, 168; in Georgia, 237; in Pensylvania, 143; in Virginia, 191, 334: in West Virginia, 373. 

 Scott, Andrew, at seige of Wheeling. 356. 

 Scott, Capt. , killed by Indians, 395. 

 Scott, Charles, campaign against Miami and Wabash Indians, 406-408; in Wayne's campaign, 426. 

 Scott county, Va. , census (1830), 56. 

 Scott, David, daughters killed by Indians, 283. 

 Scott, Jacob, murders Bald Eagle, 135. 

 Scott, Molly, at seige of Wheeling, 356. 

 Seekonk, Mingo village, 185. 

 Seneca Indians, 194; at Easton treaty, 58; rob Findlay, 143. _See_ Mingo Indians. 

 Senseman, Gottlob, Moravian missionary, 314, 317. 

 Severns, Ebenezer, on Bullitt's survey, 146. 

 Sevier, John, at Watauga treaty, 192. 

 Sewell, Stephen, settles on Greenbrier, 57. 

 Seybert, Capt. , defeated by Indians, 87-89. 

 Shabosh, killed by whites, 322, 326. 

 Shakers, 106. 

 Shamokin, Cayuga village, 155. 

 Shane manuscripts, 221. 

 Shawnee Indians, on Upper Ohio, 45; in Ohio, 46; attack Roanoke, 61, 81; Sandy-creek voyage, 82-86; Seybert massacre, 87-89; foray on James, 89-91; villages on Scioto, 92; Stroud massacre, 136, 137; Findlay among, 143; attack Boones, 145; in Dunmore's war, 134, 142, 166, 167, 172, 175-186, 253; murder of Cornstalk, 209-214; Clendenning captivity, 173; Bouquet's expedition, 173; in Kentucky, 194, 195, 201; raided by Clark, 123, 254; during Revolution, 219, 236, 265-268, 271, 273, 333, 334, 336, 347, 354, 355, 374; raided by Logan, 386-388; at Ft. Finney treaty, 388; raided by Wayne, 428. 

 Shawnee springs, 201. 

 Shelby, Evans, settles on Holston, 59; in Dunmore's war, 167, 168, 174. 

 Shelby, Isaac, in Dunmore's war, 169, 170, 174; at Watauga treaty, 192. 

 Shenandoah county, Va. , census (1830), 56; militia of, 164. 

 Shenandoah valley, 66; explored, 47; early settlers in, 46, 50, 190; Borden grant, 50-53; Fairfax survey, 334; fur trade in, 76, 120; Mrs. Cunningham in, 373. 

 Shepherd, David, early settler, 125; militia officer, 221, 226, 228, 230; in Brodhead's expedition, 300, 301; at seige of Wheeling, 359; manuscripts of, 221. 

 Shepherd, Moses, 124. 

 Shesheequon, Pa. , Moravian village. 319. 

 Shikellemus, Cayuga chief, 155. 

 Shingiss, Delaware chief, 45, 190, 194, 237. 

 Shinn, Benjamin, attacked by Indians, 247. 

 Shinnston, W. Va. , 343. 

 Shiver, John, captured by Indians, 282, 283. 

 Shores, Thomas, captured by Indians, 201. 

 Short creek, settled on, 125. 

 Silver creek, 196. 

 Simcoe, John G. , governor of Canada, 412. 

 Simpson's creek, 156, 247, 343; settled on, 118, 126; foray on, 366. 

 Simpson, John, adventures of, 118, 119. 

 Sims, Bernard, killed by Indians, 291. 

 Sims, John, attacked by Indians, 291, 383. 

 Six Nations. _See_ Iroquois. 

 Skegg's creek, foray on, 385. 

 Skidmore, John, in Dunmore's war, 170. 

 Skillern, George, in Hand's expedition, 210, 211. 

 Slaughter, Col. , in Dunmore's war, 167, 175; commandant at Louisville, 291; in Piqua campaign, 305, 307; at Moravian massacre, 321. 

 Slavery, first importation of negroes, 9, 10. 

 Sleeth, Alexander and Thomas, early settlers, 121. 

 Slover, John, captured by Indians, 335-338; _Narrative_, 335. 

 Small pox, feared by Indians, 291. 

 Smally, James, killed by Indians, 282. 

 Smith, ----, of St. Asaph's, 205. 

 Smith, Ballard, 94. 

 Smith, Benjamin, killed by Indians, 91. 

 Smith, James, imprisoned by French, 67; captured by Indians, 79: chief of "Black-boys, " 105, 106, 109-115; explores Kentucky, 115. 

 Smith, John, attempts western exploration, 64. 

 Smith, John, in Sandy-creek voyage, 81; militia officer, 90. 

 Smith, Thomas, killed by Indians, 89, 90. 

 Smith, Mrs. Thomas, imprisoned by Indians, 90. 

 Smith, William H. , _St. Clair Papers_, 404. 

 Snake, John and Thomas, Wyandot chiefs, 316, 317. 

 Snip, Wyandot chief, 316. 

 Snodgrass, James, killed by Indians, 374. 

 Snowy creek, massacre on, 280. 

 Snyder, Jacob, killed by Indians, 102. 

 Sodousky, James, on Bullitt's survey, 146. 

 South Branch (or Fork) of Potomac, 75; Dunkard massacre on, 76, 77; Indians defeated on, 97; Seybert massacre, 87-89; emigrants from, 118-120, 122, 124-126; Indians massacred on, 135. 

 South Carolina, 46, 59, 160. 

 Spanish, territorial claims of, 5; colonizing efforts, 7; capture Salling, 48, 49; in Kentucky conspiracy, 130, 254, 258; attack on St. Louis, 254. 

 Speed, Thomas, _Wilderness Road_, 384. 

 Spottswood, Gov. , crosses Blue ridge, 64. 

 Springfield, W. Va. , 91. 

 Sprout run, Borden Manor on, 51. 

 Squissatego, Seneca brave, 58. 

 Stalnaker, ----, settles on New, 59. 

 Stalnaker, Adam, attacked by Indians, 343. 

 Stalnaker, Jacob, settles on Tygart, 126; attacked by Indians, 343. 

 Stamford, Ky. , 197. 

 Station Camp creek, Boone on, 143. 

 Staunton, Va. , 91; settlement near, 49, 50; _Spectator_, 53. 

 Steele, John, at Point Pleasant, 174. 

 Stephen, Adam, in Forbes's campaign, 70; in Sandy-creek voyage, 81; in Dunmore's war, 164. 

 Steeth, John, chases Indians, 246. 

 Steubenville, O. , 78, 320. 

 Stewart, John, killed by Indians, 234. 

 Stites, ----, makes Miami purchase, 390. 

 Stone Coal creek, origin of name, 121. 

 Stone, Uriah, explores Kentucky, 115. 

 Stoner, Michael, explores Kentucky, 152, 190. 

 Stone's river, origin of name, 115. 

 Stout, Benjamin, 126. 

 Strait, Jacob, killed by Indians, 375. 

 Stroud, Adam, killed by Indians, 136-138. 

 Stuart, Betsy, marries Woods, 54. 

 Stuart, Charles A. , 53. 

 Stuart, David, marries Jane Lynn, 53. 

 Stuart, James, killed by Indians, 280. 

 Stuart, John, pioneer on Greenbrier, 53, 54, 57-59; companion of Boone, 143, 144; in Dunmore's war, 159-161, 169, 170, 174; at murder of Cornstalk, 211, 212; defends Greenbrier, 243-245; _Memoir of Indian Wars_, 180. 

 Sullivan, John, campaign against New York Indians, 210. 

 Susquehanna river, 136; Munsees on, 46; forays on, 101-104. 

 Swan, John, early settler, 123, 125, 149; militia officer, 226-228; defends Wheeling, 360. 

 Swope, ----, trapper, 96. 

 Sycamore shoals, treaty at, 192. 

 Symmes, John Cleves, secures Miami land-grant, 390-392. 

 Tanner, Edward, captured by Indians, 342. 

 Tate, ----, at Point Pleasant, 174. 

 Tate's creek, 196. 

 Tawas. _See_ Ottawas. 

 Taylor, Capt. , killed by Indians, 423. 

 Taylor, Hugh Paul, _Sketches_, 51, 53, 85. 

 Tazewell county, Va. , census (1830), 55, 56. 

 Tazewell Court House, Va. , raided by Indians, 373, 374. 

 Tecumseh, conspiracy of, 35, 36; in Waggoner massacre, 409-411. 

 Tegard, Abraham, early settler, 123. 

 Telford, Hugh, early settler, 52. 

 Tennessee, 75; stone graves in, 43; Salling in, 48, 49; early missions in, 106; Boone in, 144, 145. 

 Tennessee river, 253; Salling on, 48, 49; Holston on, 59; explored by Smith, 115; in Henderson's purchase, 193, 195. 

 Ten Mile creek, first settlement on, 190; in Dunmore's war, 151; forays on, 238-240, 381. 

 Terry, Cornet, killed by Indians, 423. 

 Thomas, Abraham, _Sketches_, 180. 

 Thomas, John, early settler, 122, 123; killed by Indians, 309, 310, 343. 

 Thompson, ----, surveys on Licking, 146. 

 Thompson, Jethro, house burned by Indians, 383. 

 Thompson, John, Indian go-between, 263. 

 Thompson, William, assists "Blackboys. " 112, 113. 

 Todd, John, defends Kentucky, 200; killed at Blue Licks, 351, 353. 

 Todd, Levi, in Bowman's campaign, 271; in Wabash campaign, 386. 

 Tomlinson, Benjamin, 149; founds Moundsville, 230. 

 Tomlinson, Samuel, adventure with Indians, 222. 

 Tonty, Henri de, with La Salle, 6. 

 Trails, Warrior branch, 75, 399; Nemacolin's path, 77; Cumberland Gap, 143, 152, 192, 384; Wilderness road, 384. 

 Transylvania Company, settles Kentucky, 190-196. 

 Treaties, Ryswick, 195; Paris (1763), 7, 106, 139; Lancaster, 195; Easton, 58; Ft. Stanwix, 45, 70, 195; Lochaber, 195; Bouquet's, 91, 108, 134, 141, 179; Camp Charlotte, 145, 147, 173, 176-186, 195, 197; Watauga, 153, 192, 195; Paris (1782), 365, 384; Au Glaize, 374, 376; Ft. McIntosh, 97, 366, 388; Ft. Finney, 388; Greenville, 141, 147, 420, 430. 

 Trent, William, at Redstone, 77. 

 Trigg, Col. , killed at Blue Licks, 353, Triplett, William, killed by Indians, 411, 412. 

 Trueman, Maj. , killed by Indians, 412. 

 Tugg river, origin of name, 85. 

 Turkey creek, 99. 

 Turkey run, 119, 121. 

 Turtle creek, scene of Braddock's defeat, 67. 

 Tuscarawas river, McIntosh's expedition, 256, 261; Moravian missions on, 219, 301, 313-317, 320, 336. 

 Tuscarora Indians, legend of, 18. 

 Twightee Indians, strength of, 46. 

 Twitty, William, at Watauga treaty, 192; killed by Indians, 196. 

 Tygart, David, settles in Tygart's valley, 74, 75. 

 Tygart's valley, first settled, 74, 126; Pringles in, 117-122; in Dunmore's war, 151; during Revolution, 284, 286, 287, 311; miscellaneous forays in, 232-235, 341, 343, 421, 422, 428. 

 Tyler county, W. Va. , census (1830), 56, 63. 

 Unadilla river, Delawares on, 136. 

 Uniontown, Pa. , 77. 

 Valley of Virginia, early Indians in, 46; Salling's exploration, 48, 49; McDowell's fight, 52; first settled, 61, 190; Mrs. Cunningham in, 373. 

 Valley river, 63; Pringles on, 118, 119; in Dunmore's war, 151; during Revolution, 287; forays on, 252, 311. 

 Van Meter, Jacob, early settler, 123. 

 Vause, ----, settles on New, 59. 

 Veech, James, _Monongahela of Old_, 79, 80. 

 Vernon, Maj. , at Ft. Laurens, 265. 

 Vigo, M. , assists Clark, 258. 

 Vincennes, Ind. , in Clark's campaign, 253-255, 257-261, 386; Hamtramck at, 394. 

 Virginia, Indian mounds, 40; early tribes, 44-47; Borden manor, 50-53; Loyal Co. , 49; Fairfax grant, 50, 51; characteristics of early settlers, 54; Salling's operations, 47-49; early explorations, 64; Ohio Co. , 64, 65; Braddock's campaign, 65-69; Forbes's campaign, 69-73; boundary dispute with Pennsylvania, 74, 142; Pontiac's war, 97; New-river foray, 96-99; militia of, 100, 101; border settlements, 125; military land warrants, 145; Wapatomica campaign, 153-155; Dunmore's attitude toward, 179; relinquishes western land claim, 130, 389; _Dinwiddie Papers_, 86; _Calendar of State Papers_, 86. 

 Wabash Indians, raided by Hamtramck, 394; by Scott, 407, 408; agree to peace, 412. 

 Wabash river, in Clark's campaigns, 257-259, 385, 386; arrival of peace news, 365. 

 Wachatomakah, Indian village, 336. 

 Waggoner, John, family massacred by Indians, 408-411. 

 Waggoner, Peter, captured by Indians, 409-411. 

 Walden's creek, origin of name, 60. 

 Walden, Elisha, killed by Indians, 59, 60. 

 Walholling river, 314, 317. 

 Walker, Felix, at Watauga treaty, 192; wounded by Indians, 196. 

 Walker, Thomas, explores Kentucky, 81; _Journal_, 59. 

 Walker, William, educated Wyandot, 96, 97. 

 Wallace, ----, killed by Indians, 319. 

 Walpole, ----, interest in Pittsylvania, 145. 

 Wapatomica, McDonald's expedition against, 138, 153-155; Indian council at, 347. 

 Ward, Mrs. , escapes from Indians, 422. 

 Warrior Branch, Indian trail, 75. 

 Wars, French and Indian, 65-74, 77-80, 100-106, 143, 190, 334, 387; McDowell's fight, 66; Sandy-creek voyage, 81-86; Bouquet's campaign, 106-109; Braddock's campaign, 143, 145, 147, 169; Forbes's campaign, 145, 150, 190; Pontiac's war, 73, 97, 141, 172; Dunmore's war, 66, 78, 127, 134-190, 209, 253, 334; Revolution, 66, 78, 86, 124, 145, 146, 177, 178, 182, 187-365, 382, 387; Hand's campaign. 209-211; Harmar's, 384, 393-395, 400, 408; St. Clair's, 400-405, 407, 408, 413; Wayne's, 412-428. 

 Warwick, ----, early settler, 126. 

 Warwick, Jacob, attacked by Indians, 286, 287. 

 Warwick, William, attacked by Indians, 287. 

 Washburn, Benjamin, attacked by Indians, 247. 

 Washburn, Charles, killed by Indians, 345. 

 Washburn, Isaac, killed by Indians, 241. 

 Washburn, James, tortured by Indians, 250, 251. 

 Washburn, Stephen, killed by Indians, 250. 

 Washington county, Ky. , 106, 190. 

 Washington county. Pa. , settled, 125; militia of, 320, 327, 328. 

 Washington county, Va. , census (1830), 56; militia of, 165, 174, 268; threatened by Bird, 299. 

 Washington, George, in French and Indian war, 45, 65, 67, 69, 71, 74, 77, 100, 101, 145, 334; friendship for Andrew Lewis, 70; advises Sandy-creek voyage, 81; on Seybert massacre, 87; in Revolutionary war, 106; friend of Rufus Putman, 389; _Tour to the Ohio_, 73. 

 Watauga river, treaty with Indians on, 153, 192. 

 Waterford. O. , founded, 393. 

 Wayne, Anthony, general of army, 412; campaign against Western Indians, 147, 412-428. 

 Webb, Jonas, early settler, 126. 

 Wells, Bazaleel, at Point Pleasant, 174. 

 Wells, Maj. , on Shawnee campaign, 355. 

 Wellsburg, W. Va. , 380. 

 Welsh, on the border, 49. 

 West, Alexander, 378; chases Indians, 246, 311; adventure with Indians, 287-290; on Lowther's expedition, 376, 377; sketch, 288. 

 West Augusta, district of, 63; first justice of peace, 127. 

 West, Charles, chases Indians, 246. 

 West, Edmund, Sr. , attacked by Indians, 288; killed by Indians, 377-379. 

 West, Edmund, Jr. , family attacked by Indians, 378, 379. 

 West Fork river, origin of name, 122; first settlements on, 126, 127; in Dunmore's war, 151, 156; during Revolution, 240, 311, 312, 343; miscellaneous forays on, 217, 218, 250, 251, 366, 367, 376, 400, 410, 411, 414, 419, 422, 428. 

 West Newton, Pa. , departure of Marietta pilgrims, 389. 

 West Virginia, character of early Indians in, 36; mounds in, 40; early tribes in, 44-47; census (1830), 63; first settlements in (prior to 1774), 117-133. 

 Westfall, ----, early settler, 126. 

 Westfall, O. , 176. 

 Westmoreland county, Pa. , 115. 

 Westmoreland county, Va. , militia of, 210, 327, 328; forays in, 301. 

 Wetzel county, W. Va. , 279. 

 Wetzel, George, Indian fighter, 161. 

 Wetzel, Jacob, adventure with Indians, 161-163. 

 Wetzel, John, Indian fighter, 125, 161. 

 Wetzel, Lewis, Indian fighter, 125, 161-163, 338, 339; sketch, 161. 

 Wetzel, Martin, Indian fighter, 161. 

 Wheat, Betsy, at seige of Wheeling, 225. 

 Wheeling, W. Va. , 40; founded, 124, 125; in Dunmore's war, 134, 146, 148, 149, 152-154, 163, 165, 179; first seige of, 219-228, 235; second seige, 224, 356-360; Foreman's defeat, 228-230; during Revolution, 237, 299, 301, 319, 336, 338, 362; McKee's foray, 316, 317. 

 Wheeling creek, in Dunmore's war, 151, 161. 

 White Eyes, Delaware chief, 150, 175, 176, 179, 180, 182, 183, 221, 302. 

 White, John, killed by Indians, 284. 

 White, William, murders Indians, 136, 137; captured by Indians, 232, 233; killed by Indians, 340. 

 Whiteman, ----, early settler, 126. 

 Whitley, Paul, early settler, 52; with Braddock, 66. 

 Whitley, William, arrival in Kentucky, 197; scout, 271; attacks Indians, 385, 386; _Narrative_, 203, 205. 

 Whitley, Mrs. William, adventure with Indians, 203. 

 Whittlesey, Charles, _Fugitive Essays_, 183. 

 Wilkinson, James, attacks Miamis, 407; builds Ft. Recovery, 419. 

 Williams and Mary college, 145. 

 Williams, Isaac, explorer, 124. 

 Williams, John, of Transylvania Co. , 191. 

 Williamsburg, Va. , 47, 86, 87, 159, 178; Salling at, 49; John Lewis at, 50; in Dunmore's war, 151, 154. 

 Williamson, David, expedition against Moravians, 314-318, 320-327; in Crawford's campaign, 327, 328, 331. 

 Williamson, Lieut. , at Ft. Pitt, 78. 

 Williamson, Peter, captured by Indians, 101-104. 

 Will's creek, Ohio Co. 's post at, 67, 74, 77. 

 Wilson, ----, killed at Point Pleasant, 171. 

 Wilson, Benjamin, 184, 186, 234, 235, 247, 284, 311. 

 Winchester, Va. , 56, 68, 71, 81, 121; fur trade at, 47, 48; threatened by Indians, 101; trial of White, 136; during Revolution, 252. 

 Wingenund, Delaware chief, 333. 

 Winston's Meadows, 99. 

 Wisconsin, Indian mounds in, 42. 

 Wisconsin Historical Society, manuscripts in library of, 49, 75, 81, 87, 170, 193, 203, 205, 221, 259, 260; _Collections_, 58. 

 Wisconsin river, explored by French, 6. 

 Wolf creek, 82, 392, 393, 396. 

 Wood, Abraham, discovers Great Kanawha, 64. 

 Wood county, W. Va. , census (1830), 56, 63; first sheriff of, 127. 

 Wood, Nicholas, killed by Indians, 375. 

 Woodfin, John, killed by Indians, 249. 

 Woodford, Col. , 72. 

 Woods, Richard, 54. 

 Woodson, Obadiah, in Sandy-creek voyage, 81. 

 Wright, ----, killed by Indians, 344. 

 Wyalusing, Pa. , Moravian village, 319. 

 Wyandot Indians, early strength of, 46; in Kansas, 96, 97; in Dunmore's war, 172; at Foreman's defeat, 230; during Revolution, 219, 262, 316, 317, 320, 327, 332, 347, 362-364; at Ft. McIntosh treaty, 366, 388. 

 Wyllys, Maj. , killed by Indians, 393, 394. 

 Wythe county, Va. , census (1830), 55, 56. 

 Yadkin river, Boone on, 143, 144, 205. 

 Yellow creek, Logan massacre at, 134, 138, 148-150, 184. 

 Youghiogheny river, crossed by Braddock, 67; early settlements on, 74, 77, 113, 114, 118, 334; Marietta pilgrims on, 389. 

 Zane, Andrew, adventure with Indians, 222. 

 Zane, Ebenezer, 148; settles Wheeling, 124, 125; defends Wheeling, 225, 228, 230, 356-360; in Brodhead's expedition, 300. 

 Zane, Elizabeth, at seige of Wheeling, 359. 

 Zane, Isaac, captured by Indians, 124; daughter wounded, 418. 

 Zane, Jonathan, settles at Wheeling, 124; in Dunmore's war, 153. 

 Zane, Noah, 125, 225. 

 Zane, Silas, settles at Wheeling, 124; defends Wheeling, 356, 357. 

 Zanesville, O. , 153. 

 Zeisberger, David, Moravian missionary, 301, 314, 315, 317. 

The First American Frontier

An Arno Press/New York Times Collection

Agnew, Daniel. 

A History of the Region of Pennsylvania North of the Allegheny River. 1887. 

Alden, George H. 

New Government West of the Alleghenies Before 1780. 1897. 

Barrett, Jay Amos. 

Evolution of the Ordinance of 1787. 1891. 

Billon, Frederick. 

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Bradley, A. G. 

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Claiborne, Nathaniel Herbert. 

Notes on the War in the South with Biographical Sketches of the Livesof Montgomery, Jackson, Sevier, and Others. 1819. 

Clark, Daniel. 

Proofs of the Corruption of Gen. James Wilkinson. 1809. 

Clark, George Rogers. 

Colonel George Rogers Clark's Sketch of His Campaign in the Illinoisin 1778-9. 1869. 

Collins, Lewis. 

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Cruikshank, Ernest, ed, Documents Relating to Invasion of Canada and the Surrender of Detroit. 1912. 

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Cutler, Julia P. 

The Life and Times of Ephraim Cutler. 1890. 

Darlington, Mary C. 

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Darlington, Mary C. 

Fort Pitt and Letters From the Frontier. 1892. 

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The Life and Times of David Zeisberger. 1870. 

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Forman, Samuel S. 

Narrative of a Journey Down the Ohio and Mississippi in 1789-90. 1888. 

Haywood, John. 

Civil and Political History of the State of Tennessee to 1796. 1823. 

Heckewelder, John. 

History, Manners and Customs of the Indian Nations. 1876. 

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Narrative of the Mission of the United Brethren. 1820. 

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A Tour Through the Southern and Western Territories. 1792. 

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History of Northampton, Lehigh, Monroe, Carbon and Schuykill Counties. 1845. 

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Sargent, Winthrop, ed. 

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Severance, Frank H. 

An Old Frontier of France. (2 volumes in one). 1917. 

Sipe, C. Hale. 

Fort Ligonier and Its Times. 1932. 

Stevens, Henry N. 

Lewis Evans: His Map of the Middle British Colonies in America. 1920. 

Timberlake, Henry. 

The Memoirs of Lieut. Henry Timberlake. 1927. 

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Pioneer Life: Or Thirty Years a Hunter. 1854. 

Trent, William. 

Journal of Captain William Trent From Logstown to Pickawillany. 1871. 

Walton, Joseph S. 

Conrad Weiser and the Indian Policy of Colonial Pennsylvania. 1900. 

Withers, Alexander Scott. 

Chronicles of Border Warfare. 1895. 

Chronicles of Border Warfare

Alexander Scott Withers

Arno Press & The New York Times

Reprint Edition 1971 by Arno Press Inc. 

Reprinted from a copy in

The State Historical Society of Wisconsin Library

LC # 75-146426

ISBN 0-405-02896-2

The First American Frontier

ISBN for complete set: 0-405-02820-2

See last pages of this volume for titles. 

Manufactured in the United States of America

Transcriber's Note

Corrections in text:

 Page Correction

 vii early period, indentifying very large the sources of (identifying) xi whatever for his diligenee and labor in producing it (diligence) 8 adorned with spendid magnificence, who can feel surprised (splendid) 9 Yet, although the philanthopist must weep over (philanthropist) 10 Nothwithstanding those two great evils which have (Notwithstanding) 46 with an aggregate population ef 289, 362. (population of) 51 visited Great Britian in 1737 (Britain) 101 Upen the earnest remonstrance and entreaty (Upon) 110 of the commanding officer a party of Higland soldiers (Highland) 112 they did not scruple to intercept the pussage of goods (passage) 113 from the entrace into the Fort, and three centinels on the (entrance) 120 hauch of the others. The low state of their little magazine (haunch) 126 bleeching in the sun, after their murder by the Indians, (bleaching) 160 house, had been dischaaged at them by Indian (discharged) 182 it would be more conconvenient (convenient) 203 draging his wounded body along (dragging) 211 place of rendezvous. This stock was nearly exhaused (exhausted) 216 naturally enough prompts to deeds of revangeful cruelty (revengeful) 309 was in vain. The tomahawk was uplifted, and stoke followed (stroke) 313 in the bloody deeds of their red brethern, yet that (brethren) 323 take upon themseves the entire responsibility (themselves) 345 A most schocking scene was exhibited some time before this (shocking) 345 purpose of washing. While thus engaged three guns (repeated word) 361 miles from its enterance into the Ohio, and was known (entrance) 375 Buffaloe, and as Levi Morgan was engaged in skining (skinning) 385 loss was severely felt thoughout the whole country. (throughout) 387 was the head chief with this three wives and children (his three) 393 if posssible, to a general engagement; and if this (possible) 417 a company which had been sta-stationed (printer's error) 421 assembled to witness the awful spectacle. The croud was (crowd)

Corrections in footnotes:

 Introduction: Chapter 3, Footnote 3 consider the running of the guantlet (gauntlet)

 Introduction: Chapter 3, Footnote 5 Kis faithful dog shall bear him company. (His)

 Chapter 1, Footnote 13 Shehandoah, Frederick, 1772 767 19, 750 4, 922 (Shenandoah)

 Chapter 1, Footnote 17 with his family to Culpeper coanty, which was (Culpeper county)

 Chapter 5, Footnote 5 bitten, and the whole patrty suffered exceedingly. (party)

 Chapter 10, Footnote 8 of the tribes west and sonthwest of Lake (southwest)

 Chapter 18, Footnote 4 to Aprfl 30, 1793. The army was fancifully (April)