A COMPILATION OF THE MESSAGES AND PAPERS OF THE PRESIDENTS

BY JAMES D. RICHARDSON

A REPRESENTATIVE FROM THE STATE OF TENNESSEE

PUBLISHED BY AUTHORITY OF CONGRESS

1902

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William McKinley

Messages, Proclamations, and Executive Orders Relating to theSpanish-American War

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William McKinley

William McKinley, the twenty-fifth President of the United States, wasborn in Niles, Trumbull County, Ohio, January 29, 1843. His ancestors onthe paternal side, who were Scotch-Irish, came from Scotland and locatedin Pennsylvania. His great-grandfather, David McKinley, after serving inthe Revolution, resided in Pennsylvania until 1814, when he went toOhio, where he died in 1840, at the age of 85. The grandmother of thePresident, Mary Rose, came from a Puritan family that fled from Englandto Holland and emigrated to Pennsylvania with William Penn. The fatherof the President, William McKinley, sr. , was born in Pine Township, Mercer County, Pa. , in 1807, and married Nancy Campbell Allison, ofColumbiana County, Ohio, in 1829. Both the grandfather and father of thePresident were iron manufacturers. His father was a devout Methodist, a stanch Whig and Republican, and an ardent advocate of a protectivetariff. He died during his son's first term as governor of Ohio, inNovember, 1892, at the age of 85. The mother of the President passedaway at Canton, Ohio, in December, 1897, at the advanced age of 89. William McKinley was educated in the public schools of Niles, UnionSeminary, at Poland, Ohio, and Allegheny College, at Meadville, Pa. Before attaining his majority taught in the public schools. At theage of 16 became a member of the Methodist Episcopal Church. At thebeginning of hostilities in the War between the States Mr. McKinley, who was a clerk in the Poland post-office, volunteered his services, and on June 11, 1861, was enlisted as a private in the Twenty-third OhioVolunteer Infantry. Participated in all the early engagements in WestVirginia, and in the winter's camp at Fayetteville received his firstpromotion, commissary-sergeant, on April 15, 1862. In recognition of hisservices at Antietam, Sergeant McKinley was made second lieutenant, hiscommission dating from September 24, 1862, and on February 7, 1863, while at Camp Piatt, he was again promoted, receiving the rank of firstlieutenant. In the retreat near Lynchburg, Va. , his regiment marched 180miles, fighting nearly all the time, with scarcely any rest or food. Lieutenant McKinley conducted himself with gallantry, and at Winchesterwon additional honors. The Thirteenth West Virginia Regiment failed toretire when the rest of Hayes's brigade fell back, and, being in greatdanger of capture, the young lieutenant was directed to go and bringit away, which he did in safety, after riding through a heavy fire. On July 25, 1864, at the age of 21, McKinley was promoted to the rank ofcaptain. The brigade continued its fighting up and down the ShenandoahValley. At Berryville, Va. , September 3, 1864, Captain McKinley's horsewas shot from under him. Served successively on the staffs of GeneralsR. B. Hayes, George Crook, and Winfield S. Hancock, and on March 14, 1865, was brevetted major of United States Volunteers by PresidentLincoln for gallantry in the battles of Opequan, Cedar Creek, andFishers Hill. Was detailed as acting assistant adjutant-general of theFirst Division, First Army Corps, on the staff of General Samuel S. Carroll. At the close of the war was urged to remain in the Army, but, deferring to the judgment of his father, was mustered out of the serviceJuly 26, 1865, and returned to Poland. At once began the study of lawunder Glidden & Wilson, of Youngstown, Ohio, and later attended thelaw school in Albany, N. Y. Was admitted to the bar in March, 1867, atWarren, Ohio, and the same year removed to Canton, Ohio, which has sincebeen his home. In 1867 his first political speeches were made in favorof negro suffrage. In 1869 was elected prosecuting attorney of StarkCounty, and served one term, being defeated two years later for the sameoffice. Mr. McKinley took an active interest in State politics, and madespeeches in many of the campaigns. On January 25, 1871, married MissIda Saxton. Two daughters were born to them, both of whom died inearly childhood. In 1876 was elected a member of the National House ofRepresentatives, and for fourteen years represented the Congressionaldistrict of which his county was a part, except for a portion of hisfourth term, when he was unseated late in the first session. While inCongress served on the Committees on the Judiciary, Revision of theLaws, Expenditures in the Post-Office Department, Rules, and Ways andMeans. As chairman of the last-named committee in the Fifty-firstCongress, reported the tariff law of 1890. At the beginning of thisCongress was defeated in the caucus of his party for the Speakership ofthe House. In the meantime, his district having been materially changed, he was defeated for reelection to Congress in November, 1890, though helargely reduced the usual majority against his party in the counties ofwhich the new district was constituted. In 1891 was elected governor ofOhio by a plurality of 21, 500, and in 1893 was reelected by a pluralityof 80, 995. In 1884 was a delegate at large to the Republican nationalconvention, and supported James G. Blaine for President; was a memberof the committee on resolutions, and presented the platform to theconvention. Also attended the convention of his party in 1888 as adelegate at large from Ohio, supporting John Sherman for President, and as chairman of the committee on resolutions again reported theplatform. In 1892 was again a delegate at large from Ohio, andsupported the renomination of Benjamin Harrison, and served as chairmanof the convention. At that convention 182 votes were cast for himfor President, although he had persistently refused to have his nameconsidered. On June 18, 1896, was nominated for President by thenational convention of his party at St. Louis, receiving on the firstballot 661-1/2 out of a total of 922 votes. Was chosen President at theensuing November election by a plurality in the popular vote of over600, 000, and received 271 electoral votes, against 176 for William J. Bryan, of Nebraska. 

SPECIAL MESSAGE. 

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _May 17, 1897_. 

_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States:_

Official information from our consuls in Cuba establishes the fact thata large number of American citizens in the island are in a state ofdestitution, suffering for want of food and medicines. This appliesparticularly to the rural districts of the central and eastern parts. 

The agricultural classes have been forced from their farms intothe nearest towns, where they are without work or money. The localauthorities of the several towns, however kindly disposed, are unable torelieve the needs of their own people and are altogether powerless tohelp our citizens. 

The latest report of Consul-General Lee estimates six to eight hundredAmericans are without means of support. I have assured him thatprovision would be made at once to relieve them. To that end I recommendthat Congress make an appropriation of not less than $50, 000, to beimmediately available, for use under the direction of the Secretary ofState. 

It is desirable that a part of the sum which may be appropriated byCongress should, in the discretion of the Secretary of State, also beused for the transportation of American citizens who, desiring to returnto the United States, are without means to do so. 

WILLIAM McKINLEY. 

FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _December 6, 1897_. 

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The most important problem with which this Government is now called uponto deal pertaining to its foreign relations concerns its duty towardSpain and the Cuban insurrection. Problems and conditions more or lessin common with those now existing have confronted this Government atvarious times in the past. The story of Cuba for many years has been oneof unrest, growing discontent, an effort toward a larger enjoyment ofliberty and self-control, of organized resistance to the mother country, of depression after distress and warfare, and of ineffectual settlementto be followed by renewed revolt. For no enduring period since theenfranchisement of the continental possessions of Spain in the WesternContinent has the condition of Cuba or the policy of Spain toward Cubanot caused concern to the United States. 

The prospect from time to time that the weakness of Spain's hold uponthe island and the political vicissitudes and embarrassments of the homeGovernment might lead to the transfer of Cuba to a continental powercalled forth between 1823 and 1860 various emphatic declarations ofthe policy of the United States to permit no disturbance of Cuba'sconnection with Spain unless in the direction of independence oracquisition by us through purchase, nor has there been any change ofthis declared policy since upon the part of the Government. 

The revolution which began in 1868 lasted for ten years despite thestrenuous efforts of the successive peninsular governments to suppressit. Then as now the Government of the United States testified its graveconcern and offered its aid to put an end to bloodshed in Cuba. Theovertures made by General Grant were refused and the war dragged on, entailing great loss of life and treasure and increased injury toAmerican interests, besides throwing enhanced burdens of neutrality uponthis Government. In 1878 peace was brought about by the truce of Zanjon, obtained by negotiations between the Spanish commander, Martinez deCampos, and the insurgent leaders. 

The present insurrection broke out in February, 1895. It is notmy purpose at this time to recall its remarkable increase or tocharacterize its tenacious resistance against the enormous forces massedagainst it by Spain. The revolt and the efforts to subdue it carrieddestruction to every quarter of the island, developing wide proportionsand defying the efforts of Spain for its suppression. The civilized codeof war has been disregarded, no less so by the Spaniards than by theCubans. 

The existing conditions can not but fill this Government and theAmerican people with the gravest apprehension. There is no desire on thepart of our people to profit by the misfortunes of Spain. We have onlythe desire to see the Cubans prosperous and contented, enjoying thatmeasure of self-control which is the inalienable right of man, protectedin their right to reap the benefit of the exhaustless treasures of theircountry. 

The offer made by my predecessor in April, 1896, tendering the friendlyoffices of this Government, failed. Any mediation on our part was notaccepted. In brief, the answer read: "There is no effectual way topacify Cuba unless it begins with the actual submission of the rebelsto the mother country. " Then only could Spain act in the promiseddirection, of her own motion and after her own plans. 

The cruel policy of concentration was initiated February 16, 1896. Theproductive districts controlled by the Spanish armies were depopulated. The agricultural inhabitants were herded in and about the garrisontowns, their lands laid waste and their dwellings destroyed. This policythe late cabinet of Spain justified as a necessary measure of war and asa means of cutting off supplies from the insurgents. It has utterlyfailed as a war measure. It was not civilized warfare. It wasextermination. 

Against this abuse of the rights of war I have felt constrained onrepeated occasions to enter the firm and earnest protest of thisGovernment. There was much of public condemnation of the treatment ofAmerican citizens by alleged illegal arrests and long imprisonmentawaiting trial or pending protracted judicial proceedings. I felt it myfirst duty to make instant demand for the release or speedy trial of allAmerican citizens under arrest. Before the change of the Spanish cabinetin October last twenty-two prisoners, citizens of the United States, hadbeen given their freedom. 

For the relief of our own citizens suffering because of the conflictthe aid of Congress was sought in a special message, [1] and underthe appropriation of May 24, 1897, [2] effective aid has been given toAmerican citizens in Cuba, many of them at their own request having beenreturned to the United States. 

The instructions given to our new minister to Spain before his departurefor his post directed him to impress upon that Government the sincerewish of the United States to lend its aid toward the ending of the warin Cuba by reaching a peaceful and lasting result, just and honorablealike to Spain and to the Cuban people. These instructions recited thecharacter and duration of the contest, the widespread losses it entails, the burdens and restraints it imposes upon us, with constant disturbanceof national interests, and the injury resulting from an indefinitecontinuance of this state of things. It was stated that at this junctureour Government was constrained to seriously inquire if the time was notripe when Spain of her own volition, moved by her own interests andevery sentiment of humanity, should put a stop to this destructive warand make proposals of settlement honorable to herself and just to herCuban colony. It was urged that as a neighboring nation, with largeinterests in Cuba, we could be required to wait only a reasonable timefor the mother country to establish its authority and restore peace andorder within the borders of the island; that we could not contemplate anindefinite period for the accomplishment of this result. 

No solution was proposed to which the slightest idea of humiliation toSpain could attach, and, indeed, precise proposals were withheld toavoid embarrassment to that Government. All that was asked or expectedwas that some safe way might be speedily provided and permanent peacerestored. It so chanced that the consideration of this offer, addressedto the same Spanish administration which had declined the tenders ofmy predecessor, and which for more than two years had poured men andtreasure into Cuba in the fruitless effort to suppress the revolt, fellto others. Between the departure of General Woodford, the new envoy, and his arrival in Spain the statesman who had shaped the policy of hiscountry fell by the hand of an assassin, and although the cabinet of thelate premier still held office and received from our envoy the proposalshe bore, that cabinet gave place within a few days thereafter to a newadministration, under the leadership of Sagasta. 

The reply to our note was received on the 23d day of October. It is inthe direction of a better understanding. It appreciates the friendlypurposes of this Government. It admits that our country is deeplyaffected by the war in Cuba and that its desires for peace are just. It declares that the present Spanish government is bound by everyconsideration to a change of policy that should satisfy the UnitedStates and pacify Cuba within a reasonable time. To this end Spain hasdecided to put into effect the political reforms heretofore advocated bythe present premier, without halting for any consideration in the pathwhich in its judgment leads to peace. The military operations, it issaid, will continue, but will be humane and conducted with all regardfor private rights, being accompanied by political action leading tothe autonomy of Cuba while guarding Spanish sovereignty. This, it isclaimed, will result in investing Cuba with a distinct personality, theisland to be governed by an executive and by a local council or chamber, reserving to Spain the control of the foreign relations, the army andnavy, and the judicial administration. To accomplish this the presentgovernment proposes to modify existing legislation by decree, leavingthe Spanish Cortes, with the aid of Cuban senators and deputies, tosolve the economic problem and properly distribute the existing debt. 

In the absence of a declaration of the measures that this Governmentproposes to take in carrying out its proffer of good offices, itsuggests that Spain be left free to conduct military operations andgrant political reforms, while the United States for its part shallenforce its neutral obligations and cut off the assistance which it isasserted the insurgents receive from this country. The supposition of anindefinite prolongation of the war is denied. It is asserted that thewestern provinces are already well-nigh reclaimed, that the planting ofcane and tobacco therein has been resumed, and that by force of arms andnew and ample reforms very early and complete pacification is hoped for. 

The immediate amelioration of existing conditions under the newadministration of Cuban affairs is predicted, and therewithal thedisturbance and all occasion for any change of attitude on the partof the United States. Discussion of the question of the internationalduties and responsibilities of the United States as Spain understandsthem is presented, with an apparent disposition to charge us withfailure in this regard. This charge is without any basis in fact. Itcould not have been made if Spain had been cognizant of the constantefforts this Government has made, at the cost of millions and by theemployment of the administrative machinery of the nation at command, to perform its full duty according to the law of nations. That it hassuccessfully prevented the departure of a single military expedition orarmed vessel from our shores in violation of our laws would seem to bea sufficient answer. But of this aspect of the Spanish note it is notnecessary to speak further now. Firm in the conviction of a whollyperformed obligation, due response to this charge has been made indiplomatic course. 

Throughout all these horrors and dangers to our own peace thisGovernment has never in any way abrogated its sovereign prerogative ofreserving to itself the determination of its policy and course accordingto its own high sense of right and in consonance with the dearestinterests and convictions of our own people should the prolongation ofthe strife so demand. 

Of the untried measures there remain only: Recognition of the insurgentsas belligerents; recognition of the independence of Cuba; neutralintervention to end the war by imposing a rational compromise betweenthe contestants, and intervention in favor of one or the other party. I speak not of forcible annexation, for that can not be thought of. That, by our code of morality, would be criminal aggression. 

Recognition of the belligerency of the Cuban insurgents has oftenbeen canvassed as a possible, if not inevitable, step both in regardto the previous ten years struggle and during the present war. I amnot unmindful that the two Houses of Congress in the spring of 1896expressed the opinion by concurrent resolution that a condition ofpublic war existed requiring or justifying the recognition of a stateof belligerency in Cuba, and during the extra session the Senate voteda joint resolution of like import, which, however, was not broughtto a vote in the House of Representatives. In the presence of thesesignificant expressions of the sentiment of the legislative branch itbehooves the Executive to soberly consider the conditions under whichso important a measure must needs rest for justification. It is to beseriously considered whether the Cuban insurrection possesses beyonddispute the attributes of statehood, which alone can demand therecognition of belligerency in its favor. Possession, in short, ofthe essential qualifications of sovereignty by the insurgents and theconduct of the war by them according to the received code of war areno less important factors toward the determination of the problem ofbelligerency than are the influences and consequences of the struggleupon the internal polity of the recognizing state. 

The wise utterances of President Grant in his memorable message ofDecember 7, 1875, are signally relevant to the present situation inCuba, and it may be wholesome now to recall them. At that time a ruinousconflict had for seven years wasted the neighboring island. During allthose years an utter disregard of the laws of civilized warfare andof the just demands of humanity, which called forth expressions ofcondemnation from the nations of Christendom, continued unabated. Desolation and ruin pervaded that productive region, enormouslyaffecting the commerce of all commercial nations, but that of the UnitedStates more than any other by reason of proximity and larger trade andintercourse. At that juncture General Grant uttered these words, whichnow, as then, sum up the elements of the problem:

 A recognition of the independence of Cuba being, in my opinion, impracticable and indefensible, the question which next presents itself is that of the recognition of belligerent rights in the parties to the contest. 

 In a former message to Congress[3] I had occasion to consider this question, and reached the conclusion that the conflict in Cuba, dreadful and devastating as were its incidents, did not rise to the fearful dignity of war. * * * It is possible that the acts of foreign powers, and even acts of Spain herself, of this very nature, might be pointed to in defense of such recognition. But now, as in its past history, the United States should carefully avoid the false lights which might lead it into the mazes of doubtful law and of questionable propriety, and adhere rigidly and sternly to the rule, which has been its guide, of doing only that which is right and honest and of good report. The question of according or of withholding rights of belligerency must be judged in every case in view of the particular attending facts. Unless justified by necessity, it is always, and justly, regarded as an unfriendly act and a gratuitous demonstration of moral support to the rebellion. It is necessary, and it is required, when the interests and rights of another government or of its people are so far affected by a pending civil conflict as to require a definition of its relations to the parties thereto. But this conflict must be one which will be recognized in the sense of international law as war. Belligerence, too, is a fact. The mere existence of contending armed bodies and their occasional conflicts do not constitute war in the sense referred to. Applying to the existing condition of affairs in Cuba the tests recognized by publicists and writers on international law, and which have been observed by nations of dignity, honesty, and power when free from sensitive or selfish and unworthy motives, I fail to find in the insurrection the existence of such a substantial political organization, real, palpable, and manifest to the world, having the forms and capable of the ordinary functions of government toward its own people and to other states, with courts for the administration of justice, with a local habitation, possessing such organization of force, such material, such occupation of territory, as to take the contest out of the category of a mere rebellious insurrection or occasional skirmishes and place it on the terrible footing of war, to which a recognition of belligerency would aim to elevate it. The contest, moreover, is solely on land; the insurrection has not possessed itself of a single seaport whence it may send forth its flag, nor has it any means of communication with foreign powers except through the military lines of its adversaries. No apprehension of any of those sudden and difficult complications which a war upon the ocean is apt to precipitate upon the vessels, both commercial and national, and upon the consular officers of other powers calls for the definition of their relations to the parties to the contest. Considered as a question of expediency, I regard the accordance of belligerent rights still to be as unwise and premature as I regard it to be, at present, indefensible as a measure of right. Such recognition entails upon the country according the rights which flow from it difficult and complicated duties, and requires the exaction from the contending parties of the strict observance of their rights and obligations. It confers the right of search upon the high seas by vessels of both parties; it would subject the carrying of arms and munitions of war, which now may be transported freely and without interruption in the vessels of the United States, to detention and to possible seizure; it would give rise to countless vexatious questions, would release the parent Government from responsibility for acts done by the insurgents, and would invest Spain with the right to exercise the supervision recognized by our treaty of 1795 over our commerce on the high seas, a very large part of which, in its traffic between the Atlantic and the Gulf States and between all of them and the States on the Pacific, passes through the waters which wash the shores of Cuba. The exercise of this supervision could scarce fail to lead, if not to abuses, certainly to collisions perilous to the peaceful relations of the two States. There can be little doubt to what result such supervision would before long draw this nation. It would be unworthy of the United States to inaugurate the possibilities of such result by measures of questionable right or expediency or by any indirection. 

Turning to the practical aspects of a recognition of belligerencyand reviewing its inconveniences and positive dangers, still furtherpertinent considerations appear. In the code of nations there is nosuch thing as a naked recognition of belligerency, unaccompanied by theassumption of international neutrality. Such recognition, without more, will not confer upon either party to a domestic conflict a status nottheretofore actually possessed or affect the relation of either party toother states. The act of recognition usually takes the form of a solemnproclamation of neutrality, which recites the _de facto_ conditionof belligerency as its motive. It announces a domestic law of neutralityin the declaring state. It assumes the international obligations of aneutral in the presence of a public state of war. It warns all citizensand others within the jurisdiction of the proclaimant that they violatethose rigorous obligations at their own peril and can not expect to beshielded from the consequences. The right of visit and search on theseas and seizure of vessels and cargoes and contraband of war and goodprize under admiralty law must under international law be admittedas a legitimate consequence of a proclamation of belligerency. Whileaccording the equal belligerent rights defined by public law to eachparty in our ports disfavors would be imposed on both, which, whilenominally equal, would weigh heavily in behalf of Spain herself. Possessing a navy and controlling the ports of Cuba, her maritime rightscould be asserted not only for the military investment of the island, but up to the margin of our own territorial waters, and a condition ofthings would exist for which the Cubans within their own domain couldnot hope to create a parallel, while its creation through aid orsympathy from within our domain would be even more impossible than now, with the additional obligations of international neutrality we wouldperforce assume. 

The enforcement of this enlarged and onerous code of neutrality wouldonly be influential within our own jurisdiction by land and sea andapplicable by our own instrumentalities. It could impart to the UnitedStates no jurisdiction between Spain and the insurgents. It would givethe United States no right of intervention to enforce the conduct of thestrife within the paramount authority of Spain according to theinternational code of war. 

For these reasons I regard the recognition of the belligerency of theCuban insurgents as now unwise, and therefore inadmissible. Should thatstep hereafter be deemed wise as a measure of right and duty, theExecutive will take it. 

Intervention upon humanitarian grounds has been frequently suggested andhas not failed to receive my most anxious and earnest consideration. But should such a step be now taken, when it is apparent that a hopefulchange has supervened in the policy of Spain toward Cuba? A newgovernment has taken office in the mother country. It is pledged inadvance to the declaration that all the effort in the world can notsuffice to maintain peace in Cuba by the bayonet; that vague promises ofreform after subjugation afford no solution of the insular problem; thatwith a substitution of commanders must come a change of the past systemof warfare for one in harmony with a new policy, which shall no longeraim to drive the Cubans to the "horrible alternative of taking to thethicket or succumbing in misery;" that reforms must be instituted inaccordance with the needs and circumstances of the time, and that thesereforms, while designed to give full autonomy to the colony and tocreate a virtual entity and self-controlled administration, shall yetconserve and affirm the sovereignty of Spain by a just distribution ofpowers and burdens upon a basis of mutual interest untainted by methodsof selfish expediency. 

The first acts of the new government lie in these honorable paths. The policy of cruel rapine and extermination that so long shocked theuniversal sentiment of humanity has been reversed. Under the newmilitary commander a broad clemency is proffered. Measures have alreadybeen set on foot to relieve the horrors of starvation. The power of theSpanish armies, it is asserted, is to be used not to spread ruin anddesolation, but to protect the resumption of peaceful agriculturalpursuits and productive industries. That past methods are futile toforce a peace by subjugation is freely admitted, and that ruin withoutconciliation must inevitably fail to win for Spain the fidelity of acontented dependency. 

Decrees in application of the foreshadowed reforms have already beenpromulgated. The full text of these decrees has not been received, butas furnished in a telegraphic summary from our minister are: All civiland electoral rights of peninsular Spaniards are, in virtue of existingconstitutional authority, forthwith extended to colonial Spaniards. Ascheme of autonomy has been proclaimed by decree, to become effectiveupon ratification by the Cortes. It creates a Cuban parliament, which, with the insular executive, can consider and vote upon all subjectsaffecting local order and interests, possessing unlimited powers save asto matters of state, war, and the navy, as to which the Governor-Generalacts by his own authority as the delegate of the central Government. This parliament receives the oath of the Governor-General to preservefaithfully the liberties and privileges of the colony, and to it thecolonial secretaries are responsible. It has the right to propose to thecentral Government, through the Governor-General, modifications of thenational charter and to invite new projects of law or executive measuresin the interest of the colony. 

Besides its local powers, it is competent, first, to regulate electoralregistration and procedure and prescribe the qualifications of electorsand the manner of exercising suffrage; second, to organize courts ofjustice with native judges from members of the local bar; third, toframe the insular budget, both as to expenditures and revenues, withoutlimitation of any kind, and to set apart the revenues to meet the Cubanshare of the national budget, which latter will be voted by the nationalCortes with the assistance of Cuban senators and deputies; fourth, toinitiate or take part in the negotiations of the national Government forcommercial treaties which may affect Cuban interests; fifth, to acceptor reject commercial treaties which the national Government may haveconcluded without the participation of the Cuban government; sixth, to frame the colonial tariff, acting in accord with the peninsularGovernment in scheduling articles of mutual commerce between the mothercountry and the colonies. Before introducing or voting upon a bill theCuban government or the chambers will lay the project before the centralGovernment and hear its opinion thereon, all the correspondence in suchregard being made public. Finally, all conflicts of jurisdiction arisingbetween the different municipal, provincial, and insular assemblies, orbetween the latter and the insular executive power, and which from theirnature may not be referable to the central Government for decision, shall be submitted to the courts. 

That the government of Sagasta has entered upon a course from whichrecession with honor is impossible can hardly be questioned; that inthe few weeks it has existed it has made earnest of the sincerity of itsprofessions is undeniable. I shall not impugn its sincerity, nor shouldimpatience be suffered to embarrass it in the task it has undertaken. It is honestly due to Spain and to our friendly relations with Spainthat she should be given a reasonable chance to realize her expectationsand to prove the asserted efficacy of the new order of things to whichshe stands irrevocably committed. She has recalled the commander whosebrutal orders inflamed the American mind and shocked the civilizedworld. She has modified the horrible order of concentration and hasundertaken to care for the helpless and permit those who desire toresume the cultivation of their fields to do so, and assures them of theprotection of the Spanish Government in their lawful occupations. Shehas just released the _Competitor_ prisoners, heretofore sentencedto death, and who have been the subject of repeated diplomaticcorrespondence during both this and the preceding Administration. 

Not a single American citizen is now in arrest or confinement in Cuba ofwhom this Government has any knowledge. The near future will demonstratewhether the indispensable condition of a righteous peace, just alike tothe Cubans and to Spain, as well as equitable to all our interests sointimately involved in the welfare of Cuba, is likely to be attained. Ifnot, the exigency of further and other action by the United States willremain to be taken. When that time comes, that action will be determinedin the line of indisputable right and duty. It will be faced, withoutmisgiving or hesitancy, in the light of the obligation this Governmentowes to itself, to the people who have confided to it the protection oftheir interests and honor, and to humanity. 

Sure of the right, keeping free from all offense ourselves, actuatedonly by upright and patriotic considerations, moved neither by passionnor selfishness, the Government will continue its watchful care overthe rights and property of American citizens and will abate none ofits efforts to bring about by peaceful agencies a peace which shallbe honorable and enduring. If it shall hereafter appear to be a dutyimposed by our obligations to ourselves, to civilization, and humanityto intervene with force, it shall be without fault on our part and onlybecause the necessity for such action will be so clear as to command thesupport and approval of the civilized world. 

 * * * * *

WILLIAM McKINLEY. 

JOINT RESOLUTION appropriating $50, 000 for the relief of destitutecitizens of the United States in the island of Cuba. 

_Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the UnitedStates of America in Congress assembled_, That the sum of $50, 000 be, and the same is hereby, appropriated, out of any money in the Treasurynot otherwise appropriated, for the relief of destitute citizens of theUnited States in the island of Cuba, said money to be expended at thediscretion and under the direction of the President of the United Statesin the purchase and furnishing of food, clothing, and medicines to suchcitizens, and for transporting to the United States such of them as sodesire and who are without means to transport themselves. 

Approved, May 24, 1897. 

[Footnote 1: See p. 127. ]

[Footnote 2: See p. 136. ]

[Footnote 3: See Vol. VII, pp. 64-69. ]

SPECIAL MESSAGES. 

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _March 28, 1898. _

_To the Congress of the United States_:

For some time prior to the visit of the _Maine_ to Havana Harborour consular representatives pointed out the advantages to flow from thevisit of national ships to the Cuban waters, in accustoming the peopleto the presence of our flag as the symbol of good will and of our shipsin the fulfillment of the mission of protection to American interests, even though no immediate need therefor might exist. 

Accordingly, on the 24th of January last, after conference with theSpanish minister, in which the renewal of visits of our war vessels toSpanish waters was discussed and accepted, the peninsular authorities atMadrid and Havana were advised of the purpose of this Government toresume friendly naval visits at Cuban ports, and that in that view the_Maine_ would forthwith call at the port of Havana. 

This announcement was received by the Spanish Government withappreciation of the friendly character of the visit of the _Maine_and with notification of intention to return the courtesy by sendingSpanish ships to the principal ports of the United States. Meanwhile the_Maine_ entered the port of Havana on the 25th of January, herarrival being marked with no special incident besides the exchange ofcustomary salutes and ceremonial visits. 

The _Maine_ continued in the harbor of Havana during the threeweeks following her arrival. No appreciable excitement attended herstay. On the contrary, a feeling of relief and confidence followed theresumption of the long-interrupted friendly intercourse. So noticeablewas this immediate effect of her visit that the consul-general stronglyurged that the presence of our ships in Cuban waters should be kept upby retaining the _Maine_ at Havana, or, in the event of her recall, by sending another vessel there to take her place. 

At forty minutes past 9 in the evening of the 15th of February the_Maine_ was destroyed by an explosion, by which the entire forwardpart of the ship was utterly wrecked. In this catastrophe 2 officers and264 of her crew perished, those who were not killed outright by herexplosion being penned between decks by the tangle of wreckage anddrowned by the immediate sinking of the hull. 

Prompt assistance was rendered by the neighboring vessels anchored inthe harbor, aid being especially given by the boats of the Spanishcruiser _Alfonso XII_ and the Ward Line steamer _City of Washington_, which lay not far distant. The wounded were generously cared for bythe authorities of Havana, the hospitals being freely opened to them, while the earliest recovered bodies of the dead were interred by themunicipality in a public cemetery in the city. Tributes of grief andsympathy were offered from all official quarters of the island. 

The appalling calamity fell upon the people of our country withcrushing force, and for a brief time an intense excitement prevailed, which in a community less just and self-controlled than ours might haveled to hasty acts of blind resentment. This spirit, however, soon gaveway to the calmer processes of reason and to the resolve to investigatethe facts and await material proof before forming a judgment as to thecause, the responsibility, and, if the facts warranted, the remedy due. This course necessarily recommended itself from the outset to theExecutive, for only in the light of a dispassionately ascertainedcertainty could it determine the nature and measure of its full dutyin the matter. 

The usual procedure was followed, as in all cases of casualty ordisaster to national vessels of any maritime state. A naval court ofinquiry was at once organized, composed of officers well qualified byrank and practical experience to discharge the onerous duty imposedupon them. Aided by a strong force of wreckers and divers, the courtproceeded to make a thorough investigation on the spot, employing everyavailable means for the impartial and exact determination of the causesof the explosion. Its operations have been conducted with the utmostdeliberation and judgment, and, while independently pursued, noattainable source of information was neglected, and the fullestopportunity was allowed for a simultaneous investigation by the Spanishauthorities. 

The finding of the court of inquiry was reached, after twenty-three daysof continuous labor, on the 21st of March instant, and, having beenapproved on the 22d by the commander in chief of the United States navalforce on the North Atlantic station, was transmitted to the Executive. 

It is herewith laid before the Congress, together with the voluminoustestimony taken before the court. 

Its purport is, in brief, as follows:

When the _Maine_ arrived at Havana, she was conducted by the regularGovernment pilot to buoy No. 4, to which she was moored in from 5-1/2to 6 fathoms of water. 

The state of discipline on board and the condition of her magazines, boilers, coal bunkers, and storage compartments are passed in review, with the conclusion that excellent order prevailed and that noindication of any cause for an internal explosion existed in anyquarter. 

At 8 o'clock in the evening of February 15 everything had been reportedsecure, and all was quiet. 

At forty minutes past 9 o'clock the vessel was suddenly destroyed. 

There were two distinct explosions, with a brief interval between them. The first lifted the forward part of the ship very perceptibly; thesecond, which was more open, prolonged, and of greater volume, isattributed by the court to the partial explosion of two or more of theforward magazines. 

The evidence of the divers establishes that the after part of the shipwas practically intact and sank in that condition a very few momentsafter the explosion. The forward part was completely demolished. 

Upon the evidence of a concurrent external cause the finding of thecourt is as follows:

At frame 17 the outer shell of the ship, from a point 11-1/2 feet fromthe middle line of the ship and 6 feet above the keel when in its normalposition, has been forced up so as to be now about 4 feet above thesurface of the water, therefore about 34 feet above where it would behad the ship sunk uninjured. 

The outside bottom plating is bent into a reversed V shape (*A), theafter wing of which, about 15 feet broad and 32 feet in length (fromframe 17 to frame 25), is doubled back upon itself against thecontinuation of the same plating, extending forward. 

At frame 18 the vertical keel is broken in two and the flat keel bentinto an angle similar to the angle formed by the outside bottom plates. This break is now about 6 feet below the surface of the water and about30 feet above its normal position. 

In the opinion of the court this effect could have been produced only bythe explosion of a mine situated under the bottom of the ship at aboutframe 18 and somewhat on the port side of the ship. 

The conclusions of the court are:

That the loss of the _Maine_ was not in any respect due to fault ornegligence on the part of any of the officers or members of her crew;

That the ship was destroyed by the explosion of a submarine mine, whichcaused the partial explosion of two or more of her forward magazines;and

That no evidence has been obtainable fixing the responsibility for thedestruction of the _Maine_ upon any person or persons. 

I have directed that the finding of the court of inquiry and the viewsof this Government thereon be communicated to the Government of HerMajesty the Queen Regent, and I do not permit myself to doubt that thesense of justice of the Spanish nation will dictate a course of actionsuggested by honor and the friendly relations of the two Governments. 

It will be the duty of the Executive to advise the Congress of theresult, and in the meantime deliberate consideration is invoked. 

WILLIAM McKINLEY. 

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _April 11, 1898_. 

_To the Congress of the United States:_

Obedient to that precept of the Constitution which commands thePresident to give from time to time to the Congress information of thestate of the Union and to recommend to their consideration such measuresas he shall judge necessary and expedient, it becomes my duty to nowaddress your body with regard to the grave crisis that has arisen in therelations of the United States to Spain by reason of the warfare thatfor more than three years has raged in the neighboring island of Cuba. 

I do so because of the intimate connection of the Cuban question withthe state of our own Union and the grave relation the course whichit is now incumbent upon the nation to adopt must needs bear to thetraditional policy of our Government if it is to accord with theprecepts laid down by the founders of the Republic and religiouslyobserved by succeeding Administrations to the present day. 

The present revolution is but the successor of other similarinsurrections which have occurred in Cuba against the dominion of Spain, extending over a period of nearly half a century, each of which duringits progress has subjected the United States to great effort and expensein enforcing its neutrality laws, caused enormous losses to Americantrade and commerce, caused irritation, annoyance, and disturbance amongour citizens, and, by the exercise of cruel, barbarous, and uncivilizedpractices of warfare, shocked the sensibilities and offended the humanesympathies of our people. 

Since the present revolution began, in February, 1895, this country hasseen the fertile domain at our threshold ravaged by fire and sword inthe course of a struggle unequaled in the history of the island andrarely paralleled as to the numbers of the combatants and the bitternessof the contest by any revolution of modern times where a dependentpeople striving to be free have been opposed by the power of thesovereign state. 

Our people have beheld a once prosperous community reduced tocomparative want, its lucrative commerce virtually paralyzed, itsexceptional productiveness diminished, its fields laid waste, its millsin ruins, and its people perishing by tens of thousands from hunger anddestitution. We have found ourselves constrained, in the observanceof that strict neutrality which our laws enjoin and which the law ofnations commands, to police our own waters and watch our own seaportsin prevention of any unlawful act in aid of the Cubans. 

Our trade has suffered, the capital invested by our citizens in Cubahas been largely lost, and the temper and forbearance of our peoplehave been so sorely tried as to beget a perilous unrest among our owncitizens, which has inevitably found its expression from time to time inthe National Legislature, so that issues wholly external to our own bodypolitic engross attention and stand in the way of that close devotion todomestic advancement that becomes a self-contained commonwealth whoseprimal maxim has been the avoidance of all foreign entanglements. Allthis must needs awaken, and has, indeed, aroused, the utmost concern onthe part of this Government, as well during my predecessor's term as inmy own. 

In April, 1896, the evils from which our country suffered through theCuban war became so onerous that my predecessor made an effort to bringabout a peace through the mediation of this Government in any way thatmight tend to an honorable adjustment of the contest between Spainand her revolted colony, on the basis of some effective scheme ofself-government for Cuba under the flag and sovereignty of Spain. Itfailed through the refusal of the Spanish government then in power toconsider any form of mediation or, indeed, any plan of settlement whichdid not begin with the actual submission of the insurgents to the mothercountry, and then only on such terms as Spain herself might see fit togrant. The war continued unabated. The resistance of the insurgents wasin no wise diminished. 

The efforts of Spain were increased, both by the dispatch of freshlevies to Cuba and by the addition to the horrors of the strife ofa new and inhuman phase happily unprecedented in the modern historyof civilized Christian peoples. The policy of devastation andconcentration, inaugurated by the Captain-General's _bando_ ofOctober 21, 1896, in the Province of Pinar del Rio was thence extendedto embrace all of the island to which the power of the Spanish arms wasable to reach by occupation or by military operations. The peasantry, including all dwelling in the open agricultural interior, were driveninto the garrison towns or isolated places held by the troops. 

The raising and movement of provisions of all kinds were interdicted. The fields were laid waste, dwellings unroofed and fired, millsdestroyed, and, in short, everything that could desolate the land andrender it unfit for human habitation or support was commanded by one orthe other of the contending parties and executed by all the powers attheir disposal. 

By the time the present Administration took office, a year ago, reconcentration (so called) had been made effective over the better partof the four central and western provinces--Santa Clara, Matanzas, Havana, and Pinar del Rio. 

The agricultural population to the estimated number of 300, 000 or morewas herded within the towns and their immediate vicinage, deprived ofthe means of support, rendered destitute of shelter, left poorly clad, and exposed to the most unsanitary conditions. As the scarcity of foodincreased with the devastation of the depopulated areas of production, destitution and want became misery and starvation. Month by month thedeath rate increased in an alarming ratio. By March, 1897, according toconservative estimates from official Spanish sources, the mortalityamong the reconcentrados from starvation and the diseases theretoincident exceeded 50 per cent of their total number. 

No practical relief was accorded to the destitute. The overburdenedtowns, already suffering from the general dearth, could give no aid. So-called "zones of cultivation" established within the immediate areasof effective military control about the cities and fortified campsproved illusory as a remedy for the suffering. The unfortunates, beingfor the most part women and children, with aged and helpless men, enfeebled by disease and hunger, could not have tilled the soil withouttools, seed, or shelter for their own support or for the supply of thecities. Reconcentration, adopted avowedly as a war measure in order tocut off the resources of the insurgents, worked its predestined result. As I said in my message of last December, it was not civilized warfare;it was extermination. The only peace it could beget was that of thewilderness and the grave. 

Meanwhile the military situation in the island had undergone anoticeable change. The extraordinary activity that characterized thesecond year of the war, when the insurgents invaded even the thithertounharmed fields of Pinar del Rio and carried havoc and destruction upto the walls of the city of Havana itself, had relapsed into a doggedstruggle in the central and eastern provinces. The Spanish arms regaineda measure of control in Pinar del Rio and parts of Havana, but, underthe existing conditions of the rural country, without immediateimprovement of their productive situation. Even thus partiallyrestricted, the revolutionists held their own, and their conquest andsubmission, put forward by Spain as the essential and sole basis ofpeace, seemed as far distant as at the outset. 

In this state of affairs my Administration found itself confronted withthe grave problem of its duty. My message of last December[4] reviewedthe situation and narrated the steps taken with a view to relieving itsacuteness and opening the way to some form of honorable settlement. Theassassination of the prime minister, Canovas, led to a change ofgovernment in Spain. The former administration, pledged to subjugationwithout concession, gave place to that of a more liberal party, committed long in advance to a policy of reform involving the widerprinciple of home rule for Cuba and Puerto Rico. 

The overtures of this Government made through its new envoy, GeneralWoodford, and looking to an immediate and effective amelioration of thecondition of the island, although not accepted to the extent of admittedmediation in any shape, were met by assurances that home rule in anadvanced phase would be forthwith offered to Cuba, without waiting forthe war to end, and that more humane methods should thenceforth prevailin the conduct of hostilities. Coincidentally with these declarationsthe new government of Spain continued and completed the policy, alreadybegun by its predecessor, of testifying friendly regard for this nationby releasing American citizens held under one charge or anotherconnected with the insurrection, so that by the end of November not asingle person entitled in any way to our national protection remained ina Spanish prison. 

While these negotiations were in progress the increasing destitution ofthe unfortunate reconcentrados and the alarming mortality among themclaimed earnest attention. The success which had attended the limitedmeasure of relief extended to the suffering American citizens among themby the judicious expenditure through the consular agencies of the moneyappropriated expressly for their succor by the joint resolution approvedMay 24, 1897, [5] prompted the humane extension of a similar scheme ofaid to the great body of sufferers. A suggestion to this end wasacquiesced in by the Spanish authorities. 

On the 24th of December last I caused to be issued an appeal to theAmerican people inviting contributions in money or in kind for thesuccor of the starving sufferers in Cuba, following this on the 8th ofJanuary by a similar public announcement of the formation of a centralCuban relief committee, with headquarters in New York City, composed ofthree members representing the American National Red Cross and thereligious and business elements of the community. 

The efforts of that committee have been untiring and have accomplishedmuch. Arrangements for free transportation to Cuba have greatly aidedthe charitable work. The president of the American Red Cross andrepresentatives of other contributory organizations have generouslyvisited Cuba and cooperated with the consul-general and the localauthorities to make effective distribution of the relief collectedthrough the efforts of the central committee. Nearly $200, 000 in moneyand supplies has already reached the sufferers, and more is forthcoming. The supplies are admitted duty free, and transportation to the interiorhas been arranged, so that the relief, at first necessarily confined toHavana and the larger cities, is now extended through most, if not all, of the towns where suffering exists. 

Thousands of lives have already been saved. The necessity for a changein the condition of the reconcentrados is recognized by the SpanishGovernment. Within a few days past the orders of General Weyler havebeen revoked. The reconcentrados, it is said, are to be permitted toreturn to their homes and aided to resume the self-supporting pursuitsof peace. Public works have been ordered to give them employment and asum of $600, 000 has been appropriated for their relief. 

The war in Cuba is of such a nature that, short of subjugation orextermination, a final military victory for either side seemsimpracticable. The alternative lies in the physical exhaustion of theone or the other party, or perhaps of both--a condition which in effectended the ten years' war by the truce of Zanjon. The prospect of such aprotraction and conclusion of the present strife is a contingency hardlyto be contemplated with equanimity by the civilized world, and least ofall by the United States, affected and injured as we are, deeply andintimately, by its very existence. 

Realizing this, it appeared to be my duty, in a spirit of truefriendliness, no less to Spain than to the Cubans, who have so much tolose by the prolongation of the struggle, to seek to bring about animmediate termination of the war. To this end I submitted on the 27thultimo, as a result of much representation and correspondence, throughthe United States minister at Madrid, propositions to the SpanishGovernment looking to an armistice until October 1 for the negotiationof peace with the good offices of the President. 

In addition I asked the immediate revocation of the order ofreconcentration, so as to permit the people to return to their farms andthe needy to be relieved with provisions and supplies from the UnitedStates, cooperating with the Spanish authorities, so as to afford fullrelief. 

The reply of the Spanish cabinet was received on the night of the31st ultimo. It offered, as the means to bring about peace in Cuba, to confide the preparation thereof to the insular parliament, inasmuchas the concurrence of that body would be necessary to reach a finalresult, it being, however, understood that the powers reserved by theconstitution to the central Government are not lessened or diminished. As the Cuban parliament does not meet until the 4th of May next, theSpanish Government would not object for its part to accept at oncea suspension of hostilities if asked for by the insurgents from thegeneral in chief, to whom it would pertain in such case to determinethe duration and conditions of the armistice. 

The propositions submitted by General Woodford and the reply of theSpanish Government were both in the form of brief memoranda, the textsof which are before me and are substantially in the language abovegiven. The function of the Cuban parliament in the matter of "preparing"peace and the manner of its doing so are not expressed in the Spanishmemorandum, but from General Woodford's explanatory reports ofpreliminary discussions preceding the final conference it is understoodthat the Spanish Government stands ready to give the insular congressfull powers to settle the terms of peace with the insurgents, whether bydirect negotiation or indirectly by means of legislation does notappear. 

With this last overture in the direction of immediate peace, and itsdisappointing reception by Spain, the Executive is brought to the end ofhis effort. 

In my annual message of December last I said:

 Of the untried measures there remain only: Recognition of the insurgents as belligerents; recognition of the independence of Cuba; neutral intervention to end the war by imposing a rational compromise between the contestants, and intervention in favor of one or the other party. I speak not of forcible annexation, for that can not be thought of. That, by our code of morality, would be criminal aggression. 

Thereupon I reviewed these alternatives in the light of PresidentGrant's measured words, uttered in 1875, when, after seven years ofsanguinary, destructive, and cruel hostilities in Cuba, he reached theconclusion that the recognition of the independence of Cuba wasimpracticable and indefensible and that the recognition of belligerencewas not warranted by the facts according to the tests of public law. I commented especially upon the latter aspect of the question, pointingout the inconveniences and positive dangers of a recognition ofbelligerence, which, while adding to the already onerous burdens ofneutrality within our own jurisdiction, could not in any way extend ourinfluence or effective offices in the territory of hostilities. 

Nothing has since occurred to change my view in this regard, andI recognize as fully now as then that the issuance of a proclamation ofneutrality, by which process the so-called recognition of belligerentsis published, could of itself and unattended by other action accomplishnothing toward the one end for which we labor--the instant pacificationof Cuba and the cessation of the misery that afflicts the island. 

Turning to the question of recognizing at this time the independenceof the present insurgent government in Cuba, we find safe precedentsin our history from an early day. They are well summed up in PresidentJackson's message to Congress, December 21, 1836, on the subject of therecognition of the independence of Texas. He said:

 In all the contests that have arisen out of the revolutions of France, out of the disputes relating to the crowns of Portugal and Spain, out of the revolutionary movements of those Kingdoms, out of the separation of the American possessions of both from the European Governments, and out of the numerous and constantly occurring struggles for dominion in Spanish America, so wisely consistent with our just principles has been the action of our Government that we have under the most critical circumstances avoided all censure and encountered no other evil than that produced by a transient estrangement of good will in those against whom we have been by force of evidence compelled to decide. 

 It has thus been made known to the world that the uniform policy and practice of the United States is to avoid all interference in disputes which merely relate to the internal government of other nations, and eventually to recognize the authority of the prevailing party, without reference to our particular interests and views or to the merits of the original controversy. 

 * * * * *

 * * * But on this as on every trying occasion safety is to be found in a rigid adherence to principle. 

 In the contest between Spain and her revolted colonies we stood aloof and waited, not only until the ability of the new States to protect themselves was fully established, but until the danger of their being again subjugated had entirely passed away. Then, and not till then, were they recognized. Such was our course in regard to Mexico herself. * * * It is true that, with regard to Texas, the civil authority of Mexico has been expelled, its invading army defeated, the chief of the Republic himself captured, and all present power to control the newly organized Government of Texas annihilated within its confines. But, on the other hand, there is, in appearance at least, an immense disparity of physical force on the side of Mexico. The Mexican Republic under another Executive is rallying its forces under a new leader and menacing a fresh invasion to recover its lost dominion. 

 Upon the issue of this threatened invasion the independence of Texas may be considered as suspended, and were there nothing peculiar in the relative situation of the United States and Texas our acknowledgment of its independence at such a crisis could scarcely be regarded as consistent with that prudent reserve with which we have heretofore held ourselves bound to treat all similar questions. 

Thereupon Andrew Jackson proceeded to consider the risk that there mightbe imputed to the United States motives of selfish interest in view ofthe former claim on our part to the territory of Texas and of the avowedpurpose of the Texans in seeking recognition of independence as anincident to the incorporation of Texas in the Union, concluding thus:

Prudence, therefore, seems to dictate that we should still stand aloofand maintain our present attitude, if not until Mexico itself or one ofthe great foreign powers shall recognize the independence of the newGovernment, at least until the lapse of time or the course of eventsshall have proved beyond cavil or dispute the ability of the people ofthat country to maintain their separate sovereignty and to uphold theGovernment constituted by them. Neither of the contending parties canjustly complain of this course. By pursuing it we are but carryingout the long-established policy of our Government--a policy whichhas secured to us respect and influence abroad and inspired confidenceat home. 

These are the words of the resolute and patriotic Jackson. They areevidence that the United States, in addition to the test imposed bypublic law as the condition of the recognition of independence by aneutral state (to wit, that the revolted state shall "constitute in facta body politic, having a government in substance as well as in name, possessed of the elements of stability, " and forming _de facto_, "if left to itself, a state among the nations, reasonably capable ofdischarging the duties of a state"), has imposed for its own governancein dealing with cases like these the further condition that recognitionof independent statehood is not due to a revolted dependency until thedanger of its being again subjugated by the parent state has entirelypassed away. 

This extreme test was, in fact, applied in the case of Texas. The Congress to whom President Jackson referred the question asone "probably leading to war, " and therefore a proper subject for"a previous understanding with that body by whom war can alone bedeclared and by whom all the provisions for sustaining its perils mustbe furnished, " left the matter of the recognition of Texas to thediscretion of the Executive, providing merely for the sending of adiplomatic agent when the President should be satisfied that theRepublic of Texas had become "an independent state. " It was sorecognized by President Van Buren, who commissioned a chargé d'affairesMarch 7, 1837, after Mexico had abandoned an attempt to reconquer theTexan territory, and when there was at the time no _bona fide_contest going on between the insurgent province and its formersovereign. 

I said in my message of December last:

 It is to be seriously considered whether the Cuban insurrection possesses beyond dispute the attributes of statehood, which alone can demand the recognition of belligerency in its favor. 

The same requirement must certainly be no less seriously consideredwhen the graver issue of recognizing independence is in question, forno less positive test can be applied to the greater act than to thelesser, while, on the other hand, the influences and consequences of thestruggle upon the internal policy of the recognizing state, which formimportant factors when the recognition of belligerency is concerned, aresecondary, if not rightly eliminable, factors when the real question iswhether the community claiming recognition is or is not independentbeyond peradventure. 

Nor from the standpoint of expediency do I think it would be wiseor prudent for this Government to recognize at the present time theindependence of the so-called Cuban Republic. Such recognition is notnecessary in order to enable the United States to intervene and pacifythe island. To commit this country now to the recognition of anyparticular government in Cuba might subject us to embarrassingconditions of international obligation toward the organization sorecognized. In case of intervention our conduct would be subject to theapproval or disapproval of such government. We would be required tosubmit to its direction and to assume to it the mere relation of afriendly ally. 

When it shall appear hereafter that there is within the island agovernment capable of performing the duties and discharging thefunctions of a separate nation, and having as a matter of fact theproper forms and attributes of nationality, such government can bepromptly and readily recognized and the relations and interests of theUnited States with such nation adjusted. 

There remain the alternative forms of intervention to end the war, either as an impartial neutral, by imposing a rational compromisebetween the contestants, or as the active ally of the one party or theother. 

As to the first, it is not to be forgotten that during the last fewmonths the relation of the United States has virtually been one offriendly intervention in many ways, each not of itself conclusive, butall tending to the exertion of a potential influence toward an ultimatepacific result, just and honorable to all interests concerned. Thespirit of all our acts hitherto has been an earnest, unselfish desirefor peace and prosperity in Cuba, untarnished by differences between usand Spain and unstained by the blood of American citizens. 

The forcible intervention of the United States as a neutral to stop thewar, according to the large dictates of humanity and following manyhistorical precedents where neighboring states have interfered to checkthe hopeless sacrifices of life by internecine conflicts beyond theirborders, is justifiable on rational grounds. It involves, however, hostile constraint upon both the parties to the contest, as well toenforce a truce as to guide the eventual settlement. 

The grounds for such intervention may be briefly summarized as follows:

First. In the cause of humanity and to put an end to the barbarities, bloodshed, starvation, and horrible miseries now existing there, andwhich the parties to the conflict are either unable or unwilling to stopor mitigate. It is no answer to say this is all in another country, belonging to another nation, and is therefore none of our business. It is specially our duty, for it is right at our door. 

Second. We owe it to our citizens in Cuba to afford them that protectionand indemnity for life and property which no government there can orwill afford, and to that end to terminate the conditions that deprivethem of legal protection. 

Third. The right to intervene may be justified by the very seriousinjury to the commerce, trade, and business of our people and by thewanton destruction of property and devastation of the island. 

Fourth, and which is of the utmost importance. The present condition ofaffairs in Cuba is a constant menace to our peace and entails upon thisGovernment an enormous expense. With such a conflict waged for yearsin an island so near us and with which our people have such trade andbusiness relations; when the lives and liberty of our citizens are inconstant danger and their property destroyed and themselves ruined;where our trading vessels are liable to seizure and are seized atour very door by war ships of a foreign nation; the expeditions offilibustering that we are powerless to prevent altogether, and theirritating questions and entanglements thus arising--all these andothers that I need not mention, with the resulting strained relations, are a constant menace to our peace and compel us to keep on a semi warfooting with a nation with which we are at peace. 

These elements of danger and disorder already pointed out have beenstrikingly illustrated by a tragic event which has deeply and justlymoved the American people. I have already transmitted to Congress thereport of the naval court of inquiry on the destruction of the battleship _Maine_ in the harbor of Havana during the night of the 15thof February. [6] The destruction of that noble vessel has filled thenational heart with inexpressible horror. Two hundred and fifty-eightbrave sailors and marines and two officers of our Navy, reposing in thefancied security of a friendly harbor, have been hurled to death, griefand want brought to their homes and sorrow to the nation. 

The naval court of inquiry, which, it is needless to say, commandsthe unqualified confidence of the Government, was unanimous in itsconclusion that the destruction of the _Maine_ was caused by anexterior explosion--that of a submarine mine. It did not assume toplace the responsibility. That remains to be fixed. 

In any event, the destruction of the _Maine_, by whatever exteriorcause, is a patent and impressive proof of a state of things in Cubathat is intolerable. That condition is thus shown to be such that theSpanish Government can not assure safety and security to a vessel of theAmerican Navy in the harbor of Havana on a mission of peace, andrightfully there. 

Further referring in this connection to recent diplomaticcorrespondence, a dispatch from our minister to Spain of the 26th ultimocontained the statement that the Spanish minister for foreign affairsassured him positively that Spain will do all that the highest honorand justice require in the matter of the _Maine_. The reply abovereferred to, of the 31st ultimo, also contained an expression of thereadiness of Spain to submit to an arbitration all the differences whichcan arise in this matter, which is subsequently explained by the note ofthe Spanish minister at Washington of the 10th instant, as follows:

 As to the question of fact which springs from the diversity of views between the reports of the American and Spanish boards, Spain proposes that the facts be ascertained by an impartial investigation by experts, whose decision Spain accepts in advance. 

To this I have made no reply. 

President Grant, in 1875, after discussing the phases of the contest asit then appeared and its hopeless and apparent indefinite prolongation, said:

 In such event I am of opinion that other nations will be compelled to assume the responsibility which devolves upon them, and to seriously consider the only remaining measures possible--mediation and intervention. Owing, perhaps, to the large expanse of water separating the island from the peninsula, * * * the contending parties appear to have within themselves no depository of common confidence to suggest wisdom when passion and excitement have their sway and to assume the part of peacemaker. In this view in the earlier days of the contest the good offices of the United States as a mediator were tendered in good faith, without any selfish purpose, in the interest of humanity and in sincere friendship for both parties, but were at the time declined by Spain, with the declaration, nevertheless, that at a future time they would be indispensable. No intimation has been received that in the opinion of Spain that time has been reached. And yet the strife continues, with all its dread horrors and all its injuries to the interests of the United States and of other nations. Each party seems quite capable of working great injury and damage to the other, as well as to all the relations and interests dependent on the existence of peace in the island; but they seem incapable of reaching any adjustment, and both have thus far failed of achieving any success whereby one party shall possess and control the island to the exclusion of the other. Under these circumstances the agency of others, either by mediation or by intervention, seems to be the only alternative which must, sooner or later, be invoked for the termination of the strife. 

In the last annual message of my immediate predecessor, during thepending struggle, it was said:

 When the inability of Spain to deal successfully with the insurrection has become manifest and it is demonstrated that her sovereignty is extinct in Cuba for all purposes of its rightful existence, and when a hopeless struggle for its reestablishment has degenerated into a strife which means nothing more than the useless sacrifice of human life and the utter destruction of the very subject-matter of the conflict, a situation will be presented in which our obligations to the sovereignty of Spain will be superseded by higher obligations, which we can hardly hesitate to recognize and discharge. 

In my annual message to Congress December last, speaking to thisquestion, I said:

 The near future will demonstrate whether the indispensable condition of a righteous peace, just alike to the Cubans and to Spain, as well as equitable to all our interests so intimately involved in the welfare of Cuba, is likely to be attained. If not, the exigency of further and other action by the United States will remain to be taken. When that time conies, that action will be determined in the line of indisputable right and duty. It will be faced, without misgiving or hesitancy, in the light of the obligation this Government owes to itself, to the people who have confided to it the protection of their interests and honor, and to humanity. 

 Sure of the right, keeping free from all offense ourselves, actuated only by upright and patriotic considerations, moved neither by passion nor selfishness, the Government will continue its watchful care over the rights and property of American citizens and will abate none of its efforts to bring about by peaceful agencies a peace which shall be honorable and enduring. If it shall hereafter appear to be a duty imposed by our obligations to ourselves, to civilization, and humanity to intervene with force, it shall be without fault on our part and only because the necessity for such action will be so clear as to command the support and approval of the civilized world. 

The long trial has proved that the object for which Spain has wagedthe war can not be attained. The fire of insurrection may flame or maysmolder with varying seasons, but it has not been and it is plain thatit can not be extinguished by present methods. The only hope of reliefand repose from a condition which can no longer be endured is theenforced pacification of Cuba. In the name of humanity, in the name ofcivilization, in behalf of endangered American interests which give usthe right and the duty to speak and to act, the war in Cuba must stop. 

In view of these facts and of these considerations I ask the Congressto authorize and empower the President to take measures to secure a fulland final termination of hostilities between the Government of Spainand the people of Cuba, and to secure in the island the establishmentof a stable government, capable of maintaining order and observing itsinternational obligations, insuring peace and tranquillity and thesecurity of its citizens as well as our own, and to use the militaryand naval forces of the United States as may be necessary for thesepurposes. 

And in the interest of humanity and to aid in preserving the lives ofthe starving people of the island I recommend that the distribution offood and supplies be continued and that an appropriation be made out ofthe public Treasury to supplement the charity of our citizens. 

The issue is now with the Congress. It is a solemn responsibility. I have exhausted every effort to relieve the intolerable condition ofaffairs which is at our doors. Prepared to execute every obligationimposed upon me by the Constitution and the law, I await your action. 

Yesterday, and since the preparation of the foregoing message, officialinformation was received by me that the latest decree of the QueenRegent of Spain directs General Blanco, in order to prepare andfacilitate peace, to proclaim a suspension of hostilities, the durationand details of which have not yet been communicated to me. 

This fact, with every other pertinent consideration, will, I am sure, have your just and careful attention in the solemn deliberations uponwhich you are about to enter. If this measure attains a successfulresult, then our aspirations as a Christian, peace-loving people will berealized. If it fails, it will be only another justification for ourcontemplated action. 

WILLIAM McKINLEY. 

[Footnote 4: See pp. 127-136. ]

[Footnote 5: See p. 136. ]

[Footnote 6: See pp. 136-139. ]

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, April 11, 1898_. 

_To the Senate of the United States:_

I transmit herewith, in response to a resolution of the Senate of the14th of February last, calling for information and correspondence inregard to the condition of the island of Cuba and to negotiations forcommercial relations between the United States and that island, a reportof the Secretary of State, with its accompanying correspondence, covering the first inquiry of the resolution, together with a reportof the special commissioner plenipotentiary charged with commercialnegotiations under the provisions of the tariff act approved July 24, 1897, in response to the second inquiry. 

WILLIAM McKINLEY. 

DEPARTMENT OF STATE, _Washington_, _April 11, 1898_. 

The PRESIDENT:

The Secretary of State has had the honor to receive, by reference fromthe President, a resolution adopted in the Senate of the United Stateson the 14th of February last, reading as follows:

"_Resolved, _ That the President is requested, if in his opinion itis not incompatible with the public service, to send to the Senatecopies of the reports of the consul-general and of the consuls of theUnited States in Cuba written or received since March 4, 1897, whichrelate to the state of war in that island and the condition of thepeople there, or that he will send such parts of said reports as willinform the Senate as to these facts. 

"Second. That the President inform the Senate whether any agent of agovernment in Cuba has been accredited to this Government or thePresident of the United States with authority to negotiate a treaty ofreciprocity with the United States, or any other diplomatic orcommercial agreement with the United States, and whether such person hasbeen recognized and received as the representative of such government inCuba. "

This resolution contemplates answer being made to two separableinquiries: First, in relation to the present condition of affairs inCuba, and, secondly, with regard to the action had in view of theovertures of the Government of Spain for a reciprocal commercialagreement covering particularly the trade between the United States andthe island of Cuba. 

The conduct of commercial negotiations under the authority and inaccordance with the conditions found in sections 3, 4, and 5 of theexisting tariff act, approved July 24, 1897, having been intrusted to aspecial commissioner plenipotentiary duly empowered by the President tothat end, it has been deemed convenient to leave to the commissioner thepreparation of a report in answer to the second part of the Senateresolution, the undersigned reserving to himself the response to thefirst part thereof, which concerns the political and consular functionsof the Department of State. The separate report of the Hon. John A. Kasson, special commissioner plenipotentiary, is therefore herewithindependently submitted to the President with a view to its transmissionto the Senate, should such a course be, in the President's judgment, notincompatible with the public service. 

The Senate resolution, while in terms calling for the submission to thathonorable body of all or of a practical selection of the reports of theconsul-general and consuls of the United States in Cuba written orreceived since March 4, 1897, which relate to the state of war in thatisland and the condition of the people there, appears to leave it to thediscretion of the President to direct the scope of the information to beso reported and the manner of its communication. The undersigned, havingtaken the President's direction on both these points, has the honor tolay before him a selection of the correspondence received by theDepartment of State from the various consular representatives in Cuba, aiming thereby to show the present situation in the island rather thanto give a historical account of all the reported incidents since thedate assigned by the resolution. 

Respectfully submitted. 

JOHN SHERMAN. 

DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON, _Office of Special Commissioner Plenipotentiary_. 

The PRESIDENT:

In response to the following resolution of the Senate, passed under dateof February 14, 1898, and which was referred to the undersigned forreport, viz--

"Second. That the President inform the Senate whether any agent ofa government in Cuba has been accredited to this Government or thePresident of the United States with authority to negotiate a treatyof reciprocity with the United States, or any other diplomatic orcommercial agreement with the United States, and whether such person hasbeen recognized and received as the representative of such governmentin Cuba"--

I have the honor to submit the following report:

In October, 1897, the minister of Spain at this capital verbally advisedthe undersigned that so soon as the new government in Spain had leisureto take up the question he would probably be authorized to enter intonegotiations with the undersigned for reciprocal trade arrangements withSpain, and that a representative of Cuba would probably be associatedfor the interests of that island. 

Under date of December 9, 1897, the minister of the United States atMadrid was instructed to ascertain the disposition of the SpanishGovernment in respect to these negotiations. 

Under date of January 24, 1898, a dispatch from Mr. Woodford (referredto this office) advised the Secretary of State that arrangements weremade for the negotiation of a commercial treaty between Spain and theUnited States; that separate provisions would be made for Cuba, and thatthe Cuban insular government would appoint a delegate to represent thatisland in the negotiations. This was accompanied by a memorandum fromthe Spanish minister of colonies, stating that the same rules as forCuba might be applied to Puerto Rico, and suggesting a basis for thenegotiations. This communication was referred to this office on the 4thof February. 

On the 6th of February the Spanish minister, Mr. Dupuy de Lôme, calledon the undersigned and announced that he was authorized to representSpain in the pending negotiations and that a special representativewould arrive from Cuba, under appointment of the insular government, toact as far as the interests of that island were involved. He mentionedthe name of Seńor Angulo as the gentleman who had been suggested in Cubafor that appointment; but the delegate was not officially notified tothis office. 

On March 17 a note from the Spanish minister, Seńor Polo y Bernabé, addressed, under date of the 16th instant, to the Secretary of State, was referred to this office. In that note his excellency advised thisGovernment of his appointment by Her Majesty the Queen Regent of Spainto conduct these negotiations, assisted by Seńor Manuel Rafael Angulo asspecial delegate of the insular government of Cuba, who would be aidedby two technical assistants, also appointed by the Cuban government;and, further, that an officer from the treasury department would beadded in the same character. 

His excellency announced his readiness to commence the labors of thecommission so soon as the Government of the United States shouldformulate the general plan for carrying on the work. 

Respectfully submitted, March 17, 1898. 

JOHN A KASSON, _Special Commissioner Plenipotenitary_. 

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _April 12, 1898_. 

_To the Senate of the United States:_

In response to a resolution of the Senate of the 4th instant, I incloseherewith a letter from the Secretary of the Navy, inclosing a copy of areport from the Chief of the Bureau of Navigation. 

WILLIAM McKINLEY. 

NAVY DEPARTMENT, _Washington, April 9, 1898_. 

The PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES SENATE. 

SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of Senate resolution ofApril 4, directing that the Senate be informed "of the total number ofhuman lives that were lost by the sinking of the United States battleship _Maine_ in Havana Harbor, Cuba, on the 15th day of February, 1898, the total number of dead bodies rescued from said ship, the totalnumber remaining unrescued, and what effort, if any, is being made torescue them, " and in reply thereto inclose a copy of a report from theChief of the Bureau of Navigation covering the above inquiry. I have thehonor to be, sir, very respectfully, JOHN D. LONG, _Secretary_. 

 MEMORANDUM FOR THE SECRETARY. 

 BUREAU OF NAVIGATION, _Washington, D. C. , April 8, 1898. _

 Number on board the U. S. S. _Maine_ at the time of the disaster: Officers 26 Sailors 290 Marines 39 --- 355 Number saved: Officers 24 Sailors 60 Marines 11 --- 95 Number lost: Officers 2 Sailors 230 Marines 28 --- 260 --- 355 Bodies recovered: Officers 1 Sailors and marines 177 Died from injuries: Sailors and marines 8 --- 186

 Of the number recovered there were buried-- In the cemetery at Havana 166 At Key West 19 At Pittsburg, Pa. (officer) 1 --- 186 Number of bodies not recovered: Officers 1 Enlisted men and marines 73 --- 74

The work of recovery was continued until April 6, when the wrecking tugswere withdrawn, and nothing is now being done in that direction so faras is known; and the last bodies reported as recovered were sent to KeyWest on the 30th ultimo. No estimate has been made of the portions ofbodies which were recovered and buried. The large percentage of bodiesnot recovered is due, no doubt, to the fact that the men were swingingin their hammocks immediately over that portion of the vessel which wastotally destroyed. 

A. S. CROWNINSHIELD, _Chief of Bureau_. 

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, April 25, 1898_. 

_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States ofAmerica_:

I transmit to the Congress, for its consideration and appropriateaction, copies of correspondence recently had with the representative ofSpain in the United States, with the United States minister at Madrid, and through the latter with the Government of Spain, showing the actiontaken under the joint resolution approved April 20, 1898, "for therecognition of the independence of the people of Cuba, demanding thatthe Government of Spain relinquish its authority and government in theisland of Cuba and to withdraw its land and naval forces from Cuba andCuban waters, and directing the President of the United States to usethe land and naval forces of the United States to carry theseresolutions in to effect. "[7]

Upon communicating to the Spanish minister in Washington the demandwhich it became the duty of the Executive to address to the Governmentof Spain in obedience to said resolution, the minister asked for hispassports and withdrew. The United States minister at Madrid was in turnnotified by the Spanish minister for foreign affairs that the withdrawalof the Spanish representative from the United States had terminateddiplomatic relations between the two countries, and that all officialcommunications between their respective representatives ceasedtherewith. 

I commend to your especial attention the note addressed to the UnitedStates minister at Madrid by the Spanish minister for foreign affairson the 21st instant, whereby the foregoing notification was conveyed. It will be perceived therefrom that the Government of Spain, havingcognizance of the joint resolution of the United States Congress, and in view of the things which the President is thereby required andauthorized to do, responds by treating the reasonable demands of thisGovernment as measures of hostility, following with that instant andcomplete severance of relations by its action which by the usage ofnations accompanies an existent state of war between sovereign powers. 

The position of Spain being thus made known and the demands of theUnited States being denied, with a complete rupture of intercourse, by the act of Spain, I have been constrained, in exercise of the powerand authority conferred upon me by the joint resolution aforesaid, toproclaim, under date of April 22, 1898, [8] a blockade of certain portsof the north coast of Cuba lying between Cardenas and Bahia Honda, andof the port of Cienfuegos, on the south coast of Cuba, and further inexercise of my constitutional powers and using the authority conferredupon me by the act of Congress approved April 22, 1898, to issue myproclamation dated April 23, 1898, [9] calling forth volunteers in orderto carry into effect the said resolution of April 20, 1898. Copies ofthese proclamations are hereto appended. 

In view of the measures so taken, and with a view to the adoption ofsuch other measures as may be necessary to enable me to carry out theexpressed will of the Congress of the United States in the premises, Inow recommend to your honorable body the adoption of a joint resolutiondeclaring that a state of war exists between the United States ofAmerica and the Kingdom of Spain, and I urge speedy action thereon, tothe end that the definition of the international status of the UnitedStates as a belligerent power may be made known and the assertion of allits rights and the maintenance of all its duties in the conduct of apublic war may be assured. [10]

WILLIAM McKINLEY. 

[Footnote 7: See p. 155. ]

[Footnote 8: See pp. 202-203. ]

[Footnote 9: See pp. 203-204. ]

[Footnote 10: See p. 201. ]

JOINT RESOLUTION for the recognition of the independence of the peopleof Cuba, demanding that the Government of Spain relinquish its authorityand government in the island of Cuba and to withdraw its land and navalforces from Cuba and Cuban waters, and directing the President of theUnited States to use the land and naval forces of the United States tocarry these resolutions into effect. 

Whereas the abhorrent conditions which have existed for more than threeyears in the island of Cuba, so near our own borders, have shocked themoral sense of the people of the United States, have been a disgrace toChristian civilization, culminating, as they have, in the destruction ofa United States battle ship, with 266 of its officers and crew, while ona friendly visit in the harbor of Havana, and can not longer be endured, as has been set forth by the President of the United States in hismessage to Congress of April 11, 1898, [11] upon which the action ofCongress was invited: Therefore, _Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the UnitedStates of America in Congress assembled_, First. That the people ofthe island of Cuba are and of right ought to be free and independent. 

Second. That it is the duty of the United States to demand, and theGovernment of the United States does hereby demand, that the Governmentof Spain at once relinquish its authority and government in the islandof Cuba and withdraw its land and naval forces from Cuba and Cubanwaters. 

Third. That the President of the United States be, and he hereby is, directed and empowered to use the entire land and naval forces of theUnited States and to call into the actual service of the United Statesthe militia of the several States to such extent as may be necessary tocarry these resolutions into effect. 

Fourth. That the United States hereby disclaims any disposition orintention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control oversaid island except for the pacification thereof, and asserts itsdetermination, when that is accomplished, to leave the governmentand control of the island to its people. 

Approved, April 20, 1898. 

[Footnote 11: See pp. 139-150. ]

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _May 9, 1898_. 

_To the Congress of the United States:_

On the 24th of April I directed the Secretary of the Navy to telegraphorders to Commodore George Dewey, of the United States Navy, commandingthe Asiatic Squadron, then lying in the port of Hongkong, to proceedforthwith to the Philippine Islands, there-to commence operations andengage the assembled Spanish fleet. 

Promptly obeying that order, the United States squadron, consisting ofthe flagship _Olympia_, _Baltimore_, _Raleigh_, _Boston_, _Concord_, and_Petrel_, with the revenue cutter _McCulloch_ as an auxiliary dispatchboat, entered the harbor of Manila at daybreak on the 1st of May andimmediately engaged the entire Spanish fleet of eleven ships, which wereunder the protection of the fire of the land forts. After a stubbornfight, in which the enemy suffered great loss, these vessels weredestroyed or completely disabled and the water battery at Cavitesilenced. Of our brave officers and men not one was lost and only eightinjured, and those slightly. All of our ships escaped any seriousdamage. 

By the 4th of May Commodore Dewey had taken possession of the navalstation at Cavite, destroying the fortifications there and at theentrance of the bay and paroling their garrisons. The waters of the bayare under his complete control. He has established hospitals within theAmerican lines, where 250 of the Spanish sick and wounded are assistedand protected. 

The magnitude of this victory can hardly be measured by the ordinarystandard of naval warfare. Outweighing any material advantage is themoral effect of this initial success. At this unsurpassed achievementthe great heart of our nation throbs, not with boasting or with greed ofconquest, but with deep gratitude that this triumph has come in a justcause and that by the grace of God an effective step has thus been takentoward the attainment of the wished-for peace. To those whose skill, courage, and devotion have won the fight, to the gallant commander andthe brave officers and men who aided him, our country owes anincalculable debt. 

Feeling as our people feel, and speaking in their name, I at once senta message to Commodore Dewey thanking him and his officers and men fortheir splendid achievement and overwhelming victory and informing himthat I had appointed him an acting rear-admiral. 

I now recommend that, following our national precedents and expressingthe fervent gratitude of every patriotic heart, the thanks of Congressbe given Acting Rear-Admiral George Dewey, of the United States Navy, for highly distinguished conduct in conflict with the enemy, and tothe officers and men under his command for their gallantry in thedestruction of the enemy's fleet and the capture of the enemy'sfortifications in the bay of Manila. 

WILLIAM McKINLEY. 

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _June 1, 1898_. 

_To the Congress of the United States:_

The resolution of Congress passed May 9, 1898, tendering to CommodoreGeorge Dewey, United States Navy, commander in chief of the UnitedStates naval force on the Asiatic station, the thanks of Congress and ofthe American people for highly distinguished conduct in conflict withthe enemy, as displayed by him in the destruction of the Spanish fleetand batteries in the harbor of Manila, Philippine Islands, May 1, 1898, and through him extending the thanks of Congress and of the Americanpeople to the officers and men under his command for gallantry andskill exhibited by them on that occasion, required the President tocommunicate the same to Commodore Dewey, and through him to the officersand men under his command. This having been done, through the Secretaryof the Navy, on the 15th of May, 1898, the following response has beenreceived and is hereby transmitted to the Congress:

I desire to express to the Department, and to request that it will betransmitted to the President and to Congress, my most sincere thanks forthe great compliment paid to me. 

WILLIAM McKINLEY. 

JOINT RESOLUTION tendering the thanks of Congress to Commodore GeorgeDewey, United States Navy, and to the officers and men of the squadronunder his command. 

_Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the UnitedStates of America in Congress assembled_, That, in pursuance of therecommendation of the President, made in accordance with the provisionsof section 1508 of the Revised Statutes, the thanks of Congress andof the American people are hereby tendered to Commodore George Dewey, United States Navy, commander in chief of the United States naval forceon the Asiatic station, for highly distinguished conduct in conflictwith the enemy, as displayed by him in the destruction of the Spanishfleet and batteries in the harbor of Manila, Philippine Islands, May 1, 1898. 

SEC. 2. That the thanks of Congress and the American people are herebyextended through Commodore Dewey to the officers and men under hiscommand for the gallantry and skill exhibited by them on that occasion. 

SEC. 3. _Be it further resolved_, That the President of the UnitedStates be requested to cause this resolution to be communicated toCommodore Dewey, and through him to the officers and men under hiscommand. 

Approved, May 10, 1898. 

JOINT RESOLUTION authorizing the Secretary of the Navy to present asword of honor to Commodore George Dewey, and to cause to be struckbronze medals commemorating the battle of Manila Bay, and to distributesuch medals to the officers and men of the ships of the Asiatic Squadronof the United States. 

_Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the UnitedStates of America in Congress assembled_, That the Secretary of theNavy be, and he hereby is, authorized to present a sword of honor toCommodore George Dewey, and to cause to be struck bronze medalscommemorating the battle of Manila Bay, and to distribute such medals tothe officers and men of the ships of the Asiatic Squadron of the UnitedStates under command of Commodore George Dewey on May 1, 1898; and thatto enable the Secretary to carry out this resolution the sum of $10, 000, or so much thereof as may be necessary, is hereby appropriated out ofany money in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated. 

Approved, June 3, 1898. 

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _June 27, 1898_. 

_To the Congress of the United States:_

On the 11th of May, 1898, there occurred a conflict in the bay ofCardenas, Cuba, in which the naval torpedo boat _Winslow_ wasdisabled, her commander wounded, and one of her officers and a partof her crew killed by the enemy's fire. 

In the face of a most galling fire from the enemy's guns the revenuecutter _Hudson_, commanded by First Lieutenant Frank H. Newcomb, United States Revenue-Cutter Service, rescued the disabled_Winslow_, her wounded commander and remaining crew. The commanderof the _Hudson_ kept his vessel in the very hottest fire of theaction, although in constant danger of going ashore on account of theshallow water, until he finally got a line made fast to the_Winslow_ and towed that vessel out of range of the enemy's guns--adeed of special gallantry. 

I recommend that in recognition of the signal act of heroism of FirstLieutenant Frank H. Newcomb, United States Revenue-Cutter Service, aboveset forth, the thanks of Congress be extended to him and to his officersand men of the _Hudson_, and that a gold medal of honor bepresented to Lieutenant Newcomb, a silver medal of honor to each of hisofficers, and a bronze medal of honor to each member of his crew whoserved with him at Cardenas. 

It will be remembered that Congress by appropriate action recognized theseveral commanders of ships of war for their services in the battle ofManila, May 1, 1898. 

The commander of the revenue cutter _Hugh McCulloch_, present andin active cooperation with the fleet under Commodore Dewey on thatoccasion (by Executive order under the provisions of section 2757, Revised Statutes), is the only commander of a national ship to whompromotion or advancement was not and could not be given, because healready held the highest rank known to the Revenue-Cutter Service. 

I now recommend that in recognition of the efficient and meritoriousservices of Captain Daniel B. Hodgsdon, United States Revenue-CutterService, who commanded the _Hugh McCulloch_ at the battle of Manila(that officer being now in the sixty-third year of his age and havingserved continuously on active duty for thirty-seven years), he be placedupon the permanent waiting-orders or retired list of the Revenue-CutterService on the full-duty pay of his grade. 

WILLIAM McKINLEY. 

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _June 27, 1898_. 

_To the Congress of the United States:_

On the morning of the 3d of June, 1898, Assistant Naval ConstructorRichmond P. Hobson, United States Navy, with a volunteer crew of sevenmen, in charge of the partially dismantled collier _Merrimac_, entered the fortified harbor of Santiago, Cuba, for the purpose ofsinking the collier in the narrowest portion of the channel, and thusinterposing a serious obstacle to the egress of the Spanish fleet whichhad recently entered that harbor. This enterprise, demanding coolness, judgment, and bravery amounting to heroism, was carried into successfulexecution in the face of a persistent fire from the hostile fleet aswell as from the fortifications on shore. 

Rear-Admiral Sampson, commander in chief of our naval force in Cubanwaters, in an official report dated "Off Santiago de Cuba, June 3, 1898, " and addressed to the Secretary of the Navy, referring to Mr. Hobson's gallant exploit, says:

 As stated in a recent telegram, before coming here I decided to make the harbor entrance secure against the possibility of egress of the Spanish ships by obstructing the narrow part of the entrance by sinking a collier at that point. Upon calling upon Mr. Hobson for his professional opinion as to a sure method of sinking the ship, he manifested a most lively interest in the problem. After several days' consideration he presented a solution which he considered would insure the immediate sinking of the ship when she had reached the desired point in the channel. * * * The plan contemplated a crew of only seven men and Mr. Hobson, who begged that it might be intrusted to him. 

 As soon as I reached Santiago and had the collier to work upon, the details were commenced and diligently prosecuted, hoping to complete them in one day, as the moon and tide served best the first night after our arrival. Notwithstanding every effort, the hour of 4 o'clock in the morning arrived and the preparations were scarcely completed. After a careful inspection of the final preparations I was forced to relinquish the plan for that morning, as dawn was breaking. Mr. Hobson begged to try it at all hazards. 

 This morning proved more propitious, as a prompt start could be made. Nothing could have been more gallantly executed. * * * A careful inspection of the harbor from this ship showed that the _Merrimac_ had been sunk in the channel. 

 I can not myself too earnestly express my appreciation of the conduct of Mr. Hobson and his gallant crew. I venture to say that a more brave and daring thing has not been done since Cushing blew up the _Albemarle_. 

The members of the crew who were with Mr. Hobson on this memorableoccasion have already been rewarded for their services by advancement, which, under the provisions of law and regulations, the Secretary of theNavy was authorized to make; and the nomination to the Senate of NavalCadet Powell, who in a steam launch followed the _Merrimac_ on herperilous trip for the purpose of rescuing her force after the sinking ofthat vessel, to be advanced in rank to the grade of ensign has beenprepared and will be submitted. 

Cushing, with whose gallant act in blowing up the ram _Albemarle_during the Civil War Admiral Sampson compares Mr. Hobson's sinking ofthe _Merrimac_, received the thanks of Congress, upon recommendationof the President, by name, and was in consequence, under the provisionsof section 1508 of the Revised Statutes, advanced one grade, suchadvancement embracing 56 numbers. The section cited applies, however, toline officers only, and Mr. Hobson, being a member of the staff of theNavy, could not under its provisions be so advanced. 

In considering the question of suitably rewarding Assistant NavalConstructor Hobson for his valiant conduct on the occasion referredto, I have deemed it proper to address this message to you with therecommendation that he receive the thanks of Congress and, further, thathe be transferred to the line of the Navy and promoted to such positiontherein as the President, by and with the advice and consent of theSenate, may determine. Mr. Hobson's transfer from the constructioncorps to the line is fully warranted, he having received the necessarytechnical training as a graduate of the Naval Academy, where he stoodNo. 1 in his class; and such action is recommended partly in deferenceto what is understood to be his own desire, although, he being now aprisoner in the hands of the enemy, no direct communication on thesubject has been received from him, and partly for the reason that theabilities displayed by him at Santiago are of such a character as toindicate especial fitness for the duties of the line. 

WILLIAM McKINLEY. 

SECOND ANNUAL MESSAGE. 

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _December 5, 1898_. 

_To the Senate and House of Representatives:_

Notwithstanding the added burdens rendered necessary by the war, ourpeople rejoice in a very satisfactory and steadily increasing degree ofprosperity, evidenced by the largest volume of business ever recorded. Manufacture has been productive, agricultural pursuits have yieldedabundant returns, labor in all fields of industry is better rewarded, revenue legislation passed by the present Congress has increased theTreasury's receipts to the amount estimated by its authors, the financesof the Government have been successfully administered and its creditadvanced to the first rank, while its currency has been maintained atthe world's highest standard. Military service under a common flag andfor a righteous cause has strengthened the national spirit and served tocement more closely than ever the fraternal bonds between every sectionof the country. 

A review of the relation of the United States to other powers, alwaysappropriate, is this year of primary importance in view of the momentousissues which have arisen, demanding in one instance the ultimatedetermination by arms and involving far-reaching consequences which willrequire the earnest attention of the Congress. 

In my last annual message[12] very full consideration was given to thequestion of the duty of the Government of the United States toward Spainand the Cuban insurrection as being by far the most important problemwith which we were then called upon to deal. The considerations thenadvanced and the exposition of the views therein expressed disclosedmy sense of the extreme gravity of the situation. Setting aside aslogically unfounded or practically inadmissible the recognition of theCuban insurgents as belligerents, the recognition of the independenceof Cuba, neutral intervention to end the war by imposing a rationalcompromise between the contestants, intervention in favor of one or theother party, and forcible annexation of the island, I concluded it washonestly due to our friendly relations with Spain that she should begiven a reasonable chance to realize her expectations of reform to whichshe had become irrevocably committed. Within a few weeks previously shehad announced comprehensive plans which it was confidently assertedwould be efficacious to remedy the evils so deeply affecting our owncountry, so injurious to the true interests of the mother country aswell as to those of Cuba, and so repugnant to the universal sentimentof humanity. 

The ensuing month brought little sign of real progress toward thepacification of Cuba. The autonomous administrations set up in thecapital and some of the principal cities appeared not to gain the favorof the inhabitants nor to be able to extend their influence to the largeextent of territory held by the insurgents, while the military arm, obviously unable to cope with the still active rebellion, continued manyof the most objectionable and offensive policies of the government thathad preceded it. No tangible relief was afforded the vast numbers ofunhappy reconcentrados, despite the reiterated professions made in thatregard and the amount appropriated by Spain to that end. The profferedexpedient of zones of cultivation proved illusory. Indeed no lesspractical nor more delusive promises of succor could well have beentendered to the exhausted and destitute people, stripped of all thatmade life and home dear and herded in a strange region amongunsympathetic strangers hardly less necessitous than themselves. 

By the end of December the mortality among them had frightfullyincreased. Conservative estimates from Spanish sources placed the deathsamong these distressed people at over 40 per cent from the time GeneralWeyler's decree of reconcentration was enforced. With the acquiescenceof the Spanish authorities, a scheme was adopted for relief bycharitable contributions raised in this country and distributed, underthe direction of the consul-general and the several consuls, by nobleand earnest individual effort through the organized agencies of theAmerican Red Cross. Thousands of lives were thus saved, but manythousands more were inaccessible to such forms of aid. 

The war continued on the old footing, without comprehensive plan, developing only the same spasmodic encounters, barren of strategicresult, that had marked the course of the earlier ten years' rebellionas well as the present insurrection from its start. No alternative savephysical exhaustion of either combatant, and therewithal the practicalruin of the island, lay in sight, but how far distant no one couldventure to conjecture. 

At this juncture, on the 15th of February last, occurred the destructionof the battle ship _Maine_ while rightfully lying in the harbor ofHavana on a mission of international courtesy and good will--acatastrophe the suspicious nature and horror of which stirred thenation's heart profoundly. It is a striking evidence of the poise andsturdy good sense distinguishing our national character that thisshocking blow, falling upon a generous people already deeply touched bypreceding events in Cuba, did not move them to an instant desperateresolve to tolerate no longer the existence of a condition of danger anddisorder at our doors that made possible such a deed, by whomsoeverwrought. Yet the instinct of justice prevailed, and the nation anxiouslyawaited the result of the searching investigation at once set on foot. The finding of the naval board of inquiry established that the origin ofthe explosion was external, by a submarine mine, and only halted throughlack of positive testimony to fix the responsibility of its authorship. 

All these things carried conviction to the most thoughtful, even beforethe finding of the naval court, that a crisis in our relations withSpain and toward Cuba was at hand. So strong was this belief that itneeded but a brief Executive suggestion to the Congress to receiveimmediate answer to the duty of making instant provision for thepossible and perhaps speedily probable emergency of war, and theremarkable, almost unique, spectacle was presented of a unanimous voteof both Houses, on the 9th of March, appropriating $50, 000, 000 "for thenational defense and for each and every purpose connected therewith, to be expended at the discretion of the President. " That this act ofprevision came none too soon was disclosed when the application of thefund was undertaken. Our coasts were practically undefended. Our Navyneeded large provision for increased ammunition and supplies, and evennumbers to cope with any sudden attack from the navy of Spain, whichcomprised modern vessels of the highest type of continental perfection. Our Army also required enlargement of men and munitions. The detailsof the hurried preparation for the dreaded contingency are told in thereports of the Secretaries of War and of the Navy, and need not berepeated here. It is sufficient to say that the outbreak of war whenit did come found our nation not unprepared to meet the conflict. 

Nor was the apprehension of coming strife confined to our own country. It was felt by the continental powers, which on April 6, through theirambassadors and envoys, addressed to the Executive an expression of hopethat humanity and moderation might mark the course of this Governmentand people, and that further negotiations would lead to an agreementwhich, while securing the maintenance of peace, would afford allnecessary guaranties for the reestablishment of order in Cuba. Inresponding to that representation I said I shared the hope the envoyshad expressed that peace might be preserved in a manner to terminate thechronic condition of disturbance in Cuba, so injurious and menacing toour interests and tranquillity, as well as shocking to our sentimentsof humanity; and while appreciating the humanitarian and disinterestedcharacter of the communication they had made on behalf of the powers, I stated the confidence of this Government, for its part, that equalappreciation would be shown for its own earnest and unselfish endeavorsto fulfill a duty to humanity by ending a situation the indefiniteprolongation of which had become insufferable. 

Still animated by the hope of a peaceful solution and obeying thedictates of duty, no effort was relaxed to bring about a speedyending of the Cuban struggle. Negotiations to this object continuedactively with the Government of Spain, looking to the immediateconclusion of a six months' armistice in Cuba, with a view to effectthe recognition of her people's right to independence. Besides this, the instant revocation of the order of reconcentration was asked, so that the sufferers, returning to their homes and aided by unitedAmerican and Spanish effort, might be put in a way to supportthemselves and, by orderly resumption of the well-nigh destroyedproductive energies of the island, contribute to the restoration ofits tranquillity and well-being. Negotiations continued for some littletime at Madrid, resulting in offers by the Spanish Government whichcould not but be regarded as inadequate. It was proposed to confide thepreparation of peace to the insular parliament, yet to be convened underthe autonomous decrees of November, 1897, but without impairment in anywise of the constitutional powers of the Madrid Government, which tothat end would grant an armistice, if solicited by the insurgents, forsuch time as the general in chief might see fit to fix. How and withwhat scope of discretionary powers the insular parliament was expectedto set about the "preparation" of peace did not appear. If it were to beby negotiation with the insurgents, the issue seemed to rest on the oneside with a body chosen by a fraction of the electors in the districtsunder Spanish control, and on the other with the insurgent populationholding the interior country, unrepresented in the so-called parliamentand defiant at the suggestion of suing for peace. 

Grieved and disappointed at this barren outcome of my sincere endeavorsto reach a practicable solution, I felt it my duty to remit the wholequestion to the Congress. In the message of April 11, 1898, [13] Iannounced that with this last overture in the direction of immediatepeace in Cuba and its disappointing reception by Spain the effort ofthe Executive was brought to an end. I again reviewed the alternativecourses of action which had been proposed, concluding that the only oneconsonant with international policy and compatible with our firm-sethistorical traditions was intervention as a neutral to stop the war andcheck the hopeless sacrifice of life, even though that resort involved"hostile constraint upon both the parties to the contest, as well toenforce a truce as to guide the eventual settlement. " The groundsjustifying that step were the interests of humanity, the duty to protectthe life and property of our citizens in Cuba, the right to check injuryto our commerce and people through the devastation of the island, and, most important, the need of removing at once and forever the constantmenace and the burdens entailed upon our Government by the uncertaintiesand perils of the situation caused by the unendurable disturbance inCuba. I said:

 The long trial has proved that the object for which Spain has waged the war can not be attained. The fire of insurrection may flame or may smolder with varying seasons, but it has not been and it is plain that it can not be extinguished by present methods. The only hope of relief and repose from a condition which can no longer be endured is the enforced pacification of Cuba. In the name of humanity, in the name of civilization, in behalf of endangered American interests which give us the right and the duty to speak and to act, the war in Cuba must stop. 

In view of all this the Congress was asked to authorize and empower thePresident to take measures to secure a full and final termination ofhostilities between Spain and the people of Cuba and to secure in theisland the establishment of a stable government, capable of maintainingorder and observing its international obligations, insuring peace andtranquillity and the security of its citizens as well as our own, andfor the accomplishment of those ends to use the military and navalforces of the United States as might be necessary, with added authorityto continue generous relief to the starving people of Cuba. 

The response of the Congress, after nine days of earnest deliberation, during which the almost unanimous sentiment of your body was developedon every point save as to the expediency of coupling the proposed actionwith a formal recognition of the Republic of Cuba as the true and lawfulgovernment of that island--a proposition which failed of adoption--theCongress, after conference, on the 19th of April, by a vote of 42 to 35in the Senate and 311 to 6 in the House of Representatives, passed thememorable joint resolution declaring--

 First. That the people of the island of Cuba are, and of right ought to be, free and independent. 

 Second. That it is the duty of the United States to demand, and the Government of the United States does hereby demand, that the Government of Spain at once relinquish its authority and government in the island of Cuba and withdraw its land and naval forces from Cuba and Cuban waters. 

 Third. That the President of the United States be, and he hereby is, directed and empowered to use the entire land and naval forces of the United States and to call into the actual service of the United States the militia of the several States to such extent as may be necessary to carry these resolutions into effect. 

 Fourth. That the United States hereby disclaims any disposition or intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control over said island except for the pacification thereof, and asserts its determination when that is accomplished to leave the government and control of the island to its people. 

This resolution was approved by the Executive on the next day, April 20. A copy was at once communicated to the Spanish minister at this capital, who forthwith announced that his continuance in Washington had therebybecome impossible, and asked for his passports, which were given him. He thereupon withdrew from Washington, leaving the protection ofSpanish interests in the United States to the French ambassador and theAustro-Hungarian minister. Simultaneously with its communication tothe Spanish minister here, General Woodford, the American minister atMadrid, was telegraphed confirmation of the text of the joint resolutionand directed to communicate it to the Government of Spain with theformal demand that it at once relinquish its authority and governmentin the island of Cuba and withdraw its forces therefrom, coupling thisdemand with announcement of the intentions of this Government as tothe future of the island, in conformity with the fourth clause of theresolution, and giving Spain until noon of April 23 to reply. 

That demand, although, as above shown, officially made known to theSpanish envoy here, was not delivered at Madrid. After the instructionreached General Woodford on the morning of April 21, but before he couldpresent it, the Spanish minister of state notified him that upon thePresident's approval of the joint resolution the Madrid Government, regarding the act as "equivalent to an evident declaration of war, " hadordered its minister in Washington to withdraw, thereby breaking offdiplomatic relations between the two countries and ceasing all officialcommunication between their respective representatives. General Woodfordthereupon demanded his passports and quitted Madrid the same day. 

Spain having thus denied the demand of the United States and initiatedthat complete form of rupture of relations which attends a state of war, the executive powers authorized by the resolution were at once used byme to meet the enlarged contingency of actual war between sovereignstates. On April 22 I proclaimed a blockade of the north coast of Cuba, including ports on said coast between Cardenas and Bahia Honda, and theport of Cienfuegos, on the south coast of Cuba, [14] and on the 23d Icalled for volunteers to execute the purpose of the resolution. [15] Bymy message of April 25 the Congress was informed of the situation, andI recommended formal declaration of the existence of a state of warbetween the United States and Spain. [16] The Congress accordingly votedon the same day the act approved April 25, 1898, declaring the existenceof such war from and including the 21st day of April, [17] and reenactedthe provision of the resolution of April 20 directing the Presidentto use all the armed forces of the nation to carry that act intoeffect. [18] Due notification of the existence of war as aforesaid wasgiven April 25 by telegraph to all the governments with which theUnited States maintain relations, in order that their neutralitymight be assured during the war. The various governments responded withproclamations of neutrality, each after its own methods. It is not amongthe least gratifying incidents of the struggle that the obligations ofneutrality were impartially discharged by all, often under delicate anddifficult circumstances. 

In further fulfillment of international duty I issued, April 26, 1898, aproclamation announcing the treatment proposed to be accorded to vesselsand their cargoes as to blockade, contraband, the exercise of the rightof search, and the immunity of neutral flags and neutral goods underenemy's flag. [19] A similar proclamation was made by the SpanishGovernment. In the conduct of hostilities the rules of the Declarationof Paris, including abstention from resort to privateering, haveaccordingly been observed by both belligerents, although neither was aparty to that declaration. 

Our country thus, after an interval of half a century of peace with allnations, found itself engaged in deadly conflict with a foreign enemy. Every nerve was strained to meet the emergency. The response to theinitial call for 125, 000 volunteers[20] was instant and complete, as wasalso the result of the second call, of May 25, for 75, 000 additionalvolunteers. [21] The ranks of the Regular Army were increased to thelimits provided by the act of April 26, 1898. 

The enlisted force of the Navy on the 15th day of August, when itreached its maximum, numbered 24, 123 men and apprentices. One hundredand three vessels were added to the Navy by purchase, 1 was presentedto the Government, 1 leased, and the 4 vessels of the InternationalNavigation Company--the _St. Paul_, _St. Louis_, _New York_, and_Paris_--were chartered. In addition to these the revenue cuttersand lighthouse tenders were turned over to the Navy Department andbecame temporarily a part of the auxiliary Navy. 

The maximum effective fighting force of the Navy during the war, separated into classes, was as follows:

Four battle ships of the first class, 1 battle ship of the secondclass, 2 armored cruisers, 6 coast-defense monitors, 1 armored ram, 12 protected cruisers, 3 unprotected cruisers, 18 gunboats, 1 dynamitecruiser, 11 torpedo boats; vessels of the old Navy, including monitors, 14. Auxiliary Navy: 11 auxiliary cruisers, 28 converted yachts, 27converted tugs, 19 converted colliers, 15 revenue cutters, 4 light-housetenders, and 19 miscellaneous vessels. 

Much alarm was felt along our entire Atlantic seaboard lest some attackmight be made by the enemy. Every precaution was taken to preventpossible injury to our great cities lying along the coast. Temporarygarrisons were provided, drawn from the State militia; infantry andlight batteries were drawn from the volunteer force. About 12, 000 troopswere thus employed. The coast signal service was established forobserving the approach of an enemy's ships to the coast of the UnitedStates, and the Life-Saving and Light-House services cooperated, whichenabled the Navy Department to have all portions of the Atlantic coast, from Maine to Texas, under observation. 

The auxiliary Navy was created under the authority of Congress and wasofficered and manned by the Naval Militia of the several States. Thisorganization patrolled the coast and performed the duty of a second lineof defense. 

Under the direction of the Chief of Engineers submarine mines wereplaced at the most exposed points. Before the outbreak of the warpermanent mining casemates and cable galleries had been constructed atnearly all important harbors. Most of the torpedo material was not to befound in the market, and had to be specially manufactured. Under dateof April 19 district officers were directed to take all preliminarymeasures short of the actual attaching of the loaded mines to thecables, and on April 22 telegraphic orders were issued to place theloaded mines in position. 

The aggregate number of mines placed was 1, 535, at the principal harborsfrom Maine to California. Preparations were also made for the plantingof mines at certain other harbors, but owing to the early destruction ofthe Spanish fleet these mines were not placed. 

The Signal Corps was promptly organized, and performed service of themost difficult and important character. Its operations during the warcovered the electrical connection of all coast fortifications, theestablishment of telephonic and telegraphic facilities for the camps atManila, Santiago, and in Puerto Rico. There were constructed 300 milesof line at ten great camps, thus facilitating military movements fromthose points in a manner heretofore unknown in military administration. Field telegraph lines were established and maintained under the enemy'sfire at Manila, and later the Manila-Hongkong cable was reopened. 

In Puerto Rico cable communications were opened over a discontinuedroute, and on land the headquarters of the commanding officer was keptin telegraphic or telephonic communication with the division commanderson four different lines of operations. 

There was placed in Cuban waters a completely outfitted cable ship, with war cables and cable gear, suitable both for the destruction ofcommunications belonging to the enemy and the establishment of our own. Two ocean cables were destroyed under the enemy's batteries at Santiago. The day previous to the landing of General Shafter's corps, atCaimanera, within 20 miles of the landing place, cable communicationswere established and a cable station opened giving direct communicationwith the Government at Washington. This service was invaluable to theExecutive in directing the operations of the Army and Navy. With a totalforce of over 1, 300, the loss was by disease in camp and field, officersand men included, only 5. 

The national-defense fund of $50, 000, 000 was expended in large partby the Army and Navy, and the objects for which it was used are fullyshown in the reports of the several Secretaries. It was a most timelyappropriation, enabling the Government to strengthen its defenses andmake preparations greatly needed in case of war. 

This fund being inadequate to the requirements of equipment and for theconduct of the war, the patriotism of the Congress provided the means inthe war-revenue act of June 13 by authorizing a 3 per cent popular loannot to exceed $400, 000, 000 and by levying additional imposts and taxes. Of the authorized loan $200, 000, 000 were offered and promptly taken, thesubscriptions so far exceeding the call as to cover it many times over, while, preference being given to the smaller bids, no single allotmentexceeded $5, 000. This was a most encouraging and significant result, showing the vast resources of the nation and the determination of thepeople to uphold their country's honor. 

It is not within the province of this message to narrate the history ofthe extraordinary war that followed the Spanish declaration of April 21, but a brief recital of its more salient features is appropriate. 

The first encounter of the war in point of date took place April 27, when a detachment of the blockading squadron made a reconnoissance inforce at Matanzas, shelled the harbor forts, and demolished several newworks in construction. 

The next engagement was destined to mark a memorable epoch in maritimewarfare. The Pacific fleet, under Commodore George Dewey, had lain forsome weeks at Hongkong. Upon the colonial proclamation of neutralitybeing issued and the customary twenty-four hours' notice being given, it repaired to Mirs Bay, near Hongkong, whence it proceeded to thePhilippine Islands under telegraphed orders to capture or destroy theformidable Spanish fleet then assembled at Manila. At daybreak on the1st of May the American force entered Manila Bay, and after a fewhours' engagement effected the total destruction of the Spanish fleet, consisting of ten war ships and a transport, besides capturing the navalstation and forts at Cavite, thus annihilating the Spanish naval powerin the Pacific Ocean and completely controlling the bay of Manila, withthe ability to take the city at will. Not a life was lost on our ships, the wounded only numbering seven, while not a vessel was materiallyinjured. For this gallant achievement the Congress, upon myrecommendation, fitly bestowed upon the actors preferment andsubstantial reward. 

The effect of this remarkable victory upon the spirit of our people andupon the fortunes of the war was instant. A prestige of invincibilitythereby attached to our arms which continued throughout the struggle. Reenforcements were hurried to Manila under the command of Major-GeneralMerritt and firmly established within sight of the capital, which layhelpless before our guns. 

On the 7th day of May the Government was advised officially of thevictory at Manila, and at once inquired of the commander of our fleetwhat troops would be required. The information was received on the 15thday of May, and the first army expedition sailed May 25 and arrived offManila June 30. Other expeditions soon followed, the total forceconsisting of 641 officers and 15, 058 enlisted men. 

Only reluctance to cause needless loss of life and property preventedthe early storming and capture of the city, and therewith the absolutemilitary occupancy of the whole group. The insurgents meanwhile hadresumed the active hostilities suspended by the uncompleted truce ofDecember, 1897. Their forces invested Manila from the northern andeastern sides, but were constrained by Admiral Dewey and General Merrittfrom attempting an assault. It was fitting that whatever was to be donein the way of decisive operations in that quarter should be accomplishedby the strong arm of the United States alone. Obeying the stern preceptof war which enjoins the overcoming of the adversary and the extinctionof his power wherever assailable as the speedy and sure means to win apeace, divided victory was not permissible, for no partition of therights and responsibilities attending the enforcement of a just andadvantageous peace could be thought of. 

Following the comprehensive scheme of general attack, powerful forceswere assembled at various points on our coast to invade Cuba and PuertoRico. Meanwhile naval demonstrations were made at several exposedpoints. On May 11 the cruiser _Wilmington_ and torpedo boat_Winslow_ were unsuccessful in an attempt to silence the batteriesat Cardenas, a gallant ensign, Worth Bagley, and four seamen falling. These grievous fatalities were, strangely enough, among the very fewwhich occurred during our naval operations in this extraordinaryconflict. 

Meanwhile the Spanish naval preparations had been pushed with greatvigor. A powerful squadron under Admiral Cervera, which had assembled atthe Cape Verde Islands before the outbreak of hostilities, had crossedthe ocean, and by its erratic movements in the Caribbean Sea delayed ourmilitary plans while baffling the pursuit of our fleets. For a timefears were felt lest the _Oregon_ and _Marietta_, then nearinghome after their long voyage from San Francisco of over 15, 000 miles, might be surprised by Admiral Cervera's fleet, but their fortunatearrival dispelled these apprehensions and lent much-neededreenforcement. Not until Admiral Cervera took refuge in the harbor ofSantiago de Cuba, about May 19, was it practicable to plan a systematicnaval and military attack upon the Antillean possessions of Spain. 

Several demonstrations occurred on the coasts of Cuba and Puerto Rico inpreparation for the larger event. On May 13 the North Atlantic Squadronshelled San Juan de Puerto Rico. On May 30 Commodore Schley's squadronbombarded the forts guarding the mouth of Santiago Harbor. Neitherattack had any material result. It was evident that well-ordered landoperations were indispensable to achieve a decisive advantage. 

The next act in the war thrilled not alone the hearts of our countrymenbut the world by its exceptional heroism. On the night of June 3Lieutenant Hobson, aided by seven devoted volunteers, blocked the narrowoutlet from Santiago Harbor by sinking the collier _Merrimac_ inthe channel, under a fierce fire from the shore batteries, escaping withtheir lives as by a miracle, but falling into the hands of theSpaniards. It is a most gratifying incident of the war that the braveryof this little band of heroes was cordially appreciated by the Spanishadmiral, who sent a flag of truce to notify Admiral Sampson of theirsafety and to compliment them on their daring act. They weresubsequently exchanged July 7. 

By June 7 the cutting of the last Cuban cable isolated the island. Thereafter the invasion was vigorously prosecuted. On June 10, under aheavy protecting fire, a landing of 600 marines from the _Oregon_, _Marblehead_, and _Yankee_ was effected in Guantanamo Bay, where it hadbeen determined to establish a naval station. 

This important and essential port was taken from the enemy, after severefighting, by the marines, who were the first organized force of theUnited States to land in Cuba. 

The position so won was held despite desperate attempts to dislodgeour forces. By June 16 additional forces were landed and stronglyintrenched. On June 22 the advance of the invading army underMajor-General Shafter landed at Daiquiri, about 15 miles east ofSantiago. This was accomplished under great difficulties, but withmarvelous dispatch. On June 23 the movement against Santiago was begun. On the 24th the first serious engagement took place, in which the Firstand Tenth Cavalry and the First United States Volunteer Cavalry, GeneralYoung's brigade of General Wheeler's division, participated, losingheavily. By nightfall, however, ground within 5 miles of Santiago waswon. The advantage was steadily increased. On July 1 a severe battletook place, our forces gaining the outworks of Santiago; on the 2d ElCaney and San Juan were taken after a desperate charge, and theinvestment of the city was completed. The Navy cooperated by shellingthe town and the coast forts. 

On the day following this brilliant achievement of our land forces, the3d of July, occurred the decisive naval combat of the war. The Spanishfleet, attempting to leave the harbor, was met by the American squadronunder command of Commodore Sampson. In less than three hours all theSpanish ships were destroyed, the two torpedo boats being sunk and the_Maria Teresa_, _Almirante Oquendo_, _Vizcaya_, and _Cristóbal Colón_driven ashore. The Spanish admiral and over 1, 300 men were takenprisoners. While the enemy's loss of life was deplorably large, some 600perishing, on our side but one man was killed, on the _Brooklyn_, andone man seriously wounded. Although our ships were repeatedly struck, not one was seriously injured. Where all so conspicuously distinguishedthemselves, from the commanders to the gunners and the unnamed heroes inthe boiler rooms, each and all contributing toward the achievement ofthis astounding victory, for which neither ancient nor modern historyaffords a parallel in the completeness of the event and the marvelousdisproportion of casualties, it would be invidious to single out any forespecial honor. Deserved promotion has rewarded the more conspicuousactors. The nation's profoundest gratitude is due to all of these bravemen who by their skill and devotion in a few short hours crushed the seapower of Spain and wrought a triumph whose decisiveness and far-reachingconsequences can scarcely be measured. Nor can we be unmindful of theachievements of our builders, mechanics, and artisans for their skill inthe construction of our war ships. 

With the catastrophe of Santiago Spain's effort upon the ocean virtuallyceased. A spasmodic effort toward the end of June to send herMediterranean fleet, under Admiral Camara, to relieve Manila wasabandoned, the expedition being recalled after it had passed through theSuez Canal. 

The capitulation of Santiago followed. The city was closely besieged byland, while the entrance of our ships into the harbor cut off all reliefon that side. After a truce to allow of the removal of noncombatantsprotracted negotiations continued from July 3 until July 15, when, undermenace of immediate assault, the preliminaries of surrender were agreedupon. On the 17th General Shafter occupied the city. The capitulationembraced the entire eastern end of Cuba. The number of Spanish soldierssurrendering was 22, 000, all of whom were subsequently conveyed to Spainat the charge of the United States. The story of this successfulcampaign is told in the report of the Secretary of War, which will belaid before you. The individual valor of officers and soldiers was nevermore strikingly shown than in the several engagements leading to thesurrender of Santiago, while the prompt movements and successivevictories won instant and universal applause. To those who gained thiscomplete triumph, which established the ascendency of the United Statesupon land as the fight off Santiago had fixed our supremacy on the seas, the earnest and lasting gratitude of the nation is unsparingly due. Norshould we alone remember the gallantry of the living; the dead claim ourtears, and our losses by battle and disease must cloud any exultation atthe result and teach us to weigh the awful cost of war, however rightfulthe cause or signal the victory. 

With the fall of Santiago the occupation of Puerto Rico became the nextstrategic necessity. General Miles had previously been assigned toorganize an expedition for that purpose. Fortunately he was already atSantiago, where he had arrived on the 11th of July with reenforcementsfor General Shafter's army. 

With these troops, consisting of 3, 415 infantry and artillery, twocompanies of engineers, and one company of the Signal Corps, GeneralMiles left Guantanamo on July 21, having nine transports convoyed by thefleet under Captain Higginson with the _Massachusetts_ (flagship), _Dixie_, _Gloucester_, _Columbia_, and _Yale_, the two latter carrying troops. The expedition landed at Guanica July 25, which port was entered withlittle opposition. Here the fleet was joined by the _Annapolis_ andthe _Wasp_, while the _Puritan_ and _Amphitrite_ went to San Juan andjoined the _New Orleans_, which was engaged in blockading that port. TheMajor-General Commanding was subsequently reenforced by General Schwan'sbrigade of the Third Army Corps, by General Wilson with a part of hisdivision, and also by General Brooke with a part of his corps, numberingin all 16, 973 officers and men. 

On July 27 he entered Ponce, one of the most important ports in theisland, from which he thereafter directed operations for the capture ofthe island. 

With the exception of encounters with the enemy at Guayama, Hormigueros, Coarno, and Yauco and an attack on a force landed at CapeSan Juan, there was no serious resistance. The campaign was prosecutedwith great vigor, and by the 12th of August much of the island was inour possession and the acquisition of the remainder was only a matterof a short time. At most of the points in the island our troops wereenthusiastically welcomed. Protestations of loyalty to the flag andgratitude for delivery from Spanish rule met our commanders at everystage. As a potent influence toward peace the outcome of the PuertoRican expedition was of great consequence, and generous commendationis due to those who participated in it. 

The last scene of the war was enacted at Manila, its starting place. OnAugust 15, after a brief assault upon the works by the land forces, inwhich the squadron assisted, the capital surrendered unconditionally. The casualties were comparatively few. By this the conquest of thePhilippine Islands, virtually accomplished when the Spanish capacity forresistance was destroyed by Admiral Dewey's victory of the 1st of May, was formally sealed. To General Merritt, his officers and men, for theiruncomplaining and devoted service and for their gallantry in action, thenation is sincerely grateful. Their long voyage was made with singularsuccess, and the soldierly conduct of the men, most of whom were withoutprevious experience in the military service, deserves unmeasured praise. 

The total casualties in killed and wounded in the Army during the warwith Spain were: Officers killed, 23; enlisted men killed, 257; total, 280; officers wounded, 113; enlisted men wounded, 1, 464; total, 1, 577. Of the Navy: Killed, 17; wounded, 67; died as result of wounds, 1;invalided from service, 6; total, 91. 

It will be observed that while our Navy was engaged in two great battlesand in numerous perilous undertakings in blockade and bombardment, andmore than 50, 000 of our troops were transported to distant lands andwere engaged in assault and siege and battle and many skirmishes inunfamiliar territory, we lost in both arms of the service a total of1, 668 killed and wounded; and in the entire campaign by land and sea wedid not lose a gun or a flag or a transport or a ship, and, with theexception of the crew of the _Merrimac_, not a soldier or sailorwas taken prisoner. 

On August 7, forty-six days from the date of the landing of GeneralShafter's army in Cuba and twenty-one days from the surrender ofSantiago, the United States troops commenced embarkation for home, andour entire force was returned to the United States as early as August24. They were absent from the United States only two months. 

It is fitting that I should bear testimony to the patriotism anddevotion of that large portion of our Army which, although eager to beordered to the post of greatest exposure, fortunately was not requiredoutside of the United States. They did their whole duty, and, like theircomrades at the front, have earned the gratitude of the nation. In likemanner, the officers and men of the Army and of the Navy who remainedin their departments and stations faithfully performing most importantduties connected with the war, and whose requests for assignment in thefield and at sea I was compelled to refuse because their services wereindispensable here, are entitled to the highest commendation. It is myregret that there seems to be no provision for their suitablerecognition. 

In this connection it is a pleasure for me to mention in terms ofcordial appreciation the timely and useful work of the American NationalRed Cross, both in relief measures preparatory to the campaigns, insanitary assistance at several of the camps of assemblage, and later, under the able and experienced leadership of the president of thesociety, Miss Clara Barton, on the fields of battle and in the hospitalsat the front in Cuba. Working in conjunction with the governmentalauthorities and under their sanction and approval, and with theenthusiastic cooperation of many patriotic women and societies in thevarious States, the Red Cross has fully maintained its already highreputation for intense earnestness and ability to exercise the noblepurposes of its international organization, thus justifying theconfidence and support which it has received at the hands of theAmerican people. To the members and officers of this society and all whoaided them in their philanthropic work the sincere and lasting gratitudeof the soldiers and the public is due and is freely accorded. 

In tracing these events we are constantly reminded of our obligations tothe Divine Master for His watchful care over us and His safe guidance, for which the nation makes reverent acknowledgment and offers humbleprayer for the continuance of His favor. 

The annihilation of Admiral Cervera's fleet, followed by thecapitulation of Santiago, having brought to the Spanish Governmenta realizing sense of the hopelessness of continuing a struggle nowbecome wholly unequal, it made overtures of peace through the Frenchambassador, who, with the assent of his Government, had acted as thefriendly representative of Spanish interests during the war. On the26th of July M. Cambon presented a communication signed by the Duke ofAlmodóvar, the Spanish minister of state, inviting the United States tostate the terms upon which it would be willing to make peace. On the30th of July, by a communication addressed to the Duke of Almodóvarand handed to M. Cambon, the terms of this Government were announcedsubstantially as in the protocol afterwards signed. On the 10th ofAugust the Spanish reply, dated August 7, was handed by M. Cambon to theSecretary of State. It accepted unconditionally the terms imposed as toCuba, Puerto Rico, and an island of the Ladrones group, but appeared toseek to introduce inadmissible reservations in regard to our demand asto the Philippine Islands. Conceiving that discussion on this pointcould neither be practical nor profitable, I directed that in orderto avoid misunderstanding the matter should be forthwith closed byproposing the embodiment in a formal protocol of the terms upon whichthe negotiations for peace were to be undertaken. The vague andinexplicit suggestions of the Spanish note could not be accepted, theonly reply being to present as a virtual ultimatum a draft of protocolembodying the precise terms tendered to Spain in our note of July 30, with added stipulations of detail as to the appointment of commissionersto arrange for the evacuation of the Spanish Antilles. On August 12M. Cambon announced his receipt of full powers to sign the protocolso submitted. Accordingly, on the afternoon of August 12, M. Cambon, as the plenipotentiary of Spain, and the Secretary of State, as theplenipotentiary of the United States, signed a protocol providing--

 ARTICLE I. Spain will relinquish all claim of sovereignty over and title to Cuba. 

 ART. II. Spain will cede to the United States the island of Puerto Rico and other islands now under Spanish sovereignty in the West Indies, and also an island in the Ladrones to be selected by the United States. 

 ART. III. The United States will occupy and hold the city, bay, and harbor of Manila pending the conclusion of a treaty of peace which shall determine the control, disposition, and government of the Philippines. 

The fourth article provided for the appointment of joint commissions onthe part of the United States and Spain, to meet in Havana and San Juan, respectively, for the purpose of arranging and carrying out the detailsof the stipulated evacuation of Cuba, Puerto Rico, and other Spanishislands in the West Indies. 

The fifth article provided for the appointment of not more than fivecommissioners on each side, to meet at Paris not later than October 1and to proceed to the negotiation and conclusion of a treaty of peace, subject to ratification according to the respective constitutional formsof the two countries. 

The sixth and last article provided that upon the signature of theprotocol hostilities between the two countries should be suspended andthat notice to that effect should be given as soon as possible by eachGovernment to the commanders of its military and naval forces. 

Immediately upon the conclusion of the protocol I issued a proclamation, of August 12, [22] suspending hostilities on the part of the UnitedStates. The necessary orders to that end were at once given bytelegraph. The blockade of the ports of Cuba and San Juan de Puerto Ricowas in like manner raised. On the 18th of August the muster out of100, 000 volunteers, or as near that number as was found to bepracticable, was ordered. 

On the 1st of December 101, 165 officers and men had been mustered outand discharged from the service, and 9, 002 more will be mustered outby the 10th of this month; also a corresponding number of general andgeneral staff officers have been honorably discharged the service. 

The military commissions to superintend the evacuation of Cuba, PuertoRico, and the adjacent islands were forthwith appointed--for Cuba, Major-General James F. Wade, Rear-Admiral William T. Sampson, Major-General Matthew C. Butler; for Puerto Rico, Major-General John R. Brooke, Rear-Admiral Winfield S. Schley, Brigadier-General William W. Gordon--who soon afterwards met the Spanish commissioners at Havana andSan Juan, respectively. The Puerto Rican Joint Commission speedilyaccomplished its task, and by the 18th of October the evacuation of theisland was completed. The United States flag was raised over the islandat noon on that day. The administration of its affairs has beenprovisionally intrusted to a military governor until the Congress shallotherwise provide. The Cuban Joint Commission has not yet terminated itslabors. Owing to the difficulties in the way of removing the largenumbers of Spanish troops still in Cuba, the evacuation can not becompleted before the 1st of January next. 

Pursuant to the fifth article of the protocol, I appointed William R. Day, lately Secretary of State; Cushman K. Davis, William P. Frye, andGeorge Gray, Senators of the United States, and Whitelaw Reid to be thepeace commissioners on the part of the United States. Proceeding in dueseason to Paris, they there met on the 1st of October five commissionerssimilarly appointed on the part of Spain. Their negotiations have madehopeful progress, so that I trust soon to be able to lay a definitivetreaty of peace before the Senate, with a review of the steps leadingto its signature. 

I do not discuss at this time the government or the future of the newpossessions which will come to us as the result of the war with Spain. Such discussion will be appropriate after the treaty of peace shallbe ratified. In the meantime and until the Congress has legislatedotherwise it will be my duty to continue the military governments whichhave existed since our occupation and give to the people security inlife and property and encouragement under a just and beneficent rule. 

As soon as we are in possession of Cuba and have pacified the islandit will be necessary to give aid and direction to its people to forma government for themselves. This should be undertaken at the earliestmoment consistent with safety and assured success. It is important thatour relations with this people shall be of the most friendly characterand our commercial relations close and reciprocal. It should be ourduty to assist in every proper way to build up the waste places of theisland, encourage the industry of the people, and assist them to form agovernment which shall be free and independent, thus realizing the bestaspirations of the Cuban people. 

Spanish rule must be replaced by a just, benevolent, and humanegovernment, created by the people of Cuba, capable of performing allinternational obligations, and which shall encourage thrift, industry, and prosperity and promote peace and good will among all of theinhabitants, whatever may have been their relations in the past. Neitherrevenge nor passion should have a place in the new government. Untilthere is complete tranquillity in the island and a stable governmentinaugurated military occupation will be continued. 

With the one exception of the rupture with Spain, the intercourse ofthe United States with the great family of nations has been marked withcordiality, and the close of the eventful year finds most of the issuesthat necessarily arise in the complex relations of sovereign statesadjusted or presenting no serious obstacle to a just and honorablesolution by amicable agreement. 

A long unsettled dispute as to the extended boundary between theArgentine Republic and Chile, stretching along the Andean crests fromthe southern border of the Atacama Desert to Magellan Straits, nearly athird of the length of the South American continent, assumed an acutestage in the early part of the year, and afforded to this Governmentoccasion to express the hope that the resort to arbitration, alreadycontemplated by existing conventions between the parties, might prevaildespite the grave difficulties arising in its application. I am happy tosay that arrangements to this end have been perfected, the questions offact upon which the respective commissioners were unable to agree beingin course of reference to Her Britannic Majesty for determination. A residual difference touching the northern boundary line across theAtacama Desert, for which existing treaties provided no adequateadjustment, bids fair to be settled in like manner by a jointcommission, upon which the United States minister at Buenos Ayres hasbeen invited to serve as umpire in the last resort. 

I have found occasion to approach the Argentine Government with a viewto removing differences of rate charges imposed upon the cables of anAmerican corporation in the transmission between Buenos Ayres and thecities of Uruguay and Brazil of through messages passing from andto the United States. Although the matter is complicated by exclusiveconcessions by Uruguay and Brazil to foreign companies, there is stronghope that a good understanding will be reached and that the importantchannels of commercial communication between the United States and theAtlantic cities of South America may be freed from an almost prohibitorydiscrimination. 

In this relation I may be permitted to express my sense of the fitnessof an international agreement whereby the interchange of messages overconnecting cables may be regulated on a fair basis of uniformity. The world has seen the postal system developed from a congeries ofindependent and exclusive services into a well-ordered union, of whichall countries enjoy the manifold benefits. It would be strange were thenations not in time brought to realize that modern civilization, whichowes so much of its progress to the annihilation of space by theelectric force, demands that this all-important means of communicationbe a heritage of all peoples, to be administered and regulated in theircommon behoof. A step in this direction was taken when the internationalconvention of 1884 for the protection of submarine cables was signed, and the day is, I trust, not far distant when this medium for thetransmission of thought from land to land may be brought within thedomain of international concert as completely as is the materialcarriage of commerce and correspondence upon the face of the watersthat divide them. 

The claim of Thomas Jefferson Page against Argentina, which has beenpending many years, has been adjusted. The sum awarded by the Congressof Argentina was $4, 242. 35. 

The sympathy of the American people has justly been offered to the rulerand the people of Austria-Hungary by reason of the affliction that haslately befallen them in the assassination of the Empress-Queen of thathistoric realm. 

On the 10th of September, 1897, a conflict took place at Lattimer, Pa. , between a body of striking miners and the sheriff of Luzerne County andhis deputies, in which 22 miners were killed and 44 wounded, of whom10 of the killed and 12 of the wounded were Austrian and Hungariansubjects. This deplorable event naturally aroused the solicitude of theAustro-Hungarian Government, which, on the assumption that the killingand wounding involved the unjustifiable misuse of authority, claimedreparation for the sufferers. Apart from the searching investigation andperemptory action of the authorities of Pennsylvania, the FederalExecutive took appropriate steps to learn the merits of the case, inorder to be in a position to meet the urgent complaint of a friendlypower. The sheriff and his deputies, having been indicted for murder, were tried, and acquitted, after protracted proceedings and the hearingof hundreds of witnesses, on the ground that the killing was in the lineof their official duty to uphold law and preserve public order in theState. A representative of the Department of Justice attended the trialand reported its course fully. With all the facts in its possession, this Government expects to reach a harmonious understanding on thesubject with that of Austria-Hungary, notwithstanding the renewed claimof the latter, after learning the result of the trial, for indemnity forits injured subjects. 

Despite the brief time allotted for preparation, the exhibits of thiscountry at the Universal Exposition at Brussels in 1897 enjoyed thesingular distinction of a larger proportion of awards, having regardto the number and classes of articles entered than those of othercountries. The worth of such a result in making known our nationalcapacity to supply the world's markets is obvious. 

Exhibitions of this international character are becoming more frequentas the exchanges of commercial countries grow more intimate and varied. Hardly a year passes that this Government is not invited to nationalparticipation at some important foreign center, but often on too shortnotice to permit of recourse to Congress for the power and means to doso. My predecessors have suggested the advisability of providing bya general enactment and a standing appropriation for accepting suchinvitations and for representation of this country by a commission. This plan has my cordial approval. 

I trust that the Belgian restrictions on the importation of cattle fromthe United States, originally adopted as a sanitary precaution, will atan early day be relaxed as to their present features of hardship anddiscrimination, so as to admit live cattle under due regulation of theirslaughter after landing. I am hopeful, too, of favorable change inthe Belgian treatment of our preserved and salted meats. The growthof direct trade between the two countries, not alone for Belgianconsumption and Belgian products, but by way of transit from and toother continental states, has been both encouraging and beneficial. Noeffort will be spared to enlarge its advantages by seeking the removalof needless impediments and by arrangements for increased commercialexchanges. 

The year's events in Central America deserve more than passing mention. 

A menacing rupture between Costa Rica and Nicaragua was happily composedby the signature of a convention between the parties, with theconcurrence of the Guatemalan representative as a mediator, the actbeing negotiated and signed on board the United States steamer_Alert_, then lying in Central American waters. It is believed thatthe good offices of our envoy and of the commander of that vesselcontributed toward this gratifying outcome. 

In my last annual message the situation was presented with respect tothe diplomatic representation of this Government in Central Americacreated by the association of Nicaragua, Honduras, and Salvador underthe title of the Greater Republic of Central America, and the delegationof their international functions to the Diet thereof. While therepresentative character of the Diet was recognized by my predecessorand has been confirmed during my Administration by receiving itsaccredited envoy and granting exequaturs to consuls commissioned underits authority, that recognition was qualified by the distinctunderstanding that the responsibility of each of the component sovereignRepublics toward the United States remained wholly unaffected. 

This proviso was needful inasmuch as the compact of the threeRepublics was at the outset an association whereby certainrepresentative functions were delegated to a tripartite commissionrather than a federation possessing centralized powers of governmentand administration. In this view of their relation and of therelation of the United States to the several Republics, a changein the representation of this country in Central America was neitherrecommended by the Executive nor initiated by Congress, thus leaving oneof our envoys accredited, as heretofore, separately to two States of theGreater Republic, Nicaragua and Salvador, and to a third State, CostaRica, which was not a party to the compact, while our other envoy wassimilarly accredited to a union State, Honduras, and a nonunion State, Guatemala. The result has been that the one has presented credentialsonly to the President of Costa Rica, the other having been received onlyby the Government of Guatemala. 

Subsequently the three associated Republics entered into negotiationsfor taking the steps forecast in the original compact. A convention oftheir delegates framed for them a federal constitution under the name ofthe United States of Central America, and provided for a central federalgovernment and legislature. Upon ratification by the constituent States, the 1st of November last was fixed for the new system to go intooperation. Within a few weeks thereafter the plan was severely testedby revolutionary movements arising, with a consequent demand for unityof action on the part of the military power of the federal States tosuppress them. Under this strain the new union seems to have beenweakened through the withdrawal of its more important members. ThisGovernment was not officially advised of the installation of thefederation and has maintained an attitude of friendly expectancy, whilein no wise relinquishing the position held from the outset that theresponsibilities of the several States toward us remained unaltered bytheir tentative relations among themselves. 

The Nicaragua Canal Commission, under the chairmanship of Rear-AdmiralJohn G. Walker, appointed July 24, 1897, under the authority of aprovision in the sundry civil act of June 4 of that year, has nearlycompleted its labors, and the results of its exhaustive inquiry into theproper route, the feasibility, and the cost of construction of aninteroceanic canal by a Nicaraguan route will be laid before you. In theperformance of its task the commission received all possible courtesyand assistance from the Governments of Nicaragua and Costa Rica, whichthus testified their appreciation of the importance of giving a speedyand practical outcome to the great project that has for so many yearsengrossed the attention of the respective countries. 

As the scope of the recent inquiry embraced the whole subject, with theaim of making plans and surveys for a canal by the most convenientroute, it necessarily included a review of the results of previoussurveys and plans, and in particular those adopted by the Maritime CanalCompany under its existing concessions from Nicaragua and Costa Rica, sothat to this extent those grants necessarily hold as essential a partin the deliberations and conclusions of the Canal Commission as theyhave held and must needs hold in the discussion of the matter by theCongress. Under these circumstances and in view of overtures made to theGovernments of Nicaragua and Costa Rica by other parties for a new canalconcession predicated on the assumed approaching lapse of the contractsof the Maritime Canal Company with those States, I have not hesitatedto express my conviction that considerations of expediency andinternational policy as between the several governments interested inthe construction and control of an interoceanic canal by this routerequire the maintenance of the _status quo_ until the CanalCommission shall have reported and the United States Congress shall havehad the opportunity to pass finally upon the whole matter during thepresent session, without prejudice by reason of any change in theexisting conditions. 

Nevertheless, it appears that the Government of Nicaragua, as oneof its last sovereign acts before merging its powers in those of thenewly formed United States of Central America, has granted an optionalconcession to another association, to become effective on the expirationof the present grant. It does not appear what surveys have been madeor what route is proposed under this contingent grant, so that anexamination of the feasibility of its plans is necessarily not embracedin the report of the Canal Commission. All these circumstances suggestthe urgency of some definite action by the Congress at this sessionif the labors of the past are to be utilized and the linking of theAtlantic and Pacific oceans by a practical waterway is to be realized. That the construction of such a maritime highway is now more than everindispensable to that intimate and ready intercommunication between oureastern and western seaboards demanded by the annexation of the HawaiianIslands and the prospective expansion of our influence and commerce inthe Pacific, and that our national policy now more imperatively thanever calls for its control by this Government, are propositions whichI doubt not the Congress will duly appreciate and wisely act upon. 

A convention providing for the revival of the late United States andChilean Claims Commission and the consideration of claims which wereduly presented to the late commission, but not considered because of theexpiration of the time limited for the duration of the commission, wassigned May 24, 1897, and has remained unacted upon by the Senate. Theterm therein fixed for effecting the exchange of ratifications havingelapsed, the convention falls unless the time be extended by amendment, which I am endeavoring to bring about, with the friendly concurrence ofthe Chilean Government. 

The United States has not been an indifferent spectator of theextraordinary events transpiring in the Chinese Empire, whereby portionsof its maritime provinces are passing under the control of variousEuropean powers; but the prospect that the vast commerce which theenergy of our citizens and the necessity of our staple productions forChinese uses has built up in those regions may not be prejudiced throughany exclusive treatment by the new occupants has obviated the need ofour country becoming an actor in the scene. Our position among nations, having a large Pacific coast and a constantly expanding direct tradewith the farther Orient, gives us the equitable claim to considerationand friendly treatment in this regard, and it will be my aim to subserveour large interests in that quarter by all means appropriate to theconstant policy of our Government. The territories of Kiao-chow, ofWei-hai-wei, and of Port Arthur and Talienwan, leased to Germany, Great Britain, and Russia, respectively, for terms of years, will, it is announced, be open to international commerce during such alienoccupation; and if no discriminating treatment of American citizens andtheir trade be found to exist or be hereafter developed, the desire ofthis Government would appear to be realized. 

In this relation, as showing the volume and value of our exchanges withChina and the peculiarly favorable conditions which exist for theirexpansion in the normal course of trade, I refer to the communicationaddressed to the Speaker of the House of Representatives by theSecretary of the Treasury on the 14th of last June, with itsaccompanying letter of the Secretary of State, recommending anappropriation for a commission to study the commercial and industrialconditions in the Chinese Empire and report as to the opportunitiesfor and obstacles to the enlargement of markets in China for theraw products and manufactures of the United States. Action was nottaken thereon during the late session. I cordially urge that therecommendation receive at your hands the consideration which itsimportance and timeliness merit. 

Meanwhile there may be just ground for disquietude in view of the unrestand revival of the old sentiment of opposition and prejudice to alienpeople which pervades certain of the Chinese provinces. As in the caseof the attacks upon our citizens in Szechuen and at Kutien in 1895, theUnited States minister has been instructed to secure the fullest measureof protection, both local and imperial, for any menaced Americaninterests, and to demand, in case of lawless injury to person orproperty, instant reparation appropriate to the case. War ships havebeen stationed at Tientsin for more ready observation of the disorderswhich have invaded even the Chinese capital, so as to be in a positionto act should need arise, while a guard of marines has been sent toPeking to afford the minister the same measure of authoritativeprotection as the representatives of other nations have been constrainedto employ. 

Following close upon the rendition of the award of my predecessor asarbitrator of the claim of the Italian subject Cerruti against theRepublic of Colombia, differences arose between the parties to thearbitration in regard to the scope and extension of the award, of whichcertain articles were contested by Colombia, while Italy claimed theirliteral fulfillment. The award having been made by the President of theUnited States, as an act of friendly consideration and with the soleview to an impartial composition of the matter in dispute, I couldnot but feel deep concern at such a miscarriage, and while unable toaccept the Colombian theory that I, in my official capacity, possessedcontinuing functions as arbitrator, with power to interpret or revisethe terms of the award, my best efforts were lent to bring the partiesto a harmonious agreement as to the execution of its provisions. 

A naval demonstration by Italy resulted in an engagement to paythe liabilities claimed upon their ascertainment; but this apparentdisposition of the controversy was followed by a rupture of diplomaticintercourse between Colombia and Italy, which still continues, although, fortunately, without acute symptoms having supervened. Notwithstandingthis, efforts are reported to be continuing for the ascertainment ofColombia's contingent liability on account of Cerruti's debts under thefifth article of the award. 

A claim of an American citizen against the Dominican Republic fora public bridge over the Ozama River, which has been in diplomaticcontroversy for several years, has been settled by expert arbitrationand an award in favor of the claimant amounting to about $90, 000. It, however, remains unpaid, despite urgent demands for its settlementaccording to the terms of the compact. 

There is now every prospect that the participation of the United Statesin the Universal Exposition to be held in Paris in 1900 will be on ascale commensurate with the advanced position held by our products andindustries in the world's chief marts. 

The preliminary report of Mr. Moses P. Handy, who, under the actapproved July 19, 1897, was appointed special commissioner with a viewto securing all attainable information necessary to a full and completeunderstanding by Congress in regard to the participation of thisGovernment in the Paris Exposition, was laid before you by my messageof December 6, 1897, and showed the large opportunities opened to makeknown our national progress in arts, science, and manufactures, aswell as the urgent need of immediate and adequate provision to enabledue advantage thereof to be taken. Mr. Handy's death soon afterwardsrendered it necessary for another to take up and complete his unfinishedwork, and on January 11 last Mr. Thomas W. Cridler, Third AssistantSecretary of State, was designated to fulfill that task. His report waslaid before you by my message of June 14, 1898, with the gratifyingresult of awakening renewed interest in the projected display. By aprovision in the sundry civil appropriation act of July 1, 1898, a sumnot to exceed $650, 000 was allotted for the organization of a commissionto care for the proper preparation and installation of American exhibitsand for the display of suitable exhibits by the several ExecutiveDepartments, particularly by the Department of Agriculture, the FishCommission, and the Smithsonian Institution, in representation of theGovernment of the United States. 

Pursuant to that enactment I appointed Mr. Ferdinand W. Peck, ofChicago, commissioner-general, with an assistant commissioner-generaland a secretary. Mr. Peck at once proceeded to Paris, where his successin enlarging the scope and variety of the United States exhibit hasbeen most gratifying. Notwithstanding the comparatively limited areaof the exposition site--less than one-half that of the World's Fair atChicago--the space assigned to the United States has been increased fromthe absolute allotment of 157, 403 square feet reported by Mr. Handy tosome 202, 000 square feet, with corresponding augmentation of the fieldfor a truly characteristic representation of the various importantbranches of our country's development. Mr. Peck's report will be laidbefore you. In my judgment its recommendations will call for your earlyconsideration, especially as regards an increase of the appropriation toat least one million dollars in all, so that not only may the assignedspace be fully taken up by the best possible exhibits in every class, but the preparation and installation be on so perfect a scale as torank among the first in that unparalleled competition of artistic andinventive production, and thus counterbalance the disadvantage withwhich we start as compared with other countries whose appropriations areon a more generous scale and whose preparations are in a state of muchgreater forwardness than our own. 

Where our artisans have the admitted capacity to excel, where ourinventive genius has initiated many of the grandest discoveries of theselater days of the century, and where the native resources of our landare as limitless as they are valuable to supply the world's needs, it isour province, as it should be our earnest care, to lead in the march ofhuman progress, and not rest content with any secondary place. Moreover, if this be due to ourselves, it is no less due to the great Frenchnation whose guests we become, and which has in so many ways testifiedits wish and hope that our participation shall befit the place the twopeoples have won in the field of universal development. 

The commercial arrangement made with France on the 28th of May, 1898, under the provisions of section 3 of the tariff act of 1897, went intoeffect on the 1st day of June following. It has relieved a portion ofour export trade from serious embarrassment. Further negotiationsare now pending under section 4 of the same act with a view to theincrease of trade between the two countries to their mutual advantage. Negotiations with other governments, in part interrupted by the war withSpain, are in progress under both sections of the tariff act. I hope tobe able to announce some of the results of these negotiations during thepresent session of Congress. 

Negotiations to the same end with Germany have been set on foot. Meanwhile no effort has been relaxed to convince the Imperial Governmentof the thoroughness of our inspection of pork products for exportation, and it is trusted that the efficient administration of this measure bythe Department of Agriculture will be recognized as a guaranty of thehealthfulness of the food staples we send abroad to countries wheretheir use is large and necessary. 

I transmitted to the Senate on the 10th of February last informationtouching the prohibition against the importation of fresh fruits fromthis country, which had then recently been decreed by Germany on theground of danger of disseminating the San José scale insect. Thisprecautionary measure was justified by Germany on the score of thedrastic steps taken in several States of the Union against the spread ofthe pest, the elaborate reports of the Department of Agriculture beingput in evidence to show the danger to German fruit-growing interestsshould the scale obtain a lodgment in that country. Temporary relief wasafforded in the case of large consignments of fruit then on the way byinspection and admission when found noninfected. Later the prohibitionwas extended to dried fruits of every kind, but was relaxed so as toapply only to unpeeled fruit and fruit waste. As was to be expected, thealarm reached to other countries, and Switzerland has adopted a similarinhibition. Efforts are in progress to induce the German and SwissGovernments to relax the prohibition in favor of dried fruits shown tohave been cured under circumstances rendering the existence of animallife impossible. 

Our relations with Great Britain have continued on the most friendlyfooting. Assenting to our request, the protection of Americans and theirinterests in Spanish jurisdiction was assumed by the diplomatic andconsular representatives of Great Britain, who fulfilled their delicateand arduous trust with tact and zeal, eliciting high commendation. I may be allowed to make fitting allusion to the instance of Mr. Ramsden, Her Majesty's consul at Santiago de Cuba, whose untimely death afterdistinguished service and untiring effort during the siege of that citywas sincerely lamented. 

In the early part of April last, pursuant to a request made at theinstance of the Secretary of State by the British ambassador at thiscapital, the Canadian government granted facilities for the passage offour United States revenue cutters from the Great Lakes to the Atlanticcoast by way of the Canadian canals and the St. Lawrence River. Thevessels had reached Lake Ontario and were there awaiting the opening ofnavigation when war was declared between the United States and Spain. Her Majesty's Government thereupon, by a communication of the latterpart of April, stated that the permission granted before the outbreak ofhostilities would not be withdrawn provided the United States Governmentgave assurance that the vessels in question would proceed direct toa United States port without engaging in any hostile operation. This Government promptly agreed to the stipulated condition, it beingunderstood that the vessels would not be prohibited from resisting anyhostile attack. 

It will give me especial satisfaction if I shall be authorized tocommunicate to you a favorable conclusion of the pending negotiationswith Great Britain in respect to the Dominion of Canada. It is theearnest wish of this Government to remove all sources of discord andirritation in our relations with the neighboring Dominion. The tradebetween the two countries is constantly increasing, and it is importantto both countries that all reasonable facilities should be granted forits development. 

The Government of Greece strongly urges the onerousness of the duty hereimposed upon the currants of that country, amounting to 100 per cent ormore of their market value. This fruit is stated to be exclusively aGreek product, not coming into competition with any domestic product. The question of reciprocal commercial relations with Greece, includingthe restoration of currants to the free list, is under consideration. 

The long-standing claim of Bernard Campbell for damages for injuriessustained from a violent assault committed against him by militaryauthorities in the island of Haiti has been settled by the agreement ofthat Republic to pay him $10, 000 in American gold. Of this sum $5, 000has already been paid. It is hoped that other pending claims of Americancitizens against that Republic may be amicably adjusted. 

Pending the consideration by the Senate of the treaty signed June 16, 1897, by the plenipotentiaries of the United States and of the Republicof Hawaii, providing for the annexation of the islands, a jointresolution to accomplish the same purpose by accepting the offeredcession and incorporating the ceded territory into the Union was adoptedby the Congress and approved July 7, 1898. I thereupon directed theUnited States steamship _Philadelphia_ to convey Rear-AdmiralMiller to Honolulu, and intrusted to his hands this importantlegislative act, to be delivered to the President of the Republic ofHawaii, with whom the Admiral and the United States minister wereauthorized to make appropriate arrangements for transferring thesovereignty of the islands to the United States. This was simply butimpressively accomplished on the 12th of August last by the delivery ofa certified copy of the resolution to President Dole, who thereuponyielded up to the representative of the Government of the United Statesthe sovereignty and public property of the Hawaiian Islands. 

Pursuant to the terms of the joint resolution and in exercise ofthe authority thereby conferred upon me, I directed that the civil, judicial, and military powers theretofore exercised by the officers ofthe Government of the Republic of Hawaii should continue to be exercisedby those officers until Congress shall provide a government for theincorporated territory, subject to my power to remove such officers andto fill vacancies. The President, officers, and troops of the Republicthereupon took the oath of allegiance to the United States, thusproviding for the uninterrupted continuance of all the administrativeand municipal functions of the annexed territory until Congress shallotherwise enact. 

Following the further provision of the joint resolution, I appointed theHons. Shelby M. Cullom, of Illinois, John T. Morgan, of Alabama, RobertR. Hitt, of Illinois, Sanford B. Dole, of Hawaii, and Walter F. Frear, of Hawaii, as commissioners to confer and recommend to Congress suchlegislation concerning the Hawaiian Islands as they should deemnecessary or proper. The commissioners having fulfilled the missionconfided to them, their report will be laid before you at an early day. It is believed that their recommendations will have the earnestconsideration due to the magnitude of the responsibility resting uponyou to give such shape to the relationship of those mid-Pacific lands toour home Union as will benefit both in the highest degree, realizing theaspirations of the community that has cast its lot with us and electedto share our political heritage, while at the same time justifying theforesight of those who for three-quarters of a century have looked tothe assimilation of Hawaii as a natural and inevitable consummation, inharmony with our needs and in fulfillment of our cherished traditions. 

The questions heretofore pending between Hawaii and Japan growing outof the alleged mistreatment of Japanese treaty immigrants were, I ampleased to say, adjusted before the act of transfer by the payment ofa reasonable indemnity to the Government of Japan. 

Under the provisions of the joint resolution, the existing customsrelations of the Hawaiian Islands with the United States and with othercountries remain unchanged until legislation shall otherwise provide. The consuls of Hawaii here and in foreign countries continue to fulfilltheir commercial agencies, while the United States consulate at Honoluluis maintained for all appropriate services pertaining to trade and therevenue. It would be desirable that all foreign consuls in the HawaiianIslands should receive new exequaturs from this Government. 

The attention of Congress is called to the fact that, our consularoffices having ceased to exist in Hawaii and being about to cease inother countries coming under the sovereignty of the United States, theprovisions for the relief and transportation of destitute Americanseamen in these countries under our consular regulations will inconsequence terminate. It is proper, therefore, that new legislationshould be enacted upon this subject in order to meet the changedconditions. 

The interpretation of certain provisions of the extradition conventionof December 11, 1861, has been at various times the occasion ofcontroversy with the Government of Mexico. An acute difference arose inthe case of the Mexican demand for the delivery of Jesús Guerra, who, having led a marauding expedition near the border with the proclaimedpurpose of initiating an insurrection against President Diaz, escapedinto Texas. Extradition was refused on the ground that the allegedoffense was political in its character, and therefore came within thetreaty proviso of nonsurrender. The Mexican contention was that theexception only related to purely political offenses, and that asGuerra's acts were admixed with the common crime of murder, arson, kidnaping, and robbery, the option of nondelivery became void, aposition which this Government was unable to admit in view of thereceived international doctrine and practice in the matter. The MexicanGovernment, in view of this, gave notice January 24, 1898, of thetermination of the convention, to take effect twelve months from thatdate, at the same time inviting the conclusion of a new convention, toward which negotiations are on foot. 

In this relation I may refer to the necessity of some amendment ofour existing extradition statute. It is a common stipulation of suchtreaties that neither party shall be bound to give up its own citizens, with the added proviso in one of our treaties, that with Japan, that itmay surrender if it see fit. It is held in this country by an almostuniform course of decisions that where a treaty negatives the obligationto surrender the President is not invested with legal authority to act. The conferment of such authority would be in the line of that soundmorality which shrinks from affording secure asylum to the author of aheinous crime. Again, statutory provision might well be made for what isstyled extradition by way of transit, whereby a fugitive surrendered byone foreign government to another may be conveyed across the territoryof the United States to the jurisdiction of the demanding state. A recommendation in this behalf made in the President's message of1886[23] was not acted upon. The matter is presented for yourconsideration. 

The problem of the Mexican free zone has been often discussed withregard to its inconvenience as a provocative of smuggling into theUnited States along an extensive and thinly guarded land border. The effort made by the joint resolution of March 1, 1895, to remedy theabuse charged by suspending the privilege of free transportation inbond across the territory of the United States to Mexico failed of goodresult, as is stated in Report No. 702 of the House of Representatives, submitted in the last session, March 11, 1898. As the question is one tobe conveniently met by wise concurrent legislation of the two countrieslooking to the protection of the revenues by harmonious measuresoperating equally on either side of the boundary, rather than byconventional arrangements, I suggest that Congress consider theadvisability of authorizing and inviting a conference of representativesof the Treasury Departments of the United States and Mexico to considerthe subject in all its complex bearings, and make report with pertinentrecommendations to the respective Governments for the information andconsideration of their Congresses. 

The Mexican Water Boundary Commission has adjusted all matterssubmitted to it to the satisfaction of both Governments save in threeimportant cases--that of the "Chamizal" at El Paso, Tex. , where the twocommissioners failed to agree, and wherein, for this case only, thisGovernment has proposed to Mexico the addition of a third member; theproposed elimination of what are known as "Bancos, " small isolatedislands formed by the cutting off of bends in the Rio Grande, fromthe operation of the treaties of 1884 and 1889, recommended by thecommissioners and approved by this Government, but still underconsideration by Mexico; and the subject of the "Equitable distributionof the waters of the Rio Grande, " for which the commissionersrecommended an international dam and reservoir, approved by Mexico, butstill under consideration by this Government. Pending these questionsit is necessary to extend the life of the commission, which expiresDecember 23 next. 

The coronation of the young Queen of the Netherlands was made theoccasion of fitting congratulations. 

The claim of Victor H. McCord against Peru, which for a number ofyears has been pressed by this Government and has on several occasionsattracted the attention of the Congress, has been satisfactorilyadjusted. A protocol was signed May 17, 1898, whereby, the fact ofliability being admitted, the question of the amount to be awarded wassubmitted to the chief justice of Canada as sole arbitrator. His awardsets the indemnity due the claimant at $40, 000. 

The Government of Peru has given the prescribed notification of itsintention to abrogate the treaty of friendship, commerce, and navigationconcluded with this country August 31, 1887. As that treaty containsmany important provisions necessary to the maintenance of commerceand good relations, which could with difficulty be replaced by thenegotiation of renewed provisions within the brief twelve monthsintervening before the treaty terminates, I have invited suggestions byPeru as to the particular provisions it is desired to annul, in the hopeof reaching an arrangement whereby the remaining articles may beprovisionally saved. 

His Majesty the Czar having announced his purpose to raise theImperial Russian mission at this capital to the rank of an embassy, I responded, under the authority conferred by the act of March 3, 1893, by commissioning and accrediting the actual representativeat St. Petersburg in the capacity of ambassador extraordinary andplenipotentiary. The Russian ambassador to this country has sincepresented his credentials. 

The proposal of the Czar for a general reduction of the vast militaryestablishments that weigh so heavily upon many peoples in time of peacewas communicated to this Government with an earnest invitation to berepresented in the conference which it is contemplated to assemble witha view to discussing the means of accomplishing so desirable a result. His Majesty was at once informed of the cordial sympathy of thisGovernment with the principle involved in his exalted proposal and ofthe readiness of the United States to take part in the conference. The active military force of the United States, as measured by ourpopulation, territorial area, and taxable wealth, is, and under anyconceivable prospective conditions must continue to be, in time of peaceso conspicuously less than that of the armed powers to whom the Czar'sappeal is especially addressed that the question can have for us nopractical importance save as marking an auspicious step toward thebetterment of the condition of the modern peoples and the cultivationof peace and good will among them; but in this view it behooves us asa nation to lend countenance and aid to the beneficent project. 

The claims of owners of American sealing vessels for seizure by Russiancruisers in Bering Sea are being pressed to a settlement. The equitiesof the cases justify the expectation that a measure of reparation willeventually be accorded in harmony with precedent and in the light of theproven facts. 

The recommendation made in my special message of April 27 last isrenewed, that appropriation be made to reimburse the master and ownersof the Russian bark _Hans_ for wrongful arrest of the master anddetention of the vessel in February, 1896, by officers of the UnitedStates district court for the southern district of Mississippi. Thepapers accompanying my said message make out a most meritorious claimand justify the urgency with which it has been presented by theGovernment of Russia. 

Malietoa Laupepa, King of Samoa, died on August 22 last. According toArticle I of the general act of Berlin, "his successor shall be dulyelected according to the laws and customs of Samoa. "

Arrangements having been agreed upon between the signatories of thegeneral act for the return of Mataafa and the other exiled Samoanchiefs, they were brought from Jaluit by a German war vessel and landedat Apia on September 18 last. 

Whether the death of Malietoa and the return of his old-time rivalMataafa will add to the undesirable complications which the execution ofthe tripartite general act has heretofore developed remains to be seen. The efforts of this Government will, as heretofore, be addressed towarda harmonious and exact fulfillment of the terms of the internationalengagement to which the United States became a party in 1889. 

The Cheek claim against Siam, after some five years of controversy, hasbeen adjusted by arbitration under an agreement signed July 6, 1897, anaward of 706, 721 ticals (about $187, 987. 78), with release of the Cheekestate from mortgage claims, having been rendered March 21, 1898, infavor of the claimant by the arbitrator, Sir Nicholas John Hannen, British chief justice for China and Japan. 

An envoy from Siam has been accredited to this Government and haspresented his credentials. 

Immediately upon the outbreak of the war with Spain the SwissGovernment, fulfilling the high mission it has deservedly assumed as thepatron of the International Red Cross, proposed to the United States andSpain that they should severally recognize and carry into execution, as a _modus vivendi_, during the continuance of hostilities, theadditional articles proposed by the international conference of Geneva, October 20, 1868, extending the effects of the existing Red Crossconvention of 1864 to the conduct of naval war. Following the exampleset by France and Germany in 1870 in adopting such a _modus vivendi_, and in view of the accession of the United States to those additionalarticles in 1882, although the exchange of ratifications thereof stillremained uneffected, the Swiss proposal was promptly and cordiallyaccepted by us, and simultaneously by Spain. 

This Government feels a keen satisfaction in having thus been enabled totestify its adherence to the broadest principles of humanity even amidstthe clash of war, and it is to be hoped that the extension of the RedCross compact to hostilities by sea as well as on land may soon becomean accomplished fact through the general promulgation of the additionalnaval Red Cross articles by the maritime powers now parties to theconvention of 1864. 

The important question of the claim of Switzerland to the perpetualcantonal allegiance of American citizens of Swiss origin has not madehopeful progress toward a solution, and controversies in this regardstill continue. 

The newly accredited envoy of the United States to the Ottoman Portecarries instructions looking to the disposal of matters in controversywith Turkey for a number of years. He is especially charged to press fora just settlement of our claims for indemnity by reason of thedestruction of the property of American missionaries resident in thatcountry during the Armenian troubles of 1895, as well as for therecognition of older claims of equal justness. 

He is also instructed to seek an adjustment of the dispute growingout of the refusal of Turkey to recognize the acquired citizenship ofOttoman-born persons naturalized in the United States since 1869 withoutprior imperial consent, and in the same general relation he is directedto endeavor to bring about a solution of the question which has more orless acutely existed since 1869 concerning the jurisdictional rights ofthe United States in matters of criminal procedure and punishment underArticle IV of the treaty of 1830. This latter difficulty grows out of averbal difference, claimed by Turkey to be essential, between theoriginal Turkish text and the promulgated translation. 

After more than two years from the appointment of a consul of thiscountry to Erzerum, he has received his exequatur. 

The arbitral tribunal appointed under the treaty of February 2, 1897, between Great Britain and Venezuela, to determine the boundary linebetween the latter and the colony of British Guiana, is to convene atParis during the present month. It is a source of much gratification tothis Government to see the friendly resort of arbitration applied to thesettlement of this controversy, not alone because of the earnest part wehave had in bringing about the result, but also because the two membersnamed on behalf of Venezuela, Mr. Chief Justice Fuller and Mr. JusticeBrewer, chosen from our highest court, appropriately testify thecontinuing interest we feel in the definitive adjustment of the questionaccording to the strictest rules of justice. The British members, Lord Herschell and Sir Richard Collins, are jurists of no less exaltedrepute, while the fifth member and president of the tribunal, M. F. De Martens, has earned a world-wide reputation as an authority uponinternational law. 

The claim of Felipe Scandella against Venezuela for arbitrary expulsionand injury to his business has been adjusted by the revocation of theorder of expulsion and by the payment of the sum of $16, 000. 

I have the satisfaction of being able to state that the Bureau ofthe American Republics, created in 1890 as the organ for promotingcommercial intercourse and fraternal relations among the countries ofthe Western Hemisphere, has become a more efficient instrument of thewise purposes of its founders, and is receiving the cordial support ofthe contributing members of the international union which are actuallyrepresented in its board of management. A commercial directory, in twovolumes, containing a mass of statistical matter descriptive of theindustrial and commercial interests of the various countries, has beenprinted in English, Spanish, Portuguese, and French, and a monthlybulletin published in these four languages and distributed in theLatin-American countries as well as in the United States has proved tobe a valuable medium for disseminating information and furthering thevaried interests of the international union. 

During the past year the important work of collecting information ofpractical benefit to American industries and trade through the agencyof the diplomatic and consular officers has been steadily advanced, andin order to lay such data before the public with the least delay thepractice was begun in January, 1898, of issuing the commercial reportsfrom day to day as they are received by the Department of State. It isbelieved that for promptitude as well as fullness of information theservice thus supplied to our merchants and manufacturers will be foundto show sensible improvement and to merit the liberal support ofCongress. 

The experiences of the last year bring forcibly home to us a sense ofthe burdens and the waste of war. We desire, in common with mostcivilized nations, to reduce to the lowest possible point the damagesustained in time of war-by peaceable trade and commerce. It is true wemay suffer in such cases less than other communities, but all nationsare damaged more or less by the state of uneasiness and apprehensioninto which an outbreak of hostilities throws the entire commercialworld. It should be our object, therefore, to minimize, so far aspracticable, this inevitable loss and disturbance. This purpose canprobably best be accomplished by an international agreement to regardall private property at sea as exempt from capture or destruction by theforces of belligerent powers. The United States Government has for manyyears advocated this humane and beneficent principle, and is now inposition to recommend it to other powers without the imputation ofselfish motives. I therefore suggest for your consideration that theExecutive be authorized to correspond with the governments of theprincipal maritime powers with a view of incorporating into thepermanent law of civilized nations the principle of the exemption ofall private property at sea, not contraband of war, from capture ordestruction by belligerent powers. 

The Secretary of the Treasury reports that the receipts of theGovernment from all sources during the fiscal year ended June 30, 1898, including $64, 751, 223 received from sale of Pacific railroads, amounted to $405, 321, 335 and its expenditures to $443, 368, 582. Therewas collected from customs $149, 575, 062 and from internal revenue$170, 900, 641. Our dutiable imports amounted to $324, 635, 479, a decreaseof $58, 156, 690 over the preceding year, and importations free of dutyamounted to $291, 414, 175, a decrease from the preceding year of$90, 524, 068. Internal-revenue receipts exceeded those of the precedingyear by $24, 212, 067. 

The total tax collected on distilled spirits was $92, 546, 999;on manufactured tobacco, $36, 230, 522, and on fermented liquors, $39, 515, 421. We exported merchandise during the year amounting to$1, 231, 482, 330, an increase of $180, 488, 774 from the preceding year. 

It is estimated upon the basis of present revenue laws that thereceipts of the Government for the year ending June 30, 1899, willbe $577, 874, 647, and its expenditures $689, 874, 647, resulting in adeficiency of $112, 000, 000. 

On the 1st of December, 1898, there was held in the Treasury gold coinamounting to $138, 441, 547, gold bullion amounting to $138, 502, 545, silver bullion amounting to $93, 359, 250, and other forms of moneyamounting to $451, 963, 981. 

On the same date the amount of money of all kinds in circulation, or notincluded in Treasury holdings, was $1, 886, 879, 504, an increase for theyear of $165, 794, 966. Estimating our population at 75, 194, 000 at thetime mentioned, the per capita circulation was $25. 09. On the same datethere was in the Treasury gold bullion amounting to $138, 502, 545. 

The provisions made for strengthening the resources of the Treasury inconnection with the war have given increased confidence in the purposeand power of the Government to maintain the present standard, and haveestablished more firmly than ever the national credit at home andabroad. A marked evidence of this is found in the inflow of gold to theTreasury. Its net gold holdings on November 1, 1898, were $239, 885, 162as compared with $153, 573, 147 on November 1, 1897, and an increase ofnet cash of $207, 756, 100, November 1, 1897, to $300, 238, 275, November 1, 1898. The present ratio of net Treasury gold to outstanding Governmentliabilities, including United States notes, Treasury notes of 1890, silver certificates, currency certificates, standard silver dollars, and fractional silver coin, November 1, 1898, was 25. 35 per cent, ascompared with 16. 96 per cent, November 1, 1897. 

I renew so much of my recommendation of December, 1897, as follows:

 That when any of the United States notes are presented for redemption in gold and are redeemed in gold, such notes shall be kept and set apart and only paid out in exchange for gold. This is an obvious duty. If the holder of the United States note prefers the gold and gets it from the Government, he should not receive back from the Government a United States note without paying gold in exchange for it. The reason for this is made all the more apparent when the Government issues an interest-bearing debt to provide gold for the redemption of United States notes--a non-interest-bearing debt. Surely it should not pay them out again except on demand and for gold. If they are put out in any other way, they may return again, to be followed by another bond issue to redeem them--another interest-bearing debt to redeem a non-interest-bearing debt. 

This recommendation was made in the belief that such provisions of lawwould insure to a greater degree the safety of the present standard, andbetter protect our currency from the dangers to which it is subjectedfrom a disturbance in the general business conditions of the country. 

In my judgment the present condition of the Treasury amply justifies theimmediate enactment of the legislation recommended one year ago, underwhich a portion of the gold holdings should be placed in a trust fundfrom which greenbacks should be redeemed upon presentation, but whenonce redeemed should not thereafter be paid out except for gold. 

It is not to be inferred that other legislation relating to our currencyis not required; on the contrary, there is an obvious demand for it. 

The importance of adequate provision which will insure to our future amoney standard related as our money standard now is to that of ourcommercial rivals is generally recognized. 

The companion proposition that our domestic paper currency shall be keptsafe and yet be so related to the needs of our industries and internalcommerce as to be adequate and responsive to such needs is a propositionscarcely less important. The subject, in all its parts, is commended tothe wise consideration of the Congress. 

The annexation of Hawaii and the changed relations of the United Statesto Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the Philippines resulting from the war, compelthe prompt adoption of a maritime policy by the United States. Thereshould be established regular and frequent steamship communication, encouraged by the United States, under the American flag, with the newlyacquired islands. Spain furnished to its colonies, at an annual cost ofabout $2, 000, 000, steamship lines communicating with a portion of theworld's markets, as well as with trade centers of the home Government. The United States will not undertake to do less. It is our duty tofurnish the people of Hawaii with facilities, under national control, for their export and import trade. It will be conceded that the presentsituation calls for legislation which shall be prompt, durable, andliberal. 

The part which American merchant vessels and their seamen performedin the war with Spain demonstrates that this service, furnishing bothpickets and the second line of defense, is a national necessity, andshould be encouraged in every constitutional way. Details and methodsfor the accomplishment of this purpose are discussed in the report ofthe Secretary of the Treasury, to which the attention of Congress isrespectfully invited. 

In my last annual message I recommended that Congress authorize theappointment of a commission for the purpose of making systematicinvestigations with reference to the cause and prevention of yellowfever. This matter has acquired an increased importance as a resultof the military occupation of the island of Cuba and the commercialintercourse between this island and the United States which we haveevery reason to expect. The sanitary problems connected with our newrelations with the island of Cuba and the acquisition of Puerto Ricoare no less important than those relating to finance, commerce, andadministration. It is my earnest desire that these problems may beconsidered by competent experts and that everything may be donewhich the most recent advances in sanitary science can offer for theprotection of the health of our soldiers in those islands and ofour citizens who are exposed to the dangers of infection from theimportation of yellow fever. I therefore renew my recommendation thatthe authority of Congress may be given and a suitable appropriation madeto provide for a commission of experts to be appointed for the purposeindicated. 

Under the act of Congress approved April 26, 1898, authorizing thePresident in his discretion, "upon a declaration of war by Congress, ora declaration by Congress that war exists, " I directed the increase ofthe Regular Army to the maximum of 62, 000, authorized in said act. 

There are now in the Regular Army 57, 862 officers and men. In said actit was provided--

 That at the end of any war in which the United States may become involved the Army shall be reduced to a peace basis by the transfer in the same arm of the service or absorption by promotion or honorable discharge, under such regulations as the Secretary of War may establish, of supernumerary commissioned officers and the honorable discharge or transfer of supernumerary enlisted men; and nothing contained in this act shall be construed as authorizing the permanent increase of the commissioned or enlisted force of the Regular Army beyond that now provided by the law in force prior to the passage of this act, except as to the increase of twenty-five majors provided for in section I hereof. 

The importance of legislation for the permanent increase of the Army istherefore manifest, and the recommendation of the Secretary of War forthat purpose has my unqualified approval. There can be no question thatat this time, and probably for some time in the future, 100, 000 menwill be none too many to meet the necessities of the situation. At allevents, whether that number shall be required permanently or not, thepower should be given to the President to enlist that force if in hisdiscretion it should be necessary; and the further discretion shouldbe given him to recruit for the Army within the above limit from theinhabitants of the islands with the government of which we are charged. It is my purpose to muster out the entire Volunteer Army as soon as theCongress shall provide for the increase of the regular establishment. This will be only an act of justice and will be much appreciated by thebrave men who left their homes and employments to help the country inits emergency. 

In my last annual message I stated:

 The Union Pacific Railway, main line, was sold under the decree of the United States court for the district of Nebraska on the 1st and 2d of November of this year. The amount due the Government consisted of the principal of the subsidy bonds, $27, 236, 512, and the accrued interest thereon, $31, 211, 711. 75, making the total indebtedness $58, 448, 223. 75. The bid at the sale covered the first-mortgage lien and the entire mortgage claim of the Government, principal and interest. 

This left the Kansas Pacific case unconcluded. By a decree of the courtin that case an upset price for the property was fixed at a sum whichwould yield to the Government only $2, 500, 000 upon its lien. The sale, at the instance of the Government, was postponed first to December 15, 1897, and later, upon the application of the United States, waspostponed to the 16th day of February, 1898. 

Having satisfied myself that the interests of the Government requiredthat an effort should be made to obtain a larger sum, I directed theSecretary of the Treasury, under the act passed March 3, 1887, to payout of the Treasury to the persons entitled to receive the same theamounts due upon all prior mortgages upon the Eastern and Middledivisions of said railroad out of any money in the Treasury nototherwise appropriated, whereupon the Attorney-General prepared apetition to be presented to the court, offering to redeem said priorliens in such manner as the court might direct, and praying thatthereupon the United States might be held to be subrogated to all therights of said prior lien holders and that a receiver might be appointedto take possession of the mortgaged premises and maintain and operatethe same until the court or Congress otherwise directed. Thereupon thereorganization committee agreed that if said petition was withdrawn andthe sale allowed to proceed on the 16th of February, 1898, they wouldbid a sum at the sale which would realize to the Government the entireprincipal of its debt, $6, 303, 000. 

Believing that no better price could be obtained and appreciating thedifficulties under which the Government would labor if it should becomethe purchaser of the road at the sale, in the absence of any authorityby Congress to take charge of and operate the road I directed that uponthe guaranty of a minimum bid which should give the Government theprincipal of its debt the sale should proceed. By this transaction theGovernment secured an advance of $3, 803, 000 over and above the sum whichthe court had fixed as the upset price, and which the reorganizationcommittee had declared was the maximum which they would pay for theproperty. 

It is a gratifying fact that the result of these proceedings against theUnion Pacific system and the Kansas Pacific line is that the Governmenthas received on account of its subsidy claim the sum of $64, 751, 223. 75, an increase of $18, 997, 163. 76 over the sum which the reorganizationcommittee originally agreed to bid for the joint property, theGovernment receiving its whole claim, principal and interest, on theUnion Pacific, and the principal of its debt on the Kansas PacificRailroad. 

Steps had been taken to foreclose the Government's lien upon the CentralPacific Railroad Company, but before action was commenced Congresspassed an act, approved July 7, 1898, creating a commission consistingof the Secretary of the Treasury, the Attorney-General, and theSecretary of the Interior, and their successors in office, with fullpower to settle the indebtedness to the Government growing out of theissue of bonds in aid of the construction of the Central Pacific andWestern Pacific bond-aided railroads, subject to the approval of thePresident. 

No report has yet been made to me by the commission thus created. Whatever action is had looking to a settlement of the indebtedness inaccordance with the act referred to will be duly submitted to theCongress. 

I deem it my duty to call to the attention of Congress the condition ofthe present building occupied by the Department of Justice. The businessof that Department has increased very greatly since it was establishedin its present quarters. The building now occupied by it is neitherlarge enough nor of suitable arrangement for the proper accommodation ofthe business of the Department. The Supervising Architect has pronouncedit unsafe and unsuited for the use to which it is put. TheAttorney-General in his report states that the library of the Departmentis upon the fourth floor, and that all the space allotted to it is socrowded with books as to dangerously overload the structure. The firstfloor is occupied by the Court of Claims. The building is of an old anddilapidated appearance, unsuited to the dignity which should attach tothis important Department. 

A proper regard for the safety, comfort, and convenience of the officersand employees would justify the expenditure of a liberal sum of money inthe erection of, a new building of commodious proportions and handsomeappearance upon the very advantageous site already secured for thatpurpose, including the ground occupied by the present structure andadjoining vacant lot, comprising in all a frontage of 201 feet onPennsylvania avenue and a depth of 136 feet. 

In this connection I may likewise refer to the inadequate accommodationsprovided for the Supreme Court in the Capitol, and suggest the wisdom ofmaking provision for the erection of a separate building for the courtand its officers and library upon available ground near the Capitol. 

The postal service of the country advances with extraordinary growth. Within twenty years both the revenues and the expenditures of thePost-Office Department have multiplied threefold. In the last ten yearsthey have nearly doubled. Our postal business grows much more rapidlythan our population. It now involves an expenditure of $100, 000, 000 ayear, numbers 73, 000 post-offices, and enrolls 200, 000 employees. Thisremarkable extension of a service which is an accurate index of thepublic conditions presents gratifying evidence of the advancement ofeducation, of the increase of communication and business activity, andof the improvement of mail facilities leading to their constantlyaugmenting use. 

The war with Spain laid new and exceptional labors on the Post-OfficeDepartment. The mustering of the military and naval forces of the UnitedStates required special mail arrangements for every camp and everycampaign. The communication between home and camp was naturally eagerand expectant. In some of the larger places of rendezvous as many as50, 000 letters a day required handling. This necessity was met by theprompt detail and dispatch of experienced men from the established forceand by directing all the instrumentalities of the railway mail andpost-office service, so far as necessary, to this new need. Congresspassed an act empowering the Postmaster-General to establish offices orbranches at every military camp or station, and under this authority thepostal machinery was speedily put into effective operation. 

Under the same authority, when our forces moved upon Cuba, PuertoRico, and the Philippines they were attended and followed by the postalservice. Though the act of Congress authorized the appointment ofpostmasters where necessary, it was early determined that the publicinterests would best be subserved, not by new designations, but by thedetail of experienced men familiar with every branch of the service, and this policy was steadily followed. When the territory which was thetheater of conflict came into our possession, it became necessary toreestablish mail facilities for the resident population as well as toprovide them for our forces of occupation, and the former requirementwas met through the extension and application of the latter obligation. I gave the requisite authority, and the same general principle wasapplied to this as to other branches of civil administration undermilitary occupation. The details are more particularly given in thereport of the Postmaster-General, and, while the work is only justbegun, it is pleasing to be able to say that the service in theterritory which has come under our control is already materiallyimproved. 

The following recommendations of the Secretary of the Navy relative tothe increase of the Navy have my earnest approval:

1. Three seagoing sheathed and coppered battle ships of about 13, 500tons trial displacement, carrying the heaviest armor and most powerfulordnance for vessels of their class, and to have the highest practicablespeed and great radius of action. Estimated cost, exclusive of armor andarmament, $3, 600, 000 each. 

2. Three sheathed and coppered armored cruisers of about 12, 000 tonstrial displacement, carrying the heaviest armor and most powerfulordnance for vessels of their class, and to have the highest practicablespeed and great radius of action. Estimated cost, exclusive of armor andarmament, $4, 000, 000 each. 

3. Three sheathed and coppered protected cruisers of about 6, 000 tonstrial displacement, to have the highest practicable speed and greatradius of action, and to carry the most powerful ordnance suitable forvessels of their class. Estimated cost, exclusive of armor and armament, $2, 150, 000 each. 

4. Six sheathed and coppered cruisers of about 2, 500 tons trialdisplacement, to have the highest speed compatible with good cruisingqualities, great radius of action, and to carry the most powerfulordnance suited to vessels of their class. Estimated cost, exclusiveof armament, $1, 141, 800 each. 

I join with the Secretary of the Navy in recommending that the gradesof admiral and vice-admiral be temporarily revived, to be filled byofficers who have specially distinguished themselves in the war withSpain. 

I earnestly urge upon Congress the importance of early legislationproviding for the taking of the Twelfth Census. This is necessary inview of the large amount of work which must be performed in thepreparation of the schedules preparatory to the enumeration of thepopulation. 

There were on the pension rolls on June 30, 1898, 993, 714 names, anincrease of nearly 18, 000 over the number on the rolls on the same dayof the preceding year. The amount appropriated by the act of December22, 1896, for the payment of pensions for the fiscal year of 1898was $140, 000, 000. Eight million seventy thousand eight hundred andseventy-two dollars and forty-six cents was appropriated by the act ofMarch 31, 1898, to cover deficiencies in army pensions, and repaymentsin the sum of $12, 020. 33, making a total of $148, 082, 892. 79 availablefor the payment of pensions during the fiscal year 1898. The amountdisbursed from that sum was $144, 651, 879. 80, leaving a balance of$3, 431, 012. 99 unexpended on the 30th of June, 1898, which was coveredinto the Treasury. There were 389 names added to the rolls during theyear by special acts passed at the second session of the Fifty-fifthCongress, making a total of 6, 486 pensioners by Congressional enactmentssince 1861. 

The total receipts of the Patent Office during the past year were$1, 253, 948. 44. The expenditures were $1, 081, 633. 79, leaving a surplusof $172, 314. 65. 

The public lands disposed of by the Government during the year reached8, 453, 896. 92 acres, an increase of 614, 780. 26 acres over the previousyear. The total receipts from public lands during the fiscal yearamounted to $2, 277, 995. 18, an increase of $190, 063. 90 over the precedingyear. The lands embraced in the eleven forest reservations which weresuspended by the act of June 4, 1897, again became subject to theoperations of the proclamations of February 22, 1897, creating them, which added an estimated amount of 19, 951, 360 acres to the area embracedin the reserves previously created. In addition thereto two new reserveswere created during the year--the Pine Mountain and Zaca Lake Reserve, in California, embracing 1, 644, 594 acres, and the Prescott Reserve, inArizona, embracing 10, 240 acres--while the Pecos River Reserve, in NewMexico, has been changed and enlarged to include 120, 000 additionalacres. 

At the close of the year thirty forest reservations, not including thoseof the Afognak Forest and the Fish-Culture Reserve, in Alaska, had beencreated by Executive proclamations under section 24 of the act of March3, 1891, embracing an estimated area of 40, 719, 474 acres. 

The Department of the Interior has inaugurated a forest system, madepossible by the act of July, 1898, for a graded force of officers incontrol of the reserves. This system has only been in full operationsince August, but good results have already been secured in manysections. The reports received indicate that the system of patrol hasnot only prevented destructive fires from gaining headway, but hasdiminished the number of fires. 

The special attention of the Congress is called to that part ofthe report of the Secretary of the Interior in relation to the FiveCivilized Tribes. It is noteworthy that the general condition of theIndians shows marked progress. But one outbreak of a serious characteroccurred during the year, and that among the Chippewa Indians ofMinnesota, which happily has been suppressed. 

While it has not yet been practicable to enforce all the provisionsof the act of June 28, 1898, "for the protection of the people of theIndian Territory, and for other purposes, " it is having a salutaryeffect upon the nations composing the five tribes. The Dawes Commissionreports that the most gratifying results and greater advance toward theattainment of the objects of the Government have been secured in thepast year than in any previous year. I can not too strongly indorse therecommendation of the commission and of the Secretary of the Interiorfor the necessity of providing for the education of the 30, 000 whitechildren resident in the Indian Territory. 

The Department of Agriculture has been active in the past year. Explorers have been sent to many of the countries of the Eastern andWestern hemispheres for seeds and plants that may be useful to theUnited States, and with the further view of opening up markets for oursurplus products. The Forestry Division of the Department is givingspecial attention to the treeless regions of our country and isintroducing species specially adapted to semiarid regions. Forest fires, which seriously interfere with production, especially in irrigatedregions, are being studied, that losses from this cause may be avoided. The Department is inquiring into the use and abuse of water in manyStates of the West, and collating information regarding the laws of theStates, the decisions of the courts, and the customs of the people inthis regard, so that uniformity may be secured. Experiment stations arebecoming more effective every year. The annual appropriation of $720, 000by Congress is supplemented by $400, 000 from the States. Nation-wideexperiments have been conducted to ascertain the suitableness as to soiland climate and States for growing sugar beets. The number of sugarfactories has been doubled in the past two years, and the ability of theUnited States to produce its own sugar from this source has been clearlydemonstrated. 

The Weather Bureau forecast and observation stations have been extendedaround the Caribbean Sea, to give early warning of the approach ofhurricanes from the south seas to our fleets and merchant marine. 

In the year 1900 will occur the centennial anniversary of the foundingof the city of Washington for the permanent capital of the Government ofthe United States by authority of an act of Congress approved July 16, 1790. In May, 1800, the archives and general offices of the FederalGovernment were removed to this place. On the 17th of November, 1800, the National Congress met here for the first time and assumed exclusivecontrol of the Federal district and city. This interesting event assumesall the more significance when we recall the circumstances attending thechoosing of the site, the naming of the capital in honor of the Fatherof his Country, and the interest taken by him in the adoption of plansfor its future development on a magnificent scale. 

These original plans have been wrought out with a constant progress anda signal success even beyond anything their framers could have foreseen. The people of the country are justly proud of the distinctive beauty andgovernment of the capital and of the rare instruments of science andeducation which here find their natural home. 

A movement lately inaugurated by the citizens to have the anniversarycelebrated with fitting ceremonies, including, perhaps, theestablishment of a handsome permanent memorial to mark so historical anoccasion and to give it more than local recognition, has met withgeneral favor on the part of the public. 

I recommend to the Congress the granting of an appropriation for thispurpose and the appointment of a committee from its respective bodies. It might also be advisable to authorize the President to appoint acommittee from the country at large, which, acting with theCongressional and District of Columbia committees, can complete theplans for an appropriate national celebration. 

The alien contract law is shown by experience to need some amendment; ameasure providing better protection for seamen is proposed; the rightfulapplication of the eight-hour law for the benefit of labor and of theprinciple of arbitration are suggested for consideration; and I commendthese subjects to the careful attention of the Congress. 

The several departmental reports will be laid before you. They give ingreat detail the conduct of the affairs of the Government during thepast year and discuss many questions upon which the Congress may feelcalled upon to act. 

WILLIAM McKINLEY. 

[Footnote 12: See pp. 127-136. ][Footnote 13: pp. 139-150. ][Footnote 14: See pp. 202-203. ][Footnote 15: See pp. 203-204. ][Footnote 16: See pp. 153-155. ][Footnote 17: See p. 201. ][Footnote 18: See p. 155. ][Footnote 19: See pp. 204-205. ][Footnote 20: See pp. 203-204. ][Footnote 21: See pp. 205-206. ][Footnote 22: See pp. 206-207. ][Footnote 23: See Vol. VIII, pp. 501-503. ]

AN ACT declaring that war exists between the United States of Americaand the Kingdom of Spain. 

_Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of theUnited States of America in Congress assembled_, First. That war be, and the same is hereby, declared to exist, and that war has existedsince the 21st day of April, A. D. 1898, including said day, between theUnited States of America and the Kingdom of Spain. 

Second. That the President of the United States be, and he hereby is, directed and empowered to use the entire land and naval forces of theUnited States and to call into the actual service of the United Statesthe militia of the several States to such extent as may be necessary tocarry this act into effect. 

Approved, April 25, 1898. 

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, February 10, 1899_. 

_To the Senate and House of Representatives_:

As a consequence of the ratification of the treaty of peace between theUnited States and Spain and its expected ratification by the SpanishGovernment, the United States will come into possession of thePhilippine Islands, on the farther shores of the Pacific. The HawaiianIslands and Guam becoming United States territory and forming convenientstopping places on the way across the sea, the necessity for speedycable communication between the United States and all these Pacificislands has become imperative. 

Such communication should be established in such a way as to be whollyunder the control of the United States, whether in time of peace or ofwar. At present the Philippines can be reached only by cables whichpass through many foreign countries, and the Hawaiian Islands and Guamcan only be communicated with by steamers, involving delays in eachinstance of at least a week. The present conditions should not beallowed to continue for a moment longer than is absolutely necessary. 

So long ago as 1885 reference was made in an Executive message toCongress to the necessity for cable communication between the UnitedStates and Hawaii. This necessity has greatly increased since then. The question has been discussed in the Fifty-second, Fifty-fourth, andFifty-fifth Congresses, in each of which some effort has been madelooking toward laying a cable at least as far as the Hawaiian Islands. The time has now arrived when a cable in the Pacific must extend atleast as far as Manila, touching at the Hawaiian Islands and Guam onthe way. 

Two methods of establishing this cable communication at once suggestthemselves: First, construction and maintenance of such a cable byand at the expense of the United States Government, and, second, construction and maintenance of such a cable by a private United Statescorporation, under such safeguards as Congress shall impose. 

I do not make any recommendations to Congress as to which of thesemethods would be the more desirable. A cable of the length of thatproposed requires so much time for construction and laying that it isestimated that at least two years must elapse after giving the order forthe cable before the entire system could be successfully laid and put inoperation. Further deep-sea soundings must be taken west of the HawaiianIslands before the final route for the cable can be selected. Underthese circumstances it becomes a paramount necessity that measuresshould be taken before the close of the present Congress to provide suchmeans as may seem most suitable for the establishment of a cable system. 

I commend the whole subject to the careful consideration of the Congressand to such prompt action as may seem advisable. 

WILLIAM McKINLEY. 

PROCLAMATIONS. 

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 

A PROCLAMATION. 

Whereas by a joint resolution passed by the Congress and approved April20, 1898, [24] and communicated to the Government of Spain, it wasdemanded that said Government at once relinquish its authority andgovernment in the island of Cuba and withdraw its land and naval forcesfrom Cuba and Cuban waters, and the President of the United States wasdirected and empowered to use the entire land and naval forces of theUnited States and to call into the actual service of the United Statesthe militia of the several States to such extent as might be necessaryto carry said resolution into effect; and

Whereas in carrying into effect said resolution the President of theUnited States deems it necessary to set on foot and maintain a blockadeof the north coast of Cuba, including all ports on said coast betweenCardenas and Bahia Honda, and the port of Cienfuegos, on the south coastof Cuba:

Now, therefore, I, William McKinley, President of the United States, inorder to enforce the said resolution, do hereby declare and proclaimthat the United States of America have instituted and will maintain ablockade of the north coast of Cuba, including ports on said coastbetween Cardenas and Bahia Honda, and the port of Cienfuegos, on thesouth coast of Cuba, aforesaid, in pursuance of the laws of the UnitedStates and the law of nations applicable to such cases. An efficientforce will be posted so as to prevent the entrance and exit of vesselsfrom the ports aforesaid. Any neutral vessel approaching any of saidports or attempting to leave the same without notice or knowledge of theestablishment of such blockade will be duly warned by the commander ofthe blockading forces, who will indorse on her register the fact and thedate of such warning, where such indorsement was made; and if the samevessel shall again attempt to enter any blockaded port she will becaptured and sent to the nearest convenient port for such proceedingsagainst her and her cargo as prize as may be deemed advisable. 

Neutral vessels lying in any of said ports at the time of theestablishment of such blockade will be allowed thirty days to issuetherefrom. In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused theseal of the United States to be affixed. 

[SEAL. ]

Done at the city of Washington, this 22d day of April, A. D. 1898, and ofthe Independence of the United States the one hundred and twenty-second. 

WILLIAM McKINLEY. 

By the President: JOHN SHERMAN, _Secretary of State_. 

[Footnote 24: See p. 155. ]

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 

A PROCLAMATION. 

Whereas a joint resolution of Congress was approved on the 20th day ofApril, 1898, [25] entitled "Joint resolution for the recognition of theindependence of the people of Cuba, demanding that the Government ofSpain relinquish its authority and government in the island of Cuba andto withdraw its land and naval forces from Cuba and Cuban waters, anddirecting the President of the United States to use the land and navalforces of the United States to carry these resolutions into effect;" and

Whereas by an act of Congress entitled "An act to provide fortemporarily increasing the military establishment of the United Statesin time of war, and for other purposes, " approved April 22, 1898, thePresident is authorized, in order to raise a volunteer army, to issuehis proclamation calling for volunteers to serve in the Army of theUnited States:

Now, therefore, I, William McKinley, President of the United States, byvirtue of the power vested in me by the Constitution and the laws, anddeeming sufficient occasion to exist, have thought fit to call forth, and hereby do call forth, volunteers to the aggregate number of 125, 000in order to carry into effect the purpose of the said resolution, thesame to be apportioned, as far as practicable, among the several Statesand Territories and the District of Columbia according to population andto serve for two years unless sooner discharged. The details for thisobject will be immediately communicated to the proper authoritiesthrough the War Department. 

In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal ofthe United States to be affixed. 

[SEAL. ]

Done at the city of Washington, this 23d day of April, A. D. 1898, and ofthe Independence of the United States the one hundred and twenty-second. 

WILLIAM McKINLEY. 

By the President: JOHN SHERMAN, _Secretary of State_. 

[Footnote 25: See p. 155. ]

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 

A PROCLAMATION. 

Whereas by an act of Congress approved April 25, 1898, [26] it isdeclared that war exists and that war has existed since the 21st day ofApril, A. D. 1898, including said day, between the United States ofAmerica and the Kingdom of Spain; and

Whereas, it being desirable that such war should be conducted uponprinciples in harmony with the present views of nations and sanctionedby their recent practice, it has already been announced that the policyof this Government will be not to resort to privateering, but to adhereto the rules of the Declaration of Paris:

Now, therefore, I, William McKinley, President of the United States ofAmerica, by virtue of the power vested in me by the Constitution and thelaws, do hereby declare and proclaim:

1. The neutral flag covers enemy's goods with the exception ofcontraband of war. 

2. Neutral goods not contraband of war are not liable to confiscationunder the enemy's flag. 

3. Blockades in order to be binding must be effective. 

4. Spanish merchant vessels in any ports or places within the UnitedStates shall be allowed till May 21, 1898, inclusive, for loading theircargoes and departing from such ports or places; and such Spanishmerchant vessels, if met at sea by any United States ship, shall bepermitted to continue their voyage if on examination of their papersit shall appear that their cargoes were taken on board before theexpiration of the above term: _Provided_, That nothing hereincontained shall apply to Spanish vessels having on board any officer inthe military or naval service of the enemy, or any coal (except such asmay be necessary for their voyage), or any other article prohibited orcontraband of war, or any dispatch of or to the Spanish Government. 

5. Any Spanish merchant vessel which prior to April 21, 1898, shall havesailed from any foreign port bound for any port or place in the UnitedStates shall be permitted to enter such port or place and to dischargeher cargo, and afterwards forthwith to depart without molestation; andany such vessel, if met at sea by any United States ship, shall bepermitted to continue her voyage to any port not blockaded. 

6. The right of search is to be exercised with strict regard for therights of neutrals, and the voyages of mail steamers are not to beinterfered with except on the clearest grounds of suspicion of aviolation of law in respect of contraband or blockade. 

In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal ofthe United States to be affixed. 

[SEAL. ]

Done at the city of Washington on the 26th day of April, A. D. 1898, andof the Independence of the United States the one hundred andtwenty-second. 

WILLIAM McKINLEY. 

By the President: ALVEY A. ADEE, _Acting Secretary of State_. 

[Footnote 26: See p. 201. ]

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 

A PROCLAMATION. 

Whereas an act of Congress was approved on the 25th day of April, 1898, [27] entitled "An act declaring that war exists between the UnitedStates of America and the Kingdom of Spain;" and

Whereas by an act of Congress entitled "An act to provide fortemporarily increasing the military establishment of the United Statesin time of war and for other purposes, " approved April 22, 1898, thePresident is authorized, in order to raise a volunteer army, to issuehis proclamation calling for volunteers to serve in the Army of theUnited States:

Now, therefore, I, William McKinley, President of the United States, byvirtue of the power vested in me by the Constitution and the laws, anddeeming sufficient occasion to exist, have thought fit to call forth, and hereby do call forth, volunteers to the aggregate number of 75, 000in addition to the volunteers called forth by my proclamation of the 23dof April, in the present year, [28] the same to be apportioned, as far aspracticable, among the several States and Territories and the Districtof Columbia according to population and to serve for two years unlesssooner discharged. The proportion of each arm and the details ofenlistment and organization will be made known through the WarDepartment. In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and causedthe seal of the United States to be affixed. 

[SEAL. ]

Done at the city of Washington, this 25th day of May, A. D. 1898, and ofthe Independence of the United States the one hundred and twenty-second. 

WILLIAM McKINLEY. 

By the President: WILLIAM R. DAY, _Secretary of State_. 

[Footnote 27: See p. 201. ]

[Footnote 28: See pp. 203-204. ]

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 

A PROCLAMATION. 

Whereas, for the reasons set forth in my proclamation of April 22, 1898, [29] a blockade of the ports on the northern coast of Cuba fromCardenas to Bahia Honda, inclusive, and of the port of Cienfuegos, onthe south coast of Cuba, was declared to have been instituted; and

Whereas it has become desirable to extend the blockade to other Spanishports:

Now, therefore, I, William McKinley, President of the United States, do hereby declare and proclaim that in addition to the blockade of theports specified in my proclamation of April 22, 1898, the United Statesof America has instituted and will maintain an effective blockade of allthe ports on the south coast of Cuba from Cape Frances to Cape Cruz, inclusive, and also of the port of San Juan, in the island of PuertoRico. 

Neutral vessels lying in any of the ports to which the blockade is bythe present proclamation extended will be allowed thirty days to issuetherefrom with cargo. 

In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal ofthe United States to be affixed. 

[SEAL. ]

Done at the city of Washington, this 27th day of June, A. D. 1898, and ofthe Independence of the United States the one hundred and twenty-second. 

WILLIAM McKINLEY. 

By the President: J. B. MOORE, _Acting Secretary of State_. 

[Footnote 29: See pp. 202-203. ]

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 

A PROCLAMATION. 

Whereas by a protocol concluded and signed August 12, 1898[30] byWilliam R. Day, Secretary of State of the United States, and HisExcellency Jules Cambon, ambassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary ofthe Republic of France at Washington, respectively representing for thispurpose the Government of the United States and the Government of Spain, the United States and Spain have formally agreed upon the terms on whichnegotiations for the establishment of peace between the two countriesshall be undertaken; and

Whereas it is in said protocol agreed that upon its conclusion andsignature hostilities between the two countries shall be suspended andthat notice to that effect shall be given as soon as possible by eachGovernment to the commanders of its military and naval forces:

Now, therefore, I, William McKinley, President of the United States, do, in accordance with the stipulations of the protocol, declare andproclaim on the part of the United States a suspension of hostilitiesand do hereby command that orders be immediately given through theproper channels to the commanders of the military and naval forcesof the United States to abstain from all acts inconsistent with thisproclamation. 

In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal ofthe United States to be affixed. 

[SEAL. ]

Done at the city of Washington, this 12th day of August, A. D. 1898, andof the Independence of the United States the one hundred andtwenty-third. 

WILLIAM McKINLEY. 

By the President: WILLIAM R. DAY, _Secretary of State_. 

[Footnote 30: See p. 174. ]

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 

A PROCLAMATION. 

The approaching November brings to mind the custom of our ancestors, hallowed by time and rooted in our most sacred traditions, of givingthanks to Almighty God for all the blessings He has vouchsafed to usduring the year. 

Few years in our history have afforded such cause for thanksgiving asthis. We have been blessed by abundant harvests; our trade and commercehave wonderfully increased; our public credit has been improved andstrengthened; all sections of our common country have been broughttogether and knitted into closer bonds of national purpose and unity. 

The skies have been for a time darkened by the cloud of war, but as wewere compelled to take up the sword in the cause of humanity we arepermitted to rejoice that the conflict has been of brief duration andthe losses we have had to mourn, though grievous and important, havebeen so few, considering the great results accomplished, as to inspireus with gratitude and praise to the Lord of Hosts. We may laud andmagnify His holy name that the cessation of hostilities came so soon asto spare both sides the countless sorrows and disasters that attendprotracted war. 

I do therefore invite all my fellow-citizens, as well those who may beat sea or sojourning in foreign lands as those at home, to set apartand observe Thursday, the 24th day of November, as a day of nationalthanksgiving, to come together in their several places of worship for aservice of praise and thanks to Almighty God for all the blessings ofthe year, for the mildness of the seasons and the fruitfulness of thesoil, for the continued prosperity of the people, for the devotion andvalor of our countrymen, for the glory of our victory and the hope of arighteous peace, and to pray that the divine guidance which has broughtus heretofore to safety and honor may be graciously continued in theyears to come. 

In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal ofthe United States to be affixed. 

[SEAL. ]

Done at the city of Washington, this 28th day of October, A. D. 1898, andof the Independence of the United States the one hundred andtwenty-third. 

WILLIAM McKINLEY. 

By the President: JOHN HAY, _Secretary of State_. 

EXECUTIVE ORDERS. 

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, May 7, 1898_. 

DEWEY, _Care American Consul, Hongkong_:

The President, in the name of the American people, thanks you and yourofficers and men for your splendid achievement and overwhelming victory. 

In recognition he has appointed you acting rear-admiral and willrecommend a vote of thanks to you by Congress as a foundation forfurther promotion. 

LONG. 

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, May 19, 1898_. 

The SECRETARY OF WAR. 

SIR: The destruction of the Spanish fleet at Manila, followed by thetaking of the naval station at Cavite, the paroling of the garrisons, and the acquisition of the control of the bay, has rendered itnecessary, in the further prosecution of the measures adopted by thisGovernment for the purpose of bringing about an honorable and durablepeace with Spain, to send an army of occupation to the Philippines forthe twofold purpose of completing the reduction of the Spanish power inthat quarter and of giving order and security to the islands while inthe possession of the United States. For the command of this expeditionI have designated Major-General Wesley Merritt, and it now becomes myduty to give instructions as to the manner in which the movement shallbe conducted. 

The first effect of the military occupation of the enemy's territory isthe severance of the former political relations of the inhabitants andthe establishment of a new political power. Under this changed conditionof things the inhabitants, so long as they perform their duties, areentitled to security in their persons and property and in all theirprivate rights and relations. It is my desire that the people of thePhilippines should be acquainted with the purpose of the United Statesto discharge to the fullest extent its obligations in this regard. It will therefore be the duty of the commander of the expedition, immediately upon his arrival in the islands, to publish a proclamationdeclaring that we come not to make war upon the people of thePhilippines, nor upon any party or faction among them, but to protectthem in their homes, in their employments, and in their personal andreligious rights. All persons who, either by active aid or by honestsubmission, cooperate with the United States in its efforts to giveeffect to this beneficent purpose will receive the reward of its supportand protection. Our occupation should be as free from severity aspossible. 

Though the powers of the military occupant are absolute and supreme andimmediately operate upon the political condition of the inhabitants, themunicipal laws of the conquered territory, such as affect private rightsof person and property and provide for the punishment of crime, areconsidered as continuing in force, so far as they are compatible withthe new order of things, until they are suspended or superseded by theoccupying belligerent; and in practice they are not usually abrogated, but are allowed to remain in force and to be administered by theordinary tribunals substantially as they were before the occupation. This enlightened practice is, so far as possible, to be adhered to onthe present occasion. The judges and the other officials connected withthe administration of justice may, if they accept the authority of theUnited States, continue to administer the ordinary law of the land asbetween man and man under the supervision of the American commanderin chief. The native constabulary will, so far as may be practicable, be preserved. The freedom of the people to pursue their accustomedoccupations will be abridged only when it may be necessary to do so. 

While the rule of conduct of the American commander in chief will besuch as has just been defined, it will be his duty to adopt measuresof a different kind if, unfortunately, the course of the people shouldrender such measures indispensable to the maintenance of law and order. He will then possess the power to replace or expel the native officialsin part or altogether, to substitute new courts of his own constitutionfor those that now exist, or to create such new or supplementarytribunals as may be necessary. In the exercise of these high powers thecommander must be guided by his judgment and his experience and a highsense of justice. 

One of the most important and most practical problems with which thecommander of the expedition will have to deal is that of the treatmentof property and the collection and administration of the revenues. It is conceded that all public funds and securities belonging to thegovernment of the country in its own right and all arms and supplies andother movable property of such government may be seized by the militaryoccupant and converted to the use of this Government. The real propertyof the state he may hold and administer, at the same time enjoyingthe revenues thereof; but he is not to destroy it save in the caseof military necessity. All public means of transportation, such astelegraph lines, cables, railways, and boats belonging to the state maybe appropriated to his use, but unless in case of military necessitythey are not to be destroyed. All churches and buildings devoted toreligious worship and to the arts and sciences, all schoolhouses, are, so far as possible, to be protected, and all destruction or intentionaldefacement of such places, of historical monuments or archives, or ofworks of science or art is prohibited save when required by urgentmilitary necessity. 

Private property, whether belonging to individuals or corporations, isto be respected, and can be confiscated only as hereafter indicated. Means of transportation, such as telegraph lines and cables, railways, and boats, may, although they belong to private individuals orcorporations, be seized by the military occupant, but unless destroyedunder military necessity are not to be retained. 

While it is held to be the right of a conqueror to levy contributionsupon the enemy in their seaports, towns, or provinces which may be inhis military possession by conquest, and to apply the proceeds to defraythe expenses of the war, this right is to be exercised within suchlimitations that it may not savor of confiscation. As the result ofmilitary occupation the taxes and duties payable by the inhabitants tothe former government become payable to the military occupant, unless hesees fit to substitute for them other rates or modes of contribution tothe expenses of the government. The moneys so collected are to be usedfor the purpose of paying the expenses of government under the militaryoccupation, such as the salaries of the judges and the police, and forthe payment of the expenses of the army. 

Private property taken for the use of the army is to be paid for whenpossible in cash at a fair valuation, and when payment in cash is notpossible receipts are to be given. 

In order that there may be no conflict of authority between the army andthe navy in the administration of affairs in the Philippines, you areinstructed to confer with the Secretary of the Navy so far as necessaryfor the purpose of devising measures to secure the harmonious action ofthose, two branches of the public service. 

I will give instructions to the Secretary of the Treasury to make areport to me upon the subject of the revenues of the Philippines, with aview to the formulation of such revenue measures as may seem expedient. All ports and places in the Philippines which may be in the actualpossession of our land and naval forces will be opened, while ourmilitary occupation may continue, to the commerce of all neutralnations, as well as our own, in articles not contraband of war, and uponpayment of the prescribed rates of duty which may be in force at thetime of the importation. 

WILLIAM McKINLEY. 

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, May 19, 1898_. 

The SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. 

SIR: The destruction of the Spanish fleet at Manila, followed by thetaking of the naval station at Cavite, the paroling of the garrisons, and the acquisition of the control of the bay, has rendered itnecessary, in the further prosecution of the measures adopted by thisGovernment for the purpose of bringing about an honorable and durablepeace with Spain, to send an army of occupation to the Philippines forthe twofold purpose of completing the reduction of the Spanish power inthat quarter and of giving to the islands order and security while inthe possession of the United States. For the command of this expeditionI have designated Major-General Wesley Merritt, and it now becomes myduty to give instructions as to the manner in which the movement shallbe conducted. 

It is held to be the right to levy contributions upon the enemy in allplaces which may be in military possession by conquest, and to applythe proceeds to defray the cost of the war, including the expenses ofgovernment during the military occupation. It is desirable, however, and in accordance with the views of modern civilization, to confinethe exercise of this power, so far as possible, to the collection ofsuch contributions as are equivalent to the duties and taxes alreadyestablished in the territory. I have determined to order that all portsor places in the Philippines which may be in the actual possessionof our land and naval forces by conquest shall be opened, while ourmilitary occupation may continue, to the commerce of all neutralnations, as well as our own, in articles not contraband of war, uponpayment of the rates of duty which may be in force at the time when thegoods are imported. In the execution of this policy it may be advisableto substitute new rates of duty and new taxes for those now levied inthe Philippines. You are therefore instructed to examine the existingSpanish laws in relation to duties and taxes, and to report to me suchrecommendations as you may deem it proper to make with respect eitherto the rates of duties and taxes or to the regulations which should beadopted for their imposition and collection. 

As the levy of all contributions in territory occupied by a belligerentis a military right derived from the law of nations, the collection anddistribution of duties and taxes in the Philippines during the militaryoccupation of the United States will be made, under the orders of theSecretary of War and the Secretary of the Navy, by the military or navalcommanders, as the case may be, of the ports or places which may be inthe possession of our forces. Your report is desired in order that I maybe able to give the proper directions to the Department of War and ofthe Navy. 

WILLIAM McKINLEY. 

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, May 19, 1898_. 

The SECRETARY OF THE NAVY. 

SIR: The destruction of the Spanish fleet at Manila, followed by thetaking of the naval station at Cavite, the paroling of the garrisons, and the acquisition of the control of the bay, has rendered itnecessary, in the further prosecution of the measures adopted by thisGovernment for the purpose of bringing about an honorable and durablepeace with Spain, to send an army of occupation to the Philippines forthe twofold purpose of completing the reduction of the Spanish power inthat quarter and of giving to the islands order and security while inthe possession of the United States. For the command of this expeditionI have designated Major-General Wesley Merritt, and it now becomes myduty to give instructions as to the manner in which the movement shallbe conducted. 

I inclose herewith a copy of an order which I have this day addressedto the Secretary of War, setting forth the principles on which theoccupation of the Philippines is to be carried out. [31] You areinstructed to confer with the Secretary of War in order that measuresmay be devised by which any conflict of authority between the officersof our army and navy in the Philippines may be avoided. 

I have given instructions to the Secretary of the Treasury to examinethe subject of the duties and taxes imposed by Spain in the Philippinesand to report to me any recommendations which he may deem it proper tomake in regard to the revenues of the islands. [32] I have informed him, however, that the collection and disbursement of the duties and taxescollected there will, as a measure of military right derived from thelaw of nations, be made, under the orders of the Secretary of War andthe Secretary of the Navy, by our military or naval commanders, as thecase may be, at the ports or places which may be in possession of ourforces. 

WILLIAM McKINLEY. 

[Footnote 31: See pp. 208-211. ]

[Footnote 32: See pp. 211-212. ]

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, July 4, 1898. _

Admiral SAMPSON, _Playa del Este, Cuba_:

You have the gratitude and congratulations of the whole American people. Convey to your noble officers and crews, through whose valor new honorshave been added to the American Navy, the grateful thanks andappreciation of the nation. 

WILLIAM McKINLEY. 

THE PRESIDENT'S ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE FOR THANKSGIVING AND PRAYER. 

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, July 6, 1898. _

_To the People of the United States of America_:

At this time, when to the yet fresh remembrance of the unprecedentedsuccess which attended the operations of the United States fleet in thebay of Manila on the 1st day of May last are added the tidings of the noless glorious achievements of the naval and military arms of our belovedcountry at Santiago de Cuba, it is fitting that we should pause and, staying the feeling of exultation that too naturally attends great deedswrought by our countrymen in our country's cause, should reverently bowbefore the throne of divine grace and give devout praise to God, whoholdeth the nations in the hollow of His hands and worketh upon them themarvels of His high will, and who has thus far vouchsafed to us thelight of His face and led our brave soldiers and seamen to victory. 

I therefore ask the people of the United States, upon next assemblingfor divine worship in their respective places of meeting, to offerthanksgiving to Almighty God, who in His inscrutable ways, now leadingour hosts upon the waters to unscathed triumph; now guiding them ina strange land, through the dread shadows of death, to success, eventhough at a fearful cost; now bearing them, without accident or loss, tofar distant climes, has watched over our cause and brought nearer thesuccess of the right and the attainment of just and honorable peace. 

With the nation's thanks let there be mingled the nation's prayers thatour gallant sons may be shielded from harm alike on the battlefield andin the clash of fleets, and be spared the scourge of suffering anddisease while they are striving to uphold their country's honor; andwithal let the nation's heart be stilled with holy awe at the thoughtof the noble men who have perished as heroes die, and be filled withcompassionate sympathy for all those who suffer bereavement or enduresickness, wounds, and bonds by reason of the awful struggle. And aboveall, let us pray with earnest fervor that He, the Dispenser of All Good, may speedily remove from us the untold afflictions of war and bring toour dear land the blessings of restored peace and to all the domain nowravaged by the cruel strife the priceless boon of security andtranquillity. 

WILLIAM McKINLEY. 

WASHINGTON, D. C. , _July 8, 1898_. 

General SHAFTER, _Playa, Cuba_:

Telegram which it appears you did not receive read as follows:

The President directs me to say you have the gratitude and thanks of thenation for the brilliant and effective work of your noble army in thefight of July 1. The sturdy valor and heroism of officers and men fillthe American people with pride. The country mourns the brave men whofell in battle. They have added new names to our roll of heroes. 

R. A. ALGER, _Secretary of War_. 

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, July 13, 1898. _

The SECRETARY OF WAR. 

SIR: The capitulation of the Spanish forces in Santiago de Cuba and inthe eastern part of the Province of Santiago, and the occupation of theterritory by the forces of the United States, render it necessary toinstruct the military commander of the United States as to the conductwhich he is to observe during the military occupation. 

The first effect of the military occupation of the enemy's territory isthe severance of the former political relations of the inhabitants andthe establishment of a new political power. Under this changed conditionof things the inhabitants, so long as they perform their duties, areentitled to security in their persons and property and in all theirprivate rights and relations. It is my desire that the inhabitants ofCuba should be acquainted with the purpose of the United States todischarge to the fullest extent its obligations in this regard. It willtherefore be the duty of the commander of the army of occupation toannounce and proclaim in the most public manner that we come not to makewar upon the inhabitants of Cuba, nor upon any party or faction amongthem, but to protect them in their homes, in their employments, and intheir personal and religious rights. All persons who, either by activeaid or by honest submission, cooperate with the United States in itsefforts to give effect to this beneficent purpose will receive thereward of its support and protection. Our occupation should be as freefrom severity as possible. 

Though the powers of the military occupant are absolute and supreme andimmediately operate upon the political condition of the inhabitants, themunicipal laws of the conquered territory, such as affect private rightsof person and property and provide for the punishment of crime, areconsidered as continuing in force, so far as they are compatible withthe new order of things, until they are suspended or superseded by theoccupying belligerent; and in practice they are not usually abrogated, but are allowed to remain in force and to be administered by theordinary tribunals substantially as they were before the occupation. This enlightened practice is, so far as possible, to be adhered to onthe present occasion. The judges and the other officials connected withthe administration of justice may, if they accept the supremacy of theUnited States, continue to administer the ordinary law of the land asbetween man and man under the supervision of the American commanderin chief. The native constabulary will, so far as may be practicable, be preserved. The freedom of the people to pursue their accustomedoccupations will be abridged only when it may be necessary to do so. 

While the rule of conduct of the American commander in chief will besuch as has just been defined, it will be his duty to adopt measuresof a different kind if, unfortunately, the course of the people shouldrender such measures indispensable to the maintenance of law and order. He will then possess the power to replace or expel the native officialsin part or altogether, to substitute new courts of his own constitutionfor those that now exist, or to create such new or supplementarytribunals as may be necessary. In the exercise of these high powers thecommander must be guided by his judgment and his experience and a highsense of justice. 

One of the most important and most practical problems with which itwill be necessary to deal is that of the treatment of property and thecollection and administration of the revenues. It is conceded that allpublic funds and securities belonging to the government of the countryin its own right and all arms and supplies and other movable property ofsuch government may be seized by the military occupant and converted tohis own use. The real property of the state he may hold and administer, at the same time enjoying the revenues thereof; but he is not to destroyit save in the case of military necessity. All public means oftransportation, such as telegraph lines, cables, railways, and boats, belonging to the state may be appropriated to his use, but unless incase of military necessity they are not to be destroyed. All churchesand buildings devoted to religious worship and to the arts and sciences, all schoolhouses, are, so far as possible, to be protected, and alldestruction or intentional defacement of such places, of historicalmonuments or archives, or of works of science or art is prohibitedsave when required by urgent military necessity. 

Private property, whether belonging to individuals or corporations, is to be respected, and can be confiscated only for cause. Means oftransportation, such as telegraph lines and cables, railways, and boats, may, although they belong to private individuals or corporations, beseized by the military occupant, but unless destroyed under militarynecessity are not to be retained. 

While it is held to be the right of the conqueror to levy contributionsupon the enemy in their seaports, towns, or provinces which may be inhis military possession by conquest, and to apply the proceeds to defraythe expenses of the war, this right is to be exercised within suchlimitations that it may not savor of confiscation. As the result ofmilitary occupation the taxes and duties payable by the inhabitants tothe former government become payable to the military occupant, unless hesees fit to substitute for them other rates or modes of contribution tothe expenses of the government. The moneys so collected are to be usedfor the purpose of paying the expenses of government under the militaryoccupation, such as the salaries of the judges and the police, and forthe payment of the expenses of the army. 

Private property taken for the use of the army is to be paid for whenpossible in cash at a fair valuation, and when payment in cash is notpossible receipts are to be given. 

All ports and places in Cuba which may be in the actual possession ofour land and naval forces will be opened to the commerce of all neutralnations, as well as our own, in articles not contraband of war, uponpayment of the prescribed rates of duty which may be in force at thetime of the importation. 

WILLIAM McKINLEY. 

WASHINGTON, D. C. , _July 16, 1898_. 

General SHAFTER, _Commanding United States Forces, Santiago, Playa_:

The President of the United States sends to you and your brave army theprofound thanks of the American people for the brilliant achievements atSantiago, resulting in the surrender of the city and all of the Spanishtroops and territory under General Toral. Your splendid command hasendured not only the hardships and sacrifices incident to campaign andbattle, but in stress of heat and weather has triumphed over obstacleswhich would have overcome men less brave and determined. One and allhave displayed the most conspicuous gallantry and earned the gratitudeof the nation. The hearts of the people turn with tender sympathy to thesick and wounded. May the Father of Mercies protect and comfort them. 

WILLIAM McKINLEY. 

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, July 21, 1898_. 

In view of the occupation of Santiago de Cuba by the forces of theUnited States, it is ordered that postal communication between theUnited States and that port, which has been suspended since the openingof hostilities with Spain, may be resumed, subject to such militaryregulations as may be deemed necessary. 

As other portions of the enemy's territory come into the possession ofthe land and naval forces of the United States, postal communication maybe opened under the same conditions. 

The domestic postal service within the territory thus occupied may becontinued on the same principles already indicated for the continuanceof the local municipal and judicial administration, and it maybeextended as the local requirements may justify, under the supervision ofthe military commander. 

The revenues derived from such service are to be applied to the expensesof conducting it, and the United States postage stamps are therefore tobe used. 

The Postmaster-General is charged with the execution of this order incooperation with the military commander, to whom the Secretary of Warwill issue the necessary directions. 

WILLIAM McKINLEY. 

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, August 6, 1898_. 

_Ordered_, That the graves of our soldiers at Santiago shall bepermanently marked. The present marking will last but a short time, andbefore its effacement occurs suitable and permanent markers should beput up. 

The Secretary of War is charged with the execution of this order. 

WILLIAM McKINLEY. 

ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S OFFICE, _Washington, August 17, 1898. _

Major-General MERRITT, _Manila, Philippines_:

The President directs that there must be no joint occupation with theinsurgents. The United States, in the possession of Manila City, ManilaBay and Harbor, must preserve the peace and protect persons and propertywithin the territory occupied by their military and naval forces. The insurgents and all others must recognize the military occupationand authority of the United States and the cessation of hostilitiesproclaimed by the President. Use whatever means in your judgment arenecessary to this end. All law-abiding people must be treated alike. 

By order Secretary War:

H. C. CORBIN, _Adjutant-General. _

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, August 21, 1898. _

Major-General MERRITT, _United States Army, Manila_:

In my own behalf and for the nation I extend to you and the officersand men of your command sincere thanks and congratulations for theconspicuously gallant conduct displayed in your campaign. 

WILLIAM McKINLEY. 

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, August 21, 1898_. 

Admiral DEWEY, _Manila_:

Receive for yourself and for the officers, sailors, and marines of yourcommand my thanks and congratulations and those of the nation for thegallant conduct all have again so conspicuously displayed. 

WILLIAM McKINLEY. 

ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S OFFICE, _Washington, December 4, 1898_. 

General OTIS, _Manila, Philippine Islands_:

By direction of the Secretary of War, following from the President issent you for your early consideration. 

CORBIN. 

The President desires that Admiral Dewey and General Otis shall havean early conference and advise him what force and equipment will benecessary in the Philippine Islands. The President would be glad to havesuggestions from these commanders as to the government of the islands, which of necessity must be by the Army and the Navy for some time tocome. When these islands shall be ceded to us, it is his desire thatpeace and tranquillity shall be restored and as kind and beneficent agovernment as possible given to the people, that they may be encouragedin their industries and made secure in life and property. The fullestsuggestions are invited. 

WILLIAM McKINLEY. 

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _December 9, 1898_. 

By virtue of the authority vested in me as Commander in Chief of theArmy and Navy of the United States, I hereby order and direct thatduring the occupancy by the military authorities of the United Statesof the island of Cuba and all islands in the West Indies west of theseventy-fourth degree, west longitude, evacuated by Spain, said islandsshall constitute a collection district for customs purposes. Havanashall be the chief port of entry. An officer of the Army shall beassigned to such port, who shall be the collector of customs of theislands and of the chief port and shall have general jurisdiction overthe collection of customs in the islands. 

The ports of Matanzas, Cardenas, Cienfuegos, Sagua, Caibarien, Santiago, Manzanillo, Nuevitas, Guantanamo, Gibara, and Baracoa, in said islands, are hereby declared to be subports of entry, and an officer of the Armywill be assigned to each of the subports, who will be the collectorof customs of a subport and shall have general jurisdiction of thecollection of customs at such port. He shall make weekly reports tothe collector of customs of the islands at the chief port of alltransactions at the subport over which he has jurisdiction, with copiesof all entries of merchandise, duly certified. 

The Secretary of War shall appoint such civilian deputy collectors, inspectors, and other employees as may be found necessary. 

The collectors of the subports shall deposit all moneys collected bythem with the collector of the islands, and a receipt from the collectorof the islands must be taken in duplicate for all such deposits. 

There shall be appointed an auditor, who shall be stationed at the chiefport, whose duty it shall be to examine all entries of merchandise andif found correct to certify to them. Such auditor shall on the firstof each month make a full and complete report, duly certified, to theSecretary of War of all duties collected at each port, with an itemizedreport of all expenditures made therefrom, which shall be referred tothe Auditor for the War Department for audit. 

All questions arising in the administration of customs in the islandsshall be referred to the collector of the islands at the chief port fordecision, from which there shall be no appeal, except in such cases asmay be referred by the collector of the islands to the Secretary of Warfor his decision. 

WILLIAM McKINLEY. 

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, December 21, 1898_. 

The SECRETARY OF WAR. 

SIR: The destruction of the Spanish fleet in the harbor of Manila by theUnited States naval squadron commanded by Rear-Admiral Dewey, followedby the reduction of the city and the surrender of the Spanish forces, practically effected the conquest of the Philippine Islands and thesuspension of Spanish sovereignty therein. 

With the signature of the treaty of peace between the United Statesand Spain by their respective plenipotentiaries at Paris, on the 10thinstant, and as the result of the victories of American arms, the futurecontrol, disposition, and government of the Philippine Islands are cededto the United States. In fulfillment of the rights of sovereignty thusacquired and the responsible obligations of government thus assumed, the actual occupation and administration of the entire group of thePhilippine Islands become immediately necessary, and the militarygovernment heretofore maintained by the United States in the city, harbor, and bay of Manila is to be extended with all possible dispatchto the whole of the ceded territory. 

In performing this duty the military commander of the United States isenjoined to make known to the inhabitants of the Philippine Islandsthat in succeeding to the sovereignty of Spain, in severing the formerpolitical relations of the inhabitants, and in establishing a newpolitical power the authority of the United States is to be exerted forthe security of the persons and property of the people of the islandsand for the confirmation of all their private rights and relations. 

It will be the duty of the commander of the forces of occupation toannounce and proclaim in the most public manner that we come, not asinvaders or conquerors, but as friends, to protect the natives intheir homes, in their employments, and in their personal and religiousrights. All persons who, either by active aid or by honest submission, cooperate with the Government of the United States to give effect tothese beneficent purposes will receive the reward of its support andprotection. All others will be brought within the lawful rule we haveassumed, with firmness if need be, but without severity so far as maybe possible. 

Within the absolute domain of military authority, which necessarily isand must remain supreme in the ceded territory until the legislation ofthe United States shall otherwise provide, the municipal laws of theterritory in respect to private rights and property and the repressionof crime are to be considered as continuing in force and to beadministered by the ordinary tribunals so far as practicable. Theoperations of civil and municipal government are to be performed by suchofficers as may accept the supremacy of the United States by taking theoath of allegiance, or by officers chosen as far as may be practicablefrom the inhabitants of the islands. 

While the control of all the public property and the revenues of thestate passes with the cession, and while the use and management of allpublic means of transportation are necessarily reserved to the authorityof the United States, private property, whether belonging to individualsor corporations, is to be respected, except for cause duly established. The taxes and duties heretofore payable by the inhabitants to the lategovernment become payable to the authorities of the United States, unless it be seen fit to substitute for them other reasonable rates ormodes of contribution to the expenses of government, whether general orlocal. If private property be taken for military use, it shall be paidfor when possible in cash at a fair valuation, and when payment in cashis not practicable receipts are to be given. 

All ports and places in the Philippine Islands in the actual possessionof the land and naval forces of the United States will be opened to thecommerce of all friendly nations. All goods and wares not prohibited formilitary reasons, by due announcement of the military authority, will beadmitted upon payment of such duties and other charges as shall be inforce at the time of their importation. 

Finally, it should be the earnest and paramount aim of the militaryadministration to win the confidence, respect, and affection of theinhabitants of the Philippines by assuring to them in every possibleway that full measure of individual rights and liberties which is theheritage of free peoples, and by proving to them that the mission of theUnited States is one of benevolent assimilation, substituting the mildsway of justice and right for arbitrary rule. In the fulfillment of thishigh mission, supporting the temperate administration of affairs for thegreatest good of the governed, there must be sedulously maintained thestrong arm of authority to repress disturbance and to overcome allobstacles to the bestowal of the blessings of good and stable governmentupon the people of the Philippine Islands under the free flag of theUnited States. 

WILLIAM McKINLEY. 

ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S OFFICE, _Washington, December 21, 1898_. 

General OTIS, _Manila_:

Answering your message of December 14, the President directs that yousend necessary troops to Iloilo to preserve the peace and protect lifeand property. It is most important that there should be no conflict withthe insurgents. Be conciliatory, but firm. 

By order of the Secretary War:

CORBIN. 

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, December 22, 1898_. 

Until otherwise ordered no grants or concessions of public or corporaterights or franchises for the construction of public or _quasi_public works, such as railroads, tramways, telegraph and telephonelines, water works, gas works, electric-light lines, etc. , shall be madeby any municipal or other local governmental authority or body in Cuba, except upon the approval of the major-general commanding the militaryforces of the United States in Cuba, who shall before approving any suchgrant or concession be so especially authorized by the Secretary of War. 

WILLIAM McKINLEY. 

[Similar orders applying to Puerto Rico and to the Philippines wereissued. ]

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, December 22, 1898_. 

The SECRETARY OF WAR:

 * * * * *

The major-general commanding the United States forces in Cuba and thesenior naval officer of the American fleet in the port of Havana aredirected to observe such arrangements and ceremonies for the evacuationof Havana, to take place on January 1, 1899, as may be communicated tothem by the United States commissioners on evacuation. They will aidin carrying out such arrangements. 

WILLIAM McKINLEY. 

ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S OFFICE, _Washington, January 1, 1899--4. 30 p. M. _

General OTIS, _Manila_:

The President considers it of first importance that a conflict broughton by you be avoided at this time, if possible. Can not Miller get intocommunication with insurgents, giving them President's proclamation andinforming them of the purposes of the Government, assuring them thatwhile it will assert its sovereignty its purpose is to give them a goodgovernment and security in their personal rights. 

By order Secretary War:

CORBIN. 

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _Washington, January 20, 1899. _

The SECRETARY OF STATE:

My communication to the Secretary of War dated December 21, 1898, [33]declares the necessity of extending the actual occupation andadministration of the city, harbor, and bay of Manila to the whole ofthe territory which by the treaty of Paris, signed on December 10, 1898, passed from the sovereignty of Spain to the sovereignty of the UnitedStates and the consequent establishment of military governmentthroughout the entire group of the Philippine Islands. 

While the treaty has not yet been ratified, it is believed that it willbe by the time of the arrival at Manila of the commissioners namedbelow. In order to facilitate the most humane, specific, and effectiveextension of authority throughout these islands and to secure with theleast possible delay the benefits of a wise and generous protection oflife and property to the inhabitants, I have named Jacob G. Schurman, Rear-Admiral George Dewey, Major-General Elwell S. Otis, Charles Denby, and Dean C. Worcester to constitute a commission to aid in theaccomplishment of these results. 

In the performance of this duty the commissioners are enjoined to meetat the earliest possible day in the city of Manila and to announce by apublic proclamation their presence and the mission intrusted to them, carefully setting forth that while the military government alreadyproclaimed is to be maintained and continued so long as necessity mayrequire, efforts will be made to alleviate the burdens of taxation, toestablish industrial and commercial prosperity, and to provide for thesafety of persons and of property by such means as may be foundconducive to these ends. 

The commissioners will endeavor, without interference with the militaryauthorities of the United States now in control of the Philippines, toascertain what amelioration in the condition of the inhabitants and whatimprovements in public order may be practicable, and for this purposethey will study attentively the existing social and political state ofthe various populations, particularly as regards the forms of localgovernment, the administration of justice, the collection of customsand other taxes, the means of transportation, and the need of publicimprovements. 

They will report through the State Department, according to the formscustomary or hereafter prescribed for transmitting and preserving suchcommunications, the results of their observations and reflections, andwill recommend such executive action as may from time to time seem tothem wise and useful. 

The commissioners are hereby authorized to confer authoritativelywith any persons resident in the islands from whom they may believethemselves able to derive information or suggestions valuable for thepurposes of their commission, or whom they may choose to employ asagents, as may be necessary for this purpose. 

The temporary government of the islands is intrusted to the militaryauthorities, as already provided for by my instructions to the Secretaryof War of December 21, 1898, [34] and will continue until Congress shalldetermine otherwise. The commission may render valuable services byexamining with special care the legislative needs of the various groupsof inhabitants and by reporting, with recommendations, the measureswhich should be instituted for the maintenance of order, peace, andpublic welfare, either as temporary steps to be taken immediately forthe perfection of present administration or as suggestions for futurelegislation. 

In so far as immediate personal changes in the civil administration mayseem to be advisable, the commissioners are empowered to recommendsuitable persons for appointment to these offices from among theinhabitants of the islands who have previously acknowledged theirallegiance to this Government. 

It is my desire that in all their relations with the inhabitants ofthe islands the commissioners exercise due respect for all the ideals, customs, and institutions of the tribes and races which compose thepopulation, emphasizing upon all occasions the just and beneficentintentions of the Government of the United States. 

It is also my wish and expectation that the commissioners may bereceived in a manner due to the honored and authorized representativesof the American Republic, duly commissioned, on account of theirknowledge, skill, and integrity, as bearers of the good will, theprotection, and the richest blessings of a liberating rather thana conquering nation. 

WILLIAM McKINLEY. 

[Footnote 33: See pp. 219-221. ]

[Footnote 34: See pp. 219-221. ]