COUNT THE COST. 

ANADDRESSTO THEPEOPLE of CONNECTICUT, ONSUNDRY POLITICAL SUBJECTS, AND

PARTICULARLY ON THE PROPOSITION FOR A NEW CONSTITUTION. 

BY JONATHAN STEADFAST

1804

"However combinations or associations of the above description may nowand then answer popular ends, they are likely in the course of time andthings to become potent engines, by which cunning ambitions andunprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the power of the people, andto usurp to themselves, the reins of government, destroying afterwardsthe very engines which have lifted them to unjust dominion. "

 WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 

AN ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE OF CONNECTICUT. 

"FOR which of you intending to build a tower sitteth not down first andcounteth the cost?"

An interesting question is here asked by the direction of infinitewisdom. This question contains the following useful and importantinstruction: That no man or body of men should attempt theaccomplishment of any great object without duly estimating the evils andbenefits probably resulting from it. Such a rule of life and adopted andadhered to would have prevented many schemes and projects which havecost much, and which have been productive of nothing but the disgrace totheir authors and misery to the human race--it would induce men to obeythe dictates of experience rather than the dreams of enthusiasm, andwould drive from the world a species of wisdom which is indeed folly. 

An attempt is now making in this State to change the vital principles ofour government, to remove from office all our present rulers, and tointroduce a new order of things. To these innovations the people areinvited, allured and exhorted. --To effect these objects no pains arespared--no exertions are omitted. 

An important question here arises, viz. Would the accomplishment of theobject be worth the cost?--An individual who neither holds an officenor seeks one--who can have nothing in view but the maintenance of thatorder of things which shall most effectually promote public and privatehappiness, and who has the same interest in the welfare of society asthe great body of his fellow citizens, requests the dispassionateattention of the reader, while he considers this important subject. Hewill use no weapon but truth and truth will be regarded by all exceptthose who love darkness rather than light. 

To exhibit a correct view of the subject, it will be proper, first, toenquire into the present condition of Connecticut, and secondly, toexamine the various plans or projects proposed for our adoption, andestimate the probably cost attending them. We can then in the thirdplace form a just opinion of the propriety of the proposed changes. 

The condition of Connecticut first claims our attention. 

That our climate, soil and situation are such as to insure as muchhealth, riches and prosperity as any people can rationally wish, seemsnot to be doubted. Our natural advantages do not indeed promise such anaccumulation of wealth as might satisfy that avarice which like thehorse leach is constantly crying give--give--they are such however aswill in ordinary cases, ensure to industry an ample reward and thisshould satisfy a virtuous mind. 

The diffusion of knowledge is greater than in any other part of theglobe of equal dimensions. Such are the excellent provisions of ourlaws, and the virtuous habits of our citizens, that schools ofinstruction in all useful knowledge are to be found in every place wherethey are needed. There is no village in this State which will not attestto this fact. In various places also flourishing academies aresupported, in which the higher branches of science are taught, and ourCollege is at once our ornament and our pride. Religious instruction isalso brought almost to every man's door, so that none can justlycomplain that they are denied the means of growing wiser and better. Bythe liberality of the benevolent private libraries are every where foundwhich, with the other sources of information, evince the superiority ofour condition to that of any other people, in the means of gainingvaluable knowledge. To those, who with the writer, believe thatignorance is the parent of vice, and that the civilized is preferable tothe savage state, our situation, in the above particulars, demands thegratitude of every heart. 

Our constitution and government are perfectly free, and our laws aremild, equitable and just. To the truth of this position there is themost ample and unequivocal proof. 

1. Those who seek to revolutionize the State declare this to be thenature of our government with few exceptions. --Such testimony cannot bedoubted--it is the testimony of a man against himself. Ask yourneighbour to point you to the evils under which he labours--ask him toname the man who is oppressed except by his vices or his follies, and ifhe be honest, he will tell you that there is no such man--if he bedishonest, his silence will be proof in point. 

2. Strangers who reside here a sufficient time to learn our laws, universally concur in their declarations on this subject. They will ask, with surprize, why the people of Connecticut should complain? They seeevery man indulged in worshiping God as he pleases, and they see manyindulged in neglecting his worship entirely--They see men every whereenjoying the liberty of doing what is right--and such liberty theyrightly decide is the perfection of freedom. 

3. The experience of a century and a half, affords irresistible proof onthis subject. During this long period convulsions have shaken many partsof the earth, and there has been a mighty waste of human happiness. Empires and Kingdoms have been prostrated, and the sword hath beendevouring without cessation. This state too hath been threatened--clouds have gathered and portended a dreadful desolation, but we havebeen defended, protected and saved. No essential changes in ourgovernment have ever taken place--formed by men who knew the importantdifference between liberty and licentiousness, it has been our shield--our strong tower--our secure fortress. --To the calls of our country wehave ever been obedient--No state hath more cheerfully met danger--nostate hath more readily or effectually resisted foreign aggression. Washington while living was a witness to this fact, and tho' dead he yetspeaketh. While plots, insurrections and rebellions have distressed manystates and nations, Connecticut hath enjoyed an internal peace andtranquility, which forcibly demonstrates the wisdom and equity of herGovernment. --Such a Government, administered by men of virtue andtalents, has produced the most benign effects, and our prosperity iscalculated to excite the warmest expressions of gratitude rather thanthe murmurs of disaffection. 

4. Our Treasury exhibits the truth of these remarks. It is clear from thestatement in the Appendix, to which every reader will advert withpleasure, that the people of Connecticut annually receive thirty seventhousand four hundred and fifty-five dollars and seventy six cents morefrom the Treasury than they pay into it by taxes and duties. --At theclose of the late war such had been our exertions, we were encumberedwith a debt of nearly two millions of dollars. Now that debt is paid andwe have nearly that sum in advance. Where is the state which can justlyboast of greater prosperity?

Notwithstanding this enviable situation a clamour is excited, thepeople are agitated, and discord, with its train of evils, isprevailing. Some of our citizens, in the height of political prosperity, are seeking to destroy an order of things which has prevailed an hundredand fifty years, and throw themselves into the arms of projectors andreformers. Is there nothing unaccountable in such conduct? Is therenothing calculated to excite indignation? My fellow citizens, shall anyconsiderable portion of the people of Connecticut subject themselves tothe reproach which rested on an ancient people? "The ox knoweth hisowner and the ass his master's crib, but my people do not know, Israeldoth not consider. "

Secondly. Let us examine some of the plans and projects proposed for ouradoption and estimate the probably cost attending them. – Here we mustspeak with less certainty--What the present condition of Connecticut iswe know--respecting its future destiny we can only judge by arguingfrom cause to effect. Why a man who regards the happiness of his fellowmen, should attempt a change here, is too wonderful for an ordinarycapacity. No prudent farmer ever pulled up a hill of corn, which wasflourishing, to see if there was not a worm at the root. 

One of these projects is the repeal of all laws for the support ofreligious institutions. The language of those who favor the measure is, that religion will take care of itself--that no external aid isnecessary--that all legislative interference is impious. Many, and itis believed by far the greater part, of those who make thesedeclarations, intend to throw down all the barriers which christianityhas erected against vice. They are obstinately determined to banish fromthe public mind all affection and veneration for the Clergy, and respectfor the institutions of religion, and to reduce Connecticut to thatcondition which knows no distinction between "him who serveth God andhim who serveth him not. " They wish to see a Republic without religion;and should they be gratified, the consequence would speedily be, amiserable race of men without virtue, walling in vice and ripening for adreadful destruction. If infinite truth is to be credited, "God willpour out his indignation on the heathen who know him not. "

These reformers, under the specious pretext of exercising unboundedliberality in matters of religion, become intolerant to all who differfrom them, charging the professors of christianity with breathing out aspirit of persecution, they become the most furious persecutors, andwhile they affect to possess great moderation and candor towards alldenominations of Christians, they clearly evince that they would grantindulgence or protection to none. On the other hand a great majority ofthe people and the Legislature, insist that every man in the communitywho is able, should contribute, in some way, towards the support of theinstitutions of religion. No wish is entertained to legislate in mattersof faith, or to establish one sect in preference to another. Our lawspermit every man to worship God when, where, and in the manner mostagreeable to his principles or to his inclination, and not the leastrestraint is imposed; all ideas of dictating to the conscience arediscarded, and every man "sits under his own vine and fig tree. " Ourlaws only enforce the great principle abovementioned that the members ofthe community should contribute towards the support of theseinstitutions, as means to promote the prosperity of the people in thesame manner as they provide for the public accommodation, peace andhappiness, by the maintenance of the roads and bridges, the organizationof the militia, and the support of schools of instruction. Shouldobjections be urged by any individuals that they cannot conscientiouslycontribute to the promotion of these objects, their objections would bedisregarded. There is a class of men, very respectable for the sobrietyof their habits, and their peaceful deportment, who always refuse to betaxed for military defence. No one doubts that in their opposition, theyare conscientious, and yet few doubt the propriety of enforcing suchtaxes. 

The principle now advocated is interwoven with all our laws and habits--it has existed from the first settlement of the State--it has producedmuch good--it ought not therefore to be abandoned without the utmostdeliberation. The clamor against this principle, is the clamor of thosewho wish to see the State revolutionized--it is the clamor of thoseturbulent spirits which delight in confusion and which pull down anddestroy with a dexterity which they never shew in building up. Let thesober citizens of Connecticut look at the authors of this clamor--Letthem view such men as Abraham Bishop, and eye the path which they havetrodden from their youth, and then ask their own hearts, if they are notunder some apprehension, lest if they should enlist under such leadersand fight their cause, they may be found contending against the bestinterests of society, and "fighting against God. "

Another project zealously supported is that of Districting the State forthe choice of Assistants, and Representatives in Congress. The onlyargument which is urged for the adoption of this measure with anyplausibility, is that in the District elections the candidate would bebetter known. To this argument it may be replied, the State ofConnecticut is so limited in its extent, information of all kinds is sogenerally diffused, and there is such a flood of newspapers that thecharacters of all the candidates for office may be thoroughly known byall who will bestow any attention to the subject. This State is scarcelymore extensive than a single county in many other States, and theintercourse of the inhabitants of the various parts with each other issuch that no evil can exist in our present mode of elections--But thereare serious and weighty objections against District elections. 

1. Such elections open wide the door for intrigue. --As this door, already too widely extended, the most alarming mischiefs enter--mischiefs which sap the foundations of an elective government bycorrupting the minds of the freemen and this converting an electionground into a theatre on which is displayed the most vile anddemoralizing practices. Let the reader satisfy himself as to the truthof this observation by examining the history of an election in theSouthern States, where this mode alone is adopted. Let him learn thatthey candidates for office and his host of dependents and tools, areemployed for weeks before and on the days of election, in the mostinfamous intrigues, and that falsehood and bribery are so much infashion, and are so universally resorted to, that success invariablyattends the most impudent and the most profligate, while the man ofmodesty and virtue, though possessing the fairest claims to promotion, is abashed, confounded and overwhelmed. 

2ndly. The candidate when elected becomes the creature of the districtand not the ruler of a State--He is and must be devoted to the interestof that portion of the community which has elected him, and their viewsand schemes must be patronized though they oppose the welfare of thewhole. 

3rdly. Such elections do not secure the best talents. If talents andworth are of consideration, surely they should be at the command of thepublic. It is of no moment where a man dwells, but it is of immenseimportance that he be a wise man rather than a fool--a man of integrityrather than a knave. 

4thly. Experience, the only save and unerring guide, is altogether infavor of elections at large rather than by Districts. The representationof this State in Congress has ever been of the most respectablecharacter--It is not too much to say that no State in the Union canjustly claim a superiority to Connecticut in this respect. The fame maybe affirmed, with truth, of the upper house of the Legislature of thisState. Has there not been a constant succession of able and wise men inthat branch of the administration of Connecticut? For more than acentury we have preserved an unexampled prosperity. --shall we hazardour interests on the speculations of zealous partizans who areconstantly bewildering themselves and their followers in new schemes?

Another project is that of universal suffrage. The streets resound withthe clamour that men are deprived of the invaluable privilege ofchoosing their rulers, and the people are invited to extend thisprivilege to all who pay taxes and do military duty. It is nowdiscovered that Connecticut, in this particular, is not free. --Thegreat argument urged in support of universal suffrage is that taxationand representation should go hand in hand--it is said that this maximwas deemed just during the revolutionary war, and that Americans adheredto it as a fundamental principle. --This principle the writer readilyrecognizes as a sound and indisputable position in every freegovernment. But what is the meaning of the maxim? Does it intend thatevery person who is taxed, can of right claim the privilege of givinghis suffrage? If so persons convicted of offences, or who are infamousfor their vices may vote--for such persons are not outlawed. --On thisprinciple, women of full age and unmarried, are also to be admitted. --Minors also whose property is taxed, should be permitted to exercisethis franchise, at least by guardian or proxy. What then is the truemeaning of the maxim, that representation and taxation are inseparable?Here all writers agree--it means that no community should be taxed bythe legislature unless that community is, or might have been representedin such legislature. --Hence several towns in this State till lately, were not represented in the General Assembly, and of course not taxed. --Barkhempsted, Colebrook, and Winchester, it is believed, were of thisdescription. 

This State and the other States understood this maxim precisely as nowexplained, in their opposition to Great-Britain. --We complained thatthe colonies should not be taxed because they were not represented inparliament. In this view of the subject the maxim is wise and just. 

Again, is not every town in Connecticut now represented in thelegislature, and of course each individual equally with every other? Inthe representative of Hartford, for example, a representative of thefreemen of Hartford, or of the town of Hartford? The truth is, everyman, woman and child are represented. 

But it is said that many persons are excluded from giving theirsuffrages who have life, liberty and reputation to protect. On a closeattention to this fact it will be found that the number of those worthymembers of society who do not possess the legal qualification, is small, and if men are to have an influence in elections according to the amountof their taxes, why should not the man who pays fifty dollars, beentitled to more than one vote? No one pleads for such a privilege, butthere are many who insist that the man without a cent of property shallhave the same direction in the choice of those who are charged with theinterests of the community, as he who is worth thousands of dollars. Afriend to the rights of man seems to feel no alarm at the idea that onewho exhausts his earnings in the grog-shop, should have an influence inelections in proportion to strength of his lungs, or his activity inintrigue, but he is greatly agitated from an apprehension that men whohave property to protect, will not promote the well being of society. Ajuror who is to decide on the controversies of his neighbours--anappraiser of land--a distributor of a deceased persons estate, must befreeholders by a standing law which is the subject of no ensure, and yetit is said that in the important transaction of choosing men to enactlaws, and to appoint those who are to decide on, and execute those laws, no qualifications are necessary. 

Again, it is insisted by those who oppose universal suffrage, and thereader is desired to notice the remark with attention, that no communitycan be safe unless the power of elections resides principally with thegreat body of the landholders. Such an influence had this principle onthose wise men who formed our laws, that a mere trifle in real propertygives the right of suffrage, while a man may be excluded who is theproprietor of personal property to a large amount. 

Landholders have an enduring interest in the welfare of the community. They are lords of their own soil, and of course, to a certain degree, independent--they therefore will resist tyranny--they will equallyoppose anarchy because they are aware that in any storm which may arisethey must abide its fury. The merchant, with his thousands, can seek ashelter--to the mere bird of passage, who has no "abiding country andwho seeks none to come, " it is of little moment whether stability orconfusion predominate, but to the former who is enchained to the State, peace and order is of inestimable value. 

What, my fellow citizens, is the attempt now making? What is thelanguage of those who advocate universal suffrage? It is nothing lessthan an effort to rest from the farmers of Connecticut that controulover the elections which is their only fortress of safety. Let men whowish to protect their invaluable rights ponder on these things, and letthem at the same time, remember that no nation in which universalsuffrage hath been allowed, hath remained free and happy. 

Another project urged, with great vehemence, is, to displace all ourpresent rulers--by those, is meant our legislators in the general andstate Government--our judges and magistrates of every grade. That suchis a darling object with those who seek to revolutionize Connecticut, there is no doubt. Is such a measure wise? Who are these rulers? Acandid observer must reply, they are men in whose hands power has beenwisely placed by the people, and who have never abused that power, menof unquestionable talents and of spotless fame. Among them are yourTrumbulls, your Ellsworths, your Hillhouses, your Griswolds, yourGoodriches and your Cavenports, men tried and approved. Among them thereis one who was side by side with your beloved Washington during therevolutionary war, who has repeatedly been elected your firstmagistrate, and, against whom, the tongue of slander never moved but inthe hard service of a harder master. There is another, who, for morethan twenty years has been employed in the first offices in the gift ofhis country, and whose probity and talents are second to those of noneof his contemporaries. Among these are many who must enjoy the affectionand veneration of their countrymen while superior worth is regarded. Against these men the cry is raised--not the cry of the oppressed, forGod knows no man in Connecticut is oppressed, but the cry of those whopant for office, and who can rise only on the ruins of others. 

Your judges also to whom is committed the administration of justice, aremarked out as the victims of party spirit. Is not a wise and faithfulexecution of the laws the chief object of every good Government? Withoutthis who is safe for a moment? Without this, liberty can exist only inname--The name indeed may be blasphemously uttered, but the substanceis gone with the liberty of all who have relied on professions. Let thepeople of Connecticut look at their tribunals of justice. Are they notfilled with men of incorruptible integrity? Where has innocence receiveda more ample protection? Is not the transgressor punished, and are notthe wrongs of the injured redressed? Are not our mild laws executed inmercy, and is not justice awarded with impartiality to individuals? Canyou look at the seat of justice and say "iniquity is there?" Dare anyman say that the judges of our high Courts are not upright, intelligentand learned? Who then can justly complain? Yet the stripling ofyesterday--the bold projector--the unprincipled ad ambitious, with ahost of deceived followers, with matchless effrontery, arraign theconduct of these magistrates and loudly demand that they be driven fromtheir offices, and from public confidence. 

Another favorite scheme is to elevate to all the offices of importancemen who have never enjoyed the public confidence. The language of theserevolutionists is, respecting the men in power in Connecticut, "We willnot have these men to rule over us"--We will fill their places with menof our choice--the creatures of our hands, and who will be subservientto our views. But, my countrymen, before you join in this project, pauseand enquire, who are these men who thus assert their claim to rule overyou? Who are these men who place themselves in the corners of thestreets and cry "Oh, that we were made judges in the land?" It is nopart of the writer's design to hunt vice from its guilty retreat, toexpose before an insulted people, the horrid features which distinguishcertain individuals who challenge popular applause, or to attach privatecharacter, but justice demands that men who boldly claim to be therulers of the free and happy state of Connecticut, should be known. Themen who are to stand in the places of our Trumbulls and our Ellsworthsshould not shrink from public investigation. To those who respect theauthority of God it is a matter of no small moment that those who ruleover men should be just, ruling in the fear of God nor will men, accustomed to revere this solemn declaration, lend their aid to elevatemen of vicious and corrupt lives, without some dismay. 

It is not enough to tell us that men will be selected of more virtue andtalents than those now in power--such a pretence is vain--no man inhis senses will regard it--no man makes such a pretence but for wickedpurpose. If we are directed to turn our eyes to those who for years pasthave been held up in the unsuccessful nominations, and are told thatthese are to be substituted for the men who now guide our Councils, whatare we to expect? An appeal may be made to every man not bewildered inthis new and destructive madness--he may be asked who among these menstand-forth with fair claims to public confidence? Where among them, canbe found the polished scholar--the able civilian, the enlightenedjudge? Do we see in a single individual an assemblage of talents unitedwith virtue sufficient to qualify him for the seat of justice? If thereare such men they have hitherto hid their talents I the earth. It willnot here be forgotten that the attempt is, to reject men long known andrespected, and to fill their places with those who are without a witnessin their favor. 

A still more mischievous and alarming project is, that of making a newConstitution for Connecticut. This project originates entirely in aspirit of Jacobinism--it is a new theme on which to descant to effect arevolution in Connecticut. The object is, by false assertions, to inducea belief that no Constitution exists and that tyranny prevails. Thisparty always address the passions and never the understanding. --Reviewtheir measures for a few years, and you will distinctly perceive theirmotives and aims. 

To create disaffection and hatred towards those who formerlyadministered the general Government, it was boldly asserted that thetreasury had been plundered. Even the illustrious Saviour of his Countrywas accused of embezzling public money, and his followers could notexpect a less happy fate. Men of the most unsuspected integrity, wereopenly attacked by anonymous publications, or dispoiled of their goodname by secret insinuations. These calumnies were kept in circulation bytheir authors till impudence itself was abashed, and the object in viewobtained--not a tittle of proof was ever adduced, and investigationalways shewed that the charges were not only false, but entirelygroundless. 

For the same unworthy purpose it was asserted in every circle ofopposition that salaries were too high, and the incomes of officeenormous. Every tavern resounded with this grievance. At length theprincipal authors of this clamor got into place, and the clamor washushed. Yes, men who urged the people of Connecticut almost to rebellionon this account, stept into the places and, without a blush, took morefrom the people than their predecessors. Look at Mr. Babcock's paper in1799 and 1800, and see its columns filled with railing against highsalaries--Look at it since Abraham Bishop takes 3000 dollars a year, and Alexander Wolcott more than four, and find, if you can, a complainton this subject. Such meanness, such baseness, such hypocrisy in officeseekers, exhibit in strong colors the depravity of human nature andteach us what dependence may justly be placed on pretensions andprofessions. 

To inflame the passions and to create animosity, various subjects havebeen successively seized upon, and pressed into the service of therevolutionists--Every quarrel however trivial is noticed--every seedof discord however small is nourished to disseminate murmurs and tofurther the great object. -Various classes of the community are told, with apparent anxiety for their welfare, that they are oppressed, andthat a new order of things must arise, or that they will be enslaved. New subjects are started as old ones cease to operate, and thus all thatingenuity and art, industry and perseverance, can devise or effect isaccomplished. Thus, that numerous and respectably body of Christianscalled Episcopalians have been told, and repeatedly told, that the morenumerous denomination were seeking to deprive them of their just andequal rights, and to subject them to the tyranny of an overbearingmajority--These tales were reiterated till their authors found themuseless from their folly and falsehood. At another time the Baptists areaddressed by a set of men who denied the reality of any religion and themost earnest yearnings for their welfare. They tyranny of theLegislature was painted in horrid colors, and they were exhorted to lendtheir aid to vindicate the cause of the oppressed. Those whoconscientiously believe that no taxes ought to be paid for the supportof religion, and those who wish that religion might no more infest theresidence of men, were addressed with considerations adapted to theirrespective cases. At one time men destitute of property are seduced bythe alluring doctrine of universal suffrage--then the farmer is toldthat taxes are too high on land, and, with the same breath, the mechanicis sagely informed, that the poll tax should be repealed, and the burdenfall back on the land holder. 

Festivals under the pretence of honoring the election of Mr. Jeffersonand Mr. Burr, and of extolling the wisdom of the purchase of Louisiana, but with a real design to blazen the fame of those who assume thecharacter of friends of the people that they may the more readilydestroy the most free and equitable Government in the world, arecontinually holden, and the discontented, the factious, the ambitiousand the corrupt, are collected and flattered with declamations in thevarious shapes of prayers, sermons and orations. Thus a people enjoyingthe height of political prosperity are cajoled into a belief that menwithout virtue, without the restraints of the gospel, without a particleof real regard for their fellow men, are their best friends, and areanxiously laboring to promote their good. Let such remember, that whenthe Ethiopian shall change his skin, when the Leopard shall change hisspots, and when bitter fountains shall send forth sweet water, then willthose who flatter the people with their tongues, and deceive them withtheir lips seek their happiness. Such are some of the measures resortedto by those who have sworn in their wrath that Connecticut shall berevolutionized. Finding all these ineffectual, and that the good senceand virtue of Connecticut has hitherto opposed an inseparable barrier toall their plans, they now exclaim Connecticut has no Constitution. Sucha gross absurdity could never have been promulgated till the mind was insome degree prepared, by being accustomed to misrepresentation. This waswell known to Mr. Bishop, who has for years been in the habit ofdisregarding moral obligation. In the year 1789 this Orator pronouncedseveral inflammatory invectives against the Constitution of the UnitedStates, to which he was a bitter enemy till he obtained an office underit worth three thousand dollars a year. At that time his language was, The Constitution of Connecticut is the best in the world--it has grownup with the people, and is fitted to their condition. --Now thisconsistent man who is endeavoring to gull the people that he maysuccessfully tyrannize over them, avows that they are without aConstitution. 

My fellow citizens, examine this head of clamor with candor, read thesolemn declaration of Washington in the title page, attend to thefollowing remarks, and then tell me if you do not perceive in thisproject, with the manner in which it is supported and attempted to beaccomplished, enough of the revolutionary spirit of France, to excitethe indignation of every real friend to the peace and happiness ofConnecticut. 

1. If there be no Constitution in Connecticut then your Huntingtons, your Trumbulls, your Shermans, your Wolcotts and your Davenports, withmany other worthies, who were your defence in war, and your ornament inpeace, and who are now sleeping with their fathers, were wicked usurpers--they ruled their fellow citizens without authority--they wereTYRANTS. Let Judd and Bishop approach the sepulchures of these venerablemen--let them lift the covering from these venerable ashes and in theface of heaven pronounce them TYRANTS!! Could you see them approachtheir dust with such language on their tongues, you would see themretreat with horrible confusion from these relicks of departed worth. 

2. The present rulers are acting also without authority, and their lawsare void--then you are already in the midst of anarchy and wild misrule--then has no man a title to an inch of land, and you are ready for anequal of division of property--all protection of life and liberty is atan end, and the will of a mob is now to prevail. 

3. If indeed there is no Constitution, then the oath which has beenadministered in your freemen's meetings for twenty years, by which eachman has sworn "to be true and faithful to the Constitution" of thestate, is worse than impious profanation of the name of God--then yourjudges, magistrates and jurors have stripped men of their property, condemned some to Newgate and others to the Post, the Pillory and theGallows without a warrant, and are therefore murderers. --O thou God oforder in this our condition!!! But, 4. We have a Constitution--a free and happy Constitution. It was to ourfathers like the shadow of a great rock in a weary land--it has enabledthem to transmit to us a fair and glorious inheritance--if we sufferrevolutionists to rob us of this birth right "then we are bastards andnot sons. "

It is a fact as well authenticated as the settlement of the state, thata Constitution was formed by the people of the then colony ofConnecticut, before the Charter of King Charles. This Charter was aguarantee of that Constitution. Trumbull's history of Connecticut givesus this Constitution and its origin. On our separation from Great-Britain, the people, thro' their representatives, made the followingdeclaration on this subject:

"An Act containing an Abstract and Declaration of the Rights andPrivileges of the People of this State, and securing the same. THEPeople of this State, being by the Providence of God, free andindependent, have the sole and exclusive Right of governing themselvesas a free, sovereign, and independent State; and having from theirAncestors derived a free and excellent Constitution of Governmentwhereby the Legislature depends on the free and annual Election of thePeople, they have the best Security for the Preservation of their civiland religious Rights and Liberties. And forasmuch as the free Fruitionof such Liberties and Privileges as Humanity, Civility and Christianitycall for, as is due to every Man in his Place and Proportion, withoutImpeachment and Infringement, hath ever been, and wilt be theTranquility and Stability of Churches and Commonwealths; and the Denialthereof, the Disturbance, if not the Ruin of both. 

PAR. I. BE it enacted and declared by the Governor, and Council andHouse of Representatives, in General Court assembled: That the ancientForm of Civil Government, contained in the Charter from Charles theSecond, King of England, and adopted by the People of this State, shallbe and remain the Civil Constitution of this State under the soleauthority of the People thereof, independent of any King or Princewhatever. And that this Republic is, and shall forever be and remain, afree, sovereign and independent Sate, by the Name of the STATE ofCONNECTICUT. 

2. And be it further enacted and declared, That no Man's Land shall betaken away: No Man's Honor or good Name shall be stained: No Man'sPerson shall be arrested, restrained, banished, dismembered, nor anyWays punished: No Man shall be deprived of his Wife or Children; NoMan's Goods or Estate shall be taken away from him nor any Waysindamaged under the Color of Law, or Countenance of Authority; unlessclearly warranted by the Laws of this State. 

3. That all the Free Inhabitants of this or any other of the UnitedStates of America, and Foreigners in Amity with this State, shall enjoythe same justice and Law within this State, which is general for theState in all Cases proper for the Cognizance of the Civil Authority andCourt of Judicature within the same, and that without Partiality orDelay. 

4. And that no Man's Person shall be restrained, or imprisoned, by anyAuthority whatsoever, before the Law hat sentenced him thereunto, if hecan and will give sufficient Security, Bail, or Mainprize for hisAppearance and good Behaviour in the mean Time, unless it be for CapitalCrimes, Contempt in open Court, or in such Cases wherein some expressLaw doth allow of, or order the same. "

These proceedings have been regarded as the ark of our political safetyby the great and the good of all parties, who have gone before us. Nevertill this year have we heard, or even suspected that our state wasgoverned by lawless mobs. Now, as a means to effect a revolution, forthe first time, have a few designing men endeavored to excite alarm--they have indeed excited alarm--sober men of their own party arealarmed--honest men, who are not misguided, see the whole extent of thisproject and they will frown it into contempt. 

5. Mr. Edwards, as chairman of a body of men whom he calls a StateCommittee, on the 30th of July, without consulting even his brethren ofthe Committee, ordered delegates to meet at New-Haven on the 5thWednesday of August. In those towns where enough could not be assembledto elect a member, the person written to, was authorized to attend andtake a seat. In some towns the proposition was rejected even byRepublicans. The delegates thus chosen, with all who united with theiropinions, and chose to attend, met at the time and place appointed--shuttheir doors against every eye and ear--sat one day, formed an address, ordered ten thousand copies printed and dissolved. This address we haveseen. It deserves some notice:

The first thing that attracts our attention is, that William Judd, Esq. Of Farmington, is appointed chairman. This was an admirable provision--such a meeting should certainly have such a head. A man with the habitof devoting his feeble talents to intrigue, and who is noticeable onlyfor an ostentatious parade, would preside in such an assembly withpeculiar grace. His acquaintance could not but approve of thisexhibition of the power of inflammable air and be pleased with itseffects [on] an exhausted receiver. The meeting thus organized proceededto stile this Convention as follows: "AT a meeting of Delegates fromninety-seven towns of the state of Connecticut, convened at New-Haven onthe 29th of August, 1804. " Delegates--Delegates do they stile themselves?The people would be obliged to this Convention to disclose theirauthority. Who commissioned these gentlemen for this important labor ofproviding them with a Constitution? The truth is not a man in thatConvention was chosen by a majority of the people of [their] town--inmany instances with less than a quarter part, and in general with lessthan a tenth----yet they call themselves Delegates. Thus [the]Convention with Major Judd in the chair, precede their address [with] agrosly deceptive declaration---a declaration notoriously false and[impu]dent. They then declare it as their unanimous opinion, "that thepeople of this state are at present without a Constitution of civilGovernment. " This was to have been expected. Mr. Edwards ordered them tomeet for that purpose, and shall they not obey their master? Bishop andWolcott have repeatedly directed them to make this declaration, andMajor Judd knows it to be true. Can any man doubt either the truth ofthis remark or the sincerity with which it is uttered? Is it not clearthat this whole proceeding originates in a pure unmixed affection forthe people and a sacred regard to truth? My fellow citizens, look at thewhole course of the lives of Judd, (I place him first on the listbecause he was chairman) of Bishop and of Wolcott, and say if they havenot ever been under the influence of the most disinterested virtue andthe most exalted patriotism? Look also at these Delegates from ninety-seven towns, and say if they can have any other object in view but thedignity, happiness and glory of their country? Individuals can onlyvouch for individuals. The writer can vouch for about thirty with MajorJudd at their head. 

If any reader shall think that the subject is treated with too muchlevity, he should reflect that we are now animadverting on thisConvention in their appointment of chairman, their stiling themselvesDelegates from ninety-seven towns, and their declaration that we have noConstitution. On these subjects it is scarcely possible to be serious. 

The address proceeds to declare how many of the confederated states havemade for themselves Constitutions. We ask, which of them is moreprosperous than Connecticut? In which of them are the great interests ofSociety better secured? In New-York a Convention was called about threeyears since to amend their Constitution. In Pennsylvania they have hadtwo Constitutions and they are now on the eve of a civil war. Duane thegreat moving spring of all Jacobin societies, a vile outcast fromEurope, reigns with uncontroled sway in every measure, and every man ofvirtue is denounced. 

In Georgia they have had two Constitutions, and in Vermont two, and whodare pronounce their political situation equal to that of Connecticut. The people of France have had six Constitutions within fifteen years, and where are those Constitutions? In the grave of anarchy and despotismwith millions of deluded inhabitants who have been sacrificed by theRobespieres and the Bishops of that suffering nation. To that sufferingnation turn your eyes and reflect that the mighty mass of woe underwhich they have groaned, was produced by an ambition, fierce, cruel anddestructive as hell, and that an ambition alike terrible reigns everywhere. 

Read this address attentively, and you will be struck with the idea thatno grievance is mentioned----not a single evil is pointed out---indeedthe Convention declare that they must be "excused a detail of thenumerous wrongs which have arrived to us under this Government"----theseare their words---they are excused indeed---yes, they are excused fromnot polluting their address with falsehoods in this particular---fullwell they knew that no such wrongs existed----full well they anticipatedthat a certain detection would follow any such attempt at imposition. The leaders in this Convention knew full well that there is intelligenceenough in Connecticut to meet them on any complaint, and to shew that itis groundless. They, therefore, prudently decline to be explicit, andyielding to us that the Government is now well administered, they shew agreat anxiety for the safety of the "next generation. " What an astonishingdisplay of philanthropy!! Bishop and Wolcott are not at ease in theirhearts while there is a prospect that even the generations which succeedus, will experience a woe!!

After many remarks directed to the passions, without proposing inspecific terms a single provision of their newly projected Constitution, without laying their finger upon a single grievance, without urging asingle argument tending to shew that a Constitution does not exist, theaddress unmakes itself---it unmasks the Convention---it unmasks thesepatriotic Delegates, and discovers the true cause of this Jacobinicmeeting. Towards the close of it, speaking of the people, it says, "Bytheir votes will be known their decision. If a Constitution appearsdesirable, they will vote for men who are in favor of it. " Here theConvention speak which all may understand---but lest they had not madethemselves sufficiently intelligible, they add, "We ask men of allparties to attend punctually at proxies and to continue a contest ofvotes till the great question whether this state shall have aConstitution be settled finally and forever. " Now, the plain English ofthese sentences is this "We who are here assembled in Convention wishthe people of Connecticut to vote for such men, in future, for office, as are in favor of a new Constitution---we have already declared that weare in favor of such a Constitution---pray therefore vote for us andcontinue" the context "till we succeed and then"---yes---my fellow-citizens, and then, what will they do? Why laugh at your folly---takeall the offices and leave you to take care of yourselves. IF such wouldnot be their conduct then the sun will no more rise in the east. 

Gentlemen of the convention pray cease your pretensions to promotiontill the people discover your merit. If you are honest, great and wiseyou will certainly be noticed and promoted--if you are pygmypoliticians, the mushroom growth of an hour, dressed only with thelittle brief authority of self created delegates to a self createdconvention to aggrandise yourselves, then probably you will live withlittle further notice, and it will only be said hereafter of you thatyou belonged to an assembly convened at New-Haven on the 29th of August1804, which sprang up in a day, chose major Judd chairman; and like"Jonah's Gourd withered in a day. "

In this convention the question was much discussed whether the addressshould be made to the people or to the constituted authority of ourState, the legislature. Some honest republicans insisted that it wasproper to apply to the Legislature, but this was opposed by the younglawyers and the leaders of the party universally--full well they knewthat such a measure would not answer their purpose--Mobs never talk ofany authority except that of the sovereign people--To the sovereignpeople they go, and to the sovereign people they appeal till a sovereignpeople are cruelly insulted, cajoled and enslaved. Marat, Robespierreand Bonaparte told the sovereign people that they were all in all tillthey had robbed them of their dearest interests, and enchained them indespotism, and they now mock them with such declarations as these, * "Theperfectability of human nature, the worst disease of man"-"the capriceof elections must be destroyed"-"the people cannot govern themselves"

Having examined some of the plans or projects proposed for our adoption, we will now estimate the probably cost attending them. It is to berecollected that the proposition is to change the vital principles ofour government--to displace our present rulers and to fill their placeswith men who never enjoyed the public confidence. To determine whetherthese objects are worth accomplishing, it is necessary to COUNT THECOST. 

1. One part of this cost will be an increase of the violence of parties. Men who regard their property, their liberty and their lives, will notyield them a willing sacrifice to the demands of the ambitious andunprincipled--men who faced danger and braved death during a seven yearswar--men whose veins are warm with the blood of their venerableancestors who planted this happy state, and defended it amidstinnumerable hardships and calamities--men who deem their birthrightsacred--their own freedom valuable, and their children dear as their ownblood, will not calmly, nor cowardly suffer those who have no claims buttheir impudence, to storm their fortress and to capture them. They willdefend it in all lawful ways. -Bishop and Wolcott, and a thousand othermercenary hirelings may attempt to subdue or terrify them--a proud andhaughty leader who under the guise of patriotism, is attempting toundermine the happiness of the best regulated and freest State in theUnion, with a thousand sycophants, conspiring to bring us under the yokeof Virginia, may exhaust their ingenuity and malice, still Connecticutwill remain unshaken. She will never crouch like Isachar to chains andfetters while any portion of the noble spirit of her ancestors whotransmitted this fair inheritance at a mighty expense, remains to impelthem to noble exertions. --It is ardently to be wished that the passionsof those who seek to overturn the venerable institutions of Connecticut, my subside, and that a spirit of reconciliation and moderation maysucceed to that madness which threatens our peace. --If however thecontroversy is to be continued and a mob insist on the right to rule, freemen will protect their lives and their liberties. --And is not thepeace and tranquility of the State of importance? We have been told withmore truth than sincerity that "life itself is a dreary thing" without"harmony in social intercourse. " Happy would it have been if the authorof that just and pertinent remark had not contributed more than anyother man in the United States to embitter parties, and to render lifeindeed a "dreary thing. "

2. Another item in the expense of accomplishing these projects, is acorruption of morals. To revolutionize Connecticut it will be necessaryto circulate, without any intermission, many gross falsehoods respectingthe men in power, the judges, legislators and magistrates, and the actsand proceedings of the General Assembly. We have seen the columns of theMercury and the Republican Farmer filled with vile libels. --WE have seenAbraham Bishop followed by hundreds enter a temple devoted to theservice of God, and we have heard him there utter the most malignantslanders on the Clergy, the Legislature and the Courts of law. --We haveseen him publicly denounce one class and another of his fellow citizensas hypocrites, old tories and traitors. --We have seen him receiving forthis, the applause of a wretched collection of disappointed, ambitiousand corrupt men. This has been borne and the author despised, andindignantly hissed from the society of the respectable and virtuous--butthe end is not gained--new themes of reviling--new subjects of abusemust be sought, and the party who wish to effect a revolution, arepledged to uphold and protect the agents however wicked. What then maynow be expected? That dreadful declaration "Truth is fallen in theirstreets" will soon be but an inconsiderable part of our miserablecharacter. It need not be added that such a condition evinces greatcorruption of morals. 

3. Another part of this expense will be the elevation of men to officewho are unworthy of public confidence. What can a nation or state expectfrom such men? What could now be expected from these men but that theybecome immediately the creatures of a party--the tools of a faction? Isit worthy of no consideration that judges who are to be the arbiters ofcontroversies--who are to adjudicate on the lives of their fellowcitizens, and to whom is committed the dearest and highest interests ofsociety, should be men of virtue--of wisdom and of unsullied reputation?Can a Court be a shield against the proud oppressor when a daring leadercan crush them with his nod? Be not deceived my fellow citizens--nonation hath yet made such an experiment without feeling its bitter anddreadful effects. See the revolutionary tribunals of France--See in thema melancholy picture of corrupt courts and unprincipled judges--Thecruelty of that nation hath appeared no where more infernal than throughtheir forms of law and in their sanctuaries of justice--a corruptjudgment seat is the greatest curse with which a people can be punished. In the mean time all subordinate tribunals will partake of the samecharacter. --Thus instead of a government of laws, there will be thetyranny of a desperate faction. --Let no one reply that there is nodanger of such evils in Connecticut. We now see a few leaders controul aparty of several thousands--We have seen six hundred meet and applaudthe purchase of Louisiana when not one in five of them could form anyopinion on the merits of the bargain--WE have seen a few leaders directthe offering of incense to Burr while the great body of their followerscursed him--We see a party suffering the pride of Virginia to controulthe government of the Union and to oppress New-England with a heavyimpost because she would not submit to internal taxes--We see a fewleaders direct a convention of about two hundred to issue an address tothe people of Connecticut, which address contains on the face of it manypalpable falsehoods. --And cannot these same leaders controul a Court?

4. Another part of the cost of these projects, is the loss of all ourinstitutions of religion. --It is not here intended that theseinstitutions will be at once abolished--Such a measure would alarm somehonest men of the party--a gradual but sure destruction is the evil tobe feared. The constitution of the United States was first attacked byan unconstitutional repeal of a law, and now the independence of theSupreme Court is to be destroyed, by impeachments of the judges. So willit fare with your institutions. The principle openly advocated is thatnone shall be obliged to contribute for the support of religiousinstitutions. This once established destroys the vitals of the system, and the residue of its existence will be misery and wretchedness. Shalla party avowing this sentiment and seeking by every artifice to give iteffect, receive the support of a people who have derived suchsubstantial benefits from these institutions? Shall we look in vainthro' the ranks of that party for one to lift up his voice against thisdaring and dangerous innovation? Are there not many who either do notbelieve this to be the object of their leaders, or if such shall betheir object, who are determined to resist them? Yes, there are many whoact with them, who still intend to progress to no such excesses. Letsuch view the conduct of similar parties--Let such not be deceived--Thisis indeed their object--They do not avow it to you, they know you wouldreject it, but they have made a vow that the influence of the Clergyshall be destroyed--this can be done in no other way. Nor can you resistthem--they regard you now because they wish your assistance to confer onthem power, but will they regard you when your exertions can neither aidnor defeat their designs?--surely not--such has been the conduct of allfactions. --It will be theirs should they prevail--The world has notfurnished one solitary exception, nor can you expect one in this case. They seek their own good, and not the good of others, if inspiration isto be credited. 

In return for these losses what good is to acrue to the people? Will youhazard these evils without a fair and reasonable expectation of somesolid benefits? Is it then unreasonable to enquire what good is to beobtained? Do the characters of these men elevate your hopes? You knowmany of them in private life--do they there abound in good works? Shallthey be heard and regarded when they demand of you to displace yourfaithful and approved rulers, and commit to them your all? Modest menwill wait your notice and rise at your request. Shall the impudent, banish them from your affections and usurp their places in your hearts?

Let it again be asked what good will result to Connecticut by a newConstitution, by the prevalence of revolutionary principles? France, Switzerland, the Netherlands, Italy and Holland, have seen revolutionafter revolution, one new Constitution after another, and liberty has athousand times been immovably established. Altars have been demolished--Temples polluted, Kings, Queens, Nobles and Priests murdered in thecause of liberty--millions have perished--religion banished, and theworship of God prohibited--projectors have exhausted their ingenuity--the treasures of wealth have been wasted and the peace of the worldsacrificed! What is the result? An accumulation of misery which bafflesall description. Not an individual is more happy or more virtuous. Not anation more prosperous--not a tittle added to human felicity. Yereformers, look at France--behold the crimes which have risen up todemand the vengeance of God--see the woes which you have brought on therace of man, and tremble lest your works should follow you?

If this picture is too glaring, look at our sister states in whichrevolutions have been effected, and shew us the benefit. A noisy orseditious individual has obtained a lucrative office--an ambitiousleader is in the char of state satiating his pride, or like AbrahamBishop gratifying his passion for ignoble pelf, upon his thousands. --Hedrives his carriage by his industrious neighbor who has toiled for himat an election, cracks his whip, and laughs at the folly of his dupe, and will laugh till he may need his services again, and then he willagain cringe and bow and flatter and gull. But is the mechanic, thefarmer, the merchant profited? Is society enriched, or the public goodpromoted?

In this view of the subject we will briefly ask, in the third place, isit proper to make the proposed changes--to adopt these projects? If nobenefits will result--if much evil will probably ensue--the course ofduty and interest is plain. Aware, however, that it may be said many ofthe dangers are imaginary, and are founded upon the supposition that weshall act with as little discretion and prudence as the people of othercountries, it is important to observe that revolutions are the same, innature in every nation. Those who speak of a new Constitution, and ofthorough reforms, should recollect that the promoters of these schemesin France, constantly amused the people with the idea that a new orderof things--new rights--new principles, were to arise. Who does notrecollect to have read of the perfectability human nature--of theenlightened age of regenerated France? She boldly proclaimed herself theexample of the world, and all nations were invited to see her glory, andenjoy her blessed liberty and her glorious equality. But mark the issue--Not twelve years have elapsed before she has returned to an ingloriousdespotism--She has exchanged her Capets for a foreign usurper, with anincalculable loss, and here her history ends. Such is the constanttermination of such revolutions, and shall we claim to be an exception?How do we judge as to the propriety of any course of life except byobservation, experience or history? We see industry and integrityrewarded with competence or wealth--we see intemperance and slothfollowed with disease, loss of reputation and poverty. These are suregrounds on which to predict respecting our neighbors, and by which toregulate our own conduct. On similar principles a wise people regard theconduct of other nations, and are solemnly admonished by their example. Let not then the projector persuade us to adopt his theories with proofsof their danger thus glaring before our eyes. Look at the conduct of ourrevolutionists for four years past, and see if you do not discover thegenuine principles of the Jacobins of France--Recollect also that theyhad first a Convention--then an Executive Directory--then a Consul foryears--then a Consul for life, and then an usurper with an hereditarydescent in his family. At each successive revolution the people werecourted--were flattered--were promised transcendent felicity. The peopleswore eternal hatred to Monarchy, and eternal fidelity to Constitutions, till, heaven, weary of their perjuries, sent them a despot in his wrath. 

My fellow citizens human nature is the same here as in France--Thenbefore you give ear to the songs of enchantment Count the Cost--Beforeyou sell your birthright for a mess of pottage Count the Cost. Beforeyou consent to yield up the institutions of your wise and piousancestors, Count the Cost--Before you admit universal suffrage Count theCost--Before you submit to the mischievous doctrine of districtelections, Count the Cost. --Before you reject from office the men whomyour hearts approve, Count the Cost, the great cost of weak and wickedrulers. --Before you consent to be governed by men whose impudence, andvice constitute many of their claims to promotion, Count the Cost. Thisevil you can prevent by attending with punctuality on our elections. Thefreemen of Connecticut are mighty when they arise in their strength. Nofreeman can justify absence except from necessity. --That people who willnot faithfully attend upon the Choice of their rulers, cannot expect toretain their freedom. --Trust not to a majority--say not that things willgo well without me--Such language is unbecoming freemen--Despair not ofa majority--if you will not "go with the multitude to do evil, " goagainst them to do good. Before you neglect an election Count the Cost--If the loss of your Vote should prove the loss of an election of asingle man, then will you not have Counted the Cost. 

My fellow citizens--WE have a government which has protected us aCentury and an half--we have enjoyed unexampled prosperity. --WE maytransmit a glorious inheritance to posterity. --The writer has childrendear to him as his own blood--these children are to him a sacreddeposit--He can, with confidence, commit their political interests tosuch a government as Connecticut has enjoyed. --He is persuaded that ifthey feel the iron hand of despotism, it will not be from such agovernment, and such rulers as we now possess--Before he yields his own, and their dear, and inestimable rights to the wild projects of thereformers of this age, he is firmly resolved to sit down and Count theCost, and he entreats his fellow citizens to adopt similar resolutions. 

APPENDIX. 

A View of the Fiscal Concerns of Connecticut. 

Capital Funds of the Civil List. Dols. Cts. Funded 6 per cent. Stock, (real capital) - 209, 273 83Deferred --do. - do. - do. - - 148, 632 83Funded 3 per cent. Do. - - - 50, 038 11Bank Stock - - - - - 44, 725 __________ 425, 669 77 __________

School Funds. Bonds collaterally secured - - 1, 020, 542 27New Lands received in payment of School Bonds, price at which received, 194, 000Funded 6 per cent. Stock, (real capital) 14, 048Deferred --do. - do. -do. - - - 5, 455 7Funded 3 per cent. Do. - - - - 4, 570 95 ___________ 1, 238, 617 29 ___________

Annual Expense of Government. Viz. Salaries of Executive Officers, - - 8, 630Debentures and Contingent expenses of the Legislature for two Sessions, - 17, 100Debenture of the Supreme Court of Errors, 550Judicial expenses, - - - - 6, 100Expense of Newgate prison, - - - 4, 000Charges of Paupers and Vagrants, - - 4, 500Allowance of 2 dollars on the 1000 of the list being a draw-back from the State Tax, 12, 000Contingent Expenses, comprising all othercharges of Government, - - - 6, 200 ____________ 59, 080 ____________

Means for defraying the annual expense of the Civil List. Viz. Annual Interest on the above-mentioned Stock appertaining to the Civil List Funds, 26, 553 54Duties on Civil Processes, - - 5, 700Annual Tax of 7 Mills on the Dollar, neat amount, - 35, 700 _____________ 67, 953 54 _____________

N. B. One eighth part of all the State taxes and one tenth partof all rateable polls are abated for the relief of the indigent. 

The yearly Interest of the whole School Funds would be - 74, 179 88Deduct the Interest on that part which liesin lands, and also on those Bonds whereonInterest has not yet commenced, amounts to 7, 324 12

N. B. Several Bonds draw Interest in present year, which were not on Interest last year. 

And the whole present annual Interest will be 66, 855 76Add to this the allowance of2 dolls. On the 1000 of the List, - - 12, 000

Total annual amount payable for schools, 78, 855 76

Drawable from the State Treasury annually, by the people in their capacity of School Societies, - 78, 855 76

Payable by the people into the State Treasury annually in taxes (including duties on civil processes) only the sum of - 41, 400

Balance drawn out beyond what is paid by taxes and duties, - - - - 37, 455 76

From the foregoing view of their financial arrangements, it appearsthat the people of Connecticut not only enjoy the blessings of CivilGovernment free from expense, but even receive from the public Treasuryyearly, in sum of 37, 455 dollars and 76 cents more than they contributeto in taxes, &c. 

Who can behold this uparalleled situation of finances, taking into viewat the same time our embarrassed circumstances at the close of the latewar, when we were not only destitute of any funds except direct taxes, but incumbered with a debt of two millions of Dollars, and not admireand appreciate the faithfulness and ability of those who have sosucessfully managed the public affairs of this State.