HISTORY OF FLORENCE AND OF THE AFFAIRS OF ITALY

FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES TO THE DEATH OF LORENZO THE MAGNIFICENT

By Niccolo Machiavelli

With an Introduction by

HUGO ALBERT RENNERT, Ph. D. Professor of Romanic Languages andLiterature, University of Pennsylvania. 

 PREPARER'S NOTE

 This text was typed up from a Universal Classics Library edition, published in 1901 by W. Walter Dunne, New York and London. The translator was not named. The book contains a "photogravure" of Niccolo Machiavelli from an engraving. 

INTRODUCTION

Niccolo Machiavelli, the first great Italian historian, and one ofthe most eminent political writers of any age or country, was bornat Florence, May 3, 1469. He was of an old though not wealthy Tuscanfamily, his father, who was a jurist, dying when Niccolo was sixteenyears old. We know nothing of Machiavelli's youth and little abouthis studies. He does not seem to have received the usual humanisticeducation of his time, as he knew no Greek. [*] The first notice ofMachiavelli is in 1498 when we find him holding the office of Secretaryin the second Chancery of the Signoria, which office he retained tillthe downfall of the Florentine Republic in 1512. His unusual ability wassoon recognized, and in 1500 he was sent on a mission to Louis XII. Of France, and afterward on an embassy to Cęsar Borgia, the lord ofRomagna, at Urbino. Machiavelli's report and description of this andsubsequent embassies to this prince, shows his undisguised admirationfor the courage and cunning of Cęsar, who was a master in theapplication of the principles afterwards exposed in such a skillful anduncompromising manner by Machiavelli in his _Prince_. 

The limits of this introduction will not permit us to follow with anydetail the many important duties with which he was charged by his nativestate, all of which he fulfilled with the utmost fidelity and withconsummate skill. When, after the battle of Ravenna in 1512 the holyleague determined upon the downfall of Pier Soderini, Gonfaloniere ofthe Florentine Republic, and the restoration of the Medici, the effortsof Machiavelli, who was an ardent republican, were in vain; the troopshe had helped to organize fled before the Spaniards and the Medici werereturned to power. Machiavelli attempted to conciliate his new masters, but he was deprived of his office, and being accused in the followingyear of participation in the conspiracy of Boccoli and Capponi, he wasimprisoned and tortured, though afterward set at liberty by Pope LeoX. He now retired to a small estate near San Casciano, seven miles fromFlorence. Here he devoted himself to political and historical studies, and though apparently retired from public life, his letters show thedeep and passionate interest he took in the political vicissitudesthrough which Italy was then passing, and in all of which the singlenessof purpose with which he continued to advance his native Florence, isclearly manifested. It was during his retirement upon his little estateat San Casciano that Machiavelli wrote _The Prince_, the most famous ofall his writings, and here also he had begun a much more extensive work, his _Discourses on the Decades of Livy_, which continued to occupy himfor several years. These _Discourses_, which do not form a continuouscommentary on Livy, give Machiavelli an opportunity to express his ownviews on the government of the state, a task for which his long andvaried political experience, and an assiduous study of the ancientsrendered him eminently qualified. The _Discourses_ and _The Prince_, written at the same time, supplement each other and are really one work. Indeed, the treatise, _The Art of War_, though not written till 1520should be mentioned here because of its intimate connection with thesetwo treatises, it being, in fact, a further development of some ofthe thoughts expressed in the _Discorsi_. _The Prince_, a short work, divided into twenty-six books, is the best known of all Machiavelli'swritings. Herein he expresses in his own masterly way his views on thefounding of a new state, taking for his type and model Cęsar Borgia, although the latter had failed in his schemes for the consolidation ofhis power in the Romagna. The principles here laid down were the naturaloutgrowth of the confused political conditions of his time. And as inthe _Principe_, as its name indicates, Machiavelli is concerned chieflywith the government of a Prince, so the _Discorsi_ treat principallyof the Republic, and here Machiavelli's model republic was the Romancommonwealth, the most successful and most enduring example of populargovernment. Free Rome is the embodiment of his political idea of thestate. Much that Machiavelli says in this treatise is as true to-day andholds as good as the day it was written. And to us there is much thatis of especial importance. To select a chapter almost at random, let ustake Book I. , Chap. XV. : "Public affairs are easily managed in a citywhere the body of the people is not corrupt; and where equalityexists, there no principality can be established; nor can a republic beestablished where there is no equality. "

No man has been more harshly judged than Machiavelli, especially inthe two centuries following his death. But he has since found many ablechampions and the tide has turned. _The Prince_ has been termed a manualfor tyrants, the effect of which has been most pernicious. But wereMachiavelli's doctrines really new? Did he discover them? He merely hadthe candor and courage to write down what everybody was thinking andwhat everybody knew. He merely gives us the impressions he had receivedfrom a long and intimate intercourse with princes and the affairs ofstate. It was Lord Bacon, I believe, who said that Machiavelli tells uswhat princes do, not what they ought to do. When Machiavelli takes CęsarBorgia as a model, he in nowise extols him as a hero, but merely as aprince who was capable of attaining the end in view. The life of theState was the primary object. It must be maintained. And Machiavelli haslaid down the principles, based upon his study and wide experience, by which this may be accomplished. He wrote from the view-point ofthe politician, --not of the moralist. What is good politics may be badmorals, and in fact, by a strange fatality, where morals and politicsclash, the latter generally gets the upper hand. And will anyone contendthat the principles set forth by Machiavelli in his _Prince_ or his_Discourses_ have entirely perished from the earth? Has diplomacy beenentirely stripped of fraud and duplicity? Let anyone read the famouseighteenth chapter of _The Prince_: "In what Manner Princes should keeptheir Faith, " and he will be convinced that what was true nearly fourhundred years ago, is quite as true to-day. 

Of the remaining works of Machiavelli the most important is the _Historyof Florence_ written between 1521 and 1525, and dedicated to ClementVII. The first book is merely a rapid review of the Middle Ages, thehistory of Florence beginning with Book II. Machiavelli's method hasbeen censured for adhering at times too closely to the chroniclers likeVillani, Cambi, and Giovanni Cavalcanti, and at others rejecting theirtestimony without apparent reason, while in its details the authority ofhis _History_ is often questionable. It is the straightforward, logicalnarrative, which always holds the interest of the reader that is thegreatest charm of the _History_. Of the other works of Machiavelli wemay mention here his comedies the _Mandragola_ and _Clizia_, and hisnovel _Belfagor_. 

After the downfall of the Republic and Machiavelli's release from prisonin 1513, fortune seems never again to have favoured him. It is true thatin 1520 Giuliano de' Medici commissioned him to write his _History ofFlorence_, and he afterwards held a number of offices, yet theselatter were entirely beneath his merits. He had been married in 1502 toMarietta Corsini, who bore him four sons and a daughter. He died on June22, 1527, leaving his family in the greatest poverty, a sterling tributeto his honesty, when one considers the many opportunities he doubtlesshad to enrich himself. Machiavelli's life was not without blemish--fewlives are. We must bear in mind the atmosphere of craft, hypocrisy, andpoison in which he lived, --his was the age of Cęsar Borgia and of Popeslike the monster Alexander VI. And Julius II. Whatever his faults mayhave been, Machiavelli was always an ardent patriot and an earnestsupporter of popular government. It is true that he was willing toaccept a prince, if one could be found courageous enough and prudentenough to unite dismembered Italy, for in the unity of his native landhe saw the only hope of its salvation. 

Machiavelli is buried in the church of Santa Croce at Florence, besidethe tomb of Michael Angelo. His monument bears this inscription:

"Tanto nomini nullum par eulogium. "

And though this praise is doubtless exaggerated, he is a son of whom hiscountry may be justly proud. 

Hugo Albert Rennert. 

 [*] Villari, _Niccolo Machiavelli e i suoi tempi_, 2d ed. Milan, 1895-97, the best work on the subject. The most complete bibliography of Machiavelli up to 1858 is to be found in Mohl, _Gesch. U. Liter. Der Staatswissenshaften_, Erlangen, 1855, III. , 521-91. See also _La Vita e gli scritti di Niccolo Machiavelli nella loro Relazione col Machiavellismo_, by O. Tommasini, Turin, 1883 (unfinished). 

 The best English translation of Machiavelli with which I am acquainted is: The Historical, Political, and Diplomatic writings of Niccolo Machiavelli, translated by Christian E. Detmold. Osgood & Co. , Boston, 1882, 4 vols. 8vo. 

THE FLORENTINE HISTORY OF NICCOLO MACHIAVELLI

BOOK I

CHAPTER I

Irruption of Northern people upon the Romanterritories--Visigoths--Barbarians called in by Stilicho--Vandalsin Africa--Franks and Burgundians give their names to France andBurgundy--The Huns--Angles give the name to England--Attila, king of theHuns, in Italy--Genseric takes Rome--The Lombards. 

The people who inhabit the northern parts beyond the Rhine and theDanube, living in a healthy and prolific region, frequently increase tosuch vast multitudes that part of them are compelled to abandon theirnative soil, and seek a habitation in other countries. The methodadopted, when one of these provinces had to be relieved of itssuperabundant population, was to divide into three parts, eachcontaining an equal number of nobles and of people, of rich and of poor. The third upon whom the lot fell, then went in search of new abodes, leaving the remaining two-thirds in possession of their native country. 

These migrating masses destroyed the Roman empire by the facilities forsettlement which the country offered when the emperors abandonedRome, the ancient seat of their dominion, and fixed their residence atConstantinople; for by this step they exposed the western empire tothe rapine of both their ministers and their enemies, the remoteness oftheir position preventing them either from seeing or providing forits necessities. To suffer the overthrow of such an extensive empire, established by the blood of so many brave and virtuous men, showed noless folly in the princes themselves than infidelity in their ministers;for not one irruption alone, but many, contributed to its ruin;and these barbarians exhibited much ability and perseverance inaccomplishing their object. 

The first of these northern nations that invaded the empire after theCimbrians, who were conquered by Caius Marius, was the Visigoths--whichname in our language signifies "Western Goths. " These, after somebattles fought along its confines, long held their seat of dominion uponthe Danube, with consent of the emperors; and although, moved by variouscauses, they often attacked the Roman provinces, were always kept insubjection by the imperial forces. The emperor Theodosius conquered themwith great glory; and, being wholly reduced to his power, they no longerselected a sovereign of their own, but, satisfied with the terms whichhe granted them, lived and fought under his ensigns, and authority. Onthe death of Theodosius, his sons Arcadius and Honorius, succeeded tothe empire, but not to the talents and fortune of their father; andthe times became changed with the princes. Theodosius had appointed agovernor to each of the three divisions of the empire, Ruffinus to theeastern, to the western Stilicho, and Gildo to the African. Each ofthese, after the death of Theodosius, determined not to be governorsmerely, but to assume sovereign dominion over their respectiveprovinces. Gildo and Ruffinus were suppressed at their outset; butStilicho, concealing his design, ingratiated himself with the newemperors, and at the same time so disturbed their government, as tofacilitate his occupation of it afterward. To make the Visigoths theirenemies, he advised that the accustomed stipend allowed to this peopleshould be withheld; and as he thought these enemies would notbe sufficient alone to disturb the empire, he contrived that theBurgundians, Franks, Vandals, and Alans (a northern people in search ofnew habitations), should assail the Roman provinces. 

That they might be better able to avenge themselves for the injurythey had sustained, the Visigoths, on being deprived of their subsidy, created Alaric their king; and having assailed the empire, succeeded, after many reverses, in overrunning Italy, and finally in pillagingRome. 

After this victory, Alaric died, and his successor, Astolphus, havingmarried Placidia, sister of the emperors, agreed with them to go tothe relief of Gaul and Spain, which provinces had been assailed bythe Vandals, Burgundians, Alans, and Franks, from the causes beforementioned. Hence it followed, that the Vandals, who had occupied thatpart of Spain called Betica (now Andalusia), being pressed by theVisigoths, and unable to resist them, were invited by Boniface, whogoverned Africa for the empire, to occupy that province; for, being inrebellion, he was afraid his error would become known to the emperor. For these reasons the Vandals gladly undertook the enterprise, and underGenseric, their king, became lords of Africa. 

At this time Theodosius, son of Arcadius, succeeded to the empire; and, bestowing little attention on the affairs of the west, caused those whohad taken possession to think of securing their acquisitions. Thus theVandals ruled Africa; the Alans and Visigoths, Spain; while the Franksand Burgundians not only took Gaul, but each gave their name to the partthey occupied; hence one is called France, the other Burgundy. The goodfortune of these brought fresh people to the destruction of the empire, one of which, the Huns, occupied the province of Pannonia, situated uponthe nearer shore of the Danube, and which, from their name, is stillcalled Hungary. To these disorders it must be added, that the emperor, seeing himself attacked on so many sides, to lessen the number of hisenemies, began to treat first with the Vandals, then with the Franks;a course which diminished his own power, and increased that of thebarbarians. Nor was the island of Britain, which is now called England, secure from them; for the Britons, being apprehensive of those who hadoccupied Gaul, called the Angli, a people of Germany, to their aid; andthese under Vortigern their king, first defended, and then drove themfrom the island, of which they took possession, and after themselvesnamed the country England. But the inhabitants, being robbed of theirhome, became desperate by necessity and resolved to take possession ofsome other country, although they had been unable to defend their own. They therefore crossed the sea with their families, and settled in thecountry nearest to the beach, which from themselves is called Brittany. The Huns, who were said above to have occupied Pannonia, joining withother nations, as the Zepidi, Eurili, Turingi, and Ostro, or easternGoths, moved in search of new countries, and not being able to enterFrance, which was defended by the forces of the barbarians, came intoItaly under Attila their king. He, a short time previously, in order topossess the entire monarchy, had murdered his brother Bleda; and havingthus become very powerful, Andaric, king of the Zepidi, and Velamir, king of the Ostrogoths, became subject to him. Attila, having enteredItaly, laid siege to Aquileia, where he remained without anyobstacle for two years, wasting the country round, and dispersing theinhabitants. This, as will be related in its place, caused the originof Venice. After the taking and ruin of Aquileia, he directed his coursetowards Rome, from the destruction of which he abstained at the entreatyof the pontiff, his respect for whom was so great that he left Italy andretired into Austria, where he died. After the death of Attila, Velamir, king of the Ostrogoths, and the heads of the other nations, took armsagainst his sons Henry and Uric, slew the one and compelled the other, with his Huns, to repass the Danube and return to their country; whilethe Ostrogoths and the Zepidi established themselves in Pannonia, andthe Eruli and the Turingi upon the farther bank of the Danube. 

Attila having left Italy, Valentinian, emperor of the west, thought ofrestoring the country; and, that he might be more ready to defendit against the barbarians, abandoned Rome, and removed the seat ofgovernment to Ravenna. The misfortunes which befell the western empirecaused the emperor, who resided at Constantinople, on many occasions togive up the possession of it to others, as a charge full of dangerand expense; and sometimes, without his permission, the Romans, seeingthemselves so abandoned, created an emperor for their defense, orsuffered some one to usurp the dominion. This occurred at the periodof which we now speak, when Maximus, a Roman, after the death ofValentinian, seized the government, and compelled Eudocia, widow of thelate emperor, to take him for her husband; but she, being of imperialblood, scorned the connection of a private citizen; and being anxious toavenge herself for the insult, secretly persuaded Genseric, king of theVandals and master of Africa to come to Italy, representing to him theadvantage he would derive from the undertaking, and the facility withwhich it might be accomplished. Tempted by the hope of booty, he cameimmediately, and finding Rome abandoned, plundered the city duringfourteen days. He also ravaged many other places in Italy, and then, loaded with wealth, withdrew to Africa. The Romans, having returnedto their city, and Maximus being dead, elected Avitus, a Roman, as hissuccessor. After this, several important events occurred both in Italyand in the countries beyond; and after the deaths of many emperorsthe empire of Constantinople devolved upon Zeno, and that of Rome uponOrestes and Augustulus his son, who obtained the sovereignty by fraud. While they were designing to hold by force what they had obtained bytreachery, the Eruli and the Turingi, who, after the death of Attila, asbefore remarked, had established themselves upon the farther bank ofthe Danube, united in a league and invaded Italy under Odoacer theirgeneral. Into the districts which they left unoccupied, the Longobardior Lombards, also a northern people, entered, led by Godogo their king. Odoacer conquered and slew Orestes near Pavia, but Augustulus escaped. After this victory, that Rome might, with her change of power, alsochange her title, Odoacer, instead of using the imperial name, causedhimself to be declared king of Rome. He was the first of those leaderswho at this period overran the world and thought of settling in Italy;for the others, either from fear that they should not be able to holdthe country, knowing that it might easily be relieved by the easternemperors, or from some unknown cause, after plundering her, sought othercountries wherein to establish themselves. 

CHAPTER II

State of the Roman empire under Zeno--Theodoric king of theOstrogoths--Character of Theodoric--Changes in the Roman empire--Newlanguages--New names--Theodoric dies--Belisarius in Italy--Totila takesRome--Narses destroys the Goths--New form of Government in Italy--Narsesinvites the Lombards into Italy--The Lombards change the form ofgovernment. 

At this time the ancient Roman empire was governed by the followingprinces: Zeno, reigning in Constantinople, commanded the whole of theeastern empire; the Ostrogoths ruled Mesia and Pannonia; the Visigoths, Suavi, and Alans, held Gascony and Spain; the Vandals, Africa; theFranks and Burgundians, France; and the Eruli and Turingi, Italy. Thekingdom of the Ostrogoths had descended to Theodoric, nephew of Velamir, who, being on terms of friendship with Zeno the eastern emperor, wroteto him that his Ostrogoths thought it an injustice that they, beingsuperior in valor to the people thereabout, should be inferior to themin dominion, and that it was impossible for him to restrain them withinthe limits of Pannonia. So, seeing himself under the necessity ofallowing them to take arms and go in search of new abodes, he wishedfirst to acquaint Zeno with it, in order that he might provide for them, by granting some country in which they might establish themselves, byhis good favor with greater propriety and convenience. Zeno, partlyfrom fear and partly from a desire to drive Odoacer out of Italy, gaveTheodoric permission to lead his people against him, and take possessionof the country. Leaving his friends the Zepidi in Pannonia, Theodoricmarched into Italy, slew Odoacer and his son, and, moved by the samereasons which had induced Valentinian to do so, established his court atRavenna, and like Odoacer took the title of king of Italy. 

Theodoric possessed great talents both for war and peace; in the formerhe was always conqueror, and in the latter he conferred very greatbenefits upon the cities and people under him. He distributed theOstrogoths over the country, each district under its leader, that hemight more conveniently command them in war, and govern them in peace. He enlarged Ravenna, restored Rome, and, with the exception of militarydiscipline, conferred upon the Romans every honor. He kept withintheir proper bounds, wholly by the influence of his character, all thebarbarian kings who occupied the empire; he built towns and fortressesbetween the point of the Adriatic and the Alps, in order, with thegreater facility, to impede the passage of any new hordes of barbarianswho might design to assail Italy; and if, toward the latter end of hislife, so many virtues had not been sullied by acts of cruelty, causedby various jealousies of his people, such as the death of Symmachus andBoethius, men of great holiness, every point of his character would havedeserved the highest praise. By his virtue and goodness, not onlyRome and Italy, but every part of the western empire, freed from thecontinual troubles which they had suffered from the frequent influxof barbarians, acquired new vigor, and began to live in an orderly andcivilized manner. For surely if any times were truly miserable forItaly and the provinces overrun by the barbarians, they were those whichoccurred from Arcadius and Honorius to Theodoric. If we only considerthe evils which arise to a republic or a kingdom by a change of princeor of government; not by foreign interference, but by civil discord (inwhich we may see how even slight variations suffice to ruin the mostpowerful kingdoms or states), we may then easily imagine how much Italyand the other Roman provinces suffered, when they not only changed theirforms of government and their princes, but also their laws, customs, modes of living, religion, language, and name. Any one of such changes, by itself, without being united with others, might, with thinking ofit, to say nothing of the seeing and suffering, infuse terror into thestrongest minds. 

From these causes proceeded the ruin as well as the origin and extensionof many cities. Among those which were ruined were Aquileia, Luni, Chiusi, Popolonia, Fiesole, and many others. The new cities were Venice, Sienna, Ferrara, Aquila, with many towns and castles which for brevitywe omit. Those which became extended were Florence, Genoa, Pisa, Milan, Naples, and Bologna; to all of which may be added, the ruin andrestoration of Rome, and of many other cities not previously mentioned. 

From this devastation and new population arose new languages, as we seein the different dialects of France, Spain and Italy; which, partakingof the native idiom of the new people and of the old Roman, formed anew manner of discourse. Besides, not only were the names of provinceschanged, but also of lakes, rivers, seas, and men; for France, Spain, and Italy are full of fresh names, wholly different from theancient; as, omitting many others, we see that the Po, the Garda, theArchipelago, are names quite different from those which the ancientsused; while instead of Cęsar and Pompey we have Peter, Matthew, John, etc. 

Among so many variations, that of religion was not of little importance;for, while combating the customs of the ancient faith with the miraclesof the new, very serious troubles and discords were created among men. And if the Christians had been united in one faith, fewer disorderswould have followed; but the contentions among themselves, of thechurches of Rome, Greece, and Ravenna, joined to those of the hereticsects with the Catholics, served in many ways to render the worldmiserable. Africa is a proof of this; having suffered more horrors fromthe Arian sect, whose doctrines were believed by the Vandals, than fromany avarice or natural cruelty of the people themselves. Living amid somany persecutions, the countenances of men bore witness of the terribleimpressions upon their minds; for besides the evils they suffered fromthe disordered state of the world, they scarcely could have recourse tothe help of God, in whom the unhappy hope for relief; for the greaterpart of them, being uncertain what divinity they ought to address, diedmiserably, without help and without hope. 

Having been the first who put a stop to so many evils, Theodoricdeserves the highest praise: for during the thirty-eight years hereigned in Italy, he brought the country to such a state of greatnessthat her previous sufferings were no longer recognizable. But at hisdeath, the kingdom descending to Atalaric, son of Amalasontha, hisdaughter, and the malice of fortune not being yet exhausted, the oldevils soon returned; for Atalaric died soon after his grandfather, andthe kingdom coming into the possession of his mother, she was betrayedby Theodatus, whom she had called to assist her in the government. Heput her to death and made himself king; and having thus become odiousto the Ostrogoths, the emperor Justinian entertained the hope of drivinghim out of Italy. Justinian appointed Belisarius to the command of thisexpedition, as he had already conquered Africa, expelled the Vandals, and reduced the country to the imperial rule. 

Belisarius took possession of Sicily, and from thence passing intoItaly, occupied Naples and Rome. The Goths, seeing this, slew Theodatustheir king, whom they considered the cause of their misfortune, andelected Vitiges in his stead, who, after some skirmishes, was besiegedand taken by Belisarius at Ravenna; but before he had time to securethe advantages of his victory, Belisarius was recalled by Justinian, andJoannes and Vitalis were appointed in his place. Their principles andpractices were so different from those of Belisarius, that the Gothstook courage and created Ildovadus, governor of Verona, their king. After Ildovadus, who was slain, came Totila, who routed the imperialforces, took Tuscany and Naples, and recovered nearly the whole of whatBelisarius had taken from them. On this account Justinian determined tosend him into Italy again; but, coming with only a small force, he lostthe reputation which his former victories had won for him, in less timethan he had taken to acquire it. Totila being at Ostia with his forces, took Rome before his eyes; but being unable to hold or to leave thecity, he destroyed the greater part of it, drove out the citizens, andtook the senators away from him. Thinking little of Belisarius, he ledhis people into Calabria, to attack the forces which had been sent fromGreece. 

Belisarius, seeing the city abandoned, turned his mind to theperformance of an honourable work. Viewing the ruins of Rome, hedetermined to rebuild her walls and recall her inhabitants with aslittle delay as possible. But fortune was opposed to this laudableenterprise; for Justinian, being at this time assailed by the Parthians, recalled him; and his duty to his sovereign compelled him to abandonItaly to Totila, who again took Rome, but did not treat her withsuch severity as upon the former occasion; for at the entreaty ofSt. Benedict, who in those days had great reputation for sanctity, heendeavored to restore her. In the meantime, Justinian having arrangedmatters with the Parthians, again thought of sending a force to therelief of Italy; but the Sclavi, another northern people, having crossedthe Danube and attacked Illyria and Thrace, prevented him, so thatTotila held almost the whole country. Having conquered the Slavonians, Justinian sent Narses, a eunuch, a man of great military talent, who, having arrived in Italy, routed and slew Totila. The Goths who escapedsought refuge in Pavia, where they created Teias their king. On theother hand, Narses after the victory took Rome, and coming to anengagement with Teias near Nocera, slew him and routed his army. By thisvictory, the power of the Goths in Italy was quite annihilated, afterhaving existed for seventy years, from the coming of Theodoric to thedeath of Teias. 

No sooner was Italy delivered from the Goths than Justinian died, andwas succeeded by Justin, his son, who, at the instigation of Sophia, hiswife, recalled Narses, and sent Longinus in his stead. Like those whopreceded him, he made his abode at Ravenna, and besides this, gave anew form to the government of Italy; for he did not appoint governorsof provinces, as the Goths had done, but in every city and town ofimportance placed a ruler whom he called a duke. Neither in thisarrangement did he respect Rome more than the other cities; for havingset aside the consuls and senate, names which up to this time had beenpreserved, he placed her under a duke, who was sent every year fromRavenna, and called her the duchy of Rome; while to him who remained inRavenna, and governed the whole of Italy for the emperor, was given thename of Exarch. This division of the country greatly facilitated theruin of Italy, and gave the Lombards an early occasion of occupying it. Narses was greatly enraged with the emperor, for having recalled himfrom the government of the province, which he had won with his own valorand blood; while Sophia, not content with the injury done by withdrawinghim, treated him in the most offensive manner, saying she wished himto come back that he might spin with the other eunuchs. Full ofindignation, Narses persuaded Alboin, king of the Lombards, who thenreigned in Pannonia, to invade and take possession of Italy. 

The Lombards, as was said before, occupied those places upon the Danubewhich had been vacated by the Eruli and Turingi, when Odoacer their kingled them into Italy; where, having been established for some time, theirdominions were held by Alboin, a man ferocious and bold, under whom theycrossed the Danube, and coming to an engagement with Cunimund, king ofthe Zepidi, who held Pannonia, conquered and slew him. Alboin findingRosamond, daughter of Cunimund, among the captives, took her to wife, and made himself sovereign of Pannonia; and, moved by his savage nature, caused the skull of Cunimund to be formed into a cup, from which, inmemory of the victory, he drank. Being invited into Italy by Narses, with whom he had been in friendship during the war with the Goths, heleft Pannonia to the Huns, who after the death of Attila had returnedto their country. Finding, on his arrival, the province divided intoso many parts, he presently occupied Pavia, Milan, Verona, Vicenza, thewhole of Tuscany, and the greater part of Flamminia, which is now calledRomagna. These great and rapid acquisitions made him think the conquestof Italy already secured; he therefore gave a great feast at Verona, andhaving become elevated with wine, ordered the skull of Cunimund to befilled, and caused it to be presented to the queen Rosamond, who satopposite, saying loud enough for her to hear, that upon occasion ofsuch great joy she should drink with her father. These words were likea dagger to the lady's bosom and she resolved to have revenge. Knowingthat Helmichis, a noble Lombard, was in love with one of her maids, shearranged with the young woman, that Helmichis, without being acquaintedwith the fact, should sleep with her instead of his mistress. Havingeffected her design, Rosamond discovered herself to Helmichis, and gavehim the choice either of killing Alboin, and taking herself and thekingdom as his reward, or of being put to death as the ravisher of thequeen. Helmichis consented to destroy Alboin; but after the murder, finding they could not occupy the kingdom, and fearful that the Lombardswould put them to death for the love they bore to Alboin, they seizedthe royal treasure, and fled with it to Longinus, at Ravenna, whoreceived them favorably. 

During these troubles the emperor Justinus died, and was succeeded byTiberius, who, occupied in the wars with the Parthians, could not attendto the affairs of Italy; and this seeming to Longinus to present anopportunity, by means of Rosamond and her wealth, of becoming king ofthe Lombards and of the whole of Italy, he communicated his designto her, persuaded her to destroy Helmichis, and so take him for herhusband. To this end, having prepared poisoned wine, she with her ownhand presented it to Helmichis, who complained of thirst as he camefrom the bath. Having drunk half of it, he suspected the truth, fromthe unusual sensation it occasioned and compelled her to drink theremainder; so that in a few hours both came to their end, and Longinuswas deprived of the hope of becoming king. 

In the meantime the Lombards, having drawn themselves together in Pavia, which was become the principal seat of their empire, made Clefis theirking. He rebuilt Imola, destroyed by Narses, and occupied Reminiand almost every place up to Rome; but he died in the course of hisvictories. Clefis was cruel to such a degree, not only toward strangers, but to his own Lombards, that these people, sickened of royal power, didnot create another king, but appointed among themselves thirty dukes togovern the rest. This prevented the Lombards from occupying the wholeof Italy, or of extending their dominion further than Benevento; for, ofthe cities of Rome, Ravenna, Cremona, Mantua, Padua, Monselice, Parma, Bologna, Faenza, Forli, and Cesena, some defended themselves for a time, and others never fell under their dominion; since, not having a king, they became less prompt for war, and when they afterward appointed one, they were, by living in freedom, become less obedient, and more apt toquarrel among themselves; which from the first prevented a fortunateissue of their military expeditions, and was the ultimate cause of theirbeing driven out of Italy. The affairs of the Lombards being in thestate just described, the Romans and Longinus came to an agreement withthem, that each should lay down their arms and enjoy what they alreadypossessed. 

CHAPTER III

Beginning of the greatness of the pontiffs in Italy--Abuse of censuresand indulgences--The pope applies to Pepin, king of France, forassistance--Donation of Pepin to the pontiff--Charlemagne--End of thekingdom of the Lombards--The title of cardinal begins to be used--Theempire passes to the Germans--Berengarius, duke of Fruili, createdking of Italy--Pisa becomes great--Order and division of the states ofItaly--Electors of the emperor created. 

In these times the popes began to acquire greater temporal authoritythan they had previously possessed; although the immediate successors ofSt. Peter were more reverenced for the holiness of their lives, and themiracles which they performed; and their example so greatly extended theChristian religion, that princes of other states embraced it, in orderto obviate the confusion which prevailed at that period. The emperorhaving become a Christian and returned to Constantinople, it followed, as was remarked at the commencement of the book, that the Roman empirewas the more easily ruined, and the church more rapidly increased herauthority. Nevertheless, the whole of Italy, being subject either to theemperors or the kings till the coming of the Lombards, the popes neveracquired any greater authority than what reverence for their habits anddoctrine gave them. In other respects they obeyed the emperors or kings;officiated for them in their affairs, as ministers or agents, and wereeven sometimes put to death by them. He who caused them to become ofmore importance in the affairs of Italy, was Theodoric, king of theGoths, when he established the seat of his empire at Ravenna; for, Romebeing without a prince, the Romans found it necessary, for their safety, to yield obedience to the pope; his authority, however, was not greatlyincreased thereby, the only advantage being, that the church of Rome wasallowed to take precedence of that of Ravenna. But the Lombards havingtaken possession, and Italy being divided into many parts, the pope hadan opportunity of greater exertion. Being as it were the head of Rome, both the emperor of Constantinople and the Lombards respected him; sothat the Romans, by his means, entered into league with the Lombards, and with Longinus, not as subjects, but as equals. Thus the popes, at one time friends of the Greeks, and at another of the Lombards, increased their own power; but upon the ruin of the eastern empire, which occurred during the time of Heraclius, their influence wasreduced; for the Sclavi, of whom we spoke before, again assailedIllyria, and having occupied the country, named it Sclavonia, afterthemselves; and the other parts were attacked by the Persians, then bythe Saracens under Mohammed, and lastly by the Turks, who took Syria, Africa, and Egypt. These causes induced the reigning pope, in hisdistress, to seek new friends, and he applied to the king of France. Nearly all the wars which the northern barbarians carried on in Italy, it may be here remarked, were occasioned by the pontiffs; and thehordes, with which the country was inundated, were generally called inby them. The same mode of proceeding still continued, and kept Italyweak and unsettled. And, therefore, in relating the events which havetaken place from those times to the present, the ruin of the empire willbe no longer illustrated, but only the increase of the pontificate andof the other principalities which ruled Italy till the coming of CharlesVIII. It will be seen how the popes, first with censures, and afterwardwith these and arms, mingled with indulgences, became both terrible andvenerable; and how, from having abused both, they ceased to possessany influence, and were wholly dependent on the will of others forassistance in their wars. 

But to return to the order of our narration. Gregory III. Occupied thepapacy, and the kingdom of the Lombards was held by Astolphus, who, contrary to agreement, seized Ravenna, and made war upon the pope. On this account, Gregory no longer relying upon the emperor ofConstantinople, since he, for the reasons above given, was unable toassist him, and unwilling to trust the Lombards, for they had frequentlybroken their faith, had recourse to Pepin II. , who, from being lord ofAustria and Brabant, had become king of France; not so much by hisown valor as by that of Charles Martel, his father, and Pepin hisgrandfather; for Charles Martel, being governor of the kingdom, effectedthe memorable defeat of the Saracens near Tours, upon the Loire, inwhich two hundred thousand of them are said to have been left dead uponthe field of battle. Hence, Pepin, by his father's reputation and hisown abilities, became afterward king of France. To him Pope Gregory, aswe have said, applied for assistance against the Lombards, which Pepinpromised to grant, but desired first to see him and be honored with hispresence. Gregory accordingly went to France, passing uninjured throughthe country of his enemies, so great was the respect they had forreligion, and was treated honorably by Pepin, who sent an army intoItaly, and besieged the Lombards in Pavia. King Astolphus, compelled bynecessity, made proposals of peace to the French, who agreed to them atthe entreaty of the pope--for he did not desire the death of his enemy, but that he should be converted and live. In this treaty, Astolphuspromised to give to the church all the places he had taken from her;but the king's forces having returned to France, he did not fulfill theagreement, and the pope again had recourse to Pepin, who sent anotherarmy, conquered the Lombards, took Ravenna, and, contrary to the wishesof the Greek emperor, gave it to the pope, with all the places thatbelonged to the exarchate, and added to them Urbino and the Marca. But Astolphus, while fulfilling the terms of his agreement, died, andDesiderius, a Lombard, who was duke of Tuscany, took up arms to occupythe kingdom, and demanded assistance of the pope, promising himhis friendship. The pope acceding to his request, the other princesassented. Desiderius kept faith at first, and proceeded to resign thedistricts to the pope, according to the agreement made with Pepin, sothat an exarch was no longer sent from Constantinople to Ravenna, but itwas governed according to the will of the pope. Pepin soon after died, and was succeeded by his son Charles, the same who, on account of themagnitude and success of his enterprises, was called Charlemagne, orCharles the Great. Theodore I. Now succeeded to the papacy, and discordarising between him and Desiderius, the latter besieged him in Rome. The pope requested assistance of Charles, who, having crossed the Alps, besieged Desiderius in Pavai, where he took both him and his children, and sent them prisoners to France. He then went to visit the pontiff atRome, where he declared, THAT THE POPE, BEING VICAR OF GOD, COULD NOTBE JUDGED BY MEN. The pope and the people of Rome made him emperor; andthus Rome began to have an emperor of the west. And whereas the popesused to be established by the emperors, the latter now began to haveneed of the popes at their elections; the empire continued to loseits powers, while the church acquired them; and, by these means, sheconstantly extended her authority over temporal princes. 

The Lombards, having now been two hundred and thirty-two years in thecountry, were strangers only in name, and Charles, wishing to reorganizethe states of Italy, consented that they should occupy the places inwhich they had been brought up, and call the province after their ownname, Lombardy. That they might be led to respect the Roman name, heordered all that part of Italy adjoining to them, which had been underthe exarchate of Ravenna, to be called Romagna. Besides this, he createdhis son Pepin, king of Italy, whose dominion extended to Benevento; allthe rest being possessed by the Greek emperor, with whom Charles wasin league. About this time Pascal I. Occupied the pontificate, andthe priests of the churches of Rome, from being near to the pope, andattending the elections of the pontiff, began to dignify their own powerwith a title, by calling themselves cardinals, and arrogated so greatauthority, that having excluded the people of Rome from the electionof pontiff, the appointment of a new pope was scarcely ever made exceptfrom one of their own number: thus on the death of Pascal, the cardinalof St. Sabina was created pope by the title of Eugenius II. Italy havingcome into the hands of the French, a change of form and order tookplace, the popes acquiring greater temporal power, and the newauthorities adopting the titles of count and marquis, as that of dukehad been introduced by Longinus, exarch of Ravenna. After the deaths ofsome pontiffs, Osporco, a Roman, succeeded to the papacy; but on accountof his unseemly appellation, he took the name of Sergius, and this wasthe origin of that change of names which the popes adopt upon theirelection to the pontificate. 

In the meantime, the Emperor Charles died and was succeeded by Lewis(the Pious), after whose death so many disputes arose among his sons, that at the time of his grandchildren, the house of France lost theempire, which then came to the Germans; the first German emperor beingcalled Arnolfus. Nor did the Carlovingian family lose the empire only;their discords also occasioned them the loss of Italy; for the Lombards, gathering strength, offended the pope and the Romans, and Arnolfo, notknowing where to seek relief, was compelled to create Berengarius, dukeof Fruili, king of Italy. These events induced the Huns, who occupiedPannonia, to assail Italy; but, in an engagement with Berengarius, theywere compelled to return to Pannonia, which had from them been namedHungary. 

Romano was at this time emperor of Greece, having, while prefect ofthe army, dethroned Constantine; and as Puglia and Calabria, which, asbefore observed, were parts of the Greek empire, had revolted, hegave permission to the Saracans to occupy them; and they having takenpossession of these provinces, besieged Rome. The Romans, Berengariusbeing then engaged in defending himself against the Huns, appointedAlberic, duke of Tuscany, their leader. By his valor Rome was saved fromthe Saracens, who, withdrawing from the siege, erected a fortress uponMount Gargano, by means of which they governed Puglia and Calabria, and harassed the whole country. Thus Italy was in those times verygrievously afflicted, being in constant warfare with the Huns in thedirection of the Alps, and, on the Neapolitan side, suffering from theinroads of the Saracens. This state of things continued many years, occupying the reigns of three Berengarii, who succeeded each other; andduring this time the pope and the church were greatly disturbed; theimpotence of the eastern, and the disunion which prevailed among thewestern princes, leaving them without defense. The city of Genoa, withall her territory upon the rivers, having been overrun by the Saracens, an impulse was thus given to the rising greatness of Pisa, in which citymultitudes took refuge who had been driven out of their own country. These events occurred in the year 931, when Otho, duke of Saxony, theson of Henry and Matilda, a man of great prudence and reputation, beingmade emperor, the pope Agapito, begged that he would come into Italy andrelieve him from the tyranny of the Berengarii. 

The States of Italy were governed in this manner: Lombardy was underBerengarius III. And Alfred his son; Tuscany and Romagna were governedby a deputy of the western emperor; Puglia and Calabria were partlyunder the Greek emperor, and partly under the Saracens; in Rome twoconsuls were annually chosen from the nobility, who governed heraccording to ancient custom; to these was added a prefect, who dispensedjustice among the people; and there was a council of twelve, who eachyear appointed rectors for the places subject to them. The popes hadmore or less authority in Rome and the rest of Italy, in proportion asthey were favorites of the emperor or of the most powerful states. TheEmperor Otho came into Italy, took the kingdom from the Berengarii, inwhich they had reigned fifty-five years, and reinstated the pontiff inhis dignity. He had a son and a nephew, each named Otho, who, one afterthe other, succeeded to the empire. In the reign of Otho III. , PopeGregory V. Was expelled by the Romans; whereupon the emperor came intoItaly and replaced him; and the pope, to revenge himself on the Romans, took from them the right to create an emperor, and gave it to threeprinces and three bishops of Germany; the princes of Brandenburg, Palatine, and Saxony, and the bishops of Magonza, Treveri, and Colonia. This occurred in the year 1002. After the death of Otho III. Theelectors created Henry, duke of Bavaria, emperor, who at the end oftwelve years was crowned by Pope Stephen VIII. Henry and his wifeSimeonda were persons of very holy life, as is seen by the many templesbuilt and endowed by them, of which the church of St. Miniato, nearFlorence, is one. Henry died in 1024, and was succeeded by Conrad ofSuabia; and the latter by Henry II. , who came to Rome; and as there wasa schism in the church of three popes, he set them all aside, and causedthe election of Clement II. , by whom he was crowned emperor. 

CHAPTER IV

Nicholas II. Commits the election of the pope to the cardinals--Firstexample of a prince deprived of his dominions by the pope--Guelphs andGhibellines--Establishment of the kingdom of Naples--Pope Urban II. Goesto France--The first crusade--New orders of knighthood--Saladin takesfrom the Christians their possessions in the east--Death of the CountessMatilda--Character of Frederick Barbarossa--Schism--Frederick createsan anti-pope--Building of Alexandria in Puglia--Disgraceful conditionsimposed by the pope upon Henry, king of England--Reconciliationof Frederick with the pope--The kingdom of Naples passes to theGermans--Orders of St. Dominic and St. Francis. 

Italy was at this time governed partly by the people, some districtsby their own princes, and others by the deputies of the emperor. Thehighest in authority, and to whom the others referred, was called thechancellor. Of the princes, the most powerful were Godfred and theCountess Matilda his wife, who was daughter of Beatrice, the sister ofHenry II. She and her husband possessed Lucca, Parma, Reggio, Mantua, and the whole of what is now called THE PATRIMONY OF THE CHURCH. Theambition of the Roman people caused many wars between them and thepontiffs, whose authority had previously been used to free them fromthe emperors; but when they had taken the government of the city tothemselves, and regulated it according to their own pleasure, they atonce became at enmity with the popes, who received far more injuriesfrom them than from any Christian potentate. And while the popes causedall the west to tremble with their censures, the people of Rome werein open rebellion against them; nor had they or the popes any otherpurpose, but to deprive each other of reputation and authority. 

Nicholas II. Now attained the papacy; and as Gregory V. Had takenfrom the Romans the right to create an emperor, he in the same mannerdetermined to deprive them of their share in the election of the pope;and confined the creation to the cardinals alone. Nor did this satisfyhim; for, having agreed with the princes who governed Calabria andPuglia, with methods which we shall presently relate, he compelled theofficers whom the Romans appointed to their different jurisdictions, to render obedience to him; and some of them he even deprived of theiroffices. After the death of Nicholas, there was a schism in the church;the clergy of Lombardy refused obedience to Alexander II. , created atRome, and elected Cadolo of Parma anti-pope; and Henry, who hatedthe power of the pontiffs, gave Alexander to understand that he mustrenounce the pontificate, and ordered the cardinals to go into Germanyto appoint a new pope. He was the first who felt the importance ofspiritual weapons; for the pope called a council at Rome, and deprivedHenry of both the empire and the kingdom. Some of the people of Italytook the part of the pope, others of Henry; and hence arose the factionsof the Guelphs and the Ghibellines; that Italy, relieved from theinundations of barbarians, might be distracted with intestine strife. Henry, being excommunicated, was compelled by his people to come intoItaly, and fall barefooted upon his knees before the pope, and ask hispardon. This occurred in the year 1082. Nevertheless, there shortlyafterward arose new discords between the pope and Henry; upon which thepope again excommunicated him, and the emperor sent his son, also namedHenry, with an army to Rome, and he, with the assistance of the Romans, who hated the pope, besieged him in the fortress. Robert Guiscard themcame from Puglia to his relief, but Henry had left before his arrival, and returned to Germany. The Romans stood out alone, and the city wassacked by Robert, and reduced to ruins. As from this Robert sprung theestablishment of the kingdom of Naples, it seems not superfluous torelate particularly his actions and origin. 

Disunion having arisen among the descendants of Charlemagne, occasionwas given to another northern people, called Normans, to assail Franceand occupy that portion of the country which is now named Normandy. Apart of these people came into Italy at the time when the province wasinfested with the Berengarii, the Saracans, and the Huns, and occupiedsome places in Romagna, where, during the wars of that period, theyconducted themselves valiantly. Tancred, one of these Norman princes, had many children; among the rest were William, surnamed Ferabac, andRobert, called Guiscard. When the principality was governed by William, the troubles of Italy were in some measure abated; but the Saracensstill held Sicily, and plundered the coasts of Italy daily. On thisaccount William arranged with the princes of Capua and Salerno, andwith Melorco, a Greek, who governed Puglia and Calabria for theGreek emperor, to attack Sicily; and it was agreed that, if theywere victorious, each should have a fourth part of the booty andthe territory. They were fortunate in their enterprise, expelled theSaracens, and took possession of the island; but, after the victory, Melorco secretly caused forces to be brought from Greece, seized Sicilyin the name of the emperor, and appropriated the booty to himself andhis followers. William was much dissatisfied with this, but reservedthe exhibition of his displeasure for a suitable opportunity, and leftSicily with the princes of Salerno and Capua. But when they had partedfrom him to return to their homes, instead of proceeding to Romagna heled his people towards Puglia, and took Melfi; and from thence, in ashort time, recovered from the Greek emperor almost the whole of Pugliaand Calabria, over which provinces, in the time of pope Nicholas II. Hisbrother Robert Guiscard was sovereign. Robert having had many disputeswith his nephews for the inheritance of these states, requested theinfluence of the pope to settle them; which his holiness was verywilling to afford, being anxious to make a friend of Robert, to defendhimself against the emperor of Germany and the insolence of the Romanpeople, which indeed shortly followed, when, at the instance of Gregory, he drove Henry from Rome, and subdued the people. Robert was succeededby his sons Roger and William, to whose dominion not only was Naplesadded, but all the places interjacent as far as Rome, and afterwardSicily, of which Roger became sovereign; but, upon William going toConstantinople, to marry the daughter of the emperor, his dominionswere wrested from him by his brother Roger. Inflated with so great anacquisition, Roger first took the title of king of Italy, but afterwardcontented himself with that of king of Puglia and Sicily. He was thefirst who established and gave that name to this kingdom, which stillretains its ancient boundaries, although its sovereigns have been ofmany families and countries. Upon the failure of the Normans, it came tothe Germans, after these to the French, then to the Aragonese, and it isnow held by the Flemish. 

About this time Urban II. Became pope and excited the hatred of theRomans. As he did not think himself safe even in Italy, on account ofthe disunion which prevailed, he directed his thoughts to a generousenterprise. With his whole clergy he went into France, and at Anvers, having drawn together a vast multitude of people, delivered an orationagainst the infidels, which so excited the minds of his audience, thatthey determined to undertake the conquest of Asia from the Saracens;which enterprise, with all those of a similar nature, were afterwardcalled crusades, because the people who joined in them bore upon theirarmor and apparel the figure of a cross. The leaders were Godfrey, Eustace, and Baldwin of Bouillon, counts of Boulogne, and Peter, ahermit celebrated for his prudence and sagacity. Many kings and peoplejoined them, and contributed money; and many private persons foughtunder them at their own expense; so great was the influence of religionin those days upon the minds of men, excited by the example of thosewho were its principal ministers. The proudest successes attended thebeginning of this enterprise; for the whole of Asia Minor, Syria, andpart of Egypt, fell under the power of the Christians. To commemoratethese events the order of the Knights of Jerusalem was created, whichstill continues, and holds the island of Rhodes--the only obstacle tothe power of the Mohammedans. The same events gave rise to the orderof the Knights Templars, which, after a short time, on account oftheir shameless practices, was dissolved. Various fortunes attendedthe crusaders in the course of their enterprises, and many nationsand individuals became celebrated accordingly. The kings of Franceand England joined them, and, with the Venetians, Pisans, and Genoese, acquired great reputation, till the time of Saladin, when, by whosetalents, and the disagreement of the Christians among themselves, the crusaders were robbed of all that glory which they had at firstacquired; and, after ninety years, were driven from those places whichthey had so honorably and happily recovered. 

After the death of Urban, Pascal II. Became pope, and the empire wasunder the dominion of Henry IV. Who came to Rome pretending friendshipfor the pontiff but afterward put his holiness and all his clergy inprison; nor did he release them till it was conceded that he shoulddispose of the churches of Germany according to his own pleasure. Aboutthis time, the Countess Matilda died, and made the church heir to allher territories. After the deaths of Pascal and Henry IV. Many popes andemperors followed, till the papacy was occupied by Alexander III. Andthe empire by Frederick, surnamed Barbarossa. The popes during thisperiod had met with many difficulties from the people of Rome andthe emperors; and in the time of Barbarossa they were much increased. Frederick possessed military talent, but was so full of pride that hewould not submit to the pontiff. However, at his election to the empirehe came to Rome to be crowned, and returned peaceably to Germany, wherehe did not long remain in the same mind, but came again into Italy tosubdue certain places in Lombardy, which did not obey him. It happenedat this time that the cardinal St. Clement, of a Roman family, separatedfrom Alexander, and was made pope by some of the cardinals. The EmperorFrederick, being encamped at Cerma, Alexander complained to him of theanti-pope, and received for answer, that they were both to go to him, and, having heard each side, he would determine which was the true pope. This reply displeased Alexander; and, as he saw the emperor was inclinedto favor the anti-pope, he excommunicated him, and then fled to Philip, king of France. Frederick, in the meantime, carrying on the war inLombardy, destroyed Milan; which caused the union of Verona, Padua, andVicenza against him for their common defense. About the same period theanti-pope died, and Frederick set up Guido of Cremona, in his stead. 

The Romans, from the absence of the pope, and from the emperor beingin Lombardy, had reacquired some authority in Rome, and proceeded torecover the obedience of those places which had been subject to them. And as the people of Tusculum refused to submit to their authority, theyproceeded against them with their whole force; but these, being assistedby Frederick, routed the Roman army with such dreadful slaughter, that Rome was never after either so populous or so rich. Alexander nowreturned to the city, thinking he could be safe there on account ofthe enmity subsisting between the Romans and the emperor, and from theenemies which the latter had in Lombardy. But Frederick, setting asideevery other consideration, led his forces and encamped before Rome; andAlexander fled to William, king of Puglia, who had become hair of thatkingdom after the death of Roger. Frederick, however, withdrew from Romeon account of the plague which then prevailed, and returned to Germany. The cities of Lombardy in league against him, in order to command Paviaand Tortona, which adhered to the imperial party, built a city, to betheir magazine in time of war, and named in Alexandria, in honor of thepope and in contempt of Frederick. 

Guido the anti-pope died, and Giovanni of Fermo was appointed in hisstead, who, being favored by the imperialists, lived at Montefiascone. Pope Alexander being at Tusculum, whither he had been called by theinhabitants, that with his authority he might defend them from theRomans, ambassadors came to him from Henry, king of England, to signifythat he was not blamable for the death of Thomas ą Becket, archbishopof Canterbury, although public report had slandered him with it. On thisthe pope sent two cardinals to England, to inquire into the truth ofthe matter; and although they found no actual charge against the king, still, on account of the infamy of the crime, and for not having honoredthe archbishop so much as he deserved, the sentence against the king ofEngland was, that having called together the barons of his empire, he should upon oath before them affirm his innocence; that he shouldimmediately send two hundred soldiers to Jerusalem, paid for one year;that, before the end of three years, he should himself proceed thitherwith as large an army as he could draw together; that his subjectsshould have the power of appealing to Rome when they thought proper;and that he should annul whatever acts had been passed in his kingdomunfavorable to ecclesiastical rule. These terms were all accepted byHenry; and thus a great king submitted to a sentence that in our day aprivate person would have been ashamed of. But while the pope exercisedso great authority over distant princes, he could not compel obediencefrom the Romans themselves, or obtain their consent that he shouldremain in Rome, even though he promised to intermeddle only withecclesiastical affairs. 

About this time Frederick returned to Italy, and while he was preparingto carry on new wars against the pope, his prelates and barons declaredthat they would abandon him unless he reconciled himself with thechurch; so that he was obliged to go and submit to the pope at Venus, where a pacification was effected, but in which the pope deprived theemperor of all authority over Rome, and named William, king of Sicilyand Puglia, a coadjutor with him. Frederick, unable to exist withoutwar, joined the crusaders in Asia, that he might exercise that ambitionagainst Mohammed, which he could not gratify against the vicars ofChrist. And being near the river Cydnus, tempted by the clearness ofits waters, bathed therein, took cold, and died. Thus the river did agreater favor to the Mohammedans than the pope's excommunications haddone to the Christians; for the latter only checked his pride, while theformer finished his career. Frederick being dead, the pope had nowonly to suppress the contumacy of the Romans; and, after many disputesconcerning the creation of consuls, it was agreed that they shouldelect them as they had been accustomed to do, but that these should notundertake the office, till they had first sworn to be faithful to thechurch. This agreement being made, Giovanni the anti-pope took refuge inMount Albano, where he shortly afterward died. William, king of Naples, died about the same time, and the pope intended to occupy that kingdomon the ground that the king had left only a natural son named Tancred. But the barons would not consent, and wished that Tancred should beking. Celestine III. , the then pope, anxious to snatch the kingdom fromthe hands of Tancred, contrived that Henry, son of Frederick should beelected emperor, and promised him the kingdom on the condition that heshould restore to the church all the places that had belonged to her. Tofacilitate this affair, he caused Gostanza, a daughter of William, whohad been placed in a monastery and was now old, to be brought fromher seclusion and become the wife of Henry. Thus the kingdom of Naplespassed from the Normans, who had been the founders of it, to theGermans. As soon as the affairs of Germany were arranged, the EmperorHenry came into Italy with Gostanza his wife, and a son about four yearsof age named Frederick; and, as Tancred was now dead, leaving onlyan infant named Roger, he took possession of the kingdom without muchdifficulty. After some years, Henry died in Sicily, and was succeeded inthe kingdom by Frederick, and in the empire by Otho, duke of Saxony, whowas elected through the influence of Innocent III. But as soon as he hadtaken the crown, contrary to the general expectation, he became an enemyof the pope, occupied Romagna, and prepared to attack the kingdom. Onthis account the pope excommunicated him; he was abandoned by every one, and the electors appointed Frederick, king of Naples, emperor in hisstead. Frederick came to Rome for his coronation; but the pope, beingafraid of his power, would not crown him, and endeavored to withdraw himfrom Italy as he had done Otho. Frederick returned to Germany in anger, and, after many battles with Otho, at length conquered him. Meanwhile, Innocent died, who, besides other excellent works, built the hospital ofthe Holy Ghost at Rome. He was succeeded by Honorius III. , in whose timethe religious orders of St. Dominic and St. Francis were founded, 1218. Honorius crowned Frederick, to whom Giovanni, descended from Baldwin, king of Jerusalem, who commanded the remainder of the Christian army inAsia and still held that title, gave a daughter in marriage; and, withher portion, conceded to him the title to that kingdom: hence it is thatevery king of Naples is called king of Jerusalem. 

CHAPTER V

The state of Italy--Beginning of the greatness of the house ofEste--Guelphs and Ghibellines--Death of the Emperor FrederickII. --Manfred takes possession of the kingdom of Naples--Movements of theGuelphs and Ghibellines in Lombardy--Charles of Anjou invested by thepope with the kingdom of Naples and Sicily--Restless policy ofthe popes--Ambitious views of pope Nicholas III. --Nephews of thepopes--Sicilian vespers--The Emperor Rodolph allows many cities topurchase their independence--Institution of the jubilee--The popes atAvignon. 

At this time the states of Italy were governed in the following manner:the Romans no longer elected consuls, but instead of them, and with thesame powers, they appointed one senator, and sometimes more. The leaguewhich the cities of Lombardy had formed against Frederick Barbarossastill continued, and comprehended Milan, Brescia, Mantua, and thegreater number of the cities of Romagna, together with Verona, Vicenza, Padua, and Trevisa. Those which took part with the emperor, wereCremona, Bergamo, Parma, Reggio, and Trento. The other cities andfortresses of Lombardy, Romagna, and the march of Trevisa, favored, according to their necessities, sometimes one party, sometimes theother. 

In the time of Otho III. There had come into Italy a man called Ezelin, who, remaining in the country, had a son, and he too had a son namedEzelin. This person, being rich and powerful, took part with Frederick, who, as we have said, was at enmity with the pope; Frederick, at theinstigation and with the assistance of Ezelin, took Verona and Mantua, destroyed Vicenza, occupied Padua, routed the army of the united cities, and then directed his course towards Tuscany. Ezelin, in the meantime, had subdued the whole of the Trevisian March, but could not prevailagainst Ferrara, which was defended by Azone da Este and the forceswhich the pope had in Lombardy; and, as the enemy were compelled towithdraw, the pope gave Ferrara in fee to this Azone, from whom aredescended those who now govern that city. Frederick halted at Pisa, desirous of making himself lord of Tuscany; but, while endeavoring todiscover what friends and foes he had in that province, he scattered somany seeds of discord as occasioned the ruin of Italy; for the factionsof the Guelphs and Ghibellines multiplied, --those who supported thechurch taking the name of Guelphs, while the followers of the emperorwere called Ghibellines, these names being first heard at Pistoia. Frederick, marching from Pisa, assailed and wasted the territoriesof the church in a variety of ways; so that the pope, having no otherremedy, unfurled against him the banner of the cross, as his predecessorhad done against the Saracens. Frederick, that he might be suddenlyabandoned by his people, as Frederick Barbarossa and others had been, took into his pay a number of Saracens; and to bind them to him, andestablish in Italy a firm bulwark against the church, without fear ofpapal maledictions, he gave them Nocera in the kingdom of Naples, that, having a refuge of their own, they might be placed in greater security. The pontificate was now occupied by Innocent IV. , who, being in fearof Frederick, went to Genoa, and thence to France, where he appointed acouncil to be held at Lyons, where it was the intention of Frederickto attend, but he was prevented by the rebellion of Parma: and, beingrepulsed, he went into Tuscany, and from thence to Sicily, where hedied, leaving his son Conrad in Suabia; and in Puglia, Manfred, whom hehad created duke of Benevento, born of a concubine. Conrad came to takepossession of the kingdom, and having arrived at Naples, died, leavingan infant son named Corradino, who was then in Germany. On thisaccount Manfred occupied the state, first as guardian of Corradino, butafterward, causing a report to be circulated that Corradino had died, made himself king, contrary to the wishes of both the pope and theNeapolitans, who, however, were obliged to submit. 

While these things were occurring in the kingdom of Naples, manymovements took place in Lombardy between the Guelphs and theGhibellines. The Guelphs were headed by a legate of the pope; and theGhibelline party by Ezelin, who possessed nearly the whole of Lombardybeyond the Po; and, as in the course of the war Padua rebelled, heput to death twelve thousand of its citizens. But before its close hehimself was slain, in the eightieth year of his age, and all the placeshe had held became free. Manfred, king of Naples, continued thoseenmities against the church which had been begun by his ancestors, and kept the pope, Urban IV. , in continual alarm; so that, in order tosubdue him, Urban summoned the crusaders, and went to Perugia to awaittheir arrival. Seeing them few and slow in their approach, he foundthat more able assistance was necessary to conquer Manfred. He thereforesought the favor of France; created Louis of Anjou, the king's brother, sovereign of Naples and Sicily, and excited him to come into Italy totake possession of that kingdom. But before Charles came to Rome thepope died, and was succeeded by Clement IV. , in whose time he arrivedat Ostia, with thirty galleys, and ordered that the rest of his forcesshould come by land. During his abode at Rome, the citizens, in orderto attach him to them, made him their senator, and the pope invested himwith the kingdom, on condition that he should pay annually to thechurch the sum of fifty thousand ducats; and it was decreed that, fromthenceforth, neither Charles nor any other person, who might be king ofNaples, should be emperor also. Charles marched against Manfred, routedhis army, and slew him near Benevento, and then became sovereign ofSicily and Naples. Corradino, to whom, by his father's will, the statebelonged, having collected a great force in Germany, marched into Italyagainst Charles, with whom he came to an engagement at Tagliacozzo, wastaken prisoner while endeavoring to escape, and being unknown, put todeath. 

Italy remained in repose until the pontificate of Adrian V. Charles, being at Rome and governing the city by virtue of his office of senator, the pope, unable to endure his power, withdrew to Viterbo, and solicitedthe Emperor Rodolph to come into Italy and assist him. Thus the popes, sometimes in zeal for religion, at others moved by their own ambition, were continually calling in new parties and exciting new disturbances. As soon as they had made a prince powerful, they viewed him withjealousy and sought his ruin; and never allowed another to rule thecountry, which, from their own imbecility, they were themselves unableto govern. Princes were in fear of them; for, fighting or running away, the popes always obtained the advantage, unless it happened they wereentrapped by deceit, as occurred to Boniface VIII. , and some others, whounder pretense of friendship, were ensnared by the emperors. Rodolph didnot come into Italy, being detained by the war in which he was engagedwith the king of Bohemia. At this time Adrian died, and Nicholas III. , of the Orsini family, became pontiff. He was a bold, ambitious man; andbeing resolved at any event to diminish the power of Charles, inducedthe Emperor Rodolph to complain that he had a governor in Tuscanyfavorable to the Guelphic faction, who after the death of Manfred hadbeen replaced by him. Charles yielded to the emperor and withdrew hisgovernor, and the pope sent one of his nephews, a cardinal, as governorfor the emperor, who, for the honor done him, restored Romagna to thechurch, which had been taken from her by his predecessors, and the popemade Bertoldo Orsino duke of Romagna. As Nicholas now thought himselfpowerful enough to oppose Charles, he deprived him of the office ofsenator, and made a decree that no one of royal race should ever be asenator in Rome. It was his intention to deprive Charles of Sicily, andto this end he entered into a secret negotiation with Peter, king ofAragon, which took effect in the following papacy. He also had thedesign of creating two kings out of his family, the one in Lombardy, theother in Tuscany, whose power would defend the church from the Germanswho might design to come into Italy, and from the French, who were inthe kingdom of Naples and Sicily. But with these thoughts he died. Hewas the first pope who openly exhibited his own ambition; and, underpretense of making the church great, conferred honors and emolument uponhis own family. Previous to his time no mention is made of the nephewsor families of any pontiff, but future history is full of them; nor isthere now anything left for them to attempt, except the effort to makethe papacy hereditary. True it is, the princes of their creating havenot long sustained their honors; for the pontiffs, being generally ofvery limited existence, did not get their plants properly established. 

To Nicholas succeeded Martin IV. , of French origin, and consequentlyfavorable to the party of Charles, who sent him assistance againstthe rebellion of Romagna; and while they were encamped at Furli, GuidoBonatto, an astrologer, contrived that at an appointed moment the peopleshould assail the forces of the king, and the plan succeeding, all theFrench were taken and slain. About this period was also carried intoeffect the plot of Pope Nicholas and Peter, king of Aragon, by which theSicilians murdered all the French that were in that island; and Petermade himself sovereign of it, saying, that it belonged to him in theright of his wife Gostanza, daughter of Manfred. But Charles, whilemaking warlike preparations for the recovery of Sicily, died, leavinga son, Charles II. , who was made prisoner in Sicily, and to recover hisliberty promised to return to his prison, if within three years hedid not obtain the pope's consent that the kings of Aragon should beinvested with the kingdom of Sicily. 

The Emperor Rodolph, instead of coming into Italy, gave the empire theadvantage of having done so, by sending an ambassador, with authorityto make all those cities free which would redeem themselves with money. Many purchased their freedom, and with liberty changed their mode ofliving. Adolpho of Saxony succeeded to the empire; and to the papacy, Pietro del Murrone, who took the name of Celestino; but, being a hermitand full of sanctity, after six months renounced the pontificate, andBoniface VIII. Was elected. 

After a time the French and Germans left Italy, and the country remainedwholly in the hands of the Italians; but Providence ordained that thepope, when these enemies were withdrawn, should neither establish norenjoy his authority, and raised two very powerful families in Rome, the Colonnesi and the Orsini, who with their arms, and the proximityof their abode, kept the pontificate weak. Boniface then determinedto destroy the Colonnesi, and, besides excommunicating, endeavored todirect the weapons of the church against them. This, although it didthem some injury, proved more disastrous to the pope; for those armswhich from attachment to the faith performed valiantly against itsenemies, as soon as they were directed against Christians for privateambition, ceased to do the will of those who wished to wield them. Andthus the too eager desire to gratify themselves, caused the pontiffs bydegrees to lose their military power. Besides what is just related, thepope deprived two cardinals of the Colonnesi family of their office; andSciarra, the head of the house, escaping unknown, was taken by corsairsof Catalonia and put to the oar; but being afterward recognizedat Marseilles, he was sent to Philip, king of France, who had beenexcommunicated and deprived of the kingdom. Philip, considering thatin a war against the pontiff he would either be a loser or run greathazards, had recourse to deception, and simulating a wish to come toterms, secretly sent Sciarra into Italy, who, having arrived at Anagnia, where his holiness then resided, assembled a few friends, and in thenight took him prisoner. And although the people of Anagnia set himat liberty shortly after, yet from grief at the injury he died mad. Boniface was founder of the jubilee in 1300, and fixed that it shouldbe celebrated at each revolution of one hundred years. In those timesvarious troubles arose between the Guelph and Ghibelline factions; andthe emperors having abandoned Italy, many places became free, and manywere occupied by tyrants. Pope Benedict restored the scarlet hat to thecardinals of the Colonnesi family, and reblessed Philip, king of France. He was succeeded by Clement V. , who, being a Frenchman, removed thepapal court to Avignon in 1305. 

CHAPTER VI

The Emperor Henry comes into Italy--The Florentines take the part ofthe pope--The Visconti originate the duchy of Milan--Artifice of MaffeoVisconti against the family of de la Torre--Giovanni Galeazzo Visconti, first duke of Milan--The Emperor Louis in Italy--John, king ofBohemia, in Italy--League against the king of Bohemia and the pope'slegate--Origin of Venice--Liberty of the Venetians confirmed by Pepinand the Greek emperor--Greatness of Venice--Decline of Venice--Discordbetween the pope and the emperor--Giovanna, queen of Naples--Rienzi--Thejubilee reduced to fifty years--Succession of the duke ofMilan--Cardinal Egidio the pope's legate--War between the Genoese andthe Venetians. 

At this time, Charles II. Of Naples died, and was succeeded by his sonRobert. Henry of Luxemburg had been elected to the empire, and came toRome for his coronation, although the pope was not there. His comingoccasioned great excitement in Lombardy; for he sent all the banishedto their homes, whether they were Guelphs or Ghibellines; and inconsequence of this, one faction endeavoring to drive out the other, thewhole province was filled with war; nor could the emperor with all hisendeavors abate its fury. Leaving Lombardy by way of Genoa, he cameto Pisa, where he endeavored to take Tuscany from King Robert; but notbeing successful, he went to Rome, where he remained only a few days, being driven away by the Orsini with the consent of King Robert, andreturned to Pisa; and that he might more securely make war upon Tuscany, and wrest the country from the hands of the king, he caused it to beassailed by Frederick, monarch of Sicily. But when he was in hope ofoccupying Tuscany and robbing the king of Naples of his dominions, hedied, and was succeeded by Louis of Bavaria. About the same period, JohnXXII. Attained the papacy, during whose time the emperor still continuedto persecute the Guelphs and the church, but they were defended byRobert and the Florentines. Many wars took place in Lombardy between theVisconti and the Guelphs, and in Tuscany between Castruccio of Luccaand the Florentines. As the family of Visconti gave rise to the duchy ofMilan, one of the five principalities which afterward governed Italy, Ishall speak of them from a rather earlier date. 

Milan, upon recovering from the ruin into which she had been thrown byFrederick Barbarossa, in revenge for her injuries, joined the leagueformed by the Lombard cities for their common defense; this restrainedhim, and for awhile preserved alive the interests of the church inLombardy. In the course of the wars which followed, the family of LaTorre became very potent in that city, and their reputation increasedso long as the emperor possessed little authority in the province. But Frederick II. Coming into Italy, and the Ghibelline party, by theinfluence of Ezelin having grown powerful, seeds of the same factionsprang up in all the cities. In Milan were the Visconti, who expelledthe La Torres; these, however, did not remain out, for by agreementbetween the emperor and the pope they were restored to their country. For when the pope and his court removed to France, and the emperor, Henry of Luxemburg, came into Italy, with the pretext of going to Romefor his crown, he was received in Milan by Maffeo Visconti and Guidodella Torre, who were then the heads of these families. But Maffeo, designing to make use of the emperor for the purpose of expelling Guido, and thinking the enterprise not difficult, on account of the La Torrebeing of the contrary faction to the imperial, took occasion, from theremarks which the people made of the uncivil behavior of the Germans, to go craftily about and excite the populace to arm themselves and throwoff the yoke of these barbarians. When a suitable moment arrived, hecaused a person in whom he confided to create a tumult, upon which thepeople took arms against the Germans. But no sooner was the mischiefwell on foot, than Maffeo, with his sons and their partisans, ran toHenry, telling him that all the disturbance had been occasioned by theLa Torre family, who, not content to remain peaceably in Milan, hadtaken the opportunity to plunder him, that they might ingratiatethemselves with the Guelphs of Italy and become princes in the city;they then bade him be of good cheer, for they, with their party, whenever he wished it, were ready to defend him with their lives. Henry, believing all that Maffeo told him, joined his forces to those of theVisconti, and attacking the La Torre, who were in various parts of thecity endeavoring to quell the tumult, slew all upon whom they could layhands, and having plundered the others of their property, sent them intoexile. By this artifice, Maffeo Visconti became a prince of Milan. Ofhim remained Galeazzo and Azzo; and, after these, Luchino and Giovanni. Giovanni became archbishop of Milan; and of Luchino, who died beforehim, were left Bernabo and Galeazzo; Galeazzo, dying soon after, lefta son called the Count of Virtu, who after the death of the archbishop, contrived the murder of his uncle, Bernabo, became prince of Milan, and was the first who had the title of duke. The duke left Filippo andGiovanmaria Angelo, the latter of whom being slain by the people ofMilan, the state fell to Filippo; but he having no male heir, Milanpassed from the family of Visconti to that of Sforza, in the manner tobe related hereafter. 

But to return to the point from which we deviated. The Emperor Louis, toadd to the importance of his party and to receive the crown, cameinto Italy; and being at Milan, as an excuse for taking money of theMilanese, he pretended to make them free and to put the Visconti inprison; but shortly afterwards he released them, and, having gone toRome, in order to disturb Italy with less difficulty, he made Pierodella Corvara anti-pope, by whose influence, and the power of theVisconti, he designed to weaken the opposite faction in Tuscany andLombardy. But Castruccio died, and his death caused the failure of theemperor's purpose; for Pisa and Lucca rebelled. The Pisans sent Pierodella Corvara a prisoner to the pope in France, and the emperor, despairing of the affairs of Italy, returned to Germany. He had scarcelyleft, before John king of Bohemia came into the country, at the requestof the Ghibellines of Brescia, and made himself lord of that city and ofBergamo. And as his entry was with the consent of the pope, althoughhe feigned the contrary, the legate of Bologna favored him, thinking bythis means to prevent the return of the emperor. This caused a change inthe parties of Italy; for the Florentines and King Robert, finding thelegate was favorable to the enterprises of the Ghibellines, became foesof all those to whom the legate and the king of Bohemia were friendly. Without having regard for either faction, whether Guelph or Ghibelline, many princes joined them, of whom, among others, were the Visconti, theDella Scala, Filippo Gonzao of Mantua, the Carrara, and those of Este. Upon this the pope excommunicated them all. The king, in fear of theleague, went to collect forces in his own country, and having returnedwith a large army, still found his undertaking a difficult one; so, seeing his error, he withdrew to Bohemia, to the great displeasure ofthe legate, leaving only Reggio and Modena guarded, and Parma in thecare of Marsilio and Piero de' Rossi, who were the most powerful men inthe city. The king of Bohemia being gone, Bologna joined the league; andthe leaguers divided among themselves the four cities which remained ofthe church faction. They agreed that Parma should pertain to the DellaScalla; Reggio to the Gonzaga; Modena to the family of Este, and Luccato the Florentines. But in taking possession of these cities, manydisputes arose which were afterward in a great measure settled by theVenetians. Some, perhaps, will think it a species of impropriety thatwe have so long deferred speaking of the Venetians, theirs being arepublic, which, both on account of its power and internal regulations, deserves to be celebrated above any principality of Italy. But that thissurprise may cease when the cause is known, I shall speak of their cityfrom a more remote period; that everyone may understand what were theirbeginnings, and the causes which so long withheld them from interferingin the affairs of Italy. 

When Attila, king of the Huns, besieged Aquileia, the inhabitants, afterdefending themselves a long time, began to despair of effecting theirsafety, and fled for refuge to several uninhabited rocks, situated atthe point of the Adriatic Sea, now called the Gulf of Venice, carryingwith them whatever movable property they possessed. The people of Padua, finding themselves in equal danger, and knowing that, having becamemaster of Aquileia, Attila would next attack themselves, also removedwith their most valuable property to a place on the same sea, calledRivo Alto, to which they brought their women, children, and agedpersons, leaving the youth in Padua to assist in her defense. Besidesthese, the people of Monselice, with the inhabitants of the surroundinghills, driven by similar fears, fled to the same rocks. But after Attilahad taken Aquileia, and destroyed Padua, Monselice, Vicenza, and Verona, the people of Padua and others who were powerful, continued to inhabitthe marshes about Rivo Alto; and, in like manner, all the people of theprovince anciently called Venetia, driven by the same events, becamecollected in these marshes. Thus, under the pressure of necessity, they left an agreeable and fertile country to occupy one sterile andunwholesome. However, in consequence of a great number of people beingdrawn together into a comparatively small space, in a short timethey made those places not only habitable, but delightful; and havingestablished among themselves laws and useful regulations, enjoyedthemselves in security amid the devastations of Italy, and soonincreased both in reputation and strength. For, besides the inhabitantsalready mentioned, many fled to these places from the cities ofLombardy, principally to escape from the cruelties of Clefis king of theLombards, which greatly tended to increase the numbers of the new city;and in the conventions which were made between Pepin, king of France, and the emperor of Greece, when the former, at the entreaty of the pope, came to drive the Lombards out of Italy, the duke of Benevento and theVenetians did not render obedience to either the one or the other, but alone enjoyed their liberty. As necessity had led them to dwellon sterile rocks, they were compelled to seek the means of subsistenceelsewhere; and voyaging with their ships to every port of the ocean, their city became a depository for the various products of the world, and was itself filled with men of every nation. 

For many years the Venetians sought no other dominion than that whichtended to facilitate their commercial enterprises, and thus acquiredmany ports in Greece and Syria; and as the French had made frequent useof their ships in voyages to Asia, the island of Candia was assigned tothem in recompense for these services. While they lived in this manner, their name spread terror over the seas, and was held in venerationthroughout Italy. This was so completely the case, that they weregenerally chosen to arbitrate in controversies between the states, asoccurred in the difference between the Colleagues, on account of thecities they had divided among themselves; which being referred to theVenetians, they awarded Brescia and Bergamo to the Visconti. But when, in the course of time, urged by their eagerness for dominion, they hadmade themselves masters of Padua, Vicenza, Trevisa, and afterwardof Verona, Bergamo, and Brescia, with many cities in Romagna and thekingdom of Naples, other nations were impressed with such an opinion oftheir power, that they were a terror, not only to the princes of Italy, but to the ultramontane kings. These states entered into an allianceagainst them, and in one day wrested from them the provinces they hadobtained with so much labor and expense; and although they have inlatter times reacquired some portions, still possessing neither powernor reputation, like all the other Italian powers, they live at themercy of others. 

Benedict XII. Having attained the pontificate and finding Italy lost, fearing, too, that the emperor would assume the sovereignty ofthe country, determined to make friends of all who had usurped thegovernment of those cities which had been accustomed to obey theemperor; that they might have occasion to dread the latter, and unitewith himself in the defense of Italy. To this end he issued a decree, confirming to all the tyrants of Lombardy the places they had seized. After making this concession the pope died, and was succeeded byClement VI. The emperor, seeing with what a liberal hand the pontiff hadbestowed the dominions of the empire, in order to be equally bountifulwith the property of others, gave to all who had assumed sovereigntyover the cities or territories of the church, the imperial authorityto retain possession of them. By this means Galeotto Malatesti andhis brothers became lords of Rimino, Pesaro, and Fano; Antonio daMontefeltro, of the Marca and Urbino; Gentile da Varano, of Camerino;Guido di Polenta, of Ravenna; Sinibaldo Ordelaffi, of Furli and Cesena;Giovanni Manfredi, of Faenza; Lodovico Alidossi, of Imola; and besidesthese, many others in divers places. Thus, of all the cities, towns, orfortresses of the church, few remained without a prince; for she did notrecover herself till the time of Alexander VI. , who, by the ruin of thedescendants of these princes, restored the authority of the church. 

The emperor, when he made the concession before named, being at Tarento, signified an intention of going into Italy. In consequence of this, manybattles were fought in Lombardy, and the Visconti became lords of Parma. Robert king of Naples, now died, leaving only two grandchildren, theissue of his sons Charles, who had died a considerable time before him. He ordered that the elder of the two, whose name was Giovanna or Joan, should be heiress of the kingdom, and take for her husband Andrea, sonof the king of Hungary, his grandson. Andrea had not lived with herlong, before she caused him to be murdered, and married another cousin, Louis, prince of Tarento. But Louis, king of Hungary, and brother ofAndrea, in order to avenge his death, brought forces into Italy, anddrove Queen Joan and her husband out of the kingdom. 

At this period a memorable circumstance took place at Rome. Niccolo diLorenzo, often called Rienzi or Cola di Rienzi, who held the office ofchancellor at Campidoglio, drove the senators from Rome and, under thetitle of tribune, made himself the head of the Roman republic; restoringit to its ancient form, and with so great reputation of justice andvirtue, that not only the places adjacent, but the whole of Italy sentambassadors to him. The ancient provinces, seeing Rome arise to newlife, again raised their heads, and some induced by hope, others byfear, honored him as their sovereign. But Niccolo, notwithstandinghis great reputation, lost all energy in the very beginning ofhis enterprise; and as if oppressed with the weight of so vast anundertaking, without being driven away, secretly fled to Charles, kingof Bohemia, who, by the influence of the pope, and in contempt of Louisof Bavaria, had been elected emperor. Charles, to ingratiate himselfwith the pontiff, sent Niccolo to him, a prisoner. After some time, inimitation of Rienzi, Francesco Baroncegli seized upon the tribunate ofRome, and expelled the senators; and the pope, as the most effectualmeans of repressing him, drew Niccolo from his prison, sent him to Rome, and restored to him the office of tribune; so that he reoccupiedthe state and put Francesco to death; but the Colonnesi becoming hisenemies, he too, after a short time, shared the same fate, and thesenators were again restored to their office. The king of Hungary, having driven out Queen Joan, returned to his kingdom; but the pope, who chose to have the queen in the neighborhood of Rome rather than theking, effected her restoration to the sovereignty, on the condition thather husband, contenting himself with the title of prince of Tarento, should not be called king. Being the year 1350, the pope thought thatthe jubilee, appointed by Boniface VIII. To take place at the conclusionof each century, might be renewed at the end of each fifty years; andhaving issued a decree for the establishment of it, the Romans, inacknowledgment of the benefit, consented that he should send fourcardinals to reform the government of the city, and appoint senatorsaccording to his own pleasure. The pope again declared Louis of Tarento, king, and in gratitude for the benefit, Queen Joan gave Avignon, herinheritance, to the church. About this time Luchino Visconti died, andhis brother the archbishop, remaining lord of Milan, carried on manywars against Tuscany and his neighbors, and became very powerful. Bernabo and Galeazzo, his nephews, succeeded him; but Galeazzo soonafter died, leaving Giovan Galeazzo, who shared the state with Bernabo. Charles, king of Bohemia, was then emperor, and the pontificate wasoccupied by Innocent VI. , who sent Cardinal Egidio, a Spaniard, intoItaly. He restored the reputation of the church, not only in Rome andRomagna, but throughout the whole of Italy; he recovered Bologna fromthe archbishop of Milan, and compelled the Romans to accept a foreignsenator appointed annually by the pope. He made honorable terms with theVisconti, and routed and took prisoner, John Agut, an Englishman, whowith four thousand English had fought on the side of the Ghibellines inTuscany. Urban V. , hearing of so many victories, resolved to visit Italyand Rome, whither also the emperor came; after remaining a few months, he returned to the kingdom of Bohemia, and the pope to Avignon. Onthe death of Urban, Gregory XI. Was created pope; and, as the CardinalEgidio was dead, Italy again recommenced her ancient discords, occasioned by the union of the other powers against the Visconti; andthe pope, having first sent a legate with six thousand Bretons, came inperson and established the papal court at Rome in 1376, after an absenceof seventy-one years in France. To Gregory XI. , succeeded Urban VI. , butshortly afterwards Clement VI. Was elected at Fondi by ten cardinals, who declared the appointment of Urban irregular. At this time, theGenoese threw off the yoke of the Visconti under whom they had livedmany years; and between them and the Venetians several important battleswere fought for the island of Tenedos. Although the Genoese were for atime successful, and held Venice in a state of siege during many months, the Venetians were at length victorious; and by the intervention ofthe pope, peace was made in the year 1381. In these wars, artillery wasfirst used, having been recently invented by the Dutch. 

CHAPTER VII

Schism in the church--Ambitious views of Giovanni Galeazzo Visconti--Thepope and the Romans come to an agreement--Boniface IX. Introduces thepractice of Annates--Disturbance in Lombardy--The Venetians acquiredominion on terra firma--Differences between the pope and the people ofRome--Council of Pisa--Council of Constance--Filippo Visconti recovershis dominion--Giovanna II. Of Naples--Political condition of Italy. 

A schism having thus arisen in the church, Queen Joan favored theschismatic pope, upon which Urban caused Charles of Durazzo, descendedfrom the kings of Naples, to undertake the conquest of her dominions. Having succeeded in his object, she fled to France, and he assumed thesovereignty. The king of France, being exasperated, sent Louis of Anjouinto Italy to recover the kingdom for the queen, to expel Urban fromRome, and establish the anti-pope. But in the midst of this enterpriseLouis died, and his people being routed returned to France. In thisconjuncture the pope went to Naples, where he put nine cardinals intoprison for having taken the part of France and the anti-pope. He thenbecame offended with the king, for having refused to make his nephewprince of Capua; and pretending not to care about it, requested hewould grant him Nocera for his habitation, but, having fortified it, he prepared to deprive the king of his dominions. Upon this the kingpitched his camp before the place, and the pope fled to Naples, wherehe put to death the cardinals whom he had imprisoned. From thencehe proceeded to Rome, and, to acquire influence, created twenty-ninecardinals. At this time Charles, king of Naples, went to Hungary, where, having been made king, he was shortly afterward killed in battle, leaving a wife and two children at Naples. About the same time GiovanniGaleazzo Visconti murdered Bernabo his uncle and took the entiresovereignty upon himself; and, not content with being duke of Milan andsovereign of the whole of Lombardy, designed to make himself master ofTuscany; but while he was intent upon occupying the province with theultimate view of making himself king of Italy, he died. Boniface IX. Succeeded Urban VI. The anti-pope, Clement VI. , also died, and BenedictXIII. Was appointed his successor. 

Many English, Germans, and Bretons served at this period in the armiesof Italy, commanded partly by those leaders who had from time to timeauthority in the country, and partly by such as the pontiffs sent, whenthey were at Avignon. With these warriors the princes of Italy longcarried on their wars, till the coming of Lodovico da Cento of Romagna, who formed a body of Italian soldiery, called the Company of St. George, whose valor and discipline soon caused the foreign troops to fall intodisrepute, and gave reputation to the native forces of the country, ofwhich the princes afterward availed themselves in their wars with eachother. The pope, Boniface IX. , being at enmity with the Romans, went toScesi, where he remained till the jubilee of 1400, when the Romans, toinduce him to return to the city, consented to receive another foreignsenator of his appointing, and also allowed him to fortify the castle ofSaint Angelo: having returned upon these conditions, in order to enrichthe church, he ordained that everyone, upon vacating a benefice, shouldpay a year's value of it to the Apostolic Chamber. 

After the death of Giovanni Galeazzo, duke of Milan, although he lefttwo children, Giovanmaria and Filippo, the state was divided into manyparts, and in the troubles which ensued Giovanmaria was slain. Filipporemained some time in the castle of Pavia, from which, through thefidelity and virtue of the castellan, he escaped. Among others whooccupied cities possessed by his father, was Guglielmo della Scala, who, being banished, fell into the hands of Francesco de Carrera, lord ofPadua, by whose means he recovered the state of Verona, in which he onlyremained a short time, for he was poisoned, by order of Francesco, andthe city taken from him. These things occasioned the people of Vicenza, who had lived in security under the protection of the Visconti, to dreadthe greatness of the lord of Padua, and they placed themselves under theVenetians, who, engaging in arms with him, first took Verona and thenPadua. 

At this time Pope Boniface died, and was succeeded by Innocent VII. Thepeople of Rome supplicated him to restore to them their fortressesand their liberty; but as he would not consent to their petition, they called to their assistance Ladislaus, king of Naples. Becomingreconciled to the people, the pope returned to Rome, and made his nephewLodovico count of La Marca. Innocent soon after died, and Gregory XII. Was created, upon the understanding to renounce the papacy whenever theanti-pope would also renounce it. By the advice of the cardinals, inorder to attempt the reunion of the church, Benedict, the anti-pope, came to Porto Venere, and Gregory to Lucca, where they made manyendeavors, but effected nothing. Upon this, the cardinals of both thepopes abandoned them, Benedict going to Spain, and Gregory to Rimini. On the other hand, the cardinals, with the favor of Balthazar Cossa, cardinal and legate of Bologna, appointed a council at Pisa, where theycreated Alexander V. , who immediately excommunicated King Ladislaus, and invested Louis of Anjou with the kingdom; this prince, with theFlorentines, Genoese, and Venetians, attacked Ladislaus and drove himfrom Rome. In the head of the war Alexander died, and Balthazar Cossasucceeded him, with the title of John XXIII. Leaving Bologna, where hewas elected, he went to Rome, and found there Louis of Anjou, whohad brought the army from Provence, and coming to an engagement withLadislaus, routed him. But by the mismanagement of the leaders, theywere unable to prosecute the victory, so that the king in a short timegathered strength and retook Rome. Louis fled to Provence, the popeto Bologna; where, considering how he might diminish the power ofLadislaus, he caused Sigismund, king of Hungary, to be elected emperor, and advised him to come to Italy. Having a personal interview at Mantua, they agreed to call a general council, in which the church should beunited; and having effected this, the pope thought he should be fullyenabled to oppose the forces of his enemies. 

At this time there were three popes, Gregory, Benedict, and Giovanni, which kept the church weak and in disrepute. The city of Constance, inGermany, was appointed for the holding of the council, contrary tothe expectation of Pope John. And although the death of Ladislaus hadremoved the cause which induced the pope to call the council, still, having promised to attend, he could not refuse to go there. In a fewmonths after his arrival at Constance he discovered his error, but itwas too late; endeavoring to escape, he was taken, put into prison, andcompelled to renounce the papacy. Gregory, one of the anti-popes, senthis renunciation; Benedict, the other, refusing to do the same, wascondemned as a heretic; but, being abandoned by his cardinals, hecomplied, and the council elected Oddo, of the Colonnesi family, pope, by the title of Martin V. Thus the church was united under one head, after having been divided by many pontiffs. 

Filippo Visconti was, as we have said, in the fortress of Pavia. ButFazino Cane, who in the affairs of Lombardy had become lord of Vercelli, Alessandria, Novara, and Tortona, and had amassed great riches, findinghis end approach, and having no children, left his wife Beatrice heiressof his estates, and arranged with his friends that a marriage should beeffected between her and Filippo. By this union Filippo became powerful, and reacquired Milan and the whole of Lombardy. By way of being gratefulfor these numerous favors, as princes commonly are, he accused Beatriceof adultery and caused her to be put to death. Finding himself nowpossessed of greater power, he began to think of warring with Tuscanyand of prosecuting the designs of Giovanni Galeazzo, his father. 

Ladislaus, king of Naples, at his death, left to his sister Giovanna thekingdom and a large army, under the command of the principal leaders ofItaly, among the first of whom was Sforza of Cotignuola, reputed by thesoldiery of that period to be a very valiant man. The queen, to shun thedisgrace of having kept about her person a certain Pandolfello, whom shehad brought up, took for her husband Giacopo della Marca, a Frenchman ofthe royal line, on the condition that he should be content to be calledPrince of Tarento, and leave to her the title and government of thekingdom. But the soldiery, upon his arrival in Naples, proclaimed himking; so that between the husband and the wife wars ensued; and althoughthey contended with varying success, the queen at length obtained thesuperiority, and became an enemy of the pope. Upon this, in orderto reduce her to necessity, and that she might be compelled to throwherself into his lap, Sforza suddenly withdrew from her service withoutgiving her any pervious notice of his intention to do so. She thus foundherself at once unarmed, and not having any other source, sought theassistance of Alfonzo, king of Aragon and Sicily, adopted him as herson, and engaged Braccio of Montone as her captain, who was of equalreputation in arms with Sforza, and inimical to the pope, on account ofhis having taken possession of Perugia and some other places belongingto the church. After this, peace was made between the queen and thepontiff; but King Alfonzo, expecting she would treat him as she had herhusband, endeavored secretly to make himself master of the strongholds;but, possessing acute observation, she was beforehand with him, andfortified herself in the castle of Naples. Suspicions increasing betweenthem, they had recourse to arms, and the queen, with the assistanceof Sforza, who again resumed her service, drove Alfonzo out of Naples, deprived him of his succession, and adopted Louis of Anjou in his stead. Hence arose new contests between Braccio, who took the part of Alfonzo, and Sforza, who defended the cause of the queen. In the course of thewar, Sforza was drowned in endeavoring to pass the river Pescara; thequeen was thus again unarmed, and would have been driven out of thekingdom, but for the assistance of Filippo Visconti, the duke of Milan, who compelled Alfonzo to return to Aragon. Braccio, undaunted at thedeparture of Alfonzo, continued the enterprise against the queen, andbesieged L'Aquilla; but the pope, thinking the greatness of Braccioinjurious to the church, received into his pay Francesco, the son ofSforza, who went in pursuit of Braccio to L'Aquilla, where he routedand slew him. Of Braccio remained Oddo, his son, from whom the pope tookPerugia, and left him the state of Montone alone; but he was shortlyafterward slain in Romagna, in the service of the Florentines; so thatof those who had fought under Braccio, Niccolo Piccinino remained ofgreatest reputation. 

Having continued our general narration nearly to the period which we atfirst proposed to reach, what remains is of little importance, exceptthe war which the Florentines and Venetians carried on againstFilippo duke of Milan, of which an account will be given when we speakparticularly of Florence. I shall, therefore, continue it no further, briefly explaining the condition of Italy in respect of her princes andher arms, at the period to which we have now come. Joan II. Held Naples, La Marca, the Patrimony and Romagna; some of these places obeyed thechurch, while others were held by vicars or tyrants, as Ferrara, Modena, and Reggio, by those of the House of Este; Faenza by the Manfredi;Imola by the Alidossi; Furli by the Ordelaffi; Rimini and Psaro by theMalatesti; and Camerino by those of Varano. Part of Lombardy was subjectto the Duke Filippo, part to the Venetians; for all those who had heldsingle states were set aside, except the House of Gonzaga, which ruledin Mantua. The greater part of Tuscany was subject to the Florentines. Lucca and Sienna alone were governed by their own laws; Lucca was underthe Guinigi; Sienna was free. The Genoese, being sometimes free, at others, subject to the kings of France or the Visconti, livedunrespected, and may be enumerated among the minor powers. 

None of the principal states were armed with their own proper forces. Duke Filippo kept himself shut up in his apartments, and would notallow himself to be seen; his wars were managed by commissaries. TheVenetians, when they directed their attention to terra firma, threw offthose arms which had made them terrible upon the seas, and falling intothe customs of Italy, submitted their forces to the direction of others. The practice of arms being unsuitable to priests or women, the pope andQueen Joan of Naples were compelled by necessity to submit to the samesystem which others practiced from defect of judgment. The Florentinesalso adopted the same custom, for having, by their frequent divisions, destroyed the nobility, and their republic being wholly in the hands ofmen brought up to trade, they followed the usages and example of others. 

Thus the arms of Italy were either in the hands of the lesser princes, or of men who possessed no state; for the minor princes did not adoptthe practice of arms from any desire of glory, but for the acquisitionof either property or safety. The others (those who possessed no state)being bred to arms from their infancy, were acquainted with no otherart, and pursued war for emolument, or to confer honor upon themselves. The most noticed among the latter were Carmignola, Francesco Sforza, Niccolo Piccinino the pupil of Braccio, Agnolo della Pergola, Lorenzodi Micheletto Attenduli, il Tartaglia, Giacopaccio, Cecolini da Perugia, Niccolo da Tolentino, Guido Torello, Antonia dal Ponte ad Era, and manyothers. With these, were those lords of whom I have before spoken, towhich may be added the barons of Rome, the Colonnesi and the Orsini, with other lords and gentlemen of the kingdoms of Naples and Lombardy, who, being constantly in arms, had such an understanding amongthemselves, and so contrived to accommodate things to their ownconvenience, that of those who were at war, most commonly bothsides were losers; and they had made the practice of arms so totallyridiculous, that the most ordinary leader, possessed of true valor, would have covered these men with disgrace, whom, with so littleprudence, Italy honored. 

With these idle princes and such contemptible arms, my history must, therefore, be filled; to which, before I descend, it will be necessary, as was at first proposed, to speak of the origin of Florence, that itmay be clearly understood what was the state of the city in those times, and by what means, through the labours of a thousand years, she becameso imbecile. 

BOOK II

CHAPTER I

The custom of ancient republics to plant colonies, and the advantage ofit--Increased population tends to make countries more healthy--Originof Florence--Aggrandizement of Florence--Origin of the name ofFlorence--Destruction of Florence by Totila--The Florentinestake Fiesole--The first division in Florence, and the cause ofit--Buondelmonti--Buondelmonti slain--Guelphs and Ghibellines inFlorence--Guelphic families--Ghibelline families--The two factions cometo terms. 

Among the great and wonderful institutions of the republics andprincipalities of antiquity that have now gone into disuse, was that bymeans of which towns and cities were from time to time established; andthere is nothing more worthy the attention of a great prince, or ofa well-regulated republic, or that confers so many advantages upon aprovince, as the settlement of new places, where men are drawn togetherfor mutual accommodation and defense. This may easily be done, bysending people to reside in recently acquired or uninhabited countries. Besides causing the establishment of new cities, these removals rendera conquered country more secure, and keep the inhabitants of a provinceproperly distributed. Thus, deriving the greatest attainable comfort, the inhabitants increase rapidly, are more prompt to attack others, anddefend themselves with greater assurance. This custom, by the unwisepractice of princes and republics, having gone into desuetude, the ruinand weakness of territories has followed; for this ordination is thatby which alone empires are made secure, and countries become populated. Safety is the result of it; because the colony which a princeestablishes in a newly acquired country, is like a fortress and aguard, to keep the inhabitants in fidelity and obedience. Neither cana province be wholly occupied and preserve a proper distribution of itsinhabitants without this regulation; for all districts are not equallyhealthy, and hence some will abound to overflowing, while others arevoid; and if there be no method of withdrawing them from places in whichthey increase too rapidly, and planting them where they are too few thecountry would soon be wasted; for one part would become a desert, andthe other a dense and wretched population. And, as nature cannot repairthis disorder, it is necessary that industry should effect it, forunhealthy localities become wholesome when a numerous population isbrought into them. With cultivation the earth becomes fruitful, and theair is purified with fires--remedies which nature cannot provide. Thecity of Venice proves the correctness of these remarks. Being placed ina marshy and unwholesome situation, it became healthy only by thenumber of industrious individuals who were drawn together. Pisa, too, onaccount of its unwholesome air, was never filled with inhabitants, till the Saracens, having destroyed Genoa and rendered her riversunnavigable, caused the Genoese to migrate thither in vast numbers, andthus render her populous and powerful. Where the use of colonies is notadopted, conquered countries are held with great difficulty; districtsonce uninhabited still remain so, and those which populate quicklyare not relieved. Hence it is that many places of the world, andparticularly in Italy, in comparison of ancient times, have becomedeserts. This has wholly arisen and proceeded from the negligence ofprinces, who have lost all appetite for true glory, and of republicswhich no longer possess institutions that deserve praise. In ancienttimes, by means of colonies, new cities frequently arose, and thosealready begun were enlarged, as was the case with Florence, which hadits beginning from Fiesole, and its increase from colonies. 

It is exceedingly probable, as Dante and Giovanni Villani show, that thecity of Fiesole, being situate upon the summit of the mountain, inorder that her markets might be more frequented, and afford greateraccommodation for those who brought merchandise, would appoint the placein which to told them, not upon the hill, but in the plain, between thefoot of the mountain and the river Arno. I imagine these markets to haveoccasioned the first erections that were made in those places, andto have induced merchants to wish for commodious warehouses for thereception of their goods, and which, in time, became substantialbuildings. And afterward, when the Romans, having conquered theCarthaginians, rendered Italy secure from foreign invasion, thesebuildings would greatly increase; for men never endure inconveniencesunless some powerful necessity compels them. Thus, although the fearof war induces a willingness to occupy places strong and difficult ofaccess, as soon as the cause of alarm is removed, men gladly resort tomore convenient and easily attainable localities. Hence, the securityto which the reputation of the Roman republic gave birth, caused theinhabitants, having begun in the manner described, to increase so muchas to form a town, this was at first called the Villa Arnina. After thisoccurred the civil wars between Marius and Sylla; then those of Cęsar, and Pompey; and next those of the murderers of Cęsar, and the partieswho undertook to avenge his death. Therefore, first by Sylla, andafterward by the three Roman citizens, who, having avenged the deathof Cęsar, divided the empire among themselves, colonies were sent toFiesole, which, either in part or in whole, fixed their habitations inthe plain, near to the then rising town. By this increase, the placebecame so filled with dwellings, that it might with propriety beenumerated among the cities of Italy. 

There are various opinions concerning the derivation of the wordFlorentia. Some suppose it to come from Florinus, one of the principalpersons of the colony; others think it was originally not Florentia, butFluentia, and suppose the word derived from _fluente_, or flowing of theArno; and in support of their opinion, adduce a passage from Pliny, whosays, "the Fluentini are near the flowing of the Arno. " This, however, may be incorrect, for Pliny speaks of the locality of the Florentini, not of the name by which they were known. And it seems as if the wordFluentini were a corruption, because Frontinus and Cornelius Tacitus, who wrote at nearly the same period as Pliny, call them Florentia andFlorentini; for, in the time of Tiberius, they were governed likethe other cities of Italy. Besides, Cornelius refers to the coming ofambassadors from the Florentines, to beg of the emperor that the watersof the Chiane might not be allowed to overflow their country; and it isnot at all reasonable that the city should have two names at the sametime. Therefore I think that, however derived, the name was alwaysFlorentia, and that whatever the origin might be, it occurred under theRoman empire, and began to be noticed by writers in the times of thefirst emperors. 

When the Roman empire was afflicted by the barbarians, Florence wasdestroyed by Totila, king of the Ostrogoths; and after a period of twohundred and fifty years, rebuilt by Charlemagne; from whose time, tillthe year 1215, she participated in the fortune of the rest of Italy;and, during this period, first the descendants of Charles, then theBerengarii, and lastly the German emperors, governed her, as in ourgeneral treatise we have shown. Nor could the Florentines, during thoseages, increase in numbers, or effect anything worthy of memory, on account of the influence of those to whom they were subject. Nevertheless, in the year 1010, upon the feast of St. Romolo, a solemnday with the Fiesolani, they took and destroyed Fiesole, which must havebeen performed either with the consent of the emperors, or during theinterim from the death of one to the creation of his successor, whenall assumed a larger share of liberty. But then the pontiffs acquiredgreater influence, and the authority of the German emperors was in itswane, all the places of Italy governed themselves with less respect forthe prince; so that, in the time of Henry III. The mind of the countrywas divided between the emperor and the church. However, the Florentineskept themselves united until the year 1215, rendering obedience to theruling power, and anxious only to preserve their own safety. But, asthe diseases which attack our bodies are more dangerous and mortal inproportion as they are delayed, so Florence, though late to take part inthe sects of Italy, was afterward the more afflicted by them. The causeof her first division is well known, having been recorded by Dante andmany other writers; I shall, however, briefly notice it. 

Among the most powerful families of Florence were the Buondelmonti andthe Uberti; next to these were the Amidei and the Donati. Of the Donatifamily there was a rich widow who had a daughter of exquisite beauty, for whom, in her own mind, she had fixed upon Buondelmonti, a younggentleman, the head of the Buondelmonti family, as her husband; buteither from negligence, or, because she thought it might be accomplishedat any time, she had not made known her intention, when it happened thatthe cavalier betrothed himself to a maiden of the Amidei family. Thisgrieved the Donati widow exceedingly; but she hoped, with her daughter'sbeauty, to disturb the arrangement before the celebration of themarriage; and from an upper apartment, seeing Buondelmonti approach herhouse alone, she descended, and as he was passing she said to him, "Iam glad to learn you have chosen a wife, although I had reserved mydaughter for you;" and, pushing the door open, presented her to hisview. The cavalier, seeing the beauty of the girl, which was veryuncommon, and considering the nobility of her blood, and her portion notbeing inferior to that of the lady whom he had chosen, became inflamedwith such an ardent desire to possess her, that, not thinking of thepromise given, or the injury he committed in breaking it, or of theevils which his breach of faith might bring upon himself, said, "Sinceyou have reserved her for me, I should be very ungrateful indeed torefuse her, being yet at liberty to choose;" and without any delaymarried her. As soon as the fact became known, the Amidei and theUberti, whose families were allied, were filled with rage, and havingassembled with many others, connections of the parties, they concludedthat the injury could not be tolerated without disgrace, and that theonly vengeance proportionate to the enormity of the offence would be toput Buondelmonti to death. And although some took into consideration theevils that might ensue upon it, Mosca Lamberti said, that those who talkof many things effect nothing, using that trite and common adage, _Cosafatta capo ha_. Thereupon, they appointed to the execution of the murderMosca himself, Stiatti Uberti, Lambertuccio Amidei, and Oderigo Fifanti, who, on the morning of Easter day, concealed themselves in a house ofthe Amidei, situate between the old bridge and St. Stephen's, and asBuondelmonti was passing upon a white horse, thinking it as easy amatter to forget an injury as reject an alliance, he was attacked bythem at the foot of the bridge, and slain close by a statue of Mars. This murder divided the whole city; one party espousing the cause ofthe Buondelmonti, the other that of the Uberti; and as these familiespossessed men and means of defense, they contended with each other formany years, without one being able to destroy the other. 

Florence continued in these troubles till the time of Frederick II. , who, being king of Naples, endeavored to strengthen himself against thechurch; and, to give greater stability to his power in Tuscany, favoredthe Uberti and their followers, who, with his assistance, expelled theBuondelmonti; thus our city, as all the rest of Italy had long timebeen, became divided into Guelphs and Ghibellines; and as it will notbe superfluous, I shall record the names of the families which took partwith each faction. Those who adopted the cause of the Guelphs werethe Buondelmonti, Nerli, Rossi, Frescobaldi, Mozzi, Bardi, Pulci, Gherardini, Foraboschi, Bagnesi, Guidalotti, Sacchetti, Manieri, Lucardesi, Chiaramontesi, Compiobbesi, Cavalcanti, Giandonati, Gianfigliazzi, Scali, Gualterotti, Importuni, Bostichi, Tornaquinci, Vecchietti, Tosinghi, Arrigucci, Agli, Sizi, Adimari, Visdomini, Donati, Passi, della Bella, Ardinghi, Tedaldi, Cerchi. Of the Ghibellinefaction were the Uberti, Manelli, Ubriachi, Fifanti, Amidei, Infangati, Malespini, Scolari, Guidi, Galli, Cappiardi, Lamberti, Soldanieri, Cipriani, Toschi, Amieri, Palermini, Migliorelli, Pigli, Barucci, Cattani, Agolanti, Brunelleschi, Caponsacchi, Elisei, Abati, Tidaldini, Giuochi, and Galigai. Besides the noble families on each side aboveenumerated, each party was joined by many of the higher ranks of thepeople, so that the whole city was corrupted with this division. TheGuelphs being expelled, took refuge in the Upper Val d'Arno, wherepart of their castles and strongholds were situated, and where theystrengthened and fortified themselves against the attacks of theirenemies. But, upon the death of Frederick, the most unbiased men, andthose who had the greatest authority with the people, considered that itwould be better to effect the reunion of the city, than, by keeping herdivided, cause her ruin. They therefore induced the Guelphs to forgettheir injuries and return, and the Ghibellines to lay aside theirjealousies and receive them with cordiality. 

CHAPTER II

New form of government in Florence--Military establishments--Thegreatness of Florence--Movements of the Ghibellines--Ghibellinesdriven out of the city--Guelphs routed by the forces of the king ofNaples--Florence in the power of the king of Naples--Project ofthe Ghibellines to destroy Florence opposed by Farinata degliUberti--Adventures of the Guelphs of Florence--The pope gives hisstandard to the Guelphs--Fears of the Ghibellines and their preparationsfor the defense of their power--Establishment of trades' companies, andtheir authority--Count Guido Novello expelled--He goes to Prato--TheGuelphs restored to the city--The Ghibellines quit Florence--TheFlorentines reform the government in favor of the Guelphs--The popeendeavors to restore the Ghibellines and excommunicates Florence--PopeNicholas III. Endeavors to abate the power of Charles king of Naples. 

Being united, the Florentines thought the time favorable for theordination of a free government, and that it would be desirable toprovide their means of defense before the new emperor should acquirestrength. They therefore divided the city into six parts, and electedtwelve citizens, two for each sixth, to govern the whole. These werecalled Anziani, and were elected annually. To remove the cause of thoseenmities which had been observed to arise from judicial decisions, theyprovided two judges from some other state, --one called captain of thepeople, the other podesta, or provost, --whose duty it was to decide incases, whether civil or criminal, which occurred among the people. Andas order cannot be preserved without a sufficient force for the defenseof it, they appointed twenty banners in the city, and seventy-six in thecountry, upon the rolls of which the names of all the youth were armed;and it was ordered that everyone should appear armed, under his banner, whenever summoned, whether by the captain of the people or the Anziani. They had ensigns according to the kind of arms they used, the bowmenbeing under one ensign, and the swordsmen, or those who carried atarget, under another; and every year, upon the day of Pentecost, ensigns were given with great pomp to the new men, and new leaderswere appointed for the whole establishment. To give importance to theirarmies, and to serve as a point of refuge for those who were exhaustedin the fight, and from which, having become refreshed, they might againmake head against the enemy, they provided a large car, drawn by twooxen, covered with red cloth, upon which was an ensign of white and red. When they intended to assemble the army, this car was brought into theNew Market, and delivered with pomp to the heads of the people. To givesolemnity to their enterprises, they had a bell called Martinella, whichwas rung during a whole month before the forces left the city, in orderthat the enemy might have time to provide for his defense; so great wasthe virtue then existing among men, and with so much generosity of mindwere they governed, that as it is now considered a brave and prudent actto assail an unprovided enemy, in those days it would have been thoughtdisgraceful, and productive only of a fallacious advantage. This bellwas also taken with the army, and served to regulate the keeping andrelief of guard, and other matters necessary in the practice of war. 

With these ordinations, civil and military, the Florentines establishedtheir liberty. Nor is it possible to imagine the power and authorityFlorence in a short time acquired. She became not only the head ofTuscany, but was enumerated among the first cities of Italy, and wouldhave attained greatness of the most exalted kind, had she not beenafflicted with the continual divisions of her citizens. They remainedunder the this government ten years, during which time they compelledthe people of Pistoria, Arezzo, and Sienna, to enter into league withthem; and returning with the army from Sienna, they took Volterra, destroyed some castles, and led the inhabitants to Florence. All theseenterprises were effected by the advice of the Guelphs, who were muchmore powerful than the Ghibellines, for the latter were hated by thepeople as well on account of their haughty bearing while in power, during the time of Frederick, as because the church party was in morefavor than that of the emperor; for with the aid of the church theyhoped to preserve their liberty, but, with the emperor, they wereapprehensive of losing it. 

The Ghibellines, in the meantime, finding themselves divested ofauthority, could not rest, but watched for an occasion of repossessingthe government; and they thought the favorable moment come, when theyfound that Manfred, son of Frederick, had made himself sovereign ofNaples, and reduced the power of the church. They, therefore, secretlycommunicated with him, to resume the management of the state, butcould not prevent their proceedings from coming to the knowledge of theAnziani, who immediately summoned the Uberti to appear before them; butinstead of obeying, they took arms and fortified themselves in theirhouses. The people, enraged at this, armed themselves, and with theassistance of the Guelphs, compelled them to quit the city, and, with the whole Ghibelline party, withdraw to Sienna. They then askedassistance of Manfred king of Naples, and by the able conduct ofFarinata degli Uberti, the Guelphs were routed by the king's forcesupon the river Arbia, with so great slaughter, that those who escaped, thinking Florence lost, did not return thither, but sought refuge atLucca. 

Manfred sent the Count Giordano, a man of considerable reputationin arms, to command his forces. He after the victory, went with theGhibellines to Florence, and reduced the city entirely to the king'sauthority, annulling the magistracies and every other institution thatretained any appearance of freedom. This injury, committed with littleprudence, excited the ardent animosity of the people, and their enmityagainst the Ghibellines, whose ruin it eventually caused, was increasedto the highest pitch. The necessities of the kingdom compelling theCount Giordano to return to Naples, he left at Florence as regal vicarthe Count Guido Novallo, lord of Casentino, who called a council ofGhibellines at Empoli. There it was concluded, with only one dissentingvoice, that in order to preserve their power in Tuscany, it would benecessary to destroy Florence, as the only means of compelling theGuelphs to withdraw their support from the party of the church. To thisso cruel a sentence, given against such a noble city, there was not acitizen who offered any opposition, except Farinata degli Uberti, whoopenly defended her, saying he had not encountered so many dangers anddifficulties, but in the hope of returning to his country; that he stillwished for what he had so earnestly sought, nor would he refuse theblessing which fortune now presented, even though by using it, he wereto become as much an enemy of those who thought otherwise, as he hadbeen of the Guelphs; and that no one need be afraid the city wouldoccasion the ruin of their country, for he hoped that the valor whichhad expelled the Guelphs, would be sufficient to defend her. Farinatawas a man of undaunted resolution, and excelled greatly in militaryaffairs: being the head of the Ghibelline party, and in high estimationwith Manfred, his authority put a stop to the discussion, and inducedthe rest to think of some other means of preserving their power. 

The Lucchese being threatened with the anger of the count, for affordingrefuge to the Guelphs after the battle of the Arbia, could allow themto remain no longer; so leaving Lucca, they went to Bologna, from whencethey were called by the Guelphs of Parma against the Ghibellines of thatcity, where, having overcome the enemy, the possessions of the latterwere assigned to them; so that having increased in honors and riches, and learning that Pope Clement had invited Charles of Anjou to take thekingdom from Manfred, they sent ambassadors to the pope to offer himtheir services. His holiness not only received them as friends, but gavethem a standard upon which his insignia were wrought. It was ever afterborne by the Guelphs in battle, and is still used at Florence. Charleshaving taken the kingdom from Manfred, and slain him, to which successthe Guelphs of Florence had contributed, their party became morepowerful, and that of the Ghibellines proportionately weaker. Inconsequence of this, those who with Count Novello governed the city, thought it would be advisable to attach to themselves, with someconcession, the people whom they had previously aggravated with everyspecies of injury; but these remedies which, if applied before thenecessity came would have been beneficial, being offered when they wereno longer considered favors, not only failed of producing any beneficialresults to the donors, but hastened their ruin. Thinking, however, towin them to their interests, they restored some of the honors of whichthey had deprived them. They elected thirty-six citizens from the higherrank of the people, to whom, with two cavaliers, knights or gentlemen, brought from Bologna, the reformation of the government of the citywas confided. As soon as they met, they classed the whole of thepeople according to their arts or trades, and over each art appointed amagistrate, whose duty was to distribute justice to those placed underhim. They gave to each company or trade a banner, under which every manwas expected to appear armed, whenever the city required it. These artswere at first twelve, seven major and five minor. The minor arts wereafterward increased to fourteen, so that the whole made, as at present, twenty-one. The thirty-six reformers also effected other changes for thecommon good. 

Count Guido proposed to lay a tax upon the citizens for the support ofthe soldiery; but during the discussion found so much difficulty, thathe did not dare to use force to obtain it; and thinking he had now lostthe government, called together the leaders of the Ghibellines, and theydetermined to wrest from the people those powers which they had with solittle prudence conceded. When they thought they had sufficient force, the thirty-six being assembled, they caused a tumult to be raised, whichso alarmed them that they retired to their houses, when suddenly thebanners of the Arts were unfurled, and many armed men drawn to them. These, learning that Count Guido and his followers were at St. John's, moved toward the Holy Trinity, and chose Giovanni Soldanieri for theirleader. The count, on the other hand, being informed where the peoplewere assembled, proceeded in that direction; nor did the people shun thefight, for, meeting their enemies where now stands the residence of theTornaquinci, they put the count to flight, with the loss of many of hisfollowers. Terrified with this result, he was afraid his enemies wouldattack him in the night, and that his own party, finding themselvesbeaten, would murder him. This impression took such hold of his mindthat, without attempting any other remedy, he sought his safety ratherin flight than in combat, and, contrary to the advice of the rectors, went with all his people to Prato. But, on finding himself in a placeof safety, his fears fled; perceiving his error he wished to correct it, and on the following day, as soon as light appeared, he returnedwith his people to Florence, to enter the city by force which he hadabandoned in cowardice. But his design did not succeed; for the people, who had had difficulty in expelling him, kept him out with facility; sothat with grief and shame he went to the Casentino, and the Ghibellineswithdrew to their villas. 

The people being victorious, by the advice of those who loved the goodof the republic, determined to reunite the city, and recall all thecitizens as well Guelph as Ghibelline, who yet remained without. TheGuelphs returned, after having been expelled six years; the recentoffences of the Ghibellines were forgiven, and themselves restored totheir country. They were, however, most cordially hated, both by thepeople and the Guelphs, for the latter could not forget their exile, and the former but too well remembered their tyranny when they were inpower; the result was, that the minds of neither party became settled. 

While affairs were in this state at Florence, a report prevailed thatCorradino, nephew of Manfred, was coming with a force from Germany, forthe conquest of Naples; this gave the Ghibellines hope of recoveringpower, and the Guelphs, considering how they should provide for theirsecurity, requested assistance from Charles for their defense, incase of the passage of Corradino. The coming of the forces of Charlesrendered the Guelphs insolent, and so alarmed the Ghibellines that theyfled the city, without being driven out, two days before the arrival ofthe troops. 

The Ghibellines having departed, the Florentines reorganized thegovernment of the city, and elected twelve men who, as the supremepower, were to hold their magistracy two months, and were not calledAnziani or "ancients, " but Buono Uomini or "good men. " They also formeda council of eighty citizens, which they called the Credenza. Besidesthese, from each sixth, thirty citizens were chosen, who, with theCredenza and the twelve Buono Uomini, were called the General Council. They also appointed another council of one hundred and twenty citizens, elected from the people and the nobility, to which all those thingswere finally referred that had undergone the consideration of the othercouncils, and which distributed the offices of the republic. Havingformed this government, they strengthened the Guelphic party byappointing its friends to the principal offices of state, and a varietyof other measures, that they might be enabled to defend themselvesagainst the Ghibellines, whose property they divided into three parts, one of which was applied to the public use, another to the Capitani, andthe third was assigned to the Guelphs, in satisfaction of the injuriesthey had received. The pope, too, in order to keep Tuscany in theGuelphic interest, made Charles imperial vicar over the province. While the Florentines, by virtue of the new government, preserved theirinfluence at home by laws, and abroad with arms, the pope died, andafter a dispute, which continued two years, Gregory X. Was elected, being then in Syria, where he had long lived; but not having witnessedthe working of parties, he did not estimate them in the manner hispredecessors had done, and passing through Florence on his way toFrance, he thought it would be the office of a good pastor to unite thecity, and so far succeeded that the Florentines consented to receive theSyndics of the Ghibellines in Florence to consider the terms of theirrecall. They effected an agreement, but the Ghibellines without were soterrified that they did not venture to return. The pope laid the wholeblame upon the city, and being enraged excommunicated her, in whichstate of contumacy she remained as long as the pontiff lived; but wasreblessed by his successor Innocent V. 

The pontificate was afterward occupied by Nicholas III. Of the Orsinifamily. It has to be remarked that it was invariably the custom of thepopes to be jealous of those whose power in Italy had become great, evenwhen its growth had been occasioned by the favors of the church; and asthey always endeavored to destroy it, frequent troubles and changes werethe result. Their fear of a powerful person caused them to increase theinfluence of one previously weak; his becoming great caused him also tobe feared, and his being feared made them seek the means of destroyinghim. This mode of thinking and operation occasioned the kingdom ofNaples to be taken from Manfred and given to Charles, but as soon asthe latter became powerful his ruin was resolved upon. Actuated bythese motives, Nicholas III. Contrived that, with the influence of theemperor, the government of Tuscany should be taken from Charles, andLatino his legate was therefore sent into the province in the name ofthe empire. 

CHAPTER III

Changes in Florence--The Ghibellines recalled--New form of government inFlorence--The Signory created--Victory over the Aretins--The Gonfalonierof Justice created--Ubaldo Ruffoli the first Gonfalonier--Giano dellaBella--New reform by his advice--Giano della Bella becomes a voluntaryexile--Dissensions between the people and the nobility--The tumultscomposed--Reform of Government--Public buildings--The prosperous stateof the city. 

Florence was at this time in a very unhappy condition; for the greatGuelphic families had become insolent, and set aside the authorityof the magistrates; so that murders and other atrocities were dailycommitted, and the perpetrators escaped unpunished, under the protectionof one or other of the nobility. The leaders of the people, in orderto restrain this insolence, determined to recall those who had beenexpelled, and thus gave the legate an opportunity of uniting the city. The Ghibellines returned, and, instead of twelve governors, fourteenwere appointed, seven for each party, who held their office one year, and were to be chosen by the pope. The Florentines lived under thisgovernment two years, till the pontificate of Martin, who restored toCharles all the authority which had been taken from him by Nicholas, sothat parties were again active in Tuscany; for the Florentines took armsagainst the emperor's governor, and to deprive the Ghibellines of power, and restrain the nobility, established a new form of government. Thiswas in the year 1282, and the companies of the Arts, since magistrateshad been appointed and colors given to them, had acquired so greatinfluence, that of their own authority they ordered that, instead offourteen citizens, three should be appointed and called Priors, to holdthe government of the republic two months, and chosen from either thepeople or the nobility. After the expiration of the first magistracythey were augmented to six, that one might be chosen from each sixthof the city, and this number was preserved till the year 1342, when thecity was divided into quarters, and the Priors became eight, althoughupon some occasions during the interim they were twelve. 

This government, as will be seen hereafter, occasioned the ruin ofthe nobility; for the people by various causes excluded them from allparticipation in it, and then trampled upon them without respect. Thenobles at first, owing to their divisions among themselves, made noopposition; and each being anxious to rob the other of influence in thestate, they lost it altogether. To this government a palace was given, in which they were to reside constantly, and all requisite officerswere appointed; it having been previously the custom of councils andmagistrates to assemble in churches. At first they were only calledPriors, but to increase their distinction the word signori, or lords, was soon afterward adopted. The Florentines remained for some time indomestic quiet, during which they made war with the Aretins for havingexpelled the Guelphs, and obtained a complete victory over them atCampaldino. The city being increased in riches and population, it wasfound expedient to extend the walls, the circle of which was enlarged tothe extent it at present remains, although its diameter was previouslyonly the space between the old bridge and the church of St. Lorenzo. 

Wars abroad and peace within the city had caused the Guelph andGhibelline factions to become almost extinct; and the only party feelingwhich seemed occasionally to glow, was that which naturally exists inall cities between the higher classes and the people; for the latter, wishing to live in conformity with the laws, and the former to bethemselves the rulers of the people, it was not possible for them toabide in perfect amity together. This ungenial disposition, while theirfear of the Ghibellines kept them in order, did not discover itself, butno sooner were they subdued than it broke forth, and not a day passedwithout some of the populace being injured, while the laws wereinsufficient to procure redress, for every noble with his relationsand friends defended himself against the forces of the Priors andthe Capitano. To remedy this evil, the leaders of the Arts' companiesordered that every Signory at the time of entering upon the duties ofoffice should appoint a Gonfalonier of Justice, chosen from the people, and place a thousand armed men at his disposal divided into twentycompanies of fifty men each, and that he, with his gonfalon or bannerand his forces, should be ready to enforce the execution of the lawswhenever called upon, either by the Signors themselves or the Capitano. The first elected to this high office was Ubaldo Ruffoli. This manunfurled his gonfalon, and destroyed the houses of the Galletti, onaccount of a member of that family having slain one of the Florentinepeople in France. The violent animosities among the nobility enabledthe companies of the Arts to establish this law with facility; and theformer no sooner saw the provision which had been made against them thanthey felt the acrimonious spirit with which it was enforced. At firstit impressed them with greater terror, but they soon after returned totheir accustomed insolence, for one or more of their body alwaysmaking part of the Signory, gave them opportunities of impeding theGonfalonier, so that he could not perform the duties of his office. Besides this, the accuser always required a witness of the injury he hadreceived, and no one dared to give evidence against the nobility. Thusin a short time Florence again fell into the same disorders as before, and the tyranny exercised against the people was as great as ever; forthe decisions of justice were either prevented or delayed, and sentenceswere not carried into execution. 

In this unhappy state, the people not knowing what to do, Giano dellaBella, of a very noble family, and a lover of liberty, encouraged theheads of the Arts to reform the constitution of the city; and by hisadvice it was ordered that the Gonfalonier should reside with thePriors, and have four thousand men at his command. They deprivedthe nobility of the right to sit in the Signory. They condemned theassociates of a criminal to the same penalty as himself, and orderedthat public report should be taken as evidence. By these laws, whichwere called the ordinations of justice, the people acquired greatinfluence, and Giano della Bella not a small share of trouble; for hewas thoroughly hated by the great, as the destroyer of their power, while the opulent among the people envied him, for they thought hepossessed too great authority. This became very evident upon the firstoccasion that presented itself. 

It happened that a man from the class of the people was killed in ariot, in which several of the nobility had taken a part, and among therest Corso Donati, to whom, as the most forward of the party, the deathwas attributed. He was, therefore, taken by the captain of the people, and whether he was really innocent of the crime or the Capitano wasafraid of condemning him, he was acquitted. This acquittal displeasedthe people so much, that, seizing their arms, they ran to the house ofGiano della Bella, to beg that he would compel the execution of thoselaws which he had himself made. Giano, who wished Corso to be punished, did not insist upon their laying down their arms, as many were ofopinion he ought to have done, but advised them to go to theSignory, complain of the fact, and beg that they would take it intoconsideration. The people, full of wrath, thinking themselves insultedby the Capitano and abandoned by Giano della Bella, instead of goingto the Signory went to the palace of the Capitano, of which they madethemselves masters, and plundered it. 

This outrage displeased the whole city, and those who wished the ruin ofGiano laid the entire blame upon him; and as in the succeeding Signorythere was an enemy of his, he was accused to the Capitano as theoriginator of the riot. While the case was being tried, the people tookarms, and, proceeding to his house, offered to defend him against theSignory and his enemies. Giano, however, did not wish to put this burstof popular favor to the proof, or trust his life to the magistrates, forhe feared the malignity of the latter and the instability of the former;so, in order to remove an occasion for his enemies to injure him, orhis friends to offend the laws, he determined to withdraw, deliver hiscountrymen from the fear they had of him, and, leaving the city whichat his own charge and peril he had delivered from the servitude of thegreat, become a voluntary exile. 

After the departure of Giano della Bella the nobility began to entertainhopes of recovering their authority; and judging their misfortune tohave arisen from their divisions, they sent two of their body to theSignory, which they thought was favorable to them, to beg they would bepleased to moderate the severity of the laws made against them. As soonas their demand became known, the minds of the people were much excited;for they were afraid the Signors would submit to them; and so, betweenthe desire of the nobility and the jealousy of the people, arms wereresorted to. The nobility were drawn together in three places: near thechurch of St. John, in the New Market, and in the Piazza of the Mozzi, under three leaders, Forese Adimari, Vanni de Mozzi, and Geri Spini. The people assembled in immense numbers, under their ensigns, before thepalace of the Signory, which at that time was situated near St. Procolo;and, as they suspected the integrity of the Signory, they added sixcitizens to their number to take part in the management of affairs. 

While both parties were preparing for the fight, some individuals, aswell of the people as of the nobility, accompanied by a few priests ofrespectable character, mingled among them for the purpose of effectinga pacification, reminding the nobility that their loss of power, and thelaws which were made against them, had been occasioned by their haughtyconduct, and the mischievous tendency of their proceedings; thatresorting to arms to recover by force what they had lost by illiberalmeasures and disunion, would tend to the destruction of their countryand increase the difficulties of their own position; that they shouldbear in mind that the people, both in riches, numbers, and hatred, werefar stronger than they; and that their nobility, on account of whichthey assumed to be above others, did not contribute to win battles, andwould be found, when they came to arms, to be but an empty name, andinsufficient to defend them against so many. On the other hand, theyreminded the people that it is not prudent to wish always to have thelast blow; that it is an injudicious step to drive men to desperation, for he who is without hope is also without fear; that they ought notto forget that in the wars the nobility had always done honor to thecountry, and therefore it was neither wise nor just to pursue themwith so much bitterness; and that although the nobility could bear withpatience the loss of the supreme magistracy, they could not endure that, by the existing laws, it should be in the power of everyone to drivethem from their country; and, therefore, it would be well to qualifythese laws, and, in furtherance of so good a result, be better to laydown their arms than, trusting to numbers, try the fortune of a battle;for it is often seen that the many are overcome by the few. Variety ofopinion was found among the people; many wished to decide the questionby arms at once, for they were assured it would have to be done sometime, and that it would be better to do so then than delay tillthe enemy had acquired greater strength; and that if they thought amitigation of the laws would satisfy them, that then they would be gladto comply, but that the pride of the nobility was so great they wouldnot submit unless they were compelled. To many others, who were morepeaceable and better disposed, it appeared a less evil to qualify thelaws a little than to come to battle; and their opinion prevailing, itwas provided that no accusation against the nobility could be receivedunless supported with sufficient testimony. 

Although arms were laid aside, both parties remained full of suspicion, and each fortified itself with men and places of strength. The peoplereorganized the government, and lessened the number of its officers, towhich measure they were induced by finding that the Signors appointedfrom the families, of which the following were the heads, had beenfavorable to the nobility, viz. : the Mancini, Magalotti, Altoviti, Peruzzi, and Cerretani. Having settled the government, for the greatermagnificence and security of the Signory, they laid the foundation oftheir palace; and to make space for the piazza, removed the houses thathad belonged to the Uberti; they also at the same period commenced thepublic prisons. These buildings were completed in a few years; nor didour city ever enjoy a greater state of prosperity than in those times:filled with men of great wealth and reputation; possessing within herwalls 30, 000 men capable of bearing arms, and in the country 70, 000, while the whole of Tuscany, either as subjects or friends, owedobedience to Florence. And although there might be some indignation andjealousy between the nobility and the people, they did not produce anyevil effect, but all lived together in unity and peace. And if thispeace had not been disturbed by internal enmities there would have beenno cause of apprehension whatever, for the city had nothing to feareither from the empire or from those citizens whom political reasonskept from their homes, and was in condition to meet all the states ofItaly with her own forces. The evil, however, which external powerscould not effect, was brought about by those within. 

CHAPTER IV

The Cerchi and the Donati--Origin of the Bianca and Nera factionsin Pistoia--They come to Florence--Open enmity of the Donati and theCerchi--Their first conflict--The Cerchi head the Bianca faction--TheDonati take part with the Nera--The pope's legate at Florence increasesthe confusion with an interdict--New affray between the Cerchi and theDonati--The Donati and others of the Nera faction banished by the adviceof Dante Alighieri--Charles of Valois sent by the pope to Florence--TheFlorentines suspect him--Corso Donati and the rest of the Nera partyreturn to Florence--Veri Cerchi flies--The pope's legate again inFlorence--The city again interdicted--New disturbances--The Bianchibanished--Dante banished--Corso Donati excites fresh troubles--Thepope's legate endeavors to restore the emigrants but does notsucceed--Great fire in Florence. 

The Cerchi and the Donati were, for riches, nobility, and the numberand influence of their followers, perhaps the two most distinguishedfamilies in Florence. Being neighbors, both in the city and the country, there had arisen between them some slight displeasure, which, however, had not occasioned an open quarrel, and perhaps never would haveproduced any serious effect if the malignant humors had not beenincreased by new causes. Among the first families of Pistoia was theCancellieri. It happened that Lore, son of Gulielmo, and Geri, son ofBertacca, both of this family, playing together, and coming to words, Geri was slightly wounded by Lore. This displeased Gulielmo; and, designing by a suitable apology to remove all cause of furtheranimosity, he ordered his son to go to the house of the father of theyouth whom he had wounded and ask pardon. Lore obeyed his father; butthis act of virtue failed to soften the cruel mind of Bertacca, andhaving caused Lore to be seized, in order to add the greatest indignityto his brutal act, he ordered his servants to chop off the youth's handupon a block used for cutting meat upon, and then said to him, "Go tothy father, and tell him that sword wounds are cured with iron and notwith words. "

The unfeeling barbarity of this act so greatly exasperated Gulielmo thathe ordered his people to take arms for his revenge. Bertacca preparedfor his defense, and not only that family, but the whole city ofPistoia, became divided. And as the Cancellieri were descended froma Cancelliere who had had two wives, of whom one was called Bianca(white), one party was named by those who were descended from herBIANCA; and the other, by way of greater distinction, was called NERA(black). Much and long-continued strife took place between the two, attended with the death of many men and the destruction of muchproperty; and not being able to effect a union among themselves, butweary of the evil, and anxious either to bring it to an end, or, byengaging others in their quarrel, increase it, they came to Florence, where the Neri, on account of their familiarity with the Donati, werefavored by Corso, the head of that family; and on this account theBianchi, that they might have a powerful head to defend them against theDonati, had recourse to Veri de Cerchi, a man in no respect inferior toCorso. 

This quarrel, and the parties in it, brought from Pistoia, increased theold animosity between the Cerchi and the Donati, and it was alreadyso manifest, that the Priors and all well-disposed men were in hourlyapprehension of its breaking out, and causing a division of the wholecity. They therefore applied to the pontiff, praying that he wouldinterpose his authority between these turbulent parties, and provide theremedy which they found themselves unable to furnish. The pope sentfor Veri, and charged him to make peace with the Donati, at which Veriexhibited great astonishment, saying that he had no enmity against them, and that as pacification presupposes war, he did not know, there beingno war between them, how peacemaking could be necessary. Veri havingreturned from Rome without anything being effected, the rage of theparties increased to such a degree, that any trivial accident seemedsufficient to make it burst forth, as indeed presently happened. 

It was in the month of May, during which, and upon holidays, it is thecustom of Florence to hold festivals and public rejoicings throughoutthe city. Some youths of the Donati family, with their friends, uponhorseback, were standing near the church of the Holy Trinity to lookat a party of ladies who were dancing; thither also came some of theCerchi, like the Donati, accompanied with many of the nobility, and, not knowing that the Donati were before them, pushed their horses andjostled them; thereupon the Donati, thinking themselves insulted, drewtheir swords, nor were the Cerchi at all backward to do the same, andnot till after the interchange of many wounds, they separated. Thisdisturbance was the beginning of great evils; for the whole city becamedivided, the people as well as the nobility, and the parties took thenames of the Bianchi and the Neri. The Cerchi were at the head of theBianchi faction, to which adhered the Adimari, the Abati, a part of theTosinghi, of the Bardi, of the Rossi, of the Frescobaldi, of the Nerli, and of the Manelli; all the Mozzi, the Scali, Gherardini, Cavalcanti, Malespini, Bostichi, Giandonati, Vecchietti, and Arrigucci. To thesewere joined many families of the people, and all the Ghibellines thenin Florence, so that their great numbers gave them almost the entiregovernment of the city. 

The Donati, at the head of whom was Corso, joined the Nera party, towhich also adhered those members of the above-named families who did nottake part with the Bianchi; and besides these, the whole of the Pazzi, the Bisdomini, Manieri, Bagnesi, Tornaquinci, Spini, Buondelmonti, Gianfigliazzi, and the Brunelleschi. Nor did the evil confine itself tothe city alone, for the whole country was divided upon it, so that theCaptains of the Six Parts, and whoever were attached to the Guelphicparty or the well-being of the republic, were very much afraid that thisnew division would occasion the destruction of the city, and give newlife to the Ghibelline faction. They, therefore, sent again to PopeBoniface, desiring that, unless he wished that city which had alwaysbeen the shield of the church should either be ruined or becomeGhibelline, he would consider some means for her relief. Thepontiff thereupon sent to Florence, as his legate, Cardinal Matteod'Acquasparta, a Portuguese, who, finding the Bianchi, as the mostpowerful, the least in fear, not quite submissive to him, he interdictedthe city, and left it in anger, so that greater confusion now prevailedthan had done previously to his coming. 

The minds of men being in great excitement, it happened that at afuneral which many of the Donati and the Cerchi attended, they firstcame to words and then to arms, from which, however, nothing but merelytumult resulted at the moment. However, having each retired to theirhouses, the Cerchi determined to attack the Donati, but, by the valorof Corso, they were repulsed and great numbers of them wounded. The citywas in arms. The laws and the Signory were set at nought by the rageof the nobility, and the best and wisest citizens were full ofapprehension. The Donati and their followers, being the least powerful, were in the greatest fear, and to provide for their safety they calledtogether Corso, the Captains of the Parts, and the other leaders of theNeri, and resolved to apply to the pope to appoint some personage ofroyal blood, that he might reform Florence; thinking by this means toovercome the Bianchi. Their meeting and determination became known tothe Priors, and the adverse party represented it as a conspiracy againstthe liberties of the republic. Both parties being in arms, the Signory, one of whom at that time was the poet Dante, took courage, and from hisadvice and prudence, caused the people to rise for the preservation oforder, and being joined by many from the country, they compelled theleaders of both parties to lay aside their arms, and banished Corso, with many of the Neri. And as an evidence of the impartiality of theirmotives, they also banished many of the Bianchi, who, however, soonafterward, under pretense of some justifiable cause, returned. 

Corso and his friends, thinking the pope favorable to their party, went to Rome and laid their grievances before him, having previouslyforwarded a statement of them in writing. Charles of Valois, brother ofthe king of France, was then at the papal court, having been calledinto Italy by the king of Naples, to go over into Sicily. The pope, therefore, at the earnest prayers of the banished Florentines, consentedto send Charles to Florence, till the season suitable for his going toSicily should arrive. He therefore came, and although the Bianchi, who then governed, were very apprehensive, still, as the head of theGuelphs, and appointed by the pope, they did not dare to oppose him, andin order to secure his friendship, they gave him authority to dispose ofthe city as he thought proper. 

Thus authorized, Charles armed all his friends and followers, which stepgave the people so strong a suspicion that he designed to rob them oftheir liberty, that each took arms, and kept at his own house, in orderto be ready, if Charles should make any such attempt. The Cerchi and theleaders of the Bianchi faction had acquired universal hatred by having, while at the head of the republic, conducted themselves with unbecomingpride; and this induced Corso and the banished of the Neri party toreturn to Florence, knowing well that Charles and the Captains ofthe Parts were favorable to them. And while the citizens, for fear ofCharles, kept themselves in arms, Corso, with all the banished, andfollowed by many others, entered Florence without the least impediment. And although Veri de Cerchi was advised to oppose him, he refused to doso, saying that he wished the people of Florence, against whom he came, should punish him. However, the contrary happened, for he was welcomed, not punished by them; and it behooved Veri to save himself by flight. 

Corso, having forced the Pinti Gate, assembled his party at San PietroMaggiore, near his own house, where, having drawn together a greatnumber of friends and people desirous of change, he set at libertyall who had been imprisoned for offenses, whether against the stateor against individuals. He compelled the existing Signory to withdrawprivately to their own houses, elected a new one from the people of theNeri party, and for five days plundered the leaders of the Bianchi. TheCerchi, and the other heads of their faction, finding Charles opposedto them, withdrew from the city, and retired to their strongholds. Andalthough at first they would not listen to the advice of the pope, theywere now compelled to turn to him for assistance, declaring that insteadof uniting the city, Charles had caused greater disunion than before. The pope again sent Matteo d'Acquasparta, his legate, who made peacebetween the Cerchi and the Donati, and strengthened it with marriagesand new betrothals. But wishing that the Bianchi should participate inthe employments of the government, to which the Neri who were then atthe head of it would not consent, he withdrew, with no more satisfactionnor less enraged than on the former occasion, and left the cityinterdicted for disobedience. 

Both parties remained in Florence, and equally discontented; the Nerifrom seeing their enemies at hand, and apprehending the loss of theirpower, and the Bianchi from finding themselves without either honor orauthority; and to these natural causes of animosity new injurieswere added. Niccolo de' Cerchi, with many of his friends, went to hisestates, and being arrived at the bridge of Affrico, was attacked bySimone, son of Corso Donati. The contest was obstinate, and one eachside had a sorrowful conclusion; for Niccolo was slain, and Simone wasso severely wounded that he died on the following night. 

This event again disturbed the entire city; and although the Neri weremost to blame, they were defended by those who were at the head ofaffairs; and before sentence was delivered, a conspiracy of the Bianchiwith Piero Ferrante, one of the barons who had accompanied Charles, was discovered, by whose assistance they sought to be replaced in thegovernment. The matter became known from letters addressed to him by theCerchi, although some were of opinion that they were not genuine, butwritten and pretended to be found, by the Donati, to abate the infamywhich their party had acquired by the death of Niccolo. The whole ofthe Cerchi were, however, banished, --with their followers of the Bianchiparty, of whom was Dante the poet, --their property confiscated, andtheir houses pulled down. They sought refuge, with a great number ofGhibellines who had joined them, in many places, seeking fresh fortunesin new undertakings. Charles, having effected the purpose of his coming, left the city, and returned to the pope to pursue his enterprise againstSicily, in which he was neither wiser nor more fortunate than he hadbeen at Florence; so that with disgrace and the loss of many of hisfollowers, he withdrew to France. 

After the departure of Charles, Florence remained quiet. Corso alone wasrestless, thinking he did not possess that sort of authority in the citywhich was due to his rank; for the government being in the hands of thepeople, he saw the offices of the republic administered by many inferiorto himself. Moved by passions of this kind, he endeavored, underthe pretense of an honorable design, to justify his own dishonorablepurposes, and accused many citizens who had the management of the publicmoney, of applying it to their private uses, and recommended that theyshould be brought to justice and punished. This opinion was adopted bymany who had the same views as himself; and many in ignorance joinedthem, thinking Corso actuated only by pure patriotism. On the otherhand, the accused citizens, enjoying the popular favor, defendedthemselves, and this difference arose to such a height, that, aftercivil means, they had recourse to arms. Of the one party were Corso andLottieri, bishop of Florence, with many of the nobility and some of thepeople; on the other side were the Signory, with the greater part ofthe people; so that skirmishes took place in many parts of the city. TheSignory, seeing their danger great, sent for aid to the Lucchese, and presently all the people of Lucca were in Florence. With theirassistance the disturbances were settled for the moment, and the peopleretained the government and their liberty, without attempting by anyother means to punish the movers of the disorder. 

The pope had heard of the tumults at Florence, and sent his legate, Niccolo da Prato, to settle them, who, being in high reputation both forhis quality, learning, and mode of life, presently acquired so much ofthe people's confidence, that authority was given him to establish sucha government as he should think proper. As he was of Ghibelline origin, he determined to recall the banished; but designing first to gain theaffections of the lower orders, he renewed the ancient companies ofthe people, which increased the popular power and reduced that of thenobility. The legate, thinking the multitude on his side, now endeavoredto recall the banished, and, after attempting in many ways, none ofwhich succeeded, he fell so completely under the suspicion of thegovernment, that he was compelled to quit the city, and returned to thepope in great wrath, leaving Florence full of confusion and sufferingunder an interdict. Neither was the city disturbed with one divisionalone, but by many; first the enmity between the people and thenobility, then that of the Ghibellines and the Guelphs, and lastly, ofthe Bianchi and the Neri. All the citizens were, therefore, in arms, formany were dissatisfied with the departure of the legate, and wished forthe return of the banished. The first who set this disturbance on footwere the Medici and the Guinigi, who, with the legate, had discoveredthemselves in favor of the rebels; and thus skirmishes took place inmany parts of the city. 

In addition to these evils a fire occurred, which first broke out at thegarden of St. Michael, in the houses of the Abati; it thence extended tothose of the Capoinsacchi, and consumed them, with those of the Macci, Amieri, Toschi, Cipriani, Lamberti, Cavalcanti, and the whole of the NewMarket; from thence it spread to the gate of St. Maria, and burned it tothe ground; turning from the old bridge, it destroyed the houses of theGherardini, Pulci, Amidei, and Lucardesi, and with these so many othersthat the number amounted to seventeen hundred. It was the opinionof many that this fire occurred by accident during the heat of thedisturbances. Others affirm that it was begun willfully by Neri Abati, prior of St. Pietro Scarragio, a dissolute character, fond of mischief, who, seeing the people occupied with the combat, took the opportunityof committing a wicked act, for which the citizens, being thus employed, could offer no remedy. And to insure his success, he set fire to thehouse of his own brotherhood, where he had the best opportunity of doingit. This was in the year 1304, Florence being afflicted both with fireand the sword. Corso Donati alone remained unarmed in so many tumults;for he thought he would more easily become the arbitrator between thecontending parties when, weary of strife, they should be inclined toaccommodation. They laid down their arms, however, rather from satietyof evil than from any desire of union; and the only consequence was, that the banished were not recalled, and the party which favored themremained inferior. 

CHAPTER V

The emigrants attempt to re-enter Florence, but are not allowed to doso--The companies of the people restored--Restless conduct ofCorso Donati--The ruin of Corso Donati--Corso Donati accusedand condemned--Riot at the house of Corso--Death of Corso--Hischaracter--Fruitless attempt of the Emperor Henry against theFlorentines--The emigrants are restored to the city--The citizens placethemselves under the king of Naples for five years--War with Uguccionedella Faggiuola--The Florentines routed--Florence withdraws herselffrom subjection to King Robert, and expels the Count Novello--Landod'Agobbio--His tyranny--His departure. 

The legate being returned to Rome, and hearing of the new disturbancewhich had occurred, persuaded the pope that if he wished to unite theFlorentines, it would be necessary to have twelve of the first citizensappear before him, and having thus removed the principal causes ofdisunion, he might easily put a stop to it. The pontiff took thisadvice, and the citizens, among whom was Corso Donati, obeyed thesummons. These having left the city, the legate told the exiles thatnow, when the city was deprived of her leaders, was the time for themto return. They, therefore, having assembled, came to Florence, andentering by a part of the wall not yet completed, proceeded to thepiazza of St. Giovanni. It is worthy of remark, that those who, a shorttime previously, when they came unarmed and begged to be restored totheir country, had fought for their return, now, when they saw them inarms and resolved to enter by force, took arms to oppose them (so muchmore was the common good esteemed than private friendship), and beingjoined by the rest of the citizens, compelled them to return to theplaces whence they had come. They failed in their undertaking by havingleft part of their force at Lastra, and by not having waited the arrivalof Tolosetto Uberti, who had to come from Pistoia with three hundredhorse; for they thought celerity rather than numbers would give them thevictory; and it often happens, in similar enterprises, that delay robsus of the occasion, and too great anxiety to be forward prevents us ofthe power, or makes us act before we are properly prepared. 

The banished having retired, Florence again returned to her olddivisions; and in order to deprive the Cavalcanti of their authority, the people took from them the Stinche, a castle situated in the Valdi Greve, and anciently belonging to the family. And as those who weretaken in it were the first who were put into the new prisons, the latterwere, and still continue, named after it, --the Stinche. The leaders ofthe republic also re-established the companies of the people, and gavethem the ensigns that were first used by the companies of the Arts; theheads of which were called Gonfaloniers of the companies and colleaguesof the Signory; and ordered, that when any disturbance arose they shouldassist the Signory with arms, and in peace with counsel. To the twoancient rectors they added an executor, or sheriff, who, with theGonfaloniers, was to aid in repressing the insolence of the nobility. 

In the meantime the pope died. Corso, with the other citizens, returnedfrom Rome; and all would have been well if his restless mind had notoccasioned new troubles. It was his common practice to be of a contraryopinion to the most powerful men in the city; and whatever he saw thepeople inclined to do, he exercised his utmost influence to effect, in order to attach them to himself; so that he was a leader in alldifferences, at the head of every new scheme, and whoever wished toobtain anything extraordinary had recourse to him. This conduct causedhim to be hated by many of the highest distinction; and their hatredincreased to such a degree that the Neri faction to which he belonged, became completely divided; for Corso, to attain his ends, had availedhimself of private force and authority, and of the enemies of the state. But so great was the influence attached to his person, that everyonefeared him. Nevertheless, in order to strip him of the popular favor(which by this means may easily be done), a report was set on foot thathe intended to make himself prince of the city; and to the design hisconduct gave great appearance of probability, for his way of livingquite exceeded all civil bounds; and the opinion gained furtherstrength, upon his taking to wife a daughter of Uguccione dellaFaggiuola, head of the Ghibelline and Bianchi faction, and one of themost powerful men in Tuscany. 

When this marriage became known it gave courage to his adversaries, andthey took arms against him; for the same reason the people ceasedto defend him, and the greater part of them joined the ranks of hisenemies, the leaders of whom were Rosso della Tosa, Pazino dei Pazzi, Geri Spini, and Berto Brunelleschi. These, with their followers, and thegreater part of the people, assembled before the palace of the Signory, by whose command a charge was made before Piero Branca, captain of thepeople, against Corso, of intending, with the aid of Uguccione, to usurpthe government. He was then summoned, and for disobedience, declareda rebel; nor did two hours pass over between the accusation and thesentence. The judgment being given, the Signory, with the companies ofthe people under their ensigns, went in search of him, who, althoughseeing himself abandoned by many of his followers, aware of the sentenceagainst him, the power of the Signory, and the multitude of his enemies, remained undaunted, and fortified his houses, in the hope of defendingthem till Uguccione, for whom he had sent, should come to his Relief. His residences, and the streets approaching them, were barricaded andtaken possession of by his partisans, who defended them so bravely thatthe enemy, although in great numbers, could not force them, and thebattle became one of the hottest, with wounds and death on all sides. But the people, finding they could not drive them from their ground, took possession of the adjoining houses, and by unobserved passagesobtained entry. Corso, thus finding himself surrounded by his foes, nolonger retaining any hope of assistance from Uguccione, and without achance of victory, thought only of effecting his personal safety, andwith Gherardo Bordoni, and some of his bravest and most trusted friends, fought a passage through the thickest of their enemies, and effectedtheir escape from the city by the Gate of the Cross. They were, however, pursued by vast numbers, and Gherardo was slain upon the bridge ofAffrico by Boccaccio Cavicciulli. Corso was overtaken and madeprisoner by a party of Catalan horse, in the service of the Signory, atRovezzano. But when approaching Florence, that he might avoid being seenand torn to pieces by his victorious enemies, he allowed himself to fallfrom horseback, and being down, one of those who conducted him cut histhroat. The body was found by the monks of San Salvi, and buried withoutany ceremony due to his rank. Such was the end of Corso, to whom hiscountry and the Neri faction were indebted for much both of good andevil; and if he had possessed a cooler spirit he would have left behindhim a more happy memory. Nevertheless, he deserves to be enumeratedamong the most distinguished men our city has produced. True it is, thathis restless conduct made both his country and his party forgetful oftheir obligation to him. The same cause also produced his miserableend, and brought many troubles upon both his friends and his country. Uguccione, coming to the assistance of his relative, learned at Remolithat Corso had been overcome by the people, and finding that he couldnot render him any assistance, in order to avoid bringing evil uponhimself without occasion, he returned home. 

After the death of Corso, which occurred in the year 1308, thedisturbances were appeased, and the people lived quietly till it wasreported that the Emperor Henry was coming into Italy, and with him allthe Florentine emigrants, to whom he had promised restoration to theircountry. The leaders of the government thought, that in order to lessenthe number of their enemies, it would be well to recall, of their ownwill, all who had been expelled, excepting such as the law had expresslyforbidden to return. Of the number not admitted, were the greater partof the Ghibellines, and some of those of the Bianchi faction, among whomwere Dante Alighieri, the sons of Veri de' Cerchi and of Giano dellaBella. Besides this they sent for aid to Robert, king of Naples, and notbeing able to obtain it of him as friends, they gave their city to himfor five years, that he might defend them as his own people. The emperorentered Italy by the way of Pisa, and proceeded by the marshes to Rome, where he was crowned in the year 1312. Then, having determined to subduethe Florentines, he approached their city by the way of Perugia andArezzo, and halted with his army at the monastery of San Salvi, abouta mile from Florence, where he remained fifty days without effectinganything. Despairing of success against Florence, he returned to Pisa, where he entered into an agreement with Frederick, king of Sicily, to undertake the conquest of Naples, and proceeded with his peopleaccordingly; but while filled with the hope of victory, and carryingdismay into the heart of King Robert, having reached Buonconvento, hedied. 

Shortly after this, Uguccione della Faggiuola, having by means of theGhibelline party become lord of Pisa and of Lucca, caused, with theassistance of these cities, very serious annoyance to the neighbouringplaces. In order to effect their relief the Florentines requestedKing Robert would allow his brother Piero to take the command of theirarmies. On the other hand, Uguccione continued to increase his power;and either by force or fraud obtained possession of many castles in theVal d'Arno and the Val di Nievole; and having besieged Monte Cataini, the Florentines found it would be necessary to send to its relief, thatthey might not see him burn and destroy their whole territory. Havingdrawn together a large army, they entered the Val di Nievole where theycame up with Uguccione, and were routed after a severe battle in whichPiero the king's brother and 2, 000 men were slain; but the body ofthe Prince was never found. Neither was the victory a joyful one toUguccione; for one of his sons, and many of the leaders of his army, fell in the strife. 

The Florentines after this defeat fortified their territory, and KingRobert sent them, for commander of their forces, the Count d'Andria, usually called Count Novello, by whose deportment, or because it isnatural to the Florentines to find every state tedious, the city, notwithstanding the war with Uguccione, became divided into friends andenemies of the king. Simon della Tosa, the Magalotti, and certain othersof the people who had attained greater influence in the government thanthe rest, were leaders of the party against the king. By these meansmessengers were sent to France, and afterward into Germany, to solicitleaders and forces that they might drive out the count, whom the kinghad appointed governor; but they failed of obtaining any. Neverthelessthey did not abandon their undertaking, but still desirous of one whomthey might worship, after an unavailing search in France and Germany, they discovered him at Agobbio, and having expelled the Count Novello, caused Lando d'Agobbio to be brought into the city as Bargello (sheriff), and gave him the most unlimited power of the citizens. This man wascruel and rapacious; and going through the country accompanied with anarmed force, he put many to death at the mere instigation of those whohad endowed him with authority. His insolence rose to such a height, that he stamped base metal with the impression used upon the money ofthe state, and no one had sufficient courage to oppose him, so powerfulhad he become by the discords of Florence. Great, certainly, but unhappycity! which neither the memory of past divisions, the fear of herenemies, nor a king's authority, could unite for her own advantage; sothat she found herself in a state of the utmost wretchedness, harassedwithout by Uguccione, and plundered within by Lando d'Agobbio. 

The friends of the king and those who opposed Lando and his followers, were either of noble families or the highest of the people, and allGuelphs; but their adversaries being in power they could not discovertheir minds without incurring the greatest danger. Being, however, determined to deliver themselves from such disgraceful tyranny, theysecretly wrote to King Robert, requesting him to appoint for his vicarin Florence Count Guido da Battifolle. The king complied; and theopposite party, although the Signory were opposed to the king, onaccount of the good quality of the count, did not dare to resist him. Still his authority was not great, because the Signory and Gonfaloniersof the companies were in favor of Lando and his party. 

During these troubles, the daughter of King Albert of Bohemia passedthrough Florence, in search of her husband, Charles, the son of KingRobert, and was received with the greatest respect by the friends of theking, who complained to her of the unhappy state of the city, and of thetyranny of Lando and his partisans; so that through her influence andthe exertions of the king's friends, the citizens were again united, andbefore her departure, Lando was stripped of all authority and send backto Agobbio, laden with blood and plunder. In reforming the government, the sovereignty of the city was continued to the king for another threeyears, and as there were then in office seven Signors of the partyof Lando, six more were appointed of the king's friends, and somemagistracies were composed of thirteen Signors; but not long afterwardthe number was reduced to seven according to ancient custom. 

CHAPTER VI

War with Castruccio--Castruccio marches against Prato and retireswithout making any attempt--The emigrants not being allowed to return, endeavor to enter the city by force, and are repulsed--Change inthe mode of electing the great officers of state--The Squittiniestablished--The Florentines under Raymond of Cardona are routedby Castruccio at Altopascio--Treacherous designs of Raymond--TheFlorentines give the sovereignty of the city to Charles duke of Cambria, who appoints the duke of Athens for his vicar--The duke of Calabriacomes to Florence--The Emperor Louis of Bavaria visits Italy--Theexcitement he produces--Death of Castruccio and of Charles duke ofCalabria--Reform of government. 

About the same time, Uguccione lost the sovereignty of Lucca and ofPisa, and Castruccio Castracani, a citizen of Lucca, became lord ofthem, who, being a young man, bold and fierce, and fortunate in hisenterprises, in a short time became the head of the Ghibellines inTuscany. On this account the discords among the Florentines werelaid aside for some years, at first to abate the increasing powerof Castruccio, and afterward to unite their means for mutual defenseagainst him. And in order to give increased strength and efficacy totheir counsels, the Signory appointed twelve citizens whom they calledBuonomini, or good men, without whose advice and consent nothing ofany importance could be carried into effect. The conclusion of thesovereignty of King Robert being come, the citizens took the governmentinto their own hands, reappointed the usual rectors and magistracies, and were kept united by the dread of Castruccio, who, after many effortsagainst the lords of Lunigiano, attacked Prato, to the relief of whichthe Florentines having resolved to go, shut up their shops and houses, and proceeded thither in a body, amounting to twenty thousand foot andone thousand five hundred horse. And in order to reduce the number ofCastruccio's friends and augment their own, the Signory declared thatevery rebel of the Guelphic party who should come to the relief of Pratowould be restored to his country; they thus increased their army with anaddition of four thousand men. This great force being quickly broughtto Prato, alarmed Castruccio so much, that without trying the fortuneof battle, he retired toward Lucca. Upon this, disturbances arose in theFlorentine camp between the nobility and the people, the latter of whomwished to pursue the foe and destroy him; the former were for returninghome, saying they had done enough for Prato in hazarding the safetyof Florence on its account, which they did not regret under thecircumstances, but now, that necessity no longer existing, the proprietyof further risk ceased also, as there was little to be gained and muchto lose. Not being able to agree, the question was referred to theSignory, among whom the difference of opinion was equally great; andas the matter spread throughout the city, the people drew together, andused such threatening language against the nobility that they, beingapprehensive for their safety, yielded; but the resolution being adoptedtoo late, and by many unwillingly, gave the enemy time to withdraw insafety to Lucca. 

This unfortunate circumstance made the people so indignant againstthe great that the Signory refused to perform the promise made tothe exiles, and the latter, anticipating the fact, determined to bebeforehand, and were at the gates of Florence to gain admittance intothe city before the rest of the forces; but their design did not takeeffect, for their purpose being foreseen, they were repulsed by thosewho had remained at home. They then endeavored to acquire by entreatywhat they had failed to obtain by force; and sent eight men asambassadors to the Signory, to remind them of the promise given, andof the dangers they had undergone, in hope of the reward which had beenheld out to them. And although the nobility, who felt the obligation onaccount of their having particularly undertaken to fulfill the promisefor which the Signory had bound themselves, used their utmost exertionin favor of the exiles, so great was the anger of the multitude onaccount of their only partial success against Castruccio, that theycould not obtain their admission. This occasioned cost and dishonor tothe city; for many of the nobility, taking offense at this proceeding, endeavored to obtain by arms that which had been refused to theirprayers, and agreed with the exiles that they should come armed to thecity, and that those within would arm themselves in their defense. Butthe affair was discovered before the appointed day arrived, so thatthose without found the city in arms, and prepared to resist them. Socompletely subdued were those within, that none dared to take arms; andthus the undertaking was abandoned, without any advantage havingbeen obtained by the party. After the departure of the exiles it wasdetermined to punish those who had been instrumental in bringing themto the city; but, although everyone knew who were the delinquents, none ventured to name and still less to accuse them. It was, therefore, resolved that in order to come at the truth, everyone should writethe names of those he believed to be guilty, and present the writingsecretly to the Capitano. By this means, Amerigo Donati, Teghiajo, Frescobaldi, and Lotteringo Gherardini were accused; but, the judgesbeing more favorably disposed to them than, perhaps, their misdeedsdeserved, each escaped by paying a fine. 

The tumults which arose in Florence from the coming of the rebels to thegates, showed that one leader was insufficient for the companies ofthe people; they, therefore, determined that in future each should havethree or four; and to every Gonfalonier two or three Pennonieri (pennonbearers) were added, so that if the whole body were not drawn out, apart might operate under one of them. And as happens in republics, afterany disturbance, some old laws are annulled and others renewed, soon this occasion, as it had been previously customary to appoint theSignory for a time only, the then existing Signors and the Colleagues, feeling themselves possessed of sufficient power, assumed the authorityto fix upon the Signors that would have to sit during the next fortymonths, by putting their names into a bag or purse, and drawing themevery two months. But, before the expiration of the forty months, manycitizens were jealous that their names had not been deposited amongthe rest, and a new emborsation was made. From this beginning arose thecustom of emborsing or enclosing the names of all who should take officein any of the magistracies for a long time to come, as well those whoseoffices employed them within the city as those abroad, though previouslythe councils of the retiring magistrates had elected those who were tosucceed them. These emborsations were afterward called Squittini, orpollings, --and it was thought they would prevent much trouble to thecity, and remove the cause of those tumults which every three, or atmost five, years, took place upon the creation of magistrates, from thenumber of candidates for office. And not being able to adopt a betterexpedient, they made use of this, but did not observe the defects whichlay concealed under such a trivial accommodation. 

In 1325, Castruccio, having taken possession of Pistoia, became sopowerful that the Florentines, fearing his greatness, resolved, beforehe should get himself firmly seated in his new conquest, to attack himand withdraw it from his authority. Of their citizens and friends theymustered an army amounting to 20, 000 foot and 3, 000 horse, and with thisbody encamped before Altopascio, with the intention of taking the placeand thus preventing it from relieving Pistoia. Being successful in thefirst part of their design, they marched toward Lucca, and laid thecountry waste in their progress; but from the little prudence and lessintegrity of their leader, Ramondo di Cardona, they made but smallprogress; for he, having observed them upon former occasions veryprodigal of their liberty, placing it sometimes in the hands of a king, at others in those of a legate, or persons of even inferior quality, thought, if he could bring them into some difficulty, it might easilyhappen that they would make him their prince. Nor did he fail frequentlyto mention these matters, and required to have that authority in thecity which had been given him over the army, endeavoring to show thatotherwise he could not enforce the obedience requisite to a leader. Asthe Florentines did not consent to this, he wasted time, and allowedCastruccio to obtain the assistance which the Visconti and other tyrantsof Lombardy had promised him, and thus become very strong. Ramondo, having willfully let the opportunity of victory pass away, nowfound himself unable to escape; for Castruccio coming up with him atAltopascio, a great battle ensued in which many citizens were slain andtaken prisoners, and among the former fell Ramondo, who received fromfortune that reward of bad faith and mischievous counsels which he hadrichly deserved from the Florentines. The injury they suffered fromCastruccio, after the battle, in plunder, prisoners, destruction, and burning of property, is quite indescribable; for, without anyopposition, during many months, he led his predatory forces wherever hethought proper, and it seemed sufficient to the Florentines if, aftersuch a terrible event, they could save their city. 

Still they were not so absolutely cast down as to prevent them fromraising great sums of money, hiring troops, and sending to their friendsfor assistance; but all they could do was insufficient to restrain sucha powerful enemy; so that they were obliged to offer the sovereignty toCharles duke of Calabria, son of King Robert, if they could induce himto come to their defense; for these princes, being accustomed to ruleFlorence, preferred her obedience to her friendship. But Charles, beingengaged in the wars of Sicily, and therefore unable to undertake thesovereignty of the city, sent in his stead Walter, by birth a Frenchman, and duke of Athens. He, as viceroy, took possession of the city, andappointed the magistracies according to his own pleasure; but his modeof proceeding was quite correct, and so completely contrary to his realnature, that everyone respected him. 

The affairs of Sicily being composed, Charles came to Florence with athousand horse. He made his entry into the city in July, 1326, andhis coming prevented further pillage of the Florentine territory byCastruccio. However, the influence which they acquired without the citywas lost within her walls, and the evils which they did not suffer fromtheir enemies were brought upon them by their friends; for the Signorycould not do anything without the consent of the duke of Calabria, who, in the course of one year, drew from the people 400, 000 florins, although by the agreement entered into with him, the sum was not toexceed 200, 000; so great were the burdens with which either himself orhis father constantly oppressed them. 

To these troubles were added new jealousies and new enemies; for theGhibellines of Lombardy became so alarmed upon the arrival of Charles inTuscany, that Galeazzo Visconti and the other Lombard tyrants, by moneyand promises, induced Louis of Bavaria, who had lately been electedemperor contrary to the wish of the pope, to come into Italy. Afterpassing through Lombardy he entered Tuscany, and with the assistanceof Castruccio, made himself master of Pisa, from whence, having beenpacified with sums of money, he directed his course towards Rome. Thiscaused the duke of Calabria to be apprehensive for the safety of Naples;he therefore left Florence, and appointed as his viceroy Filippo daSaggineto. 

After the departure of the emperor, Castruccio made himself master ofPisa, but the Florentines, by a treaty with Pistoia, withdrew her fromobedience to him. Castruccio then besieged Pistoia, and perseveredwith so much vigor and resolution, that although the Florentines oftenattempted to relieve her, by attacking first his army and then hiscountry, they were unable either by force or policy to remove him; soanxious was he to punish the Pistolesi and subdue the Florentines. Atlength the people of Pistoia were compelled to receive him for theirsovereign; but this event, although greatly to his glory, proved butlittle to his advantage, for upon his return to Lucca he died. And asone event either of good or evil seldom comes alone, at Naples also diedCharles duke of Calabria and lord of Florence, so that in a short time, beyond the expectation of their most sanguine hopes, the Florentinesfound themselves delivered from the domination of the one and the fearof the other. Being again free, they set about the reformation of thecity, annulled all the old councils, and created two new ones, the onecomposed of 300 citizens from the class of the people, the other of 250from the nobility and the people. 

The first was called the Council of the People, the other the Council ofthe Commune. 

CHAPTER VII

The Emperor at Rome--The Florentines refuse to purchase Lucca, andrepent of it--Enterprises of the Florentines--Conspiracy of the Bardiand the Frescobaldi--The conspiracy discovered and checked--Maffeo daMarradi appeases the tumult--Lucca is purchased by the Florentinesand taken by the Pisans--The duke of Athens at Florence--The nobilitydetermine to make him prince of the city. 

The emperor, being arrived at Rome, created an anti-pope, did manythings in opposition to the church, and attempted many others, butwithout effect, so that at last he retired with disgrace, and went toPisa, where, either because they were not paid, or from disaffection, about 800 German horse mutinied, and fortified themselves at Montechiaroupon the Ceruglio; and when the emperor had left Pisa to go intoLombardy, they took possession of Lucca and drove out FrancescoCastracani, whom he had left there. Designing to turn their conquest toaccount, they offered it to the Florentines for 80, 000 florins, which, by the advice of Simone della Tosa, was refused. This resolution, ifthey had remained in it, would have been of the greatest utility tothe Florentines; but as they shortly afterward changed their minds, it became most pernicious; for although at the time they might haveobtained peaceful possession of her for a small sum and would not, they afterward wished to have her and could not, even for a much largeramount; which caused many and most hurtful changes to take place inFlorence. Lucca, being refused by the Florentines, was purchased byGherardino Spinoli, a Genoese, for 30, 000 florins. And as men are oftenless anxious to take what is in their power than desirous of that whichthey cannot attain, as soon as the purchase of Gherardino became known, and for how small a sum it had been bought, the people of Florence wereseized with an extreme desire to have it, blaming themselves and thoseby whose advice they had been induced to reject the offer made to them. And in order to obtain by force what they had refused to purchase, theysent troops to plunder and overrun the country of the Lucchese. 

About this time the emperor left Italy. The anti-pope, by means of thePisans, became a prisoner in France; and the Florentines from the deathof Castruccio, which occurred in 1328, remained in domestic peace till1340, and gave their undivided attention to external affairs, while manywars were carried on in Lombardy, occasioned by the coming of John kingof Bohemia, and in Tuscany, on account of Lucca. During this periodFlorence was ornamented with many new buildings, and by the advice ofGiotto, the most distinguished painter of his time, they built the towerof Santa Reparata. Besides this, the waters of the Arno having, in 1333, risen twelve feet above their ordinary level, destroyed some of thebridges and many buildings, all which were restored with great care andexpense. 

In the year 1340, new sources of disagreement arose. The great had twoways of increasing or preserving their power; the one, so to restrainthe emborsation of magistrates, that the lot always fell upon themselvesor their friends; the other, that having the election of the rectors, they were always favorable to their party. This second mode theyconsidered of so great importance, that the ordinary rectors not beingsufficient for them, they on some occasions elected a third, and atthis time they had made an extraordinary appointment, under the titleof captain of the guard, of Jacopo Gabrielli of Agobbio, and endowed himwith unlimited authority over the citizens. This man, under the sanctionof those who governed, committed constant outrages; and among those whomhe injured were Piero de' Bardi and Bardo Frescobaldi. These being ofthe nobility, and naturally proud, could not endure that a stranger, supported by a few powerful men, should without cause injure them withimpunity, and consequently entered into a conspiracy against him andthose by whom he was supported. They were joined by many noble families, and some of the people, who were offended with the tyranny of those inpower. Their plan was, that each should bring into his house a number ofarmed men, and on the morning after the day of All Saints, when almostall would be in the temples praying for their dead, they should takearms, kill the Capitano and those who were at the head of affairs, andthen, with a new Signory and new ordinances, reform the government. 

But, as the more a dangerous business is considered, the less willinglyit is undertaken, it commonly happens, when there is any time allowedbetween the determining upon a perilous enterprise and its execution, that the conspiracy by one means or another becomes known. Andrea de'Bardi was one of the conspirators, and upon reconsideration of thematter, the fear of the punishment operated more powerfully upon himthan the desire of revenge, and he disclosed the affair to JacopoAlberti, his brother-in-law. Jacopo acquainted the Priors, and theyinformed the government. And as the danger was near, All Saints' daybeing just at hand, many citizens met together in the palace; andthinking their peril increased by delay, they insisted that the Signoryshould order the alarm to be rung, and called the people together inarms. Taldo Valori was at this time Gonfalonier, and Francesco Salviatione of the Signory, who, being relatives of the Bardi, were unwilling tosummon the people with the bell, alleging as a reason that it is byno means well to assemble them in arms upon every slight occasion, for power put into the hands of an unrestrained multitude was neverbeneficial; that it is an easy matter to excite them to violence, buta difficult thing to restrain them; and that, therefore, it would betaking a more prudent course if they were to inquire into the truth ofthe affair, and punish the delinquents by the civil authority, than toattempt, upon a simple information, to correct it by such a tumultuousmeans, and thus hazard the safety of the city. None would listen tothese remarks; the Signory were assailed with insolent behavior andindecent expressions, and compelled to sound the alarm, upon which thepeople presently assembled in arms. On the other hand, the Bardi and theFrescobaldi, finding themselves discovered, that they might conquerwith glory or die without shame, armed themselves, in the hope that theywould be able to defend that part of the city beyond the river, wheretheir houses were situated; and they fortified the bridge in expectationof assistance, which they expected from the nobles and their friends inthe country. Their design was frustrated by the people who, in commonwith themselves, occupied this part of the city; for these took armsin favor of the Signory, so that, seeing themselves thus circumstanced, they abandoned the bridges, and betook themselves to the street in whichthe Bardi resided, as being a stronger situation than any other; andthis they defended with great bravery. 

Jacopo d'Agobbio, knowing the whole conspiracy was directed againsthimself, in fear of death, terrified and vanquished, kept himselfsurrounded with forces near the palace of the Signory; but the otherrectors, who were much less blamable, discovered greater courage, andespecially the podesta or provost, whose name was Maffeo da Marradi. Hepresented himself among the combatants without any fear, and passing thebridge of the Rubaconte amid the swords of the Bardi, made a sign thathe wished to speak to them. Upon this, their reverence for the man, hisnoble demeanor, and the excellent qualities he was known to possess, caused an immediate cessation of the combat, and induced them to listento him patiently. He very gravely, but without the use of any bitter oraggravating expressions, blamed their conspiracy, showed the danger theywould incur if they still contended against the popular feeling, gavethem reason to hope their complaints would be heard and mercifullyconsidered, and promised that he himself would use his endeavors intheir behalf. He then returned to the Signory, and implored them tospare the blood of the citizens, showing the impropriety of judging themunheard, and at length induced them to consent that the Bardi and theFrescobaldi, with their friends, should leave the city, and withoutimpediment be allowed to retire to their castles. Upon their departurethe people being again disarmed, the Signory proceeded against thoseonly of the Bardi and Frescobaldi families who had taken arms. To lessentheir power, they bought of the Bardi the castle of Mangona and thatof Vernia; and enacted a law which provided that no citizen should beallowed to possess a castle or fortified place within twenty miles ofFlorence. 

After a few months, Stiatta Frescobaldi was beheaded, and many of hisfamily banished. Those who governed, not satisfied with having subduedthe Bardi and the Frescobaldi, as is most commonly the case, the moreauthority they possessed the worse use they made of it and the moreinsolent they became. As they had hitherto had one captain of the guardwho afflicted the city, they now appointed another for the country, withunlimited authority, to the end that those whom they suspected mightabide neither within nor without. And they excited them to suchexcesses against the whole of the nobility, that these were driven todesperation, and ready to sell both themselves and the city to obtainrevenge. The occasion at length came, and they did not fail to use it. 

The troubles of Tuscany and Lombardy had brought the city of Lucca underthe rule of Mastino della Scala, lord of Verona, who, though bound bycontract to assign her to the Florentines, had refused to do so; for, being lord of Parma, he thought he should be able to retain her, and didnot trouble himself about his breach of faith. Upon this the Florentinesjoined the Venetians, and with their assistance brought Mastino tothe brink of ruin. They did not, however, derive any benefit fromthis beyond the slight satisfaction of having conquered him; for theVenetians, like all who enter into league with less powerful states thanthemselves, having acquired Trevigi and Vicenza, made peace with Mastinowithout the least regard for the Florentines. Shortly after this, theVisconti, lords of Milan, having taken Parma from Mastino, he foundhimself unable to retain Lucca, and therefore determined to sell it. Thecompetitors for the purchase were the Florentines and the Pisans; and inthe course of the treaty the Pisans, finding that the Florentines, beingthe richer people, were about to obtain it, had recourse to arms, and, with the assistance of the Visconti, marched against Lucca. TheFlorentines did not, on that account, withdraw from the purchase, buthaving agreed upon the terms with Mastino, paid part of the money, gave security for the remainder, and sent Naddo Rucellai, Giovannidi Bernadino de' Medici, and Rosso di Ricciardo de' Ricci, to takepossession, who entered Lucca by force, and Mastino's people deliveredthe city to them. Nevertheless, the Pisans continued the siege, and theFlorentines used their utmost endeavors to relieve her; but after a longwar, loss of money, and accumulation of disgrace, they were compelled toretire, and the Pisans became lords of Lucca. 

The loss of this city, as in like cases commonly happens, exasperatedthe people of Florence against the members of the government; at everystreet corner and public place they were openly censured, and the entiremisfortune was laid to the charge of their greediness and mismanagement. At the beginning of the war, twenty citizens had been appointed toundertake the direction of it, who appointed Malatesta da Rimini tothe command of the forces. He having exhibited little zeal and lessprudence, they requested assistance from Robert king of Naples, and hesent them Walter duke of Athens, who, as Providence would have it, to bring about the approaching evils, arrived at Florence just at themoment when the undertaking against Lucca had entirely failed. Upon thisthe Twenty, seeing the anger of the people, thought to inspire them withfresh hopes by the appointment of a new leader, and thus remove, or atleast abate, the causes of calumny against themselves. As there was muchto be feared, and that the duke of Athens might have greater authorityto defend them, they first chose him for their coadjutor, and thenappointed him to the command of the army. The nobility, who werediscontented from the causes above mentioned, having many of them beenacquainted with Walter, when upon a former occasion he had governedFlorence for the duke of Calabria, thought they had now an opportunity, though with the ruin of the city, of subduing their enemies; for therewas no means of prevailing against those who had oppressed them but ofsubmitting to the authority of a prince who, being acquainted with theworth of one party and the insolence of the other, would restrain thelatter and reward the former. To this they added a hope of the benefitsthey might derive from him when he had acquired the principality bytheir means. They, therefore, took several occasions of being with himsecretly, and entreated he would take the command wholly upon himself, offering him the utmost assistance in their power. To their influenceand entreaty were also added those of some families of the people; thesewere the Peruzzi, Acciajuoli, Antellesi, and Buonaccorsi, who, beingoverwhelmed with debts, and without means of their own, wished for thoseof others to liquidate them, and, by the slavery of their country, to deliver themselves from their servitude to their creditors. Thesedemonstrations excited the ambitious mind of the duke to greater desireof dominion, and in order to gain himself the reputation of strictequity and justice, and thus increase his favor with the plebeians, heprosecuted those who had conducted the war against Lucca, condemned manyto pay fines, others to exile, and put to death Giovanni de' Medici, Naddo Rucellai, and Guglielmo Altoviti. 

CHAPTER VIII

The Duke of Athens requires to be made prince of Florence--The Signoryaddress the duke upon the subject--The plebeians proclaim him princeof Florence for life--Tyrannical proceedings of the duke--The citydisgusted with him--Conspiracies against the duke--The duke discoversthe conspiracies, and becomes terrified--The city rises against him--Heis besieged in the palace--Measures adopted by the citizens forreform of the government--The duke is compelled to withdraw from thecity--Miserable deaths of Guglielmo da Scesi and his son--Departure ofthe duke of Athens--His character. 

These executions greatly terrified the middle class of citizens, butgave satisfaction to the great and to the plebeians;--to the latter, because it is their nature to delight in evil; and to the former, bythus seeing themselves avenged of the many wrongs they had suffered fromthe people. When the duke passed along the streets he was hailed withloud cheers, the boldness of his proceedings was praised, and bothparties joined in open entreaties that he would search out the faults ofthe citizens, and punish them. 

The office of the Twenty began to fall into disuse, while the powerof the duke became great, and the influence of fear excessive; so thateveryone, in order to appear friendly to him, caused his arms to bepainted over their houses, and the name alone was all he needed to beabsolutely prince. Thinking himself upon such a footing that he mightsafely attempt anything, he gave the Signory to understand that hejudged it necessary for the good of the city, that the sovereigntyshould be freely given to him, and that as the rest of the citizens werewilling that it should be so, he desired they would also consent. TheSignory, notwithstanding many had foreseen the ruin of their country, were much disturbed at this demand; and although they were aware of thedangerous position in which they stood, that they might not be wantingin their duty, resolutely refused to comply. The duke had, in order toassume a greater appearance of religion and humanity, chosen for hisresidence the convent of the Minor Canons of St. Croce, and in orderto carry his evil designs into effect, proclaimed that all the peopleshould, on the following morning, present themselves before him in thepiazza of the convent. This command alarmed the Signory much more thanhis discourse to them had done, and they consulted with those citizenswhom they thought most attached to their country and to liberty; butthey could not devise any better plan, knowing the power of which theduke was possessed, than to endeavor by entreaty to induce him either toforego his design or to make his government less intolerable. A party ofthem was, therefore, appointed to wait upon him, one of whom addressedhim in the following manner:--

"We appear before you, my lord, induced first by the demand which youhave made, and then by the orders you have given for a meeting of thepeople; for it appears to us very clearly, that it is your intentionto effect by extraordinary means the design from which we have hithertowithheld our consent. It is not, however, our intention to oppose youwith force, but only to show what a heavy charge you take upon yourself, and the dangerous course you adopt; to the end that you may remember ouradvice and that of those who, not by consideration of what is beneficialfor you, but for the gratification of their own unreasonable wishes, have advised you differently. You are endeavoring to reduce to slavery acity that has always existed in freedom; for the authority which wehave at times conceded to the kings of Naples was companionship andnot servitude. Have you considered the mighty things which the nameof liberty implies to such a city as this, and how delightful it is tothose who hear it? It has a power which nothing can subdue, time cannotwear away, nor can any degree of merit in a prince countervail the lossof it. Consider, my lord, how great the force must be that can keep acity like this in subjection, no foreign aid would enable you to do it;neither can you confide in those at home; for they who are at presentyour friends, and advise you to adopt the course you now pursue, as soonas with your assistance they have overcome their enemies, will at onceturn their thoughts toward effecting your destruction, and then takethe government upon themselves. The plebeians, in whom you confide, willchange upon any accident, however trivial; so that in a very short timeyou may expect to see the whole city opposed to you, which will produceboth their ruin and your own. Nor will you be able to find any remedyfor this; for princes who have but few enemies may make their governmentvery secure by the death or banishment of those who are opposed to them;but when the hatred is universal, no security whatever can be found, foryou cannot tell from what direction the evil may commence; and he whohas to apprehend every man his enemy cannot make himself assured ofanyone. And if you should attempt to secure a friend or two, you wouldonly increase the dangers of your situation; for the hatred of therest would be increased by your success, and they would become moreresolutely disposed to vengeance. 

"That time can neither destroy nor abate the desire for freedom is mostcertain; for it has been often observed, that those have reassumed theirliberty who in their own persons had never tasted of its charms, andlove it only from remembrance of what they have heard their fathersrelate; and, therefore, when recovered, have preserved it withindomitable resolution and at every hazard. And even when theirfathers could not remember it, the public buildings, the halls of themagistracy, and the insignia of free institutions, remind them of it;and these things cannot fail to be known and greatly desired by everyclass of citizens. 

"What is it you imagine you can do, that would be an equivalent forthe sweets of liberty, or make men lose the desire of their presentconditions? No; if you were to join the whole of Tuscany to theFlorentine rule, if you were to return to the city daily in triumphover her enemies, what could it avail? The glory would not be ours, but yours. We should not acquire fellow-citizens, but partakers of ourbondage, who would serve to sink us still deeper in ignominy. And ifyour conduct were in every respect upright, your demeanor amiable, andyour judgments equitable, all these would be insufficient to make youbeloved. If you imagine otherwise, you deceive yourself; for, to oneaccustomed to the enjoyment of liberty, the slightest chains feelheavy, and every tie upon his free soul oppresses him. Besides, it isimpossible to find a violent people associated with a good prince, forof necessity they must soon become alike, or their difference producethe ruin of one of them. You may, therefore, be assured, that youwill either have to hold this city by force, to effect which, guards, castles, and external aid have oft been found insufficient, or becontent with the authority we have conferred; and this we would advise, reminding you that no dominion can be durable to which the governed donot consent; and we have no wish to lead you, blinded by ambition, tosuch a point that, unable either to stand or advance, you must, to thegreat injury of both, of necessity fall. "

This discourse did not in the slightest degree soften the obdurate mindof the duke, who replied that it was not his intention to rob the cityof her liberty, but to restore it to her; for those cities alone are inslavery that are disunited, while the united are free. As Florence, byher factions and ambition, had deprived herself of liberty, he shouldrestore, not take it from her; and as he had been induced to take thischarge upon himself, not from his own ambition, but at the entreaty ofa great number of citizens, they would do well to be satisfied with thatwhich produced contentment among the rest. With regard to the danger hemight incur, he thought nothing of it; for it was not the part of a goodman to avoid doing good from his apprehension of evil, and it was thepart of a coward to shun a glorious undertaking because some uncertaintyattended the success of the attempt; and he knew he should soconduct himself, that they would soon see they had entertained greatapprehensions and been in little danger. 

The Signory then agreed, finding they could not do better, that on thefollowing morning the people should be assembled in their accustomedplace of meeting, and with their consent the Signory should conferupon the duke the sovereignty of the city for one year, on the sameconditions as it had been intrusted to the duke of Calabria. It was uponthe 8th of November, 1342, when the duke, accompanied by Giovanni dellaTosa and all his confederates, with many other citizens, came to thepiazza or court of the palace, and having, with the Signory mounted uponthe ringhiera, or rostrum (as the Florentines call those steps whichlead to the palace), the agreement which had been entered into betweenthe Signory and himself was read. When they had come to the passagewhich gave the government to him for one year, the people shouted, "FORLIFE. " Upon this, Francesco Rustichelli, one of the Signory, arose tospeak, and endeavored to abate the tumult and procure a hearing; but themob, with their hootings, prevented him from being heard by anyone; sothat with the consent of the people the duke was elected, not for oneyear merely, but for life. He was then borne through the piazza by thecrowd, shouting his name as they proceeded. 

It is the custom that he who is appointed to the guard of the palaceshall, in the absence of the Signory, remain locked within. This officewas at that time held by Rinieri di Giotto, who, bribed by the friendsof the duke, without waiting for any force, admitted him immediately. The Signory, terrified and dishonored, retired to their own houses; thepalace was plundered by the followers of the duke, the Gonfalon of thepeople torn to pieces, and the arms of the duke placed over the palace. All this happened to the indescribable sorrow of good men, though tothe satisfaction of those who, either from ignorance or malignity, wereconsenting parties. 

The duke, having acquired the sovereignty of the city, in order to stripthose of all authority who had been defenders of her liberty, forbadethe Signory to assemble in the palace, and appointed a private dwellingfor their use. He took their colors from the Gonfaloniers of thecompanies of the people; abolished the ordinances made for the restraintof the great; set at liberty those who were imprisoned; recalled theBardi and the Frescobaldi from exile, and forbade everyone from carryingarms about his person. In order the better to defend himself againstthose within the city, he made friends of all he could around it, andtherefore conferred great benefits upon the Aretini and other subjectsof the Florentines. He made peace with the Pisans, although raised topower in order that he might carry on war against them; ceased payinginterest to those merchants who, during the war against Lucca, had lentmoney to the republic; increased the old taxes, levied new ones, andtook from the Signory all authority. His rectors were Baglione daPerugia and Guglielmo da Scesi, who, with Cerrettieri Bisdomini, were the persons with whom he consulted on public affairs. He imposedburdensome taxes upon the citizens; his decisions between contendingparties were unjust; and that precision and humanity which he had atfirst assumed, became cruelty and pride; so that many of the greatestcitizens and noblest people were, either by fines, death, or some newinvention, grievously oppressed. And in completing the same bad system, both without the city and within, he appointed six rectors for thecountry, who beat and plundered the inhabitants. He suspected the great, although he had been benefited by them, and had restored many to theircountry; for he felt assured that the generous minds of the nobilitywould not allow them, from any motives, to submit contentedly to hisauthority. He also began to confer benefits and advantages upon thelowest orders, thinking that with their assistance, and the arms offoreigners, he would be able to preserve the tyranny. The month of May, during which feasts are held, being come, he caused many companies tobe formed of the plebeians and very lowest of the people, and to these, dignified with splendid titles, he gave colors and money; and whileone party went in bacchanalian procession through the city, others werestationed in different parts of it, to receive them as guests. As thereport of the duke's authority spread abroad, many of French origin cameto him, for all of whom he found offices and emoluments, as if theyhad been the most trustworthy of men; so that in a short time Florencebecame not only subject to French dominion, but adopted their dressand manners; for men and women, without regard to propriety or senseof shame, imitated them. But that which disgusted the people mostcompletely was the violence which, without any distinction of quality orrank, he and his followers committed upon the women. 

The people were filled with indignation, seeing the majesty of the stateoverturned, its ordinances annihilated, its laws annulled, and everydecent regulation set at naught; for men unaccustomed to royal pompcould not endure to see this man surrounded with his armed satellites onfoot and on horseback; and having now a closer view of their disgrace, they were compelled to honor him whom they in the highest degreehated. To this hatred, was added the terror occasioned by the continualimposition of new taxes and frequent shedding of blood, with which heimpoverished and consumed the city. 

The duke was not unaware of these impressions existing strongly in thepeople's minds, nor was he without fear of the consequences; but stillpretended to think himself beloved; and when Matteo di Morozzo, eitherto acquire his favor or to free himself from danger, gave informationthat the family of the Medici and some others had entered into aconspiracy against him he not only did not inquire into the matter, butcaused the informer to be put to a cruel death. This mode of proceedingrestrained those who were disposed to acquaint him of his danger andgave additional courage to such as sought his ruin. Bertone Cini, havingventured to speak against the taxes with which the people were loaded, had his tongue cut out with such barbarous cruelty as to cause hisdeath. This shocking act increased the people's rage, and their hatredof the duke; for those who were accustomed to discourse and to act uponevery occasion with the greatest boldness, could not endure to live withtheir hands tied and forbidden to speak. 

This oppression increased to such a degree, that not merely theFlorentines, who though unable to preserve their liberty cannot endureslavery, but the most servile people on earth would have been roused toattempt the recovery of freedom; and consequently many citizens of allranks resolved either to deliver themselves from this odious tyranny ordie in the attempt. Three distinct conspiracies were formed; one of thegreat; another of the people, and the third of the working classes; eachof which, besides the general causes which operated upon the whole, wereexcited by some other particular grievance. The great found themselvesdeprived of all participation in the government; the people had lost thepower they possessed, and the artificers saw themselves deficient in theusual remuneration of their labor. 

Agnolo Acciajuoli was at this time archbishop of Florence, and by hisdiscourses had formerly greatly favored the duke, and procured him manyfollowers among the higher class of the people. But when he found himlord of the city, and became acquainted with his tyrannical mode ofproceeding, it appeared to him that he had misled his countrymen; and tocorrect the evil he had done, he saw no other course, but to attempt thecure by the means which had caused it. He therefore became the leaderof the first and most powerful conspiracy, and was joined by the Bardi, Rossi, Frescobaldi, Scali Altoviti, Magalotti, Strozzi, and Mancini. Ofthe second, the principals were Manno and Corso Donati, and with themthe Pazzi, Cavicciulli, Cerchi, and Albizzi. Of the third the firstwas Antonio Adimari, and with him the Medici, Bordini, Rucellai, andAldobrandini. It was the intention of these last, to slay him in thehouse of the Albizzi, whither he was expected to go on St. John's day, to see the horses run, but he not having gone, their design did notsucceed. They then resolved to attack him as he rode through thecity; but they found this would be very difficult; for he was alwaysaccompanied with a considerable armed force, and never took the sameroad twice together, so that they had no certainty of where to find him. They had a design of slaying him in the council, although they knew thatif he were dead, they would be at the mercy of his followers. 

While these matters were being considered by the conspirators, AntonioAdimari, in expectation of getting assistance from them, disclosedthe affair to some Siennese, his friends, naming certain of theconspirators, and assuring them that the whole city was ready to rise atonce. One of them communicated the matter to Francesco Brunelleschi, not with a design to injure the plot, but in the hope that he would jointhem. Francesco, either from personal fear, or private hatred of someone, revealed the whole to the duke; whereupon, Pagolo del Mazecha andSimon da Monterappoli were taken, who acquainted him with the number andquality of the conspirators. This terrified him, and he was advised torequest their presence rather than to take them prisoners, for if theyfled, he might without disgrace, secure himself by banishment of therest. He therefore sent for Antonio Adimari, who, confiding inhis companions, appeared immediately, and was detained. FrancescoBrunelleschi and Uguccione Buondelmonti advised the duke to take as manyof the conspirators prisoners as he could, and put them to death;but he, thinking his strength unequal to his foes, did not adopt thiscourse, but took another, which, had it succeeded, would have freed himfrom his enemies and increased his power. It was the custom of the duketo call the citizens together upon some occasions and advise with them. He therefore having first sent to collect forces from without, madea list of three hundred citizens, and gave it to his messengers, withorders to assemble them under the pretense of public business; andhaving drawn them together, it was his intention either to put them todeath or imprison them. 

The capture of Antonio Adimari and the sending for forces, which couldnot be kept secret, alarmed the citizens, and more particularly thosewho were in the plot, so that the boldest of them refused to attend, andas each had read the list, they sought each other, and resolved to riseat once and die like men, with arms in their hands, rather than beled like calves to the slaughter. In a very short time the chiefconspirators became known to each other, and resolved that the next day, which was the 26th July, 1343, they would raise a disturbance in the OldMarket place, then arm themselves and call the people to freedom. 

The next morning being come, at nine o'clock, according to agreement, they took arms, and at the call of liberty assembled, each party in itsown district, under the ensigns and with the arms of the people, which had been secretly provided by the conspirators. All the heads offamilies, as well of the nobility as of the people, met together, andswore to stand in each other's defense, and effect the death of theduke; except some of the Buondelmonti and of the Cavalcanti, with thosefour families of the people which had taken so conspicuous a part inmaking him sovereign, and the butchers, with others, the lowest of theplebeians, who met armed in the piazza in his favor. 

The duke immediately fortified the place, and ordered those of hispeople who were lodged in different parts of the city to mount uponhorseback and join those in the court; but, on their way thither, manywere attacked and slain. However, about three hundred horse assembled, and the duke was in doubt whether he should come forth and meetthe enemy, or defend himself within. On the other hand, the Medici, Cavicciulli, Rucellai, and other families who had been most injured byhim, fearful that if he came forth, many of those who had taken armsagainst him would discover themselves his partisans, in order to deprivehim of the occasion of attacking them and increasing the number ofhis friends, took the lead and assailed the palace. Upon this, thosefamilies of the people who had declared for the duke, seeing themselvesboldly attacked, changed their minds, and all took part with thecitizens, except Uguccione Buondelmonti, who retired into the palace, and Giannozzo Cavalcanti, who having withdrawn with some of hisfollowers to the new market, mounted upon a bench, and begged that thosewho were going in arms to the piazza, would take the part of the duke. In order to terrify them, he exaggerated the number of his people andthreatened all with death who should obstinately persevere in theirundertaking against their sovereign. But not finding any one eitherto follow him, or to chastise his insolence, and seeing his laborfruitless, he withdrew to his own house. 

In the meantime, the contest in the piazza between the people and theforces of the duke was very great; but although the place served themfor defense, they were overcome, some yielding to the enemy, and others, quitting their horses, fled within the walls. While this was going on, Corso and Amerigo Donati, with a part of the people, broke open thestinche, or prisons; burnt the papers of the provost and of the publicchamber; pillaged the houses of the rectors, and slew all who had heldoffices under the duke whom they could find. The duke, finding thepiazza in possession of his enemies, the city opposed to him, andwithout any hope of assistance, endeavored by an act of clemency torecover the favor of the people. Having caused those whom he had madeprisoners to be brought before him, with amiable and kindly expressionshe set them at liberty, and made Antonio Adimari a knight, althoughquite against his will. He caused his own arms to be taken down, andthose of the people to be replaced over the palace; but these thingscoming out of season, and forced by his necessities, did him littlegood. He remained, notwithstanding all he did, besieged in the palace, and saw that having aimed at too much he had lost all, and would mostlikely, after a few days, die either of hunger, or by the weapons of hisenemies. The citizens assembled in the church of Santa Reparata, toform the new government, and appointed fourteen citizens, half fromthe nobility and half from the people, who, with the archbishop, wereinvested with full authority to remodel the state of Florence. They alsoelected six others to take upon them the duties of provost, till he whoshould be finally chosen took office, the duties of which were usuallyperformed by a subject of some neighboring state. 

Many had come to Florence in defense of the people; among whom were aparty from Sienna, with six ambassadors, men of high consideration intheir own country. These endeavored to bring the people and the duketo terms; but the former refused to listen to any whatever, unlessGuglielmo da Scesi and his son, with Cerrettieri Bisdomini, werefirst given up to them. The duke would not consent to this; but beingthreatened by those who were shut up with him, he was forced to comply. The rage of men is certainly always found greater, and their revengemore furious upon the recovery of liberty, than when it has only beendefended. Guglielmo and his son were placed among the thousands of theirenemies, and the latter was not yet eighteen years old; neither hisbeauty, his innocence, nor his youth, could save him from the fury ofthe multitude; but both were instantly slain. Those who could not woundthem while alive, wounded them after they were dead; and not satisfiedwith tearing them to pieces, they hewed their bodies with swords, torethem with their hands, and even with their teeth. And that every sensemight be satiated with vengeance, having first heard their moans, seentheir wounds, and touched their lacerated bodies, they wished even thestomach to be satisfied, that having glutted the external senses, theone within might also have its share. This rabid fury, however hurtfulto the father and son, was favorable to Cerrettieri; for the multitude, wearied with their cruelty toward the former, quite forgot him, so thathe, not being asked for, remained in the palace, and during night wasconveyed safely away by his friends. 

The rage of the multitude being appeased by their blood, an agreementwas made that the duke and his people, with whatever belonged to him, should quit the city in safety; that he should renounce all claim, ofwhatever kind, upon Florence, and that upon his arrival in the Casentinohe should ratify his renunciation. On the sixth of August he set out, accompanied by many citizens, and having arrived at the Casentino heratified the agreement, although unwillingly, and would not have kepthis word if Count Simon had not threatened to take him back to Florence. This duke, as his proceedings testified, was cruel and avaricious, difficult to speak with, and haughty in reply. He desired the service ofmen, not the cultivation of their better feelings, and strove ratherto inspire them with fear than love. Nor was his person less despicablethan his manners; he was short, his complexion was black, and he had along, thin beard. He was thus in every respect contemptible; and at theend of ten months, his misconduct deprived him of the sovereignty whichthe evil counsel of others had given him. 

CHAPTER IX

Many cities and territories, subject to the Florentines, rebel--Prudentconduct adopted upon this occasion--The city is divided intoquarters--Disputes between the nobility and the people--The bishopendeavors to reconcile them, but does not succeed--The governmentreformed by the people--Riot of Andrea Strozzi--Serious disagreementsbetween the nobility and the people--They come to arms, and the nobilityare subdued--The plague in Florence of which Boccaccio speaks. 

These events taking place in the city, induced all the dependenciesof the Florentine state to throw off their yoke; so that Arezzo, Castiglione, Pistoia, Volterra, Colle, and San Gemigniano rebelled. ThusFlorence found herself deprived of both her tyrant and her dominions atthe same moment, and in recovering her liberty, taught her subjectshow they might become free. The duke being expelled and the territorieslost, the fourteen citizens and the bishop thought it would be better toact kindly toward their subjects in peace, than to make them enemies bywar, and to show a desire that their subjects should be free as well asthemselves. They therefore sent ambassadors to the people of Arezzo, torenounce all dominion over that city, and to enter into a treaty withthem; to the end that as they could not retain them as subjects, theymight make use of them as friends. They also, in the best manner theywere able, agreed with the other places that they should retain theirfreedom, and that, being free, they might mutually assist each other inthe preservation of their liberties. This prudent course was attendedwith a most favorable result; for Arezzo, not many years afterward, returned to the Florentine rule, and the other places, in the courseof a few months, returned to their former obedience. Thus it frequentlyoccurs that we sooner attain our ends by a seeming indifferent to them, than by more obstinate pursuit. 

Having settled external affairs, they now turned to the consideration ofthose within the city; and after some altercation between the nobilityand the people, it was arranged that the nobility should form one-thirdof the Signory and fill one-half of the other offices. The city was, aswe have before shown, divided into sixths; and hence there would be sixsignors, one for each sixth, except when, from some more than ordinarycause, there had been twelve or thirteen created; but when this hadoccurred they were again soon reduced to six. It now seemed desirable tomake an alteration in this respect, as well because the sixths werenot properly divided, as that, wishing to give their proportion tothe great, it became desirable to increase the number. They thereforedivided the city into quarters, and for each created three signors. They abolished the office of Gonfalonier of Justice, and also theGonfaloniers of the companies of the people; and instead of the twelveBuonuomini, or good men, created eight counsellors, four from eachparty. The government having been established in this manner, the citymight have been in repose if the great had been content to live in thatmoderation which civil society requires. But they produced a contraryresult, for those out of office would not conduct themselves ascitizens, and those who were in government wished to be lords, so thatevery day furnished some new instance of their insolence and pride. These things were very grievous to the people, and they began to regretthat for one tyrant put down, there had sprung up a thousand. Thearrogance of one party and the anger of the other rose to such a degree, that the heads of the people complained to the bishop of the improperconduct of the nobility, and what unfit associates they had become forthe people; and begged he would endeavor to induce them to be contentwith their share of administration in the other offices, and leave themagistracy of the Signory wholly to themselves. 

The bishop was naturally a well-meaning man, but his want of firmnessrendered him easily influenced. Hence, at the instance of hisassociates, he at first favored the duke of Athens, and afterward, bythe advice of other citizens, conspired against him. At the reformationof the government, he had favored the nobility, and now he appeared toincline toward the people, moved by the reasons which they hadadvanced. Thinking to find in others the same instability of purpose, heendeavored to effect an amicable arrangement. With this design he calledtogether the fourteen who were yet in office, and in the best termshe could imagine advised them to give up the Signory to the people, inorder to secure the peace of the city; and assured them that if theyrefused, ruin would most probably be the result. 

This discourse excited the anger of the nobility to the highest pitch, and Ridolfo de' Bardi reproved him in unmeasured terms as a man oflittle faith; reminding him of his friendship for the duke, to prove theduplicity of his present conduct, and saying, that in driving him awayhe had acted the part of a traitor. He concluded by telling him, thatthe honors they had acquired at their own peril, they would at their ownperil defend. They then left the bishop, and in great wrath, informedtheir associates in the government, and all the families of thenobility, of what had been done. The people also expressed theirthoughts to each other, and as the nobility made preparations for thedefense of their signors, they determined not to wait till they hadperfected their arrangements; and therefore, being armed, hastened tothe palace, shouting, as they went along, that the nobility must give uptheir share in the government. 

The uproar and excitement were astonishing. The Signors of the nobilityfound themselves abandoned; for their friends, seeing all the people inarms, did not dare to rise in their defense, but each kept within hisown house. The Signors of the people endeavored to abate the excitementof the multitude, by affirming their associates to be good and moderatemen; but, not succeeding in their attempt, to avoid a greater evil, sentthem home to their houses, whither they were with difficulty conducted. The nobility having left the palace, the office of the four councillorswas taken from their party, and conferred upon twelve of the people. Tothe eight signors who remained, a Gonfalonier of Justice was added, andsixteen Gonfaloniers of the companies of the people; and the councilwas so reformed, that the government remained wholly in the hands of thepopular party. 

At the time these events took place there was a great scarcity in thecity, and discontent prevailed both among the highest and the lowestclasses; in the latter for want of food, and in the former from havinglost their power in the state. This circumstance induced Andrea Strozzito think of making himself sovereign of the city. Selling his corn at alower price than others did, a great many people flocked to his house;emboldened by the sight of these, he one morning mounted his horse, and, followed by a considerable number, called the people to arms, and in ashort time drew together about 4, 000 men, with whom he proceeded to theSignory, and demanded that the gates of the palace should be opened. Butthe signors, by threats and the force which they retained in the palace, drove them from the court; and then by proclamation so terrified them, that they gradually dropped off and returned to their homes, and Andrea, finding himself alone, with some difficulty escaped falling into thehands of the magistrates. 

This event, although an act of great temerity, and attended with theresult that usually follows such attempts, raised a hope in the mindsof the nobility of overcoming the people, seeing that the lowest of theplebeians were at enmity with them. And to profit by this circumstance, they resolved to arm themselves, and with justifiable force recoverthose rights of which they had been unjustly deprived. Their mindsacquired such an assurance of success, that they openly providedthemselves with arms, fortified their houses, and even sent to theirfriends in Lombardy for assistance. The people and the Signory madepreparation for their defense, and requested aid from Perugia andSienna, so that the city was filled with the armed followers of eitherparty. The nobility on this side of the Arno divided themselves intothree parts; the one occupied the houses of the Cavicciulli, near thechurch of St. John; another, the houses of the Pazzi and the Donati, near the great church of St. Peter; and the third those of theCavalcanti in the New Market. Those beyond the river fortified thebridges and the streets in which their houses stood; the Nerli defendedthe bridge of the Carraja; the Frescobaldi and the Manelli, the churchof the Holy Trinity; and the Rossi and the Bardi, the bridge of theRubaconte and the Old Bridge. The people were drawn together under theGonfalon of justice and the ensigns of the companies of the artisans. 

Both sides being thus arranged in order of battle, the people thoughtit imprudent to defer the contest, and the attack was commenced bythe Medici and the Rondinelli, who assailed the Cavicciulli, where thehouses of the latter open upon the piazza of St. John. Here both partiescontended with great obstinacy, and were mutually wounded, from thetowers by stones and other missiles, and from below by arrows. Theyfought for three hours; but the forces of the people continuing toincrease, and the Cavicciulli finding themselves overcome by numbers, and hopeless of other assistance, submitted themselves to the people, who saved their houses and property; and having disarmed them, orderedthem to disperse among their relatives and friends, and remain unarmed. Being victorious in the first attack, they easily overpowered the Pazziand the Donati, whose numbers were less than those they had subdued; sothat there only remained on this side of the Arno, the Cavalcanti, whowere strong both in respect of the post they had chosen and in theirfollowers. Nevertheless, seeing all the Gonfalons against them, andthat the others had been overcome by three Gonfalons alone, they yieldedwithout offering much resistance. Three parts of the city were now inthe hands of the people, and only one in possession of the nobility; butthis was the strongest, as well on account of those who held it, as fromits situation, being defended by the Arno; hence it was first necessaryto force the bridges. The Old Bridge was first assailed and offered abrave resistance; for the towers were armed, the streets barricaded, and the barricades defended by the most resolute men; so that thepeople were repulsed with great loss. Finding their labor at this pointfruitless, they endeavored to force the Rubaconte Bridge, but nobetter success resulting, they left four Gonfalons in charge of the twobridges, and with the others attacked the bridge of the Carraja. Here, although the Nerli defended themselves like brave men, they could notresist the fury of the people; for this bridge, having no towers, was weaker than the others, and was attacked by the Capponi, and manyfamilies of the people who lived in that vicinity. Being thus assailedon all sides, they abandoned the barricades and gave way to the people, who then overcame the Rossi and the Frescobaldi; for all those beyondthe Arno took part with the conquerors. 

There was now no resistance made except by the Bardi, who remainedundaunted, notwithstanding the failure of their friends, the union ofthe people against them, and the little chance of success which theyseemed to have. They resolved to die fighting, and rather see theirhouses burned and plundered, than submit to the power of their enemies. They defended themselves with such obstinacy, that many fruitlessattempts were made to overcome them, both at the Old Bridge and theRubaconte; but their foes were always repulsed with loss. There had informer times been a street which led between the houses of the Pitti, from the Roman road to the walls upon Mount St. George. By this waythe people sent six Gonfalons, with orders to assail their houses frombehind. This attack overcame the resolution of the Bardi, and decidedthe day in favor of the people; for when those who defended thebarricades in the street learned that their houses were being plundered, they left the principal fight and hastened to their defense. This causedthe Old Bridge to be lost; the Bardi fled in all directions and werereceived into the houses of the Quaratesi, Panzanesi, and Mozzi. Thepeople, especially the lower classes, greedy for spoil, sacked anddestroyed their houses, and pulled down and burned their towers andpalaces with such outrageous fury, that the most cruel enemy of theFlorentine name would have been ashamed of taking part in such wantondestruction. 

The nobility being thus overcome, the people reformed the government;and as they were of three kinds, the higher, the middle, and the lowerclass, it was ordered that the first should appoint two signors; the twolatter three each, and that the Gonfalonier should be chosen alternatelyfrom either party. Besides this, all the regulations for the restraintof the nobility were renewed; and in order to weaken them still more, many were reduced to the grade of the people. The ruin of the nobilitywas so complete, and depressed them so much, that they never afterwardventured to take arms for the recovery of their power, but soon becamehumbled and abject in the extreme. And thus Florence lost the generosityof her character and her distinction in arms. 

After these events the city remained in peace till the year 1353. In thecourse of this period occurred the memorable plague, described with somuch eloquence by Giovanni Boccaccio, and by which Florence lost 96, 000souls. In 1348, began the first war with the Visconti, occasioned bythe archbishop, then prince of Milan; and when this was concluded, dissensions again arose in the city; for although the nobility weredestroyed, fortune did not fail to cause new divisions and new troubles. 

BOOK III

CHAPTER I

Reflections upon the domestic discords of republics--A parallel betweenthe discords of Rome and those of Florence--Enmities between thefamilies of the Ricci and the Albizzi--Uguccione de' Ricci causesthe laws against the Ghibellines to be renewed in order to injurethe Albizzi--Piero degli Albizzi derives advantage from it--Origin ofadmonitions and the troubles which result from them--Uguccione de'Ricci moderates their injustice--Difficulties increase--A meeting of thecitizens--They address the Signory--The Signory attempt to remedy theevils. 

Those serious, though natural enmities, which occur between the popularclasses and the nobility, arising from the desire of the latter tocommand, and the disinclination of the former to obey, are the causes ofmost of the troubles which take place in cities; and from this diversityof purpose, all the other evils which disturb republics derive theirorigin. This kept Rome disunited; and this, if it be allowable tocompare small things with great, held Florence in disunion; althoughin each city it produced a different result; for animosities were onlybeginning with the people and nobility of Rome contended, while ourswere brought to a conclusion by the contentions of our citizens. A newlaw settled the disputes of Rome; those of Florence were only terminatedby the death and banishment of many of her best people. Those ofRome increased her military virtue, while that of Florence was quiteextinguished by her divisions. The quarrels of Rome establisheddifferent ranks of society, those of Florence abolished the distinctionswhich had previously existed. This diversity of effects must have beenoccasioned by the different purposes which the two people had in view. While the people of Rome endeavored to associate with the nobility inthe supreme honors, those of Florence strove to exclude the nobilityfrom all participation in them: as the desire of the Roman people wasmore reasonable, no particular offense was given to the nobility; theytherefore consented to it without having recourse to arms; so that, after some disputes concerning particular points, both parties agreed tothe enactment of a law which, while it satisfied the people, preservedthe nobility in the enjoyment of their dignity. 

On the other hand, the demands of the people of Florence being insolentand unjust, the nobility, became desperate, prepared for their defensewith their utmost energy, and thus bloodshed and the exile of citizensfollowed. The laws which were afterward made, did not provide for thecommon good, but were framed wholly in favor of the conquerors. Thistoo, must be observed, that from the acquisition of power, made by thepeople of Rome, their minds were very much improved; for all the officesof state being attainable as well by the people as the nobility, the peculiar excellencies of the latter exercised a most beneficialinfluence upon the former; and as the city increased in virtue sheattained a more exalted greatness. 

But in Florence, the people being conquerors, the nobility were deprivedof all participation in the government; and in order to regain a portionof it, it became necessary for them not only to seem like the people, but to be like them in behavior, mind, and mode of living. Hence arosethose changes in armorial bearings, and in the titles of families, whichthe nobility adopted, in order that they might seem to be of the people;military virtue and generosity of feeling became extinguished in them;the people not possessing these qualities, they could not appreciatethem, and Florence became by degrees more and more depressed andhumiliated. The virtue of the Roman nobility degenerating into pride, the citizens soon found that the business of the state could not becarried on without a prince. Florence had now come to such a point, thatwith a comprehensive mind at the head of affairs she would easily havebeen made to take any form that he might have been disposed to give her;as may be partly observed by a perusal of the preceding book. 

Having given an account of the origin of Florence, the commencementof her liberty, with the causes of her divisions, and shown how thefactions of the nobility and the people ceased with the tyranny of theduke of Athens, and the ruin of the former, we have now to speak ofthe animosities between the citizens and the plebeians and the variouscircumstances which they produced. 

The nobility being overcome, and the war with the archbishop of Milanconcluded, there did not appear any cause of dissension in Florence. Butthe evil fortune of the city, and the defective nature of her laws, gave rise to enmities between the family of the Albizzi and that ofthe Ricci, which divided her citizens as completely as those of theBuondelmonti and the Uberti, or the Donati and the Cerchi had formerlydone. The pontiffs, who at this time resided in France, and theemperors, who abode in Germany, in order to maintain their influencein Italy, sent among us multitudes of soldiers of many countries, asEnglish, Dutch, and Bretons. As these, upon the conclusion of a war, were thrown out of pay, though still in the country, they, under thestandard of some soldier of fortune, plundered such people as were leastprepared to defend themselves. In the year 1353 one of these companiescame into Tuscany under the command of Monsignor Reale, of Provence, andhis approach terrified all the cities of Italy. The Florentines notonly provided themselves forces, but many citizens, among whom werethe Albizzi and the Ricci, armed themselves in their own defense. Thesefamilies were at the time full of hatred against each other, and eachthought to obtain the sovereignty of the republic by overcoming hisenemy. They had not yet proceeded to open violence, but only contendedin the magistracies and councils. The city being all in arms, a quarrelarose in the Old Market place, and, as it frequently happens in similarcases, a great number of people were drawn together. The disturbancespreading, it was told the Ricci that the Albizzi had assailed theirpartisans, and to the Albizzi that the Ricci were in quest of them. Uponthis the whole city arose, and it was all the magistrates could do torestrain these families, and prevent the actual occurrence of a disasterwhich, without being the fault of either of them, had been willfullythough falsely reported as having already taken place. This apparentlytrifling circumstance served to inflame the minds of the parties, andmake each the more resolved to increase the number of their followers. And as the citizens, since the ruin of the nobility, were on such anequality that the magistrates were more respected now than they hadpreviously been, they designed to proceed toward the suppression of thisdisorder with civil authority alone. 

We have before related, that after the victory of Charles I. Thegovernment was formed of the Guelphic party, and that it thusacquired great authority over the Ghibellines. But time, a variety ofcircumstances, and new divisions had so contributed to sink this partyfeeling into oblivion, that many of Ghibelline descent now filled thehighest offices. Observing this, Uguccione, the head of the family ofthe Ricci, contrived that the law against the Ghibellines should beagain brought into operation; many imagining the Albizzi to be of thatfaction, they having arisen in Arezzo, and come long ago to Florence. Uguccione by this means hoped to deprive the Albizzi of participationin the government, for all of Ghibelline blood who were found to holdoffices, would be condemned in the penalties which this law provided. The design of Uguccione was discovered to Piero son of Filippo degliAlbizzi, and he resolved to favor it: for he saw that to oppose it wouldat once declare him a Ghibelline; and thus the law which was renewed bythe ambition of the Ricci for his destruction, instead of robbing Pierodegli Albizzi of reputation, contributed to increase his influence, although it laid the foundation of many evils. Nor is it possible fora republic to enact a law more pernicious than one relating to matterswhich have long transpired. Piero having favored this law, which hadbeen contrived by his enemies for his stumbling-block, it became thestepping-stone to his greatness; for, making himself the leader of thisnew order of things, his authority went on increasing, and he was ingreater favor with the Guelphs than any other man. 

As there could not be found a magistrate willing to search out who wereGhibellines, and as this renewed enactment against them was thereforeof small value, it was provided that authority should be given to theCapitani to find out who were of this faction; and, having discovered, to signify and ADMONISH them that they were not to take uponthemselves any office of government; to which ADMONITIONS, if they weredisobedient, they became condemned in the penalties. Hence, all thosewho in Florence are deprived of the power to hold offices are called_ammoniti_, or ADMONISHED. 

The Capitani in time acquiring greater audacity, admonished not onlythose to whom the admonition was applicable, but any others at thesuggestion of their own avarice or ambition; and from 1356, when thislaw was made, to 1366, there had been admonished above 200 citizens. The Captains of the Parts and the sect of the Guelphs were thus becomepowerful; for every one honored them for fear of being admonished; andmost particularly the leaders, who were Piero degli Albizzi, Lapo daCastiglionchio, and Carlo Strozzi. This insolent mode of proceeding wasoffensive to many; but none felt so particularly injured with it asthe Ricci; for they knew themselves to have occasioned it, they sawit involved the ruin of the republic, and their enemies, the Albizzi, contrary to their intention, became great in consequence. 

On this account Uguccione de' Ricci, being one of the Signory, resolvedto put an end to the evil which he and his friends had originated, andwith a new law provided that to the six Captains of Parts an additionalthree should be appointed, of whom two should be chosen from thecompanies of minor artificers, and that before any party could bedeclared Ghibelline, the declaration of the Capitani must be confirmedby twenty-four Guelphic citizens, appointed for the purpose. Thisprovision tempered for a time the power of the Capitani, so that theadmonitions were greatly diminished, if not wholly laid aside. Still theparties of the Albizzi and the Ricci were continually on the alert tooppose each other's laws, deliberations, and enterprises, not from aconviction of their inexpediency, but from a hatred of their promoters. 

In such distractions the time passed from 1366 to 1371, when theGuelphs again regained the ascendant. There was in the family of theBuondelmonti a gentleman named Benchi, who, as an acknowledgment of hismerit in a war against the Pisans, though one of the nobility, had beenadmitted among the people, and thus became eligible to office among theSignory; but when about to take his seat with them, a law was made thatno nobleman who had become of the popular class should be allowed toassume that office. This gave great offense to Benchi, who, in unionwith Piero degli Albizzi, determined to depress the less powerful ofthe popular party with ADMONITIONS, and obtain the government forthemselves. By the interest which Benchi possessed with the ancientnobility, and that of Piero with most of the influential citizens, theGuelphic party resumed their ascendancy, and by new reforms among thePARTS, so remodeled the administration as to be able to dispose of theoffices of the captains and the twenty-four citizens at pleasure. Theythen returned to the ADMONITIONS with greater audacity than ever, andthe house of the Albizzi became powerful as the head of this faction. 

On the other hand, the Ricci made the most strenuous exertions againsttheir designs; so that anxiety universally prevailed, and ruin wasapprehended alike from both parties. In consequence of this a greatnumber of citizens, out of love to their country, assembled in thechurch of St. Piero Scarraggio, and after a long consideration of theexisting disorders, presented themselves before the Signors, whom one ofthe principal among them addressed in the following terms:--

"Many of us, magnificent Signors! were afraid of meeting even forconsideration of public business, without being publicly calledtogether, lest we should be noted as presumptuous or condemned asambitious. But seeing that so many citizens daily assemble in the lodgesand halls of the palace, not for any public utility, but only for thegratification of their own ambition, we have thought that as those whoassemble for the ruin of the republic are fearless, so still less oughtthey to be apprehensive who meet together only for its advantage; norought we to be anxious respecting the opinion they may form of ourassembling, since they are so utterly indifferent to the opinion ofothers. Our affection for our country, magnificent Signors! caused usto assemble first, and now brings us before you, to speak of grievancesalready great and daily increasing in our republic, and to offer ourassistance for their removal: and we doubt not that, though a difficultundertaking, it will still be attended with success, if you will layaside all private regards, and authoritatively use the public force. 

"The common corruption of all the cities of Italy, magnificent Signors!has infested and still vitiates your own; for when this province hadshaken off the imperial yoke, her cities not being subject to anypowerful influence that might restrain them, administered affairs, notas free men do, but as a factious populace; and hence have arisen allthe other evils and disorders that have appeared. In the first place, there cannot be found among the citizens either unity or friendship, except with those whose common guilt, either against their country oragainst private individuals, is a bond of union. And as the knowledgeof religion and the fear of God seem to be alike extinct, oaths andpromises have lost their validity, and are kept as long as it is foundexpedient; they are adopted only as a means of deception, and he is mostapplauded and respected whose cunning is most efficient and secure. Onthis account bad men are received with the approbation due to virtue, and good ones are regarded only in the light of fools. 

"And certainly in the cities of Italy all that is corruptible andcorrupting is assembled. The young are idle, the old lascivious, andeach sex and every age abounds with debasing habits, which the goodlaws, by misapplication, have lost the power to correct. Hence arisesthe avarice so observable among the citizens, and that greediness, not for true glory, but for unworthy honors; from which follow hatred, animosities, quarrels, and factions; resulting in deaths, banishments, affliction to all good men, and the advancement of the mostunprincipled; for the good, confiding in their innocence, seek neithersafety nor advancement by illegal methods as the wicked do, and thusunhonored and undefended they sink into oblivion. 

"From proceedings such as these, arise at once the attachment for andinfluence of parties; bad men follow them through ambition and avarice, and necessity compels the good to pursue the same course. And mostlamentable is it to observe how the leaders and movers of partiessanctify their base designs with words that are all piety and virtue;they have the name of liberty constantly in their mouths, though theiractions prove them her greatest enemies. The reward which they desirefrom victory is not the glory of having given liberty to the city, butthe satisfaction of having vanquished others, and of making themselvesrulers; and to attain their end, there is nothing too unjust, too cruel, too avaricious for them to attempt. Thus laws and ordinances, peace, wars, and treaties are adopted and pursued, not for the public good, notfor the common glory of the state, but for the convenience or advantageof a few individuals. 

"And if other cities abound in these disorders, ours is more than anyinfected with them; for her laws, statutes, and civil ordinances arenot, nor have they ever been, established for the benefit of men in astate of freedom, but according to the wish of the faction that hasbeen uppermost at the time. Hence it follows that, when one party isexpelled, or faction extinguished, another immediately arises; for, ina city that is governed by parties rather than by laws, as soon as onebecomes dominant and unopposed, it must of necessity soon divide againstitself; for the private methods at first adapted for its defense willnow no longer keep it united. The truth of this, both the ancient andmodern dissensions of our city prove. Everyone thought that when theGhibellines were destroyed, the Guelphs would long continue happy andhonored; yet after a short time they divided into the Bianchi and Neri, the black faction and the white. When the Bianchi were overcome, thecity was not long free from factions; for either, in favor of theemigrants, or on account of the animosity between the nobility and thepeople, we were still constantly at war. And as if resolved to give upto others, what in mutual harmony we either would not or were unableto retain, we confided the care of our precious liberty first to KingRobert, then to his brother, next to his son, and at last to the duke ofAthens. Still we have never in any condition found repose, but seemlike men who can neither agree to live in freedom nor be contentwith slavery. Nor did we hesitate (so greatly does the nature of ourordinances dispose us to division), while yet under allegiance to theking, to substitute for his majesty, one of the vilest of men born atAgobbio. 

"For the credit of the city, the name of the duke of Athens ought to beconsigned to oblivion. His cruel and tyrannical disposition, however, might have taught us wisdom and instructed us how to live; but no soonerwas he expelled than we handled our arms, and fought with more hatred, and greater fury than we had ever done on any former occasion; so thatthe ancient nobility were vanquished the city was left at the disposalof the people. It was generally supposed that no further occasion ofquarrel or of party animosity could arise, since those whose pride andinsupportable ambition had been regarded as the causes of them weredepressed; however, experience proves how liable human judgment is toerror, and what false impressions men imbibe, even in regard to thethings that most intimately concern them; for we find the pride andambition of the nobility are not extinct, but only transferred from themto the people who at this moment, according to the usual practice ofambitious men, are endeavoring to render themselves masters of therepublic; and knowing they have no chance of success but what is offeredby discord, they have again divided the city, and the names of Guelphand Ghibelline, which were beginning to be forgotten (and it would havebeen well if they had never been heard among us), are repeated anew inour ears. 

"It seems almost necessarily ordained, in order that in human affairsthere may be nothing either settled or permanent, that in all republicsthere are what may be called fatal families, born for the ruin of theircountry. Of this kind of pest our city has produced a more copious broodthan any other; for not one but many have disturbed and harassed her:first the Buondelmonti and the Uberti; then the Donati and the Cerchi;and now, oh ridiculous! oh disgraceful thought! the Ricci and theAlbizzi have caused a division of her citizens. 

"We have not dwelt upon our corrupt habits or our old and continualdissensions to occasion you alarm, but to remind you of their causes; toshow that as you doubtless are aware of them, we also keep them in view, and to remind you that their results ought not to make you diffidentof your power to repress the disorders of the present time. The ancientfamilies possessed so much influence, and were held in such high esteem, that civil force was insufficient to restrain them; but now, when theempire has lost its ascendancy, the pope is no longer formidable, andthe whole of Italy is reduced to a state of the most complete equality, there can be no difficulty. Our republic might more especially than anyother (although at first our former practices seem to present a reasonto the contrary), not only keep itself united but be improved by goodlaws and civil regulations, if you, the Signory, would once resolve toundertake the matter; and to this we, induced by no other motive thanthe love of our country, would most strongly urge you. It is truethe corruption of the country is great, and much discretion will berequisite to correct it; but do not impute the past disorders tothe nature of the men, but to the times, which, being changed, givereasonable ground to hope that, with better government, our city willbe attended with better fortune; for the malignity of the people willbe overcome by restraining the ambition and annulling the ordinances ofthose who have encouraged faction, and adopting in their stead only suchprinciples as are conformable to true civil liberty. And be assured, that these desirable ends will be more certainly attained by the benigninfluence of the laws, than by a delay which will compel the people toeffect them by force and arms. "

The Signory, induced by the necessity of the case, of which they werepreviously aware, and further encouraged by the advice of those who nowaddressed them, gave authority to fifty-six citizens to provide for thesafety of the republic. It is usually found that most men are betteradapted to pursue a good course already begun, than to discover oneapplicable to immediate circumstances. These citizens thought rather ofextinguishing existing factions than of preventing the formation ofnew ones, and effected neither of these objects. The facilities for theestablishment of new parties were not removed; and out of those whichthey guarded against, another more powerful arose, which brought therepublic into still greater danger. They, however, deprived three ofthe family of the Albizzi, and three of that of the Ricci, of all theoffices of government, except those of the Guelphic party, for threeyears; and among the deprived were Piero degli Albizzi and Uguccionede' Ricci. They forbade the citizens to assemble in the palace, exceptduring the sittings of the Signory. They provided that if any one werebeaten, or possession of his property detained from him, he might bringhis case before the council and denounce the offender, even if he wereone of the nobility; and that if it were proved, the accused should besubject to the usual penalties. This provision abated the boldness ofthe Ricci, and increased that of the Albizzi; since, although it appliedequally to both, the Ricci suffered from it by far the most; for ifPiero was excluded from the palace of the Signory, the chamber of theGuelphs, in which he possessed the greatest authority, remained open tohim; and if he and his followers had previously been ready to ADMONISH, they became after this injury, doubly so. To this pre-disposition forevil, new excitements were added. 

CHAPTER II

The war of the Florentines against the pope's legate, and the causesof it--League against the pope--The censures of the pope disregarded inFlorence--The city is divided into two factions, the one the Capitani diParte, the other of the eight commissioners of the war--Measures adoptedby the Guelphic party against their adversaries--The Guelphs endeavor toprevent Salvestro de Medici from being chosen Gonfalonier--Salvestro deMedici Gonfalonier--His law against the nobility, and in favor of theAmmoniti--The _Collegi_ disapprove of the law--Salvestro addresses thecouncil in its favor--The law is passed--Disturbances in Florence. 

The papal chair was occupied by Gregory XI. He, like his predecessors, residing at Avignon, governed Italy by legates, who, proud andavaricious, oppressed many of the cities. One of these legates, thenat Bologna, taking advantage of a great scarcity of food at Florence, endeavored to render himself master of Tuscany, and not only withheldprovisions from the Florentines, but in order to frustrate their hopesof the future harvest, upon the approach of spring, attacked them witha large army, trusting that being famished and unarmed, he should findthem an easy conquest. He might perhaps have been successful, had nothis forces been mercenary and faithless, and, therefore, inducedto abandon the enterprise for the sum of 130, 000 florins, which theFlorentines paid them. People may go to war when they will, but cannotalways withdraw when they like. This contest, commenced by the ambitionof the legate, was sustained by the resentment of the Florentines, who, entering into a league with Bernabo of Milan, and with the citieshostile to the church, appointed eight citizens for the administrationof it, giving them authority to act without appeal, and to expendwhatever sums they might judge expedient, without rendering an accountof the outlay. 

This war against the pontiff, although Uguccione was now dead, reanimated those who had followed the party of the Ricci, who, inopposition to the Albizzi, had always favored Bernabo and opposed thechurch, and this, the rather, because the eight commissioners of warwere all enemies of the Guelphs. This occasioned Piero degli Albizzi, Lapo da Castiglionchio, Carlo Strozzi, and others, to unite themselvesmore closely in opposition to their adversaries. The eight carried onthe war, and the others admonished during three years, when the deathof the pontiff put an end to the hostilities, which had been carried onwhich so much ability, and with such entire satisfaction to the people, that at the end of each year the eight were continued in office, andwere called _Santi_, or holy, although they had set ecclesiasticalcensures at defiance, plundered the churches of their property, andcompelled the priests to perform divine service. So much did citizensat that time prefer the good of their country to their ghostlyconsolations, and thus showed the church, that if as her friends theyhad defended, they could as enemies depress her; for the whole ofRomagna, the Marches, and Perugia were excited to rebellion. 

Yet while this war was carried on against the pope, they were unable todefend themselves against the captains of the parts and their faction;for the insolence of the Guelphs against the eight attained such apitch, that they could not restrain themselves from abusive behavior, not merely against some of the most distinguished citizens, but evenagainst the eight themselves; and the captains of the parts conductedthemselves with such arrogance, that they were feared more than theSignory. Those who had business with them treated them with greaterreverence, and their court was held in higher estimation: so that noambassador came to Florence, without commission to the captains. 

Pope Gregory being dead, and the city freed from external war; therestill prevailed great confusion within; for the audacity of the Guelphswas insupportable, and as no available mode of subduing them presenteditself, it was thought that recourse must be had to arms, to determinewhich party was the strongest. With the Guelphs were all the ancientnobility, and the greater part of the most popular leaders, of whichnumber, as already remarked, were Lapo, Piero, and Carlo. On the otherside, were all the lower orders, the leaders of whom were the eightcommissioners of war, Giorgio Scali and Tommaso Strozzi, and with themthe Ricci, Alberti, and Medici. The rest of the multitude, as mostcommonly happens, joined the discontented party. 

It appeared to the heads of the Guelphic faction that their enemieswould be greatly strengthened, and themselves in considerable danger incase a hostile Signory should resolve on their subjugation. Desirous, therefore, of being prepared against this calamity, the leaders of theparty assembled to take into consideration the state of the city andthat of their own friends in particular, and found the _ammoniti_ sonumerous and so great a difficulty, that the whole city was excitedagainst them on this account. They could not devise any other remedythan, that as their enemies had deprived them of all the offices ofhonor, they should banish their opponents from the city, take possessionof the palace of the Signory, and bring over the whole state to theirown party; in imitation of the Guelphs of former times, who found nosafety in the city, till they had driven all their adversaries out ofit. They were unanimous upon the main point, but did not agree upon thetime of carrying it into execution. It was in the month of April, in theyear 1378, when Lapo, thinking delay inadvisable, expressed his opinion, that procrastination was in the highest degree perilous to themselves;as in the next Signory, Salvestro de' Medici would very probably beelected Gonfalonier, and they all knew he was opposed to their party. Piero degli Albizzi, on the other hand, thought it better to defer, since they would require forces, which could not be assembled withoutexciting observation, and if they were discovered, they would incurgreat risk. He thereupon judged it preferable to wait till theapproaching feast of St. John on which, being the most solemn festivalof the city, vast multitudes would be assembled, among whom theymight conceal whatever numbers they pleased. To obviate their fears ofSalvestro, he was to be ADMONISHED, and if this did not appear likely tobe effectual, they would "ADMONISH" one of the Colleague of his quarter, and upon redrawing, as the ballot-boxes would be nearly empty, chancewould very likely occasion that either he or some associate of hiswould be drawn, and he would thus be rendered incapable of sitting asGonfalonier. They therefore came to the conclusion proposed by Piero, though Lapo consented reluctantly, considering the delay dangerous, andthat, as no opportunity can be in all respects suitable, he who waitsfor the concurrence of every advantage, either never makes an attempt, or, if induced to do so, is most frequently foiled. They "admonished"the Colleague, but did not prevent the appointment of Salvestro, for thedesign was discovered by the Eight, who took care to render all attemptsupon the drawing futile. 

Salvestro Alammano de' Medici was therefore drawn Gonfalonier, and, being one of the noblest popular families, he could not endure that thepeople should be oppressed by a few powerful persons. Having resolvedto put an end to their insolence, and perceiving the middle classesfavorably disposed, and many of the highest of the people on his side, he communicated his design to Benedetto Alberti, Tommaso Strozzi, andGeorgio Scali, who all promised their assistance. They, therefore, secretly draw up a law which had for its object to revive therestrictions upon the nobility, to retrench the authority of theCapitani di Parte, and recall the _ammoniti_ to their dignity. In orderto attempt and obtain their ends, at one and the same time, having toconsult, first the Colleagues and then the Councils, Salvestro beingProvost (which office for the time makes its possessor almost prince ofthe city), he called together the Colleagues and the Council on the samemorning, and the Colleagues being apart, he proposed the law preparedby himself and his friends, which, being a novelty, encountered in theirsmall number so much opposition, that he was unable to have it passed. 

Salvestro, seeing his first attempt likely to fail, pretended to leavethe room for a private reason, and, without being perceived, wentimmediately to the Council, and taking a lofty position from which hecould be both seen and heard, said:--"That considering himself investedwith the office of Gonfalonier, not so much to preside in privatecases (for which proper judges were appointed, who have their regularsittings), as to guard the state, correct the insolence of the powerful, and ameliorate those laws by the influence of which the republic wasbeing ruined, he had carefully attended to both these duties, and to hisutmost ability provided for them, but found the perversity of some somuch opposed to his just designs as to deprive him of all opportunity ofdoing good, and them not only of the means of assisting him withtheir counsel, but even hearing him. Therefore finding he no longercontributed either to the benefit of the republic or of the peoplegenerally, he could not perceive any reason for his longer holding themagistracy, of which he was either undeserving, or others thought himso, and would therefore retire to his house, that the people mightappoint another in his stead, who would either have greater virtue orbetter fortune than himself. " And having said this, he left the room asif to return home. 

Those of the council who were in the secret, and others desirous ofnovelty, raised a tumult, at which the Signory and the Colleagues cametogether, and finding the Gonfalonier leaving them, entreatingly andauthoritatively detained him, and obliged him to return to the councilroom, which was now full of confusion. Many of the noble citizenswere threatened in opprobrious language; and an artificer seized CarloStrozzi by the throat, and would undoubtedly have murdered him, butwas with difficulty prevented by those around. He who made the greatestdisturbance, and incited the city to violence, was Benedetto degliAlberti, who, from a window of the palace, loudly called the people toarms; and presently the courtyards were filled with armed men, and theColleagues granted to threats, what they had refused to entreaty. TheCapitani di Parte had at the same time drawn together a great number ofcitizens to their hall to consult upon the means of defending themselvesagainst the orders of the Signors, but when they heard the tumult thatwas raised, and were informed of the course the Councils had adopted, each took refuge in his own house. 

Let no one, when raising popular commotions, imagine he can afterwardcontrol them at his pleasure, or restrain them from proceeding to thecommission of violence. Salvestro intended to enact his law, and composethe city; but it happened otherwise; for the feelings of all hadbecome so excited, that they shut up the shops; the citizens fortifiedthemselves in their houses; many conveyed their valuable property intothe churches and monasteries, and everyone seemed to apprehend somethingterrible at hand. The companies of the Arts met, and each appointedan additional officer or Syndic; upon which the Priors summoned theirColleagues and these Syndics, and consulted a whole day how the citymight be appeased with satisfaction to the different parties; but muchdifference of opinion prevailed, and no conclusion was come to. On thefollowing day the Arts brought forth their banners, which the Signoryunderstanding, and being apprehensive of evil, called the Counciltogether to consider what course to adopt. But scarcely were theymet, when the uproar recommenced, and soon the ensigns of the Arts, surrounded by vast numbers of armed men, occupied the courts. Upon thisthe Council, to give the Arts and the people hope of redress, and freethemselves as much as possible from the charge of causing the mischief, gave a general power, which in Florence is called _Balia_, to theSignors, the Colleagues, the Eight, the Capitani di Parte, and to theSyndics of the Arts, to reform the government of the city, for thecommon benefit of all. While this was being arranged, a few of theensigns of the Arts and some of the mob, desirous of avenging themselvesfor the recent injuries they had received from the Guelphs, separatedthemselves from the rest, and sacked and burnt the house of Lapo daCastiglionchio, who, when he learned the proceedings of the Signoryagainst the Guelphs, and saw the people in arms, having no otherresource but concealment or flight, first took refuge in Santa Croce, and afterward, being disguised as a monk, fled into the Casentino, wherehe was often heard to blame himself for having consented to wait tillSt. John's day, before they had made themselves sure of the government. Piero degli Albizzi and Carlo Strozzi hid themselves upon the firstoutbreak of the tumult, trusting that when it was over, by the interestof their numerous friends and relations, they might remain safely inFlorence. 

The house of Lapo being burnt, as mischief begins with difficulty buteasily increases, many other houses, either through public hatred, orprivate malice, shared the same fate; and the rioters, that they mighthave companions more eager than themselves to assist them in their workof plunder, broke open the public prisons, and then sacked the monasteryof the Agnoli and the convent of S. Spirito, whither many citizenshad taken their most valuable goods for safety. Nor would the publicchambers have escaped these destroyers' hands, except out of reverencefor one of the Signors, who on horseback, and followed by many citizensin arms, opposed the rage of the mob. 

CHAPTER III

Contrary measures adopted by the magistrates to effect apacification--Luigi Guicciardini the Gonfalonier entreats themagistrates of the Arts to endeavor to pacify the people--Serious riotcaused by the plebeians--The woolen Art--The plebeians assemble--Thespeech of a seditious plebeian--Their resolution thereupon--The Signorydiscover the designs of the plebeians--Measures adopted to counteractthem. 

This popular fury being abated by the authority of the Signors andthe approach of night, on the following day, the Balia relieved theadmonished, on condition that they should not for three years be capableof holding any magistracy. They annulled the laws made by the Guelphs tothe prejudice of the citizens; declared Lapo da Castiglionchio and hiscompanions, rebels, and with them many others, who were the objects ofuniversal detestation. After these resolutions, the new Signory weredrawn for, and Luigi Guicciardini appointed Gonfalonier, which gave hopethat the tumults would soon be appeased; for everyone thought them to bepeaceable men and lovers of order. Still the shops were not opened, nordid the citizens lay down their arms, but continued to patrol the cityin great numbers; so that the Signory did not assume the magistracy withthe usual pomp, but merely assembled within the palace, omitting allceremony. 

This Signory, considering nothing more advisable in the beginning oftheir magistracy than to restore peace, caused a relinquishment of arms;ordered the shops to be opened, and the strangers who had been called totheir aid, to return to their homes. They appointed guards in many partsof the city, so that if the admonished would only have remained quiet, order would soon have been re-established. But they were not satisfiedto wait three years for the recovery of their honours; so that togratify them the Arts again met, and demanded of the Signory, that forthe benefit and quiet of the city, they would ordain that no citizensshould at any time, whether Signor, Colleague, Capitano di Parte, orConsul of any art whatever, be admonished as a Ghibelline; and further, that new ballots of the Guelphic party should be made, and the old onesburned. These demands were at once acceded to, not only by the Signors, but by all the Councils; and thus it was hoped the tumults newly excitedwould be settled. 

But since men are not satisfied with recovering what is their own, butwish to possess the property of others and to revenge themselves, those who were in hopes of benefiting by these disorders persuaded theartificers that they would never be safe, if several of their enemieswere not expelled from the city or destroyed. This terrible doctrinecoming to the knowledge of the Signory, they caused the magistratesof the Arts and their Syndics to be brought before them, and LuigiGuicciardini, the Gonfalonier, addressed them in the following words:"If these Signors, and I with them, had not long been acquainted withthe fate of this city, that as soon as external wars have ceasedthe internal commence, we should have been more surprised, and ourdispleasure would have been greater. But as evils to which we areaccustomed are less annoying, we have endured past disturbancespatiently, they having arisen for the most part without our fault; andwe hoped that, like former troubles, they would soon have an end, afterthe many and great concessions we had made at your suggestion. Butfinding that you are yet unsettled, that you contemplate the commissionof new crimes against your fellow-citizens, and are desirous of makingnew exiles, our displeasure increases in proportion to your misconduct. And certainly, could we have believed that during our magistracy thecity was to be ruined, whether with or without your concurrence, weshould certainly, either by flight or exile, have avoided these horrors. But trusting that we had to do with those who possessed some feelingsof humanity and some love of their country, we willingly accepted themagistracy, thinking that by our gentleness we should overcome yourambition. But we perceive from experience that the more humble ourbehavior, the more concessions we make, the prouder you become, and themore exorbitant are your demands. And though we speak thus, it is not inorder to offend, but to amend you. Let others tell you pleasing tales, our design is to communicate only what is for your good. Now we wouldask you, and have you answer on your honor, What is there yet ungranted, that you can, with any appearance of propriety, require? You wished tohave authority taken from the Capitani di Parte; and it is done. Youwished that the ballotings should be burned, and a reformation of themtake place; and we consent. You desired that the admonished should berestored to their honours; and it is permitted. At your entreaty we havepardoned those who have burned down houses and plundered churches;many honorable citizens have been exiled to please you; and at yoursuggestion new restraints have been laid upon the Great. When will therebe an end of your demands? and how long will you continue to abuse ourliberality? Do you not observe with how much more moderation we beardefeat than you your victory? To what end will your divisions bring ourcity? Have you forgotten that when disunited Castruccio, a low citizenof Lucca, subdued her? or that a duke of Athens, your hired captain didso too? But when the citizens were united in her defense, an archbishopof Milan and a pope were unable to subdue it, and, after many years ofwar, were compelled to retire with disgrace. 

"Then why would you, by your discords, reduce to slavery in a time ofpeace, that city, which so many powerful enemies have left free, even inwar? What can you expect from your disunion but subjugation? or from theproperty of which you already have plundered, or may yet plunder us, butpoverty? for this property is the means by which we furnish occupationfor the whole city, and if you take it from us, our means of findingthat occupation is withdrawn. Besides, those who take it will havedifficulty in preserving what is dishonestly acquired, and thus povertyand destitution are brought upon the city. Now, I, and these Signorscommand, and if it were consistent with propriety, we would entreat thatyou allow your minds to be calmed; be content, rest satisfied with theprovisions that have been made for you; and if you should be found toneed anything further, make your request with decency and order, and notwith tumult; for when your demands are reasonable they will always becomplied with, and you will not give occasion to evil designing mento ruin your country and cast the blame upon yourselves. " These wordsconveying nothing but the truth, produced a suitable effect upon theminds of the citizens, who thanking the Gonfalonier for having actedtoward them the part of a king Signor, and toward the city that of agood citizen, offered their obedience in whatever might be committedto them. And the Signors, to prove the sincerity of their intentions, appointed two citizens for each of the superior magistracies, who, withSyndics of the arts, were to consider what could be done to restorequite, and report their resolutions to the Signors. 

While these things were in progress, a disturbance arose, much moreinjurious to the republic than anything that had hitherto occurred. The greatest part of the fires and robberies which took place on theprevious days were perpetrated by the very lowest of the people; andthose who had been the most audacious, were afraid that when the greaterdifferences were composed, they would be punished for the crimes theyhad committed; and that as usual, they would be abandoned by those whohad instigated them to the commission of crime. To this may be added, the hatred of the lower orders toward the rich citizens and theprincipals of the arts, because they did not think themselvesremunerated for their labor in a manner equal to their merits. For inthe time of Charles I. , when the city was divided into arts, a head orgovernor was appointed to each, and it was provided that the individualsof each art, should be judged in civil matters by their own superiors. These arts, as we have before observed, were at first twelve; in thecourse of time they were increased to twenty-one, and attained so muchpower, that in a few years they grasped the entire government of thecity; and as some were in greater esteem than others, they were dividedinto MAJOR and MINOR; seven were called "major, " and fourteen, the"minor arts. " From this division, and from other causes which we havenarrated above, arose the arrogance of the Capitani di Parte; for thosecitizens who had formerly been Guelphs, and had the constant disposal ofthat magistracy, favored the followers of the major and persecutedthe minor arts and their patrons; and hence arose the many commotionsalready mentioned. When the companies of the arts were first organized, many of those trades, followed by the lowest of the people and theplebeians, were not incorporated, but were ranged under those artsmost nearly allied to them; and, hence, when they were not properlyremunerated for their labor, or their masters oppressed them, they hadno one of whom to seek redress, except the magistrate of the art towhich theirs was subject; and of him they did not think justice alwaysattainable. Of the arts, that which had always had, and now has, thegreatest number of these subordinates, is the woolen; which beingboth then, and still, the most powerful body, and first in authority, supports the greater part of the plebeians and lowest of the people. 

The lower classes, then, the subordinates not only of the woolen, but also of the other arts, were discontented, from the causes justmentioned; and their apprehension of punishment for the burnings androbberies they had committed, did not tend to compose them. Meetingstook place in different parts during the night, to talk over the past, and to communicate the danger in which they were, when one of the mostdaring and experienced, in order to animate the rest, spoke thus:

"If the question now were, whether we should take up arms, rob and burnthe houses of the citizens, and plunder churches, I am one of those whowould think it worthy of further consideration, and should, perhaps, prefer poverty and safety to the dangerous pursuit of an uncertain good. But as we have already armed, and many offenses have been committed, itappears to me that we have to consider how to lay them aside, and secureourselves from the consequences of what is already done. I certainlythink, that if nothing else could teach us, necessity might. You see thewhole city full of complaint and indignation against us; the citizensare closely united, and the signors are constantly with the magistrates. You may be sure they are contriving something against us; they arearranging some new plan to subdue us. We ought therefore to keep twothings in view, and have two points to consider; the one is, to escapewith impunity for what has been done during the last few days, and theother, to live in greater comfort and security for the time to come. Wemust, therefore, I think, in order to be pardoned for our faults, commitnew ones; redoubling the mischief, and multiplying fires and robberies;and in doing this, endeavor to have as many companions as we can; forwhen many are in fault, few are punished; small crimes are chastised, but great and serious ones rewarded. When many suffer, few seekvengeance; for general evils are endured more patiently than privateones. To increase the number of misdeeds will, therefore, makeforgiveness more easily attainable, and will open the way to secure whatwe require for our own liberty. And it appears evident that the gain iscertain; for our opponents are disunited and rich; their disunion willgive us the victory, and their riches, when they have become ours, willsupport us. Be not deceived about that antiquity of blood by which theyexalt themselves above us; for all men having had one common origin, areall equally ancient, and nature has made us all after one fashion. Stripus naked, and we shall all be found alike. Dress us in their clothing, and they in ours, we shall appear noble, they ignoble--for poverty andriches make all the difference. It grieves me much to think that someof you are sorry inwardly for what is done, and resolve to abstain fromanything more of the kind. Certainly, if it be so, you are not the menI took you for; because neither shame nor conscience ought to haveany influence with you. Conquerors, by what means soever, are neverconsidered aught but glorious. We have no business to thinkabout conscience; for when, like us, men have to fear hunger, andimprisonment, or death, the fear of hell neither can nor ought to haveany influence upon them. If you only notice human proceedings, you mayobserve that all who attain great power and riches, make use ofeither force or fraud; and what they have acquired either by deceit orviolence, in order to conceal the disgraceful methods of attainment, they endeavor to sanctify with the false title of honest gains. Thosewho either from imprudence or want of sagacity avoid doing so, arealways overwhelmed with servitude and poverty; for faithful servants arealways servants, and honest men are always poor; nor do any ever escapefrom servitude but the bold and faithless, or from poverty, but therapacious and fraudulent. God and nature have thrown all human fortunesinto the midst of mankind; and they are thus attainable rather by rapinethan by industry, by wicked actions rather than by good. Hence it isthat men feed upon each other, and those who cannot defend themselvesmust be worried. Therefore we must use force when the opportunityoffers; and fortune cannot present us one more favorable than thepresent, when the citizens are still disunited, the Signory doubtful, and the magistrates terrified; for we may easily conquer them beforethey can come to any settled arrangement. By this means we shall eitherobtain the entire government of the city, or so large a share of it, asto be forgiven past errors, and have sufficient authority to threatenthe city with a renewal of them at some future time. I confess thiscourse is bold and dangerous, but when necessity presses, audacitybecomes prudence, and in great affairs the brave never think of dangers. The enterprises that are begun with hazard always have a reward at last;and no one ever escaped from embarrassment without some peril. Besides, it is easy to see from all their preparations of prisons, racks, andinstruments of death, that there is more danger in inaction than inendeavoring to secure ourselves; for in the first case the evils arecertain, in the latter doubtful. How often have I heard you complain ofthe avarice of your superiors and the injustice of your magistrates. Nowthen is the time, not only to liberate yourself from them, but to becomeso much superior, that they will have more causes of grief and fearfrom you, than you from them. The opportunity presented by circumstancespasses away, and when gone, it will be vain to think it can be recalled. You see the preparations of our enemies; let us anticipate them; andthose who are first in arms will certainly be victors, to the ruin oftheir enemies and their own exaltation; and thus honors will accrue tomany of us and security to all. " These arguments greatly inflamed mindsalready disposed to mischief, so that they determined to take up arms assoon as they had acquired a sufficient number of associates, and boundthemselves by oath to mutual defense, in case any of them were subduedby the civil power. 

While they were arranging to take possession of the republic, theirdesign became known to the Signory, who, having taken a man namedSimone, learned from him the particulars of the conspiracy, and that theoutbreak was to take place on the following day. Finding the danger sopressing, they called together the colleagues and those citizens whowith the syndics of the arts were endeavoring to effect the union of thecity. It was then evening, and they advised the signors to assemble theconsuls of the trades, who proposed that whatever armed force was inFlorence should be collected, and with the Gonfaloniers of the peopleand their companies, meet under arms in the piazza next morning. Ithappened that while Simone was being tortured, a man named Niccolo daSan Friano was regulating the palace clock, and becoming acquaintedwith what was going on, returned home and spread the report of it in hisneighborhood, so that presently the piazza of St. Spirito wasoccupied by above a thousand men. This soon became known to the otherconspirators, and San Pietro Maggiore and St. Lorenzo, their places ofassembly, were presently full of them, all under arms. 

CHAPTER IV

Proceedings of the plebeians--The demand they make of the Signory--Theyinsist that the Signory leave the palace--The Signory leave thepalace--Michael di Lando Gonfalonier--Complaints and movements of theplebeians against Michael di Lando--Michael di Lando proceeds againstthe plebeians and reduces them to order--Character of Michael di Lando. 

At daybreak on the 21st of July, there did not appear in the piazzaabove eighty men in arms friendly to the Signory, and not one ofthe Gonfaloniers; for knowing the whole city to be in a state ofinsurrection they were afraid to leave their homes. The first body ofplebeians that made its appearance was that which had assembled at SanPietro Maggiore; but the armed force did not venture to attack them. Then came the other multitudes, and finding no opposition, they loudlydemanded their prisoners from the Signory; and being resolved to havethem by force if they were not yielded to their threats, they burnedthe house of Luigi Guicciardini; and the Signory, for fear of greatermischief, set them at liberty. With this addition to their strength theytook the Gonfalon of Justice from the bearer, and under the shadowof authority which it gave them, burned the houses of many citizens, selecting those whose owners had publicly or privately excited theirhatred. Many citizens, to avenge themselves for private injuries, conducted them to the houses of their enemies; for it was quitesufficient to insure its destruction, if a single voice from the mobcalled out, "To the house of such a one, " or if he who bore the Gonfalontook the road toward it. All the documents belonging to the woolentrade were burned, and after the commission of much violence, by wayof associating it with something laudable, Salvestro de Medici andsixty-three other citizens were made knights, among whom were Benedettoand Antonio degli Alberti, Tommaso Strozzi and others similarly theirfriends; though many received the honor against their wills. It wasa remarkable peculiarity of the riots, that many who had their housesburned, were on the same day, and by the same party made knights; soclose were the kindness and the injury together. This circumstanceoccurred to Luigi Guicciardini, Gonfalonier of Justice. 

In this tremendous uproar, the Signory, finding themselves abandoned bytheir armed force, by the leaders of the arts, and by the Gonfaloniers, became dismayed; for none had come to their assistance in obedience toorders; and of the sixteen Gonfalons, the ensign of the Golden Lionand of the Vaio, under Giovenco della Stufa and Giovanni Cambi aloneappeared; and these, not being joined by any other, soon withdrew. Of the citizens, on the other hand, some, seeing the fury of thisunreasonable multitude and the palace abandoned, remained within doors;others followed the armed mob, in the hope that by being among them, they might more easily protect their own houses or those of theirfriends. The power of the plebeians was thus increased and that of theSignory weakened. The tumult continued all day, and at night the riotershalted near the palace of Stefano, behind the church of St. Barnabas. Their number exceeded six thousand, and before daybreak they obtainedby threats the ensigns of the trades, with which and the Gonfalon ofJustice, when morning came, they proceeded to the palace of the provost, who refusing to surrender it to them, they took possession of it byforce. 

The Signory, desirous of a compromise, since they could not restrainthem by force, appointed four of the Colleagues to proceed to the palaceof the provost, and endeavor to learn what was their intention. Theyfound that the leaders of the plebeians, with the Syndics of the tradesand some citizens, had resolved to signify their wishes to the Signory. They therefore returned with four deputies of the plebeians, whodemanded that the woolen trade should not be allowed to have a foreignjudge; that there should be formed three new companies of the arts;namely, one for the wool combers and dyers, one for the barbers, doublet-makers, tailors, and such like, and the third for the lowestclass of people. They required that the three new arts should furnishtwo Signors; the fourteen minor arts, three; and that the Signory shouldprovide a suitable place of assembly for them. They also made it acondition that no member of these companies should be expected duringtwo years to pay any debt that amounted to less than fifty ducats; thatthe bank should take no interest on loans already contracted, and thatonly the principal sum should be demanded; that the condemned and thebanished should be forgiven, and the admonished should be restored toparticipation in the honors of government. Besides these, many otherarticles were stipulated in favor of their friends, and a requisitionmade that many of their enemies should be exiled and admonished. Thesedemands, though grievous and dishonorable to the republic, were for fearof further violence granted, by the joint deliberation of the Signors, Colleagues, and Council of the people. But in order to give it fulleffect, it was requisite that the Council of the Commune should alsogive its consent; and, as they could not assemble two councils duringthe same day it was necessary to defer it till the morrow. However thetrades appeared content, the plebeians satisfied; and both promised, that these laws being confirmed, every disturbance should cease. 

On the following morning, while the Council of the Commune were inconsultation, the impatient and volatile multitude entered the piazza, under their respective ensigns, with loud and fearful shouts, which struck terror into all the Council and Signory; and GuerrenteMarignolli, one of the latter, influenced more by fear than anythingelse, under pretense of guarding the lower doors, left the chamber andfled to his house. He was unable to conceal himself from the multitude, who, however, took no notice, except that, upon seeing him, theyinsisted that all the Signors should quit the palace, and declaredthat if they refused to comply, their houses should be burned and theirfamilies put to death. 

The law had now been passed; the Signors were in their own apartments;the Council had descended from the chamber, and without leaving thepalace, hopeless of saving the city, they remained in the lodges andcourts below, overwhelmed with grief at seeing such depravity in themultitude, and such perversity or fear in those who might either haverestrained or suppressed them. The Signory, too, were dismayed andfearful for the safety of their country, finding themselves abandonedby one of their associates, and without any aid or even advice; when, atthis moment of uncertainty as to what was about to happen, or what wouldbe best to be done, Tommaso Strozzi and Benedetto Alberti, either frommotives of ambition (being desirous of remaining masters of the palace), or because they thought it the most advisable step, persuaded them togive way to the popular impulse, and withdraw privately to their homes. This advice, given by those who had been the leaders of the tumult, although the others yielded, filled Alamanno Acciajuoli and Niccolo delBene, two of the Signors, with anger; and, reassuming a little vigor, they said, that if the others would withdraw they could not help it, butthey would remain as long as they continued in office, if they did notin the meantime lose their lives. These dissensions redoubled the fearsof the Signory and the rage of the people, so that the Gonfalonier, disposed rather to conclude his magistracy in dishonor than in danger, recommended himself to the care of Tommaso Strozzi, who withdrew himfrom the palace and conducted him to his house. The other Signors were, one after another, conveyed in the same manner, so that Alamanno andNiccolo, not to appear more valiant than wise, seeing themselves leftalone, also retired, and the palace fell into the hands of the plebeiansand the Eight Commissioners of War, who had not yet laid down theirauthority. 

When the plebeians entered the palace, the standard of the Gonfalonierof Justice was in the hands of Michael di Lando, a wool comber. Thisman, barefoot, with scarcely anything upon him, and the rabble at hisheels, ascended the staircase, and, having entered the audience chamberof the Signory, he stopped, and turning to the multitude said, "You seethis palace is now yours, and the city is in your power; what do youthink ought to be done?" To which they replied, they would have him fortheir Gonfalonier and lord; and that he should govern them and the cityas he thought best. Michael accepted the command; and, as he was a cooland sagacious man, more favored by nature than by fortune, he resolvedto compose the tumult, and restore peace to the city. To occupy theminds of the people, and give himself time to make some arrangement, heordered that one Nuto, who had been appointed bargello, or sheriff, by Lapo da Castiglionchio, should be sought. The greater part of hisfollowers went to execute this commission; and, to commence with justicethe government he had acquired by favor, he commanded that no one shouldeither burn or steal anything; while, to strike terror into all, hecaused a gallows to be erected in the court of the palace. He beganthe reform of government by deposing the Syndics of the trades, andappointing new ones; he deprived the Signory and the Colleagues of theirmagistracy, and burned the balloting purses containing the names ofthose eligible to office under the former government. 

In the meantime, Ser Nuto, being brought by the mob into the court, wassuspended from the gallows by one foot; and those around having torn himto pieces, in little more than a moment nothing remained of him but thefoot by which he had been tied. 

The Eight Commissioners of War, on the other hand, thinking themselves, after the departure of the Signors, left sole masters of the city, hadalready formed a new Signory; but Michael, on hearing this, sent theman order to quit the palace immediately; for he wished to show that hecould govern Florence without their assistance. He then assembled theSyndics of the trades, and created as a Signory, four from the lowestplebeians; two from the major, and two from the minor trades. Besidesthis, he made a new selection of names for the balloting purses, anddivided the state into three parts; one composed of the new trades, another of the minor, and the third of the major trades. He gave toSalvestro de' Medici the revenue of the shops upon the Old Bridge; forhimself he took the provostry of Empoli, and conferred benefits uponmany other citizens, friends of the plebeians; not so much for thepurpose of rewarding their labors, as that they might serve to screenhim from envy. 

It seemed to the plebeians that Michael, in his reformation of thestate, had too much favored the higher ranks of the people, and thatthemselves had not a sufficient share in the government to enable themto preserve it; and hence, prompted by their usual audacity, they againtook arms, and coming tumultuously into the court of the palace, eachbody under their particular ensigns, insisted that the Signoryshould immediately descend and consider new means for advancing theirwell-being and security. Michael, observing their arrogance, wasunwilling to provoke them, but without further yielding to theirrequest, blamed the manner in which it was made, advised them to laydown their arms, and promised that then would be conceded to them, whatotherwise, for the dignity of the state, must of necessity be withheld. The multitude, enraged at this reply, withdrew to Santa Maria Novella, where they appointed eight leaders for their party, with officers, andother regulations to ensure influence and respect; so that the citypossessed two governments, and was under the direction of two distinctpowers. These new leaders determined that Eight, elected from theirtrades, should constantly reside in the palace with the Signory, andthat whatever the Signory should determine must be confirmed by thembefore it became law. They took from Salvestro de' Medici and Michaeldi Lando the whole of what their former decrees had granted them, anddistributed to many of their party offices and emoluments to enable themto support their dignity. These resolutions being passed, to render themvalid they sent two of their body to the Signory, to insist on theirbeing confirmed by the Council, with an intimation, that if not grantedthey would be vindicated by force. This deputation, with amazingaudacity and surpassing presumption, explained their commission to theSignory, upbraided the Gonfalonier with the dignity they had conferredupon him, the honor they had done him, and with the ingratitude and wantof respect he had shown toward them. Coming to threats toward the end oftheir discourse, Michael could not endure their arrogance, and sensiblerather of the dignity of the office he held than of the meanness of hisorigin, determined by extraordinary means to punish such extraordinaryinsolence, and drawing the sword with which he was girt, seriouslywounded, and cause them to be seized and imprisoned. 

When the fact became known, the multitude were filled with rage, andthinking that by their arms they might ensure what without them theyhad failed to effect, they seized their weapons and with the utmostfury resolved to force the Signory to consent to their wishes. Michael, suspecting what would happen, determined to be prepared, for he knew hiscredit rather required him to be first to the attack than to wait theapproach of the enemy, or, like his predecessors, dishonor both thepalace and himself by flight. He therefore drew together a good numberof citizens (for many began to see their error), mounted on horseback, and followed by crowds of armed men, proceeded to Santa Maria Novella, to encounter his adversaries. The plebeians, who as before observedwere influenced by a similar desire, had set out about the same time asMichael, and it happened that as each took a different route, they didnot meet in their way, and Michael, upon his return, found the piazza intheir possession. The contest was now for the palace, and joining in thefight, he soon vanquished them, drove part of them out of the city, and compelled the rest to throw down their arms and escape or concealthemselves, as well as they could. Having thus gained the victory, thetumults were composed, solely by the talents of the Gonfalonier, who incourage, prudence, and generosity surpassed every other citizen of histime, and deserves to be enumerated among the glorious few who havegreatly benefited their country; for had he possessed either malice orambition, the republic would have been completely ruined, and the citymust have fallen under greater tyranny than that of the duke of Athens. But his goodness never allowed a thought to enter his mind opposed tothe universal welfare: his prudence enabled him to conduct affairs insuch a manner, that a great majority of his own faction reposed the mostentire confidence in him; and he kept the rest in awe by the influenceof his authority. These qualities subdued the plebeians, and opened theeyes of the superior artificers, who considered how great must be thefolly of those, who having overcome the pride of the nobility, couldendure to submit to the nauseous rule of the rabble. 

CHAPTER V

New regulations for the elections of the Signory--Confusion in theCity--Piero degli Albizzi and other citizens condemned to death--TheFlorentines alarmed by the approach of Charles of Durazzo--Themeasures adopted in consequence thereof--Insolent Conduct of GiorgioScali--Benedetto Alberti--Giorgio Scali beheaded. 

By the time Michael di Lando had subdued the plebeians, the new Signorywas drawn, and among those who composed it, were two persons of suchbase and mean condition, that the desire increased in the minds of thepeople to be freed from the ignominy into which they had fallen; andwhen, upon the first of September, the new Signory entered office andthe retiring members were still in the palace, the piazza being full ofarmed men, a tumultuous cry arose from the midst of them, that noneof the lowest of the people should hold office among the Signory. Theobnoxious two were withdrawn accordingly. The name of one was Il Tira, of the other Baroccio, and in their stead were elected Giorgio Scaliand Francesco di Michele. The company of the lowest trade was alsodissolved, and its members deprived of office, except Michael di Lando, Lorenzo di Puccio and a few others of better quality. The honors ofgovernment were divided into two parts, one of which was assigned to thesuperior trades, the other to the inferior; except that the latter wereto furnish five Signors, and the former only four. The Gonfalonier wasto be chosen alternately from each. 

The government thus composed, restored peace to the city for thetime; but though the republic was rescued from the power of the lowestplebeians, the inferior trades were still more influential than thenobles of the people, who, however, were obliged to submit for thegratification of the trades, of whose favor they wished to deprive theplebeians. The new establishment was supported by all who wished thecontinued subjugation of those who, under the name of the Guelphicparty, had practiced such excessive violence against the citizens. Andas among others, thus disposed, were Giorgio Scali, Benedetto Alberti, Salvestro di Medici, and Tommaso Strozzi, these four almost becameprinces of the city. This state of the public mind strengthened thedivisions already commenced between the nobles of the people, and theminor artificers, by the ambition of the Ricci and the Albizzi; fromwhich, as at different times very serious effects arose, and as theywill hereafter be frequently mentioned, we shall call the formerthe popular party, the latter the plebeian. This condition of thingscontinued three years, during which many were exiled and put to death;for the government lived in constant apprehension, knowing that bothwithin and without the city many were dissatisfied with them. Thosewithin, either attempted or were suspected of attempting every day somenew project against them; and those without, being under no restraint, were continually, by means of some prince or republic, spreading reportstending to increase the disaffection. 

Gianozzo da Salerno was at this time in Bologna. He held a command underCharles of Durazzo, a descendant of the kings of Naples, who, designingto undertake the conquest of the dominions of Queen Giovanna, retainedhis captain in that city, with the concurrence of Pope Urban, who was atenmity with the queen. Many Florentine emigrants were also at Bologna, in close correspondence with him and Charles. This caused the rulers inFlorence to live in continual alarm, and induced them to lend a willingear to any calumnies against the suspected. While in this disturbedstate of feeling, it was disclosed to the government that Gianozzo daSalerno was about to march to Florence with the emigrants, and thatgreat numbers of those within were to rise in arms, and deliver the cityto him. Upon this information many were accused, the principal of whomwere Piero degli Albizzi and Carlo Strozzi: and after these CiprianoMangione, Jacopo Sacchetti, Donato Barbadori, Filippo Strozzi, andGiovanni Anselmi, the whole of whom, except Carlo Strozzi who fled, weremade prisoners; and the Signory, to prevent any one from taking armsin their favor, appointed Tommaso Strozzi and Benedetto Alberti witha strong armed force, to guard the city. The arrested citizens wereexamined, and although nothing was elicited against them sufficient toinduce the Capitano to find them guilty, their enemies excited the mindsof the populace to such a degree of outrageous and overwhelming furyagainst them, that they were condemned to death, as it were, by force. Nor was the greatness of his family, or his former reputation of anyservice to Piero degli Albizzi, who had once been, of all the citizens, the man most feared and honored. Some one, either as a friend torender him wise in his prosperity, or an enemy to threaten him with thefickleness of fortune, had upon the occasion of his making a feast formany citizens, sent him a silver bowl full of sweetmeats, among whicha large nail was found, and being seen by many present, was taken for ahint to him to fix the wheel of fortune, which, having conveyed him tothe top, must if the rotation continued, also bring him to the bottom. This interpretation was verified, first by his ruin, and afterward byhis death. 

After this execution the city was full of consternation, for bothvictors and vanquished were alike in fear; but the worst effects arosefrom the apprehensions of those possessing the management of affairs;for every accident, however trivial, caused them to commit freshoutrages, either by condemnations, admonitions, or banishment ofcitizens; to which must be added, as scarcely less pernicious, thefrequent new laws and regulations which were made for defense of thegovernment, all of which were put in execution to the injury of thoseopposed to their faction. They appointed forty-six persons, who, with the Signory, were to purge the republic of all suspected by thegovernment. They admonished thirty-nine citizens, ennobled many of thepeople, and degraded many nobles to the popular rank. To strengthenthemselves against external foes, they took into their pay JohnHawkwood, an Englishman of great military reputation, who had longserved the pope and others in Italy. Their fears from without wereincreased by a report that several bodies of men were being assembledby Charles of Durazzo for the conquest of Naples, and many Florentineemigrants were said to have joined him. Against these dangers, inaddition to the forces which had been raised, large sums of money wereprovided; and Charles, having arrived at Arezzo, obtained from theFlorentines 40, 000 ducats, and promised he would not molest them. Hisenterprise was immediately prosecuted, and having occupied the kingdomof Naples, he sent Queen Giovanna a prisoner into Hungary. This victoryrenewed the fears of those who managed the affairs of Florence, forthey could not persuade themselves that their money would have a greaterinfluence on the king's mind than the friendship which his house hadlong retained for the Guelphs, whom they so grievously oppressed. 

This suspicion increasing, multiplied oppressions; which again, insteadof diminishing the suspicion, augmented it; so that most men livedin the utmost discontent. To this the insolence of Giorgio Scaliand Tommaso Strozzi (who by their popular influence overawed themagistrates) also contributed, for the rulers were apprehensive that bythe power these men possessed with the plebeians they could set them atdefiance; and hence it is evident that not only to good men, but even tothe seditious, this government appeared tyrannical and violent. To put aperiod to the outrageous conduct of Giorgio, it happened that a servantof his accused Giovanni di Cambio of practices against the state, butthe Capitano declared him innocent. Upon this, the judge determined topunish the accuser with the same penalties that the accused would haveincurred had he been guilty, but Giorgio Scali, unable to save himeither by his authority or entreaties, obtained the assistance ofTommaso Strozzi, and with a multitude of armed men, set the informerat liberty and plundered the palace of the Capitano, who was obligedto save himself by flight. This act excited such great and universalanimosity against him, that his enemies began to hope they would be ableto effect his ruin, and also to rescue the city from the power ofthe plebeians, who for three years had held her under their arrogantcontrol. 

To the realization of this design the Capitano greatly contributed, forthe tumult having subsided, he presented himself before the signors, and said "He had cheerfully undertaken the office to which they hadappointed him, for he thought he should serve upright men who would takearms for the defense of justice, and not impede its progress. But nowthat he had seen and had experience of the proceedings of the city, andthe manner in which affairs were conducted, that dignity which he hadvoluntarily assumed with the hope of acquiring honor and emolument, henow more willingly resigned, to escape from the losses and danger towhich he found himself exposed. " The complaint of the Capitano was heardwith the utmost attention by the Signory, who promising to remuneratehim for the injury he had suffered and provide for his future security, he was satisfied. Some of them then obtained an interview with certaincitizens who were thought to be lovers of the common good, and leastsuspected by the state; and in conjunction with these, it was concludedthat the present was a favorable opportunity for rescuing the city fromGiorgio and the plebeians, the last outrage he had committed havingcompletely alienated the great body of the people from him. They judgedit best to profit by the occasion before the excitement had abated, forthey knew that the favor of the mob is often gained or lost by themost trifling circumstance; and more certainly to insure success, theydetermined, if possible, to obtain the concurrence of Benedetto Alberti, for without it they considered their enterprise to be dangerous. 

Benedetto was one of the richest citizens, a man of unassuming manners, an ardent lover of the liberties of his country, and one to whomtyrannical measures were in the highest degree offensive; so that he waseasily induced to concur in their views and consent to Giorgio's ruin. His enmity against the nobles of the people and the Guelphs, andhis friendship for the plebeians, were caused by the insolence andtyrannical proceedings of the former; but finding that the plebeians hadsoon become quite as insolent, he quickly separated himself from them;and the injuries committed by them against the citizens were done whollywithout his consent. So that the same motives which made him join theplebeians induced him to leave them. 

Having gained Benedetto and the leaders of the trades to their side, they provided themselves with arms and made Giorgio prisoner. Tommasofled. The next day Giorgio was beheaded; which struck so great aterror into his party, that none ventured to express the slightestdisapprobation, but each seemed anxious to be foremost in defense of themeasure. On being led to execution, in the presence of that people whoonly a short time before had idolized him, Giorgio complained of hishard fortune, and the malignity of those citizens who, having done himan undeserved injury, had compelled him to honor and support a mob, possessing neither faith nor gratitude. Observing Benedetto Albertiamong those who had armed themselves for the preservation of order, hesaid, "Do you, too, consent, Benedetto, that this injury shall be doneto me? Were I in your place and you in mine, I would take care that noone should injure you. I tell you, however, this day is the end of mytroubles and the beginning of yours. " He then blamed himself for havingconfided too much in a people who may be excited and inflamed by everyword, motion, and breath of suspicion. With these complaints he died inthe midst of his armed enemies, delighted at his fall. Some of his mostintimate associates were also put to death, and their bodies draggedabout by the mob. 

CHAPTER VI

Confusion and riots in the city--Reform of government in opposition tothe plebeians--Injuries done to those who favored the plebeians--Michaeldi Lando banished--Benedetto Alberti hated by the Signory--Fearsexcited by the coming of Louis of Anjou--The Florentines purchaseArezzo--Benedetto Alberti becomes suspected and is banished--Hisdiscourse upon leaving the city--Other citizens banished andadmonished--War with Giovanni Galeazzo, duke of Milan. 

The death of Giorgio caused very great excitement; many took arms atthe execution in favor of the Signory and the Capitano; and many others, either for ambition or as a means for their own safety, did the same. The city was full of conflicting parties, who each had a particular endin view, and wished to carry it into effect before they disarmed. Theancient nobility, called the GREAT, could not bear to be deprivedof public honors; for the recovery of which they used their utmostexertions, and earnestly desired that authority might be restored to theCapitani di Parte. The nobles of the people and the major trades werediscontented at the share the minor trades and lowest of the peoplepossessed in the government; while the minor trades were desirous ofincreasing their influence, and the lowest people were apprehensiveof losing the companies of their trades and the authority which theseconferred. 

Such opposing views occasioned Florence, during a year, to be disturbedby many riots. Sometimes the nobles of the people took arms; sometimesthe major and sometimes the minor trades and the lowest of the people;and it often happened that, though in different parts, all were at oncein insurrection. Hence many conflicts took place between the differentparties or with the forces of the palace; for the Signory sometimesyielding, and at other times resisting, adopted such remedies as theycould for these numerous evils. At length, after two assemblies of thepeople, and many Balias appointed for the reformation of the city; aftermuch toil, labor, and imminent danger, a government was appointed, by which all who had been banished since Salvestro de' Medici wasGonfalonier were restored. They who had acquired distinctions oremoluments by the Balia of 1378 were deprived of them. The honors ofgovernment were restored to the Guelphic party; the two new Companies ofthe Trades were dissolved, and all who had been subject to them assignedto their former companies. The minor trades were not allowed to electthe Gonfalonier of Justice, their share of honors was reduced from ahalf to a third; and those of the highest rank were withdrawn from themaltogether. Thus the nobles of the people and the Guelphs repossessedthemselves of the government, which was lost by the plebeians after ithad been in their possession from 1378 to 1381, when these changes tookplace. 

The new establishment was not less injurious to the citizens, or lesstroublesome at its commencement than that of the plebeians had been; formany of the nobles of the people, who had distinguished themselves asdefenders of the plebeians, were banished, with a great number of theleaders of the latter, among whom was Michael di Lando; nor could allthe benefits conferred upon the city by his authority, when in dangerfrom the lawless mob, save him from the rabid fury of the party that wasnow in power. His good offices evidently excited little gratitude inhis countrymen. The neglect of their benefactors is an error into whichprinces and republics frequently fall; and hence mankind, alarmed bysuch examples, as soon as they begin to perceive the ingratitude oftheir rulers, set themselves against them. 

As these banishments and executions had always been offensive toBenedetto Alberti, they continued to disgust him, and he censured themboth publicly and privately. The leaders of the government began tofear him, for they considered him one of the most earnest friends ofthe plebeians, and thought he had not consented to the death of GiorgioScali from disapprobation of his proceeding, but that he might be lefthimself without a rival in the government. His discourse and his conductalike served to increase their suspicions, so that all the ruling partyhad their eyes upon him, and eagerly sought an opportunity of crushinghim. 

During this state of things, external affairs were not of seriousimportance, for some which ensued were productive of apprehension ratherthan of injury. At this time Louis of Anjou came into Italy, to recoverthe kingdom of Naples for Queen Giovanna, and drive out Charles ofDurazzo. His coming terrified the Florentines; for Charles, accordingto the custom of old friends, demanded their assistance, and Louis, like those who seek new alliances, required their neutrality. TheFlorentines, that they might seem to comply with the request of Louis, and at the same time assist Charles, discharged from their serviceSir John Hawkwood, and transferred him to that of Pope Urban, who wasfriendly to Charles; but this deceit was at once detected, and Louisconsidered himself greatly injured by the Florentines. While the warwas carried on between Louis and Charles in Puglia, new forces were sentfrom France in aid of Louis, and on arriving in Tuscany, were by theemigrants of Arezzo conducted to that city, and took it from those whoheld possession for Charles. And when they were about to change thegovernment of Florence, as they had already done that of Arezzo, Louisdied, and the order of things in Puglia and in Tuscany was changedaccordingly; for Charles secured the kingdom, which had been all butlost, and the Florentines, who were apprehensive for their own city, purchased Arezzo from those who held it for Louis. Charles, havingsecured Puglia, went to take possession of Hungary, to which he washeir, leaving, with his wife, his children Ladislaus and Giovanna, whowere yet infants. He took possession of Hungary, but was soon afterslain there. 

As great rejoicings were made in Florence on account of this acquisitionas ever took place in any city for a real victory, which served toexhibit the public and private wealth of the people, many familiesendeavoring to vie with the state itself in displays of magnificence. The Alberti surpassed all others; the tournaments and exhibitions madeby them were rather suitable for a sovereign prince than for any privateindividuals. These things increased the envy with which the family wasregarded, and being joined with suspicions which the state entertainedof Benedetto, were the causes of his ruin. The rulers could not endurehim, for it appeared as if, at any moment, something might occur, which, with the favor of his friends, would enable him to recoverhis authority, and drive them out of the city. While in this state ofsuspicion and jealousy, it happened that while he was Gonfalonier of theCompanies, his son-in-law, Filippo Magalotti, was drawn Gonfalonier ofJustice; and this circumstance increased the fears of the government, for they thought it would strengthen Benedetto's influence, and placethe state in the greater peril. Anxious to provide a remedy, withoutcreating much disturbance, they induced Bese Magalotti, his relative andenemy, to signify to the Signory that Filippo, not having attained theage required for the exercise of that office, neither could nor ought tohold it. 

The question was examined by the signors, and part of them out ofhatred, others in order to avoid disunion among themselves, declaredFilippo ineligible to the dignity, and in his stead was drawn BardoMancini, who was quite opposed to the plebeian interests, and aninveterate foe of Benedetto. This man, having entered upon the dutiesof his office, created a _Balia_ for the reformation of the state, whichbanished Benedetto Alberti and admonished all the rest of his familyexcept Antonio. Before his departure, Benedetto called them together, and observing their melancholy demeanor, said, "You see, my fathers, andyou the elders of our house, how fortune has ruined me and threatenedyou. I am not surprised at this, neither ought you to be so, for italways happens thus to those who among a multitude of the wicked, wishto act rightly, and endeavor to sustain, what the many seek to destroy. The love of my country made me take part with Salvestro de Medici andafterward separated me from Giorgio Scali. The same cause compelled meto detest those who now govern, who having none to punish them, willallow no one to reprove their misdeeds. I am content that my banishmentshould deliver them from the fears they entertain, not of me only, butof all who they think perceives or is acquainted wit their tyrannicaland wicked proceedings; and they have aimed their first blow at me, inorder the more easily to oppress you. I do not grieve on my own account;for those honors which my country bestowed upon me while free, shecannot in her slavery take from me; and the recollection of my pastlife will always give me greater pleasure than the pain imparted by thesorrows of exile. I deeply regret that my country is left a prey to thegreediness and pride of the few who keep her in subjection. I grieve foryou; for I fear that the evils which this day cease to affect me, andcommence with you, will pursue you with even greater malevolence thanthey have me. Comfort, then, each other; resolve to bear up againstevery misfortune, and conduct yourselves in such a manner, that whendisasters befall you (and there will be many), every one may know theyhave come upon you undeservedly. " Not to give a worse impression ofhis virtue abroad than he had done at home, he made a journey to thesepulcher of Christ, and while upon his return, died at Rhodes. Hisremains were brought to Florence, and interred with all possible honors, by those who had persecuted him, when alive, with every species ofcalumny and injustice. 

The family of the Alberti was not the only injured party during thesetroubles of the city; for many others were banished and admonished. Ofthe former were Piero Benini, Matteo Alderotti, Giovanni and Francescodel Bene, Giovanni Benci, Andrea Adimari, and with them many members ofthe minor trades. Of the admonished were the Covini, Benini, Rinucci, Formiconi, Corbizzi, Manelli, and Alderotti. It was customary to createthe Balia for a limited time; and when the citizens elected had effectedthe purpose of their appointment, they resigned the office from motivesof good feeling and decency, although the time allowed might not haveexpired. In conformity with this laudable practice, the Balia of thatperiod, supposing they had accomplished all that was expected of them, wished to retire; but when the multitude were acquainted with theirintention, they ran armed to the palace, and insisted, that beforeresigning their power, many other persons should be banished andadmonished. This greatly displeased the signors; but without disclosingthe extent of their displeasure, they contrived to amuse the multitudewith promises, till they had assembled a sufficient body of armed men, and then took such measures, that fear induced the people to lay asidethe weapons which madness had led them to take up. Nevertheless, in somedegree to gratify the fury of the mob, and to reduce the authority ofthe plebeian trades, it was provided, that as the latter had previouslypossessed a third of the honors, they should in future have only afourth. That there might always be two of the signors particularlydevoted to the government, they gave authority to the Gonfalonier ofJustice, and four others, to form a ballot-purse of select citizens, from which, in every Signory, two should be drawn. 

This government from its establishment in 1381, till the alterationsnow made, had continued six years; and the internal peace of the cityremained undisturbed until 1393. During this time, Giovanni GaleazzoVisconti, usually called the Count of Virtś, imprisoned his uncleBernabo, and thus became sovereign of the whole of Lombardy. As he hadbecome duke of Milan by fraud, he designed to make himself king of Italyby force. In 1391 he commenced a spirited attack upon the Florentines;but such various changes occurred in the course of the war, that hewas frequently in greater danger than the Florentines themselves, who, though they made a brave and admirable defense, for a republic, musthave been ruined, if he had survived. As it was, the result was attendedwith infinitely less evil than their fears of so powerful an enemy hadled them to apprehend; for the duke having taken Bologna, Pisa, Perugia, and Sienna, and prepared a diadem with which to be crowned king of Italyat Florence, died before he had tasted the fruit of his victories, orthe Florentines began to feel the effect of their disasters. 

CHAPTER VII

Maso degli Albizzi--His violence excites the anger of the people--Theyhave recourse to Veri de' Medici--The modesty of Veri--He refuses toassume the dignity of prince, and appeases the people--Discourse ofVeri to the Signory--The banished Florentines endeavor to return--Theysecretly enter the city and raise a tumult--Some of them slain, otherstaken to the church of St. Reparata--A conspiracy of exiles supportedby the duke of Milan--The conspiracy discovered and the partiespunished--Various enterprises of the Florentines--Taking of Pisa--Warwith the king of Naples--Acquisition of Cortona. 

During the war with the duke of Milan the office of Gonfalonier ofJustice fell to Maso degli Albizzi, who by the death of Piero in 1379, had become the inveterate enemy of the Alberti: and as party feeling isincapable either of repose or abatement, he determined, notwithstandingBenedetto had died in exile, that before the expiration of hismagistracy, he would revenge himself on the remainder of that family. He seized the opportunity afforded by a person, who on being examinedrespecting correspondence maintained with the rebels, accused Andrea andAlberto degli Alberti of such practices. They were immediately arrested, which so greatly excited the people, that the Signory, having providedthemselves with an armed force, called the citizens to a generalassembly or parliament, and appointed a Balia, by whose authority manywere banished, and a new ballot for the offices of government was made. Among the banished were nearly all the Alberti; many members of thetrades were admonished, and some put to death. Stung by these numerousinjuries, the trades and the lowest of the people rose in arms, considering themselves despoiled both of honor and life. One body ofthem assembled in the piazza; another ran to the house of Veri de'Medici, who, after the death of Salvestro, was head of the family. TheSignory, in order to appease those who came to the piazza or court ofthe palace, gave them for leaders, with the ensigns of the Guelphsand of the people in their hands, Rinaldo Gianfigliazzi, and DonatoAcciajuoli, both men of the popular class, and more attached to theinterests of the plebeians than any other. Those who went to the houseof Veri de' Medici, begged that he would be pleased to undertake thegovernment, and free them from the tyranny of those citizens who weredestroying the peace and safety of the commonwealth. 

It is agreed by all who have written concerning the events of thisperiod, that if Veri had had more ambition than integrity he mightwithout any impediment have become prince of the city; for the unfeelingtreatment which, whether right or wrong, had been inflicted upon thetrades and their friends, had so excited the minds of men to vengeance, that all they required was some one to be their leader. Nor were therewanting those who could inform him of the state of public feeling; forAntonio de' Medici with whom he had for some time been upon terms ofmost intimate friendship, endeavored to persuade him to undertake thegovernment of the republic. To this Veri replied: "Thy menaces when thouwert my enemy, never alarmed me; nor shall thy counsel, now when thouart my friend, do me any harm. " Then, turning toward the multitude, he bade them be of good cheer; for he would be their defender, if theywould allow themselves to be advised by him. He then went, accompaniedby a great number of citizens, to the piazza, and proceeded directly tothe audience chamber of the Signory, whom he addressed to this effect:That he could not regret having lived so as to gain the love of theFlorentines; but he was sorry they had formed an opinion of him whichhis past life had not warranted; for never having done anything thatcould be construed as either factious or ambitious, he could not imaginehow it had happened, that they should think him willing to stir upstrife as a discontented person, or usurp the government of his countrylike an ambitious one. He therefore begged that the infatuation of themultitude might not injure him in their estimation; for, to the utmostof his power, their authority should be restored. He then recommendedthem to use good fortune with moderation; for it would be much better toenjoy an imperfect victory with safety to the city, than a completeone at her ruin. The Signory applauded Veri's conduct; begged he wouldendeavor to prevent recourse to arms, and promised that what he andthe other citizens might deem most advisable should be done. Veri thenreturned to the piazza, where the people who had followed him werejoined by those led by Donato and Rinaldo, and informed the unitedcompanies that he had found the Signory most kindly disposed towardthem; that many things had been taken into consideration, whichthe shortness of time, and the absence of the magistrates, renderedincapable of being finished. He therefore begged they would lay downtheir arms and obey the Signory; assuring them that humility wouldprevail rather than pride, entreaties rather than threats; and ifthey would take his advice, their privileges and security would remainunimpaired. He thus induced them to return peaceably to their homes. 

The disturbance having subsided, the Signory armed the piazza, enrolled 2, 000 of the most trusty citizens, who were divided equallyby Gonfalons, and ordered to be in readiness to give their assistancewhenever required; and they forbade the use of arms to all who werenot thus enrolled. Having adopted these precautionary measures, theybanished and put to death many of those members of the trades who hadshown the greatest audacity in the late riots; and to invest the officeof Gonfalonier of Justice with more authoritative majesty, they orderedthat no one should be eligible to it, under forty-five years of age. Many other provisions for the defense of the state were made, whichappeared intolerable to those against whom they were directed, and wereodious even to the friends of the Signory themselves, for they could notbelieve a government to be either good or secure, which needed so muchviolence for its defense, a violence excessively offensive, not only tothose of the Alberti who remained in the city, and to the Medici, whofelt themselves injured by these proceedings, but also to many others. The first who attempted resistance was Donato, the son of JacopoAcciajuoli, who thought of great authority, and the superior rather thanthe equal of Maso degli Albizzi (who on account of the events which tookplace while he was Gonfalonier of Justice, was almost at the head of therepublic), could not enjoy repose amid such general discontent, or, like many others, convert social evils to his own private advantage, and therefore resolved to attempt the restoration of the exiles to theircountry, or at least their offices to the admonished. He went from oneto another, disseminating his views, showing that the people would notbe satisfied, or the ferment of parties subside, without the changeshe proposed; and declared that if he were in the Signory, he would sooncarry them into effect. In human affairs, delay causes tedium, and hastedanger. To avoid what was tedious, Donato Acciajuoli resolved to attemptwhat involved danger. Michele Acciajuoli his relative, and NiccoloRicoveri his friend, were of the Signory. This seemed to Donato aconjuncture of circumstances too favorable to be lost, and he requestedthey would propose a law to the councils, which would include therestoration of the citizens. They, at his entreaty, spoke about thematter to their associates, who replied, that it was improper to attemptany innovation in which the advantage was doubtful and the dangercertain. Upon this, Donato, having in vain tried all other means hecould think of, excited with anger, gave them to understand that sincethey would not allow the city to be governed with peaceful measures, he would try what could be done with arms. These words gave so greatoffense, that being communicated to the heads of the government, Donatowas summoned, and having appeared, the truth was proven by those to whomhe had intrusted the message, and he was banished to Barletta. Alamannoand Antonio de' Medici were also banished, and all those of thatfamily, who were descended from Alamanno, with many who, although ofthe inferior artificers, possessed influence with the plebeians. Theseevents took place two years after the reform of government effected byMaso degli Albizzi. 

At this time many discontented citizens were at home, and othersbanished in the adjoining states. Of the latter there lived at BolognaPicchio Cavicciulli, Tommaso de' Ricci, Antonio de' Medici, Benedettodegli Spini, Antonio Girolami, Cristofano di Carlone, and two othersof the lowest order, all bold young men, and resolved upon returning totheir country at any hazard. These were secretly told by Piggiello andBaroccio Cavicciulli, who, being admonished, lived in Florence, thatif they came to the city they should be concealed in their house; fromwhich they might afterward issue, slay Maso degli Albizzi, and callthe people to arms, who, full of discontent, would willingly arise, particularly as they would be supported by the Ricci, Adimari, Medici, Manelli, and many other families. Excited with these hopes, on thefourth of August, 1397, they came to Florence, and having enteredunobserved according to their arrangement, they sent one of their partyto watch Maso, designing with his death to raise the people. Maso wasobserved to leave his house and proceed to that of an apothecary, nearthe church of San Pietro Maggiore, which he entered. The man who wentto watch him ran to give information to the other conspirators, who tooktheir arms and hastened to the house of the apothecary, but foundthat Maso had gone. However, undaunted with the failure of their firstattempt, they proceeded to the Old Market, where they slew one of theadverse party, and with loud cries of "people, arms, liberty, and deathto the tyrants, " directed their course toward the New Market, and at theend of the Calimala slew another. Pursuing their course with the samecries, and finding no one join them in arms, they stopped at the LoggiaNighittosa, where, from an elevated situation, being surrounded witha great multitude, assembled to look on rather than assist them, theyexhorted the men to take arms and deliver themselves from the slaverywhich weighed so heavily upon them; declaring that the complaints of thediscontented in the city, rather than their own grievances, had inducedthem to attempt their deliverance. They had heard that many prayed toGod for an opportunity of avenging themselves, and vowed they woulduse it whenever they found anyone to conduct them; but now, when thefavorable circumstances occurred, and they found those who were ready tolead them, they stared at each other like men stupefied, and would waittill those who were endeavoring to recover for them their libertywere slain, and their own chains more strongly riveted upon them; theywondered that those who were wont to take arms upon slight occasions, remained unmoved under the pressure of so many and so great evils; andthat they could willingly suffer such numbers of their fellow-citizensto be banished, so many admonished, when it was in their power torestore the banished to their country, and the admonished to the honorsof the state. These words, although full of truth, produced no effectupon those to whom they were addressed; for they were either restrainedby their fears, or, on account of the two murders which had beencommitted, disgusted with the parties. Thus the movers of the tumult, finding that neither words or deeds had force sufficient to stir anyone, saw, when too late, how dangerous a thing it is to attempt to set apeople free who are resolved to be slaves; and, despairing of success, they withdrew to the temple of Santa Reparata, where, not to save theirlives, but to defer the moment of their deaths, they shut themselves up. Upon the first rumor of the affair, the Signory being in fear, armed andsecured the palace; but when the facts of the case were understood, the parties known, and whither they had betaken themselves, their fearssubsided, and they sent the Capitano with a sufficient body of armedmen to secure them. The gates of the temple were forced without muchtrouble; part of the conspirators were slain defending themselves;the remainder were made prisoners and examined, but none were foundimplicated in the affair except Baroccio and Piggiello Cavicciulli, whowere put to death with them. 

Shortly after this event, another occurred of greater importance. TheFlorentines were, as we have before remarked, at war with the duke ofMilan, who, finding that with merely open force he could not overcomethem, had recourse to secret practices, and with the assistance of theexiles of whom Lombardy was full, he formed a plot to which many in thecity were accessory. It was resolved by the conspirators that most ofthe emigrants, capable of bearing arms, should set out from the placesnearest Florence, enter the city by the river Arno, and with theirfriends hasten to the residences of the chiefs of the government; andhaving slain them, reform the republic according to their own will. Ofthe conspirators within the city, was one of the Ricci named Samminiato;and as it often happens in treacherous practices, few are insufficientto effect the purpose of the plot, and among many secrecy cannot bepreserved, so while Samminiato was in quest of associates, he found anaccuser. He confided the affair to Salvestro Cavicciulli, whose wrongsand those of his friends were thought sufficient to make him faithful;but he, more influenced by immediate fear than the hope of futurevengeance, discovered the whole affair to the Signory, who, havingcaused Samminiato to be taken, compelled him to tell all the particularsof the matter. However, none of the conspirators were taken, exceptTommaso Davizi, who, coming from Bologna, and unaware of what hadoccurred at Florence, was seized immediately upon his arrival. All theothers had fled immediately upon the apprehension of Samminiato. 

Samminiato and Tommaso having been punished according to their deserts, a Balia was formed of many citizens, which sought the delinquents, andtook measures for the security of the state. They declared six of thefamily of the Ricci rebels; also, six of the Alberti; two of the Medici;three of the Scali; two of the Strozzi; Bindo Altoviti, Bernado Adimari, and many others of inferior quality. They admonished all the familyof the Alberti, the Ricci, and the Medici for ten years, except a fewindividuals. Among the Alberti, not admonished, was Antonio, who wasthought to be quiet and peaceable. It happened, however, before allsuspicion of the conspiracy had ceased, a monk was taken who had beenobserved during its progress to pass frequently between Bologna andFlorence. He confessed that he had often carried letters to Antonio, who was immediately seized, and, though he denied all knowledge of thematter from the first, the monk's accusation prevailed, and he was finedin a considerable sum of money, and banished a distance of three hundredmiles from Florence. That the Alberti might not constantly place thecity in jeopardy, every member of the family was banished whose ageexceeded fifteen years. 

These events took place in the year 1400, and two years afterward, diedGiovanni Galeazzo, duke of Milan, whose death as we have said above, putan end to the war, which had then continued twelve years. At this time, the government having gained greater strength, and being withoutenemies external or internal, undertook the conquest of Pisa, and havinggloriously completed it, the peace of the city remained undisturbedfrom 1400 to 1433, except that in 1412, the Alberti, having crossed theboundary they were forbidden to pass, a Balia was formed which with newprovisions fortified the state and punished the offenders with heavyfines. During this period also, the Florentines made war with Ladislaus, king of Naples, who finding himself in great danger ceded to them thecity of Cortona of which he was master; but soon afterward, recoveringhis power, he renewed the war, which became far more disastrous to theFlorentines than before; and had it not, in 1414, been terminated by hisdeath, as that of Lombardy had been by the death of the duke of Milan, he, like the duke, would have brought Florence into great danger oflosing her liberty. Nor was the war with the king concluded with lessgood fortune than the former; for when he had taken Rome, Sienna, thewhole of La Marca and Romagna, and had only Florence itself to vanquish, he died. Thus death has always been more favorable to the Florentinesthan any other friend, and more potent to save them than their ownvalor. From the time of the king's decease, peace was preserved both athome and abroad for eight years, at the end of which, with the wars ofFilippo, duke of Milan, the spirit of faction again broke out, and wasonly appeased by the ruin of that government which continued from 1381to 1434, had conducted with great glory so many enterprises; acquiredArezzo, Pisa, Cortona, Leghorn, and Monte Pulciano; and would haveaccomplished more if the citizens had lived in unity, and had notrevived former factions; as in the following book will be particularlyshown. 

BOOK IV

CHAPTER I

License and Slavery peculiar defects in republicangovernments--Application of this reflection to the state ofFlorence--Giovanni di Bicci di' Medici re-establishes the authority ofhis family--Filippo Visconti, duke of Milan, endeavors to make amicablearrangements with the Florentines--Their jealousy of him--Precautionarymeasures against him--War declared--The Florentines are routed by theducal forces. 

Republican governments, more especially those imperfectly organized, frequently change their rulers and the form of their institutions; notby the influence of liberty or subjection, as many suppose, but bythat of slavery and license; for with the nobility or the people, theministers respectively of slavery or licentiousness, only the name ofliberty is in any estimation, neither of them choosing to be subjecteither to magistrates or laws. When, however, a good, wise, and powerfulcitizen appears (which is but seldom), who establishes ordinancescapable of appeasing or restraining these contending dispositions, so asto prevent them from doing mischief, then the government may be calledfree, and its institutions firm and secure; for having good laws for itsbasis, and good regulations for carrying them into effect, it needsnot, like others, the virtue of one man for its maintenance. With suchexcellent laws and institutions, many of those ancient republics, whichwere of long duration, were endowed. But these advantages are, andalways have been, denied to those which frequently change from tyrannyto license, or the reverse; because, from the powerful enemies whicheach condition creates itself, they neither have, nor can possess anystability; for tyranny cannot please the good, and license is offensiveto the wise: the former may easily be productive of mischief, while thelatter can scarcely be beneficial; in the former, the insolent have toomuch authority, and in the latter, the foolish; so that each requiresfor their welfare the virtue and the good fortune of some individual whomay be removed by death, or become unserviceable by misfortune. 

Hence, it appears, that the government which commenced in Florence atthe death of Giorgio Scali, in 1381, was first sustained by the talentsof Maso degli Albizzi, and then by those of Niccolo da Uzzano. The cityremained tranquil from 1414 to 1422; for King Ladislaus was dead, andLombardy divided into several parts; so that there was nothing eitherinternal or external to occasion uneasiness. Next to Niccolo da Uzzanoin authority, were Bartolomeo Valori, Neroni di Nigi, Rinaldo degliAlbizzi, Neri di Gino, and Lapo Niccolini. The factions that arose fromthe quarrels of the Albizzi and the Ricci, and which were afterward sounhappily revived by Salvestro de' Medici, were never extinguished; forthough the party most favored by the rabble only continued threeyears, and in 1381 was put down, still, as it comprehended the greatestnumerical proportion, it was never entirely extinct, though the frequentBalias and persecutions of its leaders from 1381 to 1400, reduced italmost to nothing. The first families that suffered in this way were theAlberti, the Ricci, and the Medici, which were frequently deprived bothof men and money; and if any of them remained in the city, they weredeprived of the honors of government. These oft-repeated acts ofoppression humiliated the faction, and almost annihilated it. Still, many retained the remembrance of the injuries they had received, anda desire of vengeance remained pent in their bosoms, ungratified andunquenched. Those nobles of the people, or new nobility, who peaceablygoverned the city, committed two errors, which eventually caused theruin of their party; the first was, that by long continuance in powerthey became insolent; the second, that the envy they entertained towardeach other, and their uninterrupted possession of power, destroyed thatvigilance over those who might injure them, which they ought to haveexercised. Thus daily renewing the hatred of a mass of the people bytheir sinister proceedings, and either negligent of the threateneddangers, because rendered fearless by prosperity, or encouraging themthrough mutual envy, they gave an opportunity to the family of theMedici to recover their influence. The first to do so was Giovanni diBicci de' Medici, who having become one of the richest men, and being ofa humane and benevolent disposition, obtained the supreme magistracyby the consent of those in power. This circumstance gave so muchgratification to the mass of the people (the multitude thinking they hadnow found a defender), that not without occasion the judicious of theparty observed it with jealousy, for they perceived all the formerfeelings of the city revived. Niccolo da Uzzano did not fail to acquaintthe other citizens with the matter, explaining to them how dangerous itwas to aggrandize one who possessed so much influence; that it was easyto remedy an evil at its commencement, but exceedingly difficult afterhaving allowed it to gather strength; and that Giovanni possessedseveral qualities far surpassing those of Salvestro. The associates ofNiccolo were uninfluenced by his remarks; for they were jealous of hisreputation, and desired to exalt some person, by means of whom he mightbe humbled. 

This was the state of Florence, in which opposing feelings began tobe observable, when Filippo Visconti, second son of Giovanni Galeazzo, having, by the death of his brother, become master of all Lombardy, andthinking he might undertake almost anything, greatly desired to recoverGenoa, which enjoyed freedom under the Dogiate of Tommaso da CampoFregoso. He did not think it advisable to attempt this, or any otherenterprise, till he had renewed amicable relations with the Florentines, and made his good understanding with them known; but with the aid oftheir reputation he trusted he should attain his wishes. He thereforesent ambassadors to Florence to signify his desires. Many citizens wereopposed to his design, but did not wish to interrupt the peace withMilan, which had now continued for many years. They were fully aware ofthe advantages he would derive from a war with Genoa, and the little useit would be to Florence. Many others were inclined to accede to it, butwould set a limit to his proceedings, which, if he were to exceed, allwould perceive his base design, and thus they might, when the treaty wasbroken, more justifiably make war against him. The question having beenstrongly debated, an amicable arrangement was at length effected, bywhich Filippo engaged not to interfere with anything on the Florentineside of the rivers Magra and Panaro. 

Soon after the treaty was concluded, the duke took possession ofBrescia, and shortly afterward of Genoa, contrary to the expectationof those who had advocated peace; for they thought Brescia would bedefended by the Venetians, and Genoa would be able to defend herself. And as in the treaty which Filippo made with the Doge of Genoa, he hadacquired Serezana and other places situated on this side the Magra, uponcondition that, if he wished to alienate them, they should be given tothe Genoese, it was quite palpable that he had broken the treaty; and hehad, besides, entered into another treaty with the legate of Bologna, in opposition to his engagement respecting the Panaro. These thingsdisturbed the minds of the citizens, and made them, apprehensive of newtroubles, consider the means to be adopted for their defense. 

The dissatisfaction of the Florentines coming to the knowledge ofFilippo, he, either to justify himself, or to become acquainted withtheir prevailing feelings, or to lull them to repose, sent ambassadorsto the city, to intimate that he was greatly surprised at the suspicionsthey entertained, and offered to revoke whatever he had done that couldbe thought a ground of jealousy. This embassy produced no othereffect than that of dividing the citizens; one party, that in greatestreputation, judged it best to arm, and prepare to frustrate the enemy'sdesigns; and if he were to remain quiet, it would not be necessary to goto war with him, but an endeavor might be made to preserve peace. Manyothers, whether envious of those in power, or fearing a rupture with theduke, considered it unadvisable so lightly to entertain suspicions ofan ally, and thought his proceedings need not have excited so muchdistrust; that appointing the ten and hiring forces was in itself amanifest declaration of war, which, if undertaken against so great aprince, would bring certain ruin upon the city without the hope of anyadvantage; for possession could never be retained of the conquests thatmight be made, because Romagna lay between, and the vicinity of thechurch ought to prevent any attempt against Romagna itself. However theviews of those who were in favor of war prevailed, the Council of Tenwere appointed, forces were hired, and new taxes levied, which, as theywere more burdensome upon the lower than the upper ranks, filled thecity with complaints, and all condemned the ambition and avarice of thegreat, declaring that, to gratify themselves and oppress the people, they would go to war without any justifiable motive. 

They had not yet come to an open rupture with the duke, but everythingtended to excite suspicion; for Filippo had, at the request of thelegate of Bologna (who was in fear of Antonio Bentivogli, an emigrantof Bologna at Castel Bolognese), sent forces to that city, which, being close upon the Florentine territory, filled the citizens withapprehension; but what gave every one greater alarm, and offeredsufficient occasion for the declaration of war, was the expedition madeby the duke against Furli. Giorgio Ordelaffi was lord of Furli, whodying, left Tibaldo, his son, under the guardianship of Filippo. Theboy's mother, suspicious of his guardian, sent him to Lodovico Alidossi, her father, who was lord of Imola, but she was compelled by the peopleof Furli to obey the will of her deceased husband, to withdraw him fromthe natural guardian, and place him in the hands of the duke. Uponthis Filippo, the better to conceal his purpose, caused the Marquis ofFerrara to send Guido Torello as his agent, with forces, to seize thegovernment of Furli, and thus the territory fell into the duke's hands. When this was known at Florence, together with the arrival of forces atBologna, the arguments in favor of war were greatly strengthened, butthere were still many opposed to it, and among the rest Giovanni de'Medici, who publicly endeavored to show, that even if the ill designs ofthe duke were perfectly manifest, it would still be better to wait andlet him commence the attack, than to assail him; for in the former casethey would be justified in the view of the princes of Italy as well asin their own; but if they were to strike the first blow at the duke, public opinion would be as favorable to him as to themselves; andbesides, they could not so confidently demand assistance as assailants, as they might do if assailed; and that men always defend themselves morevigorously when they attack others. The advocates of war considered itimproper to await the enemy in their houses, and better to go and seekhim; that fortune is always more favorable to assailants than to suchas merely act on the defensive, and that it is less injurious, even whenattended with greater immediate expense, to make war at another's doorthan at our own. These views prevailed, and it was resolved that the tenshould provide all the means in their power for rescuing Furli from thehands of the duke. 

Filippo, finding the Florentines resolved to occupy the places he hadundertaken to defend, postponed all personal considerations, and sentAgnolo della Pergola with a strong force against Imola, that Ludovico, having to provide for the defense of his own possessions, might beunable to protect the interests of his grandson. Agnolo approached Imolawhile the forces of the Florentines were at Modigliana, and an intensefrost having rendered the ditches of the city passable, he crossed themduring the night, captured the place, and sent Lodovico a prisoner toMilan. The Florentines finding Imola in the hands of the enemy, and thewar publicly known, sent their forces to Furli and besieged it on allsides. That the duke's people might not relieve it, they hired CountAlberigo, who from Zagonara, his own domain, overran the country daily, up to the gates of Imola. Agnolo della Pergola, finding the strongposition which the Florentines had taken prevented him from relievingFurli, determined to attempt the capture of Zagonara, thinking theywould not allow that place to be lost, and that in the endeavor torelieve it they would be compelled to give up their design againstFurli, and come to an engagement under great disadvantage. Thus theduke's people compelled Alberigo to sue for terms, which he obtained oncondition of giving up Zagonara, if the Florentines did not relieve himwithin fifteen days. This misfortune being known in the Florentine campand in the city, and all being anxious that the enemy should not obtainthe expected advantage, they enabled him to secure a greater; forhaving abandoned the siege of Furli to go to the relief of Zagonara, onencountering the enemy they were soon routed, not so much by the braveryof their adversaries as by the severity of the season; for, havingmarched many hours through deep mud and heavy rain, they found the enemyquite fresh, and were therefore easily vanquished. Nevertheless, inthis great defeat, famous throughout all Italy, no death occurred exceptthose of Lodovico degli Obizi and two of his people, who having fallenfrom their horses were drowned in the morass. 

CHAPTER II

The Florentines murmur against those who had been advocates of thewar--Rinaldo degli Albizzi encourages the citizens--Measures for theprosecution of the war--Attempt of the higher classes to deprive theplebeians of their share in the government--Rinaldo degli Albizziaddresses an assembly of citizens and advises the restoration of the_Grandi_--Niccolo da Uzzano wishes to have Giovanni de' Medici on theirside--Giovanni disapproves of the advice of Rinaldo degli Albizzi. 

The defeat at Zagonara spread consternation throughout Florence; butnone felt it so severely as the nobility, who had been in favor of thewar; for they perceived their enemies to be inspirited and themselvesdisarmed, without friends, and opposed by the people, who at the cornersof streets insulted them with sarcastic expressions, complaining of theheavy taxes, and the unnecessary war, and saying, "Oh! they appointedthe ten to frighten the enemy. Have they relieved Furli, and rescued herfrom the hands of the duke? No! but their designs have been discovered;and what had they in view? not the defense of liberty; for they do notlove her; but to aggrandize their own power, which God has very justlyabated. This is not the only enterprise by many a one with which theyhave oppressed the city; for the war against King Ladislaus was of asimilar kind. To whom will they flee for assistance now? to Pope Martin, whom they ridiculed before the face of Braccio; or to Queen Giovanna, whom they abandoned, and compelled to throw herself under the protectionof the king of Aragon?" To these reproaches was added all that might beexpected from an enraged multitude. 

Seeing the discontent so prevalent, the Signory resolved to assemblea few citizens, and with soft words endeavor to soothe the popularirritation. On this occasion, Rinaldo degli Albizzi, the eldest son ofMaso, who, by his own talents and the respect he derived from the memoryof his father, aspired to the first offices in the government, spoke atgreat length; showing that it is not right to judge of actions merelyby their effects; for it often happens that what has been very maturelyconsidered is attended with unfavorable results: that if we are toapplaud evil counsels because they are sometimes followed by fortunateevents, we should only encourage men in error which would bring greatmischief upon the republic; because evil counsel is not always attendedwith happy consequences. In the same way, it would be wrong to blamea wise resolution, because if its being attended with an unfavorableissue; for by so doing, we should destroy the inclination of citizensto offer advice and speak the truth. He then showed the proprietyof undertaking the war; and that if it had not been commenced by theFlorentines in Romagna the duke would have assailed them in Tuscany. Butsince it had pleased God, that the Florentine people should be overcome, their loss would be still greater if they allowed themselves to bedejected; but if they set a bold front against adversity, and made gooduse of the means within their power, they would not be sensible of theirloss or the duke of his victory. He assured them they ought not tobe alarmed by impending expenses and consequent taxation; because thelatter might be reduced, and the future expense would not be so great asthe former had been; for less preparation is necessary for those engagedin self-defense than for those who design to attack others. He advisedthem to imitate the conduct of their forefathers, who, by courageousconduct in adverse circumstances, had defended themselves against alltheir enemies. 

Thus encouraged, the citizens engaged Count Oddo the son of Braccio, and united with him, for directing the operations of the war, NiccoloPiccinino, a pupil of his father's, and one of the most celebrated ofall who had served under him. To these they added other leaders, andremounted some of those who had lost their horses in the late defeat. They also appointed twenty citizens to levy new taxes, who finding thegreat quite subdued by the recent loss, took courage and drained themwithout mercy. 

These burdens were very grievous to the nobility, who at first, in orderto conciliate, did not complain of their own particular hardships, butcensured the tax generally as unjust, and advised that something shouldbe done in the way of relief; but their advice was rejected in theCouncils. Therefore, to render the law as offensive as possible, and tomake all sensible of its injustice, they contrived that the taxes shouldbe levied with the utmost rigor, and made it lawful to kill any thatmight resist the officers employed to collect them. Hence followed manylamentable collisions, attended with the blood and death of citizens. Itbegan to be the impression of all, that arms would be resorted to, andall prudent persons apprehended some approaching evil; for the higherranks, accustomed to be treated with respect, could not endure to beused like dogs; and the rest were desirous that the taxation should beequalized. In consequence of this state of things, many of the firstcitizens met together, and it was resolved that it had become necessaryfor their safety, that some attempt should be made to recover thegovernment; since their want of vigilance had encouraged men to censurepublic actions, and allowed those to interfere in affairs who hadhitherto been merely the leaders of the rabble. Having repeatedlydiscussed the subject, they resolved to meet again at an appointed hour, when upwards of seventy citizens assembled in the church of St. Stephen, with the permission of Lorenzo Ridolfi and Francesco Gianfigliazzi, bothmembers of the Signory. Giovanni de' Medici was not among them eitherbecause being under suspicion he was not invited or that entertainingdifferent views he was unwilling to interfere. 

Rinaldo degli Albizzi addressed the assembly, describing the conditionof the city, and showing how by their own negligence it had again fallenunder the power of the plebeians, from whom it had been wrested by theirfathers in 1381. He reminded them of the iniquity of the governmentwhich was in power from 1378 to 1381, and that all who were then presenthad to lament, some a father, others a grandfather, put to death by itstyranny. He assured them they were now in the same danger, and that thecity was sinking under the same disorders. The multitude had alreadyimposed a tax of its own authority; and would soon, if not restrainedby greater force or better regulations, appoint the magistrates, who, inthis case, would occupy their places, and overturn the government whichfor forty-two years had ruled the city with so much glory; the citizenswould then be subject to the will of the multitude, and live disorderlyand dangerous, or be under the command of some individual who might makehimself prince. For these reasons he was of opinion, that whoever lovedhis country and his honor must arouse himself, and call to mind thevirtue of Bardo Mancini, who, by the ruin of the Alberti, rescued thecity from the dangers then impending; and that the cause of the audacitynow assumed by the multitude was the extensive Squittini or Pollings, which, by their negligence, were allowed to be made; for thus the palacehad become filled with low men. He therefore concluded, that theonly means of remedying the evil was to restore the government to thenobility, and diminish the authority of the minor trades by reducing thecompanies from fourteen to seven, which would give the plebeians lessauthority in the Councils, both by the reduction in their number andby increasing the authority of the great; who, on account of formerenmities, would be disinclined to favor them. He added, that it isa good thing to know how to avail themselves of men according to thetimes; and that as their fathers had used the plebeians to reduce theinfluence of the great, that now, the great having been humbled, and theplebeians become insolent, it was well to restrain the insolence ofthe latter by the assistance of the former. To effect this they mightproceed either openly or otherwise, for some of them belonging to theCouncil of Ten, forces might be led into the city without excitingobservation. 

Rinaldo was much applauded, and his advice was approved of by the wholeassembly. Niccolo da Uzzano who, among others, replied to it, said, "Allthat Rinaldo had advanced was correct, and the remedies he proposed goodand certain, if they could be adopted without an absolute divisionof the city; and this he had no doubt would be effected if they couldinduce Giovanni de' Medici to join them; for with him on their side, the multitude being deprived of their chief and stay, would be unableto oppose them; but that if he did not concur with them they could donothing without arms, and that with them they would incur the risk ofbeing vanquished, or of not being able to reap the fruit of victory. " Hethen modestly reminded them of what he had said upon a former occasion, and of their reluctance to remedy the evil when it might easily havebeen done; that now the same remedy could not be attempted withoutincurring the danger of greater evils, and therefore there was nothingleft for them to do but to gain him over to their side, if practicable. Rinaldo was then commissioned to wait upon Giovanni and try if he couldinduce him to join them. 

He undertook this commission, and in the most prevailing words he couldmake use of endeavored to induce him to coincide with their views; andbegged that he would not by favoring an audacious mob, enable them tocomplete the ruin both of the government and the city. To this Giovannireplied, that he considered it the duty of a good and wise citizen toavoid altering the institutions to which a city is accustomed; therebeing nothing so injurious to the people as such a change; for many arenecessarily offended, and where there are several discontented, someunpropitious event may be constantly apprehended. He said it appeared tohim that their resolution would have two exceedingly pernicious effects;the one conferring honors on those who, having never possessed them, esteemed them the less, and therefore had the less occasion to grievefor their absence; the other taking them from those who being accustomedto their possession would never be at rest till they were restored tothem. It would thus be evident that the injury done to one party, wasgreater than the benefit they had conferred upon the other; so thatwhoever was the author of the proposition, he would gain few friends andmake many enemies, and that the latter would be more resolutely benton injuring him than the former would be zealous for his defense, formankind are naturally more disposed to revenge than to gratitude, asif the latter could only be exercised with some inconvenience tothemselves, while the former brings alike gratification and profit. Then, directing his discourse more particularly to Rinaldo, he said, "And you, if you could call to mind past events, and knew how craftilyaffairs are conducted in this city, would not be so eager in thispursuit; for he who advises it, when by your aid he has wrested thepower from the people, will, with the people's assistance, who will havebecome your enemies, deprive you of it. And it will happen to you asto Benedetto Alberti, who, at the persuasion of those who were not hisfriends, consented to the ruin of Giorgio Scali and Tommaso Strozzi, andshortly afterward was himself sent into exile by the very same men. " Hetherefore advised Rinaldo to think more maturely of these things, andendeavor to imitate his father, who, to obtain the benevolence of all, reduced the price of salt, provided that whoever owed taxes under halfa florin should be at liberty to pay them or not, as he thought proper, and that at the meeting of the Councils every one should be free fromthe importunities of his creditors. He concluded by saying, that asregarded himself, he was disposed to let the government of the cityremain as it was. 

CHAPTER III

Giovanni de' Medici acquires the favor of the people--Bravery of Biaggiodel Melano--Baseness of Zanobi del Pino--The Florentines obtain thefriendship of the lord of Faenza--League of the Florentines with theVenetians--Origin of the Catasto--The rich citizens discontented withit--Peace with the duke of Milan--New disturbances on account of theCatasto. 

These events, and the circumstances attending them, becoming known tothe people, contributed greatly to increase the reputation of Giovanni, and brought odium on those who had made the proposals; but he assumed anappearance of indifference, in order to give less encouragement tothose who by his influence were desirous of change. In his discourse heintimated to every one that it is not desirable to promote factions, butrather to extinguish them; and that whatever might be expected of him, he only sought the union of the city. This, however, gave offense tomany of his party; for they would have rather seen him exhibit greateractivity. Among others so disposed, was Alamanno de' Medici, who beingof a restless disposition, never ceased exciting him to persecuteenemies and favor friends; condemning his coldness and slow methodof proceeding, which he said was the cause of his enemies' practicingagainst him, and that these practices would one day effect the ruin ofhimself and his friends. He endeavored to excite Cosmo, his son, withsimilar discourses; but Giovanni, for all that was either disclosed orforetold him, remained unmoved, although parties were now declared, andthe city in manifest disunion. 

There were at the palace, in the service of the Signory, twochancellors, Ser Martino and Ser Pagolo. The latter favored the partyof Niccolo da Uzzano, the former that of Giovanni; and Rinaldo, seeingGiovanni unwilling to join them, thought it would be advisable todeprive Ser Martino of his office, that he might have the palacemore completely under his control. The design becoming known to hisadversaries, Ser Martino was retained and Ser Pagolo discharged, to thegreat injury and displeasure of Rinaldo and his party. This circumstancewould soon have produced most mischievous effects, but for the warwith which the city was threatened, and the recent defeat suffered atZagonara, which served to check the audacity of the people; for whilethese events were in progress at Florence, Agnolo della Pergola, withthe forces of the duke, had taken all the towns and cities possessedby the Florentines in Romagna, except Castracaro and Modigliano; partlyfrom the weakness of the places themselves, and partly by the misconductof those who had the command of them. In the course of the campaign, twoinstances occurred which served to show how greatly courage is admiredeven in enemies, and how much cowardice and pusillanimity are despised. 

Biaggio del Melano was castellan in the fortress of Monte Petroso. Beingsurrounded by enemies, and seeing no chance of saving the place, whichwas already in flames, he cast clothes and straw from a part which wasnot yet on fire, and upon these he threw his two little children, sayingto the enemy, "Take to yourselves those goods which fortune has bestowedupon me, and of which you may deprive me; but those of the mind, inwhich my honor and glory consist, I will not give up, neither can youwrest them from me. " The besiegers ran to save the children, and placedfor their father ropes and ladders, by which to save himself, but hewould not use them, and rather chose to die in the flames than owe hissafety to the enemies of his country: an example worthy of that muchlauded antiquity, which offers nothing to surpass it, and which weadmire the more from the rarity of any similar occurrence. Whatevercould be recovered from the ruins, was restored for the use of thechildren, and carefully conveyed to their friends; nor was the republicless grateful; for as long as they lived, they were supported at hercharge. 

An example of an opposite character occurred at Galeata, where Zanobidel Pino was governor; he, without offering the least resistance, gaveup the fortress to the enemy; and besides this, advised Agnolo dellaPergola to leave the Alps of Romagna, and come among the smaller hillsof Tuscany, where he might carry on the war with less danger and greateradvantage. Agnolo could not endure the mean and base spirit of this man, and delivered him to his own attendants, who, after many reproaches, gave him nothing to eat but paper painted with snakes, saying, that of aGuelph they would make him a Ghibelline; and thus fasting, he died in afew days. 

At this time Count Oddo and Niccolo Piccinino entered the Val di Lamona, with the design of bringing the lord of Faenza over to the Florentines, or at least inducing him to restrain the incursions of Agnolo dellaPergola into Romagna; but as this valley is naturally strong, and itsinhabitants warlike, Count Oddo was slain there, and Niccolo Piccininosent a prisoner to Faenza. Fortune, however, caused the Florentines toobtain by their loss, what, perhaps, they would have failed to acquireby victory; for Niccolo so prevailed with the lord of Faenza and hismother, that they became friends of the Florentines. By this treaty, Niccolo Piccinino was set at liberty, but did not take the advice he hadgiven others; for while in treaty with the city, concerning the terms ofhis engagement, either the conditions proposed were insufficient, or hefound better elsewhere; for quite suddenly he left Arezzo, where he hadbeen staying, passed into Lombardy, and entered the service of the duke. 

The Florentines, alarmed by this circumstance, and reduced todespondency by their frequent losses, thought themselves unable tosustain the war alone, and sent ambassadors to the Venetians, to begthey would lend their aid to oppose the greatness of one who, if allowedto aggrandize himself, would soon become as dangerous to them as to theFlorentines themselves. The Venetians were advised to adopt the samecourse by Francesco Carmignuola, one of the most distinguished warriorsof those times, who had been in the service of the duke, and hadafterward quitted it; but they hesitated, not knowing how far to trusthim; for they thought his enmity with the duke was only feigned. Whilein this suspense, it was found that the duke, by means of a servantof Carmignuola, had caused poison to be given him in his food, which, although it was not fatal, reduced him to extremity. The truth beingdiscovered, the Venetians laid aside their suspicion; and as theFlorentines still solicited their assistance, a treaty was formedbetween the two powers, by which they agreed to carry on the war at thecommon expense of both: the conquests in Lombardy to be assigned tothe Venetians; those in Romagna and Tuscany to the Florentines; andCarmignuola was appointed Captain General of the League. By this treatythe war was commenced in Lombardy, where it was admirably conducted; forin a few months many places were taken from the duke, together with thecity of Brescia, the capture of which was in those days considered amost brilliant exploit. 

The war had continued from 1422 to 1427, and the citizens of Florencewere so wearied of the taxes that had been imposed during that time, that it was resolved to revise them, preparatory to their amelioration. That they might be equalized according to the means of each citizen, itwas proposed that whoever possessed property of the value of one hundredflorins should pay half a florin of taxes. Individual contribution wouldthus be determined by an invariable rule, and not left to the discretionof parties; and as it was found that the new method would press heavilyupon the powerful classes, they used their utmost endeavors to preventit from becoming law. Giovanni de' Medici alone declared himself infavor of it, and by his means it was passed. In order to determine theamount each had to pay, it was necessary to consider his property in theaggregate, which the Florentines call _accatastare_, in which in thisapplication of it would signify TO RATE or VALUE, and hence this taxreceived the name of _catasto_. The new method of rating formed apowerful check to the tyranny of the great, who could no longer oppressthe lower classes, or silence them with threats in the council as theyhad formerly done, and it therefore gave general satisfaction, though tothe wealthy classes it was in the highest degree offensive. But as it isfound men are never satisfied, but that the possession of one advantageonly makes them desire more, the people, not content with the equalityof taxation which the new law produced, demanded that the same ruleshould be applied to past years; that in investigation should be madeto determine how much, according to the Catasto, the rich had paid lessthan their share, and that they should now pay up to an equality withthose who, in order to meet the demand unjustly made, had been compelledto sell their possessions. This proposal alarmed the great more thanthe Catasto had done; and in self-defense they unceasingly decried it, declaring it in the highest degree unjust in being laid not only onimmovable but movable property, which people possess to-day and loseto-morrow; that many persons have hidden wealth which the Catasto cannotreach; that those who leave their own affairs to manage those of therepublic should be less burdened by her, it being enough for them togive their labour, and that it was unjust of the city to take boththeir property and their time, while of others she only took money. Theadvocates of the Catasto replied, that if movable property varies, thetaxes would also vary, and frequently rating it would remedy the evilto which it was subject; that it was unnecessary to mention those whopossessed hidden property; for it would be unreasonable to take taxesfor that which produced no interest, and that if it paid anything, itcould not fail to be discovered: that those who did not like to laborfor the republic might cease to do so; for no doubt she would findplenty of loving citizens who would take pleasure in assisting herwith both money and counsel: that the advantages and honors of aparticipation in the government are so great, that of themselves theyare a sufficient remuneration to those who thus employ themselves, without wishing to be excused from paying their share of taxes. But, they added, the real grievance had not been mentioned: for those whowere offended with the Catasto, regretted they could no longer involvethe city in all the difficulties of war without injury to themselves, now that they had to contribute like the rest; and that if this law hadthen been in force they would not have gone to war with King Ladislaus, or the Duke Filippo, both which enterprises had been not throughnecessity, but to impoverish the citizens. The excitement was appeasedby Giovanni de' Medici, who said, "It is not well to go into things solong past, unless to learn something for our present guidance; and if informer times the taxation has been unjust, we ought to be thankful, thatwe have now discovered a method of making it equitable, and hope thatthis will be the means of uniting the citizens, not of dividing them;which would certainly be the case were they to attempt the recovery oftaxes for the past, and make them equal to the present; and that he whois content with a moderate victory is always most successful; for thosewho would more than conquer, commonly lose. " With such words as thesehe calmed the disturbance, and this retrospective equalization was nolonger contemplated. 

The war with the duke still continued; but peace was at length restoredby means of a legate of the pope. The duke, however, from the firstdisregarded the conditions, so that the league again took arms, andmeeting the enemy's forces at Maclovio routed them. After this defeatthe duke again made proposals for peace, to which the Florentinesand Venetians both agreed; the former from jealousy of the Venetians, thinking they had spent quite enough money in the aggrandizement ofothers; the latter, because they found Carmignuola, after the defeat ofthe duke, proceed but coldly in their cause; so that they thought it nolonger safe to trust him. A treaty was therefore concluded in 1428, bywhich the Florentines recovered the places they had lost in Romagna;and the Venetians kept Brescia, to which the duke added Bergamo and thecountry around it. In this war the Florentines expended three millionsand a half of ducats, extended the territory and power of the Venetians, and brought poverty and disunion upon themselves. 

Being at peace with their neighbors, domestic troubles recommenced. Thegreat citizens could not endure the Catasto, and not knowing how toset it aside, they endeavored to raise up more numerous enemies tothe measure, and thus provide themselves with allies to assist them inannulling it. They therefore instructed the officers appointed to levythe tax, that the law required them to extend the Catasto over theproperty of their nearest neighbors, to see if Florentine wealth wasconcealed among it. The dependent states were therefore ordered topresent a schedule of their property against a certain time. This wasextremely offensive to the people of Volterra, who sent to the Signoryto complain of it; but the officers, in great wrath, committed eighteenof the complainants to prison. The Volterrani, however, out of regardfor their fellow-countrymen who were arrested, did not proceed to anyviolence. 

CHAPTER IV

Death of Giovanni de' Medici--His character--Insurrection ofVolterra--Volterra returns to her allegiance--Niccolo Fortebraccioattacks the Lucchese--Diversity of opinion about the Lucchesewar--War with Lucca--Astore Gianni and Rinaldo degli Albizzi appointedcommissaries--Violence of Astorre Gianni. 

About this time Giovanni de' Medici was taken ill, and finding his endapproach, called his sons Cosmo and Lorenzo to him, to give them hislast advice, and said, "I find I have nearly reached the term whichGod and nature appointed at my birth, and I die content, knowing thatI leave you rich, healthy, and of such standing in society, that if youpursue the same course that I have, you will live respected in Florence, and in favor with everyone. Nothing cheers me so much at this moment, asthe recollection that I have never willfully offended anyone; but havealways used my utmost endeavors to confer benefits upon all. I wouldhave you do so too. With regard to state affairs, if you would live insecurity, take just such a share as the laws and your countrymen thinkproper to bestow, thus you will escape both danger and envy; for itis not what is given to any individual, but what he has determined topossess, that occasions odium. You will thus have a larger share thanthose who endeavor to engross more than belongs to them; for theythus usually lose their own, and before they lose it, live in constantdisquiet. By adopting this method, although among so many enemies, andsurrounded by so many conflicting interests, I have not only maintainedmy reputation but increased my influence. If you pursue the same course, you will be attended by the same good fortune; if otherwise, you may beassured, your end will resemble that of those who in our own times havebrought ruin both upon themselves and their families. " Soon after thisinterview with his sons, Giovanni died, regretted by everyone, as hismany excellencies deserved. He was compassionate; not only bestowingalms on those who asked them, but very frequently relieving thenecessities of the poor, without having been solicited so to do. Heloved all; praised the good, and pitied the infirmities of the wicked. He never sought the honors of government; yet enjoyed them all; andnever went to the palace unless by request. He loved peace and shunnedwar; relieved mankind in adversity, and assisted them in prosperity;never applied the public money to his own uses, but contributed to thepublic wealth. He was courteous in office; not a man of great eloquence, but possessed of extraordinary prudence. His demeanor expressedmelancholy; but after a short time his conversation became pleasant andfacetious. He died exceedingly rich in money, but still more in goodfame and the best wishes of mankind; and the wealth and respect he leftbehind him were not only preserved but increased by his son Cosmo. 

The Volterran ambassadors grew weary of lying in prison, and to obtaintheir liberty promised to comply with the commands of the Florentines. Being set free and returned to their city, the time arrived for the newPriors to enter upon office, and among those who were drawn, was onenamed Giusto, a plebeian, but possessing great influence with his class, and one of those who had been imprisoned at Florence. He, being inflamedwith hatred against the Florentines on account of his public as well aspersonal injuries, was further stimulated by Giovanni di Contugi, a manof noble family, and his colleague in office, to induce the people, bythe authority of the Priors and his own influence, to withdraw theircountry from the power of the Florentines, and make himself prince. Prompted by these motives, Giusto took arms, rode through the city, seized the Capitano, who resided in it, on behalf of the Florentines, and with the consent of the people, became lord of Volterra. Thiscircumstance greatly displeased the Florentines; but having just madepeace with the duke, and the treaty being yet uninfringed on eitherside, they bethought themselves in a condition to recover the place;and that the opportunity might not be lost, they immediately appointedRinaldo degli Albizzi and Palla Strozzi commissaries, and sent them uponthe expedition. In the meantime, Giusto, who expected the Florentineswould attack him, requested assistance of Lucca and Sienna. The latterrefused, alleging her alliance with Florence; and Pagolo Guinigi, toregain the favor of the Florentines, which he imagined he had lostin the war with the duke and by his friendship for Filippo, not onlyrefused assistance to Giusto, but sent his messenger prisoner toFlorence. 

The commissaries, to come upon the Volterrani unawares, assembled theircavalry, and having raised a good body of infantry in the Val d'ArnoInferiore, and the country about Pisa, proceeded to Volterra. Althoughattacked by the Florentines and abandoned by his neighbors, Giusto didnot yield to fear; but, trusting to the strength of the city and theruggedness of the country around it, prepared for his defense. 

There lived at Volterra one Arcolano, brother of that Giovanni Contugiwho had persuaded Giusto to assume the command. He possessed influenceamong the nobility, and having assembled a few of his most confidentialfriends, he assured them that by this event, God had come to the reliefof their necessities; for if they would only take arms, deprive Giustoof the Signory, and give up the city to the Florentines, they might besure of obtaining the principal offices, and the place would retain allits ancient privileges. Having gained them over, they went to thepalace in which Giusto resided; and while part of them remained below, Arcolano, with three others, proceeded to the chamber above, wherefinding him with some citizens, they drew him aside, as if desirousto communicate something of importance, and conversing on differentsubjects, let him to the lower apartment, and fell upon him with theirswords. They, however, were not so quick as to prevent Giusto frommaking use of his own weapon; for with it he seriously wounded two ofthem; but being unable to resist so many, he was at last slain, and hisbody thrown into the street. Arcolano and his party gave up the cityto the Florentine commissaries, who, being at hand with their forces, immediately took possession; but the condition of Volterra was worsethan before; for among other things which operated to her disadvantage, most of the adjoining countryside was separated from her, and she wasreduced to the rank of a vicariate. 

Volterra having been lost and recovered almost at the same time, presentcircumstances afforded nothing of sufficient importance to occasion anew war, if ambition had not again provoked one. Niccolo Fortebraccio, the son of a sister of Braccio da Perugia, had been in the serviceof the Florentines during most of their wars with the duke. Upon therestoration of peace he was discharged; but when the affair ofVolterra took place, being encamped with his people at Fucecchio, thecommissaries availed themselves both of himself and his forces. Somethought that while Rinaldo conducted the expedition along with him, hepersuaded him, under one pretext or another, to attack the Lucchese, assuring him, that if he did so, the Florentines would consent toundertake an expedition against them, and would appoint him to thecommand. When Volterra was recovered, and Niccolo returned to hisquarters at Fucecchio, he, either at the persuasion of Rinaldo, or ofhis own accord, in November, 1429, took possession of Ruoti and Compito, castles belonging to the Lucchese, with three hundred cavalry andas many infantry, and then descending into the plain, plundered theinhabitants to a vast amount. The news of this incursion havingreached Florence, persons of all classes were seen gathered in partiesthroughout the city discussing the matter, and nearly all were in favorof an expedition against Lucca. Of the Grandees thus disposed, were theMedici and their party, and with them also Rinaldo, either because hethought the enterprise beneficial to the republic, or induced by his ownambition and the expectation of being appointed to the command. Niccoloda Uzzano and his party were opposed to the war. It seems hardlycredible that such contrary opinions should prevail, though at differenttimes, in the same men and the same city, upon the subject of war; forthe same citizens and people that, during the ten years of peace hadincessantly blamed the war undertaken against Duke Filippo, in defenseof liberty, now, after so much expense and trouble, with their utmostenergy, insisted on hostilities against Lucca, which, if successful, would deprive that city of her liberty; while those who had been infavor of a war with the duke, were opposed to the present; so muchmore ready are the multitude to covet the possessions of others than topreserve their own, and so much more easily are they led by the hopeof acquisition than by the fear of loss. The suggestions of the latterappear incredible till they are verified; and the pleasing anticipationsof the former are cherished as facts, even while the advantages are veryproblematical, or at best, remote. The people of Florence were inspiredwith hope, by the acquisitions which Niccolo Fortebraccio had made, andby letters received from their rectors in the vicinity of Lucca; fortheir deputies at Vico and Pescia had written, that if permission weregiven to them to receive the castles that offered to surrender, thewhole country of Lucca would very soon be obtained. It must, however, beadded, that an ambassador was sent by the governor of Lucca to Florence, to complain of the attack made by Niccolo, and to entreat that theSignory would not make war against a neighbor, and a city that hadalways been friendly to them. The ambassador was Jacopo Viviani, who, ashort time previously, had been imprisoned by Pagolo Guinigi, governorof Lucca, for having conspired against him. Although he had been foundguilty, his life was spared, and as Pagolo thought the forgivenessmutual, he reposed confidence in him. Jacopo, more mindful of the dangerhe had incurred than of the lenity exercised toward him, on his arrivalin Florence secretly instigated the citizens to hostilities; and theseinstigations, added to other hopes, induced the Signory to call theCouncil together, at which 498 citizens assembled, before whom theprincipal men of the city discussed the question. 

Among the first who addressed the assembly in favor of the expedition, was Rinaldo. He pointed out the advantage that would accrue from theacquisition, and justified the enterprise from its being left open tothem by the Venetians and the duke, and that as the pope was engaged inthe affairs of Naples, he could not interfere. He then remarked upon thefacility of the expedition, showing that Lucca, being now in bondage toone of her own citizens, had lost her natural vigor and former anxietyfor the preservation of her liberty, and would either be surrendered tothem by the people in order to expel the tyrant, or by the tyrant forfear of the people. He recalled the remembrance of the injuries done tothe republic by the governor of Lucca; his malevolent disposition towardthem; and their embarrassing situation with regard to him, if the popeor the duke were to make war upon them; and concluded that no enterprisewas ever undertaken by the people of Florence with such perfectfacility, more positive advantage, or greater justice in its favor. 

In a reply to this, Niccolo da Uzzano stated that the city of Florencenever entered on a more unjust or more dangerous project, or one morepregnant with evil, than this. In the first place they were going toattack a Guelphic city, that had always been friendly to the Florentinepeople, and had frequently, at great hazard, received the Guelphs intoher bosom when they were expelled from their own country. That in thehistory of the past there was not an instance, while Lucca was free, ofher having done an injury to the Florentines; and that if they had beeninjured by her enslavers, as formerly by Castruccio, and now by thepresent governor, the fault was not in the city, but in her tyrant. That if they could assail the latter without detriment to the people, he should have less scruple, but as this was impossible, he couldnot consent that a city which had been friendly to Florence should beplundered of her wealth. However, as it was usual at present to paylittle or no regard either to equity or injustice, he would consider thematter solely with reference to the advantage of Florence. He thoughtthat what could not easily be attended by pernicious consequences mightbe esteemed useful, but he could not imagine how an enterprise shouldbe called advantageous in which the evils were certain and the utilitydoubtful. The certain evils were the expenses with which it would beattended; and these, he foresaw, would be sufficiently great to alarmeven a people that had long been in repose, much more one wearied, asthey were, by a tedious and expensive war. The advantage that might begained was the acquisition of Lucca, which he acknowledged to be great;but the hazards were so enormous and immeasurable, as in his opinionto render the conquest quite impossible. He could not induce himself tobelieve that the Venetians, or Filippo, would willingly allow them tomake the acquisition; for the former only consented in appearance, inorder to avoid the semblance of ingratitude, having so lately, withFlorentine money, acquired such an extent of dominion. That as regardedthe duke, it would greatly gratify him to see them involved in new warsand expenses; for, being exhausted and defeated on all sides, he mightagain assail them; and that if, after having undertaken it, theirenterprise against Lucca were to prove successful, and offer them thefullest hope of victory, the duke would not want an opportunity offrustrating their labors, either by assisting the Lucchese secretlywith money, or by apparently disbanding his own troops, and then sendingthem, as if they were soldiers of fortune, to their relief. He thereforeadvised that they should give up the idea, and behave toward the tyrantin such a way as to create him as many enemies as possible; for therewas no better method of reducing Lucca than to let them live under thetyrant, oppressed and exhausted by him; for, if prudently managed, thatcity would soon get into such a condition that he could not retain it, and being ignorant or unable to govern itself, it must of necessity fallinto their power. But he saw that his discourse did not please them, andthat his words were unheeded; he would, however, predict this to them, that they were about to commence a war in which they would expend vastsums, incur great domestic dangers, and instead of becoming masters ofLucca, they would deliver her from her tyrant, and of a friendly city, feeble and oppressed, they would make one free and hostile, and thatin time she would become an obstacle to the greatness of their ownrepublic. 

The question having been debated on both sides, they proceeded to vote, as usual, and of the citizens present only ninety-eight were against theenterprise. Thus determined in favor of war, they appointed a Council ofTen for its management, and hired forces, both horse and foot. AstorreGianni and Rinaldo degli Albizzi were appointed commissaries, andNiccolo Fortebraccio, on agreeing to give up to the Florentines theplaces he had taken, was engaged to conduct the enterprise as theircaptain. The commissaries having arrived with the army in the countryof the Lucchese, divided their forces; one part of which, under Astorre, extended itself along the plain, toward Camaiore and Pietrasanta, whileRinaldo, with the other division, took the direction of the hills, presuming that when the citizens found themselves deprived of thesurrounding country, they would easily submit. The proceedings of thecommissaries were unfortunate, not that they failed to occupy manyplaces, but from the complaints made against them of mismanaging theoperations of the war; and Astorre Gianni had certainly given verysufficient cause for the charges against him. 

There is a fertile and populous valley near Pietrasanta, calledSeravezza, whose inhabitants, on learning the arrival of the commissary, presented themselves before him and begged he would receive them asfaithful subjects of the Florentine republic. Astorre pretended toaccept their proposal, but immediately ordered his forces to takepossession of all the passes and strong positions of the valley, assembled the men in the principal church, took them all prisoners, andthen caused his people to plunder and destroy the whole country, withthe greatest avarice and cruelty, making no distinction in favor ofconsecrated places, and violating the women, both married andsingle. These things being known in Florence, displeased not only themagistracy, but the whole city. 

CHAPTER V

The inhabitants of Seravezza appeal to the Signory--Complaints againstRinaldo degli Albizzi--The commissaries changed--Filippo Brunelleschiproposes to submerge the country about Lucca--Pagolo Guinigi asksassistance of the duke of Milan--The duke sends Francesco Sforza--PagoloGuinigi expelled--The Florentines routed by the forces of the duke--Theacquisitions of the Lucchese after the victory--Conclusion of the war. 

A few of the inhabitants of the valley of Seravezza, having escaped thehands of the commissary, came to Florence and acquainted every one inthe streets with their miserable situation; and by the advice of thosewho, either through indignation at his wickedness or from being ofthe opposite party, wished to punish the commissary, they went to theCouncil of Ten, and requested an audience. This being granted, one ofthem spoke to the following effect: "We feel assured, magnificent lords, that we shall find credit and compassion from the Signory, when youlearn how your commissary has taken possession of our country, and inwhat manner he has treated us. Our valley, as the memorials of yourancient houses abundantly testify, was always Guelphic, and hasoften proved a secure retreat to your citizens when persecuted by theGhibellines. Our forefathers, and ourselves too, have always revered thename of this noble republic as the leader and head of their party. Whilethe Lucchese were Guelphs we willingly submitted to their government;but when enslaved by the tyrant, who forsook his old friends to jointhe Ghibelline faction, we have obeyed him more through force than goodwill. And God knows how often we have prayed, that we might have anopportunity of showing our attachment to our ancient party. But howblind are mankind in their wishes! That which we desired for our safetyhas proved our destruction. As soon as we learned that your ensigns wereapproaching, we hastened to meet your commissary, not as an enemy, but as the representative of our ancient lords; placed our valley, ourpersons, and our fortunes in his hands, and commended them to his goodfaith, believing him to possess the soul, if not of a Florentine, atleast of a man. Your lordships will forgive us; for, unable to supporthis cruelties, we are compelled to speak. Your commissary has nothing ofthe man but the shape, nor of a Florentine but the name; a more deadlypest, a more savage beast, a more horrid monster never was imagined inthe human mind; for, having assembled us in our church under pretenseof wishing to speak with us, he made us prisoners. He then burned anddestroyed the whole valley, carried off our property, ravaged everyplace, destroyed everything, violated the women, dishonored the virgins, and dragging them from the arms of their mothers, gave them up to thebrutality of his soldiery. If by any injury to the Florentine people wemerited such treatment, or if he had vanquished us armed in our defense, we should have less reason for complaint; we should have accusedourselves, and thought that either our mismanagement or our arrogancehad deservedly brought the calamity upon us; but after having freelypresented ourselves to him unarmed, to be robbed and plundered with suchunfeeling barbarity, is more than we can bear. And though we mighthave filled Lombardy with complaints and charges against this city, andspread the story of our misfortunes over the whole of Italy, we didnot wish to slander so just and pious a republic, with the baseness andperfidy of one wicked citizen, whose cruelty and avarice, had we knownthem before our ruin was complete, we should have endeavored to satiate(though indeed they are insatiable), and with one-half of our propertyhave saved the rest. But the opportunity is past; we are compelled tohave recourse to you, and beg that you will succor the distresses ofyour subjects, that others may not be deterred by our example fromsubmitting themselves to your authority. And if our extreme distresscannot prevail with you to assist us, be induced, by your fear of thewrath of God, who has seen his temple plundered and burned, and hispeople betrayed in his bosom. " Having said this they threw themselveson the ground, crying aloud, and praying that their property and theircountry might be restored to them; and that if the Signory could notgive them back their honor, they would, at least, restore husbands totheir wives, and children to their fathers. The atrocity of the affairhaving already been made known, and now by the living words ofthe sufferers presented before them, excited the compassion of themagistracy. They ordered the immediate return of Astorre, who beingtried, was found guilty, and admonished. They sought the goods of theinhabitants of Seravezza; all that could be recovered was restoredto them, and as time and circumstance gave opportunity, they werecompensated for the rest. 

Complaints were made against Rinaldo degli Albizzi, that he carried onthe war, not for the advantage of the Florentine people, but his ownprivate emolument; that as soon as he was appointed commissary, he lostall desire to take Lucca, for it was sufficient for him to plunder thecountry, fill his estates with cattle, and his house with booty; and, not content with what his own satellites took, he purchased that of thesoldiery, so that instead of a commissary he became a merchant. Thesecalumnies coming to his ears, disturbed the temper of this proud butupright man, more than quite became his dignity. He was so exasperatedagainst the citizens and magistracy, that without waiting for or askingpermission, he returned to Florence, and, presenting himself before theCouncil of Ten, he said that he well knew how difficult and dangerous athing it was to serve an unruly people and a divided city, for theone listens to every report, the other pursues improper measures; theyneglect to reward good conduct, and heap censure upon whatever appearsdoubtful; so that victory wins no applause, error is accused by all, andif vanquished, universal condemnation is incurred; from one's own partythrough envy, and from enemies through hatred, persecution results. Heconfessed that the baseness of the present calumnies had conquered hispatience and changed the temper of his mind; but he would say, he hadnever, for fear of a false accusation, avoided doing what appeared tohim beneficial to the city. However, he trusted the magistrates would infuture be more ready to defend their fellow-citizens, so that the lattermight continue anxious to effect the prosperity of their country; thatas it was not customary at Florence to award triumphs for success, theyought at least to be protected from calumny; and that being citizensthemselves, and at any moment liable to false accusations, they mighteasily conceive how painful it is to an upright mind to be oppressedwith slander. The Ten endeavored, as well as circumstances would admit, to soothe the acerbity of his feelings, and confided the care of theexpedition to Neri di Gino and Alamanno Salviati, who, instead ofoverrunning the country, advanced near to Lucca. As the weather hadbecome extremely cold, the forces established themselves at Campannole, which seemed to the commissaries waste of time; and wishing to drawnearer the place, the soldiery refused to comply, although the Ten hadinsisted they should pitch their camp before the city, and would nothear of any excuse. 

At that time there lived at Florence, a very distinguished architect, named Filippo di Ser Brunelleschi, of whose works our city is full, andwhose merit was so extraordinary, that after his death his statuein marble was erected in the principal church, with an inscriptionunderneath, which still bears testimony to those who read it, of hisgreat talents. This man pointed out, that in consequence of the relativepositions of the river Serchio and the city of Lucca, the wastes of theriver might be made to inundate the surrounding country, and place thecity in a kind of lake. His reasoning on this point appeared so clear, and the advantage to the besiegers so obvious and inevitable, that theTen were induced to make the experiment. The result, however, was quitecontrary to their expectation, and produced the utmost disorder inthe Florentine camp; for the Lucchese raised high embankments in thedirection of the ditch made by our people to conduct the waters of theSerchio, and one night cut through the embankment of the ditch itself, so that having first prevented the water from taking the coursedesigned by the architect, they now caused it to overflow the plain, and compelled the Florentines, instead of approaching the city as theywished, to take a more remote position. 

The design having failed, the Council of Ten, who had been re-elected, sent as commissary, Giovanni Guicciardini, who encamped before Lucca, with all possible expedition. Pagolo Guinigi finding himself thusclosely pressed, by the advice of Antonio del Rosso, then representativeof the Siennese at Lucca, sent Salvestro Trento and Leonardo Bonvisi toMilan, to request assistance from the duke; but finding him indisposedto comply, they secretly engaged, on the part of the people, to delivertheir governor up to him and give him possession of the place; at thesame time intimating, that if he did not immediately follow this advice, he would not long have the opportunity, since it was the intention ofPagolo to surrender the city to the Florentines, who were very anxiousto obtain it. The duke was so much alarmed with this idea, that, settingaside all other considerations, he caused Count Francesco Sforza, whowas engaged in his service, to make a public request for permissionto go to Naples; and having obtained it, he proceeded with his forcesdirectly to Lucca, though the Florentines, aware of the deception, and apprehensive of the consequences, had sent to the count, BoccacinoAlamanni, his friend, to frustrate this arrangement. Upon the arrivalof the count at Lucca, the Florentines removed their camp to Librafatta, and the count proceeded immediately to Pescia, where Pagolo Diaccetowas lieutenant governor, who, promoted by fear rather than any bettermotive, fled to Pistoia, and if the place had not been defended byGiovanni Malavolti, to whom the command was intrusted, it would havebeen lost. The count failing in his attempt went to Borgo a Buggianowhich he took, and burned the castle of Stigliano, in the sameneighborhood. 

The Florentines being informed of these disasters, found they must haverecourse to those remedies which upon former occasions had oftenproved useful. Knowing that with mercenary soldiers, when force isinsufficient, corruption commonly prevails, they offered the count alarge sum of money on condition that he should quit the city, and giveit up to them. The count finding that no more money was to be had fromLucca, resolved to take it of those who had it to dispense, and agreedwith the Florentines, not to give them Lucca, which for decency he couldnot consent to, but to withdraw his troops, and abandon it, on conditionof receiving fifty thousand ducats; and having made this agreement, toinduce the Lucchese to excuse him to the duke, he consented that theyshould expel their tyrant. 

Antonio del Rosso, as we remarked above, was Siennese ambassador atLucca, and with the authority of the count he contrived the ruin ofPagolo Guinigi. The heads of the conspiracy were Pierro Cennami andGiovanni da Chivizzano. The count resided upon the Serchio, at a shortdistance from the city, and with him was Lanzilao, the son of Pagolo. The conspirators, about forty in number, went armed at night in searchof Pagolo, who, on hearing the noise they made, came toward them quiteastonished, and demanded the cause of their visit; to which PieroCennami replied, that they had long been governed by him, and ledabout against the enemy, to die either by hunger or the sword, but wereresolved to govern themselves for the future, and demanded the keys ofthe city and the treasure. Pagolo said the treasure was consumed, butthe keys and himself were in their power; he only begged that as hiscommand had begun and continued without bloodshed, it might concludein the same manner. Count Francesco conducted Pagolo and his son to theduke, and they afterward died in prison. 

The departure of the count having delivered Lucca from her tyrant, andthe Florentines from their fear of his soldiery, the former prepared forher defense, and the latter resumed the siege. They appointed thecount of Urbino to conduct their forces, and he pressed the Luccheseso closely, that they were again compelled to ask the assistance of theduke, who dispatched Niccolo Piccinino, under the same pretense as hepreviously sent Count Francesco. The Florentine forces met him on hisapproach to Lucca, and at the passage of the Serchio a battle ensued, inwhich they were routed, the commissary with a few of his men escapingto Pisa. This defeat filled the Florentines with dismay, and as theenterprise had been undertaken with the entire approbation of the greatbody of the people, they did not know whom to find fault with, andtherefore railed against those who had been appointed to the managementof the war, reviving the charges made against Rinaldo. They were, however, more severe against Giovanni Guicciardini than any other, declaring that if he had wished, he might have put a period to the warat the departure of Count Francesco, but that he had been bribed withmoney, for he had sent home a large sum, naming the party who had beenintrusted to bring it, and the persons to whom it had been delivered. These complaints and accusations were carried to so great a length thatthe captain of the people, induced by the public voice, and pressed bythe party opposed to the war, summoned him to trial. Giovanni appeared, though full of indignation. However his friends, from regard to theirown character, adopted such a course with the Capitano as induced him toabandon the inquiry. 

After this victory, the Lucchese not only recovered the places that hadbelonged to them, but occupied all the country of Pisa except Beintina, Calcinaja, Livorno, and Librafatta; and, had not a conspiracy beendiscovered that was formed in Pisa, they would have secured thatcity also. The Florentines again prepared for battle, and appointedMicheletto, a pupil of Sforza, to be their leader. The duke, on theother hand, followed up this victory, and that he might bring a greaterpower against the Florentines, induced the Genoese, the Siennese, andthe governor of Piombino, to enter into a league for the defense ofLucca, and to engage Niccolo Piccinino to conduct their forces. Havingby this step declared his design, the Venetians and the Florentinesrenewed their league, and the war was carried on openly in Tuscany andLombardy, in each of which several battles were fought with variety offortune. At length, both sides being wearied out, they came to termsfor the cessation of hostilities, in May, 1433. By this arrangementthe Florentines, Lucchese, and Siennese, who had each occupied manyfortresses belonging to the others, gave them all up, and each partyresumed its original possessions. 

CHAPTER VI

Cosmo de' Medici, his character and mode of proceedings--The greatnessof Cosmo excites the jealousy of the citizens--The opinion of Niccoloda Uzzano--Scandalous divisions of the Florentines--Death of Niccoloda Uzzano--Bernardo Guadagni, Gonfalonier, adopts measures againstCosmo--Cosmo arrested in the palace--He is apprehensive of attemptsagainst his life. 

During the war the malignant humors of the city were in constantactivity. Cosmo de' Medici, after the death of Giovanni, engaged moreearnestly in public affairs, and conducted himself with more zeal andboldness in regard to his friends than his father had done, so thatthose who rejoiced at Giovanni's death, finding what the son was likelyto become, perceived they had no cause for exultation. Cosmo was oneof the most prudent of men; of grave and courteous demeanor, extremelyliberal and humane. He never attempted anything against parties, or against rulers, but was bountiful to all; and by the unweariedgenerosity of his disposition, made himself partisans of all ranks ofthe citizens. This mode of proceeding increased the difficulties ofthose who were in the government, and Cosmo himself hoped that by itspursuit he might be able to live in Florence as much respected andas secure as any other citizen; or if the ambition of his adversariescompelled him to adopt a different course, arms and the favor of hisfriends would enable him to become more so. Averardo de' Medici andPuccio Pucci were greatly instrumental in the establishment of hispower; the former by his boldness, the latter by unusual prudence andsagacity, contributed to his aggrandizement. Indeed the advice ofwisdom of Puccio were so highly esteemed, that Cosmo's party was ratherdistinguished by the name of Puccio than by his own. 

By this divided city the enterprise against Lucca was undertaken; andthe bitterness of party spirit, instead of being abated, increased. Although the friends of Cosmo had been in favor of it, many of theadverse faction were sent to assist in the management, as being men ofgreater influence in the state. Averardo de' Medici and the rest beingunable to prevent this, endeavored with all their might to calumniatethem; and when any unfavorable circumstance occurred (and there weremany), fortune and the exertions of the enemy were never supposed tobe the causes, but solely the want of capacity in the commissary. Thisdisposition aggravated the offenses of Astorre Gianni; this excited theindignation of Rinaldo degli Albizzi, and made him resign his commissionwithout leave; this, too, compelled the captain of the people to requirethe appearance of Giovanni Guicciardini, and from this arose allthe other charges which were made against the magistrates and thecommissaries. Real evils were magnified, unreal ones feigned, and thetrue and the false were equally believed by the people, who were almostuniversally their foes. 

All these events and extraordinary modes of proceeding were perfectlyknown to Niccolo da Uzzano and the other leaders of the party; and theyhad often consulted together for the purpose of finding a remedy, butwithout effect; though they were aware of the danger of allowing themto increase, and the great difficulty that would attend any attemptto remove or abate them. Niccolo da Uzzano was the earliest to takeoffense; and while the war was proceeding without, and these troubleswithin, Niccolo Barbadoro desirous of inducing him to consent to theruin of Cosmo, waited upon him at his house; and finding him alone inhis study, and very pensive, endeavored, with the best reasons he couldadvance, to persuade him to agree with Rinaldo on Cosmo's expulsion. Niccolo da Uzzano replied as follows: "It would be better for thee andthy house, as well as for our republic, if thou and those who followthee in this opinion had beards of silver instead of gold, as is said ofthee; for advice proceeding from the hoary head of long experience wouldbe wiser and of greater service to all. It appears to me, that those whotalk of driving Cosmo out of Florence would do well to consider what istheir strength, and what that of Cosmo. You have named one party, that of the nobility, the other that of the plebeians. If the factcorresponded with the name, the victory would still be most uncertain, and the example of the ancient nobility of this city, who were destroyedby the plebeians, ought rather to impress us with fear than with hope. We have, however, still further cause for apprehension from the divisionof our party, and the union of our adversaries. In the first place, Neridi Gino and Nerone di Nigi, two of our principal citizens, have neverso fully declared their sentiments as to enable us to determine whetherthey are most our friends our those of our opponents. There are manyfamilies, even many houses, divided; many are opposed to us throughenvy of brothers or relatives. I will recall to your recollection twoor three of the most important; you may think of the others at yourleisure. Of the sons of Maso degli Albizzi, Luca, from envy of Rinaldo, has thrown himself into their hands. In the house of Guicciardini, ofthe sons of Luigi, Piero is the enemy of Giovanni and in favor of ouradversaries. Tommaso and Niccolo Soderini openly oppose us on account oftheir hatred of their uncle Francesco. So that if we consider well whatwe are, and what our enemies, I cannot see why we should be called NOBLEany more than they. If it is because they are followed by the plebeians, we are in a worse condition on that account, and they in a better; forwere it to come either to arms or to votes, we should not be able toresist them. True it is, we still preserve our dignity, our precedence, the priority of our position, but this arises from the former reputationof the government, which has now continued fifty years; and whenever wecome to the proof, or they discover our weakness we shall lose it. Ifyou were to say, the justice of our cause ought to augment our influenceand diminish theirs I answer, that this justice requires to be perceivedand believed by others as well as by ourselves, but this is not thecase; for the justice of our cause is wholly founded upon our suspicionthat Cosmo designs to make himself prince of the city. And although weentertain this suspicion and suppose it to be correct, others have itnot; but what is worse, they charge us with the very design of whichwe accuse him. Those actions of Cosmo which lead us to suspect him are, that he lends money indiscriminately, and not to private personsonly, but to the public; and not to Florentines only, but to the_condottieri_, the soldiers of fortune. Besides, he assists anycitizen who requires magisterial aid; and, by the universal interesthe possesses in the city, raises first one friend and then another tohigher grades of honor. Therefore, to adduce our reasons for expellinghim, would be to say that he is kind, generous, liberal, and belovedby all. Now tell me, what law is there which forbids, disapproves, orcondemns men for being pious, liberal, and benevolent? And though theyare all modes adopted by those who aim at sovereignty, they are notbelieved to be such, nor have we sufficient power to make them to beso esteemed; for our conduct has robbed us of confidence, and the city, naturally partial and (having always lived in faction) corrupt, cannotlend its attention to such charges. But even if we were successful inan attempt to expel him (which might easily happen under a favorableSignory), how could we (being surrounded by his innumerable friends, whowould constantly reproach us, and ardently desire to see him again inthe city) prevent his return? It would be impossible for they being sonumerous, and having the good will of all upon their side, we shouldnever be secure from them. And as many of his first discovered friendsas you might expel, so many enemies would you make, so that in a shorttime he would return, and the result would be simply this, that we haddriven him out a good man and he had returned to us a bad one; for hisnature would be corrupted by those who recalled him, and he, being underobligation, could not oppose them. Or should you design to put him todeath, you could not attain your purpose with the magistrates, for hiswealth, and the corruption of your minds, will always save him. But letus suppose him put to death, or that being banished, he did not return, I cannot see how the condition of our republic would be ameliorated; forif we relieve her from Cosmo, we at once make her subject to Rinaldo, and it is my most earnest desire that no citizen may ever, in power andauthority, surpass the rest. But if one of these must prevail, I know ofno reason that should make me prefer Rinaldo to Cosmo. I shall onlysay, may God preserve the city from any of her citizens usurping thesovereignty, but if our sins have deserved this, in mercy save us fromRinaldo. I pray thee, therefore, do not advise the adoption of a courseon every account pernicious, nor imagine that, in union with a few, youwould be able to oppose the will of the many; for the citizens, somefrom ignorance and others from malice, are ready to sell the republic atany time, and fortune has so much favored them, that they have found apurchaser. Take my advice then; endeavor to live moderately; and withregard to liberty, you will find as much cause for suspicion in ourparty as in that of our adversaries. And when troubles arise, being ofneither side, you will be agreeable to both, and you will thus providefor your own comfort and do no injury to any. "

These words somewhat abated the eagerness of Barbadoro, so thattranquillity prevailed during the war with Lucca. But this beingended, and Niccolo da Uzzano dead, the city being at peace and under norestraint, unhealthy humors increased with fearful rapidity. Rinaldo, considering himself now the leader of the party, constantly entreatedand urged every citizen whom he thought likely to be Gonfalonier, totake up arms and deliver the country from him who, from the malevolenceof a few and the ignorance of the multitude, was inevitably reducing itto slavery. These practices of Rinaldo, and those of the contrary side, kept the city full of apprehension, so that whenever a magistracy wascreated, the numbers of each party composing it were made publiclyknown, and upon drawing for the Signory the whole city was aroused. Every case brought before the magistrates, however trivial, was made asubject of contention among them. Secrets were divulged, good and evilalike became objects of favor and opposition, the benevolent and thewicked were alike assailed, and no magistrate fulfilled the duties ofhis office with integrity. 

In this state of confusion, Rinaldo, anxious to abate the powerof Cosmo, and knowing that Bernardo Guadagni was likely to becomeGonfalonier, paid his arrears of taxes, that he might not, by beingindebted to the public, be incapacitated for holding the office. Thedrawing soon after took place, and fortune, opposed to our welfare, caused Bernardo to be appointed for the months of September and October. Rinaldo immediately waited upon him, and intimated how much the partyof the nobility, and all who wished for repose, rejoiced to find hehad attained that dignity; that it now rested with him to act in such amanner as to realize their pleasing expectations. He then enlarged uponthe danger of disunion, and endeavored to show that there was no meansof attaining the blessing of unity but by the destruction of Cosmo, forhe alone, by the popularity acquired with his enormous wealth, kept themdepressed; that he was already so powerful, that if not hindered, hewould soon become prince, and that it was the part of a good citizen, inorder to prevent such a calamity, to assemble the people in the piazza, and restore liberty to his country. Rinaldo then reminded the newGonfalonier how Salvestro de' Medici was able, though unjustly, torestrain the power of the Guelphs, to whom, by the blood of theirancestors, shed in its cause, the government rightly belonged; andargued that what he was able unjustly to accomplish against so many, might surely be easily performed with justice in its favor against one!He encouraged him with the assurance that their friends would be readyin arms to support him; that he need not regard the plebeians, whoadored Cosmo, since their assistance would be of no greater avail thanGiorgio Scali had found it on a similar occasion; and that with regardto his wealth, no apprehension was necessary, for when he was underthe power of the Signory, his riches would be so too. In conclusion, heaverred that this course would unite and secure the republic, and crownthe Gonfalonier with glory. Bernardo briefly replied, that he thoughtit necessary to act exactly as Rinaldo had advised, and that as the timewas suitable for action, he should provide himself with forces, beingassured from what Rinaldo had said, he would be supported by hiscolleagues. 

Bernardo entered upon the duties of his office, prepared his followers, and having concerted with Rinaldo, summoned Cosmo, who, though manyfriends dissuaded him from it, obeyed the call, trusting more to his owninnocence than to the mercy of the Signory. As soon as he had enteredthe palace he was arrested. Rinaldo, with a great number of armed men, and accompanied by nearly the whole of his party, proceeded to thepiazza, when the Signory assembled the people, and created a Balia oftwo hundred persons for the reformation of the city. With the leastpossible delay they entered upon the consideration of reform, and of thelife or death of Cosmo. Many wished him to be banished, others to be putto death, and several were silent, either from compassion toward himor for fear of the rest, so that these differences prevented them fromcoming to any conclusion. 

There is an apartment in the tower of the palace which occupies thewhole of one floor, and is called the Alberghettino, in which Cosmo wasconfined, under the charge of Federigo Malavolti. In this place, hearingthe assembly of the Councils, the noise of arms which proceeded from thepiazza, and the frequent ringing of the bell to assemble the Balia, hewas greatly apprehensive for his safety, but still more less his privateenemies should cause him to be put to death in some unusual manner. He scarcely took any food, so that in four days he ate only a smallquantity of bread, Federigo, observing his anxiety, said to him, "Cosmo, you are afraid of being poisoned, and are evidently hastening your endwith hunger. You wrong me if you think I would be a party to such anatrocious act. I do not imagine your life to be in much danger, sinceyou have so many friends both within the palace and without; but if youshould eventually lose it, be assured they will use some other mediumthan myself for that purpose, for I will never imbue my hands in theblood of any, still less in yours, who never injured me; therefore cheerup, take some food, and preserve your life for your friends and yourcountry. And that you may do so with greater assurance, I will partakeof your meals with you. " These words were of great relief to Cosmo, who, with tears in his eyes, embraced and kissed Federigo, earnestly thankinghim for so kind and affectionate conduct, and promising, if ever theopportunity were given him, he would not be ungrateful. 

CHAPTER VII

Cosmo is banished to Padua--Rinaldo degli Albizzi attempts torestore the nobility--New disturbances occasioned by Rinaldo degliAlbizzi--Rinaldo takes arms against the Signory--His designs aredisconcerted--Pope Eugenius in Florence--He endeavors to reconcile theparties--Cosmo is recalled--Rinaldo and his party banished--Gloriousreturn of Cosmo. 

Cosmo in some degree recovered his spirits, and while the citizenswere disputing about him, Federigo, by way of recreation, brought anacquaintance of the Gonfalonier to take supper with him, an amusing andfacetious person, whose name was Il Farnagaccio. The repast being nearlyover, Cosmo, who thought he might turn this visit to advantage, forhe knew the man very intimately, gave a sign to Federigo to leave theapartment, and he, guessing the cause, under pretense of going forsomething that was wanted on the table, left them together. Cosmo, aftera few friendly expressions addressed to Il Farnagaccio, gave him a smallslip of paper, and desired him to go to the director of the hospital ofSanta Maria Nuova, for one thousand one hundred ducats; he was to takethe hundred for himself, and carry the thousand to the Gonfalonier, and beg that he would take some suitable occasion of coming to seehim. Farnagaccio undertook the commission, the money was paid, Bernardobecame more humane, and Cosmo was banished to Padua, contrary to thewish of Rinaldo, who earnestly desired his death. Averardo and manyothers of the house of Medici were also banished, and with them Puccioand Giovanni Pucci. To silence those who were dissatisfied with thebanishment of Cosmo, they endowed with the power of a Balia, the Eightof War and the Capitano of the People. After his sentence, Cosmo on thethird of October, 1433, came before the Signory, by whom the boundaryto which he was restricted was specified; and they advised him to avoidpassing it, unless he wished them to proceed with greater severity bothagainst himself and his property. Cosmo received his sentence with acheerful look, assuring the Signory that wherever they determined tosend him, he would willingly remain. He earnestly begged, that as theyhad preserved his life they would protect it, for he knew there weremany in the piazza who were desirous to take it; and assured them, thatwherever he might be, himself and his means were entirely at the serviceof the city, the people, and the Signory. He was respectfully attendedby the Gonfalonier, who retained him in the palace till night, thenconducted him to his own house to supper, and caused him to be escortedby a strong armed force to his place of banishment. Wherever thecavalcade passed, Cosmo was honorably received, and was publicly visitedby the Venetians, not as an exile, but with all the respect due to onein the highest station. 

Florence, widowed of so great a citizen, one so generally beloved, seemed to be universally sunk in despondency; victors and the vanquishedwere alike in fear. Rinaldo, as if inspired with a presage of his futurecalamities, in order not to appear deficient to himself or his party, assembled many citizens, his friends, and informed them that he foresawtheir approaching ruin for having allowed themselves to be overcome bythe prayers, the tears, and the money of their enemies; and that theydid not seem aware they would soon themselves have to entreat and weep, when their prayers would not be listened to, or their tears excitecompassion; and that of the money received, they would have to restorethe principal, and pay the interest in tortures, exile, and death; thatit would have been much better for them to have done nothing than tohave left Cosmo alive, and his friends in Florence; for great offendersought either to remain untouched, or be destroyed; that there was nowno remedy but to strengthen themselves in the city, so that upon therenewed attempts of their enemies, which would soon take place, theymight drive them out with arms, since they had not sufficient civilauthority to expel them. The remedy to be adopted, he said, was one thathe had long before advocated, which was to regain the friendship of thegrandees, restoring and conceding to them all the honors of the city, and thus make themselves strong with that party, since their adversarieshad joined the plebeians. That by this means they would become the morepowerful side, for they would possess greater energy, more comprehensivetalent and an augmented share of influence; and that if this last andonly remedy were not adopted, he knew not what other means could bemade use of to preserve the government among so many enemies, or preventtheir own ruin and that of the city. 

Mariotto Baldovinetti, one of the assembly, was opposed to this plan, onaccount of the pride and insupportable nature of the nobility; and said, that it would be folly to place themselves again under such inevitabletyranny for the sake of avoiding imaginary dangers from the plebeians. Rinaldo, finding his advice unfavorably received, vexed at his ownmisfortune and that of his party, imputed the whole to heaven itself, which had resolved upon it, rather than to human ignorance and blunders. In this juncture of affairs, no remedial measure being attempted, aletter was found written by Agnolo Acciajuoli to Cosmo, acquaintinghim with the disposition of the city in his favor, and advising him, ifpossible, to excite a war, and gain the friendship of Neri di Gino; forhe imagined the city to be in want of money, and as she would not findanyone to serve her, the remembrance of him would be revived in theminds of the citizens, and they would desire his return; and that ifNeri were detached from Rinaldo, the party of the latter would be soweakened, as to be unable to defend themselves. This letter coming tothe hands of the magistrates, Agnolo was taken, put to the torture, andsent into exile. This example, however, did not at all deter Cosmo'sparty. 

It was now almost a year since Cosmo had been banished, and the end ofAugust, 1434, being come, Niccolo di Cocco was drawn Gonfalonier forthe two succeeding months, and with him eight signors, all partisans ofCosmo. This struck terror into Rinaldo and his party; and as it is usualfor three days to elapse before the new Signory assume the magistracyand the old resign their authority, Rinaldo again called togetherthe heads of his party. He endeavored to show them their certain andimmediate danger, and that their only remedy was to take arms, and causeDonato Velluti, who was yet Gonfalonier, to assemble the people in thepiazza and create a Balia. He would then deprive the new Signory of themagistracy, appoint another, burn the present balloting purses, and bymeans of a new Squittini, provide themselves with friends. Many thoughtthis course safe and requisite; others, that it was too violent, andlikely to be attended with great evil. Among those who disliked it wasPalla Strozzi, a peaceable, gentle, and humane person, better adaptedfor literary pursuits than for restraining a party, or opposing civilstrife. He said that bold and crafty resolutions seem promising attheir commencement, but are afterward found difficult to execute, andgenerally pernicious at their conclusion; that he thought the fear ofexternal wars (the duke's forces being upon the confines of Romagna), would occupy the minds of the Signory more than internal dissensions;but, still, if any attempt should be made, and it could not take placeunnoticed, they would have sufficient time to take arms, and adoptwhatever measures might be found necessary for the common good, whichbeing done upon necessity, would occasion less excitement among thepeople and less danger to themselves. It was therefore concluded, that the new Signory should come in; that their proceedings should bewatched, and if they were found attempting anything against the party, each should take arms, and meet in the piazza of San Pulinari, situatednear the palace, and whence they might proceed wherever it was foundnecessary. Having come to this conclusion, Rinaldo's friends separated. 

The new Signory entered upon their office, and the Gonfalonier, in orderto acquire reputation, and deter those who might intend to oppose him, sent Donato Velluti, his predecessor, to prison, upon the charge ofhaving applied the public money to his own use. He then endeavored tosound his colleagues with respect to Cosmo: seeing them desirous of hisreturn, he communicated with the leaders of the Medici party, and, by their advice, summoned the hostile chiefs, Rinaldo degli Albizzi, Ridolfo Peruzzi, and Niccolo Barbadoro. After this citation, Rinaldothought further delay would be dangerous: he therefore left his housewith a great number of armed men, and was soon joined by Ridolfo Peruzziand Niccolo Barbadoro. The force accompanying them was composed ofseveral citizens and a great number of disbanded soldiers then inFlorence: and all assembled according to appointment in the piazza ofSan Pulinari. Palla Strozzi and Giovanni Guicciardini, though each hadassembled a large number of men, kept in their houses; and thereforeRinaldo sent a messenger to request their attendance and to reprovetheir delay. Giovanni replied, that he should lend sufficient aidagainst their enemies, if by remaining at home he could prevent hisbrother Piero from going to the defense of the palace. After manymessages Palla came to San Pulinari on horseback, accompanied by twoof his people on foot, and unarmed. Rinaldo, on meeting him, sharplyreproved him for his negligence, declaring that his refusal to come withthe others arose either from defect of principle or want of courage;both of which charges should be avoided by all who wished to preservesuch a character as he had hitherto possessed; and that if he thoughtthis abominable conduct to his party would induce their enemies whenvictorious to spare him from death or exile, he deceived himself; butfor himself (Rinaldo) whatever might happen, he had the consolation ofknowing, that previously to the crisis he had never neglected hisduty in council, and that when it occurred he had used every possibleexertion to repel it with arms; but that Palla and the others wouldexperience aggravated remorse when they considered they had upon threeoccasions betrayed their country; first when they saved Cosmo; next whenthey disregarded his advice; and now the third time by not coming armedin her defense according to their engagement. To these reproaches Pallamade no reply audible to those around, but, muttering something as heleft them, returned to his house. 

The Signory, knowing Rinaldo and his party had taken arms, findingthemselves abandoned, caused the palace to be shut up, and having noone to consult they knew not what course to adopt. However, Rinaldo, by delaying his coming to the piazza, having waited in expectation offorces which did not join him, lost the opportunity of victory, gavethem courage to provide for their defense, and allowed many othersto join them, who advised that means should be used to induce theiradversaries to lay down their arms. Thereupon, some of the leastsuspected, went on the part of the Signory to Rinaldo, and said, they did not know what occasion they had given his friends for thusassembling in arms; that they never had any intention of offending him, and if they had spoken of Cosmo, they had no design of recalling him; soif their fears were thus occasioned they might at once be dispelled, forthat if they came to the palace they would be graciously received, andall their complaints attended to. These words produced no change inRinaldo's purpose; he bade them provide for their safety by resigningtheir offices, and said that then the government of the city would bereorganized, for the mutual benefit of all. 

It rarely happens, where authorities are equal and opinions contrary, that any good resolution is adopted. Ridolfo Peruzzi, moved by thediscourse of the citizens, said, that all he desired was to preventthe return of Cosmo, and this being granted to them seemed a sufficientvictory; nor would he, to obtain a greater, fill the city with blood; hewould therefore obey the Signory; and accordingly went with his peopleto the palace, where he was received with a hearty welcome. ThusRinaldo's delay at San Pulinari, Palla's want of courage, and Ridolfo'sdesertion, deprived their party of all chance of success; whilethe ardor of the citizens abated, and the pope's authority did notcontribute to its revival. 

Pope Eugenius was at this time at Florence, having been driven from Romeby the people. These disturbances coming to his knowledge, he thoughtit a duty suitable to his pastoral office to appease them, and sentthe patriarch Giovanni Vitelleschi, Rinaldo's most intimate friend, toentreat the latter to come to an interview with him, as he trustedhe had sufficient influence with the Signory to insure his safetyand satisfaction, without injury or bloodshed to the citizens. By hisfriend's persuasion, Rinaldo proceeded with all his followers to SantaMaria Nuova, where the pope resided. Eugenius gave him to understand, that the Signory had empowered him to settle the differences betweenthem, and that all would be arranged to his satisfaction, if he laiddown his arms. Rinaldo, having witnessed Palla's want of zeal, and thefickleness of Ridolfo Peruzzi, and no better course being open to him, placed himself in the pope's hands, thinking that at all events theauthority of his holiness would insure his safety. Eugenius then sentword to Niccolo Barbadoro, and the rest who remained without, that theywere to lay down their arms, for Rinaldo was remaining with thepontiff, to arrange terms of agreement with the signors; upon which theyimmediately dispersed, and laid aside their weapons. 

The Signory, seeing their adversaries disarmed, continued to negotiatean arrangement by means of the pope; but at the same time sent secretlyto the mountains of Pistoia for infantry, which, with what other forcesthey could collect, were brought into Florence by night. Having takenpossession of all the strong positions in the city, they assembled thepeople in the piazza and created a new balia, which, without delay, restored Cosmo and those who had been exiled with him to their country;and banished, of the opposite party, Rinaldo degli Albizzi, RidolfoPeruzzi, Niccolo Barbadoro, and Palla Strozzi, with so many othercitizens, that there were few places in Italy which did not containsome, and many others beyond her limits were full of them. By this andsimilar occurrences, Florence was deprived of men of worth, and of muchwealth and industry. 

The pope, seeing such misfortunes befall those who by his entreatieswere induced to lay down their arms, was greatly dissatisfied, andcondoled with Rinaldo on the injuries he had received through hisconfidence in him, but advised him to be patient, and hope for somefavorable turn of fortune. Rinaldo replied, "The want of confidence inthose who ought to have trusted me, and the great trust I have reposedin you, have ruined both me and my party. But I blame myself principallyfor having thought that you, who were expelled from your own country, could preserve me in mine. I have had sufficient experience of thefreaks of fortune; and as I have never trusted greatly to prosperity, Ishall suffer less inconvenience from adversity; and I know that when shepleases she can become more favorable. But if she should never change, Ishall not be very desirous of living in a city in which individualsare more powerful than the laws; for that country alone is desirable inwhich property and friends may be safely enjoyed, not one where they mayeasily be taken from us, and where friends, from fear of losing theirproperty, are compelled to abandon each other in their greatest need. Besides, it has always been less painful to good men to hear of themisfortunes of their country than to witness them; and an honorableexile is always held in greater esteem than slavery at home. " He thenleft the pope, and, full of indignation, blaming himself, his ownmeasures, and the coldness of his friends, went into exile. 

Cosmo, on the other hand, being informed of his recall, returned toFlorence; and it has seldom occurred that any citizen, coming hometriumphant from victory, was received by so vast a concourse of people, or such unqualified demonstrations of regard as he was upon hisreturn from banishment; for by universal consent he was hailed as thebenefactor of the people, and the FATHER OF HIS COUNTRY. 

BOOK V

CHAPTER I

The vicissitudes of empires--The state of Italy--The military factionsof Sforza and Braccio--The Bracceschi and the Sforzeschi attack thepope, who is expelled by the Romans--War between the pope and the dukeof Milan--The Florentines and the Venetians assist the pope--Peacebetween the pope and the duke of Milan--Tyranny practiced by the partyfavorable to the Medici. 

It may be observed, that provinces amid the vicissitudes to which theyare subject, pass from order into confusion, and afterward recur to astate of order again; for the nature of mundane affairs not allowingthem to continue in an even course, when they have arrived at theirgreatest perfection, they soon begin to decline. In the same manner, having been reduced by disorder, and sunk to their utmost state ofdepression, unable to descend lower, they, of necessity, reascend;and thus from good they gradually decline to evil, and from evil againreturn to good. The reason is, that valor produces peace; peace, repose;repose, disorder; disorder, ruin; so from disorder order springs; fromorder virtue, and from this, glory and good fortune. Hence, wise menhave observed, that the age of literary excellence is subsequent to thatof distinction in arms; and that in cities and provinces, great warriorsare produced before philosophers. Arms having secured victory, andvictory peace, the buoyant vigor of the martial mind cannot be enfeebledby a more excusable indulgence than that of letters; nor can indolence, with any greater or more dangerous deceit, enter a well regulatedcommunity. Cato was aware of this when the philosophers, Diogenes andCarneades, were sent ambassadors to the senate by the Athenians; forperceiving with what earnest admiration the Roman youth began to followthem, and knowing the evils that might result to his country from thisspecious idleness, he enacted that no philosopher should be allowedto enter Rome. Provinces by this means sink to ruin, from which, men'ssufferings having made them wiser, they again recur to order, if theybe not overwhelmed by some extraordinary force. These causes made Italy, first under the ancient Tuscans, and afterward under the Romans, byturns happy and unhappy; and although nothing has subsequently arisenfrom the ruins of Rome at all corresponding to her ancient greatness(which under a well-organized monarchy might have been gloriouslyeffected), still there was so much bravery and intelligence in some ofthe new cities and governments that afterward sprang up, that althoughnone ever acquired dominion over the rest, they were, nevertheless, sobalanced and regulated among themselves, as to enable them to live infreedom, and defend their country from the barbarians. 

Among these governments, the Florentines, although they possessed asmaller extent of territory, were not inferior to any in power andauthority; for being situated in the middle of Italy, wealthy, andprepared for action, they either defended themselves against such asthought proper to assail them, or decided victory in favor of thoseto whom they became allies. From the valor, therefore, of these newgovernments, if no seasons occurred of long-continued peace, neitherwere any exposed to the calamities of war; for that cannot be calledpeace in which states frequently assail each other with arms, nor canthose be considered wars in which no men are slain, cities plundered, or sovereignties overthrown; for the practice of arms fell into such astate of decay, that wars were commenced without fear, continued withoutdanger, and concluded without loss. Thus the military energy which isin other countries exhausted by a long peace, was wasted in Italy bythe contemptible manner in which hostilities were carried on, as will beclearly seen in the events to be described from 1434 to 1494, from whichit will appear how the barbarians were again admitted into Italy, andshe again sunk under subjection to them. Although the transactions ofour princes at home and abroad will not be viewed with admiration oftheir virtue and greatness like those of the ancients, perhaps they mayon other accounts be regarded with no less interest, seeing whatmasses of high spirited people were kept in restraint by such weak anddisorderly forces. And if, in detailing the events which took placein this wasted world, we shall not have to record the bravery of thesoldier, the prudence of the general, or the patriotism of the citizen, it will be seen with what artifice, deceit, and cunning, princes, warriors, and leaders of republics conducted themselves, to support areputation they never deserved. This, perhaps, will not be less usefulthan a knowledge of ancient history; for, if the latter excites theliberal mind to imitation, the former will show what ought to be avoidedand decried. 

Italy was reduced to such a condition by her rulers, that when, byconsent of her princes, peace was restored, it was soon disturbed bythose who retained their armies, so that glory was not gained by war norrepose by peace. Thus when the league and the duke of Milan agreed tolay aside their arms in 1433, the soldiers, resolved upon war, directedtheir efforts against the church. There were at this time two factionsor armed parties in Italy, the Sforzesca and the Braccesca. The leaderof the former was the Count Francesco, the son of Sforza, and of thelatter, Niccolo Piccinino and Niccolo Fortebraccio. Under the bannerof one or other of these parties almost all the forces of Italy wereassembled. Of the two, the Sforzesca was in greatest repute, as wellfrom the bravery of the count himself, as from the promise which theduke of Milan had made him of his natural daughter, Madonna Bianca, theprospect of which alliance greatly strengthened his influence. Afterthe peace of Lombardy, these forces, from various causes attacked PopeEugenius. Niccolo Fortebraccio was instigated by the ancient enmitywhich Braccio had always entertained against the church; the count wasinduced by ambition: so that Niccolo assailed Rome, and the count tookpossession of La Marca. 

The Romans, in order to avoid the war, drove Pope Eugenius from theircity: and he, having with difficulty escaped, came to Florence, whereseeing the imminent danger of his situation, being abandoned by theprinces (for they were unwilling again to take up arms in his cause, after having been so anxious to lay them aside), he came to terms withthe count, and ceded to him the sovereignty of La Marca, although, tothe injury of having occupied it, he had added insult; for in signingthe place, from which he addressed letters to his agents, he said inLatin, according to the Latin custom, _Ex Girfalco nostro Firmiano, invito Petro et Paulo_. Neither was he satisfied with this concession, but insisted upon being appointed Gonfalonier of the church, which wasalso granted; so much more was Eugenius alarmed at the prospect of adangerous war than of an ignominious peace. The count, having beenthus been reconciled to the pontiff, attacked Niccolo Fortebraccio, andduring many months various encounters took place between them, fromall which greater injury resulted to the pope and his subjects, than toeither of the belligerents. At length, by the intervention of the dukeof Milan, an arrangement, by way of a truce, was made, by which bothbecame princes in the territories of the church. 

The war thus extinguished at Rome was rekindled in Romagna by Batistada Canneto, who at Bologna slew some of the family of the Grifoni, andexpelled from the city the governor who resided there for the pope, along with others who were opposed to him. To enable himself to retainthe government, he applied for assistance to Filippo; and the pope, to avenge himself for the injury, sought the aid of the Venetians andFlorentines. Both parties obtained assistance, so that very soon twolarge armies were on foot in Romagna. Niccolo Piccinino commanded forthe duke, Gattamelata and Niccolo da Tolentino for the Venetians andFlorentines. They met near Imola, where a battle ensued, in which theFlorentines and Venetians were routed, and Niccolo da Tolentino was sentprisoner to Milan where, either through grief for his loss or by someunfair means, he died in a few days. 

The duke, on this victory, either being exhausted by the late wars, orthinking the League after their defeat would not be in haste to resumehostilities, did not pursue his good fortune, and thus gave the pope andhis colleagues time to recover themselves. They therefore appointedthe Count Francesco for their leader, and undertook to drive NiccoloFortebraccio from the territories of the church, and thus terminatethe war which had been commenced in favor of the pontiff. The Romans, finding the pope supported by so large an army, sought a reconciliationwith him, and being successful, admitted his commissary into thecity. Among the places possessed by Niccolo Fortebraccio, were Tivoli, Montefiascone, Citta di Castello, and Ascesi, to the last of which, notbeing able to keep the field, he fled, and the count besieged him there. Niccolo's brave defense making it probable that the war would be ofconsiderable duration, the duke deemed to necessary to prevent theLeague from obtaining the victory, and said that if this were noteffected he would very soon have to look at the defense of his ownterritories. Resolving to divert the count from the siege, he commandedNiccolo Piccinino to pass into Tuscany by way of Romagna; and theLeague, thinking it more important to defend Tuscany than to occupyAscesi, ordered the count to prevent the passage of Niccolo, who wasalready, with his army, at Furli. The count accordingly moved with hisforces, and came to Cesena, having left the war of La Marca and the careof his own territories to his brother Lione; and while Niccolo Piccininowas endeavoring to pass by, and the count to prevent him, Fortebraccioattacked Lione with great bravery, made him prisoner, routed his forces, and pursuing the advantage of his victory, at once possessed himself ofmany places in La Marca. This circumstance greatly perplexed the count, who thought he had lost all his territories; so, leaving part of hisforce to check Piccinino, with the remainder he pursued Fortebraccio, whom he attacked and conquered. Fortebraccio was taken prisoner in thebattle, and soon after died of his wounds. This victory restored to thepontiff all the places that had been taken from him by Fortebraccio, andcompelled the duke of Milan to sue for peace, which was concluded by theintercession of Niccolo da Esta, marquis of Ferrara; the duke restoringto the church the places he had taken from her, and his forces retiringinto Lombardy. Batista da Canneto, as in the case with all who retainauthority only by the consent and forces of another, when the duke'speople had quitted Romagna, unable with his own power to keep possessionof Bologna, fled, and Antonio Bentivogli, the head of the oppositeparty, returned to his country. 

All this took place during the exile of Cosmo, after whose return, those who had restored him, and a great number of persons injured by theopposite party, resolved at all events to make themselves sure of thegovernment; and the Signory for the months of November and December, notcontent with what their predecessors had done in favor of their partyextended the term and changed the residences of several who werebanished, and increased the number of exiles. In addition to theseevils, it was observed that citizens were more annoyed on account oftheir wealth, their family connections or private animosities, thanfor the sake of the party to which they adhered, so that if theseprescriptions had been accompanied with bloodshed, they would haveresembled those of Octavius and Sylla, though in reality they were notwithout some stains; for Antonio di Bernardo Guadagni was beheaded, andfour other citizens, among whom were Zanobi dei Belfratelli and CosmoBarbadori, passing the confines to which they were limited, proceeded toVenice, where the Venetians, valuing the friendship of Cosmo de' Medicimore than their own honor, sent them prisoners to him, and they werebasely put to death. This circumstance greatly increased the influenceof that party, and struck their enemies with terror, finding that sucha powerful republic would so humble itself to the Florentines. This, however, was supposed to have been done, not so much out of kindness toCosmo, as to excite dissensions in Florence, and by means of bloodshedmake greater certainty of division among the citizens, for the Venetiansknew there was no other obstacle to their ambition so great as the unionof her people. 

The city being cleared of the enemies, or suspected enemies of thestate, those in possession of the government now began to strengthentheir party by conferring benefits upon such as were in a conditionto serve them, and the family of the Alberti, with all who had beenbanished by the former government, were recalled. All the nobility, with few exceptions, were reduced to the ranks of the people, and thepossessions of the exiles were divided among themselves, upon eachpaying a small acknowledgment. They then fortified themselves with newlaws and provisos, made new Squittini, withdrawing the names of theiradversaries from the purses, and filling them with those of theirfriends. Taking advice from the ruin of their enemies, they consideredthat to allow the great offices to be filled by mere chance of drawing, did not afford the government sufficient security, they thereforeresolved that the magistrates possessing the power of life and deathshould always be chosen from among the leaders of their own party, and therefore that the _Accoppiatori_, or persons selected for theimborsation of the new Squittini, with the Signory who had to retirefrom office, should make the new appointments. They gave to eight of theguard authority to proceed capitally, and provided that the exiles, whentheir term of banishment was complete, should not be allowed to return, unless from the Signory and Colleagues, which were thirty-seven innumber, the consent of thirty-four was obtained. It was made unlawfulto write to or to receive letters from them; every word, sign, or actionthat gave offense to the ruling party was punished with the utmostrigor; and if there was still in Florence any suspected person whomthese regulations did not reach, he was oppressed with taxes imposed forthe occasion. Thus in a short time, having expelled or impoverished thewhole of the adverse party, they established themselves firmly in thegovernment. Not to be destitute of external assistance, and to depriveothers of it, who might use it against themselves, they entered into aleague, offensive and defensive, with the pope, the Venetians, and theduke of Milan. 

CHAPTER II

Death of Giovanni II. --René of Anjou and Alfonso of Aragon aspire tothe kingdom--Alfonso is routed and taken by the Genoese--Alfonso beinga prisoner of the duke of Milan, obtains his friendship--The Genoesedisgusted with the duke of Milan--Divisions among the Genoese--TheGenoese, by means of Francesco Spinola, expel the duke'sgovernor--League against the duke of Milan--Rinaldo degli Albizziadvises the duke to make war against the Florentines--His discourse tothe duke--The duke adopts measures injurious to the Florentines--NiccoloPiccinino appointed to command the duke's forces--Preparations of theFlorentines--Piccinino routed before Barga. 

The affairs of Florence being in this condition, Giovanna, queenof Naples, died, and by her will appointed René of Anjou to be hersuccessor. Alfonso, king of Aragon, was at this time in Sicily, andhaving obtained the concurrence of many barons, prepared to takepossession of the kingdom. The Neapolitans, with whom a greater numberof barons were also associated, favored René. The pope was unwillingthat either of them should obtain it; but desired the affairs of Naplesto be administered by a governor of his own appointing. 

In the meantime Alfonso entered the kingdom, and was received by theduke of Sessa; he brought with him some princes, whom he had engaged inhis service, with the design (already possessing Capua, which the princeof Taranto held in his name) of subduing the Neapolitans, and sent hisfleet to attack Gaeta, which had declared itself in their favor. Theytherefore demanded assistance of the duke of Milan, who persuaded theGenoese to undertake their defense; and they, to satisfy the duke theirsovereign, and protect the merchandise they possessed, both at Naplesand Gaeta, armed a powerful fleet. Alfonso hearing of this, augmentedhis own naval force, went in person to meet the Genoese, and coming upwith them near the island of Ponzio, an engagement ensued, in which theAragonese were defeated, and Alfonso, with many of the princes of hissuite, made prisoners, and sent by the Genoese to the Filippo. 

This victory terrified the princes of Italy, who, being jealous of theduke's power, thought it would give him a great opportunity of beingsovereign of the whole country. But so contrary are the views of men, that he took a directly opposite course. Alfonso was a man ofgreat sagacity, and as soon as an opportunity presented itselfof communicating with Filippo, he proved to him how completely hecontravened his own interests, by favoring René and opposing himself;for it would be the business of the former, on becoming king of Naples, to introduce the French into Milan; that in an emergency he might haveassistance at hand, without the necessity of having to solicit a passagefor his friends. But he could not possibly secure this advantage withouteffecting the ruin of the duke, and making his dominions a Frenchprovince; and that the contrary of all this would result from himselfbecoming lord of Naples; for having only the French to fear, he would becompelled to love and caress, nay even to obey those who had it in theirpower to open a passage for his enemies. That thus the title of kingof king of Naples would be with himself (Alfonso), but the power andauthority with Filippo; so that it was much more the duke's businessthan his own to consider the danger of one course and the advantage ofthe other; unless he rather wished to gratify his private prejudicesthan to give security to his dominions. In the one case he would be afree prince, in the other, placed between two powerful sovereigns, hewould either be robbed of his territories or live in constant fear, andhave to obey them like a slave. These arguments so greatly influencedthe duke, that, changing his design, he set Alfonso at liberty, senthim honorably to Genoa and then to Naples. From thence the king wentto Gaeta, which as soon as his liberation had become known, was takenpossession of by some nobles of his party. 

The Genoese, seeing that the duke, without the least regard for them, had liberated the king, and gained credit to himself through the dangersand expense which they had incurred; that he enjoyed all the honor ofthe liberation, and they were themselves exposed to the odium of thecapture, and the injuries consequent upon the king's defeat, weregreatly exasperated. In the city of Genoa, while in the enjoyment of herliberty, a magistrate is created with the consent of the people, whomthey call the Doge; not that he is absolutely a prince, or that he alonehas the power of determining matters of government; but that, as thehead of the state, he proposes those questions or subjects which haveto be considered and determined by the magistrates and the councils. Inthat city are many noble families so powerful, that they are with greatdifficulty induced to submit to the authority of the law. Of these, the most powerful are the Fregosa and the Adorna, from whom arise thedissensions of the city, and the impotence of her civil regulations; forthe possession of this high office being contested by means inadmissiblein well-regulated communities, and most commonly with arms in theirhands, it always occurs that one party is oppressed and the othertriumphant; and sometimes those who fail in the pursuit have recourse tothe arms of strangers, and the country they are not allowed to rule theysubject to foreign authority. Hence it happens, that those who govern inLombardy most commonly command in Genoa, as occurred at the time Alfonsoof Aragon was made prisoner. Among the leading Genoese who had beeninstrumental in subjecting the republic to Filippo, was FrancescoSpinola, who, soon after he had reduced his country to bondage, asalways happens in such cases, became suspected by the duke. Indignant atthis, he withdrew to a sort of voluntary exile at Gaeta, and beingthere when the naval expedition was in preparation, and having conductedhimself with great bravery in the action, he thought he had againmerited so much of the duke's confidence as would obtain for himpermission to remain undisturbed at Genoa. But the duke still retainedhis suspicions; for he could not believe that a vacillating defender ofhis own country's liberty would be faithful to himself; and FrancescoSpinola resolved again to try his fortune, and if possible restorefreedom to his country, and honorable safety for himself; for he wasthere was no probability of regaining the forfeited affection ofhis fellow-citizens, but by resolving at his own peril to remedy themisfortunes which he had been so instrumental in producing. Finding theindignation against the duke universal, on account of the liberationof the king, he thought the moment propitious for the execution of hisdesign. He communicated his ideas to some whom he knew to be similarlyinclined, and his arguments ensured their co-operation. 

The great festival of St. John the Baptist being come, when Arismeno, the new governor sent by the duke, was to enter Genoa, and he beingalready arrived, accompanied by Opicino, the former governor, and manyGenoese citizens, Francesco Spinola thought further delay improper; and, issuing from his house with those acquainted with his design, all armed, they raised the cry of liberty. It was wonderful to see how eagerly thecitizens and people assembled at the word; so that those who for anyreason might be favorable to Filippo, not only had no time to arm, butscarcely to consider the means of escape. Arismeno, with some Genoese, fled to the fortress which was held for the duke, Opicino, thinking thatif he could reach the palace, where two thousand men were in arms, andat his command, he might be able either to effect his own safety, orinduce his friends to defend themselves, took that direction; but beforehe arrived at the piazza he was slain, his body divided into many piecesand scattered about the city. The Genoese having placed the governmentin the hands of free magistrates, in a few days recovered the castle, and the other strongholds possessed by the duke, and deliveredthemselves entirely from his yoke. 

These transactions, though at first they had alarmed the princes ofItaly with the apprehension that the duke would become too powerful, now gave them hope, seeing the turn they had taken, of being able torestrain him; and, notwithstanding the recent league, the Florentinesand Venetians entered into alliance with the Genoese. Rinaldo degliAlbizzi and the other leading Florentine exiles, observing the alteredaspect of affairs, conceived hopes of being able to induce the duketo make war against Florence, and having arrived at Milan, Rinaldoaddressed him in the following manner: "If we, who were once yourenemies, come now confidently to supplicate your assistance to enableus to return to our country, neither you, nor anyone, who considers thecourse and vicissitudes of human affairs, can be at all surprised; forof our past conduct toward yourself and our present intentions towardour country, we can adduce palpable and abundant reasons. No good manwill ever reproach another who endeavors to defend his country, whateverbe his mode of doing so; neither have we had any design of injuringyou, but only to preserve our country from detriment; and we appeal toyourself, whether, during the greatest victories of our league, when youwere really desirous of peace, we were not even more anxious for it thanyourself; so that we do not think we have done aught to make us despairaltogether of favor from you. Nor can our country itself complain thatwe now exhort you to use those arms against her, from which we have sopertinaciously defended her; for that state alone merits the love ofall her citizens, which cares with equal affection for all; not one thatfavors a few, and casts from her the great mass of her children. Nor arethe arms that men use against their country to be universally condemned;for communities, although composed of many, resemble individual bodies;and as in these, many infirmities arise which cannot be cured withoutthe application of fire or of steel, so in the former, there often occursuch numerous and great evils, that a good and merciful citizen, whenthere is a necessity for the sword, would be much more to blame inleaving her uncured, than by using this remedy for her preservation. What greater disease can afflict a republic than slavery? and whatremedy is more desirable for adoption than the one by which alone it canbe effectually removed? No wars are just but those that are necessary;and force is merciful when it presents the only hope of relief. I knownot what necessity can be greater than ours, or what compassion canexceed that which rescues our country from slavery. Our cause istherefore just, and our purpose merciful, as both yourself and we maybe easily convinced. The amplest justice is on your side; for theFlorentines have not hesitated, after a peace concluded with so muchsolemnity, to enter into league with those who have rebelled againstyou; so that if our cause is insufficient to excite you against them, let your own just indignation do so; and the more so, seeing thefacility of the undertaking. You need be under no apprehension from thememory of the past, in which you may have observed the power ofthat people and their pertinency in self-defense; though these mightreasonably excite fear, if they were still animated by the valor offormer times. But now, all is entirely the reverse; for what power canbe expected in a city that has recently expelled the greatest part ofher wealth and industry? What indomitable resolution need be apprehendedfrom the people whom so many and such recent enmities have disunited?The disunion which still prevails will prevent wealthy citizensadvancing money as they used to do on former occasions; for though menwillingly contribute according to their means, when they see their owncredit, glory, and private advantage dependent upon it, or when thereis a hope of regaining in peace what has been spent in war, but not whenequally oppressed under all circumstances, when in war they suffer theinjuries of the enemy, and in peace, the insolence of those who governthem. Besides this, the people feel more deeply the avarice of theirrulers, than the rapacity of the enemy; for there is hope of beingultimately relieved from the latter evil, but none from the former. Thus, in the last war, you had to contend with the whole city; but nowwith only a small portion. You attempted to take the government frommany good citizens; but now you oppose only a few bad ones. You thenendeavored to deprive a city of her liberty, now you come to restoreit. As it is unreasonable to suppose that under such disparity ofcircumstances, the result should be the same, you have now every reasonto anticipate an easy victory; and how much it will strengthen your owngovernment, you may easily judge; having Tuscany friendly, and bound byso powerful an obligation, in your enterprises, she will be even of moreservice to you than Milan. And, although, on former occasions, such anacquisition might be looked upon as ambitious and unwarrantable, it willnow be considered merciful and just. Then do not let this opportunityescape, and be assured, that although your attempts against the cityhave been attended with difficulty, expense, and disgrace, this willwith facility procure you incalculable advantage and an honorablerenown. "

Many words were not requisite to induce the duke to hostilities againstthe Florentines, for he was incited to it by hereditary hatred and blindambition, and still more, by the fresh injuries which the league withthe Genoese involved; yet his past expenses, the dangerous measuresnecessary, the remembrance of his recent losses, and the vain hopes ofthe exiles, alarmed him. As soon as he had learned the revolt of Genoa, he ordered Niccolo Piccinino to proceed thither with all his cavalryand whatever infantry he could raise, for the purpose of recoveringher, before the citizens had time to become settled and establish agovernment; for he trusted greatly in the fortress within the city, which was held for him. And although Niccolo drove the Genoese fromthe mountains, took from them the valley of Pozeveri, where they hadentrenched themselves, and obliged them to seek refuge within the wallsof the city, he still found such an insurmountable obstacle in theresolute defense of the citizens, that he was compelled to withdraw. Onthis, at the suggestion of the Florentine exiles, he commanded Niccoloto attack them on the eastern side, upon the confines of Pisa in theGenoese territory, and to push the war with his utmost vigor, thinkingthis plan would manifest and develop the course best to be adopted. Niccolo therefore besieged and took Serezana, and having committed greatravages, by way of further alarming the Florentines he proceeded toLucca, spreading a report that it was his intention to go to Naplesto render assistance to the king of Aragon. Upon these new events PopeEugenius left Florence and proceeded to Bologna, where he endeavoredto effect an amicable arrangement between the league and the duke, intimating to the latter, that if he would not consent to some treaty, the pontiff must send Francesco Sforza to assist the league, for thelatter was now his confederate, and served in his pay. Although the popegreatly exerted himself in this affair, his endeavors were unavailing;for the duke would not listen to any proposal that did not leave him thepossession of Genoa, and the league had resolved that she should remainfree; and, therefore, each party, having no other resource, prepared tocontinue the war. 

In the meantime Niccolo Piccinino arrived at Lucca, and the Florentines, being doubtful what course to adopt, ordered Neri di Gino to lead theirforces into the Pisan territory, induced the pontiff to allow CountFrancesco to join him, and with their forces they halted at San Gonda. Piccinino then demanded admission into the kingdom of Naples, and thisbeing refused, he threatened to force a passage. The armies wereequal, both in regard of numbers and the capacity of their leaders, andunwilling to tempt fortune during the bad weather, it being the month ofDecember, they remained several days without attacking each other. Thefirst movement was made by Niccolo Piccinino, who being informed that ifhe attacked Vico Pisano by night, he could easily take possession ofthe place, made the attempt, and having failed, ravaged the surroundingcountry, and then burned and plundered the town of San Giovanni allaVena. This enterprise, though of little consequence, excited him to makefurther attempts, the more so from being assured that the count and Neriwere yet in their quarters, and he attacked Santa Maria in Castello andFiletto, both which places he took. Still the Florentine forces wouldnot stir; not that the count entertained any fear, but because, out ofregard to the pope, who still labored to effect an accommodation, thegovernment of Florence had deferred giving their final consent to thewar. This course, which the Florentines adopted from prudence, wasconsidered by the enemy to be only the result of timidity, and withincreased boldness they led their forces up to Barga, which theyresolved to besiege. This new attack made the Florentines set asideall other considerations, and resolve not only to relieve Barga, butto invade the Lucchese territory. Accordingly the count proceeded inpursuit of Niccolo, and coming up with him before Barga, an engagementtook place, in which Piccinino was overcome, and compelled to raise thesiege. 

The Venetians considering the duke to have broken the peace, send GiovanFrancesco da Gonzaga, their captain, to Ghiaradadda, who, by severelywasting the duke's territories, induced him to recall Niccolo Piccininofrom Tuscany. This circumstance, together with the victory obtained overNiccolo, emboldened the Florentines to attempt the recovery of Lucca, since the duke, whom alone they feared, was engaged with the Venetians, and the Lucchese having received the enemy into their city, and allowedhim to attack them, would have no ground of complaint. 

CHAPTER III

The Florentines go to war with Lucca--Discourse of a citizen of Lucca toanimate the plebeians against the Florentines--The Lucchese resolveto defend themselves--They are assisted by the duke of Milan--Treatybetween the Florentines and the Venetians--Francesco Sforza, captain ofthe league, refuses to cross the Po in the service of the Venetiansand returns to Tuscany--The bad faith of the Venetians toward theFlorentines--Cosmo de' Medici at Venice--Peace between the Florentinesand the Lucchese--The Florentines effect a reconciliation between thepope and the Count di Poppi--The pope consecrates the church of SantaReparata--Council of Florence. 

The count commenced operations against Lucca in April, 1437, and theFlorentines, desirous of recovering what they had themselves lost beforethey attacked others, retook Santa Maria in Castello, and all the placeswhich Piccinino had occupied. Then, entering the Lucchese territory, they besieged Camaiore, the inhabitants of which, although faithfulto their rulers, being influenced more by immediate danger than byattachment to their distant friends, surrendered. In the same manner, they obtained Massa and Serezana. Toward the end of May they proceededin the direction of Lucca, burning the towns, destroying the growingcrops, grain, trees, and vines, driving away the cattle, and leavingnothing undone to injure the enemy. The Lucchese, finding themselvesabandoned by the duke, and hopeless of defending the open country, forsook it; entrenched and fortified the city, which they doubted not, being well garrisoned, they would be able to defend for a time, andthat, in the interim, some event would occur for their relief, as hadbeen the case during the former wars which the Florentines had carriedon against them. Their only apprehension arose from the fickle mindsof the plebeians, who, becoming weary of the siege, would have moreconsideration of their own danger than of other's liberty, and wouldthus compel them to submit to some disgraceful and ruinous capitulation. In order to animate them to defense, they were assembled in the publicpiazza, and some of the eldest and most esteemed of the citizensaddressed them in the following terms: "You are doubtless aware thatwhat is done from necessity involves neither censure nor applause;therefore, if you should accuse us of having caused the present war, byreceiving the ducal forces into the city, and allowing them to commithostilities against the Florentines, you are greatly mistaken. You arewell acquainted with the ancient enmity of the Florentines against you, which is not occasioned by any injuries you have done them, or by fearon their part, but by our weakness and their own ambition; for the onegives them hope of being able to oppress us, and the other incites themto attempt it. It is then vain to imagine that any merit of yours canextinguish that desire in them, or that any offense you can commit, canprovoke them to greater animosity. They endeavor to deprive you of yourliberty; you must resolve to defend it; and whatever they may undertakeagainst us for that purpose, although we may lament, we need not wonder. We may well grieve, therefore, that they attack us, take possession ofour towns, burn our houses, and waste our country. But who is so simpleas to be surprised at it? for were it in our power, we should do justthe same to them, or even worse. They declare war against us now, theysay, for having received Niccolo; but if we had not received him, theywould have done the same and assigned some other ground for it; and ifthe evil had been delayed, it would most probably have been greater. Therefore, you must not imagine it to be occasioned by his arrival, butrather by your own ill fortune and their ambition; for we could not haverefused admission to the duke's forces, and, being come, we couldnot prevent their aggressions. You know, that without the aid of somepowerful ally we are incapable of self-defense, and that none can renderus this service more powerfully or faithfully than the duke. He restoredour liberty; it is reasonable to expect he will defend it. He has alwaysbeen the greatest foe of our inveterate enemies; if, therefore, to avoidincensing the Florentines we had excited his anger, we should have lostour best friend, and rendered our enemy more powerful and more disposedto oppress us; so that it is far preferable to have this war upon ourhands, and enjoy the favor of the duke, than to be in peace without it. Besides, we are justified in expecting that he will rescue us from thedangers into which we are brought on his account, if we only do notabandon our own cause. You all know how fiercely the Florentines havefrequently assailed us, and with what glory we have maintained ourdefense. We have often been deprived of every hope, except in Godand the casualties which time might produce, and both have proved ourfriends. And as they have delivered us formerly, why should they notcontinue to do so. Then we were forsaken by the whole of Italy; now wehave the duke in our favor; besides we have a right to suppose that theVenetians will not hastily attack us; for they will not willingly seethe power of Florence increased. On a former occasion the Florentineswere more at liberty; they had greater hope of assistance, and were morepowerful in themselves, while we were in every respect weaker; for thena tyrant governed us, now we defend ourselves; then the glory of ourdefense was another's, now it is our own; then they were in harmony, nowthey are disunited, all Italy being filled with their banished citizens. But were we without the hope which these favorable circumstancespresent, our extreme necessity should make us firmly resolved on ourdefense. It is reasonable to fear every enemy, for all seek theirown glory and your ruin; above all others, you have to dread theFlorentines, for they would not be satisfied by submission and tribute, or the dominion of our city, but they would possess our entire substanceand persons, that they might satiate their cruelty with our blood, andtheir avarice with our property, so that all ranks ought to dread them. Therefore do not be troubled at seeing our crops destroyed, our townsburned, our fortresses occupied; for if we preserve the city, the restwill be saved as a matter of course; if we lose her, all else would beof no advantage to us; for while retaining our liberty, the enemy canhold them only with the greatest difficulty, while losing it they wouldbe preserved in vain. Arm, therefore; and when in the fight, rememberthat the reward of victory will be safety, not only to your country, butto your homes, your wives, and your children. " The speaker's last wordswere received with the utmost enthusiasm by the people, who promised oneand all to die rather than abandon their cause, or submit to any termsthat could violate their liberty. They then made arrangements for thedefense of the city. 

In the meantime, the Florentine forces were not idle; and afterinnumerable mischiefs done to the country took Monte Carlo bycapitulation. They then besieged Uzzano, in order that the Lucchese, being pressed on all sides, might despair of assistance, and becompelled to submission by famine. The fortress was very strong, anddefended by a numerous garrison, so that its capture would be by nomeans an easy undertaking. The Lucchese, as might be expected, seeingthe imminent peril of their situation, had recourse to the duke, andemployed prayers and remonstrances to induce him to render them aid. They enlarged upon their own merits and the offenses of the Florentines;and showed how greatly it would attach the duke's friends to him tofind they were defended, and how much disaffection it would spread amongthem, if they were left to be overwhelmed by the enemy; that if theylost their liberties and their lives, he would lose his honor and hisfriends, and forfeit the confidence of all who from affection might beinduced to incur dangers in his behalf; and added tears to entreaties, so that if he were unmoved by gratitude to them, he might be inducedto their defense by motives of compassion. The duke, influenced by hisinveterate hostility against the Florentines, his new obligation tothe Lucchese, and, above all, by his desire to prevent so greatan acquisition from falling into the hands of his ancient enemies, determined either to send a strong force into Tuscany, or vigorously toassail the Venetians, so as to compel the Florentines to give up theirenterprise and go to their relief. 

It was soon known in Florence that the duke was preparing to send forcesinto Tuscany. This made the Florentines apprehensive for the successof their enterprise; and in order to retain the duke in Lombardy, theyrequested the Venetians to press him with their utmost strength. Butthey also were alarmed, the marquis of Mantua having abandoned them andgone over to the duke; and thus, finding themselves almost defenseless, they replied, "that instead of increasing their responsibilities, theyshould be unable to perform their part in the war, unless the CountFrancesco were sent to them to take the command of the army, and withthe special understanding that he should engage to cross the Po inperson. They declined to fulfil their former engagements unless he werebound to do so; for they could not carry on the war without a leader, or repose confidence in any except the count; and he himself would beuseless to them, unless he came under an obligation to carry on thewar whenever they might think needful. " The Florentines thought the warought to be pushed vigorously in Lombardy; but they saw that if theylost the count their enterprise against Lucca was ruined; and they knewwell that the demand of the Venetians arose less from any need they hadof the count, than from their desire to frustrate this expedition. Thecount, on the other hand, was ready to pass into Lombardy wheneverthe league might require him, but would not alter the tenor of hisengagement; for he was unwilling to sacrifice the hope of the alliancepromised to him by the duke. 

The Florentines were thus embarrassed by two contrary impulses, thewish to possess Lucca, and the dread of a war with Milan. As commonlyhappens, fear was the most powerful, and they consented, after thecapture of Uzzano, that the count should go into Lombardy. There stillremained another difficulty, which, depending on circumstances beyondthe reach of their influence, created more doubts and uneasinessthan the former; the count would not consent to pass the Po, and theVenetians refused to accept him on any other condition. Seeing no othermethod of arrangement, than that each should make liberal concessions, the Florentines induced the count to cross the river by a letteraddressed to the Signory of Florence, intimating that this privatepromise did not invalidate any public engagement, and that he mightstill refrain from crossing; hence it resulted that the Venetians, having commenced the war, would be compelled to proceed, and that theevil apprehended by the Florentines would be averted. To theVenetians, on the other hand, they averred that this private letter wassufficiently binding, and therefore they ought to be content; for ifthey could save the count from breaking with his father-in-law, it waswell to do so, and that it could be of no advantage either to themselvesor the Venetians to publish it without some manifest necessity. It wasthus determined that the count should pass into Lombardy; and havingtaken Uzzano, and raised bastions about Lucca to restrain in herinhabitants, placed the management of the siege in the hands of thecommissaries, crossed the Apennines, and proceeded to Reggio, whenthe Venetians, alarmed at his progress, and in order to discover hisintentions, insisted upon his immediately crossing the Po, and joiningthe other forces. The count refused compliance, and many mutualrecriminations took place between him and Andrea Mauroceno, theirmessenger on this occasion, each charging the other with arroganceand treachery: after many protestations, the one of being under noobligation to perform that service, and the other of not being bound toany payment, they parted, the count to return to Tuscany, the other toVenice. 

The Florentines had sent the count to encamp in the Pisan territory, andwere in hopes of inducing him to renew the war against the Lucchese, butfound him indisposed to do so, for the duke, having been informed thatout of regard to him he had refused to cross the Po, thought that bythis means he might also save the Lucchese, and begged the count toendeavor to effect an accommodation between the Florentines and theLucchese, including himself in it, if he were able, declaring, atthe same time, the promised marriage should be solemnized whenever hethought proper. The prospect of this connection had great influence withthe count, for, as the duke had no sons, it gave him hope of becomingsovereign of Milan. For this reason he gradually abated his exertionsin the war, declared he would not proceed unless the Venetians fulfilledtheir engagement as to the payment, and also retained him in thecommand; that the discharge of the debt would not alone be sufficient, for desiring to live peaceably in his own dominions, he needed somealliance other than that of the Florentines, and that he must regard hisown interests, shrewdly hinting that if abandoned by the Venetians, hewould come to terms with the duke. 

These indirect and crafty methods of procedure were highly offensiveto the Florentines, for they found their expedition against Luccafrustrated, and trembled for the safety of their own territories if everthe count and the duke should enter into a mutual alliance. To inducethe Venetians to retain the count in the command, Cosmo de' Medici wentto Venice, hoping his influence would prevail with them, and discussedthe subject at great length before the senate, pointing out thecondition of the Italian states, the disposition of their armies, andthe great preponderance possessed by the duke. He concluded by saying, that if the count and the duke were to unite their forces, they (theVenetians) might return to the sea, and the Florentines would have tofight for their liberty. To this the Venetians replied, that they wereacquainted with their own strength and that of the Italians, and thoughtthemselves able at all events to provide for their own defense; thatit was not their custom to pay soldiers for serving others; that as theFlorentines had used the count's services, they must pay him themselves;with respect to the security of their own states, it was ratherdesirable to check the count's pride than to pay him, for the ambitionof men is boundless, and if he were now paid without serving, he wouldsoon make some other demand, still more unreasonable and dangerous. Ittherefore seemed necessary to curb his insolence, and not allow it toincrease till it became incorrigible; and that if the Florentines, fromfear or any other motive, wished to preserve his friendship, they mustpay him themselves. Cosmo returned without having effected any part ofhis object. 

The Florentines used the weightiest arguments they could adopt toprevent the count from quitting the service of the League, a course hewas himself reluctant to follow, but his desire to conclude the marriageso embarrassed him, that any trivial accident would have been sufficientto determine his course, as indeed shortly happened. The count hadleft his territories in La Marca to the care of Il Furlano, one of hisprincipal condottieri, who was so far influenced by the duke as totake command under him, and quit the count's service. This circumstancecaused the latter to lay aside every idea but that of his own safety, and to come to agreement with the duke; among the terms of which compactwas one that he should not be expected to interfere in the affairs ofRomagna and Tuscany. The count then urged the Florentines to come toterms with the Lucchese, and so convinced them of the necessity of this, that seeing no better course to adopt, they complied in April, 1438, bywhich treaty the Lucchese retained their liberty, and the FlorentinesMonte Carlo and a few other fortresses. After this, being fullof exasperation, they despatched letters to every part of Italy, overcharged with complaints, affecting to show that since God and menwere averse to the Lucchese coming under their dominion, they had madepeace with them. And it seldom happens that any suffer so much for theloss of their own lawful property as they did because they could notobtain the possessions of others. 

Though the Florentines had now so many affairs in hand, they did notallow the proceedings of their neighbors to pass unnoticed, or neglectthe decoration of their city. As before observed, Niccolo Fortebracciowas dead. He had married a daughter of the Count di Poppi, who, atthe decease of his son-in-law, held the Borgo San Sepolcro, and otherfortresses of that district, and while Niccolo lived, governed them inhis name. Claiming them as his daughter's portion, he refused to givethem up to the pope, who demanded them as property held of the church, and who, upon his refusal, sent the patriarch with forces to takepossession of them. The count, finding himself unable to sustain theattack, offered them to the Florentines, who declined them; but the popehaving returned to Florence, they interceded with him in the count'sbehalf. Difficulties arising, the patriarch attacked the Casentino, tookPrato Vecchio, and Romena, and offered them also to the Florentines, whorefused them likewise, unless the pope would consent they should restorethem to the count, to which, after much hesitation, he acceded, oncondition that the Florentines should prevail with the Count di Poppito restore the Borgo to him. The pope was thus satisfied, and theFlorentines having so far completed the building of their cathedralchurch of Santa Reparata, which had been commenced long ago, as toenable them to perform divine service in it, requested his holinessto consecrate it. To this the pontiff willingly agreed, and theFlorentines, to exhibit the wealth of the city and the splendor of theedifice, and do greater honor to the pope, erected a platform fromSanta Maria Novella, where he resided, to the cathedral he was about toconsecrate, six feet in height and twelve feet wide, covered with richdrapery, for the accommodation of the pontiff and his court, upon whichthey proceeded to the building, accompanied by those civic magistrates, and other officers who were appointed to take part in the procession. The usual ceremonies of consecration having been completed, the pope, toshow his affection for the city, conferred the honor of knighthood uponGiuliano Davanzati, their Gonfalonier of Justice, and a citizen of thehighest reputation; and the Signory, not to appear less gracious thanthe pope, granted to the new created knight the government of Pisa forone year. 

There were at that time certain differences between the Roman and theGreek churches, which prevented perfect conformity in divine service;and at the last council of Bāle, the prelates of the Western churchhaving spoken at great length upon the subject, it was resolved thatefforts should be made to bring the emperor and the Greek prelates tothe council at Bāle, to endeavor to reconcile the Greek church with theRoman. Though this resolution was derogatory to the majesty of the Greekempire, and offensive to its clergy, yet being then oppressed by theTurks, and fearing their inability for defense, in order to have abetter ground for requesting assistance, they submitted; and therefore, the emperor, the patriarch, with other prelates and barons of Greece, to comply with the resolution of the council, assembled at Bāle, cameto Venice; but being terrified by the plague then prevailing, it wasresolved to terminate their differences at Florence. The Roman and Greekprelates having held a conference during several days, in which manylong discussions took place, the Greeks yielded, and agreed to adopt theritual of the church of Rome. 

CHAPTER IV

New wars in Italy--Niccolo Piccinino, in concert with the duke ofMilan, deceives the pope, and takes many places from the church--Niccoloattacks the Venetians--Fears and precautions of the Florentines--TheVenetians request assistance of the Florentines and of Sforza--Leagueagainst the duke of Milan--The Florentines resolve to send the count toassist the Venetians--Neri di Gino Capponi at Venice--His discourse tothe senate--Extreme joy of the Venetians. 

Peace being restored between the Lucchese and Florentines, and the dukeand the count having become friends, hopes were entertained that thearms of Italy would be laid aside, although those in the kingdom ofNaples, between René of Anjou and Alfonso of Aragon, could find reposeonly by the ruin of one party or the other. And though the pope wasdissatisfied with the loss of so large a portion of his territories, and the ambition of the duke and the Venetians was obvious, still it wasthought that the pontiff, from necessity, and the others from weariness, would be advocates of peace. However, a different state of feelingprevailed, for neither the duke nor the Venetians were satisfied withtheir condition; so that hostilities were resumed, and Lombardy andTuscany were again harassed by the horrors of war. The proud mind ofthe duke could not endure that the Venetians should possess Bergamo andBrescia, and he was still further annoyed, by hearing, that they wereconstantly in arms, and in the daily practice of annoying some portionof his territories. He thought, however, that he should not only be ableto restrain them, but to recover the places he had lost, if the pope, the Florentines, and the count could be induced to forego the Venetianalliance. He therefore resolved to take Romagna from the pontiff, imagining that his holiness could not injure him, and that theFlorentines, finding the conflagration so near, either for their ownsake would refrain from interference, or if they did not, could notconveniently attack him. The duke was also aware of the resentmentof the Florentines against the Venetians, on account of the affair ofLucca, and he therefore judged they would be the less eager to takearms against him on their behalf. With regard to the Count Francesco, he trusted that their new friendship, and the hope of his alliance wouldkeep him quiet. To give as little color as possible for complaint, andto lull suspicion, particularly, because in consequence of his treatywith the count, the latter could not attack Romagna, he ordered NiccoloPiccinino, as if instigated by his own ambition to do so. 

When the agreement between the duke and the count was concluded, Niccolowas in Romagna, and in pursuance of his instructions from the duke, affected to be highly incensed, that a connection had been establishedbetween him and the count, his inveterate enemy. He therefore withdrewhimself and his forces to Camurata, a place between Furli and Ravenna, which he fortified, as if designing to remain there some time, or till anew enterprise should present itself. The report of his resentment beingdiffused, Niccolo gave the pope to understand how much the duke wasunder obligation to him, and how ungrateful he proved; and he waspersuaded that, possessing nearly all the arms of Italy, under thetwo principal generals, he could render himself sole ruler: but ifhis holiness pleased, of the two principal generals whom he fanciedhe possessed, one would become his enemy, and the other be rendereduseless; for, if money were provided him, and he were kept in pay, hewould attack the territories held of the church by the count, who beingcompelled to look to his own interests, could not subserve the ambitionof Filippo. The pope giving entire credence to this representation, on account of its apparent reasonableness, sent Niccolo five thousandducats and loaded him with promises of states for himself and hischildren. And though many informed him of the deception, he could notgive credit to them, nor would he endure the conversation of any whoseemed to doubt the integrity of Niccolo's professions. The city ofRavenna was held for the church by Ostasio da Polenta. Niccolo findingfurther delay would be detrimental, since his son Francesco had, to thepope's great dishonor, pillaged Spoleto, determined to attack Ravenna, either because he judged the enterprise easy, or because he had a secretunderstanding with Ostasio, for in a few days after the attack, theplace capitulated. He then took Bologna, Imola, and Furli; and (whatis worthy of remark) of twenty fortresses held in that country for thepope, not one escaped falling into his hands. Not satisfied with theseinjuries inflicted on the pontiff, he resolved to banter him by hiswords as well as ridicule him by his deeds, and wrote, that he had onlydone as his holiness deserved, for having unblushingly attempted todivide two such attached friends as the duke and himself, and for havingdispersed over Italy letters intimating that he had quitted the duketo take part with the Venetians. Having taken possession of Romagna, Niccolo left it under the charge of his son, Francesco, and with thegreater part of his troops, went into Lombardy, where joining theremainder of the duke's forces, he attacked the country about Brescia, and having soon completely conquered it, besieged the city itself. 

The duke, who desired the Venetians to be left defenseless, excusedhimself to the pope, the Florentines, and the count, saying, that if thedoings of Niccolo were contrary to the terms of the treaty, they wereequally contrary to his wishes, and by secret messengers, assured themthat when an occasion presented itself, he would give them a convincingproof that they had been performed in disobedience to his instructions. Neither the count nor the Florentines believed him, but thought, withreason, that these enterprises had been carried on to keep them atbay, till he had subdued the Venetians, who, being full of pride, andthinking themselves able alone to resist the duke, had not deigned toask for any assistance, but carried on the war under their captain, Gattamelata. 

Count Francesco would have wished, with the consent of the Florentines, to go to the assistance of king René, if the events of Romagna andLombardy had not hindered him; and the Florentines would willingly haveconsented, from their ancient friendship to the French dynasty, but theduke was entirely in favor of Alfonso. Each being engaged in wars nearhome, refrained from distant undertakings. The Florentines, findingRomagna occupied with the duke's forces, and the Venetians defeated, asif foreseeing their own ruin in that of others, entreated the count tocome to Tuscany, where they might consider what should be done to resistFilippo's power, which was now greater than it had ever before been;assuring him that if his insolence were not in some way curbed, all thepowers of Italy would soon have to submit to him. The count felt theforce of the fears entertained by the Florentines, but his desire tosecure the duke's alliance kept him in suspense; and the duke, awareof this desire, gave him the greatest assurance that his hopes wouldbe realized as shortly as possible, if he abstained from hostilitiesagainst him. As the lady was now of marriageable age, the duke hadfrequently made all suitable preparations for the celebration of theceremony, but on one pretext or another they had always been wholly setaside. He now, to give the count greater confidence, added deeds to hiswords, and sent him thirty thousand florins, which, by the terms of themarriage contract, he had engaged to pay. 

Still the war in Lombardy proceeded with greater vehemence than ever;the Venetians constantly suffered fresh losses of territory, and thefleets they equipped upon the rivers were taken by the duke's forces;the country around Verona and Brescia was entirely occupied, and thetwo cities themselves so pressed, that their speedy fall was generallyanticipated. The marquis of Mantua, who for many years had led theforces of their republic, quite unexpectedly resigned his command, andwent over to the duke's service. Thus the course which pride preventedthem from adopting at the commencement of the war, fear compelled themto take during its progress; for knowing there was no help for them butin the friendship of the Florentines and the count, they began to makeovertures to obtain it, though with shame and apprehension; for theywere afraid of receiving a reply similar to that which they hadgiven the Florentines, when the latter applied for assistance in theenterprise against Lucca and the count's affairs. However, they foundthe Florentines more easily induced to render aid than they expected, ortheir conduct deserved; so much more were the former swayed by hatred oftheir ancient enemy, than by resentment of the ingratitude of theirold and habitual friends. Having foreseen the necessity into which theVenetians must come, they had informed the count that their ruin mustinvolve his own; that he was deceived if he thought the duke, whilefortune, would esteem him more than if he were in adversity; that theduke was induced to promise him his daughter by the fear he entertainedof him; that what necessity occasions to be promised, it also causes tobe performed; and it was therefore desirable to keep the duke in thatnecessity, which could be done without supporting the power of theVenetians. Therefore he might perceive, that if the Venetians werecompelled to abandon their inland territories, he would not only losethe advantages derivable from them, but also those to be obtained fromsuch as feared them; and that if he considered well the powers ofItaly, he would see that some were poor, and others hostile; that theFlorentines alone were not, as he had often said, sufficient for hissupport; so that on every account it was best to keep the Venetianspowerful by land. These arguments, conjoined with the hatred which thecount had conceived against Filippo, by supposing himself duped withregard to the promised alliance, induced him to consent to a new treaty;but still he would not consent to cross the Po. The agreement wasconcluded in February, 1438; the Venetians agreeing to pay two-thirds ofthe expense of the war, the Florentines one-third, and each engaging todefend the states which the count possessed in La Marca. Nor were thesethe only forces of the league, for the lord of Faenza, the sons ofPandolfo Malatesti da Rimino and Pietro Giampagolo Orsini also joinedthem. They endeavored, by very liberal offers, to gain over the marquisof Mantua, but could not prevail against the friendship and stipend ofthe duke; and the lord of Faenza, after having entered into compact withthe league, being tempted by more advantageous terms, went over to him. This made them despair of being able to effect an early settlement ofthe troubles of Romagna. 

The affairs of Lombardy were in this condition: Brescia was so closelybesieged by the duke's forces, that constant apprehensions wereentertained of her being compelled by famine to a surrender; whileVerona was so pressed, that a similar fate was expected to await her, and if one of these cities were lost, all the other preparations for thewar might be considered useless, and the expenses already incurred ascompletely wasted. For this there was no remedy, but to send the countinto Lombardy; and to this measure three obstacles presented themselves. The first was, to induce him to cross the Po, and prosecute the war inwhatever locality might be found most advisable; the second, that thecount being at a distance, the Florentines would be left almost at themercy of the duke, who, issuing from any of his fortresses, might withpart of his troops keep the count at bay, and with the rest introduceinto Tuscany the Florentine exiles, whom the existing government alreadydreaded; the third was, to determine what route the count should take toarrive safely in the Paduan territory, and join the Venetian forces. Ofthese three difficulties, the second, which particularly regarded theFlorentines, was the most serious; but, knowing the necessity of thecase, and wearied out by the Venetians, who with unceasing importunitydemanded the count, intimating that without him they should abandon allhope, they resolved to relieve their allies rather than listen to thesuggestions of their own fears. There still remained the question aboutthe route to be taken, for the safety of which they determined theVenetians should provide; and as they had sent Neri Capponi to treatwith the count and induce him to cross the Po, they determined that thesame person should also proceed to Venice, in order to make the benefitthe more acceptable to the Signory, and see that all possible securitywere given to the passage of the forces. 

Neri embarked at Cesena and went to Venice; nor was any prince everreceived with so much honor as he was; for upon his arrival, and thematters which his intervention was to decide and determine, the safetyof the republic seemed to depend. Being introduced to the senate, andin presence of the Doge, he said, "The Signory of Florence, most sereneprince, has always perceived in the duke's greatness the source of ruinboth to this republic and our own, and that the safety of both statesdepends upon their separate strength and mutual confidence. If such hadbeen the opinion of this illustrious Signory, we should ourselves havebeen in better condition, and your republic would have been free fromthe dangers that now threaten it. But as at the proper crisis youwithheld from us confidence and aid, we could not come to the relief ofyour distress, nor could you, being conscious of this, freely ask us;for neither in your prosperity nor adversity have you clearly perceivedour motives. You have not observed, that those whose deeds have onceincurred our hatred, can never become entitled to our regard; nor canthose who have once merited our affection ever after absolutely canceltheir claim. Our attachment to your most serene Signory is well known toyou all, for you have often seen Lombardy filled with our forces andour money for your assistance. Our hereditary enmity to Filippo and hishouse is universally known, and it is impossible that love or hatred, strengthened by the growth of years, can be eradicated from our mindsby any recent act either of kindness or neglect. We have always thought, and are still of the same opinion, that we might now remain neutral, greatly to the duke's satisfaction, and with little hazard to ourselves;for if by your ruin he were to become lord of Lombardy, we should stillhave sufficient influence in Italy in free us from any apprehension onour own account; for every increase of power and territory augmentsthat animosity and envy, from which arise wars and the dismembermentof states. We are also aware what heavy expenses and imminent perils weshould avoid, by declining to involve ourselves in these disputes;and how easily the field of battle may be transferred from Lombardy toTuscany, by our interference in your behalf. Yet all these apprehensionsare at once overborne by our ancient affection for the senate and peopleof Venice, and we have resolved to come to your relief with the samezeal with which we should have armed in our own defense, had we beenattacked. Therefore, the senate of Florence, judging it primarilynecessary to relieve Verona and Brescia, and thinking this impossiblewithout the count, have sent me, in the first instance, to persuadehim to pass into Lombardy, and carry on the war wherever it may be mostneedful; for you are aware he is under no obligation to cross the Po. Toinduce him to do so, I have advanced such arguments as are suggested bythe circumstances themselves, and which would prevail with us. He, beinginvincible in arms, cannot be surpassed in courtesy, and the liberalityhe sees the Florentines exercise toward you, he has resolved to outdo;for he is well aware to what dangers Tuscany will be exposed afterhis departure, and since we have made your affairs our primaryconsideration, he has also resolved to make his own subservient toyours. I come, therefore, to tender his services, with seven thousandcavalry and two thousand infantry, ready at once to march against theenemy, wherever he may be. And I beg of you, so do my lords at Florenceand the count, that as his forces exceed the number he has engaged tofurnish you, out of your liberality, would remunerate him, that he maynot repent of having come to your assistance, nor we, who have prevailedwith him to do so. " This discourse of Neri to the senate was listenedto with that profound attention which an oracle might be imagined tocommand; and his audience were so moved by it, that they could notrestrain themselves, till the prince had replied, as strict decorumon such occasions required, but rising from their seats, with upliftedhands, and most of them with tears in their eyes, they thanked theFlorentines for their generous conduct, and the ambassador for hisunusual dispatch; and promised that time should never cancel theremembrance of such goodness, either in their own hearts, or theirchildren's; and that their country, thenceforth, should be common to theFlorentines with themselves. 

CHAPTER V

Francesco Sforza marches to assist the Venetians, and relievesVerona--He attempts to relieve Brescia but fails--The Venetians routedby Piccinino upon the Lake of Garda--Piccinino routed by Sforza;the method of his escape--Piccinino surprises Verona--Description ofVerona--Recovered by Sforza--The duke of Milan makes war against theFlorentines--Apprehensions of the Florentines--Cardinal Vitelleschitheir enemy. 

When their demonstrations of gratitude had subsided, the Venetiansenate, by the aid of Neri di Gino, began to consider the route thecount ought to take, and how to provide him with necessaries. There werefour several roads; one by Ravenna, along the beach, which on account ofits being in many places interrupted by the sea and by marshes, was notapproved. The next was the most direct, but rendered inconvenient by atower called the Uccellino, which being held for the duke, it would benecessary to capture; and to do this, would occupy more time than couldbe spared with safety to Verona and Brescia. The third was by the brinkof the lake; but as the Po had overflowed its banks, to pass in thisdirection was impossible. The fourth was by the way of Bologna to PontePuledrano, Cento, and Pieve; then between the Bondeno and the Finaleto Ferrara, and thence they might by land or water enter the Paduanterritory, and join the Venetian forces. This route, though attendedwith many difficulties, and in some parts liable to be disputed by theenemy, was chosen as the least objectionable. The count having receivedhis instructions, commenced his march, and by exerting the utmostcelerity, reached the Paduan territory on the twentieth of June. Thearrival of this distinguished commander in Lombardy filled Venice andall her dependencies with hope; for the Venetians, who only an instantbefore had been in fear for their very existence, began to contemplatenew conquests. 

The count, before he made any other attempt, hastened to the relief ofVerona; and to counteract his design, Niccolo led his forces to Soave, acastle situated between the Vincentino and the Veronese, and entrenchedhimself by a ditch that extended from Soave to the marshes of the Adige. The count, finding his passage by the plain cut off, resolved to proceedby the mountains, and thus reach Verona, thinking Niccolo would imaginethis way to be so rugged and elevated as to be impracticable, or ifhe thought otherwise, he would not be in time to prevent him; so, withprovisions for eight days, he took the mountain path, and with hisforces, arrived in the plain, below Soave. Niccolo had, even upon thisroute, erected some bastions for the purpose of preventing him, but theywere insufficient for the purpose; and finding the enemy had, contraryto his expectations, effected a passage, to avoid a disadvantageousengagement he crossed to the opposite side of the Adige, and the countentered Verona without opposition. 

Having happily succeeded in his first project, that of relieving Verona, the count now endeavored to render a similar service to Brescia. Thiscity is situated so close to the Lake of Garda, that although besiegedby land, provisions may always be sent into it by water. On this accountthe duke had assembled a large force in the immediate vicinity of thelake, and at the commencement of his victories occupied all the placeswhich by its means might relieve Brescia. The Venetians also had galleysupon the lake, but they were unequal to a contest with those of theduke. The count therefore deemed it advisable to aid the Venetian fleetwith his land forces, by which means he hoped to obtain without muchdifficulty those places which kept Brescia in blockade. He thereforeencamped before Bardolino, a fortress situated upon the lake, trustingthat after it was taken the others would surrender. But fortune opposedthis design, for a great part of his troops fell sick; so, giving upthe enterprise, he went to Zevio, a Veronese castle, in a healthy andplentiful situation. Niccolo, upon the count's retreat, not to let slipan opportunity of making himself master of the lake, left his camp atVegasio, and with a body of picked men took the way thither, attackedthe Venetian fleet with the utmost impetuosity, and took nearly thewhole of it. By this victory almost all the fortresses upon the lakefell into his hands. 

The Venetians, alarmed at this loss, and fearing that in consequenceof it Brescia would surrender, solicited the count, by letters andmessengers, to go to its relief; and he, perceiving that all hope ofrendering assistance from the lake was cut off, and that to attemptan approach by land, on account of the ditches, bastions, and otherdefenses erected by Niccolo, was marching to certain destruction, determined that as the passage by the mountains had enabled him torelieve Verona, it should also contribute to the preservation ofBrescia. Having taken this resolution, the count left Zevio, and by wayof the Val d'Acri went to the Lake of St. Andrea, and thence to Torboliand Peneda, upon the Lake of Garda. He then proceeded to Tenna, andbesieged the fortress, which it was necessary to occupy before he couldreach Brescia. 

Niccolo, on being acquainted with the count's design, led his army toPeschiera. He then, with the marquis of Mantua and a chosen body of men, went to meet him, and coming to an engagement, was routed, his peopledispersed, and many of them taken, while others fled to the fleet, andsome to the main body of his army. It was now nightfall, and Niccolohad escaped to Tenna, but he knew that if he were to remain there tillmorning, he must inevitably fall into the enemy's hands; therefore, toavoid a catastrophe which might be regarded as almost fatal, he resolvedto make a dangerous experiment. Of all his attendants he had only withhim a single servant, a Dutchman, of great personal strength, and whohad always been devotedly attached to him. Niccolo induced this manto take him upon his shoulders in a sack, as if he had been carryingproperty of his master's, and to bear him to a place of security. Theenemy's lines surrounded Tenna, but on account of the previous day'svictory, all was in disorder, and no guard was kept, so that theDutchman, disguised as a trooper, passed through them without anyopposition, and brought his master in safety to his own troops. 

Had this victory been as carefully improved as it was fortunatelyobtained, Brescia would have derived from it greater relief and theVenetians more permanent advantage; but they, having thoughtlessly letit slip, the rejoicings were soon over, and Brescia remained in herformer difficulties. Niccolo, having returned to his forces, resolved bysome extraordinary exertion to cancel the impression of his death, and deprive the Venetians of the change of relieving Brescia. He wasacquainted with the topography of the citadel of Verona, and had learnedfrom prisoners whom he had taken, that it was badly guarded, and mightbe very easily recovered. He perceived at once that fortune presentedhim with an opportunity of regaining the laurels he had lately lost, andof changing the joy of the enemy for their recent victory into sorrowfor a succeeding disaster. The city of Verona is situated in Lombardy, at the foot of the mountains which divide Italy from Germany, so thatit occupies part both of hill and plain. The river Adige rises in thevalley of Trento, and entering Italy, does not immediately traverse thecountry, but winding to the left, along the base of the hills, entersVerona, and crosses the city, which it divides unequally, giving muchthe larger portion to the plain. On the mountain side of the river aretwo fortresses, formidable rather from their situation than from theiractual strength, for being very elevated they command the whole place. One is called San Piero, the other San Felice. On the opposite side ofthe Adige, upon the plain, with their backs against the city walls, aretwo other fortresses, about a mile distant from each other, one calledthe Old the other the New Citadel, and a wall extends between them thatmay be compared to a bowstring, of which the city wall is the arc. Thespace comprehended within this segment is very populous, and is calledthe Borgo of St. Zeno. Niccolo Piccinino designed to capture thesefortresses and the Borgo, and he hoped to succeed without muchdifficulty, as well on account of the ordinary negligence of the guard, which their recent successes would probably increase, as because inwar no enterprise is more likely to be successful than one which by theenemy is deemed impossible. With a body of picked men, and accompaniedby the marquis of Mantua, he proceeded by night to Verona, silentlyscaled the walls, and took the New Citadel: then entering the place withhis troops, he forced the gate of S. Antonio, and introduced the wholeof his cavalry. The Venetian garrison of the Old Citadel hearing anuproar, when the guards of the New were slaughtered, and again when thegate was forced, being now aware of the presence of enemies, raised analarm, and called the people to arms. The citizens awaking in theutmost confusion, some of the boldest armed and hastened to the rector'spiazza. In the meantime, Niccolo's forces had pillaged the Borgo of SanZeno; and proceeding onward were ascertained by the people to be theduke's forces, but being defenseless they advised the Venetian rectorsto take refuge in the fortresses, and thus save themselves and theplace; as it was more advisable to preserve their lives and so rich acity for better fortune, than by endeavoring to repel the present evil, encounter certain death, and incur universal pillage. Upon this therectors and all the Venetian party, fled to the fortress of San Felice. Some of the first citizens, anxious to avoid being plundered by thetroops, presented themselves before Niccolo and the marquis of Mantua, and begged they would rather take possession of a rich city, with honorto themselves, than of a poor one to their own disgrace; particularly asthey had not induced either the favor of its former possessors, orthe animosity of its present masters, by self-defense. The marquis andNiccolo encouraged them, and protected their property to the utmost oftheir power during such a state of military license. As they felt surethe count would endeavor to recover the city, they made every possibleexertion to gain possession of the fortresses, and those they could notseize they cut off from the rest of the place by ditches and barricades, so that the enemy might be shut out. 

The Count Francesco was with his army at Tenna; and when the report wasfirst brought to him he refused to credit it; but being assured ofthe fact by parties whom it would have been ridiculous to doubt, heresolved, by the exertion of uncommon celerity, to repair the evilnegligence had occasioned; and though all his officers advised theabandonment of Verona and Brescia, and a march to Vicenza, lest hemight be besieged by the enemy in his present situation, he refused, butresolved to attempt the recovery of Verona. During the consultation, heturned to the Venetian commissaries and to Bernardo de' Medici, who wasthere as commissary for the Florentines, and promised them the recoveryof the place if one of the fortresses should hold out. Having collectedhis forces, he proceeded with the utmost speed to Verona. Observing hisapproach, Niccolo thought he designed, according to the advice he hadreceived, to go to Vicenza, but finding him continue to draw near, andtaking the direction of San Felice, he prepared for its defense--thoughtoo late; for the barricades were not completed; his men were dispersedin quest of plunder, or extorting money from the inhabitants by way ofransom; and he could not collect them in time to prevent the count'stroops from entering the fortress. They then descended into the city, which they happily recovered, to Niccolo's disgrace, and with the lossof great numbers of his men. He himself, with the marquis of Mantua, first took refuge in the citadel, and thence escaping into the country, fled to Mantua, where, having assembled the relics of their army, theyhastened to join those who were at the siege of Brescia. Thus in fourdays Verona was lost and again recovered from the duke. The count, afterthis victory, it being now winter and the weather very severe, havingfirst with considerable difficulty thrown provisions into Brescia, went into quarters at Verona, and ordered, that during the cold season, galleys should be provided at Torboli, that upon the return of spring, they might be in a condition to proceed vigorously to effect thepermanent relief of Brescia. 

The duke, finding the war suspended for a time, the hope he hadentertained of occupying Brescia and Verona annihilated, and the moneyand counsels of the Florentines the cause of this, and seeing thatneither the injuries they had received from the Venetians could alienatethem, nor all the promises he had made attach them to himself, hedetermined, in order to make them feel more closely the effects of thecourse they had adopted, to attack Tuscany; to which he was strenuouslyadvised by the Florentine exiles and Niccolo. The latter advocated thisfrom his desire to recover the states of Braccio, and expel the countfrom La Marca; the former, from their wish to return home, and eachby suitable arguments endeavored to induce the duke to follow the plancongenial to their own views. Niccolo argued that he might be sent intoTuscany, and continue the siege of Brescia; for he was master ofthe lake, the fortresses were well provided, and their officers werequalified to oppose the count should he undertake any fresh enterprise;which it was not likely he would do without first relieving Brescia, athing impossible; and thus the duke might carry on the war in Tuscany, without giving up his attempts in Lombardy; intimating that theFlorentines would be compelled, as soon as he entered Tuscany, to recallthe count to avoid complete ruin; and whatever course they took, victoryto the duke must be the result. The exiles affirmed, that if Niccolowith his army were to approach Florence, the people oppressed withtaxes, and wearied out by the insolence of the great, would mostassuredly not oppose him, and pointed out the facility of reachingFlorence; for the way by the Casentino would be open to them, throughthe friendship of Rinaldo and the Count di Poppi; and thus the duke, who was previously inclined to the attempt, was induced by their jointpersuasions to make it. The Venetians, on the other hand, though thewinter was severe, incessantly urged the count to relieve Brescia withall his forces. The count questioned the possibility of so doing, andadvised them to wait the return of spring, in the meantime strengtheningtheir fleet as much as possible, and then assist it both by land andwater. This rendered the Venetians dissatisfied; they were dilatory infurnishing provisions, and consequently many deserted from their army. 

The Florentines, being informed of these transactions, became alarmed, perceiving the war threatening themselves, and the little progress madein Lombardy. Nor did the suspicion entertained by them of the troops ofthe church give them less uneasiness; not that the pope was their enemy, but because they saw those forces more under the sway of the patriarch, who was their greatest foe. Giovanni Vitelleschi of Corneto was at firstapostolic notary, then bishop of Recanati, and afterward patriarch ofAlexandria; but at last, becoming a cardinal, he was called Cardinal ofFlorence. He was bold and cunning; and, having obtained great influence, was appointed to command all the forces of the church, and conduct allthe enterprises of the pontiff, whether in Tuscany, Romagna, the kingdomof Naples, or in Rome. Hence he acquired so much power over the pontiff, and the papal troops, that the former was afraid of commanding him, andthe latter obeyed no one else. The cardinal's presence at Rome, whenthe report came of Niccolo's design to march into Tuscany, redoubled thefear of the Florentines; for, since Rinaldo was expelled, he had becomean enemy of the republic, from finding that the arrangements made by hismeans were not only disregarded, but converted to Rinaldo's prejudice, and caused the laying down of arms, which had given his enemies anopportunity of banishing him. In consequence of this, the governmentthought it would be advisable to restore and indemnify Rinaldo, in caseNiccolo came into Tuscany and were joined by him. Their apprehensionswere increased by their being unable to account for Niccolo's departurefrom Lombardy, and his leaving one enterprise almost completed, toundertake another so entirely doubtful; which they could not reconcilewith their ideas of consistency, except by supposing some new design hadbeen adopted, or some hidden treachery intended. They communicated theirfears to the pope, who was now sensible of his error in having endowedthe cardinal with too much authority. 

CHAPTER VI

The pope imprisons the cardinal and assists the Florentines--Differenceof opinion between the count and the Venetians respecting the managementof the war. The Florentines reconcile them--The count wishes to go intoTuscany to oppose Piccinino, but is prevented by the Venetians--NiccoloPiccinino in Tuscany--He takes Marradi, and plunders the neighborhoodof Florence--Description of Marradi--Cowardice of BartolomeoOrlandini--Brave resistance of Castel San Niccolo--San Niccolosurrenders--Piccinino attempts to take Cortona, but fails. 

While the Florentines were thus anxious, fortune disclosed the means ofsecuring themselves against the patriarch's malevolence. The republiceverywhere exercised the very closest espionage over epistolarycommunication, in order to discover if any persons were plotting againstthe state. It happened that letters were intercepted at Monte Pulciano, which had been written by the patriarch to Niccolo without the pope'sknowledge; and although they were written in an unusual character, andthe sense so involved that no distinct idea could be extracted, theobscurity itself, and the whole aspect of the matter so alarmed thepontiff, that he resolved to seize the person of the cardinal, a duty hecommitted to Antonio Rido, of Padua, who had the command of the castleof St. Angelo, and who, after receiving his instructions, soon foundan opportunity of carrying them into effect. The patriarch, havingdetermined to go into Tuscany, prepared to leave Rome on the followingday, and ordered the castellan to be upon the drawbridge of the fortressin the morning, for he wished to speak with him as he passed. Antonioperceived this to be the favorable moment, informed his people what theywere to do, and awaited the arrival of the patriarch upon the bridge, which adjoined the building, and might for the purpose of security beraised or lowered as occasion required. The appointed time found himpunctual; and Antonio, having drawn him, as if for the convenienceof conversation, on to the bridge, gave a signal to his men, whoimmediately raised it, and in a moment the cardinal, from being acommander of armies, found himself a prisoner of the castellan. Thepatriarch's followers at first began to use threats, but being informedof the pope's directions they were appeased. The castellan comfortinghim with kind words, he replied, that "the great do not make each otherprisoners to let them go again; and that those whom it is proper totake, it is not well to set free. " He shortly afterward died in prison. The pope appointed Lodovico, patriarch of Aquileia, to command histroops; and, though previously unwilling to interfere in the wars ofthe league and the duke, he was now content to take part in them, andengaged to furnish four thousand horse and two thousand foot for thedefense of Tuscany. 

The Florentines, freed from this cause for anxiety, were stillapprehensive of Niccolo, and feared confusion in the affairs ofLombardy, from the differences of opinion that existed between the countand the Venetians. In order the better to become acquainted with theintentions of the parties, they sent Neri di Gini Capponi and GiulianoDavanzati to Venice, with instructions to assist in the arrangement ofthe approaching campaign; and ordered that Neri, having discovered howthe Venetians were disposed, should proceed to the count, learnhis designs, and induce him to adopt the course that would be mostadvantageous to the League. The ambassadors had only reached Ferrara, when they were told that Niccolo Piccinino had crossed the Po with sixthousand horse. This made them travel with increased speed; and, havingarrived at Venice, they found the Signory fully resolved that Bresciashould be relieved without waiting for the return of spring; for theysaid that "the city would be unable to hold out so long, the fleet couldnot be in readiness, and that seeing no more immediate relief, she wouldsubmit to the enemy; which would render the duke universally victorious, and cause them to lose the whole of their inland possessions. " Neri thenproceeded to Verona to ascertain the count's opinion, who argued, formany reasons, that to march to Brescia before the return of spring wouldbe quite useless, or even worse; for the situation of Brescia, beingconsidered in conjunction with the season, nothing could be expected toresult but disorder and fruitless toil to the troops; so that, when thesuitable period should arrive, he would be compelled to return to Veronawith his army, to recover from the injuries sustained in the winter, andprovide necessaries for the summer; and thus the time available for thewar would be wasted in marching and countermarching. Orsatto Justinianiand Giovanni Pisani were deputed on the part of Venice to the count atVerona, having been sent to consider these affairs, and with them it wasagreed that the Venetians should pay the count ninety thousand ducatsfor the coming year, and to each of the soldiers forty ducats; that heshould set out immediately with the whole army and attack the duke, inorder to compel him, for his own preservation, to recall Niccolo intoLombardy. After this agreement the ambassadors returned to Venice; andthe Venetians, having so large an amount of money to raise, were veryremiss with their commissariat. 

In the meantime, Niccolo Piccinino pursued his route, and arrived inRomagna, where he prevailed upon the sons of Pandolfo Malatesti todesert the Venetians and enter the duke's service. This circumstanceoccasioned much uneasiness in Venice, and still more at Florence;for they thought that with the aid of the Malatesti they might resistNiccolo; but finding them gone over to the enemy, they were in fear lesttheir captain, Piero Giampagolo Orsini, who was in the territories ofthe Malatesti, should be disarmed and rendered powerless. The count alsofelt alarmed, for, through Niccolo's presence in Tuscany, he wasafraid of losing La Marca; and, urged by a desire to look after hisown affairs, he hastened to Venice, and being introduced to the Doge, informed him that the interests of the League required his presence inTuscany; for the war ought to be carried on where the leader and forcesof the enemy were, and not where his garrisons and towns were situated;for when the army is vanquished the war is finished; but to take townsand leave the armament entire, usually allowed the war to break outagain with greater virulence; that Tuscany and La Marca would be lost ifNiccolo were not vigorously resisted, and that, if lost, there would beno possibility of the preservation of Lombardy. But supposing thedanger to Lombardy not so imminent, he did not intend to abandon his ownsubjects and friends, and that having come into Lombardy as a prince, hedid not intend to return a mere condottiere. To this the Doge replied, it was quite manifest that, if he left Lombardy, or even recrossed thePo, all their inland territories would be lost; in that case they wereunwilling to spend any more money in their defense. For it would befolly to attempt defending a place which must, after all, inevitablybe lost; and that it is less disgraceful and less injurious to losedominions only, then to lose both territory and money. That if the lossof their inland possessions should actually result, it would then beseen how highly important to the preservation of Romagna and Tuscanythe reputation of the Venetians had been. On these accounts they were ofquite a different opinion from the count; for they saw that whoever wasvictor in Lombardy would be so everywhere else, that conquest would beeasily attainable now, when the territories of the duke were left almostdefenseless by the departure of Niccolo, and that he would be ruinedbefore he could order Niccolo's recall, or provide himself with anyother remedy; that whoever attentively considered these things wouldsee, that the duke had sent Niccolo into Tuscany for no other reasonthan to withdraw the count from his enterprise, and cause the war, whichwas now at his own door, to be removed to a greater distance. That ifthe count were to follow Niccolo, unless at the instigation of some verypressing necessity, he would find his plan successful, and rejoice inthe adoption of it; but if he were to remain in Lombardy, and allowTuscany to shift for herself, the duke would, when too late, see theimprudence of his conduct, and find that he had lost his territories inLombardy and gained nothing in Tuscany. Each party having spoken, itwas determined to wait a few days to see what would result from theagreement of the Malatesti with Niccolo; whether the Florentines couldavail themselves of Piero Giampagolo, and whether the pope intended tojoin the League with all the earnestness he had promised. Not manydays after these resolutions were adopted, it was ascertained that theMalatesti had made the agreement more from fear than any ill-will towardthe League; that Piero Giampagolo had proceeded with his force towardTuscany, and that the pope was more disposed than ever to assistthem. This favorable intelligence dissipated the count's fears, and heconsented to remain in Lombardy, and that Neri Capponi should returnto Florence with a thousand of his own horse, and five hundred from theother parties. It was further agreed, that if the affairs of Tuscanyshould require the count's presence, Neri should write to him, and hewould proceed thither to the exclusion of every other consideration. Neri arrived at Florence with his forces in April, and Giampagolo joinedthem the same day. 

In the meantime, Niccolo Piccinino, the affairs of Romagna beingsettled, purposed making a descent into Tuscany, and designing to go bythe mountain passes of San Benedetto and the valley of Montone, foundthem so well guarded by the contrivance of Niccolo da Pisa, that hisutmost exertions would be useless in that direction. As the Florentines, upon this sudden attack, were unprovided with troops and officers, theyhad sent into the defiles of these hills many of their citizens, with infantry raised upon the emergency to guard them, among whom wasBartolomeo Orlandini, a cavaliere, to whom was intrusted the defenseof the castle of Marradi and the adjacent passes. Niccolo Piccinino, finding the route by San Benedetto impracticable, on account of thebravery of its commander, thought the cowardice of the officer whodefended that of Marradi would render the passage easy. Marradi is acastle situated at the foot of the mountains which separate Tuscany fromRomagna; and, though destitute of walls, the river, the mountains, andthe inhabitants, make it a place of great strength; for the peasantryare warlike and faithful, and the rapid current undermining the bankshas left them of such tremendous height that it is impossible toapproach it from the valley if a small bridge over the stream bedefended; while on the mountain side the precipices are so steep andperpendicular as to render it almost impregnable. In spite of theseadvantages, the pusillanimity of Bartolomeo Orlandini rendered the mencowardly and the fortress untenable; for as soon as he heard of theenemy's approach he abandoned the place, fled with all his forces, anddid not stop till he reached the town of San Lorenzo. Niccolo, enteringthe deserted fortress, wondered it had not been defended, and, rejoicingover his acquisition, descended into the valley of the Mugello, wherehe took some castles, and halted with his army at Pulicciano. Thence heoverran the country as far as the mountains of Fiesole; and his audacityso increased that he crossed the Arno, plundering and destroyingeverything to within three miles of Florence. 

The Florentines, however, were not dismayed. Their first concern wasto give security to the government, for which they had no cause forapprehension, so universal was the good will of the people toward Cosmo;and besides this, they had restricted the principal offices to a fewcitizens of the highest class, who with their vigilance would have keptthe populace in order, even if they had been discontented or desirous ofchange. They also knew by the compact made in Lombardy what forcesNeri would bring with him, and expected the troops of the pope. Theseprospects sustained their courage till the arrival of Neri di Gino, who, on account of the disorders and fears of the city, determined to set outimmediately and check Niccolo. With the cavalry he possessed, and a bodyof infantry raised entirely from the people, he recovered Remole fromthe hands of the enemy, where having encamped, he put a stop to allfurther depredations, and gave the inhabitants hopes of repellingthe enemy from the neighborhood. Niccolo finding that, although theFlorentines were without troops, no disturbance had arisen, and learningwhat entire composure prevailed in the city, thought he was wastingtime, and resolved to undertake some other enterprise to induce them tosend forces after him, and give him a chance of coming to an engagement, by means of which, if victorious, he trusted everything would succeed tohis wishes. 

Francesco, Count di Poppi, was in the army of Niccolo, having desertedthe Florentines, with whom he was in league, when the enemy entered theMugello; and though with the intention of securing him as soon as theyhad an idea of his design, they increased his appointments, and made himcommissary over all the places in his vicinity; still, so powerful isthe attachment to party, that no benefit or fear could eradicate theaffection he bore toward Rinaldo and the late government; so that assoon as he knew Niccolo was at hand he joined him, and with the utmostsolicitude entreated him to leave the city and pass into the Casentino, pointing out to him the strength of the country, and how easily he mightthence harass his enemies. Niccolo followed his advice, and arrivingin the Casentino, took Romena and Bibbiena, and then pitched his campbefore Castel San Niccolo. This fortress is situated at the foot of themountains which divide the Casentino from the Val d'Arno; and being inan elevated situation, and well garrisoned, it was difficult to take, though Niccolo, with catapults and other engines, assailed it withoutintermission. The siege had continued more than twenty days, duringwhich the Florentines had collected all their forces, having assembledunder several leaders, three thousand horse, at Fegghine, commanded byPiero Giampagolo Orsini, their captain, and Neri Capponi and Bernardode' Medici, commissaries. Four messengers, from Castel San Niccolo, weresent to them to entreat succor. The commissaries having examined thesite, found it could not be relieved, except from the Alpine regions, in the direction of the Val d'Arno, the summit of which was more easilyattainable by the enemy than by themselves, on account of their greaterproximity, and because the Florentines could not approach withoutobservation; so that it would be making a desperate attempt, and mightoccasion the destruction of the forces. The commissaries, therefore, commended their fidelity, and ordered that when they could hold out nolonger, they should surrender. Niccolo took the fortress after a siegeof thirty-two days; and the loss of so much time, for the attainmentof so small an advantage, was the principle cause of the failure of hisexpedition; for had he remained with his forces near Florence, he wouldhave almost deprived the government of all power to compel the citizensto furnish money: nor would they so easily have assembled forces andtaken other precautions, if the enemy had been close upon them, asthey did while he was at a distance. Besides this, many would have beendisposed to quiet their apprehensions of Niccolo, by concluding a peace;particularly, as the contest was likely to be of some duration. Thedesire of the Count di Poppi to avenge himself on the inhabitants ofSan Niccolo, long his enemies, occasioned his advice to Piccinino, whoadopted it for the purpose of pleasing him; and this caused the ruinof both. It seldom happens, that the gratification of private feelings, fails to be injurious to the general convenience. 

Niccolo, pursuing his good fortune, took Rassina and Chiusi. The Countdi Poppi advised him to halt in these parts, arguing that he mightdivide his people between Chiusi, Caprese, and the Pieve, render himselfmaster of this branch of the Apennines, and descend at pleasure into theCasentino, the Val d'Arno, the Val di Chiane, or the Val di Tavere, as well as be prepared for every movement of the enemy. But Niccolo, considering the sterility of these places, told him, "his horses couldnot eat stones, " and went to the Borgo San Sepolcro, where he wasamicably received, but found that the people of Citta di Castello, whowere friendly to the Florentines, could not be induced to yield to hisovertures. Wishing to have Perugia at his disposal, he proceededthither with forty horse, and being one of her citizens, met with a kindreception. But in a few days he became suspected, and having attemptedunsuccessfully to tamper with the legate and people of Perugia, he tookeight thousand ducats from them, and returned to his army. He then seton foot secret measures, to seduce Cortona from the Florentines, butthe affair being discovered, his attempts were fruitless. Among theprincipal citizens was Bartolomeo di Senso, who being appointed to theevening watch of one of the gates, a countryman, his friend, told him, that if he went he would be slain. Bartolomeo, requesting to know whatwas meant, he became acquainted with the whole affair, and revealed itto the governor of the place, who, having secured the leaders of theconspiracy, and doubled the guards at the gates, waited till the timeappointed for the coming of Niccolo, who finding his purpose discovered, returned to his encampment. 

CHAPTER VII

Brescia relieved by Sforza--His other victories--Piccinino isrecalled into Lombardy--He endeavors to bring the Florentines to anengagement--He is routed before Anghiari--Serious disorders in thecamp of the Florentines after the victory--Death of Rinaldo degliAlbizzi--His character--Neri Capponi goes to recover the Casentino--TheCount di Poppi surrenders--His discourse upon quitting his possessions. 

While these events were taking place in Tuscany, so little to theadvantage of the duke, his affairs in Lombardy were in a still worsecondition. The Count Francesco, as soon as the season would permit, tookthe field with his army, and the Venetians having again covered the lakewith their galleys, he determined first of all to drive the duke fromthe water; judging, that this once effected, his remaining task would beeasy. He therefore, with the Venetian fleet, attacked that of the duke, and destroyed it. His land forces took the castles held for Filippo, and the ducal troops who were besieging Brescia, being informed ofthese transactions, withdrew; and thus, the city, after standing a threeyears' siege, was at length relieved. The count then went in questof the enemy, whose forces were encamped before Soncino, a fortresssituated upon the River Oglio; these he dislodged and compelled toretreat to Cremona, where the duke again collected his forces, andprepared for his defense. But the count constantly pressing him moreclosely, he became apprehensive of losing either the whole, or thegreater part, of his territories; and perceiving the unfortunate stephe had taken, in sending Niccolo into Tuscany, in order to correct hiserror, he wrote to acquaint him with what had transpired, desiring him, with all possible dispatch, to leave Tuscany and return to Lombardy. 

In the meantime, the Florentines, under their commissaries, had drawntogether their forces, and being joined by those of the pope, halted atAnghiari, a castle placed at the foot of the mountains that divide theVal di Tavere from the Val di Chiane, distant four miles from theBorgo San Sepolcro, on a level road, and in a country suitable for theevolutions of cavalry or a battlefield. As the Signory had heard of thecount's victory and the recall of Niccolo, they imagined that withoutagain drawing a sword or disturbing the dust under their horses' feet, the victory was their own, and the war at an end, they wrote to thecommissaries, desiring them to avoid an engagement, as Niccolo couldnot remain much longer in Tuscany. These instructions coming to theknowledge of Piccinino, and perceiving the necessity of his speedyreturn, to leave nothing unattempted, he determined to engage the enemy, expecting to find them unprepared, and not disposed for battle. In thisdetermination he was confirmed by Rinaldo, the Count di Poppi, and otherFlorentine exiles, who saw their inevitable ruin in the departure ofNiccolo, and hoped, that if he engaged the enemy, they would eitherbe victorious, or vanquished without dishonor. This resolution beingadopted, Niccolo led his army, unperceived by the enemy, from Citta diCastello to the Borgo, where he enlisted two thousand men, who, trustingthe general's talents and promises, followed him in hope of plunder. Niccolo then led his forces in battle array toward Anghiari, andhad arrived within two miles of the place, when Micheletto Attenduloobserved great clouds of dust, and conjecturing at once, that it mustbe occasioned by the enemy's approach, immediately called the troops toarms. Great confusion prevailed in the Florentine camp, for the ordinarynegligence and want of discipline were now increased by their presumingthe enemy to be at a distance, and they were more disposed to fight thanto battle; so that everyone was unarmed, and some wandering from thecamp, either led by their desire to avoid the excessive heat, or inpursuit of amusement. So great was the diligence of the commissaries andof the captain, that before the enemy's arrival, the men were mountedand prepared to resist their attack; and as Micheletto was the first toobserve their approach, he was also first armed and ready to meet them, and with his troops hastened to the bridge which crosses the river at ashort distance from Anghiari. Pietro Giampagolo having previous to thesurprise, filled up the ditches on either side of the road, and leveledthe ground between the bridge and Anghiari, and Micheletto having takenhis position in front of the former, the legate and Simoncino, who ledthe troops of the church, took post on the right, and the commissariesof the Florentines, with Pietro Giampagolo, their captain, on the left;the infantry being drawn up along the banks of the river. Thus, the onlycourse the enemy could take, was the direct one over the bridge; norhad the Florentines any other field for their exertions, excepting thattheir infantry were ordered, in case their cavalry were attacked inflank by the hostile infantry, to assail them with their cross bows, andprevent them from wounding the flanks of the horses crossing the bridge. Micheletto bravely withstood the enemy's charge upon the bridge; butAstorre and Francesco Piccinino coming up, with a picked body of men, attacked him so vigorously, that he was compelled to give way, andwas pushed as far as the foot of the hill which rises toward the Borgod'Anghiari; but they were in turn repulsed and driven over the bridge, by the troops that took them in flank. The battle continued two hours, during which each side had frequent possession of the bridge, and theirattempts upon it were attended with equal success; but on both sides ofthe river, the disadvantage of Niccolo was manifest; for when his peoplecrossed the bridge, they found the enemy unbroken, and the groundbeing leveled, they could manoeuvre without difficulty, and the wearybe relieved by such as were fresh. But when the Florentines crossed, Niccolo could not relieve those that were harassed, on account of thehindrance interposed by the ditches and embankments on each side of theroad; thus whenever his troops got possession of the bridge, they weresoon repulsed by the fresh forces of the Florentines; but when thebridge was taken by the Florentines, and they passed over and proceededupon the road, Niccolo having no opportunity to reinforce his troops, being prevented by the impetuosity of the enemy and the inconvenience ofthe ground, the rear guard became mingled with the van, and occasionedthe utmost confusion and disorder; they were forced to flee, andhastened at full speed toward the Borgo. The Florentine troops fell uponthe plunder, which was very valuable in horses, prisoners, and militarystores, for not more than a thousand of the enemy's cavalry reached thetown. The people of the Borgo, who had followed Niccolo in the hope ofplunder, became booty themselves, all of them being taken, and obligedto pay a ransom. The colors and carriages were also captured. Thisvictory was much more advantageous to the Florentines than injurious tothe duke; for, had they been conquered, Tuscany would have been his own;but he, by his defeat, only lost the horses and accoutrements of hisarmy, which could be replaced without any very serious expense. Nor wasthere ever an instance of wars being carried on in an enemy's countrywith less injury to the assailants than at this; for in so great adefeat, and in a battle which continued four hours, only one man died, and he, not from wounds inflicted by hostile weapons, or any honorablemeans, but, having fallen from his horse, was trampled to death. Combatants then engaged with little danger; being nearly all mounted, covered with armor, and preserved from death whenever they choseto surrender, there was no necessity for risking their lives; whilefighting, their armor defended them, and when they could resist nolonger, they yielded and were safe. 

This battle, from the circumstances which attended and followed it, presents a striking example of the wretched state of military disciplinein those times. The enemy's forces being defeated and driven into theBorgo, the commissaries desired to pursue them, in order to make thevictory complete, but not a single condottiere or soldier would obey, alleging, as a sufficient reason for their refusal, that they must takecare of the booty and attend to their wounded; and, what is still moresurprising, the next day, without permission from the commissaries, orthe least regard for their commanders, they went to Arezzo, and, havingsecured their plunder, returned to Anghiari; a thing so contrary tomilitary order and all subordination, that the merest shadow of aregular army would easily and most justly have wrested from themthe victory they had so undeservedly obtained. Added to this, themen-at-arms, or heavy-armed horse, who had been taken prisoners, whomthe commissaries wished to be detained that they might not rejoin theenemy, were set at liberty, contrary to their orders. It is astonishing, that an army so constructed should have sufficient energy to obtainthe victory, or that any should be found so imbecile as to allow such adisorderly rabble to vanquish them. The time occupied by the Florentineforces in going and returning from Arezzo, gave Niccolo opportunity ofescaping from the Borgo, and proceeding toward Romagna. Along with himalso fled the Florentine exiles, who, finding no hope of their returnhome, took up their abodes in various parts of Italy, each accordingto his own convenience. Rinaldo made choice of Ancona; and, to gainadmission to the celestial country, having lost the terrestrial, heperformed a pilgrimage to the holy sepulcher; whence having returned, hedied suddenly while at table at the celebration of the marriage of oneof his daughters; an instance of fortune's favor, in removing him fromthe troubles of this world upon the least sorrowful day of his exile. Rinaldo d'Albizzi appeared respectable under every change of condition;and would have been more so had he lived in a united city, for manyqualities were injurious to him in a factious community, which in anharmonious one would have done him honor. 

When the forces returned from Arezzo, Niccolo being then gone, thecommissaries presented themselves at the Borgo, the people of which werewilling to submit to the Florentines; but their offer was declined, and while negotiations were pending, the pope's legate imagined thecommissaries designed to take it from the church. Hard words wereexchanged and hostilities might have ensued between the Florentineand ecclesiastical forces, if the misunderstanding had continued muchlonger; but as it was brought to the conclusion desired by the legate, peace was restored. 

While the affair of the Borgo San Sepolcro was in progress, NiccoloPiccinino was supposed to have marched toward Rome; other accountssaid La Marca, and hence the legate and the count's forces moved towardPerugia to relieve La Marca or Rome, as the case might be, and Bernardode Medici accompanied them. Neri led the Florentine forces to recoverthe Casentino, and pitched his camp before Rassina, which he took, together with Bibbiena, Prato Vecchio, and Romena. From thence heproceeded to Poppi and invested it on two sides with his forces, in onedirection toward the plain of Certomondo, in the other upon the hillextending to Fronzole. The count finding himself abandoned to his fate, had shut himself up in Poppi, not with any hope of assistance, but witha view to make the best terms he could. Neri pressing him, he offeredto capitulate, and obtained reasonable conditions, namely, security forhimself and family, with leave to take whatever he could carry away, oncondition of ceding his territories and government to the Florentines. When he perceived the full extent of his misfortune, standing upon thebridge which crosses the Arno, close to Poppi, he turned to Neri ingreat distress, and said, "Had I well considered my own position andthe power of the Florentines, I should now have been a friend of therepublic and congratulating you on your victory, not an enemy compelledto supplicate some alleviation of my woe. The recent events which to youbring glory and joy, to me are full of wretchedness and sorrow. OnceI possessed horses, arms, subjects, grandeur and wealth: can it besurprising that I part with them reluctantly? But as you possess boththe power and the inclination to command the whole of Tuscany, we mustof necessity obey you; and had I not committed this error, my misfortunewould not have occurred, and your liberality could not have beenexercised; so, that if you were to rescue me from entire ruin, you wouldgive the world a lasting proof of your clemency. Therefore, let yourpity pass by my fault, and allow me to retain this single house toleave to the descendants of those from whom your fathers have receivedinnumerable benefits. " To this Neri replied: "That his having expectedgreat results from men who were capable of doing only very little, hadled him to commit so great a fault against the republic of Florence;that, every circumstance considered, he must surrender all those placesto the Florentines, as an enemy, which he was unwilling to hold as afriend: that he had set such an example, as it would be most highlyimpolitic to encourage; for, upon a change of fortune, it might injurethe republic, and it was not himself they feared, but his power whilelord of the Casentino. If, however, he could live as a prince inGermany, the citizens would be very much gratified; and out of loveto those ancestors of whom he had spoken, they would be glad to assisthim. " To this, the count, in great anger, replied: "He wished theFlorentines at a much greater distance. " Attempting no longer topreserve the least urbanity of demeanor, he ceded the place and allits dependencies to the Florentines, and with his treasure, wife, andchildren, took his departure, mourning the loss of a territory which hisforefathers had held during four hundred years. When all these victorieswere known at Florence, the government and people were transportedwith joy. Benedetto de' Medici, finding the report of Niccolo havingproceeded either to Rome or to La Marca, incorrect, returned with hisforces to Neri, and they proceeded together to Florence, where thehighest honors were decreed to them which it was customary with the cityto bestow upon her victorious citizens, and they were received by theSignory, the Capitani di Parte, and the whole city, in triumphal pomp. 

BOOK VI

CHAPTER I

Reflections on the object of war and the use of victory--Niccoloreinforces his army--The duke of Milan endeavors to recover the servicesof Count Francesco Sforza--Suspicions of the Venetians--They acquireRavenna--The Florentines purchase the Borgo San Sepolcro of thepope--Piccinino makes an excursion during the winter--The count besiegedin his camp before Martinengo--The insolence of Niccolo Piccinino--Theduke in revenge makes peace with the league--Sforza assisted by theFlorentines. 

Those who make war have always and very naturally designed to enrichthemselves and impoverish the enemy; neither is victory sought orconquest desirable, except to strengthen themselves and weaken theenemy. Hence it follows, that those who are impoverished by victory ordebilitated by conquest, must either have gone beyond, or fallen shortof, the end for which wars are made. A republic or a prince is enrichedby the victories he obtains, when the enemy is crushed and possessionis retained of the plunder and ransom. Victory is injurious when the foeescapes, or when the soldiers appropriate the booty and ransom. In sucha case, losses are unfortunate, and conquests still more so; for thevanquished suffers the injuries inflicted by the enemy, and the victorthose occasioned by his friends, which being less justifiable, mustcause the greater pain, particularly from a consideration of his beingthus compelled to oppress his people by an increased burden of taxation. A ruler possessing any degree of humanity, cannot rejoice in a victorythat afflicts his subjects. The victories of the ancient and wellorganized republics, enabled them to fill their treasuries with gold andsilver won from their enemies, to distribute gratuities to the people, reduce taxation, and by games and solemn festivals, disseminateuniversal joy. But the victories obtained in the times of which wespeak, first emptied the treasury, and then impoverished the people, without giving the victorious party security from the enemy. This aroseentirely from the disorders inherent in their mode of warfare; for thevanquished soldiery, divesting themselves of their accoutrements, andbeing neither slain nor detained prisoners, only deferred a renewedattack on the conqueror, till their leader had furnished them with armsand horses. Besides this, both ransom and booty being appropriatedby the troops, the victorious princes could not make use of them forraising fresh forces, but were compelled to draw the necessary meansfrom their subjects' purses, and this was the only result of victoryexperienced by the people, except that it diminished the ruler'sreluctance to such a course, and made him less particular about his modeof oppressing them. To such a state had the practice of war beenbrought by the sort of soldiery then on foot, that the victor and thevanquished, when desirous of their services, alike needed fresh suppliesof money; for the one had to re-equip them, and the other to bribethem; the vanquished could not fight without being remounted, and theconquerors would not take the field without a new gratuity. Hence itfollowed, that the one derived little advantage from the victory, andthe other was the less injured by defeat; for the routed party had to bere-equipped, and the victorious could not pursue his advantage. 

From this disorderly and perverse method of procedure, it arose, thatbefore Niccolo's defeat became known throughout Italy, he had againreorganized his forces, and harassed the enemy with greater vigor thanbefore. Hence, also, it happened, that after his disaster at Tenna, heso soon occupied Verona: that being deprived of his army at Verona, hewas shortly able to appear with a large force in Tuscany; that beingcompletely defeated at Anghiari, before he reached Tuscany, he was morepowerful in the field than ever. He was thus enabled to give the duke ofMilan hopes of defending Lombardy, which by his absence appeared tobe lost; for while Niccolo spread consternation throughout Tuscany, disasters in the former province so alarmed the duke, that he was afraidhis utter ruin would ensue before Niccolo, whom he had recalled, couldcome to his relief, and check the impetuous progress of the count. Underthese impressions, the duke, to insure by policy that success which hecould not command by arms, had recourse to remedies, which on similaroccasions had frequently served his turn. He sent Niccolo da Esti, prince of Ferrara, to the count who was then at Peschiera, to persuadehim, "That this war was not to his advantage; for if the duke becameso ruined as to be unable to maintain his position among the states ofItaly, the count would be the first to suffer; for he would cease to beof importance either with the Venetians or the Florentines; and toprove the sincerity of his wish for peace, he offered to fulfill theengagement he had entered into with regard to his daughter, and send herto Ferrara; so that as soon as peace was established, the union mighttake place. " The count replied, "That if the duke really wishedfor peace, he might easily be gratified, as the Florentines and theVenetians were equally anxious for it. True, it was, he could withdifficulty credit him, knowing that he had never made peace but fromnecessity, and when this no longer pressed him, again desired war. Neither could he give credence to what he had said concerning themarriage, having been so repeatedly deceived; yet when peace wasconcluded, he would take the advice of his friends upon that subject. "

The Venetians, who were sometimes needlessly jealous of their soldiery, became greatly alarmed at these proceedings; and not without reason. The count was aware of this, and wishing to remove their apprehensions, pursued the war with unusual vigor; but his mind had become so unsettledby ambition, and the Venetians' by jealousy, that little furtherprogress was made during the remainder of the summer, and upon thereturn of Niccolo into Lombardy, winter having already commenced, thearmies withdrew into quarters, the count to Verona, the Florentineforces to Tuscany, the duke's to Cremona, and those of the pope toRomagna. The latter, after having been victorious at Anghiari, made anunsuccessful attack upon Furli and Bologna, with a view to wrest themfrom Niccolo Piccinino; but they were gallantly defended by his sonFrancesco. However, the arrival of the papal forces so alarmed thepeople of Ravenna with the fear of becoming subject to the church, that, by consent of Ostasio di Polenta their lord, they placed themselvesunder the power of the Venetians; who, in return for the territory, andthat Ostasio might never retake by force what he had imprudently giventhem, sent him and his son to Candia, where they died. In the course ofthese affairs, the pope, notwithstanding the victory at Anghiari, becameso in want of money, that he sold the fortress of Borgo San Sepolcro tothe Florentines for 25, 000 ducats. 

Affairs being thus situated, each party supposed winter would protectthem from the evils of war, and thought no more of peace. This wasparticularly the case with the duke, who, being rendered doubly secureby the season and by the presence of Niccolo, broke off all attempts toeffect a reconciliation with the count, reorganized Niccolo's forces, and made every requisite preparation for the future struggle. The countbeing informed of this, went to Venice to consult with the senate on thecourse to be pursued during the next year. Niccolo, on the other hand, being quite prepared, and seeing the enemy unprovided, did not await thereturn of spring, but crossed the Adda during severe weather, occupiedthe whole Brescian territory, except Oddula and Acri, and madeprisoners two thousand horse belonging to Francesco's forces, who hadno apprehension of an attack. But the greatest source of anxiety to thecount, and alarm to the Venetians, was the desertion of his service byCiarpellone, one of his principal officers. Francesco, on learning thesematters, immediately left Venice, and, arriving at Brescia, found thatNiccolo, after doing all the mischief he could, had retired to hisquarters; and therefore, finding the war concluded for the present wasnot disposed to rekindle it, but rather to use the opportunity affordedby the season and his enemies, of reorganizing his forces, so as to beable, when spring arrived, to avenge himself for his former injuries. To this end he induced the Venetians to recall the forces they hadin Tuscany, in the Florentine service, and to order that to succeedGattamelata, who was dead, Micheletto Attendulo should take the command. 

On the approach of spring, Niccolo Piccinino was the first to takethe field, and encamped before Cignano, a fortress twelve miles fromBrescia; the count marched to its relief, and the war between them wasconducted in the usual manner. The count, apprehensive for the city ofBergamo, besieged Martinengo, a castle so situated that the possessionof it would enable him to relieve the former, which was closely pressedby Niccolo, who, having foreseen that the enemy could impede him onlyfrom the direction of Martinengo, had put the castle into a completestate of defense, so that the count was obliged to lend his wholeforce to the siege. Upon this, Niccolo placed his troops in a situationcalculated to intercept the count's provisions, and fortified himselfwith trenches and bastions in such a manner that he could not beattacked without the most manifest hazard to his assailant. Hence thebesiegers were more distressed than the people of Martinengo whom theybesieged. The count could not hold his position for want of food, norquit it without imminent danger; so that the duke's victory appearedcertain, and defeat equally inevitable to the count and the Venetians. 

But fortune, never destitute of means to assist her favorites, or toinjure others, caused the hope of victory to operate so powerfullyupon Niccolo Piccinino, and made him assume such a tone of unboundedinsolence, that, losing all respect for himself and the duke, he senthim word that, having served under his ensign for so long, withoutobtaining sufficient land to serve him for a grave, he wished to knowfrom himself what was to be the reward of his labors; for it was in hispower to make him master of Lombardy, and place all his enemies inhis power; and, as a certain victory ought to be attended by a sureremuneration, he desired the duke to concede to him the city ofPiacenza, that when weary with his lengthened services he might atlast betake himself to repose. Nor did he hesitate, in conclusion, tothreaten, if his request were not granted, to abandon the enterprise. This injurious and most insolent mode of proceeding highly offended theduke, and, on further consideration, he determined rather to let theexpedition altogether fail, than consent to his general's demand. Thus, what all the dangers he had incurred, and the threats of his enemies, could not draw from him, the insolent behavior of his friends made himwilling to propose. He resolved to come to terms with the count, and sent Antonio Guido Buono, of Tortona, to offer his daughter andconditions of peace, which were accepted with great pleasure by thecount, and also by the colleagues as far as themselves were concerned. The terms being secretly arranged, the duke sent to command Niccoloto make a truce with the count for one year; intimating, that beingexhausted with the expense, he could not forego a certain peace for adoubtful victory. Niccolo was utterly astonished at this resolution, and could not imagine what had induced the duke to lose such a gloriousopportunity; nor could he surmise that, to avoid rewarding his friends, he would save his enemies, and therefore to the utmost of his power heopposed this resolution; and the duke was obliged, in order to inducehis compliance, to threaten that if he did not obey he would give him upto his soldiers and his enemies. Niccolo submitted, with the feelingsof one compelled to leave country and friends, complaining of his hardfate, that fortune and the duke were robbing him of the victory over hisenemies. The truce being arranged, the marriage of the duke's daughter, Bianca, to the count was solemnized, the duke giving Cremona for herportion. This being over, peace was concluded in November, 1441, at which Francesco Barbadico and Pagolo Trono were present for theVenetians, and for the Florentines Agnolo Acciajuoli. Peschiera, Asola, and Lonato, castles in the Mantuan territory, were assigned to theVenetians. 

The war in Lombardy was concluded; but the dissensions in the kingdomof Naples continued, and the inability to compose them occasioned theresumption of those arms which had been so recently laid aside. Alfonso, of Aragon, had, during these wars, taken from René the whole kingdomexcept Naples; so that, thinking he had the victory in his power, heresolved during the siege of Naples to take Benevento, and his otherpossessions in that neighborhood, from the count; and thought he mighteasily accomplish this while the latter was engaged in the wars ofLombardy. Having heard of the conclusion of peace, Alfonso feared thecount would not only come for the purpose of recovering his territories, but also to favor René; and René himself had hope of his assistance forthe same reason. The latter, therefore, sent to the count, begging hewould come to the relief of a friend, and avenge himself of an enemy. On the other hand, Alfonso entreated Filippo, for the sake of thefriendship which subsisted between them, to find the count some otheroccupation, that, being engaged in greater affairs, he might not havean opportunity of interfering between them. Filippo complied with thisrequest, without seeming to be aware that he violated the peace recentlymade, so greatly to his disadvantage. He therefore signified to popeEugenius, that the present was a favorable opportunity for recoveringthe territories which the count had taken from the church; and, that hemight be in a condition to use it, offered him the services of NiccoloPiccinino, and engaged to pay him during the war; who, since the peaceof Lombardy, had remained with his forces in Romagna. Eugenius eagerlytook the advice, induced by his hatred of the count, and his desire torecover his lost possessions; feeling assured that, although on a formeroccasion he had been duped by Niccolo, it would be improper, now thatthe duke interfered, to suspect any deceit; and, joining his forces tothose of Niccolo, he assailed La Marca. The count, astonished at such anunexpected attack, assembled his troops, and went to meet the enemy. Inthe meantime, King Alfonso took possession of Naples, so that the wholekingdom, except Castelnuova, was in his power. Leaving a strong guardat Castelnuova René set out and came to Florence, where he was mosthonorably received; and having remained a few days, finding he could notcontinue the war, he withdrew to Marseilles. 

In the meantime, Alfonso took Castelnuova, and the count found himselfassailed in the Marca Inferiore, both by the pope and Niccolo. Heapplied to the Venetians and the Florentines for assistance, in men andmoney, assuring them that if they did not determine to restrain the popeand king, during his life, they would soon afterward find their veryexistence endangered, for both would join Filippo and divide Italyamong them. The Florentines and Venetians hesitated for a time, both toconsider the propriety of drawing upon themselves the enmity of the popeand the king, and because they were then engaged in the affairs of theBolognese. Annibale Bentivoglio had driven Francesco Piccinino fromBologna, and for defense against the duke, who favored Francesco, hedemanded and received assistance of the Venetians and Florentines; sothat, being occupied with these matters they could not resolve to assistthe count, but Annibale, having routed Francesco Piccinino, and thoseaffairs seeming to be settled, they resolved to support him. Designinghowever to make sure of the duke, they offered to renew the league withhim, to which he was not averse; for, although he consented that warshould be made against the count, while King René was in arms, yetfinding him now conquered, and deprived of the whole kingdom, he wasnot willing that the count should be despoiled of his territories; andtherefore, not only consented that assistance should be given him, but wrote to Alfonso to be good enough to retire to his kingdom, anddiscontinue hostilities against the count; and although reluctantly, yetin acknowledgment of his obligations to the duke, Alfonso determined tosatisfy him, and withdrew with his forces beyond the Tronto. 

CHAPTER II

Discords of Florence--Jealousy excited against Neri di GinoCapponi--Baldaccio d'Anghiari murdered--Reform of government in favorof the Medici--Enterprises of Sforza and Piccinino--Death of NiccoloPiccinino--End of the war--Disturbances in Bologna--Annibale Bentivoglioslain by Battista Canneschi, and the latter by the people--Santi, supposed to be the son of Ercole Bentivoglio, is called to governthe city of Bologna--Discourse of Cosmo de' Medici to him--Perfidiousdesigns of the duke of Milan against Sforza--General war inItaly--Losses of the duke of Milan--The duke has recourse to the count, who makes peace with him--Offers of the duke and the Venetians to thecount--The Venetians furtively deprive the count of Cremona. 

While the affairs of Romagna proceeded thus, the city of Florencewas not tranquil. Among the citizens of highest reputation in thegovernment, was Neri di Gino Capponi, of whose influence Cosmo de'Medici had more apprehension than any other; for to the great authoritywhich he possessed in the city was added his influence with thesoldiery. Having been often leader of the Florentine forces he had wontheir affection by his courage and talents; and the remembrance of hisown and his father's victories (the latter having taken Pisa, and hehimself having overcome Niccolo Piccinino at Anghiari) caused him tobe beloved by many, and feared by those who were averse to havingassociates in the government. Among the leaders of the Florentine armywas Baldaccio d'Anghiari, an excellent soldier, for in those times therewas not one in Italy who surpassed him in vigor either of body or mind;and possessing so much influence with the infantry, whose leader he hadalways been, many thought they would follow him wherever he chose tolead them. Baldaccio was the intimate friend of Neri, who loved him forhis talents, of which he had been a constant witness. This excited greatsuspicion in the other citizens, who, thinking it alike dangerous eitherto discharge or retain him in their service, determined to destroy him, and fortune seemed to favor their design. Bartolommeo Orlandini wasGonfalonier of Justice; the same person who was sent to the defense ofMarradi, when Niccolo Piccinino came into Tuscany, as we have relatedabove, and so basely abandoned the pass, which by its nature was almostimpregnable. So flagrant an instance of cowardice was very offensiveto Baldaccio, who, on many occasions, both by words and letters, hadcontributed to make the disgraceful fact known to all. The shame andvexation of Bartolommeo were extreme, so that of all things he wished toavenge himself, thinking, with the death of his accuser, to efface thestain upon his character. 

This feeling of Bartolommeo Orlandini was known to other citizens, sothat they easily persuaded him to put Baldaccio to death, and at oneavenge himself, and deliver his country from a man whom they musteither retain at great peril, or discharge to their greater confusion. Bartolommeo having therefore resolved to murder him, concealed in hisown apartment at the palace several young men, all armed; and Baldaccio, entering the piazza, whither it was his daily custom to come, to conferwith the magistrates concerning his command, the Gonfalonier sent forhim, and he, without any suspicion, obeyed. Meeting him in the corridor, which leads to the chambers of the Signory, they took a few turnstogether discoursing of his office, when being close to the door of theapartments in which the assassins were concealed, Bartolommeo gave themthe signal, upon which they rushed out, and finding Baldaccio alone andunarmed, they slew him, and threw the body out of the window which looksfrom the palace toward the dogano, or customhouse. It was thence carriedinto the piazza, where the head being severed, it remained the whole dayexposed to the gaze of the people. Baldaccio was married, and had onlyone child, a boy, who survived him but a short time; and his wife, Annalena, thus deprived of both husband and offspring, rejected everyproposal for a second union. She converted her house into a monastery, to which she withdrew, and, being joined by many noble ladies, livedin holy seclusion to the end of her days. The convent she founded, andwhich is named from her, preserves her story in perpetual remembrance. 

This circumstance served to weaken Neri's power, and made him lose bothinfluence and friends. Nor did this satisfy the citizens who held thereins of government; for it being ten years since their acquisition ofpower, and the authority of the Balia expired, many began to exhibitmore boldness, both in words and deeds, than seemed consistent withtheir safety; and the leaders of the party judged, that if they wishedto preserve their influence, some means must be adopted to increase it. To this end, in 1444 the councils created a new Balia, which reformedthe government, gave authority to a limited number to create theSignory, re-established the Chancery of Reformations, depriving FilippoPeruzzi of his office of president in it, and appointing another whollyunder their influence. They prolonged the term of exile to those whowere banished; put Giovanni di Simone Vespucci in prison; deprived theAccoppiatori of their enemies of the honors of government, and withthem the sons of Piero Baroncelli, the whole of the Seragli, BartolommeoFortini, Francesco Castellani, and many others. By these means theystrengthened their authority and influence, and humbled their enemies, or those whom they suspected of being so. 

Having thus recovered and confirmed their government, they thenturned their attention to external affairs. As observed above, NiccoloPiccinino was abandoned by King Alfonso, and the count having beenaggrandized by the assistance of the Florentines, attacked and routedhim near Fermo, where, after losing nearly the whole of his troops, Niccolo fled to Montecchio, which he fortified in such a manner that ina short time he had again assembled so large an army as enabled him tomake head against the count; particularly as the season was now come forthem to withdraw into quarters. His principal endeavor during the winterwas to collect troops, and in this he was assisted both by the pope andAlfonso; so that, upon the approach of spring, both leaders took thefield, and Niccolo, being the strongest, reduced the count to extremenecessity, and would have conquered him if the duke had not contrived tofrustrate his designs. Filippo sent to beg he would come to him withall speed, for he wished to have a personal interview, that he mightcommunicate matters of the highest importance. Niccolo, anxious to hearthem, abandoned a certain victory for a very doubtful advantage; andleaving his son Francesco to command the army, hastened to Milan. The count being informed of the circumstance, would not let slip theopportunity of fighting in the absence of Niccolo; and, coming to anengagement near the castle of Monte Loro, routed the father's forces andtook the son prisoner. Niccolo having arrived at Milan saw that the dukehad duped him, and learning the defeat of his army and the capture ofhis son, he died of grief in 1445, at the age of sixty-four, having beena brave rather than a fortunate leader. He left two sons, Francesco andJacopo, who, possessing less talent than their father, were still moreunfortunate; so that the arms of the family became almost annihilated, while those of Sforza, being favored by fortune, attained augmentedglory. The pope, seeing Niccolo's army defeated and himself dead, havinglittle hope of assistance from Aragon, sought peace with the count, and, by the intervention of the Florentines, succeeded. Of La Marca, the popeonly retained Osimo, Fabriano, and Recanati; all the rest remained inthe count's possession. 

Peace being restored to La Marca, the whole of Italy would have obtainedrepose had it not been disturbed by the Bolognese. There were in Bolognatwo very powerful families, the Canneschi and the Bentivogli. Of thelatter, Annibale was the head; of the former, Battista, who, as a meansof confirming their mutual confidence, had contracted family alliances;but among men who have the same objects of ambition in view, it iseasy to form connections, but difficult to establish friendship. TheBolognese were in a league with the Venetians and Florentines, which hadbeen effected by the influence of Annibale, after they had drivenout Francesco Piccinino; and Battista, knowing how earnestly the dukedesired to have the city favorable to him, proposed to assassinateAnnibale, and put Bologna into his power. This being agreed upon, on thetwenty-fifth of June, 1445, he attacked Annibale with his men, and slewhim: and then, with shouts of "the duke, the duke, " rode through thecity. The Venetian and Florentine commissaries were in Bologna at thetime, and at first kept themselves within doors; but finding that thepeople, instead of favoring the murderers, assembled in the piazza, armed in great numbers, mourning the death of Annibale, they joinedthem; and, assembling what forces they could, attacked the Canneschi, soon overpowered them, slew part, and drove the remainder out of thecity. Battista, unable to effect his escape, or his enemies his capture, took refuge in a vault of his house, used for storing grain. The friendsof the Bentivogli, having sought him all day, and knowing he had notleft the city, so terrified his servants, that one of them, a groom, disclosed the place of his concealment, and being drawn forth incomplete armor he was slain, his body dragged about the streets, andafterward burned. Thus the duke's authority was sufficient to prompt theenterprise, but his force was not at hand to support it. 

The tumults being settled by the death of Battista, and the flight ofthe Canneschi, Bologna still remained in the greatest confusion. Therenot being one of the house of Bentivogli of age to govern, Annibalehaving left but one son whose name was Giovanni, only six years old, it was apprehended that disunion would ensue among the Bentivogli, and cause the return of the Cannecshi, and the ruin both of their owncountry and party. While in this state of apprehension, Francesco, sometime Count di Poppi, being at Bologna, informed the rulers ofthe city, that if they wished to be governed by one of the blood ofAnnibale, he could tell them of one; and related that about twenty yearsago, Ercole, cousin of Annibale, being at Poppi, became acquainted witha girl of the castle, of whom was born a son named Santi, whom Ercole, on many occasions acknowledged to be his own, nor could he deny it, for whoever knew him and saw the boy, could not fail to observe thestrongest resemblance. The citizens gave credit to the tale, andimmediately sent to Florence to see the young man, and procure of Cosmoand Neri permission to return with him to Bologna. The reputed fatherof Santi was dead, and he lived under the protection of his uncle, whosename was Antonio da Cascese. Antonio was rich, childless, and a friendof Neri, to whom the matter becoming known, he thought it ought neitherto be despised nor too hastily accepted; and that it would be bestfor Santi and those who had been sent from Bologna, to confer in thepresence of Cosmo. They were accordingly introduced, and Santi was notmerely honored but adored by them, so greatly were they influenced bythe spirit of party. However, nothing was done at the time, except thatCosmo, taking Santi apart, spoke to him thus: "No one can better adviseyou in this matter than yourself; for you have to take that courseto which your own mind prompts you. If you be the son of ErcoleBentivoglio, you will naturally aspire to those pursuits which areproper to your family and worthy of your father; but if you be the sonof Agnolo da Cascese, you will remain in Florence, and basely spend theremainder of your days in some branch of the woolen trade. " These wordsgreatly influenced the youth, who, though he had at first almost refusedto adopt such a course, said, he would submit himself wholly to whatCosmo and Neri should determine. They, assenting to the request of theBolognese, provided suitable apparel, horses, and servants; and in afew days he was escorted by a numerous cavalcade to Bologna, where theguardianship of Annibale's son and of the city were placed in his hands. He conducted himself so prudently, that although all his ancestors hadbeen slain by their enemies, he lived in peace and died respected byeveryone. 

After the death of Niccolo Piccinino and the peace of La Marca, Filippowishing to procure a leader of his forces, secretly negotiated withCiarpellone, one of the principal captains of Count Francesco, andarrangements having been made, Ciarpellone asked permission to go toMilan to take possession of certain castles which had been given him byFilippo during the late wars. The count suspecting what was in progress, in order to prevent the duke from accommodating himself at his expense, caused Ciarpellone to be arrested, and soon afterward put to death;alleging that he had been detected plotting against him. Filippo washighly annoyed and indignant, which the Venetians and the Florentineswere glad to observe, for their greatest fear was, that the duke and thecount should become friends. 

The duke's anger caused the renewal of war in La Marca. GismondoMalatesti, lord of Rimino, being son-in-law of the count, expected toobtain Pesaro; but the count, having obtained possession, gave it tohis brother, Alessandro. Gismondo, offended at this, was still furtherexasperated at finding that Federigo di Montefeltro, his enemy, by thecount's assistance, gained possession of Urbino. He therefore joined theduke, and solicited the pope and the king to make war against the count, who, to give Gismondo a taste of the war he so much desired, resolved totake the initiative, and attacked him immediately. Thus Romagna and LaMarca were again in complete confusion, for Filippo, the king, and thepope, sent powerful assistance to Gismondo, while the Florentines andVenetians supplied the count with money, though not with men. Nor wasFilippo satisfied with the war in Romagna, but also desired to takeCremona and Pontremoli from the count; but Pontremoli was defended bythe Florentines, and Cremona by the Venetians. Thus the war was renewedin Lombardy, and after several engagements in the Cremonese, FrancescoPiccinino, the leader of the duke's forces, was routed at Casale, byMicheletto and the Venetian troops. This victory gave the Venetians hopeof obtaining the duke's dominions. They sent a commissary to Cremona, attacked the Ghiaradadda, and took the whole of it, except Crema. Thencrossing the Adda, they overran the country as far as Milan. Upon thisthe duke had recourse to Alfonso, and entreated his assistance, pointingout the danger his kingdom would incur if Lombardy were to fall intothe hands of the Venetians. Alfonso promised to send him troops, butapprised him of the difficulties which would attend their passage, without the permission of the count. 

Filippo, driven to extremity, then had recourse to Francesco, and beggedhe would not abandon his father-in-law, now that he had become old andblind. The count was offended with the duke for making war against him;but he was jealous of the increasing greatness of the Venetians, andhe himself began to be in want of money, for the League supplied himsparingly. The Florentines, being no longer in fear of the duke, ceasedto stand in need of the count, and the Venetians desired his ruin; forthey thought Lombardy could not be taken from him except by this means;yet while Filippo sought to gain him over, and offered him the entirecommand of his forces, on condition that he should restore La Marca tothe pope and quit the Venetian alliance, ambassadors were sent to him bythat republic, promising him Milan, if they took it, and the perpetualcommand of their forces, if he would push the war in La Marca, andprevent Alfonso from sending troops into Lombardy. The offers of theVenetians were great, as also were their claims upon him, having begunthe war in order to save him from losing Cremona; while the injuriesreceived from the duke were fresh in his memory, and his promises hadlost all influence, still the count hesitated; for on the one hand, wereto be considered his obligations to the League, his pledged faith, their recent services, and his hopes of the future, all which hadtheir influence on him; on the other, were the entreaties of hisfather-in-law, and above all, the bane which he feared would beconcealed under the specious offers of the Venetians, for he doubtednot, that both with regard to Milan and their other promises, if theywere victorious, he would be at their mercy, to which no prudent menwould ever submit if he could avoid it. These difficulties in the wayof his forming a determination, were obviated by the ambition of theVenetians, who, seeing a chance of occupying Cremona, from secretintelligence with that city, under a different pretext, sent troops intoits neighborhood; but the affair was discovered by those who commandedCremona for the count, and measures were adopted which preventedits success. Thus without obtaining Cremona, they lost the count'sfriendship, who, now being free from all other considerations, joinedthe duke. 

CHAPTER III

Death of Filippo Visconti, duke of Milan--The Milanese appoint Sforzatheir captain--Milan becomes a republic--The pope endeavors to restorepeace to Italy--The Venetians oppose this design--Alfonso attacks theFlorentines--The neighborhood of Piombino becomes the principaltheater of war--Scarcity in the Florentine camp--Disorders occur inthe Neapolitan and Florentine armies--Alfonso sues for peace and iscompelled to retreat--Pavia surrenders to the count--Displeasure ofthe Milanese--The count besieges Caravaggio--The Venetians endeavor torelieve the place--They are routed by the count before Caravaggio. 

Pope Eugenius being dead, was succeeded by Nicholas V. The count had hiswhole army at Cotignola, ready to pass into Lombardy, when intelligencewas brought him of the death of Filippo, which happened on the lastday of August, 1447. This event greatly afflicted him, for he doubtedwhether his troops were in readiness, on account of their arrears ofpay; he feared the Venetians, who were his armed enemies, he havingrecently forsaken them and taken part with the duke; he was inapprehension from Alfonso, his inveterate foe; he had no hope from thepontiff or the Florentines; for the latter were allies of the Venetians, and he had seized the territories of the former. However, he resolved toface his fortune and be guided by circumstances; for it often happens, that when engaged in business valuable ideas are suggested, which in astate of inaction would never have occurred. He had great hopes, that ifthe Milanese were disposed to defend themselves against the ambition ofthe Venetians, they could make use of no other power but his. Therefore, he proceeded confidently into the Bolognese territory, thence to Modenaand Reggio, halted with his forces upon the Lenza, and sent to offer hisservices at Milan. On the death of the duke, part of the Milanese wereinclined to establish a republic; others wished to choose a prince, andof these, one part favored the count, and another Alfonso. However, themajority being in favor of freedom, they prevailed over the rest, and organized a republic, to which many cities of the Duchy refusedobedience; for they, too, desired to live in the enjoyment of theirliberty, and even those who did not embrace such views, refused tosubmit to the sovereignty of the Milanese. Lodi and Piacenza surrenderedthemselves to the Venetians; Pavia and Parma became free. This confusedstate of things being known to the count, he proceeded to Cremona, wherehis ambassadors and those of the Milanese arranged for him to commandthe forces of the new republic, with the same remuneration he hadreceived from the duke at the time of his decease. To this they addedthe possession of Brescia, until Verona was recovered, when he shouldhave that city and restore Brescia to the Milanese. 

Before the duke's death, Pope Nicholas, after his assumption of thepontificate, sought to restore peace among the princes of Italy, andwith this object endeavored, in conjunction with the ambassadors sent bythe Florentines to congratulate him on his accession, to appoint a dietat Ferrara to attempt either the arrangement of a long truce, or theestablishment of peace. A congress was accordingly held in that city, of the pope's legate and the Venetian, ducal, and Florentinerepresentatives. King Alfonso had no envoy there. He was at Tivoli witha great body of horse and foot, and favorable to the duke; both havingresolved, that having gained the count over to their side, they wouldopenly attack the Florentines and Venetians, and till the arrival ofthe count in Lombardy, take part in the treaty for peace at Ferrara, atwhich, though the king did not appear, he engaged to concur in whatevercourse the duke should adopt. The conference lasted several days, andafter many debates, resolved on either a truce for five years, or apermanent peace, whichsoever the duke should approve; and the ducalambassadors, having returned to Milan to learn his decision, found himdead. Notwithstanding this, the Milanese were disposed to adopt theresolutions of the assembly, but the Venetians refused, indulginggreat hopes of becoming masters of Lombardy, particularly as Lodi andPiacenza, immediately after the duke's death, had submitted to them. They trusted that either by force or by treaty they could strip Milanof her power; and then so press her, as to compel her also to surrenderbefore any assistance could arrive; and they were the more confident ofthis from seeing the Florentines involved in war with King Alfonso. 

The king being at Tivoli, and designing to pursue his enterprise againstTuscany, as had been arranged between himself and Filippo, judgingthat the war now commenced in Lombardy would give him both time andopportunity, and wishing to have a footing in the Florentine statebefore he openly commenced hostilities, opened a secret understandingwith the fortress of Cennina, in the Val d'Arno Superiore, and tookpossession of it. The Florentines, surprised with this unexpected event, perceiving the king already in action, and resolved to do them allthe injury in his power, hired forces, created a council of ten formanagement of the war, and prepared for the conflict in their usualmanner. The king was already in the Siennese, and used his utmostendeavors to reduce the city, but the inhabitants of Sienna were firm intheir attachment to the Florentines, and refused to receive him withintheir walls or into any of their territories. They furnished him withprovisions, alleging in excuse, the enemy's power and their inabilityto resist. The king, finding he could not enter by the Val d'Arno, as hehad first intended, both because Cennina had been already retaken, andbecause the Florentines were now in some measure prepared for theirdefense, turned toward Volterra, and occupied many fortresses in thatterritory. Thence he proceeded toward Pisa, and with the assistance ofFazio and Arrigo de' Conti, of the Gherardesca, took some castles, andissuing from them, assailed Campiglia, but could not take it, the placebeing defended by the Florentines, and it being now in the depth ofwinter. Upon this the king, leaving garrisons in the places he had takento harass the surrounding country, withdrew with the remainder of hisarmy to quarters in the Siennese. The Florentines, aided by the season, used the most active exertions to provide themselves troops, whosecaptains were Federigo, lord of Urbino, and Gismondo Malatesti daRimino, who, though mutual foes, were kept so united by the prudenceof the commissaries, Neri di Gino and Bernardetto de' Medici, that theybroke up their quarters while the weather was still very severe andrecovered not only the places that had been taken in the territory ofPisa, but also the Pomerancie in the neighborhood of Volterra, and sochecked the king's troops, which at first had overrun the Maremma, thatthey could scarcely retain the places they had been left to garrison. 

Upon the return of the spring the commissaries halted with their wholeforce, consisting of five thousand horse and two thousand foot, at theSpedaletto. The king approached with his army, amounting to fifteenthousand men, within three miles of Campiglia, but when it was expectedhe would attack the place he fell upon Piombino, hoping, as it wasinsufficiently provided, to take it with very little trouble, and thusacquire a very important position, the loss of which would be severelyfelt by the Florentines; for from it he would be able to exhaust themwith a long war, obtain his own provision by sea, and harass the wholeterritory of Pisa. They were greatly alarmed at this attack, and, considering that if they could remain with their army among the woodsof Campiglia, the king would be compelled to retire either in defeator disgrace. With this view they equipped four galleys at Livorno, andhaving succeeded in throwing three hundred infantry into Piombino, took up their own position at the Caldane, a place where it would bedifficult to attack them; and they thought it would be dangerous toencamp among the thickets of the plain. 

The Florentine army depended for provisions on the surrounding places, which, being poor and thinly inhabited, had difficulty in supplyingthem. Consequently the troops suffered, particularly from want of wine, for none being produced in that vicinity, and unable to procure it frommore distant places, it was impossible to obtain a sufficient quantity. But the king, though closely pressed by the Florentines, was wellprovided except in forage, for he obtained everything else by sea. TheFlorentines, desirous to supply themselves in the same manner, loadedfour vessels with provisions, but, upon their approach, they wereattacked by seven of the king's galleys, which took two of them andput the rest to flight. This disaster made them despair of procuringprovisions, so that two hundred men of a foraging party, principally forwant of wine, deserted to the king, and the rest complained thatthey could not live without it, in a situation where the heat was soexcessive and the water bad. The commissaries therefore determinedto quit the place, and endeavor to recover those castles which stillremained in the enemy's power; who, on his part, though not sufferingfrom want of provisions, and greatly superior in numbers, found hisenterprise a failure, from the ravages made in his army by thosediseases which the hot season produces in marshy localities; and whichprevailed to such an extent that many died daily, and nearly all wereaffected. These circumstances occasioned overtures of peace. The kingdemanded fifty thousand florins, and the possession of Piombino. Whenthe terms were under consideration, many citizens, desirous of peace, would have accepted them, declaring there was no hope of bringing to afavorable conclusion a war which required so much money to carry it on. But Neri Capponi going to Florence, placed the matter in a more correctlight, and it was then unanimously determined to reject the proposal, and take the lord of Piombino under their protection, with an allianceoffensive and defensive, provided he did not abandon them, but assist intheir defense as hitherto. The king being informed of this resolution, saw that, with his reduced army, he could not gain the place, andwithdrew in the same condition as if completely routed, leaving behindhim two thousand dead. With the remainder of his sick troops he retiredto the Siennese territory, and thence to his kingdom, incensed againstthe Florentines, and threatening them with new wars upon the return ofspring. 

While these events were proceeding in Tuscany the Count Sforza, havingbecome leader of the Milanese forces, strenuously endeavored to securethe friendship of Francesco Piccinino, who was also in their service, that he might support him in his enterprises, or be less disposed to dohim injury. He then took the field with his army, upon which the peopleof Pavia, conscious of their inability to resist him, and unwilling toobey the Milanese, offered to submit themselves to his authority, oncondition that he should not subject them to the power of Milan. Thecount desired the possession of Pavia, and considered the circumstancea happy omen, as it would enable him to give a color to his designs. Hewas not restrained from treachery either by fear or shame; for great menconsider failure disgraceful, --a fraudulent success the contrary. Buthe was apprehensive that his possession of the city would excite theanimosity of the Milanese, and perhaps induce them to throw themselvesunder the power of the Venetians. If he refused to accept the offer, he would have occasion to fear the duke of Savoy, to whom many citizenswere inclined to submit themselves; and either alternative would deprivehim of the sovereignty of Lombardy. Concluding there was less danger intaking possession of the city than in allowing another to have it, hedetermined to accept the proposal of the people of Pavia, trusting hewould be able to satisfy the Milanese, to whom he pointed out the dangerthey must have incurred had he not complied with it; for her citizenswould have surrendered themselves to the Venetians or to the duke ofSavoy; so that in either case they would have been deprived of thegovernment, and therefore they ought to be more willing to have himselfas their neighbor and friend, than a hostile power such as either of theothers, and their enemy. The Milanese were upon this occasion greatlyperplexed, imagining they had discovered the count's ambition, andthe end he had in view; but they thought it desirable to conceal theirfears, for they did not know, if the count were to desert them, to whomthey could have recourse except the Venetians, whose pride and tyrannythey naturally dreaded. They therefore resolved not to break with thecount, but by his assistance remedy the evils with which they werethreatened, hoping that when freed from them they might rescuethemselves from him also; for at that time they were assailed not onlyby the Venetians but by the Genoese and the duke of Savoy, in the nameof Charles of Orleans, the son of a sister of Filippo, but whom thecount easily vanquished. Thus their only remaining enemies were theVenetians, who, with a powerful army, determined to occupy theirterritories, and had already taken possession of Lodi and Piacenza, before which latter place the count encamped; and, after a long siege, took and pillaged the city. Winter being set in, he led his forces intoquarters, and then withdrew to Cremona, where, during the cold season, he remained in repose with his wife. 

In the spring, the Venetian and Milanese armies again took the field. Itwas the design of the Milanese, first to recover Lodi and then to cometo terms with the Venetians; for the expenses of the war had become verygreat, and they were doubtful of their general's sincerity, so that theywere anxious alike for the repose of peace, and for security against thecount. They therefore resolved that the army should march to the siegeof Carravaggio, hoping that Lodi would surrender, on that fortress beingwrested from the enemy's hands. The count obeyed, though he would havepreferred crossing the Adda and attacking the Brescian territory. Havingencamped before Caravaggio, he so strongly entrenched himself, that ifthe enemy attempted to relieve the place, they would have to attackhim at a great disadvantage. The Venetian army, led by Micheletto, approached within two bowshots of the enemy's camp, and many skirmishesensued. The count continued to press the fortress, and reduced it to thevery last extremity, which greatly distressed the Venetians, since theyknew the loss of it would involve the total failure of their expedition. Very different views were entertained by their military officersrespecting the best mode of relieving the place, but they saw nocourse open except to attack the enemy in his trenches, in spite ofall obstacles. The castle was, however, considered of such paramountimportance, that the Venetian senate, though naturally timid, and averseto all hazardous undertakings, chose rather to risk everything thanallow it to fall into the hands of the enemy. 

They therefore resolved to attack the count at all events, and earlythe next morning commenced their assault upon a point which was leastdefended. At the first charge, as commonly happens in a surprise, Francesco's whole army was thrown into dismay. Order, however, wassoon so completely restored by the count, that the enemy, after variousefforts to gain the outworks, were repulsed and put to flight; and soentirely routed, that of twelve thousand horse only one thousand escapedthe hands of the Milanese, who took possession of all the carriagesand military stores; nor had the Venetians ever before suffered such athorough rout and overthrow. Among the plunder and prisoners, crouchingdown, as if to escape observation, was found a Venetian commissary, who, in the course of the war and before the fight, had spoken contemptuouslyof the count, calling him "bastard, " and "base-born. " Being madeprisoner, he remembered his faults, and fearing punishment, being takenbefore the count, was agonized with terror; and, as is usual withmean minds (in prosperity insolent, in adversity abject and cringing), prostrated himself, weeping and begging pardon for the offenses hehad committed. The count, taking him by the arm, raised him up, andencouraged him to hope for the best. He then said he wondered how aman so prudent and respectable as himself, could so far err as tospeak disparagingly of those who did not merit it; and as regarded theinsinuations which he had made against him, he really did not know howSforza his father, and Madonna Lucia his mother, had proceeded together, not having been there, and having no opportunity of interfering in thematter, so that he was not liable either to blame or praise. However, he knew very well, that in regard to his own actions he had conductedhimself so that no one could blame him; and in proof of this he wouldrefer both the Venetian senate and himself to what had happened thatday. He then advised him in future to be more respectful in speaking ofothers, and more cautious in regard to his own proceedings. 

CHAPTER IV

The count's successes--The Venetians come to terms with him--Views ofthe Venetians--Indignation of the Milanese against the count--Theirambassador's address to him--The count's moderation and reply--The countand the Milanese prepare for war--Milanese ambassadors at Venice--Leagueof the Venetians and Milanese--The count dupes the Venetians andMilanese--He applies for assistance to the Florentines--Diversity ofopinions in Florence on the subject--Neri di Gino Capponi averse toassisting the count--Cosmo de' Medici disposed to do so--The Florentinessent ambassadors to the count. 

After this victory, the count marched into the Brescian territory, occupied the whole country, and then pitched his camp within two milesof the city. The Venetians, having well-grounded fears that Bresciawould be next attacked, provided the best defense in their power. Theythen collected the relics of their army, and, by virtue of the treaty, demanded assistance of the Florentines; who, being relieved from thewar with Alfonso, sent them one thousand foot and two thousand horse, bywhose aid the Venetians were in a condition to treat for peace. At onetime it seemed the fate of their republic to lose by war and win bynegotiation; for what was taken from them in battle was frequentlyrestored twofold on the restoration of peace. They knew the Milanesewere jealous of the count, and that he wished to be not their captainmerely, but their sovereign; and as it was in their power to make peacewith either of the two (the one desiring it from ambition, the otherfrom fear), they determined to make choice of the count, and offer himassistance to effect his design; persuading themselves, that as theMilanese would perceive they had been duped by him, they would inrevenge place themselves in the power of any one rather than in his; andthat, becoming unable either to defend themselves or trust the count, they would be compelled, having no other resource, to fall into theirhands. Having taken this resolution, they sounded the count, and foundhim quite disposed for peace, evidently desirous that the honor andadvantage of the victory at Caravaggio should be his own, and not accrueto the Milanese. The parties therefore entered into an agreement, inwhich the Venetians undertook to pay the count thirteen thousand florinsper month, till he should obtain Milan, and to furnish him, during thecontinuance of the war, four thousand horse and two thousand foot. Thecount engaged to restore to the Venetians the towns, prisoners, andwhatever else had been taken by him during the late campaigns, andcontent himself with those territories which the duke possessed at thetime of his death. 

When this treaty became known at Milan, it grieved the citizens morethan the victory at Caravaggio had exhilarated them. The rulers of thecity mourned, the people complained, women and children wept, and allexclaimed against the count as false and perfidious. Although theycould not hope that either prayers or promises would divert him from hisungrateful design, they sent ambassadors to see with what kind of colorhe would invest his unprincipled proceedings, and being admitted to hispresence, one of them spoke to the following effect;--"It is customarywith those who wish to obtain a favor, to make use either of prayers, presents, or threats, that pity, convenience, or fear, may induce acompliance with their requests. But as with cruel, avaricious, or, intheir own conceit, powerful men, these arguments have no weight, it isvain to hope, either to soften them by prayers, win them by presents, oralarm them by menaces. We, therefore, being now, though late, aware ofthy pride, cruelty, and ambition, come hither, not to ask aught, norwith the hope, even if we were so disposed, of obtaining it, but toremind thee of the benefits thou hast received from the people of Milan, and to prove with what heartless ingratitude thou hast repaid them, that at least, under the many evils oppressing us, we may derive somegratification from telling thee how and by whom they have been produced. Thou canst not have forgotten thy wretched condition at the death of theduke Filippo; the king and the pope were both thine enemies; thou hadstabandoned the Florentines and the Venetians, who, on account of theirjust indignation, and because they stood in no further need of thee, were almost become thy declared enemies. Thou wert exhausted by thywars against the church; with few followers, no friends, or any money;hopeless of being able to preserve either thy territories or thyreputation. From these circumstances thy ruin must have ensued, but forour simplicity; we received thee to our home, actuated by reverence forthe happy memory of our duke, with whom, being connected by marriage andrenewed alliance, we believed thy affection would descend to thosewho had inherited his authority, and that, if to the benefits he hadconferred on thee, our own were added, the friendship we sought toestablish would not only be firm, but inseparable; with this impression, we added Verona or Brescia to thy previous appointments. What more couldwe either give or promise thee? What else couldst thou, not fromus merely, but from any others, have either had or expected? Thoureceivedst from us an unhoped-for benefit, and we, in return, anunmerited wrong. Neither hast thou deferred until now the manifestationof thy base designs; for no sooner wert thou appointed to command ourarmies, than, contrary to every dictate of propriety, thou didst acceptPavia, which plainly showed what was to be the result of thy friendship;but we bore with the injury, in hope that the greatness of the advantagewould satisfy thy ambition. Alas! those who grasp at all cannot besatisfied with a part. Thou didst promise that we should possess theconquests which thou might afterward make; for thou wert well aware thatwhat was given at many times might be withdrawn at once, as was the caseafter the victory at Caravaggio, purchased by our money and blood, andfollowed by our ruin. Oh! unhappy states, which have to guard againsttheir oppressor; but much more wretched those who have to trust tomercenary and faithless arms like thine! May our example instructposterity, since that of Thebes and Philip of Macedon, who, aftervictory over her enemies, from being her captain became her foe and herprince, could not avail us. 

"The only fault of which we are conscious is our over-weening confidencein one whom we ought not to have trusted; for thy past life, thyrestless mind, incapable of repose, ought to have put us on our guard;neither ought we to have confided in one who betrayed the lord of Lucca, set a fine upon the Florentines and the Venetians, defied the duke, despised the king, and besides all this, persecuted the church of God, and the Divinity himself with innumerable atrocities. We ought not tohave fancied that so many potentates possessed less influence over themind of Francesco Sforza, than the Milanese; or that he would preserveunblemished that faith towards us which he had on so many occasionsbroken with them. Still this want of caution in us does not excuse theperfidy in thee; nor can it obliterate the infamy with which our justcomplaints will blacken thy character throughout the world, or preventthe remorse of thy conscience, when our arms are used for our owndestruction; for thou wilt see that the sufferings due to parricides arefully deserved by thee. And though ambition should blind thine eyes, thewhole world, witness to thine iniquity, will compel thee to open them;God himself will unclose them, if perjuries, if violated faith, iftreacheries displease him, and if, as ever, he is still the enemy of thewicked. Do not, therefore, promise thyself any certainty of victory; forthe just wrath of the Almighty will weigh heavily upon thee; and we areresolved to lose our liberty only with our lives; but if we found wecould not ultimately defend it, we would submit ourselves to anyonerather than to thee. And if our sins be so great that in spite ofour utmost resolution, we should still fall into thy hands, be quiteassured, that the sovereignty which is commenced in deceit and villainy, will terminate either in thyself or thy children with ignominy andblood. "

The count, though not insensible to the just reproaches of the Milanese, did not exhibit either by words or gestures any unusual excitement, andreplied, that "He willingly attributed to their angry feelings all theserious charges of their indiscreet harangue; and he would reply tothem in detail, were he in the presence of anyone who could decidetheir differences; for it would be evident that he had not injured theMilanese, but only taken care that they should not injure him. Theywell knew how they had proceeded after the victory of Caravaggio; for, instead of rewarding him with either Verona or Brescia, they soughtpeace with the Venetians, that all the blame of the quarrel might reston him, themselves obtaining the fruit of victory, the credit of peace, and all the advantages that could be derived from the war. It wouldthus be manifest they had no right to complain, when he had effectedthe arrangements which they first attempted to make; and that if he haddeferred to do so a little longer, he would have had reason to accusethem of the ingratitude with which they were now charging him. Whetherthe charge were true or false, that God, whom they had invoked to avengetheir injuries, would show at the conclusion of the war, and woulddemonstrate which was most his friend, and who had most justice on theirside. "

Upon the departure of the ambassadors, the count determined to attackthe Milanese, who prepared for their defense, and appointed Francescoand Jacopo Piccinino (attached to their cause, on account of the ancientfeud of the families of Braccio and Sforza) to conduct their forces insupport of liberty; at least till they could deprive the count ofthe aid of the Venetians, who they did not think would long be eitherfriendly or faithful to him. On the other hand, the count, perfectlyaware of this, thought it not imprudent, supposing the obligation ofthe treaty insufficient, to bind them by the ties of interest; and, therefore, in assigning to each their portion of the enterprise, heconsented that the Venetians should attack Crema, and himself, with theother forces, assail the remainder of the territory. The advantage ofthis arrangement kept the Venetians so long in alliance with the count, that he was enabled to conquer the whole of the Milanese territory, andto press the city so closely, that the inhabitants could not providethemselves with necessaries; despairing of success, they sent envoys tothe Venetians to beg they would compassionate their distress, and, asought to be the case between republics, assist them in defense of theirliberty against a tyrant, whom, if once master of their city, they wouldbe unable to restrain; neither did they think he would be content withthe boundaries assigned him by the treaty, but would expect all thedependencies of Milan. 

The Venetians had not yet taken Crema, and wishing before they changedsides, to effect this point, they PUBLICLY answered the envoys, thattheir engagements with the count prevented them from defending theMilanese; but SECRETLY, gave them every assurance of their wish to doso. 

The count had approached so near Milan with his forces, that he wasdisputing the suburbs with the inhabitants, when the Venetians havingtaken Crema, thought they need no longer hesitate to declare in favor ofthe Milanese, with whom they made peace and entered into alliance; amongthe terms of which was the defense of their liberty unimpaired. Havingcome to this agreement, they ordered their forces to withdraw from thecount's camp and to return to the Venetian territory. They informedhim of the peace made with the Milanese, and gave him twenty days toconsider what course he would adopt. He was not surprised at the steptaken by the Venetians, for he had long foreseen it, and expected itsoccurrence daily; but when it actually took place, he could notavoid feeling regret and displeasure similar to what the Milanese hadexperienced when he abandoned them. He took two days to consider thereply he would make to the ambassadors whom the Venetians had sent toinform him of the treaty, and during this time he determined to dupe theVenetians, and not abandon his enterprise; therefore, appearing openlyto accept the proposal for peace, he sent his ambassadors to Venice withfull credentials to effect the ratification, but gave them secret ordersnot to do so, and with pretexts or caviling to put it off. To give theVenetians greater assurance of his sincerity, he made a truce with theMilanese for a month, withdrew from Milan and divided his forces amongthe places he had taken. This course was the occasion of his victory andthe ruin of the Milanese; for the Venetians, confident of peace, wereslow in preparing for war, and the Milanese finding the truce concluded, the enemy withdrawn, and the Venetians their friends, felt assured thatthe count had determined to abandon his design. This idea injured themin two ways: one, by neglecting to provide for their defense; the next, that, being seed-time, they sowed a large quantity of grain in thecountry which the enemy had evacuated, and thus brought famine uponthemselves. On the other hand, all that was injurious to his enemiesfavored the count, and the time gave him opportunity to take breath andprovide himself with assistance. 

The Florentines during the war of Lombardy had not declared in favor ofeither party, or assisted the count either in defense of the Milanese orsince; for he never having been in need had not pressingly requestedit; and they only sent assistance to the Venetians after the rout atCaravaggio, in pursuance of the treaty. Count Francesco, standing nowalone, and not knowing to whom else he could apply, was compelled torequest immediate aid of the Florentines, publicly from the state, andprivately from friends, particularly from Cosmo de' Medici, with whom hehad always maintained a steady friendship, and by whom he had constantlybeen faithfully advised and liberally supported. Nor did Cosmo abandonhim in his extreme necessity, but supplied him generously from his ownresources, and encouraged him to prosecute his design. He also wishedthe city publicly to assist him, but there were difficulties in the way. Neri di Gino Capponi, one of the most powerful citizens of Florence, thought it not to the advantage of the city, that the count shouldobtain Milan; and was of opinion that it would be more to the safetyof Italy for him to ratify the peace than pursue the war. In the firstplace, he apprehended that the Milanese, through their anger against thecount, would surrender themselves entirely to the Venetians, which wouldoccasion the ruin of all. Supposing he should occupy Milan, it appearedto him that so great military superiority, combined with such an extentof territory, would be dangerous to themselves, and that if as counthe was intolerable, he would become doubly so as duke. He thereforeconsidered it better for the republic of Florence and for Italy, thatthe count should be content with his military reputation, and thatLombardy should be divided into two republics, which could never beunited to injure others, and separately are unable to do so. To attainthis he saw no better means than to refrain from aiding the count, andcontinuing in the former league with the Venetians. These reasoningswere not satisfactory to Cosmo's friends, for they imagined that Nerihad argued thus, not from a conviction of its advantage to the republic, but to prevent the count, as a friend of Cosmo, from becoming duke, apprehending that Cosmo would, in consequence of this, become toopowerful. 

Cosmo, in reply, pointed out, that to lend assistance to the count wouldbe highly beneficial both to Italy and the republic; for it was unwiseto imagine the Milanese could preserve their own liberty; for the natureof their community, their mode of life, and their hereditary feuds wereopposed to every kind of civil government, so that it was necessary, either that the count should become duke of Milan, or the Venetians herlords. And surely under such circumstances, no one could doubt whichwould be most to their advantage, to have for their neighbor a powerfulfriend or a far more powerful foe. Neither need it be apprehendedthat the Milanese, while at war with the count, would submit to theVenetians; for the count had a stronger party in the city, andthe Venetians had not, so that whenever they were unable to defendthemselves as freemen, they would be more inclined to obey the countthan the Venetians. 

These diverse views kept the city long in suspense; but at length itwas resolved to send ambassadors to the count to settle the terms ofagreement, with instructions, that if they found him in such a conditionas to give hopes of his ultimate success, they were to close with him, but, if otherwise, they were to draw out the time in diplomacy. 

CHAPTER V

Prosecution of the war between the count and the Milanese--The Milanesereduced to extremity--The people rise against the magistrates--Milansurrenders to the count--League between the new duke of Milan and theFlorentines, and between the king of Naples and the Venetians--Venetianand Neapolitan ambassadors at Florence--Answer of Cosmo de' Medici tothe Venetian ambassador--Preparations of the Venetians and the kingof Naples for the war--The Venetians excite disturbances inBologna--Florence prepares for war--The emperor, Frederick III. At Florence--War in Lombardy between the duke of Milan and theVenetians--Ferrando, son of the king of Naples, marches into Tuscanyagainst the Florentines. 

The ambassadors were at Reggio when they heard that the count had becomelord of Milan; for as soon as the truce had expired, he approached thecity with his forces, hoping quickly to get possession of it in spiteof the Venetians, who could bring no relief except from the side ofthe Adda, which route he could easily obstruct, and therefore had noapprehension (being then winter) of their arrival, and he trusted that, before the return of spring, he would be victorious, particularly, asby the death of Francesco Piccinino, there remained only Jacopo hisbrother, to command the Milanese. The Venetians had sent an ambassadorto Milan to confirm the citizens in their resolution of defense, promising them powerful and immediate aid. During the winter a fewslight skirmishes had taken place between the count and the Venetians;but on the approach of milder weather, the latter, under PandolfoMalatesti, halted with their army upon the Adda, and consideringwhether, in order to succor the Milanese, they ought to risk a battle, Pardolfo, their general, aware of the count's abilities, and the courageof his army, said it would be unadvisable to do so, and that, under thecircumstances, it was needless, for the count, being in great want offorage, could not keep the field, and must soon retire. He thereforeadvised them to remain encamped, to keep the Milanese in hope, andprevent them from surrendering. This advice was approved by theVenetians, both as being safe, and because, by keeping the Milanese inthis necessity, they might be the sooner compelled to submit to theirdominion; for they felt quite sure that the injuries they had receivedwould always prevent their submission to the count. 

In the meantime, the Milanese were reduced to the utmost misery; and asthe city usually abounded with poor, many died of hunger in the streets;hence arose complaints and disturbances in several parts, which alarmedthe magistrates, and compelled them to use their utmost exertions toprevent popular meetings. The multitude are always slow to resolve oncommotion; but the resolution once formed, any trivial circumstanceexcites it to action. Two men in humble life, talking together near thePorta Nuova of the calamities of the city, their own misery, and themeans that might be adopted for their relief, others beginning tocongregate, there was soon collected a large crowd; in consequence ofit a report was spread that the neighborhood of Porta Nuova had risenagainst the government. Upon this, all the lower orders, who only waitedfor an example, assembled in arms, and chose Gasparre da Vicomercato tobe their leader. They then proceeded to the place where the magistrateswere assembled, and attacked them so impetuously that all who did notescape by flight were slain: among the number, as being considered aprincipal cause of the famine, and gratified at their distress, fellLionardo Veniero, the Venetian ambassador. Having thus almost becomemasters of the city, they considered what course was next to be adoptedto escape from the horrors surrounding them, and to procure peace. Afeeling universally prevailed, that as they could not preserve their ownliberty, they ought to submit to a prince who could defend them. Someproposed King Alfonso, some the duke of Savoy, and others the kingof France, but none mentioned the count, so great was the generalindignation against him. However, disagreeing with the rest, Gasparre daVicomercato proposed him, and explained in detail that if they desiredrelief from war, no other plan was open, since the people of Milanrequired a certain and immediate peace, and not a distant hopeof succor. He apologized for the count's proceedings, accused theVenetians, and all the powers of Italy, of which some from ambition andothers from avarice were averse to their possessing freedom. Having todispose of their liberty, it would be preferable, he said, to obey onewho knew and could defend them; so that, by their servitude they mightobtain peace, and not bring upon themselves greater evils and moredangerous wars. He was listened to with the most profound attention;and, having concluded his harangue, it was unanimously resolved by theassembly, that the count should be called in, and Gasparre was appointedto wait upon him and signify their desire. By the people's command heconveyed the pleasing and happy intelligence to the count, who heardit with the utmost satisfaction, and entered Milan as prince on thetwenty-sixth of February, 1450, where he was received with the greatestpossible joy by those who, only a short time previously had heaped onhim all the slanders that hatred could inspire. 

The news of this event reaching Florence, orders were immediately sentto the envoys who were upon the way to Milan, that instead of treatingfor his alliance with the count, they should congratulate the dukeupon his victory; they, arranging accordingly, had a most honorablereception, and were treated with all possible respect; for the dukewell knew that in all Italy he could not find braver or more faithfulfriends, to defend him against the power of the Venetians, than theFlorentines, who, being no longer in fear of the house of Visconti, found themselves opposed by the Aragonese and Venetians; for theAragonese princes of Naples were jealous of the friendship whichthe Florentines had always evinced for the family of France; and theVenetians seeing the ancient enmity of the Florentines against theVisconti transferred to themselves, resolved to injure them as muchas possible; for they knew how pertinaciously and invariably they hadpersecuted the Lombard princes. These considerations caused the new dukewillingly to join the Florentines, and united the Venetians and KingAlfonso against their common enemies; impelling them at the same time tohostilities, the king against the Florentines, and the Venetians againstthe duke, who, being fresh in the government, would, they imagined, beunable to resist them, even with all the aid he could obtain. 

But as the league between the Florentines and the Venetians stillcontinued, and as the king, after the war of Piombino, had made peacewith the former, it seemed indecent to commence an open rupture untilsome plausible reason could be assigned in justification of offensivemeasures. On this account each sent ambassadors to Florence, who, on thepart of their sovereigns, signified that the league formed between themwas made not for injury to any, but solely for the mutual defenseof their states. The Venetian ambassador then complained that theFlorentines had allowed Alessandro, the duke's brother, to pass intoLombardy with his forces; and besides this, had assisted and advisedin the treaty made between the duke and the marquis of Mantua, matterswhich he declared to be injurious to the Venetians, and inconsistentwith the friendship hitherto subsisting between the two governments;amicably reminding them, that one who inflicts unmerited injury, givesothers just ground of hostility, and that those who break a peace mayexpect war. The Signory appointed Cosmo de' Medici to reply to what hadbeen said by the Venetian ambassador, and in a long and excellentspeech he recounted the numerous advantages conferred by the city on theVenetian republic; showed what an extent of dominion they had acquiredby the money, forces, and counsel of the Florentines, and reminded himthat, although the friendship had originated with the Florentines, theyhad never given occasion of enmity; and as they desired peace, theygreatly rejoiced when the treaty was made, if it had been entered intofor the sake of peace, and not of war. True it was, he wondered muchat the remarks which had been made, seeing that such light and trivialmatters should give offense to so great a republic; but if they wereworthy of notice he must have it universally understood, that theFlorentines wished their country to be free and open to all; and thatthe duke's character was such, that if he desired the friendship ofthe marquis of Mantua, he had no need of anyone's favor or advice. Hetherefore feared that these cavils were produced by some latent motive, which it was not thought proper to disclose. Be this as it might, they would freely declare to all, that in the same proportion as thefriendship of the Florentines was beneficial their enmity could bedestructive. 

The matter was hushed up; and the ambassadors, on their departure, appeared perfectly satisfied. But the league between the king and theVenetians made the Florentines and the duke rather apprehend war thanhope for a long continuance of peace. They therefore entered into analliance, and at the same time the enmity of the Venetians transpired bya treaty with the Siennese, and the expulsion of all Florentine subjectsfrom their cities and territories. Shortly after this, Alfonso did thesame, without any consideration of the peace made the year previous, andnot having even the shadow of an excuse. The Venetians attempted totake Bologna, and having armed the emigrants, and united to them aconsiderable force, introduced them into the city by night through oneof the common sewers. No sooner had they entered, than they raised acry, by which Santi Bentivogli, being awakened, was told that the wholecity was in possession of the rebels. But though many advised himto escape, saying that he could not save the city by his stay, hedetermined to confront the danger, and taking arms encouraged hisfollowers, assembled a few friends, attacked and routed part of therebels, slew many more, and drove the remainder out of the city. By thisact of bravery all agreed he had fully proved himself a genuine scion ofthe house of the Bentivogli. 

These events and demonstrations gave the Florentines an earnest ofapproaching war; they consequently followed their usual practice onsimilar occasions, and created the Council of Ten. They engaged newcondottieri, sent ambassadors to Rome, Naples, Venice, Milan, andSienna, to demand assistance from their friends, gain information aboutthose they suspected, decide such as were wavering, and discover thedesigns of the foe. From the pope they obtained only general expressionsof an amicable disposition and admonitions to peace; from the king, empty excuses for having expelled the Florentines, and offers of safeconduct for whoever should demand it; and although he endeavored, asmuch as possible, to conceal every indication of his hostile designs, the ambassadors felt convinced of his unfriendly disposition, andobserved many preparations tending to the injury of the republic. TheLeague with the duke was strengthened by mutual obligations, and throughhis means they became friends with the Genoese, the old differences withthem respecting reprisals, and other small matters of dispute, beingcomposed, although the Venetians used every possible means to preventit, and entreated the emperor of Constantinople to expel all Florentinesfrom his dominions; so fierce was the animosity with which they enteredon this war, and so powerful their lust of dominion, that without theleast hesitation they sought the destruction of those who had been theoccasion of their own power. The emperor, however, refused to listen tothem. The Venetian senate forbade the Florentine ambassadors to entertheir territories, alleging, that being in league with the king, theycould not entertain them without his concurrence. The Siennese receivedthe ambassadors with fair words, fearing their own ruin before theLeague could assist them, and therefore endeavored to appease the powerswhose attack they were unable to resist. The Venetians and the king (aswas then conjectured) were disposed to send ambassadors to Florence tojustify the war. But the Venetian envoy was not allowed to enter theFlorentine dominions, and the king's ambassador, being unwilling toperform his office alone, the embassy was not completed; and thusthe Venetians learned, that however little they might esteem theFlorentines, the latter had still less respect for them. 

In the midst of these fears, the emperor, Frederick III. , came intoItaly to be crowned. On the thirtieth of January, 1451, he enteredFlorence with fifteen hundred horse, and was most honorably receivedby the Signory. He remained in the city till the sixth of February, andthen proceeded to Rome for his coronation, where, having been solemnlyconsecrated, and his marriage celebrated with the empress, who hadcome to Rome by sea, he returned to Germany, and again passed throughFlorence in May, with the same honors as upon his arrival. On hisreturn, having derived some benefits from the marquis of Mantua, heconceded to him Modena and Reggio. In the meantime, the Florentines didnot fail to prepare themselves for immediate war; and to augment theirinfluence, and strike the enemy with terror, they, in conjunction withthe duke, entered into alliance with the king of France for the mutualdefense of their states. This treaty was published with great pompthroughout all Italy. 

The month of May, 1452, having arrived, the Venetians thought it notdesirable to defer any longer their attack upon the duke, and withsixteen thousand horse and six thousand foot assailed his territoriesin the direction of Lodi, while the marquis of Montferrat, instigatedeither by his own ambition or the entreaties of the Venetians, did thesame on the side of Alexandria. The duke assembled a force of eighteenthousand cavalry and three thousand infantry, garrisoned Alexandria andLodi, and all the other places where the enemy might annoy them. He thenattacked the Brescian territory, and greatly harassed the Venetians;while both parties alike plundered the country and ravaged the smallertowns. Having defeated the marquis of Montferrat at Alexandria, the dukewas able to unite his whole force against the Venetians and invade theirterritory. 

While the war in Lombardy proceeded thus, giving rise to varioustrifling incidents unworthy of recital, King Alfonso and the Florentinescarried on hostilities in Tuscany, but in a similarly inefficientmanner, evincing no greater talent, and incurring no greater danger. Ferrando, the illegitimate son of Alfonso, entered the country withtwelve thousand troops, under the command of Federigo, lord of Urbino. Their first attempt was to attack Fojano, in the Val di Chiane;for, having the Siennese in their favor, they entered the Florentineterritory in that direction. The walls of the castle were weak, and itwas small, and consequently poorly manned, but the garrison were, amongthe soldiers of that period, considered brave and faithful. Two hundredinfantry were also sent by the Signory for its defense. Before thiscastle, thus provided, Ferrando sat down, and either from the valor ofits defenders or his own deficiencies, thirty-six days elapsed beforehe took it. This interval enabled the city to make better provisionfor places of greater importance, to collect forces and conclude moreeffective arrangements than had hitherto been made. The enemy nextproceeded into the district of Chiane, where they attacked two smalltowns, the property of private citizens, but could not capture them. They then encamped before the Castellina, a fortress upon the bordersof the Chianti, within ten miles of Sienna, weak from its defectiveconstruction, and still more so by its situation; but, notwithstandingthese defects, the assailants were compelled to retire in disgrace, after having lain before it forty-four days. So formidable were thosearmies, and so perilous those wars, that places now abandoned asuntenable were then defended as impregnable. 

While Ferrando was encamped in the Chianti he made many incursions, andtook considerable booty from the Florentine territories, extending hisdepredations within six miles of the city, to the great alarm and injuryof the people, who at this time, having sent their forces to thenumber of eight thousand soldiers under Astorre da Faenza and GismondoMalatesti toward Castel di Colle, kept them at a distance from theenemy, lest they should be compelled to an engagement; for theyconsidered that so long as they were not beaten in a pitched battle, they could not be vanquished in the war generally; for small castles, when lost, were recovered at the peace, and larger places were in nodanger, because the enemy would not venture to attack them. The kinghad also a fleet of about twenty vessels, comprising galleys and smallercraft, which lay off Pisa, and during the siege of Castellina weremoored near the Rocca di Vada, which, from the negligence of thegovernor, he took, and then harassed the surrounding country. However, this annoyance was easily removed by a few soldiers sent by theFlorentines to Campiglia, and who confined the enemy to the coast. 

CHAPTER VI

Conspiracy of Stefano Porcari against the papal government--Theconspirators discovered and punished--The Florentines recover the placesthey had lost--Gherardo Gambacorti, lord of Val di Bagno, endeavorsto transfer his territories to the king of Naples--Gallant conduct ofAntonio Gualandi, who counteracts the design of Gambacorti--Renéof Anjou is called into Italy by the Florentines--René returns toFrance--The pope endeavors to restore peace--Peace proclaimed--JacopoPiccinino attacks the Siennese. 

The pontiff did not interfere in these affairs further than to endeavorto bring the parties to a mutual accommodation; but while he refrainedfrom external wars he incurred the danger of more serious troubles athome. Stefano Porcari was a Roman citizen, equally distinguishedfor nobility of birth and extent of learning, but still more by theexcellence of his character. Like all who are in pursuit of glory, heresolved either to perform or to attempt something worthy of memory, andthought he could not do better than deliver his country from the handsof the prelates, and restore the ancient form of government; hoping, inthe event of success, to be considered a new founder or second father ofthe city. The dissolute manners of the priesthood, and the discontentof the Roman barons and people, encouraged him to look for a happytermination of his enterprise; but he derived his greatest confidencefrom those verses of Petrarch in the canzone which begins, "Spirtogentil che quelle membra reggi, " where he says, --

"Sopra il Monte Tarpejo canzon vedra, Un cavalier, ch' Italia tuttaonora, Pensoso piu d'altrui, che di se stesso. "

Stefano, believing poets are sometimes endowed with a divine andprophetic spirit, thought the event must take place which Petrarch inthis canzone seemed to foretell, and that he was destined to effect theglorious task; considering himself in learning, eloquence, friends, andinfluence, superior to any other citizen of Rome. Having taken theseimpressions, he had not sufficient prudence to avoid discovering hisdesign by his discourse, demeanor, and mode of living; so that the popebecoming acquainted with it, in order to prevent the commission of somerash act, banished him to Bologna and charged the governor of the cityto compel his appearance before him once every day. Stefano wasnot daunted by this first check, but with even greater earnestnessprosecuted his undertaking, and, by such means as were available, morecautiously corresponded with his friends, and often went and returnedfrom Rome with such celerity as to be in time to present himselfbefore the governor within the limit allowed for his appearance. Havingacquired a sufficient number of partisans, he determined to make theattempt without further delay, and arranged with his friends at Rome toprovide an evening banquet, to which all the conspirators were invited, with orders that each should bring with him his most trust-worthyfriends, and himself promised to be with him before the entertainmentwas served. Everything was done according to this orders, and StefanoPorcari arrived at the place appointed. Supper being brought in, heentered the apartment dressed in cloth of gold, with rich ornamentsabout his neck, to give him a dignified appearance and commandingaspect. Having embraced the company, he delivered a long oration todispose their minds to the glorious undertaking. He then arranged themeasures to be adopted, ordering that one part of them should, on thefollowing morning, take possession of the pontiff's palace, and thatthe other should call the people of Rome to arms. The affair came to theknowledge of the pope the same night, some say by treachery among theconspirators, and others that he knew of Porcari's presence at Rome. Bethis as it may, on the night of the supper Stefano, and the greater partof his associates, were arrested, and afterward expiated their crimeby death. Thus ended his enterprise; and though some may applaud hisintentions, he must stand charged with deficiency of understanding; forsuch undertakings, though possessing some slight appearance of glory, are almost always attended with ruin. 

Gherardo Gambacorti was lord of Val di Bagno, and his ancestors as wellas himself had always been in the pay or under the protection of theFlorentines. Alfonso endeavored to induce him to exchange his territoryfor another in the kingdom of Naples. This became known to theSignory, who, in order to ascertain his designs, sent an ambassadorto Gambacorti, to remind him of the obligations of his ancestors andhimself to their republic, and induce him to continue faithful to them. Gherardo affected the greatest astonishment, assured the ambassador withsolemn oaths that no such treacherous thought had ever entered his mind, and that he would gladly go to Florence and pledge himself for the truthof his assertions; but being unable, from indisposition, he would sendhis son as an hostage. These assurances, and the proposal with whichthey were accompanied, induced the Florentines to think Gherardo hadbeen slandered, and that his accuser must be alike weak and treacherous. Gherardo, however, hastened his negotiation with redoubled zeal, andhaving arranged the terms, Alfonso sent Frate Puccio, a knight ofJerusalem, with a strong body of men to the Val di Bagno, to takepossession of the fortresses and towns, the people of which, beingattached to the Florentine republic, submitted unwillingly. 

Frate Puccio had already taken possession of nearly the whole territory, except the fortress of Corzano. Gambacorti was accompanied, whiletransferring his dominions, by a young Pisan of great courage andaddress, named Antonio Gualandi, who, considering the whole affair, thestrength of the place, the well known bravery of the garrison, theirevident reluctance to give it up, and the baseness of Gambacorti, at once resolved to make an effort to prevent the fulfillment ofhis design; and Gherardo being at the entrance, for the purpose ofintroducing the Aragonese, he pushed him out with both his hands, andcommanded the guards to shut the gate upon such a scoundrel, and holdthe fortress for the Florentine republic. When this circumstance becameknown in Bagno and the neighboring places, the inhabitants took up armsagainst the king's forces, and, raising the Florentine standard, drovethem out. The Florentines learning these events, imprisoned Gherardo'sson, and sent troops to Bagno for the defense of the territory, whichhaving hitherto been governed by its own prince, now became a vicariate. The traitor Gherardo escaped with difficulty, leaving his wife, family, and all his property, in the hands of those whom he had endeavoredto betray. This affair was considered by the Florentines of greatimportance; for had the king succeeded in securing the territory, hemight have overrun the Val di Tavere and the Casentino at his pleasure, and would have caused so much annoyance, that they could no longer haveallowed their whole force to act against the army of the Aragonese atSienna. 

In addition to the preparations made by the Florentines in Italy toresist the hostile League, they sent as ambassador, Agnolo Acciajuoli, to request that the king of France would allow René of Anjou to enterItaly in favor of the duke and themselves, and also, that by hispresence in the country, he might defend his friends and attempt therecovery of the kingdom of Naples; for which purpose they offered himassistance in men and money. While the war was proceeding in Lombardyand Tuscany, the ambassador effected an arrangement with King René, who promised to come into Italy during the month of June, the Leagueengaging to pay him thirty thousand florins upon his arrival atAlexandria, and ten thousand per month during the continuance of thewar. In pursuance of this treaty, King René commenced his marchinto Italy, but was stopped by the duke of Savoy and the marquis ofMontferrat, who, being in alliance with the Venetians, would not allowhim to pass. The Florentine ambassador advised, that in order to upholdthe influence of his friends, he should return to Provence, and conductpart of his forces into Italy by sea, and, in the meantime, endeavor, by the authority of the king of France, to obtain a passage for theremainder through the territories of the duke. This plan was completelysuccessful; for René came into Italy by sea, and his forces, by themediation of the king of France, were allowed a passage through Savoy. King René was most honorably received by Duke Francesco, and joining hisFrench with the Italian forces, they attacked the Venetians with so muchimpetuosity, that they shortly recovered all the places which had beentaken in the Cremonese. Not content with this, they occupied nearlythe whole Brescian territory; so that the Venetians, unable to keep thefield, withdrew close to the walls of Brescia. 

Winter coming on, the duke deemed it advisable to retire into quarters, and appointed Piacenza for the forces of René, where, having passed thewhole of the cold season of 1453, without attempting anything, the dukethought of taking the field, on the approach of spring, and strippingthe Venetians of the remainder of their possessions by land, but wasinformed by the king that he was obliged of necessity to return toFrance. This determination was quite new and unexpected to the duke, and caused him the utmost concern; but though he immediately went todissuade René from carrying it into effect, he was unable either bypromises or entreaties to divert him from his purpose. He engaged, however, to leave part of his forces, and send his son for the serviceof the League. The Florentines were not displeased at this; for havingrecovered their territories and castles, they were no longer in fear ofAlfonso, and on the other hand, they did not wish the duke to obtain anypart of Lombardy but what belonged to him. René took his departure, and send his son John into Italy, according to his promise, who did notremain in Lombardy, but came direct to Florence, where he was receivedwith the highest respect. 

The king's departure made the duke desirous of peace. The Venetians, Alfonso, and the Florentines, being all weary of the war, were similarlydisposed; and the pope continued to wish it as much as ever; for duringthis year the Turkish emperor, Mohammed, had taken Constantinople andsubdued the whole of Greece. This conquest alarmed the Christians, moreespecially the Venetians and the pope, who already began to fancythe Mohammedans at their doors. The pope therefore begged the Italianpotentates to send ambassadors to himself, with authority to negotiatea general peace, with which all complied; but when the particularcircumstances of each case came to be considered, many difficulties werefound in the war of effecting it. King Alfonso required the Florentinesto reimburse the expenses he had incurred in the war, and theFlorentines demanded some compensation from him. The Venetians thoughtthemselves entitled to Cremona from the duke; while he insisted upon therestoration of Bergamo, Brescia, and Crema; so that it seemed impossibleto reconcile such conflicting claims. But what could not be effectedby a number at Rome was easily managed at Milan and Venice by two;for while the matter was under discussion at Rome, the duke and theVenetians came to an arrangement on the ninth of April, 1454, by virtueof which, each party resumed what they possessed before the war, theduke being allowed to recover from the princes of Montferrat and Savoythe places they had taken. To the other Italian powers a month wasallowed to ratify the treaty. The pope and the Florentines, and withthem the Siennese and other minor powers, acceded to it within the time. Besides this, the Florentines, the Venetians, and the duke concludeda treaty of peace for twenty-five years. King Alfonso alone exhibiteddissatisfaction at what had taken place, thinking he had not beensufficiently considered, that he stood, not on the footing of aprincipal, but only ranked as an auxiliary, and therefore kept aloof, and would not disclose his intentions. However, after receiving a legatefrom the pope, and many solemn embassies from other powers, he allowedhimself to be persuaded, principally by means of the pontiff, and withhis son joined the League for thirty years. The duke and the king alsocontracted a twofold relationship and double marriage, each giving adaughter to a son of the other. Notwithstanding this, that Italy mightstill retain the seeds of war, Alfonso would not consent to the peace, unless the League would allow him, without injury to themselves, to makewar upon the Genoese, Gismondo Malatesti, and Astorre, prince of Faenza. This being conceded, his son Ferrando, who was at Sienna, returned tothe kingdom, having by his coming into Tuscany acquired no dominion andlost a great number of his men. 

Upon the establishment of a general peace, the only apprehensionentertained was, that it would be disturbed by the animosity of Alfonsoagainst the Genoese; yet it happened otherwise. The king, indeed, didnot openly infringe the peace, but it was frequently broken by theambition of the mercenary troops. The Venetians, as usual on theconclusion of a war, had discharged Jacopo Piccinino, who with someother unemployed condottieri, marched into Romagna, thence into theSiennese, and halting in the country, took possession of many places. At the commencement of these disturbances, and the beginning of the year1455, Pope Nicholas died, and was succeeded by Calixtus III. , who, toput a stop to the war newly broken out so near home, immediately sentGiovanni Ventimiglia, his general, with what forces he could furnish. These being joined by the troops of the Florentines and the duke ofMilan, both of whom furnished assistance, attacked Jacopo, near Bolsena, and though Ventimiglia was taken prisoner, yet Jacopo was worsted, andretreated in disorder to Castiglione della Pescaia, where, had henot been assisted by Alfonso, his force would have been completelyannihilated. This made it evident that Jacopo's movement had beenmade by order of Alfonso, and the latter, as if palpably detected, toconciliate his allies, after having almost alienated them with thisunimportant war, ordered Jacopo to restore to the Siennese the places hehad taken, and they gave him twenty thousand florins by way of ransom, after which he and his forces were received into the kingdom of Naples. 

CHAPTER VII

Christendom alarmed by the progress of the Turks--The Turks routedbefore Belgrade--Description of a remarkable hurricane--War againstthe Genoese and Gismondo Malatesti--Genoa submits to the kingof France--Death of Alfonso king of Naples--Succeeded by his sonFerrando--The pope designs to give the kingdom of Naples to his nephewPiero Lodovico Borgia--Eulogy of Pius II. --Disturbances in Genoa betweenJohn of Anjou and the Fregosi--The Fregosi subdued--John attacksthe kingdom of Naples--Ferrando king of Naples routed--Ferrandoreinstated--The Genoese cast off the French yoke--John of Anjou routedin the kingdom of Naples. 

The pope, though anxious to restrain Jacopo Piccinino, did not neglectto make provision for the defense of Christendom, which seemed in dangerfrom the Turks. He sent ambassadors and preachers into every Christiancountry, to exhort princes and people to arm in defense of theirreligion, and with their persons and property to contribute to theenterprise against the common enemy. In Florence, large sums wereraised, and many citizens bore the mark of a red cross upon their dressto intimate their readiness to become soldiers of the faith. Solemnprocessions were made, and nothing was neglected either in public orprivate, to show their willingness to be among the most forward toassist the enterprise with money, counsel, or men. But the eagernessfor this crusade was somewhat abated, by learning that the Turkish army, being at the siege of Belgrade, a strong city and fortress in Hungary, upon the banks of the Danube, had been routed and the emperor wounded;so that the alarm felt by the pope and all Christendom, on the lossof Constantinople, having ceased to operate, they proceeded withdeliberately with their preparations for war; and in Hungary theirzeal was cooled through the death of Giovanni Corvini the Waiwode, whocommanded the Hungarian forces on that memorable occasion, and fell inthe battle. 

To return to the affairs of Italy. In the year 1456, the disturbancesoccasioned by Jacopo Piccinino having subsided, and human weaponslaid aside, the heavens seemed to make war against the earth; dreadfultempestuous winds then occurring, which produced effects unprecedentedin Tuscany, and which to posterity will appear marvelous andunaccountable. On the twenty-fourth of August, about an hour beforedaybreak, there arose from the Adriatic near Ancona, a whirlwind, whichcrossing from east to west, again reached the sea near Pisa, accompaniedby thick clouds, and the most intense and impenetrable darkness, covering a breadth of about two miles in the direction of its course. Under some natural or supernatural influence, this vast and overchargedvolume of condensed vapor burst; its fragments contended withindescribable fury, and huge bodies sometimes ascending toward heaven, and sometimes precipitated upon the earth, struggled, as it were, in mutual conflict, whirling in circles with intense velocity, andaccompanied by winds, impetuous beyond all conception; while flashes ofawful brilliancy, and murky, lurid flames incessantly broke forth. From these confused clouds, furious winds, and momentary fires, soundsissued, of which no earthquake or thunder ever heard could afford theleast idea; striking such awe into all, that it was thought the endof the world had arrived, that the earth, waters, heavens, and entireuniverse, mingling together, were being resolved into their ancientchaos. Wherever this awful tempest passed, it produced unprecedented andmarvelous effects; but these were more especially experienced near thecastle of St. Casciano, about eight miles from Florence, upon the hillwhich separates the valleys of Pisa and Grieve. Between this castle andthe Borgo St. Andrea, upon the same hill, the tempest passed withouttouching the latter, and in the former, only threw down some of thebattlements and the chimneys of a few houses; but in the space betweenthem, it leveled many buildings quite to the ground. The roofs of thechurches of St. Martin, at Bagnolo, and Santa Maria della Pace, werecarried more than a mile, unbroken as when upon their respectiveedifices. A muleteer and his beasts were driven from the road into theadjoining valley, and found dead. All the large oaks and lofty treeswhich could not bend beneath its influence, were not only stripped oftheir branches but borne to a great distance from the places wherethey grew, and when the tempest had passed over and daylight made thedesolation visible, the inhabitants were transfixed with dismay. Thecountry had lost all its habitable character; churches and dwellingswere laid in heaps; nothing was heard but the lamentations of thosewhose possessions had perished, or whose cattle or friends were buriedbeneath the ruins; and all who witnessed the scene were filled withanguish or compassion. It was doubtless the design of the Omnipotent, rather to threaten Tuscany than to chastise her; for had the hurricanebeen directed over the city, filled with houses and inhabitants, instead of proceeding among oaks and elms, or small and thinly scattereddwellings, it would have been such a scourge as the mind, with all itsideas of horror, could not have conceived. But the Almighty desiredthat this slight example should suffice to recall the minds of men to aknowledge of himself and of his power. 

To return to our history. King Alfonso was dissatisfied with the peace, and as the war which he had unnecessarily caused Jacopo Piccinino tomake against the Siennese, had produced no important result, he resolvedto try what could be done against those whom the conditions of theLeague permitted him to attack. He therefore, in the year 1456, assailedthe Genoese, both by sea and by land, designing to deprive the Fregosiof the government and restore the Adorni. At the same time, he orderedJacopo Piccinino to cross the Tronto, and attack Gismondo Malatesti, who, having fortified his territories, did not concern himself, and thispart of the king's enterprise produced no effect; but his proceedingsagainst Genoa occasioned more wars against himself and his kingdom thanhe could have wished. Piero Fregoso was then doge of Genoa, and doubtinghis ability to sustain the attack of the king, he determined to givewhat he could not hold, to some one who might defend it against hisenemies, in hope, that at a future period, he should obtain a return forthe benefit conferred. He therefore sent ambassadors to Charles VII. OfFrance, and offered him the government of Genoa. Charles accepted theoffer, and sent John of Anjou, the son of King René, who had a shorttime previously left Florence and returned to France, to take possessionwith the idea, that he, having learned the manners and customs of Italy, would be able to govern the city; and also that this might give him anopportunity of undertaking the conquest of Naples, of which René, John'sfather, had been deprived by Alfonso. John, therefore, proceeded toGenoa, where he was received as prince, and the fortresses, both of thecity and the government, given up to him. This annoyed Alfonso, with thefear that he had brought upon himself too powerful an enemy. He was not, however, dismayed; but pursued his enterprise vigorously, and had ledhis fleet to Porto, below Villamarina, when he died after a suddenillness, and thus John and the Genoese were relieved from the war. Ferrando, who succeeded to the kingdom of his father Alfonso, becamealarmed at having so powerful an enemy in Italy, and was doubtful ofthe disposition of many of his barons, who being desirous of change, hefeared would take part with the French. He was also apprehensive ofthe pope, whose ambition he well knew, and who seeing him new in thegovernment, might design to take it from him. He had no hope exceptfrom the duke of Milan, who entertained no less anxiety concerning theaffairs of the kingdom than Ferrando; for he feared that if the Frenchwere to obtain it, they would endeavor to annex his own dominions; whichhe knew they considered to be rightfully their own. He, therefore, soonafter the death of Alfonso, sent letters and forces to Ferrando; thelatter to give him aid and influence, the former to encourage him withan intimation that he would not, under any circumstances, forsake him. The pontiff intended, after the death of Alfonso, to give the kingdomof Naples to his nephew Piero Lodovico Borgia, and, to furnish a decentpretext for his design and obtain the concurrence of the powers of Italyin its favor he signified a wish to restore that realm to the dominionof the church of Rome; and therefore persuaded the duke not to assistFerrando. But in the midst of these views and opening enterprises, Calixtus died, and Pius II. Of Siennese origin, of the family of thePiccolomini, and by name Ęneas, succeeded to the pontificate. Thispontiff, free from the ties of private interest, having no object but tobenefit Christendom and honor the church, at the duke's entreaty crownedFerrando king of Naples; judging it easier to establish peace if thekingdom remained in the hands which at present held it, than if he wereto favor the views of the French, or, as Calixtus purposed, take it forhimself. Ferrando, in acknowledgment of the benefit, created Antonio, one of the pope's nephews, prince of Malfi, gave him an illegitimatedaughter of his own in marriage, and restored Benevento and Terracina tothe church. 

It thus appeared that the internal dissensions of Italy might bequelled, and the pontiff prepared to induce the powers of Christendomto unite in an enterprise against the Turks (as Calixtus had previouslydesigned) when differences arose between the Fregosi and John of Anjou, the lord of Genoa, which occasioned greater and more important wars thanthose recently concluded. Pietrino Fregoso was at his castle of Riviera, and thought he had not been rewarded by John in proportion to hisfamily's merits; for it was by their means the latter had become princeof the city. This impression drove the parties into open enmity; acircumstance gratifying to Ferrando, who saw in it relief from histroubles, and the sole means of procuring his safety: he thereforeassisted Pietrino with money and men, trusting to drive John out of theGenoese territory. The latter being aware of his design, sent for aidto France; and, on obtaining it, attacked Pietrino, who, through hisnumerous friends, entertained the strongest assurance of success; sothat John was compelled to keep within the city, into which Pietrinohaving entered by night, took possession of some parts of it; but uponthe return of day, his people were all either slain or made prisoners byJohn's troops, and he himself was found among the dead. 

This victory gave John hopes of recovering the kingdom; and in October, 1459, he sailed thither from Genoa, with a powerful fleet, and landedat Baia; whence he proceeded to Sessa, by the duke of which place he wasfavorably received. The prince of Taranto, the Aquilani, with severalcities and other princes, also joined him; so that a great part of thekingdom fell into his hands. On this Ferrando applied for assistanceto the pope and the duke of Milan; and, to diminish the number of hisenemies, made peace with Gismondo Malatesti, which gave so much offenseto Jacopo Piccinino, the hereditary enemy of Gismondo, that he resignedhis command under Ferrando, and joined his rival. Ferrando also sentmoney to Federigo, lord of Urbino, and collected with all possible speedwhat was in those times considered a tolerable army; which, meeting theenemy upon the river Sarni, an engagement ensued in which Ferrando wasrouted, and many of his principal officers taken. After this defeat, thecity of Naples alone, with a few smaller places and princes of inferiornote, adhered to Ferrando, the greater part having submitted to John. Jacopo Piccinino, after the victory, advised an immediate march uponNaples; but John declined this, saying, he would first reduce theremainder of the kingdom, and then attack the seat of government. Thisresolution occasioned the failure of his enterprise; for he did notconsider how much more easily the members follow the head than the headthe members. 

After his defeat, Ferrando took refuge in Naples, whither the scatteredremnants of his people followed him; and by soliciting his friends, heobtained money and a small force. He sent again for assistance to thepope and the duke, by both of whom he was supplied more liberallyand speedily than before; for they began to entertain most seriousapprehensions of his losing the kingdom. His hopes were thus revived;and, marching from Naples, he regained his reputation in his dominions, and soon obtained the places of which he had been deprived. While thewar was proceeding in the kingdom, a circumstance occurred by whichJohn of Anjou lost his influence, and all chance of success inthe enterprise. The Genoese had become so weary of the haughty andavaricious dominion of the French, that they took arms against theviceroy, and compelled him to seek refuge in the castelletto; theFregosi and the Adorni united in the enterprise against him, and wereassisted with money and troops by the duke of Milan, both for therecovery and preservation of the government. At the same time, King Renécoming with a fleet to the assistance of his son, and hoping to recoverGenoa by means of the castelletto, upon landing his forces was socompletely routed, that he was compelled to return in disgrace toProvence. When the news of his father's defeat reached Naples, John wasgreatly alarmed, but continued the war for a time by the assistance ofthose barons who, being rebels, knew they would obtain no terms fromFerrando. At length, after various trifling occurrences, the two royalarmies came to an engagement, in which John was routed near Troia, inthe year 1463. He was, however, less injured by his defeat than by thedesertion of Jacopo Piccinino, who joined Ferrando; and, being abandonedby his troops, he was compelled to take refuge in Istria, and thencewithdrew to France. This war continued four years. John's failure wasattributable to negligence; for victory was often within his grasp, but he did not take proper means to secure it. The Florentines took nodecisive part in this war. John, king of Aragon, who succeeded upon thedeath of Alfonso, sent ambassadors to request their assistance for hisnephew Ferrando, in compliance with the terms of the treaty recentlymade with his father Alfonso. The Florentines replied, that they wereunder no obligation; that they did not think proper to assist the sonin a war commenced by the father with his own forces; and that as it wasbegun without either their counsel or knowledge, it must be continuedand concluded without their help. The ambassadors affirmed theengagement to be binding on the Florentines, and themselves to beanswerable for the event of the war; and then in great anger left thecity. 

Thus with regard to external affairs, the Florentines continuedtranquil during this war; but the case was otherwise with their domesticconcerns, as will be particularly shown in the following book. 

BOOK VII

CHAPTER I

Connection of the other Italian governments with the history ofFlorence--Republics always disunited--Some differences are injurious;others not so--The kind of dissensions prevailing at Florence--Cosmo de'Medici and Neri Capponi become powerful by dissimilar means--Reformin the election of magistrates favorable to Cosmo--Complaints ofthe principal citizens against the reform in elections--Luca Pitti, Gonfalonier of Justice, restrains the imborsations by force--Tyranny andpride of Luca Pitti and his party--Palace of the Pitti--Death ofCosmo de' Medici--His liberality and magnificence--His modesty--Hisprudence--Sayings of Cosmo. 

It will perhaps appear to the readers of the preceding book that, professing only to write of the affairs of Florence, I have dilated toomuch in speaking of those which occurred in Lombardy and Naples. Butas I have not already avoided, so it is not my intention in future toforbear, similar digressions. For although we have not engaged togive an account of the affairs of Italy, still it would be improperto neglect noticing the most remarkable of them. If they were whollyomitted, our history would not be so well understood, neither would itbe so instructive or agreeable; since from the proceedings of the otherprinces and states of Italy, have most commonly arisen those wars inwhich the Florentines were compelled to take part. Thus, from thewar between John of Anjou and King Ferrando, originated those seriousenmities and hatreds which ensued between Ferrando and the Florentines, particularly the house of Medici. The king complained of a want ofassistance during the war, and of the aid afforded to his enemy; andfrom his anger originated the greatest evils, as will be hereafter seen. Having, in speaking of external affairs, come down to the year 1463, itwill be necessary in order to make our narrative of the contemporaneousdomestic transactions clearly understood, to revert to a period severalyears back. But first, according to custom, I would offer a few remarksreferring to the events about to be narrated, and observe, that thosewho think a republic may be kept in perfect unity of purpose are greatlydeceived. True it is, that some divisions injure republics, while othersare beneficial to them. When accompanied by factions and parties theyare injurious; but when maintained without them they contribute to theirprosperity. The legislator of a republic, since it is impossible toprevent the existence of dissensions, must at least take care to preventthe growth of faction. It may therefore be observed, that citizensacquire reputation and power in two ways; the one public, the otherprivate. Influence is acquired publicly by winning a battle, takingpossession of a territory, fulfilling the duties of an embassy withcare and prudence, or by giving wise counsel attended by a happy result. Private methods are conferring benefits upon individuals, defending themagainst the magistrates, supporting them with money, and raising them toundeserved honors; or with public games and entertainments gaining theaffection of the populace. This mode of procedure produces parties andcliques; and in proportion as influence thus acquired is injurious, sois the former beneficial, if quite free from party spirit; because it isfounded upon the public good, and not upon private advantage. And thoughit is impossible to prevent the existence of inveterate feuds, stillif they be without partisans to support them for their own individualbenefit, they do not injure a republic, but contribute to its welfare;since none can attain distinction, but as he contributes to her good, and each party prevents the other from infringing her liberties. Thedissensions of Florence were always accompanied by factions, and weretherefore always pernicious; and the dominant party only remained unitedso long as its enemies held it in check. As soon as the strength of theopposition was annihilated, the government, deprived of the restraininginfluence of its adversaries, and being subject to no law, fell topieces. The party of Cosmo de' Medici gained the ascendant in 1434; butthe depressed party being very numerous, and composed of several veryinfluential persons, fear kept the former united, and restrained theirproceedings within the bounds of moderation, so that no violence wascommitted by them, nor anything done calculated to excite populardislike. Consequently, whenever this government required the citizens'aid to recover or strengthen its influence, the latter were alwayswilling to gratify its wishes; so that from 1434 to 1455, during aperiod of twenty-one years, the authority of a balia was granted to itsix times. 

There were in Florence, as we have frequently observed, two principallypowerful citizens, Cosmo de' Medici and Neri Capponi. Neri acquiredhis influence by public services; so that he had many friends but fewpartisans. Cosmo, being able to avail himself both of public and privatemeans, had many partisans as well as friends. While both lived, having always been united, they obtained from the people whatever theyrequired; for in them popularity and power were united. But in the year1455, Neri being dead, and the opposition party extinct, the governmentfound a difficulty in resuming its authority; and this was occasioned, remarkably enough, by Cosmo's private friends, and the most influentialmen in the state; for, not fearing the opposite party, they becameanxious to abate his power. This inconsistency was the beginning ofthe evils which took place in 1456; so that those in power were openlyadvised in the deliberative councils not to renew the power of thebalia, but to close the balloting purses, and appoint the magistrates bydrawing from the pollings or squittini previously made. To restrain thisdisposition, Cosmo had the choice of two alternatives, either forciblyto assume the government, with the partisans he possessed, and driveout the others, or to allow the matter to take its course, and let hisfriends see they were not depriving him of power, but rather themselves. He chose the latter; for he well knew that at all events the pursesbeing filled with the names of his own friends, he incurred no risk, andcould take the government into his own hands whenever he found occasion. The chief offices of state being again filled by lot, the mass of thepeople began to think they had recovered their liberty, and that thedecisions of the magistrates were according to their own judgments, unbiased by the influence of the Great. At the same time, the friendsof different grandees were humbled; and many who had commonly seen theirhouses filled with suitors and presents, found themselves destitute ofboth. Those who had previously been very powerful were reduced to anequality with men whom they had been accustomed to consider inferior;and those formerly far beneath them were now become their equals. Norespect or deference was paid to them; they were often ridiculed andderided, and frequently heard themselves and the republic mentioned inthe open streets without the least deference; thus they found it was notCosmo but themselves that had lost the government. Cosmo appeared not tonotice these matters; and whenever any subject was proposed in favorof the people he was the first to support it. But the greatest causeof alarm to the higher classes, and his most favorable opportunity ofretaliation, was the revival of the catasto, or property-tax of 1427, sothat individual contributions were determined by statute, and not by aset of persons appointed for its regulation. 

This law being re-established, and a magistracy created to carry it intoeffect, the nobility assembled, and went to Cosmo to beg he would rescuethem and himself from the power of the plebeians, and restore to thegovernment the reputation which had made himself powerful and themrespected. He replied, he was willing to comply with their request, butwished the law to be obtained in the regular manner, by consent of thepeople, and not by force, of which he would not hear on any account. They then endeavored in the councils to establish a new balia, but didnot succeed. On this the grandees again came to Cosmo, and most humblybegged he would assemble the people in a general council or parliament, but this he refused, for he wished to make them sensible of their greatmistake; and when Donato Cocchi, being Gonfalonier of Justice, proposedto assemble them without his consent, the Signors who were of Cosmo'sparty ridiculed the idea so unmercifully, that the man's mind actuallybecame deranged, and he had to retire from office in consequence. However, since it is undesirable to allow matters to proceed beyondrecovery, the Gonfalon of Justice being in the hands of Luca Pitti, a bold-spirited man, Cosmo determined to let him adopt what course hethought proper, that if any trouble should arise it might be imputedto Luca and not to himself. Luca, therefore, in the beginning of hismagistracy, several times proposed to the people the appointment ofa new balia; and, not succeeding, he threatened the members of thecouncils with injurious and arrogant expressions, which were shortlyfollowed by corresponding conduct; for in the month of August, 1458, onthe eve of Saint Lorenzo, having filled the piazza, and compelledthem to assent to a measure to which he knew them to be averse. Havingrecovered power, created a new balia, and filled the principal officesaccording to the pleasure of a few individuals, in order to commencethat government with terror which they had obtained by force, theybanished Girolamo Machiavelli, with some others, and deprived many ofthe honors of government. Girolamo, having transgressed the confines towhich he was limited, was declared a rebel. Traveling about Italy, withthe design of exciting the princes against his country, he was betrayedwhile at Lunigiana, and, being brought to Florence, was put to death inprison. 

This government, during the eight years it continued, was violent andinsupportable; for Cosmo, being now old, and through ill health unableto attend to public affairs as formerly, Florence became a prey to asmall number of her own citizens. Luca Pitti, in return for the serviceshe had performed for the republic, as made a knight, and to be no lessgrateful than those who had conferred the dignity upon him, he orderedthat the priors, who had hitherto been called priors of the trades, should also have a name to which they had no kind of claim, andtherefore called them priors of liberty. He also ordered, that as ithad been customary for the gonfalonier to sit upon the right hand ofthe rectors, he should in future take his seat in the midst of them. Andthat the Deity might appear to participate in what had been done, publicprocessions were made and solemn services performed, to thank him forthe recovery of the government. The Signory and Cosmo made Luca Pittirich presents, and all the citizens were emulous in imitation of them;so that the money given amounted to no less a sum than twenty thousandducats. He thus attained such influence, that not Cosmo but himself nowgoverned the city; and his pride so increased, that he commenced twosuperb buildings, one in Florence, the other at Ruciano, about a miledistant, both in a style of royal magnificence; that in the city, beinglarger than any hitherto built by a private person. To complete them, hehad recourse to the most extraordinary means; for not only citizens andprivate individuals made him presents and supplied materials, but themass of people, of every grade, also contributed. Besides this, anyexiles who had committed murders, thefts, or other crimes which madethem amenable to the laws, found a safe refuge within their walls, ifthey were able to contribute toward their decoration or completion. Theother citizens, though they did not build like him, were no less violentor rapacious, so that if Florence were not harassed by external wars, she was ruined by the wickedness of her own children. During this periodthe wars of Naples took place. The pope also commenced hostilities inRomagna against the Malatesti, from whom he wished to take Rimino andCesena, held by them. In these designs, and his intentions of a crusadeagainst the Turks, was passed the pontificate of Pius II. 

Florence continued in disunion and disturbance. The dissensionscontinued among the party of Cosmo, in 1455, from the causes alreadyrelated, which by his prudence, as we have also before remarked, he wasenabled to tranquilize; but in the year 1464, his illness increased, and he died. Friends and enemies alike grieved for his loss; for hispolitical opponents, perceiving the rapacity of the citizens, evenduring the life of him who alone restrained them and made their tyrannysupportable, were afraid, lest after his decease, nothing but ruin wouldensue. Nor had they much hope of his son Piero, who though a very goodman, was of infirm health, and new in the government, and they thoughthe would be compelled to give way; so that, being unrestrained, theirrapacity would pass all bounds. On these accounts, the regret wasuniversal. Of all who have left memorials behind them, and who were notof the military profession, Cosmo was the most illustrious and the mostrenowned. He not only surpassed all his contemporaries in wealth andauthority, but also in generosity and prudence; and among the qualitieswhich contributed to make him prince in his own country, was hissurpassing all others in magnificence and generosity. His liberalitybecame more obvious after his death, when Piero, his son, wishingto know what he possessed, it appeared there was no citizen of anyconsequence to whom Cosmo had not lent a large sum of money; and often, when informed of some nobleman being in distress, he relieved himunasked. His magnificence is evident from the number of public edificeshe erected; for in Florence are the convents and churches of St. Marcoand St. Lorenzo, and the monastery of Santa Verdiana; in the mountainsof Fiesole, the church and abbey of St. Girolamo; and in the Mugello, henot only restored, but rebuilt from its foundation, a monastery of theFrati Minori, or Minims. Besides these, in the church of Santa Croce, the Servi, the Agnoli, and in San Miniato, he erected splendid chapelsand altars; and besides building the churches and chapels we havementioned, he provided them with all the ornaments, furniture, andutensils suitable for the performance of divine service. To these sacrededifices are to be added his private dwellings, one in Florence, ofextent and elegance adapted to so great a citizen, and four others, situated at Careggi, Fiesole, Craggiulo, and Trebbio, each, for size andgrandeur, equal to royal palaces. And, as if it were not sufficientto be distinguished for magnificence of buildings in Italy alone, heerected an hospital at Jerusalem, for the reception of poor and infirmpilgrims. Although his habitations, like all his other works andactions, were quite of a regal character, and he alone was prince inFlorence, still everything was so tempered with his prudence, thathe never transgressed the decent moderation of civil life; in hisconversation, his servants, his traveling, his mode of living, and therelationships he formed, the modest demeanor of the citizen was alwaysevident; for he was aware that a constant exhibition of pomp bringsmore envy upon its possessor than greater realities borne withoutostentation. Thus in selecting consorts for his sons, he did notseek the alliance of princes, but for Giovanni chose Corneglia degliAllesandri, and for Piero, Lucrezia de' Tornabuoni. He gave hisgranddaughters, the children of Piero, Bianca to Guglielmo de' Pazzi, and Nannina to Bernardo Ruccellai. No one of his time possessed such anintimate knowledge of government and state affairs as himself; and henceamid such a variety of fortune, in a city so given to change, and amonga people of such extreme inconstancy, he retained possession of thegovernment thirty-one years; for being endowed with the utmost prudence, he foresaw evils at a distance, and therefore had an opportunity eitherof averting them, or preventing their injurious results. He thus notonly vanquished domestic and civil ambition, but humbled the pride ofmany princes with so much fidelity and address, that whatever powerswere in league with himself and his country, either overcame theiradversaries, or remained uninjured by his alliance; and whoever wereopposed to him, lost either their time, money, or territory. Of thisthe Venetians afford a sufficient proof, who, while in league with himagainst Duke Filippo were always victorious, but apart from him werealways conquered; first by Filippo and then by Francesco. When theyjoined Alfonso against the Florentine republic, Cosmo, by his commercialcredit, so drained Naples and Venice of money, that they were glad toobtain peace upon any terms it was thought proper to grant. Whateverdifficulties he had to contend with, whether within the city or without, he brought to a happy issue, at once glorious to himself and destructiveto his enemies; so that civil discord strengthened his government inFlorence, and war increased his power and reputation abroad. He addedto the Florentine dominions, the Borgo of St. Sepolcro, Montedoglio, theCasentino and Val di Bagno. His virtue and good fortune overcame all hisenemies and exalted his friends. He was born in the year 1389, on theday of the saints Cosmo and Damiano. His earlier years were full oftrouble, as his exile, captivity, and personal danger fully testify;and having gone to the council of Constance, with Pope John, in order tosave his life, after the ruin of the latter, he was obliged to escape indisguise. But after the age of forty, he enjoyed the greatest felicity;and not only those who assisted him in public business, but hisagents who conducted his commercial speculations throughout Europe, participated in his prosperity. Hence many enormous fortunes took theirorigin in different families of Florence, as in that of the Tornabuoni, the Benci, the Portinari, and the Sassetti. Besides these, all whodepended upon his advice and patronage became rich; and, though hewas constantly expending money in building churches, and in charitablepurposes, he sometimes complained to his friends that he had never beenable to lay out so much in the service of God as to find the balance inhis own favor, intimating that all he had done or could do, was stillunequal to what the Almighty had done for him. He was of middle stature, olive complexion, and venerable aspect; not learned but exceedinglyeloquent, endowed with great natural capacity, generous to his friends, kind to the poor, comprehensive in discourse, cautious in advising, and in his speeches and replies, grave and witty. When Rinaldo degliAlbizzi, at the beginning of his exile, sent to him to say, "the hen hadlaid, " he replied, "she did ill to lay so far from the nest. " Some otherof the rebels gave him to understand they were "not dreaming. " He said, "he believed it, for he had robbed them of their sleep. " When PopePius was endeavoring to induce the different governments to join inan expedition against the Turks, he said, "he was an old man, and hadundertaken the enterprise of a young one. " To the Venetians ambassadors, who came to Florence with those of King Alfonso to complain of therepublic, he uncovered his head, and asked them what color it was; theysaid, "white;" he replied, "it is so; and it will not be long beforeyour senators have heads as white as mine. " A few hours before hisdeath, his wife asked him why he kept his eyes shut, and he said, "toget them in the way of it. " Some citizens saying to him, after hisreturn from exile, that he injured the city, and that it was offensiveto God to drive so many religious persons out of it; he replied that, "it was better to injure the city, than to ruin it; that two yardsof rose-colored cloth would make a gentleman, and that it requiredsomething more to direct a government than to play with a string ofbeads. " These words gave occasion to his enemies to slander him, as aman who loved himself more than his country, and was more attachedto this world than to the next. Many others of his sayings might beadduced, but we shall omit them as unnecessary. Cosmo was a friend andpatron of learned men. He brought Argiripolo, a Greek by birth, and oneof the most erudite of his time, to Florence, to instruct the youth inHellenic literature. He entertained Marsilio Ficino, the reviver of thePlatonic philosophy, in his own house; and being much attached to him, have him a residence near his palace at Careggi, that he might pursuethe study of letters with greater convenience, and himself have anopportunity of enjoying his company. His prudence, his great wealth, theuses to which he applied it, and his splendid style of living, causedhim to be beloved and respected in Florence, and obtained for him thehighest consideration, not only among the princes and governments ofItaly, but throughout all Europe. He thus laid a foundation for hisdescendants, which enabled them to equal him in virtue, and greatlysurpass him in fortune; while the authority they possessed in Florenceand throughout Christendom was not obtained without being merited. Toward the close of his life he suffered great affliction; for, of histwo sons, Piero and Giovanni, the latter, of whom he entertained thegreatest hopes, died; and the former was so sickly as to be unable toattend either to public or private business. On being carried fromone apartment to another, after Giovanni's death, he remarked to hisattendants, with a sigh, "This is too large a house for so small afamily. " His great mind also felt distressed at the idea that he had notextended the Florentine dominions by any valuable acquisition; and heregretted it the more, from imagining he had been deceived by FrancescoSforza, who, while count, had promised, that if he became lord of Milan, he would undertake the conquest of Lucca for the Florentines, a design, however, that was never realized; for the count's ideas changed upon hisbecoming duke; he resolved to enjoy in peace, the power he had acquiredby war, and would not again encounter its fatigues and dangers, unlessthe welfare of his own dominions required it. This was a source of muchannoyance to Cosmo, who felt he had incurred great expense and troublefor an ungrateful and perfidious friend. His bodily infirmitiesprevented him from attending either to public or private affairs, as hehad been accustomed, and he consequently witnessed both going to decay;for Florence was ruined by her own citizens, and his fortune by hisagents and children. He died, however, at the zenith of his glory andin the enjoyment of the highest renown. The city, and all the Christianprinces, condoled with his son Piero for his loss. His funeral wasconducted with the utmost pomp and solemnity, the whole city followinghis corpse to the tomb in the church of St. Lorenzo, on which, by publicdecree, he was inscribed, "FATHER OF HIS COUNTRY. " If, in speaking ofCosmo's actions, I have rather imitated the biographies of princes thangeneral history, it need not occasion wonder; for of so extraordinary anindividual I was compelled to speak with unusual praise. 

CHAPTER II

The duke of Milan becomes lord of Genoa--The king of Naples and theduke of Milan endeavor to secure their dominions to their heirs--JacopoPiccinino honorably received at Milan, and shortly afterward murderedat Naples--Fruitless endeavors of Pius II. To excite Christendom againstthe Turks--Death of Francesco Sforza, duke of Milan--Perfidious counselgiven to Piero de' Medici by Diotisalvi Neroni--Conspiracy ofDiotisalvi and others against Piero--Futile attempts to appease thedisorders--Public spectacles--Projects of the conspirators against Pierode' Medici--Niccolo Fedini discloses to Piero the plots of his enemies. 

While Florence and Italy were in this condition, Louis XI. Of Francewas involved in very serious troubles with his barons, who, with theassistance of Francis, duke of Brittany, and Charles, duke of Burgundy, were in arms against him. This attack was so serious, that he was unableto render further assistance to John of Anjou in his enterprise againstGenoa and Naples; and, standing in need of all the forces he couldraise, he gave over Savona (which still remained in the power of theFrench) to the duke of Milan, and also intimated, that if he wished, he had his permission to undertake the conquest of Genoa. Francescoaccepted the proposal, and with the influence afforded by the king'sfriendship, and the assistance of the Adorni, he became lord of Genoa. In acknowledgment of this benefit, he sent fifteen hundred horse intoFrance for the king's service, under the command of Galeazzo, his eldestson. Thus Ferrando of Aragon and Francesco Sforza became, the latter, duke of Lombardy and prince of Genoa, and the former, sovereign of thewhole kingdom of Naples. Their families being allied by marriage, theythought they might so confirm their power as to secure to themselves itsenjoyment during life, and at their deaths, its unencumbered reversionto their heirs. To attain this end, they considered it necessary thatthe king should remove all ground of apprehension from those barons whohad offended him in the war of John of Anjou, and that the duke shouldextirpate the adherents of the Bracceschi, the natural enemies ofhis family, who, under Jacopo Piccinino, had attained the highestreputation. The latter was now the first general in Italy, andpossessing no territory, he naturally excited the apprehension of allwho had dominions, and especially of the duke, who, conscious of whathe had himself done, thought he could neither enjoy his own estate insafety, nor leave them with any degree of security to his son duringJacopo's lifetime. The king, therefore, strenuously endeavored to cometo terms with his barons, and using his utmost ingenuity to secure them, succeeded in his object; for they perceived their ruin to be inevitableif they continued in war with their sovereign, though from submissionand confidence in him, they would still have reason for apprehension. Mankind are always most eager to avoid a certain evil; and henceinferior powers are easily deceived by princes. The barons, consciousof the danger of continuing the war, trusted the king's promises, andhaving placed themselves in his hands, they were soon after destroyedin various ways, and under a variety of pretexts. This alarmed JacopoPiccinino, who was with his forces at Sulmona; and to deprive the kingof the opportunity of treating him similarly, he endeavored, by themediation of his friends, to be reconciled with the duke, who, by themost liberal offers, induced Jacopo to visit him at Milan, accompaniedby only a hundred horse. 

Jacopo had served many years with his father and brother, first underDuke Filippo, and afterward under the Milanese republic, so that byfrequent intercourse with the citizens he had acquired many friends anduniversal popularity, which present circumstances tended to increase;for the prosperity and newly acquired power of the Sforzeschi hadoccasioned envy, while Jacopo's misfortunes and long absence had givenrise to compassion and a great desire to see him. These various feelingswere displayed upon his arrival; for nearly all the nobility went tomeet him; the streets through which he passed were filled with citizens, anxious to catch a glimpse of him, while shouts of "The Bracceschi! theBracceschi!" resounded on all sides. These honors accelerated his ruin;for the duke's apprehensions increased his desire of destroying him; andto effect this with the least possible suspicion, Jacopo's marriage withDrusiana, the duke's natural daughter, was now celebrated. The duke thenarranged with Ferrando to take him into pay, with the title of captainof his forces, and give him 100, 000 florins for his maintenance. Afterthis agreement, Jacopo, accompanied by a ducal ambassador and his wifeDrusiana, proceeded to Naples, where he was honorably and joyfullyreceived, and for many days entertained with every kind of festivity;but having asked permission to go to Sulmona, where his forces were, theking invited him to a banquet in the castle, at the conclusion of whichhe and his son Francesco were imprisoned, and shortly afterward put todeath. It was thus our Italian princes, fearing those virtues in otherswhich they themselves did not possess, extirpated them; and hence thecountry became a prey to the efforts of those by whom it was not longafterward oppressed and ruined. 

At this time, Pope Pius II. Having settled the affairs of Romagna, andwitnessing a universal peace, thought it a suitable opportunity to leadthe Christians against the Turks, and adopted measures similar to thosewhich his predecessors had used. All the princes promised assistanceeither in men or money; while Matthias, king of Hungary, and Charles, duke of Burgundy, intimated their intention of joining the enterprisein person, and were by the pope appointed leaders of the expedition. Thepontiff was so full of expectation, that he left Rome and proceededto Ancona, where it had been arranged that the whole army should beassembled, and the Venetians engaged to send ships thither to convey theforces to Sclavonia. Upon the arrival of the pope in that city, there was soon such a concourse of people, that in a few days allthe provisions it contained, or that could be procured from theneighborhood, were consumed, and famine began to impend. Besides this, there was no money to provide those who were in want of it, nor armsto furnish such as were without them. Neither Matthias nor Charles madetheir appearance. The Venetians sent a captain with some galleys, butrather for ostentation and the sake of keeping their word, than for thepurpose of conveying troops. During this position of affairs, the pope, being old and infirm, died, and the assembled troops returned to theirhomes. The death of the pontiff occurred in 1465, and Paul II. OfVenetian origin, was chosen to succeed him; and that nearly all theprincipalities of Italy might change their rulers about the same period, in the following year Francesco Sforza, duke of Milan, also died, havingoccupied the dukedom sixteen years, and Galleazzo, his son, succeededhim. 

The death of this prince infused redoubled energy into the Florentinedissensions, and caused them to produce more prompt effects than theywould otherwise have done. Upon the demise of Cosmo, his son Piero, being heir to the wealth and government of his father, called to hisassistance Diotisalvi Neroni, a man of great influence and the highestreputation, in whom Cosmo reposed so much confidence that just beforehis death he recommended Piero to be wholly guided by him, both withregard to the government of the city and the management of his fortune. Piero acquired Diotisalvi with the opinion Cosmo entertained of him, and said that as he wished to obey his father, though now no more, ashe always had while alive, he should consult him concerning both hispatrimony and the city. Beginning with his private affairs, he causedan account of all his property, liabilities, and assets, to be placed inDiotisalvi's hands, that, with an entire acquaintance with the state ofhis affairs, he might be able to afford suitable advice, and the latterpromised to use the utmost care. Upon examination of these accounts theaffairs were found to be in great disorder, and Diotisalvi, instigatedrather by his own ambition than by attachment to Piero or gratitudeto Cosmo, thought he might without difficulty deprive him of boththe reputation and the splendor which his father had left him as hisinheritance. In order to realize his views, he waited upon Piero, andadvised him to adopt a measure which, while it appeared quite correct initself, and suitable to existing circumstances, involved a consequencedestructive to his authority. He explained the disorder of his affairs, and the large amount of money it would be necessary to provide, if hewished to preserve his influence in the state and his reputation ofwealth; and said there was no other means of remedying these disordersso just and available as to call in the sums which his father had lentto an infinite number of persons, both foreigners and citizens;for Cosmo, to acquire partisans in Florence and friends abroad, wasextremely liberal of his money, and the amount of loans due to him wasenormous. Piero thought the advice good, because he was only desirous torepossess his own property to meet the demands to which he was liable;but as soon as he had ordered those amounts to be recalled, thecitizens, as if he had asked for something to which he had no kind ofclaim, took great offense, loaded him with opprobrious expressions, andaccused him of being avaricious and ungrateful. 

Diotisalvi, noticing the popular excitement against Piero, occasionedby his own advice, obtained an interview with Luca Pitti, AgnoloAcciajuoli, and Niccolo Soderini, and they resolved to unite theirefforts to deprive him both of the government and his influence. Eachwas actuated by a different motive; Luca Pitti wished to take theposition Cosmo had occupied, for he was now become so great, that hedisdained to submit to Piero; Diotisalvi Neroni, who knew Luca unfitto be at the head of a government, thought that of necessity on Piero'sremoval, the whole authority of the state would devolve upon himself;Niccolo Soderini desired the city to enjoy greater liberty, and forthe laws to be equally binding upon all. Agnolo Acciajuoli was greatlyincensed against the Medici, for the following reasons: his son, Raffaello, had some time before married Alessandra de' Bardi, andreceived with her a large dowry. She, either by her own fault orthe misconduct of others, suffered much ill-treatment both from herfather-in-law and her husband, and in consequence Lorenzo d' Ilarione, her kinsman, out of pity for the girl, being accompanied by severalarmed men, took her away from Agnolo's house. The Acciajuoli complainedof the injury done them by the Bardi, and the matter was referred toCosmo, who decided that the Acciajuoli should restore to Alessandra herfortune, and then leave it to her choice either to return to her husbandor not. Agnolo thought Cosmo had not, in this instance, treated him asa friend; and having been unable to avenge himself on the father, he nowresolved to do his utmost to ruin the son. These conspirators, thougheach was influenced by a different motive from the rest, affected tohave only one object in view, which was that the city should be governedby the magistrates, and not be subjected to the counsels of a fewindividuals. The odium against Piero, and opportunities of injuring him, were increased by the number of merchants who failed about this time;for it was reported that he, in having, quite unexpectedly to all, resolved to call in his debts, had, to the disgrace and ruin of thecity, caused them to become insolvent. To this was added his endeavorto obtain Clarice degli Orsini as wife of Lorenzo, his eldest son; andhence his enemies took occasion to say, it was quite clear, that as hedespised a Florentine alliance, he no longer considered himself one ofthe people, and was preparing to make himself prince; for he who refuseshis fellow-citizens as relatives, desires to make them slaves, andtherefore cannot expect to have them as friends. The leaders of thesedition thought they had the victory in their power; for the greaterpart of the citizens followed them, deceived by the name of libertywhich they, to give their purpose a graceful covering, adopted upontheir ensigns. 

In this agitated state of the city, some, to whom civil discord wasextremely offensive, thought it would be well to endeavor to engagemen's minds with some new occupation, because when unemployed theyare commonly led by whoever chooses to excite them. To divert theirattention from matters of government, it being now a year since thedeath of Cosmo, it was resolved to celebrate two festivals, similar tothe most solemn observed in the city. At one of them was representedthe arrival of the three kings from the east, led by the star whichannounced the nativity of Christ; which was conducted with such pomp andmagnificence, that the preparations for it kept the whole city occupiedmany months. The other was a tournament (for so they call the exhibitionof equestrian combats), in which the sons of the first families in thecity took part with the most celebrated cavaliers of Italy. Among themost distinguished of the Florentine youth was Lorenzo, eldest son ofPiero, who, not by favor, but by his own personal valor, obtained theprincipal prize. When these festivals were over, the citizens revertedto the same thoughts which had previously occupied them, and eachpursued his ideas with more earnestness than ever. Serious differencesand troubles were the result; and these were greatly increased by twocircumstances: one of which was, that the authority of the balia hadexpired; the other, that upon the death of Duke Francesco, Galeazzo thenew duke sent ambassadors to Florence, to renew the engagements of hisfather with the city, which, among other things, provided that everyyear a certain sum of money should be paid to the duke. The principalopponents of the Medici took occasion, from this demand, to make publicresistance in the councils, on pretense that the alliance was made withFrancesco and not Galeazzo; so that Francesco being dead, the obligationhad ceased; nor was there any necessity to revive it, because Galeazzodid not possess his father's talents, and consequently they neithercould nor ought to expect the same benefits from him; that if they hadderived little advantage from Francesco, they would obtain still lessfrom Galeazzo; and that if any citizen wished to hire him for his ownpurposes, it was contrary to civil rule, and inconsistent with thepublic liberty. Piero, on the contrary, argued that it would be veryimpolitic to lose such an alliance from mere avarice, and that therewas nothing so important to the republic, and to the whole of Italy, as their alliance with the duke; that the Venetians, while they wereunited, could not hope either by feigned friendship or open warto injure the duchy; but as soon as they perceived the Florentinesalienated from him they would prepare for hostilities, and, finding himyoung, new in the government, and without friends, they would, eitherby force or fraud, compel him to join them; in which case ruin of therepublic would be inevitable. 

The arguments of Piero were without effect, and the animosity of theparties began to be openly manifested in their nocturnal assemblies; thefriends of the Medici meeting in the Crocetta, and their adversaries inthe Pieta. The latter being anxious for Piero's ruin, had induced manycitizens to subscribe their names as favorable to the undertaking. Uponone occasion, particularly when considering the course to be adopted, although all agreed that the power of the Medici ought to be reduced, different opinions were given concerning the means by which it should beeffected; one party, the most temperate and reasonable, held that as theauthority of the balia had ceased, they must take care to preventits renewal; it would then be found to be the universal wish that themagistrates and councils should govern the city, and in a short timePiero's power would be visibly diminished, and, as a consequence of hisloss of influence in the government, his commercial credit would alsofail; for his affairs were in such a state, that if they could preventhim from using the public money his ruin must ensue. They would thusbe in no further danger from him, and would succeed in the recovery oftheir liberty, without the death or exile of any individual; but ifthey attempted violence they would incur great dangers; for mankindare willing to allow one who falls of himself to meet his fate, but ifpushed down they would hasten to his relief; so that if they adopted noextraordinary measures against him, he will have no reason for defenseor aid; and if he were to seek them it would be greatly to his owninjury, by creating such a general suspicion as would accelerate hisruin, and justify whatever course they might think proper to adopt. Manyof the assembly were dissatisfied with this tardy method of proceeding;they thought delay would be favorable to him and injurious tothemselves; for if they allowed matters to take their ordinary course, Piero would be in no danger whatever, while they themselves would incurmany; for the magistrates who were opposed to him would allow him torule the city, and his friends would make him a prince, and their ownruin would be inevitable, as happened in 1458; and though the advicethey had just heard might be most consistent with good feeling, thepresent would be found to be the safest. That it would therefore bebest, while the minds of men were yet excited against him, to effecthis destruction. It must be their plan to arm themselves, and engage theassistance of the marquis of Ferrara, that they might not be destituteof troops; and if a favorable Signory were drawn, they would be incondition to make use of them. They therefore determined to wait theformation of the new Signory, and be governed by circumstances. 

Among the conspirators was Niccolo Fedini, who had acted as president oftheir assemblies. He, being induced by most certain hopes, disclosed thewhole affair to Piero, and gave him a list of those who had subscribedtheir names, and also of the conspirators. Piero was alarmed ondiscovering the number and quality of those who were opposed to him; andby the advice of his friends he resolved to take the signatures of thosewho were inclined to favor him. Having employed one of his mosttrusty confidants to carry his design into effect, he found so great adisposition to change and instability, that many who had previously setdown their names among the number of his enemies, now subscribed them inhis favor. 

CHAPTER III

Niccolo Soderini drawn Gonfalonier of Justice--Great hopes excited inconsequence--The two parties take arms--The fears of the Signory--Theirconduct with regard to Piero--Piero's reply to the Signory--Reform ofgovernment in favor of Piero de' Medici--Dispersion of his enemies--Fallof Lucca Pitti--Letter of Agnolo Acciajuoli to Piero de' Medici--Piero'sanswer--Designs of the Florentine exiles--They induce the Venetians tomake war on Florence. 

In the midst of these events, the time arrived for the renewal ofthe supreme magistracy; and Niccolo Soderini was drawn Gonfalonierof Justice. It was surprising to see by what a concourse, not only ofdistinguished citizens, but also of the populace, he was accompanied tothe palace; and while on the way thither an olive wreath was placed uponhis head, to signify that upon him depended the safety and libertyof the city. This, among many similar instances, serves to prove howundesirable it is to enter upon office or power exciting inordinateexpectations; for, being unable to fulfil them (many looking for morethan it is possible to perform), shame and disappointment are theordinary results. Tommaso and Niccolo Soderini were brothers. Niccolowas the more ardent and spirited, Tommaso the wiser man; who, being verymuch the friend of Piero, and knowing that his brother desired nothingbut the liberty of the city, and the stability of the republic, withoutinjury to any, advised him to make new Squittini, by which means theelection purses might be filled with the names of those favorable to hisdesign. Niccolo took his brother's advice, and thus wasted the periodof his magistracy in vain hopes, which his friends, the leadingconspirators, allowed him to do from motives of envy; for they wereunwilling that the government should be reformed by the authorityof Niccolo, and thought they would be in time enough to effect theirpurpose under another gonfalonier. Thus the magistracy of Niccoloexpired; and having commenced many things without completing aught, heretired from office with much less credit than when he had entered uponit. 

This circumstance caused the aggrandizement of Piero's party, whosefriends entertained stronger hopes, while those who had been neutral orwavering became his adherents; so that both sides being balanced, many months elapsed without any open demonstration of their particulardesigns. Piero's party continuing to gather strength, his enemies'indignation increased in proportion; and they now determined to effectby force what they either could not accomplish, or were unwilling toattempt by the medium of the magistrates, which was assassination ofPiero, who lay sick at Careggi, and to this end order the marquis ofFerrara nearer to the city with his forces, that after Piero's death hemight lead them into the piazza, and thus compel the Signory to form agovernment according to their own wishes; for though all might not befriendly, they trusted they would be able to induce those to submit byfear who might be opposed to them from principle. 

Diotisalvi, the better to conceal his design, frequently visited Piero, conversed with him respecting the union of the city, and advised him toeffect it. The conspirators' designs had already been fully disclosed toPiero; besides this, Domenico Martelli had informed him, that FrancescoNeroni, the brother of Diotisalvi, had endeavored to induce him to jointhem, assuring him the victory was certain, and their object all butattained. Upon this, Piero resolved to take advantage of his enemies'tampering with the marquis of Ferrara, and be first in arms. Hetherefore intimated that he had received a letter from GiovanniBentivogli, prince of Bologna, which informed him that the marquis ofFerrara was upon the river Albo, at the head of a considerable force, with the avowed intention of leading it to Florence; that upon thisadvice he had taken up arms; after which, in the midst of a strongforce, he came to the city, when all who were disposed to support him, armed themselves also. The adverse party did the same, but not in suchgood order, being unprepared. The residence of Diotisalvi being nearthat of Piero, he did not think himself safe in it, but first went tothe palace and begged the Signory would endeavor to induce Piero to laydown his arms, and thence to Luca Pitti, to keep him faithful in theircause. Niccolo Soderini displayed the most activity; for taking arms, and being followed by nearly all the plebeians in his vicinity, heproceeded to the house of Luca, and begged that he would mount hishorse, and come to the piazza in support of the Signory, who were, hesaid, favorable, and that the victory would, undoubtedly, be on theirside; that he should not stay in the house to be basely slain by theirarmed enemies, or ignominiously deceived by those who were unarmed; for, in that case, he would soon repent of having neglected an opportunityirrecoverably lost; that if he desired the forcible ruin of Piero, hemight easily effect it; and that if he were anxious for peace, it wouldbe far better to be in a condition to propose terms than to be compelledto accept any that might be offered. These words produced no effect uponLuca, whose mind was now quite made up; he had been induced to deserthis party by new conditions and promises of alliance from Piero; for oneof his nieces had been married to Giovanni Tornabuoni. He, therefore, advised Niccolo to dismiss his followers and return home, telling himhe ought to be satisfied, if the city were governed by the magistrates, which would certainly be the case, and that all ought to lay aside theirweapons; for the Signory, most of whom were friendly, would decide theirdifferences. Niccolo, finding him impracticable, returned home; butbefore he left, he said, "I can do the city no good alone, but I caneasily foresee the evils that will befall her. This resolution of yourswill rob our country of her liberty; you will lose the government, Ishall lose my property, and the rest will be exiled. "

During this disturbance the Signory closed the palace and kept theirmagistrates about them, without showing favor to either party. Thecitizens, especially those who had followed Luca Pitti, finding Pierofully prepared and his adversaries unarmed, began to consider, not howthey might injure him, but how, with least observation, glide intothe ranks of his friends. The principal citizens, the leaders of bothfactions, assembled in the palace in the presence of the Signory, and spoke respecting the state of the city and the reconciliationof parties; and as the infirmities of Piero prevented him from beingpresent, they, with one exception, unanimously determined to wait uponhim at his house. Niccolo Soderini having first placed his childrenand his effects under the care of his brother Tommaso, withdrew to hisvilla, there to await the event, but apprehended misfortune to himselfand ruin to his country. The other citizens coming into Piero'spresence, one of them who had been appointed spokesman, complained ofthe disturbances that had arisen in the city, and endeavored to show, that those must be most to blame who had been first to take up arms; andnot knowing what Piero (who was evidently the first to do so) intended, they had come in order to be informed of his design, and if it had inview the welfare of the city, they were desirous of supporting it. Pieroreplied, that not those who first take arms are the most to blame, butthose who give the first occasion for it, and if they would reflect alittle on their mode of proceeding toward himself, they would cease towonder at what he had done; for they could not fail to perceive, thatnocturnal assemblies, the enrollment of partisans, and attempts todeprive him both of his authority and his life, had caused him to takearms; and they might further observe, that as his forces had not quittedhis own house, his design was evidently only to defend himself and notto injure others. He neither sought nor desired anything but safety andrepose; neither had his conduct ever manifested a desire for ought else;for when the authority of the Balia expired, he never made any attemptto renew it, and was very glad the magistrates had governed the city andhad been content. They might also remember that Cosmo and his sons couldlive respected in Florence, either with the Balia or without it, andthat in 1458, it was not his family, but themselves, who had renewed it. That if they did not wish for it at present, neither did he; but thisdid not satisfy them; for he perceived that they thought it impossibleto remain in Florence while he was there. It was entirely beyond allhis anticipations that his own or his father's friends should thinkthemselves unsafe with him in Florence, having always shown himselfquiet and peaceable. He then addressed himself to Diotisalvi and hisbrothers, who were present, reminding them with grave indignation, ofthe benefits they had received from Cosmo, the confidence he had reposedin them and their subsequent ingratitude; and his words so stronglyexcited some present, that had he not interfered, they would certainlyhave torn the Neroni to pieces on the spot. He concluded by saying, thathe should approve of any determination of themselves and the Signory;and that for his own part, he only desired peace and safety. After this, many things were discussed, but nothing determined, excepting generally, that it was necessary to reform the administration of the city andgovernment. 

The Gonfalon of Justice was then in the hands of Bernardo Lotti, a mannot in the confidence of Piero, who was therefore disinclined to attemptaught while he was in office; but no inconvenience would result from thedelay, as his magistracy was on the point of expiring. Upon the electionof Signors for the months of September and October, 1466, Roberto Lioniwas appointed to the supreme magistracy, and as soon as he assumed itsduties, every requisite arrangement having been previously made, thepeople were called to the piazza, and a new Balia created, wholly infavor of Piero, who soon afterward filled all the offices of governmentaccording to his own pleasure. These transactions alarmed the leaders ofthe opposite faction, and Agnolo Acciajuoli fled to Naples, DiotisalviNeroni and Niccolo Soderini to Venice. Luca Pitti remained in Florence, trusting to his new relationship and the promises of Piero. The refugeeswere declared rebels, and all the family of the Neroni were dispersed. Giovanni di Neroni, then archbishop of Florence, to avoid a greaterevil, became a voluntary exile at Rome, and to many other citizenswho fled, various places of banishment were appointed. Nor was thisconsidered sufficient; for it was ordered that the citizens should goin solemn procession to thank God for the preservation of the governmentand the reunion of the city, during the performance of which, some weretaken and tortured, and part of them afterward put to death and exiled. In this great vicissitude of affairs, there was not a more remarkableinstance of the uncertainty of fortune than Luca Pitti, who soon foundthe difference between victory and defeat, honor and disgrace. His housenow presented only a vast solitude, where previously crowds of citizenshad assembled. In the streets, his friends and relatives, instead ofaccompanying, were afraid even to salute him. Some of them were deprivedof the honors of government, others of their property, and all alikethreatened. The superb edifices he had commenced were abandoned bythe builders; the benefits that had been conferred upon him, where nowexchanged for injuries, the honors for disgrace. Hence many of those whohad presented him with articles of value now demanded them back again, as being only lent; and those who had been in the habit of extollinghim as a man of surpassing excellence, now termed him violent andungrateful. So that, when too late, he regretted not having taken theadvice of Niccolo Soderini, and preferred an honorable death in battle, than to a life of ignominy among his victorious enemies. 

The exiles now began to consider various means of recovering thatcitizenship which they had not been able to preserve. However, AgnoloAcciajuoli being at Naples, before he attempted anything else, resolvedto sound Piero, and try if he could effect a reconciliation. For thispurpose, he wrote to him in the following terms: "I cannot help laughingat the freaks of fortune, perceiving how, at her pleasure, she convertsfriends into enemies, and enemies into friends. You may remember thatduring your father's exile, regarding more the injury done to him thanmy own misfortunes, I was banished, and in danger of death, and neverduring Cosmo's life failed to honor and support your family; neitherhave I since his death ever entertained a wish to injure you. True, it is, that your own sickness, and the tender years of your sons, so alarmed me, that I judged it desirable to give such a form to thegovernment, that after your death our country might not be ruined; andhence, the proceedings, which not against you, but for the safety ofthe state, have been adopted, which, if mistaken, will surely obtainforgiveness, both for the good design in view, and on account of myformer services. Neither can I apprehend, that your house, having foundme so long faithful, should now prove unmerciful, or that you couldcancel the impression of so much merit for so small a fault. " Pieroreplied: "Your laughing in your present abode is the cause why I donot weep, for were you to laugh in Florence, I should have to weep atNaples. I confess you were well disposed toward my father, and you oughtto confess you were well paid for it; and the obligation is so much thegreater on your part than on ours, as deeds are of greater value thanwords. Having been recompensed for your good wishes, it ought not tosurprise you that you now receive the due reward of your bad ones. Neither will a pretense of your patriotism excuse you, for none willthink the city less beloved or benefited by the Medici, than by theAcciajuoli. It, therefore, seems but just, that you should remain indishonor at Naples, since you knew not how to live with honor at home. "

Agnolo, hopeless of obtaining pardon, went to Rome, where, joining thearchbishop and other refugees, they used every available means to injurethe commercial credit of the Medici in that city. Their attempts greatlyannoyed Piero; but by his friends' assistance, he was enabled to renderthem abortive. Diotisalvi Neroni and Niccolo Soderini strenuously urgedthe Venetian senate to make war upon their country, calculating, thatin case of an attack, the government being new and unpopular, wouldbe unable to resist. At this time there resided at Ferrara, GiovanniFrancesco, son of Palla Strozzi, who, with his father, was banished fromFlorence in the changes of 1434. He possessed great influence, and wasconsidered one of the richest merchants. The newly banished pointed outto Giovanni Francesco how easily they might return to their country, if the Venetians were to undertake the enterprise, and that it was mostprobable they would do so, if they had pecuniary assistance, but thatotherwise it would be doubtful. Giovanni Francesco, wishing to avengehis own injuries, at once fell in with their ideas, and promised tocontribute to the success of the attempt all the means in his power. On this they went to the Doge, and complained of the exile they werecompelled to endure, for no other reason, they said, than for havingwished their country should be subject to equal laws, and that themagistrates should govern, not a few private individuals; that Piero de'Medici, with his adherents, who were accustomed to act tyrannically, hadsecretly taken up arms, deceitfully induced them to lay their own aside, and thus, by fraud, expelled them from their country; that, not contentwith this, they made the Almighty himself a means of oppression toseveral, who, trusting to their promises, had remained in the cityand were there betrayed; for, during public worship and solemnsupplications, that the Deity might seem to participate in theirtreachery, many citizens had been seized, imprisoned, tortured, and putto death; thus affording to the world a horrible and impious precedent. To avenge themselves for these injuries, they knew not where to turnwith so much hope of success as to the senate, which, having alwaysenjoyed their liberty, ought to compassionate those who had lost it. They therefore called upon them as free men to assist them againsttyrants; as pious, against the wicked; and would remind the Venetians, that it was the family of the Medici who had robbed them of theirdominions in Lombardy, contrary to the wish of the other citizens, and who, in opposition to the interests of the senate, had favored andsupported Francesco, so, that if the exiles' distresses could not inducethem to undertake the war, the just indignation of the people of Venice, and their desire of vengeance ought to prevail. 

CHAPTER IV

War between the Venetians and the Florentines--Peacere-established--Death of Niccolo Soderini--His character--Excesses inFlorence--Various external events from 1468 to 1471--Accession of SixtusIV. --His character--Grief of Piero de' Medici for the violence committedin Florence--His speech to the principal citizens--Plans of Piero de'Medici for the restoration of order--His death and character--TommasoSoderini, a citizen of great reputation, declares himself in favor ofthe Medici--Disturbances at Prato occasioned by Bernardo Nardi. 

The concluding words of the Florentine exiles produced the utmostexcitement among the Venetian senators, and they resolved to sendBernardo Coglione, their general, to attack the Florentine territory. The troops were assembled, and joined by Ercole da Esti, who had beensent by Borgo, marquis of Ferrara. At the commencement of hostilities, the Florentines not being prepared, their enemies burned the Borgo ofDovadola, and plundered the surrounding country. But having expelled theenemies of Piero, renewed their league with Galeazzo, duke of Milan, andFerrando, king of Naples, they appointed to the command of their forcesFederigo, count of Urbino; and being thus on good terms with theirfriends, their enemies occasioned them less anxiety. Ferrando sentAlfonso, his eldest son, to their aid, and Galeazzo came in person, each at the head of a suitable force, and all assembled at Castrocaro, a fortress belonging to the Florentines, and situated among the roots ofthe Appennines which descend from Tuscany to Romagna. In the meantime, the enemy withdrew toward Imola. A few slight skirmishes took placebetween the armies; yet, in accordance with the custom of the times, neither of them acted on the offensive, besieged any town, or gave theother an opportunity of coming to a general engagement; but each keptwithin their tents, and conducted themselves with most remarkablecowardice. This occasioned general dissatisfaction among theFlorentines; for they found themselves involved in an expensive war, from which no advantage could be derived. The magistrates complainedof these spiritless proceedings to those who had been appointedcommissaries to the expedition; but they replied, that the entire evilwas chargeable upon the Duke Galeazzo, who possessing great authorityand little experience, was unable to suggest useful measures, andunwilling to take the advice of those who were more capable; andtherefore any demonstration of courage or energy would be impracticableso long as he remained with the army. Hereupon the Florentinesintimated to the duke, that his presence with the force was in manyways advantageous and beneficial, and of itself sufficient to alarm theenemy; but they considered his own safety and that of his dominions, much more important than their own immediate convenience; because solong as the former were safe, the Florentines had nothing to fear, andall would go well; but if his dominions were to suffer, they might thenapprehend all kinds of misfortune. They assured him they did not thinkit prudent for him to be absent so long from Milan, having recentlysucceeded to the government, and being surrounded by many powerfulenemies and suspected neighbors; while any who were desirous of plottingagainst him, had an opportunity of doing so with impunity. They would, therefore, advise him to return to his territories, leaving part ofhis troops with them for the use of the expedition. This advice pleasedGaleazzo, who, in consequence, immediately withdrew to Milan. TheFlorentine generals being now left without any hindrance, to show thatthe cause assigned for their inaction was the true one, pressed theenemy more closely, so that they came to a regular engagement, whichcontinued half a day, without either party yielding. Some horses werewounded and prisoners taken, but no death occurred. Winter havingarrived, and with it the usual time for armies to retire into quarters, Bartolommeo Coglione withdrew to Ravenna, the Florentine forces intoTuscany, and those of the king and duke, each to the territories oftheir sovereign. As this attempt had not occasioned any tumult inFlorence, contrary to the rebels' expectation, and the troops they hadhired were in want of pay, terms of peace were proposed, and easilyarranged. The revolted Florentines, thus deprived of hope, dispersedthemselves in various places. Diotisalvi Neroni withdrew to Ferrara, where he was received and entertained by the Marquis Borso. NiccoloSoderini went to Ravenna, where, upon a small pension allowed by theVenetians, he grew old and died. He was considered a just and brave man, but over-cautious and slow to determine, a circumstance which occasionedhim, when Gonfalonier of Justice, to lose the opportunity of victorywhich he would have gladly recovered when too late. 

Upon the restoration of peace, those who remained victorious inFlorence, as if unable to convince themselves they had conquered, unlessthey oppressed not merely their enemies, but all whom they suspected, prevailed upon Bardo Altoviti, then Gonfalonier of Justice, to deprivemany of the honors of government, and to banish several more. Theyexercised their power so inconsiderately, and conducted themselves insuch an arbitrary manner, that it seemed as if fortune and the Almightyhad given the city up to them for a prey. Piero knew little of thesethings, and was unable to remedy even the little he knew, on accountof his infirmities; his body being so contracted that he could use nofaculty but that of speech. All he could do was to admonish the leadingmen, and beg they would conduct themselves with greater moderation, andnot by their violence effect their country's ruin. In order to divertthe city, he resolved to celebrate the marriage of his son Lorenzowith Clarice degli Orsini with great splendor; and it was accordinglysolemnized with all the display suitable to the exalted rank of theparties. Feasts, dancing, and antique representations occupied manydays; at the conclusion of which, to exhibit the grandeur of the houseof Medici and of the government, two military spectacles were presented, one performed by men on horseback, who went through the evolutions ofa field engagement, and the other representing the storming of atown; everything being conducted with admirable order and the greatestimaginable brilliancy. 

During these transactions in Florence, the rest of Italy, though atpeace, was filled with apprehension of the power of the Turks, whocontinued to attack the Christians, and had taken Negropont, to thegreat disgrace and injury of the Christian name. About this time diedBorso, marquis of Ferrara, who was succeeded by his brother Ercole. Gismondo da Rimini, the inveterate enemy of the church also expired, andhis natural brother Roberto, who was afterward one of the best generalsof Italy, succeeded him. Pope Paul died, and was succeeded by Sixtus IV. Previously called Francesco da Savona, a man of the very lowest origin, who by his talents had become general of the order of St. Francis, andafterward cardinal. He was the first who began to show how far a popemight go, and how much that which was previously regarded as sinful lostits iniquity when committed by a pontiff. Among others of his familywere Piero and Girolamo, who, according to universal belief, were hissons, though he designated them by terms reflecting less scandal onhis character. Piero being a priest, was advanced to the dignity of acardinal, with the title of St. Sixtus. To Girolamo he gave the cityof Furli, taken from Antonio Ordelaffi, whose ancestors had held thatterritory for many generations. This ambitious method of procedure madehim more regarded by the princes of Italy, and all sought to obtainhis friendship. The duke of Milan gave his natural daughter Caterina toGirolamo, with the city of Imola, which he had taken from Taddeo degliAlidossi, as her portion. New matrimonial alliances were formed betweenthe duke and king Ferrando; Elisabetta, daughter of Alfonso, the king'seldest son, being united to Giovan Galeazzo, the eldest son of the duke. 

Italy being at peace, the principal employment of her princes was towatch each other, and strengthen their own influence by new alliances, leagues, or friendships. But in the midst of this repose, Florenceendured great oppression from her principal citizens, and theinfirmities of Piero incapacitated him from restraining their ambition. However, to relieve his conscience, and, if possible, to make themashamed of their conduct, he sent for them to his house, and addressedthem in the following words: "I never thought a time would come when thebehavior of my friends would compel me to esteem and desire the societyof my enemies, and wish that I had been defeated rather than victorious;for I believed myself to be associated with those who would set somebounds to their avarice, and who, after having avenged themselves ontheir enemies, and lived in their country with security and honor, wouldbe satisfied. But now I find myself greatly deceived, unacquainted withthe ambition of mankind, and least of all with yours; for, not satisfiedwith being masters of so great a city, and possessing among yourselvesthose honors, dignities, and emoluments which used to be divided amongmany citizens; not contented with having shared among a few the propertyof your enemies, or with being able to oppress all others with publicburdens, while you yourselves are exempt from them, and enjoy all thepublic offices of profit you must still further load everyone with illusage. You plunder your neighbors of their wealth; you sell justice;you evade the law; you oppress the timid and exalt the insolent. Noris there, throughout all Italy, so many and such shocking examples ofviolence and avarice as in this city. Has our country fostered us onlyto be her destroyer? Have we been victorious only to effect her ruin?Has she honored us that we may overwhelm her with disgrace? Now, by thatfaith which is binding upon all good men, I promise you, that if youstill conduct yourselves so as to make me regret my victory, I willadopt such measures as shall cause you bitterly to repent of havingmisused it. " The reply of the citizens accorded with the time andcircumstances, but they did not forego their evil practices; so that, in consequence, Piero sent for Agnolo Acciajuoli to come secretly toCafaggiolo, and discussed with him at great length the condition of thecity; and doubtless, had he not been prevented by death, he would havecalled home the exiles as a check upon the rapine of the opposite party. But these honorable designs were frustrated; for, sinking under bodilyinfirmities and mental anguish, he expired in the fifty-third yearof his age. His goodness and virtue were not duly appreciated by hiscountry, principally from his having, until almost the close of hislife, been associated with Cosmo, and the few years he survived beingspent in civil discord and constant debility. Piero was buried in thechurch of St. Lorenzo, near his father, and his obsequies were performedwith all the pomp and solemnity due to his exalted station. He left twosons, Lorenzo and Guiliano, whose extreme youth excited alarm in theminds of thinking men, though each gave hopes of future usefulness tothe republic. 

Among the principal citizens in the government of Florence, and verysuperior to the rest, was Tommaso Soderini, whose prudence and authoritywere well known not only at home, but throughout Italy. After Piero'sdeath, the whole city looked up to him; many citizens waited upon himat his own house, as the head of the government, and several princesaddressed him by letter; but he, impartially estimating his ownfortune and that of the house of Medici, made no reply to the princes'communications, and told the citizens, it was not his house, but thatof the Medici they ought to visit. To demonstrate by his actions thesincerity and integrity of his advice he assembled all the heads ofnoble families in the convent of St. Antonio, whither he also broughtLorenzo and Guiliano de' Medici, and in a long and serious speech uponthe state of the city, the condition of Italy, and the views of herprinces, he assured them, that if they wished to live in peace and unityin Florence, free both from internal dissensions and foreign wars, it would be necessary to respect the sons of Piero and support thereputation of their house; for men never regret their continuance in acourse sanctioned by custom while new methods are soon adopted and asspeedily set aside; and it has always been found easier to maintain apower which by its continuance has outlived envy, than to raise a newone, which innumerable unforeseen causes may overthrow. When Tommasohad concluded, Lorenzo spoke, and, though young, with such modesty anddiscretion that all present felt a presentiment of his becoming what heafterward proved to be; and before the citizens departed they swore toregard the youths as their sons, and the brothers promised to look uponthem as their parents. After this, Lorenzo and Guiliano were honored asprinces, and resolved to be guided by the advice of Tommaso Soderini. 

While profound tranquillity prevailed both at home and abroad, no warsdisturbing the general repose, there arose an unexpected disturbance, which came like a presage of future evils. Among the ruined families ofthe party of Luca Pitti, was that of the Nardi; for Salvestro and hisbrothers, the heads of the house, were banished and afterward declaredrebels for having taken part in the war under Bartolommeo Coglione. Bernardo, the brother of Salvestro, was young, prompt, and bold, and onaccount of his poverty being unable to alleviate the sorrows of exile, while the peace extinguished all hopes of his return to the city, hedetermined to attempt some means of rekindling the war; for a triflingcommencement often produces great results, and men more readilyprosecute what is already begun than originate new enterprises. Bernardohad many acquaintances at Prato, and still more in the district ofPistoia, particularly among the Palandra, a family which, though rustic, was very numerous, and, like the rest of the Pistolesi, brought up toslaughter and war. These he knew to be discontented, on account of theFlorentine magistrates having endeavored, perhaps too severely, to checktheir partiality for inveterate feuds and consequence bloodshed. He wasalso aware that the people of Prato considered themselves injured by thepride and avarice of their governors, and that some were ill disposedtoward Florence; therefore all things considered, he hoped to be able tokindle a fire in Tuscany (should Prato rebel) which would be fosteredby so many, that those who might wish to extinguish it would fail in theattempt. He communicated his ideas to Diotisalvi Neroni, and askedhim, in case they should succeed in taking possession of Prato, whatassistance might be expected from the princes of Italy, by his means?Diotisalvi considered the enterprise as imminently dangerous, and almostimpracticable; but since it presented a fresh chance of attaining hisobject, at the risk of others, he advised him to proceed, and promisedcertain assistance from Bologna and Ferrara, if he could retain Pratonot less than fifteen days. Bernardo, whom this promise inspired witha lively hope of success, proceeded secretly to Prato, and communicatedwith those most disposed to favor him, among whom were the Palandra; andhaving arranged the time and plan, informed Diotisalvi of what had beendone. 

CHAPTER V

Bernardo takes possession of Prato, but is not assisted by theinhabitants--He is taken, and the tumult appeased--Corruption ofFlorence--The duke of Milan in Florence--The church of Santo Spiritodestroyed by fire--The rebellion of Volterra, and the cause ofit--Volterra reduced to obedience by force, in accordance with theadvice of Lorenzo de' Medici--Volterra pillaged. 

Cesare Petrucci held the office of Provost of Prato for the Florentinepeople, at this period. It is customary with governors of towns, similarly situated, to keep the keys of the gates near their persons;and whenever, in peaceful times, they are required by any of theinhabitants, for entrance or exit, they are usually allowed to be taken. Bernardo was aware of this custom, and about daybreak, presented himselfat the gate which looks toward Pistoia, accompanied by the Palandra andabout one hundred persons, all armed. Their confederates within the townalso armed themselves, and one of them asked the governor for the keys, alleging, as a pretext, that some one from the country wished to enter. The governor not entertaining the slightest suspicion, sent a servantwith them. When at a convenient distance, they were taken by theconspirators, who, opening the gates, introduced Bernardo and hisfollowers. They divided themselves into two parties, one of which, ledby Salvestro, an inhabitant of Prato, took possession of the citadel;the other following Bernardo, seized the palace, and placed Cesare withall his family in the custody of some of their number. They then raisedthe cry of liberty, and proceeded through the town. It was now day, and many of the inhabitants hearing the disturbance, ran to the piazzawhere, learning that the fortress and the palace were taken andthe governor with all his people made prisoners, they were utterlyastonished, and could not imagine how it had occurred. The eightcitizens, possessing the supreme authority, assembled in their palaceto consider what was best to be done. In the meantime, Bernardo and hisfollowers, on going round the town, found no encouragement, and beingtold that the Eight had assembled, went and declared the nature oftheir enterprise, which he said was to deliver the country from slavery, reminding them how glorious it would be for those who took arms toeffect such an honorable object, for they would thus obtain permanentrepose and everlasting fame. He called to recollection their ancientliberty and present condition, and assured them of certain assistance, if they would only, for a few days, aid in resisting the forces theFlorentines might send against them. He said he had friends in Florencewho would join them as soon as they found the inhabitants resolved tosupport him. His speech did not produce the desired effect upon theEight, who replied that they knew not whether Florence was free orenslaved, for that was a matter which they were not called upon todecide; but this they knew very well, that for their own part, theydesired no other liberty than to obey the magistrates who governedFlorence, from whom they had never received any injury sufficientto make them desire a change. They therefore advised him to set thegovernor at liberty, clear the place of his people, and, as quickly aspossible, withdraw from the danger he had so rashly incurred. Bernardowas not daunted by these words, but determined to try whether fearcould influence the people of Prato, since entreaties produced so littleeffect. In order to terrify them, he determined to put Cesare to death, and having brought him out of prison, ordered him to be hanged at thewindows of the palace. He was already led to the spot with a halteraround his neck, when seeing Bernardo giving directions to hastenhis end, he turned to him, and said: "Bernardo, you put me to death, thinking that the people of Prato will follow you; but the directcontrary will result; for the respect they have for the rectors whichthe Florentine people send here is so great, that as soon as theywitness the injury inflicted upon me, they will conceive such a disgustagainst you as will inevitably effect your ruin. Therefore, it is notby my death, but by the preservation of my life, that you can attain theobject you have in view; for if I deliver your commands, they will bemuch more readily obeyed, and following your directions, we shall soonattain the completion of your design. " Bernardo, whose mind was notfertile in expedients, thought the advice good, and commanded Cesare, onbeing conducted to a veranda which looked upon the piazza, to order thepeople of Prato to obey him, and having done which, Cesare was led backto prison. 

The weakness of the conspirators was obvious; and many Florentinesresiding in the town, assembled together, among whom, Giorgio Ginori, aknight of Rhodes, took arms first against them, and attacked Bernardo, who traversed the piazza, alternately entreating and threatening thosewho refused to obey him, and being surrounded by Giorgio's followers, hewas wounded and made prisoner. This being done, it was easy to set thegovernor at liberty and subdue the rest, who being few, and divided intoseveral parties, were nearly all either secured or slain. An exaggeratedreport of these transactions reached Florence, it being told there thatPrato was taken, the governor and his friends put to death, and theplace filled with the enemy; and that Pistoia was also in arms, andmost of the citizens in the conspiracy. In consequence of this alarmingaccount, the palace as quickly filled with citizens, who consulted withthe Signory what course ought to be adopted. At this time, Roberto daSan Severino, one of the most distinguished generals of this period, was at Florence, and it was therefore determined to send him, with whatforces could be collected, to Prato, with orders that he should approachthe place, particularly observe what was going on, and provide suchremedies as the necessity of the case and his own prudence shouldsuggest. Roberto had scarcely passed the fortress of Campi, when he wasmet by a messenger from the governor, who informed him that Bernardo wastaken, his followers either dispersed or slain, and everything restoredto order. He consequently returned to Florence, whither Bernardo wasshortly after conveyed, and when questioned by the magistracy concerningthe real motives of such a weak conspiracy, he said, he had undertakenit, because, having resolved to die in Florence rather than live inexile, he wished his death to be accompanied by some memorable action. 

This disturbance having been raised and quelled almost at the same time, the citizens returned to their accustomed mode of life, hoping to enjoy, without anxiety, the state they had now established and confirmed. Hencearose many of those evils which usually result from peace; for the youthhaving become more dissolute than before, more extravagant in dress, feasting, and other licentiousness, and being without employment, wastedtheir time and means on gaming and women; their principal study beinghow to appear splendid in apparel, and attain a crafty shrewdness indiscourse; he who could make the most poignant remark being consideredthe wisest, and being most respected. These manners derived additionalencouragement from the followers of the duke of Milan, who, with hisduchess and the whole ducal court, as it was said, to fulfill a vow, came to Florence, where he was received with all the pomp and respectdue to so great a prince, and one so intimately connected withthe Florentine people. Upon this occasion the city witnessed anunprecedented exhibition; for, during Lent, when the church commands usto abstain from animal food, the Milanese, without respect for eitherGod or his church, ate of it daily. Many spectacles were exhibited inhonor of the duke, and among others, in the temple of Santo Spirito, was represented the descent of the Holy Ghost among the apostles; andin consequence of the numerous fires used upon the occasion, some of thewoodwork became ignited, and the church was completely destroyed by theflames. Many thought that the Almighty being offended at our misconduct, took this method of signifying his displeasure. If, therefore, the dukefound the city full of courtly delicacies, and customs unsuitable towell-regulated conduct, he left it in a much worse state. Hence the goodcitizens thought it necessary to restrain these improprieties, and madea law to put a stop to extravagance in dress, feasts, and funerals. 

In the midst of this universal peace, a new and unexpected disturbancearose in Tuscany. Certain citizens of Volterra had discovered analum-mine in their district, and being aware of the profit derivablefrom it, in order to obtain the means of working and securing it, theyapplied to some Florentines, and allowed them to share in the profits. This, as is frequently the case with new undertakings, at first excitedlittle attention from the people of Volterra; but in time, findingthe profits derived from it had become considerable, they fruitlesslyendeavored to effect what at first might have been easily accomplished. They began by agitating the question in their councils, declaring itgrossly improper that a source of wealth discovered in the public landsshould be converted to the emolument of private individuals. Theynext sent advocates to Florence, and the question was referred to theconsideration of certain citizens, who, either through being bribed bythe party in possession, or from a sincere conviction, declared theaim of the people of Volterra to be unjust in desiring to deprive theircitizens of the fruit of their labor; and decided that the alum-pit wasthe rightful property of those who had hitherto wrought it; but, atthe same time, recommended them to pay an annual sum by way ofacknowledgment to the city. This answer instead of abating, served onlyto increase the animosities and tumult in Volterra, and absorbed entireattention both in the councils and throughout the city; the peopledemanding the restitution of what they considered their due, andthe proprietors insisting upon their right to retain what they hadoriginally acquired, and what had been subsequently been confirmedto them by the decision of the Florentines. In the midst of thesedisturbances, a respectable citizen, named Il Pecorino, was killed, together with several others, who had embraced the same side, whosehouses were also plundered and burned; and the fury of the mob rose tosuch a height, that they were with difficulty restrained from puttingthe Florentine rectors to death. 

After the first outrage, the Volterrani immediately determined to sendambassadors to Florence, who intimated, that if the Signory would allowthem their ancient privileges, the city would remain subject to them asformerly. Many and various were the opinions concerning the reply to bemade. Tommaso Soderini advised that they should accept the submissionof the people of Volterra, upon any conditions with which they weredisposed to make it; for he considered it unreasonable and unwise tokindle a flame so near home that it might burn their own dwelling; hesuspected the pope's ambition, and was apprehensive of the power of theking; nor could he confide in the friendship either of the duke or theVenetians, having no assurance of the sincerity of the latter, or thevalor of the former. He concluded by quoting that trite proverb, "Meglioun magro accordo che una grassa vittoria. "[*] On the other hand, Lorenzode' Medici, thinking this an opportunity for exhibiting his prudenceand wisdom, and being strenuously supported by those who envied theinfluence of Tommaso Soderini, resolved to march against them, andpunish the arrogance of the people of Volterra with arms; declaringthat if they were not made a striking example, others would, withoutthe least fear or respect, upon every slight occasion, adopt a similarcourse. The enterprise being resolved on, the Volterrani were told thatthey could not demand the observance of conditions which they themselveshad broken, and therefore must either submit to the direction of theSignory or expect war. With this answer they returned to their city, andprepared for its defense; fortifying the place, and sending to all theprinces of Italy to request assistance, none of whom listened to them, except the Siennese and the lord of Piombino, who gave them some hopeof aid. The Florentines on the other hand, thinking success dependentprincipally upon celerity, assembled ten thousand foot and two thousandhorse, who, under the command of Federigo, lord of Urbino, marched intothe country of Volterra and quickly took entire possession of it. Theythen encamped before the city, which, being in a lofty situation, andprecipitous on all sides, could only be approached by a narrow passnear the church of St. Alessandro. The Volterrani had engaged fortheir defense about one thousand mercenaries, who, perceiving the greatsuperiority of the Florentines, found the place untenable, and weretardy in their defensive operations, but indefatigable in the constantinjuries they committed upon the people of the place. Thus these poorcitizens were harassed by the enemy without, and by their own soldierywithin; so, despairing of their safety, they began to think of acapitulation; and, being unable to obtain better terms, submitted to thediscretion of the Florentine commissaries, who ordered the gates tobe opened, and introduced the greater part of their forces. They thenproceeded to the palace, and commanded the priors to retire to theirhomes; and, on the way thither, one of them was in derision strippedby the soldiers. From this beginning (so much more easily are menpredisposed to evil than to good) originated the pillage and destructionof the city; which for a whole day suffered the greatest horrors, neither women nor sacred places being spared; and the soldiery, thoseengaged for its defense as well as its assailants, plundered all thatcame within their reach. The news of this victory was received withgreat joy at Florence, and as the expedition had been undertaken whollyby the advice of Lorenzo, he acquired great reputation. Upon which oneof the intimate friends of Tommaso Soderini, reminding him of the advicehe had given, asked him what he thought of the taking of Volterra; towhich he replied, "To me the place seems rather lost than won; for hadit been received on equitable terms, advantage and security would havebeen the result; but having to retain it by force it will in criticaljunctures, occasion weakness and anxiety, and in times of peace, injuryand expense. "

 [*] A lean peace is better than a fat victory. 

CHAPTER VI

Origin of the animosity between Sixtus IV. And Lorenzo de' Medici--Carlodi Braccio da Perugia attacks the Siennese--Carlo retires by desireof the Florentines--Conspiracy against Galeazzo, duke of Milan--Hisvices--He is slain by the conspirators--Their deaths. 

The pope, anxious to retain the territories of the church in obedience, had caused Spoleto to be sacked for having, through internal factions, fallen into rebellion. Citta di Castello being in the same state ofcontumacy, he besieged that place; and Niccolo Vitelli its prince, beingon intimate terms with Lorenzo de' Medici, obtained assistance fromhim, which, though inadequate, was quite enough to originate that enmitybetween Sixtus IV. And the Medici afterward productive of such unhappyresults. Nor would this have been so long in development had not thedeath of Frate Piero, cardinal of St. Sixtus, taken place; who, afterhaving traveled over Italy and visited Venice and Milan (under thepretense of doing honor to the marriage of Ercole, marquis of Ferrara), went about sounding the minds of the princes, to learn how they weredisposed toward the Florentines. But upon his return he died, notwithout suspicion of having been poisoned by the Venetians, who foundthey would have reason to fear Sixtus if he were allowed to availhimself of the talents and exertions of Frate Piero. Although of verylow extraction, and meanly brought up within the walls of a convent, he had no sooner attained the distinction of the scarlet hat, thanhe exhibited such inordinate pride and ambition, that the pontificateseemed too little for him, and he gave a feast in Rome which wouldhave seemed extraordinary even for a king, the expense exceeding twentythousand florins. Deprived of this minister, the designs of Sixtusproceeded with less promptitude. The Florentines, the duke, and theVenetians having renewed their league, and allowed the pope and the kingto join them if they thought proper, the two latter also entered intoa league, reserving an opening for the others if they were desirousto become parties to it. Italy was thus divided in two factions; forcircumstances daily arose which occasioned ill feeling between the twoleagues; as occurred with respect to the island of Cyprus, to whichFerrando laid claim, and the Venetians occupied. Thus the pope and theking became more closely united. Federigo, prince of Urbino, was atthis time one of the first generals of Italy; and had long served theFlorentines. In order, if possible, to deprive the hostile league oftheir captain, the pope advised, and the king requested him to paya visit to them. To the surprise and displeasure of the Florentines, Federigo complied; for they thought the same fate awaited him as hadbefallen Niccolo Piccinino. However, the result was quite different;for he returned from Naples and Rome greatly honored, and with theappointment of general to their forces. They also endeavored to gainover to their interest the lords of Romagna and the Siennese, that theymight more easily injure the Florentines, who, becoming aware of thesethings, used their utmost endeavors to defend themselves against theambition of their enemies; and having lost Federigo d'Urbino, theyengaged Roberto da Rimino in his place, renewed the league with thePerugini and formed one with the prince of Faenza. The pope and the kingassigned, as the reasons of their animosity against the Florentines, that they wished to withdraw them from the Venetian alliance, andassociate them with their own league; for the pope did not think thechurch could maintain her reputation, nor the Count Girolamo retainthe states of Romagna, while the Florentines and the Venetians remainedunited. The Florentines conjectured their design was to set them atenmity with the Venetians, not so much for the sake of gaining theirfriendship as to be able the more easily to injure them. Two yearspassed away in these jealousies and discontents before any disturbancebroke out; but the first which occurred, and that but trivial, tookplace in Tuscany. 

Braccio of Perugia, whom we have frequently mentioned as one of themost distinguished warriors of Italy, left two sons, Oddo and Carlo; thelatter was of tender years; the former, as above related, was slain bythe people of Val di Lamona; but Carlo, when he came to mature age, wasby the Venetians, out of respect for the memory of his father, and thehopes they entertained from himself, received among the condottieri oftheir republic. The term of his engagement having expired, he did notdesign to renew it immediately, but resolved to try if, by his owninfluence and his father's reputation, he could recover possession ofPerugia. To this the Venetians willingly consented, for they usuallyextended their dominion by any changes that occurred in the neighboringstates. Carlo consequently came into Tuscany, but found moredifficulties in his attempt upon Perugia than he had anticipated, onaccount of its being allied with the Florentines; and desirous of doingsomething worthy of memory, he made war upon the Siennese, allegingthem to be indebted to him for services performed by his father in theaffairs of that republic, and attacked them with such impetuosity as tothreaten the total overthrow of their dominion. The Siennese, ever readyto suspect the Florentines, persuaded themselves that this outrage hadbeen committed with their cognizance, and made heavy complaints to thepope and the king against them. They also sent ambassadors to Florenceto complain of the injuries they had suffered, and adroitly intimated, that if Carlo had not been secretly supported he could not have madewar upon them with such perfect security. The Florentines denied allparticipation in the proceedings of Carlo, expressed their most earnestwish to do everything in their power to put a stop to them, and allowedthe ambassadors to use whatever terms they pleased in the name ofthe Signory, to command him to desist. Carlo complained that theFlorentines, by their unwillingness to support him, had deprivedthemselves of a most valuable acquisition and him of great glory; for hecould have insured them the possession of the whole territory in ashort time, from the want of courage in the people and the ineffectualprovision they had made for their defense. He then withdrew to hisengagement under the Venetians; but the Siennese, although deliveredfrom such imminent peril by the Florentines, were still very indignantagainst them; considering themselves under no obligation to those whohad delivered them from an evil to which they had first exposed them. 

While the transactions between the king and the pope were in progress, and those in Tuscany in the manner we have related, an event of greaterimportance occurred in Lombardy. Cola Montano, a learned and ambitiousman, taught the Latin language to the youth of the principal families inMilan. Either out of hatred to the character and manners of the duke, orfrom some other cause, he constantly deprecated the condition of thosewho live under a bad prince; calling those glorious and happy who hadthe good fortune to be born and live in a republic. He endeavored toshow that the most celebrated men had been produced in republics, andnot reared under princes; that the former cherish virtue, while thelatter destroy it; the one deriving advantage from virtuous men, while the latter naturally fear them. The youths with whom he was mostintimate were Giovanni Andrea Lampognano, Carlo Visconti, and GirolamoOgliato. He frequently discussed with them the faults of their prince, and the wretched condition of those who were subject to him; and byconstantly inculcating his principles, acquired such an ascendancy overtheir minds as to induce them to bind themselves by oath to effect theduke's destruction, as soon as they became old enough to attempt it. Their minds being fully occupied with this design, which grew withtheir years, the duke's conduct and their own private injuries served tohasten its execution. Galeazzo was licentious and cruel, of both whichvices he had given such repeated proofs, that he became odious to all. Not content with corrupting the wives of the nobility, he also tookpleasure in making it notorious; nor was he satisfied with murderingindividuals unless he effected their deaths by some unusual cruelty. Hewas suspected of having destroyed his own mother; for, not consideringhimself prince while she was present, he conducted himself in such amanner as induced her to withdraw from his court, and, travelling towardCremona, which she obtained as part of her marriage portion, she wasseized with a sudden illness, and died upon the road; which made manythink her son had caused her death. The duke had dishonored both Carloand Girolamo in respect to their wives or other female relatives, andhad refused to concede to Giovanandrea possession of the monastery ofMiramondo, of which he had obtained a grant from the pope for a nearrelative. These private injuries increased the young men's desire forvengeance, and the deliverance of their country from so many evils;trusting that whenever they should succeed in destroying the duke, manyof the nobility and all the people would rise in their defense. Beingresolved upon their undertaking, they were often together, which, onaccount of their long intimacy, did not excite any suspicion. Theyfrequently discussed the subject; and in order to familiarize theirminds with the deed itself, they practiced striking each other in thebreast and in the side with the sheathed daggers intended to be used forthe purpose. On considering the most suitable time and place, the castleseemed insecure; during the chase, uncertain and dangerous; while goingabout the city for his own amusement, difficult if not impracticable;and, at a banquet, of doubtful result. They, therefore, determined tokill him upon the occasion of some procession or public festivity whenthere would be no doubt of his presence, and where they might, undervarious pretexts, assemble their friends. It was also resolved thatif one of their number were prevented from attending, on any accountwhatever, the rest should put him to death in the midst of their armedenemies. 

It was now the close of the year 1476, near Christmas, and as it wascustomary for the duke to go upon St. Stephen's day, in great solemnity, to the church of that martyr, they considered this the most suitableopportunity for the execution of their design. Upon the morning of thatday they ordered some of their most trusty friends and servants to arm, telling them they wished to go to the assistance of Giovanandrea, who, contrary to the wish of some of his neighbors, intended to turn awatercourse into his estate; but that before they went they wished totake leave of the prince. They also assembled, under variouspretenses, other friends and relatives, trusting that when the deedwas accomplished, everyone would join them in the completion of theirenterprise. It was their intention, after the duke's death, to collecttheir followers together and proceed to those parts of the city wherethey imagined the plebeians would be most disposed to take arms againstthe duchess and the principal ministers of state, and they thought thepeople, on account of the famine which then prevailed, would easily beinduced to follow them; for it was their design to give up the houses ofCecco Simonetta, Giovanni Botti, and Francesco Lucani, all leading menin the government, to be plundered, and by this means gain over thepopulace and restore liberty to the community. With these ideas, andwith minds resolved upon their execution, Giovanandrea, together withthe rest, were early at the church, and heard mass together; afterwhich, Giovanandrea, turning to a statue of St. Ambrose, said, "O patronof our city! thou knowest our intention, and the end we would attain, by so many dangers; favor our enterprise, and prove, by protecting theoppressed, that tyranny is offensive to thee. " To the duke, on the otherhand, when intending to go to the church, many omens occurred of hisapproaching death; for in the morning, having put on a cuirass, as washis frequent custom, he immediately took it off again, either becauseit inconvenienced him, or that he did not like its appearance. Hethen wished to hear mass in the castle, and found that the priest whoofficiated in the chapel had gone to St. Stephen's, and had taken withhim the sacred utensils. On this he desired the service to be performedby the bishop of Como, who acquainted him with preventing circumstances. Thus, almost compelled, he determined to go to the church; but beforehis departure, caused his sons, Giovan Galeazzo and Ermes, to be broughtto him, whom he embraced and kissed several times, seeming reluctant topart with them. He then left the castle, and, with the ambassadorsof Ferrara and Mantua on either hand, proceeded to St. Stephen's. Theconspirators, to avoid exciting suspicion, and to escape the cold, whichwas very severe, had withdrawn to an apartment of the archpriest, whowas a friend of theirs, but hearing the duke's approach, they came intothe church, Giovanandrea and Girolamo placing themselves upon theright hand of the entrance, and Carlo on the left. Those who ledthe procession had already entered, and were followed by the duke, surrounded by such a multitude as is usual on similar occasions. Thefirst attack was made by Lampognano and Girolamo, who, pretending toclear the way for the prince, came close to him, and grasping theirdaggers, which, being short and sharp, were concealed in the sleeves oftheir vests, struck at him. Lampognano gave him two wounds, one in thebelly, the other in the throat. Girolamo struck him in the throat andbreast. Carlo Visconti, being nearer the door, and the duke havingpassed, could not wound him in front: but with two strokes, transpierced his shoulder and spine. These six wounds were inflictedso instantaneously, that the duke had fallen before anyone was aware ofwhat had happened, and he expired, having only once ejaculated thename of the Virgin, as if imploring her assistance. A great tumultimmediately ensued, several swords were drawn, and as often happens insudden emergencies, some fled from the church, and others ran toward thescene of tumult, both without any definite motive or knowledge of whathad occurred. Those, however, who were nearest the duke and had seenhim slain, recognizing the murderers, pursued them. Giovanandrea, endeavoring to make his way out of the church, proceeded among thewomen, who being numerous, and according to their custom, seated uponthe ground, was prevented in his progress by their apparel, and beingovertaken, he was killed by a Moor, one of the duke's footmen. Carlo wasslain by those immediately around him. Girolamo Olgiato passed throughthe crowd, and got out of the church; but seeing his companions dead, and not knowing where else to go, he proceeded home, where his fatherand brothers refused to receive him; his mother only, having compassionon her son recommended him to a priest, an old friend of the family, who, disguising him in his own apparel, led him to his house. Here heremained two days, not without hope that some disturbance might arisein Milan which would contribute to his safety. This not occurring, andapprehensive that his hiding place would be discovered, he endeavoredto escape in disguise, but being observed, he was given over to justice, and disclosed all the particulars of the conspiracy. Girolamo wastwenty-three years of age, and exhibited no less composure at his deaththan resolution in his previous conduct, for being stripped of hisapparel, and in the hands of the executioner, who stood by withthe sword unsheathed, ready to deprive him of life, he repeated thefollowing words, in the Latin tongue, in which he was well versed: "Morsacerba, fama perpetua, stabit vetus memoria facti. "

The enterprise of these unfortunate young men was conducted with secrecyand executed with resolution; and they failed for want of the supportof those whom they expected would rise in their defense. Let princestherefore learn to live, so as to render themselves beloved andrespected by their subjects, that none may have hope of safety afterhaving destroyed them; and let others see how vain is the expectationwhich induces them to trust so much to the multitude, as to believe, that even when discontented, they will either embrace or ward off theirdangers. This event spread consternation all over Italy; but thosewhich shortly afterward occurred in Florence caused much more alarm, andterminated a peace of twelve years' continuance, as will be shown in thefollowing book; which, having commenced with blood and horror, will havea melancholy and tearful conclusion. 

BOOK VIII

CHAPTER I

State of the family of the Medici at Florence--Enmity of Sixtus IV. Toward Florence--Differences between the family of the Pazzi and thatof the Medici--Beginning of the conspiracy of the Pazzi--Arrangements toeffect the design of the conspiracy--Giovanni Batista da Monteseccois sent to Florence--The pope joins the conspiracy--The king of Naplesbecomes a party to it--Names of the conspirators--The conspirators makemany ineffectual attempts to kill Lorenzo and Giuliano de' Medici--Thefinal arrangement--Order of the conspiracy. 

This book, commencing between two conspiracies, the one at Milan alreadynarrated, the other yet to be recorded, it would seem appropriate, andin accordance with our usual custom, were we to treat of the nature andimportance of these terrible demonstrations. This we should willingly dohad we not discussed the matter elsewhere, or could it be comprised infew words. But requiring much consideration, and being already noticedin another place, it will be omitted, and we shall proceed with ournarrative. The government of the Medici having subdued all its avowedenemies in order to obtain for that family undivided authority, anddistinguish them from other citizens in their relation to the rest, found it necessary to subdue those who secretly plotted against them. While Medici contended with other families, their equals in authorityand reputation, those who envied their power were able to oppose themopenly without danger of being suppressed at the first demonstration ofhostility; for the magistrates being free, neither party had occasion tofear, till one or other of them was overcome. But after the victory of1466, the government became so entirely centred in the Medici, andthey acquired so much authority, that discontented spirits were obligedeither to suffer in silence, or, if desirous to destroy them, to attemptit in secrecy, and by clandestine means; which plots rarely succeed andmost commonly involve the ruin of those concerned in them, while theyfrequently contribute to the aggrandizement of those against whom theyare directed. Thus the prince of a city attacked by a conspiracy, ifnot slain like the duke of Milan (which seldom happens), almost alwaysattains to a greater degree of power, and very often has his gooddisposition perverted to evil. The proceedings of his enemies give himcause for fear; fear suggests the necessity of providing for hisown safety, which involves the injury of others; and hence ariseanimosities, and not unfrequently his ruin. Thus these conspiraciesquickly occasion the destruction of their contrivers, and, in time, inevitably injure their primary object. 

Italy, as we have seen above, was divided into two factions; the popeand the king on one side; on the other, the Venetians, the duke, and theFlorentines. Although the flames of war had not yet broken out, everyday gave rise to some new occasion for rekindling them; and the pope, in particular, in all his plans endeavored to annoy the Florentinegovernment. Thus Filippo de' Medici, archbishop of Pisa, being dead, Francesco Salviati, a declared enemy of the Medici, was appointed hissuccessor, contrary to the wish of the Signory of Florence, who beingunwilling to give him possession, there arose between them and the popemany fresh grounds of offense, before the matter was settled. Besidesthis, he conferred, at Rome, many favors upon the family of the Pazzi, and opposed that of the Medici, whenever an opportunity offered. ThePazzi were at this time, both on account of nobility of birth and theirgreat wealth, the most brilliant in France. The head of this family wasJacopo, whom the people, on account of his distinguished pre-eminence, had made a knight. He had no children, except one natural daughter, butmany nephews, sons of his brothers Piero and Antonio, the first of whomwere Guglielmo, Francesco, Rinato, Giovanni, and then, Andrea, Niccolo, and Galeotto. Cosmo de' Medici, noticing the riches and rank of thisfamily, had given his granddaughter, Bianca, to Guglielmo, hopingby this marriage to unite the houses, and obviate those enmities anddissensions so frequently occasioned by jealousy. However (so uncertainand fallacious are our expectations), very different feelings were thusoriginated; for Lorenzo's advisers pointed out to him how dangerousit was, and how injurious to his authority, to unite in the sameindividuals so much wealth and power. In consequence, neither Jacoponor his nephews obtained those degrees of honor, which in the opinion ofother citizens were their due. This gave rise to anger in the Pazzi, andfear on the part of the Medici; as the former of these increased, so didthe latter; and upon all occasions, when the Pazzi came in competitionwith other citizens, their claims to distinction, however strong, wereset aside by the magistracy. Francesco de' Pazzi, being at Rome, theCouncil of Eight, upon some trivial occasion, compelled him to return, without treating him with the respect usually observed toward greatcitizens, so that the Pazzi everywhere bitterly complained of theill usage they experienced, and thus excited suspicion in others, andbrought down greater evils upon themselves. Giovanni de' Pazzi hadmarried the daughter of Giovanni Buonromei, a very wealthy man, whoseriches on his decease, without other children, came to his daughter. Hisnephew, Carlo, however, took possession of part, and the question beinglitigated, a law was passed, by virtue of which the wife of Giovanni de'Pazzi was robbed of her inheritance, and it was given to Carlo. In thispiece of injustice the Pazzi at once recognized the influence of theMedici. Giuliano de' Medici often complained to his brother Lorenzo ofthe affair, saying he was afraid that by grasping at too much they wouldlose all. 

Lorenzo, flushed with youth and power, would assume the direction ofeverything, and resolved that all transactions should bear an impressof his influence. The Pazzi, with their nobility and wealth unable toendure so many affronts, began to devise some means of vengeance. Thefirst who spoke of any attempt against the Medici, was Francesco, who, being more sensitive and resolute than the others, determined either toobtain what was withheld from him, or lose what he still possessed. Asthe government of Florence gave him great offense, he resided almostconstantly at Rome, where, like other Florentine merchants, he conductedextensive commercial operations; and being a most intimate friend ofCount Girolamo, they frequently complained to each other of the conductof the Medici. After a while they began to think that for the count toretain his estates, or the Pazzi their rights in the city, it would benecessary to change the government of Florence; and this they consideredcould not be done without the death of Giuliano and Lorenzo. Theyimagined the pope and the king would be easily induced to consent, because each could be convinced of the facility of the enterprise. Having acquired these ideas, they communicated them to FrancescoSalviati, archbishop of Pisa, who, being ambitious and recently offendedby the Medici, willingly adopted their views. Considering their nextstep, they resolved, in order to facilitate the design, to obtain theconsent of Jacopo de' Pazzi, without whose concurrence they feared itwould be impracticable. With this view, it was resolved that Francescode' Pazzi should go to Florence, while the archbishop and the countwere to remain at Rome, to be ready to communicate with the pope whena suitable opportunity occurred. Francesco found Jacopo de' Pazzi morecautious and difficult to persuade than he could have wished, and onimparting this to his friends at Rome, it was thought he desired thesanction of some greater authority to induce him to adopt their views. Upon this, the archbishop and the count communicated the whole affair toGiovanni Batista da Montesecco, a leader of the papal forces, possessingmilitary reputation, and under obligations to the pope and the count. To him the affair seemed difficult and dangerous, while the archbishopendeavored to obviate his objections by showing how much assistancethe pope and the king would lend to the enterprise; the hatred of theFlorentines toward the Medici, the numerous friends the Salviati andthe Pazzi would bring with them, the readiness with which the young menmight be slain, on account of their going about the city unaccompaniedand without suspicion, and the facility with which the governmentmight then be changed. These things Giovanni Batista did not inreality believe, for he had heard from many Florentines quite contrarystatements. 

While occupied with these deliberations, Carlo, lord of Faenza, wastaken ill, and tears were entertained for his life. This circumstanceseemed to the archbishop and the count to offer an opportunity forsending Giovanni Batista to Florence, and thence to Romagna, underpretence of recovering certain territories belonging to the latter, of which the lord of Faenza had taken possession. The count thereforecommissioned Giovanni Batista to have an interview with Lorenzo de'Medici, and on his part request his advice how to proceed with respectto the affair of Romagna; that he should then see Francesco de' Pazzi, and in conjunction with him endeavor to induce his uncle Jacopo to adopttheir ideas. To render the pope's authority available in their behalf, Giovanni Batista was ordered, before his departure, to communicate withthe pontiff, who offered every means at his disposal in favor of theirenterprise. Giovanni Batista, having arrived at Florence, obtained aninterview with Lorenzo, by whom he was most graciously received; andwith regard to the advice he was commissioned to ask, obtained a wiseand friendly answer; so that he was astonished at finding him quite adifferent character from what he had been represented, and consideredhim to possess great sagacity, an affectionate heart, and most amicablydisposed toward the count. He found Francesco de' Pazzi had gone toLucca, and spoke to Jacopo, who was at first quite opposed to theirdesign, but before they parted the pope's authority seemed to haveinfluenced him; for he told Giovanni Batista, that he might go toRomagna, and that before his return Francesco would be with him, andthey would then consult more particularly upon the subject. GiovanniBatista proceeded to Romagna, and soon returned to Florence. Aftera pretended consultation with Lorenzo, upon the count's affairs, heobtained an interview with Francesco and Jacopo de' Pazzi, when thelatter gave his consent to their enterprise. They then discussed themeans of carrying it into effect. Jacopo de' Pazzi was of opinion thatit could not be effected while both the brothers remained at Florence;and therefore it would be better to wait till Lorenzo went to Rome, whither it was reported he had an intention of going; for then theirobject would be more easily attained. Francesco de' Pazzi had noobjection to Lorenzo being at Rome, but if he were to forego thejourney, he thought that both the brothers might be slain, either ata marriage, or at a play, or in a church. With regard to foreignassistance, he supposed the pope might assemble forces for the conquestof the fortress of Montone, being justified in taking it from CountCarlo, who had caused the tumults already spoken of in Sienna andPerugia. 

Still no definite arrangement was made; but it was resolved thatGiovanni Batista and Francesco de' Pazzi should go to Rome and settleeverything with the pontiff. The matter was again debated at Rome; andat length it was concluded that besides an expedition against Montone, Giovan Francesco da Tolentino, a leader of the papal troops, should gointo Romagna, and Lorenzo da Castello to the Val di Tavere; that each, with the forces of the country, should hold himself in readiness toperform the commands of the archbishop de' Salviati and Francescode Pazzi, both of whom were to come to Florence, and provide for theexecution of their design, with the assistance of Giovanni Batista daMontesecco. King Ferrando promised, by his ambassador, to contribute allin his power to the success of their undertaking. Francesco de' Pazziand the archbishop having arrived at Florence, prevailed upon Jacopodi Poggio, a well educated youth, but ambitious and very desirousof change, to join them, and two others, each of the name of JacopoSalviati, one a brother, the other a kinsman, of the archbishop. Theyalso gained over Bernardo Bandini and Napoleone Franzeni, two bold youngmen, under great obligations to the family of the Pazzi. Besides thosealready mentioned, they were joined by Antonio da Volterra and a priestnamed Stefano, who taught Latin to the daughter of Jacopo de' Pazzi. Rinato de' Pazzi, a grave and prudent man, being quite aware of theevils resulting from such undertakings, refused all participation in theconspiracy; he held it in abhorrence, and as much as possible, withoutbetraying his kinsmen, endeavored to counteract it. 

The pope had sent Raffaello di Riario, a nephew of Count Girolamo, tothe college of Pisa, to study canon law, and while there, had advancedhim to the dignity of a cardinal. The conspirators determined to bringthis cardinal to Florence, as they would thus be better able to concealtheir design, since any persons requisite to be introduced into the citymight easily be made to appear as a part of his retinue, and his arrivalmight facilitate the completion of their enterprise. The cardinal came, and was received by Jacopo de' Pazzi at his villa of Montughi, nearFlorence. By his means it was also intended to bring together Giulianoand Lorenzo, and whenever this happened, to put them both to death. Theytherefore invited them to meet the cardinal at their villa of Fiesole;but Giuliano, either intentionally or through some preventing cause, didnot attend; and this design having failed, they thought that if asked toan entertainment at Florence, both brothers would certainly be present. With this intention they appointed Sunday, the twenty-sixth of April, 1478, to give a great feast; and, resolving to assassinate them attable, the conspirators met on the Saturday evening to arrange allproceedings for the following day. In the morning it was intimated toFrancesco that Giuliano would be absent; on which the conspirators againassembled and finding they could no longer defer the execution of theirdesign, since it would be impossible among so many to preserve secrecy, they determined to complete it in the cathedral church of SantaReparata, where the cardinal attending, the two brothers would bepresent as usual. They wished Giovanni Batista da Montesecco toundertake the murder of Lorenzo, while that of Giuliano was assignedto Francesco de' Pazzi and Bernardo Bandini. Giovanni Batista refused, either because his familiarity with Lorenzo had created feelings in hisfavor, or from some other reason, saying he should not have resolutionsufficient to commit such a deed in a church, and thus add sacrilegeto treachery. This caused the failure of their undertaking; for timepressing, they were compelled to substitute Antonio da Volterra andStefano, the priest, two men, who, from nature and habit, were the mostunsuitable of any; for if firmness and resolution joined with experiencein bloodshed be necessary upon any occasion, it is on such as these; andit often happens that those who are expert in arms, and have faced deathin all forms on the field of battle, still fail in an affair like this. Having now decided upon the time, they resolved that the signal for theattack should be the moment when the priest who celebrated highmass should partake of the sacrament, and that, in the meantime, theArchbishop de' Salviati, with his followers, and Jacopo di Poggio, should take possession of the palace, in order that the Signory, afterthe young men's death, should voluntarily, or by force, contribute totheir assistance. 

CHAPTER II

Giuliano de' Medici slain--Lorenzo escapes--The archbishop Salviatiendeavors to seize the palace of the Signory--He is takenand hanged--The enterprise of the conspirators entirelyfails--Manifestations of the Florentines in favor of Lorenzo de'Medici--The conspirators punished--The funeral of Giuliano--The popeand the king of Naples make war upon the Florentines--Florenceexcommunicated--Speech of Lorenzo de' Medici to the citizens ofFlorence. 

The conspirators proceeded to Santa Reparata, where the cardinal andLorenzo had already arrived. The church was crowded, and divine servicecommenced before Giuliano's arrival. Francesco de' Pazzi and BernardoBandini, who were appointed to be his murderers, went to his house, and finding him, they, by earnest entreaties, prevailed upon him toaccompany them. It is surprising that such intense hatred, and designsso full of horror as those of Francesco and Bernardo, could be soperfectly concealed; for while conducting him to the church, and afterthey had reached it, they amused him with jests and playful discourse. Nor did Francesco forget, under pretense of endearment, to press him inhis arms, so as to ascertain whether under his apparel he wore a cuirassor other means of defense. Giuliano and Lorenzo were both aware ofthe animosity of the Pazzi, and their desire to deprive them of thegovernment; but they felt assured that any design would be attemptedopenly, and in conjunction with the civil authority. Thus being freefrom apprehension for their personal safety both affected to be onfriendly terms with them. The murderers being ready, each in hisappointed station, which they could retain without suspicion, on accountof the vast numbers assembled in the church, the preconcerted momentarrived, and Bernardo Bandini, with a short dagger provided for thepurpose, struck Giuliano in the breast, who, after a few steps, fell tothe earth. Francesco de' Pazzi threw himself upon the body and coveredhim with wounds; while, as if blinded by rage, he inflicted a deepincision upon his own leg. Antonio and Stefano, the priest, attackedLorenzo, and after dealing many blows, effected only a slight incisionin the throat; for either their want of resolution, the activityof Lorenzo, who, finding himself attacked, used his arms in his owndefense, or the assistance of those by whom he was surrounded, renderedall attempts futile. They fled and concealed themselves, but beingsubsequently discovered, were put to death in the most ignominiousmanner, and their bodies dragged about the city. Lorenzo, with thefriends he had about him, took refuge in the sacristy of the church. Bernardo Bandini, after Giuliano's death, also slew Francesco Nori, amost intimate friend of the Medici, either from some previous hatred orfor having endeavored to render assistance to Giuliano; and not contentwith these murders, he ran in pursuit of Lorenzo, intending, by his ownpromptitude, to make up for the weakness and inefficiency of the others;but finding he had taken refuge in the vestry, he was prevented. 

In the midst of these violent and fearful deeds, during which the uproarwas so terrible, that it seemed almost sufficient to bring the churchdown upon its inmates, the cardinal Riario remained close to the altar, where he was with difficulty kept in safety by the priests, until theSignory, upon the abatement of the disturbance, could conduct him totheir palace, where he remained in the utmost terror till he was set atliberty. 

There were at this time in Florence some people of Perugia, whom partyfeuds had compelled to leave their homes; and the Pazzi, by promising torestore them to their country, obtained their assistance. The Archbishopde' Salviati, going to seize the palace, together with Jacopo di Poggio, and the Salviati, his friends, took these Perugini with him. Havingarrived, he left part of his people below, with orders that when theyheard a noise they should make themselves masters of the entrance, whilehimself, with the greater part of the Perugini, proceeded above, andfinding the Signory at dinner (for it was now late), was admittedafter a short delay, by Cesare Petrucci, the Gonfalonier of Justice. Heentered with only a few of his followers, the greater part of them beingshut up in the cancelleria into which they had gone, whose doors were socontrived, that upon closing they could not be opened from eitherside, without the key. The archbishop being with the gonfalonier, underpretense of having something to communicate on the part of the pope, addressed him in such an incoherent and hesitating manner, that thegonfalonier at once suspected him, and rushing out of the chamber tocall assistance, found Jacopo di Poggio, whom he seized by the hairof the head, and gave into the custody of his attendants. The Signoryhearing the tumult, snatched such arms as they could at the momentobtain, and all who had gone up with the archbishop, part of them beingshut up, and part overcome with terror, were immediately slain or thrownalive out of the windows of the palace, at which the archbishop, thetwo Jacopi Salviati, and Jacopodi Poggio were hanged. Those whom thearchbishop left below, having mastered the guard and taken possession ofthe entrance occupied all the lower floors, so that the citizens, who inthe uproar, hastened to the palace, were unable to give either advice orassistance to the Signory. 

Francesco de' Pazzi and Bernardo Bandini, perceiving Lorenzo's escape, and the principal agent in the enterprise seriously wounded, becameimmediately conscious of the imminent peril of their position. Bernardo, using the same energy in his own behalf that had served him against theMedici, finding all lost, saved himself by flight. Francesco, wounded ashe was, got to his house, and endeavored to get on horseback, for it hadbeen arranged they should ride through the city and call the people toarms and liberty; but he found himself unable, from the nature of hiswound, and, throwing himself naked upon his bed, begged Jacopo de' Pazzito perform the part for which he was himself incapacitated. Jacopo, though old and unaccustomed to such business, by way of making a lasteffort, mounted his horse, and, with about a hundred armed followers, collected without previous preparation, hastened to the piazza of thepalace, and endeavored to assemble adherents by cries of "people, " and"liberty;" but the former, having been rendered deaf by the fortune andliberty of the Medici, the latter was unknown in Florence, and hefound no followers. The signors, who held the upper part of the palace, saluted him with stones and threats. Jacopo, while hesitating, was metby Giovanni Seristori, his brother-in-law, who upbraided him with thetroubles he had occasioned, and then advised him to go home, for thepeople and liberty were as dear to other citizens as to himself. Thus deprived of every hope, Lorenzo being alive, Francesco seriouslywounded, and none disposed to follow him, not knowing what to do, heresolved, if possible, to escape by flight; and, accompanied by thosewhom he had led into the piazza, left Florence with the intention ofgoing into Romagna. 

In the meantime the whole city was roused to arms, and Lorenzo de'Medici, accompanied by a numerous escort, returned to his house. Thepalace was recovered from its assailants, all of whom were eitherslain or made prisoners. The name of the Medici echoed everywhere, andportions of dead bodies were seen borne on spears and scattered throughthe streets; while everyone was transported with rage against the Pazzi, and pursued them with relentless cruelty. The people took possessionof their houses, and Francesco, naked as they found him, was led to thepalace, and hanged beside the archbishop and the rest. He could notbe induced, by any injurious words or deeds, to utter a syllable, butregarding those around with a steady look, he silently sighed. Guglielmode' Pazzi, brother-in-law to Lorenzo, fled to the latter's house, andby his innocence and the intercession of his wife, Bianca, he escapeddeath. There was not a citizen of any rank whatever who did not, uponthis occasion, wait upon Lorenzo with an offer of his services; so greatwere the popularity and good fortune which this family had acquired bytheir liberality and prudence. Rinato de' Pazzi was at his villa whenthe event took place, and on being informed of it, he endeavored toescape in disguise, but was arrested upon the road and brought toFlorence. Jacopo de' Pazzi was taken while crossing the mountainsof Romagna, for the inhabitants of these parts having heard what hadoccurred, and seeing him in flight, attacked and brought him back to thecity; nor could he, though he frequently endeavored, prevail with themto put him to death upon the road. Jacopo and Rinato were condemnedwithin four days after the murder of Giuliano. And though so many deathshad been inflicted that the roads were covered with fragments of humanbodies, not one excited a feeling of regret, except that of Rinato; forhe was considered a wise and good man, and possessed none of the pridefor which the rest of his family were notorious. As if to mark the eventby some extraordinary circumstance, Jacopo de' Pazzi, after havingbeen buried in the tomb of his ancestors, was disinterred like anexcommunicated person, and thrown into a hole at the outside of the citywalls; from this grave he was taken, and with the halter in which hehad been hanged, his body was dragged naked through the city, and, asif unfit for sepulture on earth, thrown by the populace into the Arno, whose waters were then very high. It was an awful instance of theinstability of fortune, to see so wealthy a man, possessing the utmostearthly felicity, brought down to such a depth of misery, such utterruin and extreme degradation. It is said he had vices, among which weregaming and profane swearing, to which he was very much addicted; butthese seem more than balanced by his numerous charities, for he relievedmany in distress, and bestowed much money for pious uses. It may alsobe recorded in his favor, that upon the Saturday preceding the deathof Giuliano, in order that none might suffer from his misfortunes, hedischarged all his debts; and whatever property he possessed belongingto others, either in his own house or his place of business, he wasparticularly careful to return to its owners. Giovanni Batista daMontesecco, after a long examination, was beheaded; Napoleone Franzesiescaped punishment by flight; Giulielmo de' Pazzi was banished, andsuch of his cousins as remained alive were imprisoned in the fortressof Volterra. The disturbances being over, and the conspirators punished, the funeral obsequies of Giuliano were performed amid universallamentation; for he possessed all the liberality and humanity that couldbe wished for in one of his high station. He left a natural son, bornsome months after his death, named Giulio, who was endowed with thatvirtue and felicity with which the whole world is now acquainted; andof which we shall speak at length when we come to our own times, ifGod spare us. The people who had assembled in favor of the Pazzi underLorenzo da Castello in the Val di Tavere, and under Giovan Francescoda Tolentino in Romagna, approached Florence, but having heard of thefailure of the conspiracy, they returned home. 

The changes desired by the pope and the king in the government ofFlorence, not having taken place, they determined to effect by war whatthey had failed to accomplish by treachery; and both assembled forceswith all speed to attack the Florentine states; publicly declaring thatthey only wished the citizens to remove Lorenzo de' Medici, who aloneof all the Florentines was their enemy. The king's forces had alreadypassed the Tronto, and the pope's were in Perugia; and that the citizensmight feel the effect of spiritual as well as temporal weapons, thepontiff excommunicated and anathematized them. Finding themselvesattacked by so many armies, the Florentines prepared for their defensewith the utmost care. Lorenzo de' Medici, as the enemy's operationswere said to be directed against himself alone, resolved first of all toassemble the Signory, and the most influential citizens, in thepalace, to whom, being above three hundred in number, he spoke asfollows:--"Most excellent signors, and you, magnificent citizens, I knownot whether I have more occasion to weep with you for the events whichhave recently occurred, or to rejoice in the circumstances with whichthey have been attended. Certainly, when I think with what virulence ofunited deceit and hatred I have been attacked, and my brother murdered, I cannot but mourn and grieve from my heart, from my very soul. Yet whenI consider with what promptitude, anxiety, love, and unanimity of thewhole city my brother has been avenged and myself defended, I am notonly compelled to rejoice, but feel myself honored and exalted; for ifexperience has shown me that I had more enemies than I apprehended, ithas also proved that I possess more warm and resolute friends than Icould ever have hoped for. I must therefore grieve with you for theinjuries others have suffered, and rejoice in the attachment you haveexhibited toward myself; but I feel more aggrieved by the injuriescommitted, since they are so unusual, so unexampled, and (as I trust youbelieve) so undeserved on our part. Think, magnificent citizens, to whata dreadful point ill fortune has reduced our family, when among friends, amidst our own relatives, nay, in God's holy temple, we have foundour greatest foes. Those who are in danger turn to their friends forassistance; they call upon their relatives for aid; but we found oursarmed, and resolved on our destruction. Those who are persecuted, eitherfrom public or private motives, flee for refuge to the altars; but whereothers are safe, we are assassinated; where parricides and assassins aresecure, the Medici find their murderers. But God, who has not hithertoabandoned our house, again saved us, and has undertaken the defense ofour just cause. What injury have we done to justify so intense desire ofour destruction? Certainly those who have shown themselves so much ourenemies, never received any private wrong from us; for, had we wished toinjure them, they would not have had an opportunity of injuring us. Ifthey attribute public grievances to ourselves (supposing any had beendone to them), they do the greater injustices to you, to this palace, to the majesty of this government, by assuming that on our account youwould act unfairly to any of your citizens; and such a supposition, aswe all know, is contradicted by every view of the circumstances; forwe, had we been able, and you, had we wished it, would never havecontributed to so abominable a design. Whoever inquires into the truthof these matters, will find that our family has always been exaltedby you, and from this sole cause, that we have endeavored by kindness, liberality, and beneficence, to do good to all; and if we have honoredstrangers, when did we ever injure our relatives? If our enemies'conduct has been adopted, to gratify their desire for power (as wouldseem to be the case from their having taken possession of the palace andbrought an armed force into the piazza), the infamous, ambitious, anddetestable motive is at once disclosed. If they were actuated by envyand hatred of our authority, they offend you rather than us; for fromyou we have derived all the influence we possess. Certainly usurpedpower deserves to be detested; but not distinctions conceded for acts ofkindness, generosity, and magnificence. And you all know that our familynever attained any rank to which this palace and your united consent didnot raise it. Cosmo, my grandfather, did not return from exile with armsand violence, but by your unanimous desire and approbation. It was notmy father, old and inform, who defended the government against so manyenemies, but yourselves by your authority and benevolence defended him;neither could I, after his death, being then a boy, have maintained theposition of my house except by your favor and advice. Nor should weever be able to conduct the affairs of this republic, if you did notcontribute to our support. Therefore, I know not the reason of theirhatred toward us, or what just cause they have of envy. Let them directtheir enmity against their own ancestors, who, by their pride andavarice, lost the reputation which ours, by very opposite conduct, wereenabled to acquire. But let it be granted we have greatly injured them, and that they are justified in seeking our ruin; why do they come andtake possession of the palace? Why enter into league with the popeand the king, against the liberties of this republic? Why break thelong-continued peace of Italy? They have no excuse for this; they oughtto confine their vengeance to those who do them wrong, and not confoundprivate animosities with public grievances. Hence it is that since theirdefeat our misfortune is the greater; for on their account the pope andthe king make war upon us, and this war, they say, is directed againstmy family and myself. And would to God that this were true; then theremedy would be sure and unfailing, for I would not be so base a citizenas to prefer my own safety to yours; I would at once resolve to ensureyour security, even though my own destruction were the immediate andinevitable consequence. But as the wrongs committed by princes areusually concealed under some less offensive covering, they have adoptedthis plea to hide their more abominable purpose. If, however, you thinkotherwise, I am in your hands; it is with you to do with me what youplease. You are my fathers, my protectors, and whatever you command meto do I will perform most willingly; nor will I ever refuse, when youfind occasion to require it, to close the war with my own blood whichwas commenced with that of my brother. " While Lorenzo spoke, thecitizens were unable to refrain from tears, and the sympathy with whichhe had been heard was extended to their reply, delivered by one ofthem in the name of the rest, who said that the city acknowledged manyadvantages derived from the good qualities of himself and his family;and encouraged them to hope that with as much promptitude as they hadused in his defense, and in avenging his brother's death, they wouldsecure to him his influence in the government, which he should neverlose while they retained possession of the country. And that their deedsmight correspond with their words, they immediately appointed a numberof armed men, as a guard for the security of his person against domesticenemies. 

CHAPTER III

The Florentines prepare for war against the pope--They appeal toa future council--Papal and Neapolitan movements againstthe Florentines--The Venetians refuse to assist theFlorentines--Disturbances in Milan--Genoa revolts from the duke--Futileendeavors to effect peace with the pope--The Florentines repulse theirenemies from the territory of Pisa--They attack the papal states--Thepapal forces routed upon the borders of the Lake of Perugia. 

The Florentines now prepared for war, by raising money and collectingas large a force as possible. Being in league with the duke of Milanand the Venetians, they applied to both for assistance. As the pope hadproved himself a wolf rather than a shepherd, to avoid being devouredunder false accusations, they justified their cause with all availablearguments, and filled Italy with accounts of the treachery practicedagainst their government, exposing the impiety and injustice of thepontiff, and assured the world that the pontificate which he hadwickedly attained, he would as impiously fill; for he had sent thosewhom he had advanced to the highest order of prelacy, in the companyof traitors and parricides, to commit the most horrid treachery in thechurch in the midst of divine service and during the celebration of theholy sacrament, and that then, having failed to murder the citizens, change the government, and plunder the city, according to his intention, he had suspended the performance of all religious offices, andinjuriously menaced and injured the republic with pontificalmaledictions. But if God was just, and violence was offensive to him, hewould be displeased with that of his viceregent, and allow his injuredpeople who were not admitted to communion with the latter, to offerup their prayers to himself. The Florentines, therefore, instead ofreceiving or obeying the interdict, compelled the priests to performdivine service, assembled a council in Florence of all the Tuscanprelates under their jurisdiction, and appealed against the injuriessuffered from the pontiff to a future general council. 

The pope did not neglect to assign reasons in his own justification, andmaintained it was the duty of a pontiff to suppress tyranny, depressthe wicked, and exalt the good; and that this ought to be done byevery available means; but that secular princes had no right to detaincardinals, hang bishops, murder, mangle, and drag about the bodies ofpriests, destroying without distinction the innocent with the guilty. 

Notwithstanding these complaints and accusations, the Florentinesrestored to the pope the cardinal whom they had detained, in return forwhich he immediately assailed them with his own forces and those ofthe king. The two armies, under the command of Alfonso, eldest son ofFerrando, and duke of Calabria, who had as his general, Federigo, countof Urbino, entered the Chianti, by permission of the Siennese, who sidedwith the enemy, occupied Radda with many other fortresses, and havingplundered the country, besieged the Castellina. The Florentines weregreatly alarmed at these attacks, being almost destitute of forces, andfinding their friends slow to assist; for though the duke sent them aid, the Venetians denied all obligation to support the Florentines in theirprivate quarrels, since the animosities of individuals were not to bedefended at the public expense. The Florentines, in order to induce theVenetians to take a more correct view of the case, sent Tommaso Soderinias their ambassador to the senate, and, in the meantime, engaged forces, and appointed Ercole, marquis of Ferrara, to the command of their army. While these preparations were being made, the Castellina was so hardpressed by the enemy, that the inhabitants, despairing of relief, surrendered, after having sustained a siege of forty-two days. Theenemy then directed their course toward Arezzo, and encamped before SanSavino. The Florentine army being now in order, went to meet them, and having approached within three miles, caused such annoyance, thatFederigo d'Urbino demanded a truce for a few days, which was granted, but proved so disadvantageous to the Florentines, that those who hadmade the request were astonished at having obtained it; for, had it beenrefused, they would have been compelled to retire in disgrace. Havinggained these few days to recruit themselves, as soon as they wereexpired, they took the castle in the presence of their enemies. Winterbeing now come, the forces of the pope and king retired for convenientquarters to the Siennese territory. The Florentines also withdrew toa more commodious situation, and the marquis of Ferrara, having donelittle for himself and less for others, returned to his own territories. 

At this time, Genoa withdrew from the dominion of Milan, under thefollowing circumstances. Galeazzo, at his death, left a son, GiovanGaleazzo, who being too young to undertake the government, dissensionsarose between Sforza, Lodovico, Ottaviano, and Ascanio, his uncles, andthe lady Bona, his mother, each of whom desired the guardianship of theyoung duke. By the advice and mediation of Tommaso Soderini, whowas then Florentine ambassador at the court of Milan, and of CeccoSimonetta, who had been secretary to Galeazzo, the lady Bona prevailed. The uncles fled, Ottaviano was drowned in crossing the Adda; the restwere banished to various places, together with Roberto da San Severino, who in these disputes had deserted the duchess and joined the unclesof the duke. The troubles in Tuscany, which immediately followed, gave these princes hope that the new state of things would presentopportunities for their advantage; they therefore quitted the places towhich their exile limited them, and each endeavored to return home. KingFerrando, finding the Florentines had obtained assistance from none butthe Milanese, took occasion to give the duchess so much occupationin her own government, as to render her unable to contribute to theirassistance. By means of Prospero Adorno, the Signor Roberto, and therebellious uncles of the duke, he caused Genoa to throw off the Milaneseyoke. The Castelletto was the only place left; confiding in which, theduchess sent a strong force to recover the city, but it was routed bythe enemy; and perceiving the danger which might arise to her son andherself if the war were continued, Tuscany being in confusion, and theFlorentines, in whom alone she had hope, themselves in trouble, shedetermined, as she could not retain Genoa in subjection, to secure itas an ally; and agreed with Battistino Fregoso, the enemy of ProsperoAdorno, to give him the Castelletto, and make him prince of Genoa, oncondition that he should expel Prospero, and do nothing in favor of herson's uncles. Upon this agreement, Battistino, by the assistance of theCastelletto and of his friends, became lord of Genoa; and according tothe custom of the city, took the title of Doge. The Sforzeschi and theSignor Roberto, being thus expelled by the Genoese, came with theirforces into Lunigiana, and the pope and the king, perceiving thetroubles of Lombardy to be composed, took occasion with them to annoyTuscany in the Pisan territory, that the Florentines might be weakenedby dividing their forces. At the close of winter they ordered Robertoda San Severino to leave Lunigiana and march thither, which he did, andwith great tumult plundered many fortresses, and overran the countryaround Pisa. 

At this time, ambassadors came to Florence from the emperor, the king ofFrance, and the king of Hungary, who were sent by their princes to thepontiff. They solicited the Florentines also to send ambassadors to thepope, and promised to use their utmost exertion to obtain for them anadvantageous peace. The Florentines did not refuse to make trial, bothfor the sake of publicly justifying their proceedings, and because theywere really desirous of peace. Accordingly, the ambassadors were sent, but returned without coming to any conclusion of their differences. TheFlorentines, to avail themselves of the influence of the king of France, since they were attacked by one part of the Italians and abandonedby the other, sent to him as their ambassador, Donato Acciajuoli, adistinguished Latin and Greek scholar, whose ancestors had always rankedhigh in the city, but while on his journey he died at Milan. To relievehis surviving family and pay a deserved tribute to his memory, he washonorably buried at the public expense, provision was made for his sons, and suitable marriage portions given to his daughters, and Guid' AntonioVespucci, a man well acquainted with pontifical and imperial affairs, was sent as ambassador to the king in his stead. 

The attack of Signor Roberto upon the Pisan territory, being unexpected, greatly perplexed the Florentines; for having to resist the foe in thedirection of Sienna, they knew not how to provide for the places aboutPisa. To keep the Lucchese faithful, and prevent them from furnishingthe enemy either with money or provisions, they sent as ambassador Pierodi Gino Capponi, who was received with so much jealousy, on account ofthe hatred which that city always cherishes against the Florentinesfrom former injuries and constant fear, that he was on many occasions indanger of being put to death by the mob; and thus his mission gave freshcause of animosity rather than of union. The Florentines recalled themarquis of Ferrara, and engaged the marquis of Mantua; they also asearnestly requested the Venetians to send them Count Carlo, son ofBraccio, and Deifobo, son of Count Jacopo, and after many delays, theycomplied; for having made a truce with the Turks, they had no excuseto justify a refusal, and could not break through the obligation of theLeague without the utmost disgrace. The counts, Carlo and Deifobo, camewith a good force, and being joined by all that could be spared fromthe army, which, under the marquis of Ferrara, held in check the dukeof Calabria, proceeded toward Pisa, to meet Signor Roberto, who was withhis troops near the river Serchio, and who, though he had expressed hisintention of awaiting their arrival, withdrew to the camp at Lunigiana, which he had quitted upon coming into the Pisan territory, while CountCarlo recovered all the places that had been taken by the enemy in thatdistrict. 

The Florentines, being thus relieved from the attack in the direction ofPisa, assembled the whole force between Colle and Santo Geminiano. Butthe army, on the arrival of Count Carlo, being composed of Sforzeschiand Bracceschi, their hereditary feuds soon broke forth, and it wasthought that if they remained long in company, they would turn theirarms against each other. It was therefore determined, as the smallerevil, to divide them; to send one party, under Count Carlo, into thedistrict of Perugia, and establish the other at Poggibonzi, wherethey formed a strong encampment in order to prevent the enemy frompenetrating the Florentine territory. By this they also hoped to compelthe enemy to divide their forces; for Count Carlo was understood to havemany partisans in Perugia, and it was therefore expected, either thathe would occupy the place, or that the pope would be compelled to senda large body of men for its defense. To reduce the pontiff to greaternecessity, they ordered Niccolo Vitelli, who had been expelled fromCitta di Castello, where his enemy Lorenzo Vitelli commanded, to lead aforce against that place, with the view of driving out his adversaryand withdrawing it from obedience to the pope. At the beginning of thecampaign, fortune seemed to favor the Florentines; for Count Carlo maderapid advances in the Perugino, and Niccolo Vitelli, though unable toenter Castello, was superior in the field, and plundered the surroundingcountry without opposition. The forces also, at Poggibonzi, constantlyoverran the country up to the walls of Sienna. These hopes, however, were not realized; for in the first place, Count Carlo died, while inthe fullest tide of success; though the consequences of this would havebeen less detrimental to the Florentines, had not the victory to whichit gave occasion, been nullified by the misconduct of others. The deathof the count being known, the forces of the church, which had alreadyassembled in Perugia, conceived hopes of overcoming the Florentines, andencamped upon the lake, within three miles of the enemy. On the otherside, Jacopo Guicciardini, commissary to the army, by the adviceof Roberto da Rimino, who, after the death of Count Carlo, was theprincipal commander, knowing the ground of their sanguine expectations, determined to meet them, and coming to an engagement near the lake, upon the site of the memorable rout of the Romans, by Hannibal, theCarthaginian general, the papal forces were vanquished. The news of thevictory, which did great honor to the commanders, diffused universaljoy at Florence, and would have ensured a favorable termination of thecampaign, had not the disorders which arose in the army at Poggibonzithrown all into confusion; for the advantage obtained by the valor ofthe one, was more than counterbalanced by the disgraceful proceedingsof the other. Having made considerable booty in the Siennese territory, quarrels arose about the division of it between the marquis of Mantuaand the marquis of Ferrara, who, coming to arms, assailed each otherwith the utmost fury; and the Florentines seeing they could no longeravail themselves of the services of both, allowed the marquis of Ferraraand his men to return home. 

CHAPTER IV

The duke of Calabria routs the Florentine army at Poggibonzi--Dismay inFlorence on account of the defeat--Progress of the duke of Calabria--TheFlorentines wish for peace--Lorenzo de' Medici determines to go toNaples to treat with the king--Lodovico Sforza, surnamed the Moor, andhis brothers, recalled to Milan--Changes in the government of that cityin consequence--The Genoese take Serezana--Lorenzo de' Medici arrivesat Naples--Peace concluded with the king--The pope and the Venetiansconsent to the peace--The Florentines in fear of the duke ofCalabria--Enterprises of the Turks--They take Otranto--The Florentinesreconciled with the pope--Their ambassadors at the papal court--Thepope's reply to the ambassadors--The king of Naples restores to theFlorentines all the fortresses he had taken. 

The army being thus reduced, without a leader, and disorder prevailingin every department, the duke of Calabria, who was with his forces nearSienna, resolved to attack them immediately. The Florentines, findingthe enemy at hand, were seized with a sudden panic; neither their arms, nor their numbers, in which they were superior to their adversaries, nor their position, which was one of great strength, could give themconfidence; but observing the dust occasioned by the enemy's approach, without waiting for a sight of them, they fled in all directions, leaving their ammunition, carriages, and artillery to be taken by thefoe. Such cowardice and disorder prevailed in the armies of those times, that the turning of a horse's head or tail was sufficient to decide thefate of an expedition. This defeat loaded the king's troops with booty, and filled the Florentines with dismay; for the city, besides the war, was afflicted with pestilence, which prevailed so extensively, that allwho possessed villas fled to them to escape death. This occasioned thedefeat to be attended with greater horror; for those citizens whosepossessions lay in the Val di Pesa and the Val d'Elsa, having retired tothem, hastened to Florence with all speed as soon as they heard of thedisaster, taking with them not only their children and their property, but even their laborers; so that it seemed as if the enemy were expectedevery moment in the city. Those who were appointed to the managementof the war, perceiving the universal consternation, commanded thevictorious forces in the Perugino to give up their enterprise in thatdirection, and march to oppose the enemy in the Val d'Elsa, who, aftertheir victory, plundered the country without opposition; and althoughthe Florentine army had so closely pressed the city of Perugia thatit was expected to fall into their hands every instant, the peoplepreferred defending their own possessions to endeavoring to seize thoseof others. The troops, thus withdrawn from the pursuit of their goodfortune, were marched to San Casciano, a castle within eight miles ofFlorence; the leaders thinking they could take up no other position tillthe relics of the routed army were assembled. On the other hand, theenemy being under no further restraint at Perugia, and emboldened bythe departure of the Florentines, plundered to a large amount in thedistricts of Arezzo and Cortona; while those who under Alfonso, dukeof Calabria, had been victorious near Poggibonzi, took the town itself;sacked Vico and Certaldo, and after these conquests and pillagingsencamped before the fortress of Colle, which was considered very strong;and as the garrison was brave and faithful to the Florentines, it washoped they would hold the enemy at bay till the republic was able tocollect its forces. The Florentines being at Santo Casciano, and theenemy continuing to use their utmost exertions against Colle, theydetermined to draw nearer, that the inhabitants might be more resolutein their defense, and the enemy assail them less boldly. With thisdesign they removed their camp from Santo Casciano to Santo Geminiano, about five miles from Colle, and with light cavalry and other suitableforces were able every day to annoy the duke's camp. All this, however, was insufficient to relieve the people of Colle; for, having consumedtheir provisions, they were compelled to surrender on the thirteenth ofNovember, to the great grief of the Florentines, and joy of the enemy, more especially of the Siennese, who, besides their habitual hatred ofthe Florentines, had a particular animosity against the people of Colle. 

It was now the depth of winter, and the weather so unsuitable for war, that the pope and the king, either designing to hold out a hope ofpeace, or more quietly to enjoy the fruit of their victories, proposed atruce for three months to the Florentines, and allowed them ten days toconsider the reply. The offer was eagerly accepted; but as wounds arewell known to be more painful after the blood cools than when theywere first received, this brief repose awakened the Florentines to aconsciousness of the miseries they had endured; and the citizens openlylaid the blame upon each other, pointing out the errors committed in themanagement of the war, the expenses uselessly incurred, and the taxesunjustly imposed. These matters were boldly discussed, not only inprivate circles, but in the public councils; and one individual evenventured to turn to Lorenzo de' Medici, and say, "The city is exhausted, and can endure no more war; it is therefore necessary to think ofpeace. " Lorenzo was himself aware of the necessity, and assembled thefriends in whose wisdom and fidelity he had the greatest confidence, when it was at once concluded, that as the Venetians were lukewarm andunfaithful, and the duke in the power of his guardians, and involvedin domestic difficulties, it would be desirable by some new alliance togive a better turn to their affairs. They were in doubt whether to applyto the king or to the pope; but having examined the question in allsides, they preferred the friendship of the king as more suitable andsecure; for the short reigns of the pontiffs, the changes ensuing uponeach succession, the disregard shown by their church toward temporalprinces, and the still greater want of respect for them exhibited inher determinations, render it impossible for a secular prince to trusta pontiff, or safely to share his fortune; for an adherent of the popewill have a companion in victory, but in defeat must stand alone, whilethe pontiff is sustained by his spiritual power and influence. Havingtherefore decided that the king's friendship would be of the greatestutility to them, they thought it would be most easily and certainlyobtained by Lorenzo's presence; for in proportion to the confidence theyevinced toward him, the greater they imagined would be the probabilityof removing his impressions of past enmities. Lorenzo having resolved togo to Naples, recommended the city and government to the care of TommasoSoderini, who was at that time Gonfalonier of Justice. He left Florenceat the beginning of December, and having arrived at Pisa, wrote tothe government to acquaint them with the cause of his departure. TheSignory, to do him honor, and enable him the more effectually to treatwith the king, appointed him ambassador from the Florentine people, andendowed him with full authority to make such arrangements as he thoughtmost useful for the republic. 

At this time Roberto da San Severino, with Lodovico and Ascanio (Sforzatheir elder brother being dead) again attacked Milan, in order torecover the government. Having taken Tortona, and the city and thewhole state being in arms, the duchess Bona was advised to restore theSforzeschi, and to put a stop to civil contentions by admitting them tothe government. The person who gave this advice was Antonio Tassino, ofFerrara, a man of low origin, who, coming to Milan, fell into the handsof the duke Galeazzo, and was given by him to his duchess for her valet. He, either from his personal attractions, or some secret influence, after the duke's death attained such influence over the duchess, thathe governed the state almost at his will. This greatly displeasedthe minister Cecco, whom prudence and long experience had renderedinvaluable; and who, to the utmost of his power, endeavored to diminishthe authority of Tassino with the duchess and other members of thegovernment. The latter, aware of this, to avenge himself for the injury, and secure defenders against Cecco, advised the duchess to recall theSforzeschi, which she did, without communicating her design to theminister, who, when it was done, said to her, "You have taken a stepwhich will deprive me of my life, and you of the government. " Thisshortly afterward took place; for Cecco was put to death by Lodovico, and Tassino, being expelled from the dukedom, the duchess was so enragedthat she left Milan, and gave up the care of her son to Lodovico, who, becoming sole governor of the dukedom, caused, as will be hereafterseen, the ruin of Italy. 

Lorenzo de' Medici had set out for Naples, and the truce between theparties was in force, when, quite unexpectedly, Lodovico Fregoso, beingin correspondence with some persons of Serezana, entered the place bystealth, took possession of it with an armed force, and imprisoned theFlorentine governor. This greatly offended the Signory, for they thoughtthe whole had been concerted with the connivance of King Ferrando. Theycomplained to the duke of Calabria, who was with the army at Sienna, of a breach of the truce; and he endeavored to prove, by letters andembassies, that it had occurred without either his own or his father'sknowledge. The Florentines, however, found themselves in a very awkwardpredicament, being destitute of money, the head of the republic in thepower of the king, themselves engaged in a long-standing war with thelatter and the pope, in a new one with the Genoese, and entirely withoutfriends; for they had no confidence in the Venetians, and on accountof its changeable and unsettled state they were rather apprehensive ofMilan. They had thus only one hope, and that depended upon Lorenzo'ssuccess with the king. 

Lorenzo arrived at Naples by sea, and was most honorably received, notonly by Ferrando, but by the whole city, his coming having excited thegreatest expectation; for it being generally understood that the war wasundertaken for the sole purpose of effecting his destruction, the powerof his enemies invested his name with additional lustre. Being admittedto the king's presence, he spoke with so much propriety upon the affairsof Italy, the disposition of her princes and people, his hopesfrom peace, his fears of the results of war, that Ferrando was moreastonished at the greatness of his mind, the promptitude of his genius, his gravity and wisdom, than he had previously been at his power. He consequently treated him with redoubled honor, and began to feelcompelled rather to part with him as a friend, than detain him as anenemy. However, under various pretexts he kept Lorenzo from Decembertill March, not only to gain the most perfect knowledge of his ownviews, but of those of his city; for he was not without enemies, whowould have wished the king to detain and treat him in the same manner asJacopo Piccinino; and, with the ostensible view of sympathizing for him, pointed out all that would, or rather that they wished should, resultfrom such a course; at the same time opposing in the council everyproposition at all likely to favor him. By such means as these theopinion gained ground, that if he were detained at Naples much longer, the government of Florence would be changed. This caused the king topostpone their separation more than he would have otherwise done, tosee if any disturbance were likely to arise. But finding everything goquietly on, Ferrando allowed him to depart on the sixth of March, 1479, having, with every kind of attention and token of regard, endeavored togain his affection, and formed with him a perpetual alliance for theirmutual defense. Lorenzo returned to Florence, and upon presentinghimself before the citizens, the impressions he had created in thepopular mind surrounded him with a halo of majesty brighter than before. He was received with all the joy merited by his extraordinary qualitiesand recent services, in having exposed his own life to the most imminentperil, in order to restore peace to his country. Two days after hisreturn, the treaty between the republic of Florence and the king, bywhich each party bound itself to defend the other's territories, waspublished. The places taken from the Florentines during the war wereto be taken up at the discretion of the king; the Pazzi confined in thetower of Volterra were to be set at liberty, and a certain sum of money, for a limited period, was to be paid to the duke of Calabria. 

As soon as this peace was publicly known, the pope and the Venetianswere transported with rage; the pope thought himself neglected bythe king; the Venetians entertained similar ideas with regard to theFlorentines, and complained that, having been companions in the war, they were not allowed to participate in the peace. Reports of thisdescription being spread abroad, and received with entire credence atFlorence, caused a general fear that the peace thus made would give riseto greater wars; and therefore the leading members of the governmentdetermined to confine the consideration of the most important affairs toa smaller number, and formed a council of seventy citizens, in whom theprincipal authority was invested. This new regulation calmed the mindsof those desirous of change, by convincing them of the futility of theirefforts. To establish their authority, they in the first place ratifiedthe treaty of peace with the king, and sent as ambassadors to the popeAntonio Ridolfi and Piero Nasi. But, notwithstanding the peace, Alfonso, duke of Calabria, still remained at Sienna with his forces, pretendingto be detained by discords among the citizens, which, he said, had risenso high, that while he resided outside the city they had compelledhim to enter and assume the office of arbitrator between them. He tookoccasion to draw large sums of money from the wealthiest citizens by wayof fines, imprisoned many, banished others, and put some to death; hethus became suspected, not only by the Siennese but by the Florentines, of a design to usurp the sovereignty of Sienna; nor was any remedy thenavailable, for the republic had formed a new alliance with the king, and were at enmity with the pope and the Venetians. This suspicion wasentertained not only by the great body of the Florentine people, whowere subtle interpreters of appearances, but by the principal members ofthe government; and it was agreed, on all hands, that the city neverwas in so much danger of losing her liberty. But God, who in similarextremities has always been her preserver, caused an unhoped-for eventto take place, which gave the pope, the king, and the Venetians othermatters to think of than those in Tuscany. 

The Turkish emperor, Mahomet II. Had gone with a large army to the siegeof Rhodes, and continued it for several months; but though his forceswere numerous, and his courage indomitable, he found them more thanequalled by those of the besieged, who resisted his attack with suchobstinate valor, that he was at last compelled to retire in disgrace. Having left Rhodes, part of his army, under the Pasha Achmet, approachedVelona, and, either from observing the facility of the enterprise, orin obedience to his sovereign's commands, coasting along the Italianshores, he suddenly landed four thousand soldiers, and attacked the cityof Otranto, which he easily took, plundered, and put all the inhabitantsto the sword. He then fortified the city and port, and having assembleda large body of cavalry, pillaged the surrounding country. The king, learning this, and aware of the redoubtable character of his assailant, immediately sent messengers to all the surrounding powers, to requestassistance against the common enemy, and ordered the immediate return ofthe duke of Calabria with the forces at Sienna. 

This attack, however it might annoy the duke and the rest of Italy, occasioned the utmost joy at Florence and Sienna; the latter thinking ithad recovered its liberty, and the former that she had escaped a stormwhich threatened her with destruction. These impressions, which were notunknown to the duke, increased the regret he felt at his departurefrom Sienna; and he accused fortune of having, by an unexpected andunaccountable accident, deprived him of the sovereignty of Tuscany. Thesame circumstance changed the disposition of the pope; for although hehad previously refused to receive any ambassador from Florence, he wasnow so mollified as to be anxious to listen to any overtures of peace;and it was intimated to the Florentines, that if they would condescendto ask the pope's pardon, they would be sure of obtaining it. Thinkingit advisable to seize the opportunity, they sent twelve ambassadorsto the pontiff, who, on their arrival, detained them under differentpretexts before he would admit them to an audience. However, terms wereat length settled, and what should be contributed by each in peace orwar. The messengers were then admitted to the feet of the pontiff, who, with the utmost pomp, received them in the midst of his cardinals. Theyapologized for past occurrences; first showing they had been compelledby necessity, then blaming the malignity of others, or the rage of thepopulace, and their just indignation, and enlarging on the unfortunatecondition of those who are compelled either to fight or die; saying, that since every extremity is endured in order to avoid death, they hadsuffered war, interdicts, and other inconveniences, brought upon themby recent events, that their republic might escape slavery, which isthe death of free cities. However, if in their necessities they hadcommitted any offense, they were desirous to make atonement, and trustedin his clemency, who, after the example of the blessed Redeemer, wouldreceive them into his compassionate arms. 

The pope's reply was indignant and haughty. After reiterating all theoffenses against the church during the late transactions, he said that, to comply with the precepts of God, he would grant the pardon theyasked, but would have them understand, that it was their duty to obey;and that upon the next instance of their disobedience, they wouldinevitably forfeit, and that most deservedly, the liberty which they hadjust been upon the point of losing; for those merit freedom who exercisethemselves in good works and avoid evil; that liberty, improperly used, injures itself and others; that to think little of God, and less of hischurch, is not the part of a free man, but a fool, and one disposed toevil rather than good, and to effect whose correction is the duty notonly of princes but of every Christian; so that in respect of the recentevents, they had only themselves to blame, who, by their evil deeds, hadgiven rise to the war, and inflamed it by still worse actions, it havingbeen terminated by the kindness of others rather than by any merit oftheir own. The formula of agreement and benediction was then read; and, in addition to what had already been considered and agreed upon betweenthe parties, the pope said, that if the Florentines wished to enjoy thefruit of his forgiveness, they must maintain fifteen galleys, armed, and equipped, at their own expense, as long as the Turks should makewar upon the kingdom of Naples. The ambassadors complained much of thisburden in addition to the arrangement already made, but were unable toobtain any alleviation. However, after their return to Florence, theSignory sent, as ambassador to the pope, Guidantonio Vespucci, whohad recently returned from France, and who by his prudence broughteverything to an amicable conclusion, obtained many favors from thepontiff, which were considered as presages of a closer reconciliation. 

Having settled their affairs with the pope, Sienna being free, themselves released from the fear of the king, by the departure ofthe duke of Calabria from Tuscany, and the war with the Turksstill continuing, the Florentines pressed the king to restore theirfortresses, which the duke of Calabria, upon quitting the country, hadleft in the hands of the Siennese. Ferrando, apprehensive that if herefused, they would withdraw from the alliance with him, and by new warswith the Siennese deprive him of the assistance he hoped to obtain fromthe pope and other Italian powers, consented that they should be givenup, and by new favors endeavored to attach the Florentines to hisinterests. It is thus evident, that force and necessity, not deeds andobligations, induce princes to keep faith. 

The castles being restored, and this new alliance established, Lorenzode' Medici recovered the reputation which first the war and then thepeace, when the king's designs were doubtful, had deprived him of; forat this period there was no lack of those who openly slandered him withhaving sold his country to save himself, and said, that in war they hadlost their territories, and in peace their liberty. But the fortressesbeing recovered, an honorable treaty ratified with the king, and thecity restored to her former influence, the spirit of public discourseentirely changed in Florence, a place greatly addicted to gossip, and inwhich actions are judged by the success attending them, rather than bythe intelligence employed in their direction; therefore, the citizenspraised Lorenzo extravagantly, declaring that by his prudence he hadrecovered in peace, what unfavorable circumstances had taken from themin war, and that by his discretion and judgment he had done more thanthe enemy with all the force of their arms. 

CHAPTER V

New occasions of war in Italy--Differences between the marquis ofFerrara, and the Venetians--The king of Naples and the Florentinesattack the papal states--The pope's defensive arrangements--TheNeapolitan army routed by the papal forces--Progress of the Venetiansagainst the marquis of Ferrara--The pope makes peace, and enters intoa league against the Venetians--Operations of the League against theVenetians--The Venetians routed at Bondeno--Their losses--Disunion amongthe League--Lodovico Sforza makes peace with the Venetians--Ratified bythe other parties. 

The invasion of the Turks had deferred the war which was about to breakforth from the anger of the pope and the Venetians at the peace betweenthe Florentines and the king. But as the beginning of that invasion wasunexpected and beneficial, its conclusion was equally unlooked for andinjurious; for Mahomet dying suddenly, dissensions arose among his sons, and the forces which were in Puglia being abandoned by their commander, surrendered Otranto to the king. The fears which restrained the pope andthe Venetians being thus removed, everyone became apprehensive of newtroubles. On the one hand, was the league of the pope and the Venetians, and with them the Genoese, Siennese, and other minor powers; on theother, the Florentines, the king, and the duke, with whom were theBolognese and many princes. The Venetians wished to become lords ofFerrara, and thought they were justified by circumstances in makingthe attempt, and hoping for a favorable result. Their differences arosethus: the marquis of Ferrara affirmed he was under no obligation totake salt from the Venetians, or to admit their governor; the terms ofconvention between them declaring, that after seventy years, the citywas to be free from both impositions. The Venetians replied, that solong as he held the Polesine, he was bound to receive their saltand their governor. The marquis refusing his consent, the Venetiansconsidered themselves justified in taking arms, and that the presentmoment offered a suitable opportunity; for the pope was indignantagainst the Florentines and the king; and to attach the pope stillfurther, the Count Girolamo, who was then at Venice, was received withall possible respect; first admitted to the privileges of a citizen, and then raised to the rank of a senator, the highest distinctions theVenetian senate can confer. To prepare for the war, they levied newtaxes, and appointed to the command of the forces, Roberto da SanSeverino, who being offended with Lodovico, governor of Milan, fled toTortona, whence, after occasioning some disturbances, he went to Genoa, and while there, was sent for by the Venetians, and placed at the headof their troops. 

These circumstances becoming known to the opposite league, induced italso to provide for war. The duke of Milan appointed as his general, Federigo d'Urbino; the Florentines engaged Costanzo, lord of Pesaro;and to sound the disposition of the pope, and know whether the Venetiansmade war against Ferrara with his consent or not, King Ferrando sentAlfonso, duke of Calabria, with his army across the Tronto, and askedthe pontiff's permission to pass into Lombardy to assist the marquis, which was refused in the most peremptory manner. The Florentines andthe king, no longer doubtful about the pope's intentions, determined toharass him, and thus either compel him to take part with them, orthrow such obstacles in his way, as would prevent him from helpingthe Venetians, who had already taken the field, attacked the marquis, overran his territory, and encamped before Figaruolo, a fortress of thegreatest importance. In pursuance of the design of the Florentines andthe king, the duke of Calabria, by the assistance of the Colonna family(the Orsini had joined the pope), plundered the country about Romeand committed great devastation; while the Florentines, with NiccoloVitelli, besieged and took Citta di Castello, expelling Lorenzo Vitelli, who held it for the pope, and placing Niccolo in it as prince. 

The pope now found himself in very great straits; for the city of Romewas disturbed by factions and the country covered with enemies. Butacting with courage and resolution, he appointed Roberto da Rimino totake the command of his forces; and having sent for him to Rome, wherehis troops were assembled, told him how great would be the honor, ifhe could deliver the church from the king's forces, and the troubles inwhich it was involved; how greatly indebted, not only himself, but allhis successors would be, and, that not mankind merely, but God himselfwould be under obligations to him. The magnificent Roberto, havingconsidered the forces and preparations already made, advised the pope toraise as numerous a body of infantry as possible, which was done withoutdelay. The duke of Calabria was at hand, and constantly harassed thecountry up to the very gates of Rome, which so roused the indignationof the citizens, that many offered their assistance to Roberto, andall were thankfully received. The duke, hearing of these preparations, withdrew a short distance from the city, that in the belief of findinghim gone, the magnificent Roberto would not pursue him, and also inexpectation of his brother Federigo, whom their father had sent to himwith additional forces. But Roberto, finding himself nearly equal to theduke in cavalry, and superior in infantry, marched boldly out of Romeand took a position within two miles of the enemy. The duke, seeing hisadversaries close upon him, found he must either fight or disgracefullyretire. To avoid a retreat unbecoming a king's son, he resolved to facethe enemy; and a battle ensued which continued from morning till midday. In this engagement, greater valor was exhibited on both sides thanhad been shown in any other during the last fifty years, upward of athousand dead being left upon the field. The troops of the church wereat length victorious, for her numerous infantry so annoyed the ducalcavalry, that they were compelled to retreat, and Alfonso himself wouldhave fallen into the hands of the enemy, had he not been rescued by abody of Turks, who remained at Otranto, and were at that time in hisservice. The lord of Rimino, after this victory, returned triumphantlyto Rome, but did not long enjoy the fruit of his valor; for having, during the heat of the engagement, taken a copious draught of water, he was seized with a flux, of which he very shortly afterward died. Thepope caused his funeral to be conducted with great pomp, and in a fewdays, sent the Count Girolamo toward Citta di Castello to restore itto Lorenzo, and also endeavor to gain Rimino, which being by Roberto'sdeath left to the care of his widow and a son who was quite a boy, hisholiness thought might be easily won; and this certainly would havebeen the case, if the lady had not been defended by the Florentines, who opposed him so effectually, as to prevent his success against bothCastello and Rimino. 

While these things were in progress at Rome and in Romagna, theVenetians took possession of Figaruolo and crossed the Po with theirforces. The camp of the duke of Milan and the marquis was in disorder;for the count of Urbino having fallen ill, was carried to Bologna forhis recovery, but died. Thus the marquis's affairs were unfortunatelysituated, while those of the Venetians gave them increasing hopes ofoccupying Ferrara. The Florentines and the king of Naples used theirutmost endeavors to gain the pope to their views; and not havingsucceeded by force, they threatened him with the council, which hadalready been summoned by the emperor to assemble at Basle; and bymeans of the imperial ambassadors, and the co-operation of the leadingcardinals, who were desirous of peace, the pope was compelled to turnhis attention toward effecting the pacification of Italy. With thisview, at the instigation of his fears, and with the conviction that theaggrandizement of the Venetians would be the ruin of the church and ofItaly, he endeavored to make peace with the League, and sent his nunciosto Naples, where a treaty was concluded for five years, between thepope, the king, the duke of Milan, and the Florentines, with an openingfor the Venetians to join them if they thought proper. When this wasaccomplished, the pope intimated to the Venetians, that they must desistfrom war against Ferrara. They refused to comply, and made preparationsto prosecute their design with greater vigor than they had hithertodone; and having routed the forces of the duke and the marquis atArgenta, they approached Ferrara so closely as to pitch their tents inthe marquis's park. 

The League found they must no longer delay rendering him efficientassistance, and ordered the duke of Calabria to march to Ferrara withhis forces and those of the pope, the Florentine troops also moving inthe same direction. In order to direct the operations of the war withgreater efficiency, the League assembled a diet at Cremona, which wasattended by the pope's legate, the Count Girolamo, the duke of Calabria, the Signor Lodovico Sforza, and Lorenzo de' Medici, with many otherItalian princes; and when the measures to be adopted were fullydiscussed, having decided that the best way of relieving Ferrara wouldbe to effect a division of the enemy's forces, the League desiredLodovico to attack the Venetians on the side of Milan, but this hedeclined, for fear of bringing a war upon the duke's territories, whichit would be difficult to quell. It was therefore resolved to proceedwith the united forces of the League to Ferrara, and having assembledfour thousand cavalry and eight thousand infantry, they went in pursuitof the Venetians, whose force amounted to two thousand two hundredmen at arms, and six thousand foot. They first attacked the Venetianflotilla, then lying upon the river Po, which they routed with the lossof above two hundred vessels, and took prisoner Antonio Justiniano, thepurveyor of the fleet. The Venetians, finding all Italy united againstthem, endeavored to support their reputation by engaging in theirservice the duke of Lorraine, who joined them with two hundred men atarms: and having suffered so great a destruction of their fleet, theysent him, with part of their army, to keep their enemies at bay, andRoberto da San Severino to cross the Adda with the remainder, andproceed to Milan, where they were to raise the cry of "The duke and theLady Bona, " his mother; hoping by this means to give a new aspect toaffairs there, believing that Lodovico and his government were generallyunpopular. This attack at first created great consternation, and rousedthe citizens in arms; but eventually produced consequences unfavorableto the designs of the Venetians; for Lodovico was now desirous toundertake what he had refused to do at the entreaty of his allies. Leaving the marquis of Ferrara to the defense of his own territories, he, with four thousand horse and two thousand foot, and joined by theduke of Calabria with twelve thousand horse and five thousand foot, entered the territory of Bergamo, then Brescia, next that of Verona, and, in defiance of the Venetians, plundered the whole country; for itwas with the greatest difficulty that Roberto and his forces couldsave the cities themselves. In the meantime, the marquis of Ferrara hadrecovered a great part of his territories; for the duke of Lorraine, bywhom he was attacked, having only at his command two thousand horse andone thousand foot, could not withstand him. Hence, during the whole of1483, the affairs of the League were prosperous. 

The winter having passed quietly over, the armies again took the field. To produce the greater impression upon the enemy, the League unitedtheir whole force, and would easily have deprived the Venetians of allthey possessed in Lombardy, if the war had been conducted in the samemanner as during the preceding year; for by the departure of the dukeof Lorraine, whose term of service had expired, they were reduced tosix thousand horse and five thousand foot, while the allies had thirteenthousand horse and five thousand foot at their disposal. But, as isoften the case where several of equal authority are joined in command, their want of unity decided the victory to their enemies. Federigo, marquis of Mantua, whose influence kept the duke of Calabria andLodovico Sforza within bounds, being dead, differences arose betweenthem which soon became jealousies. Giovan Galeazzo, duke of Milan, wasnow of an age to take the government on himself, and had married thedaughter of the duke of Calabria, who wished his son-in-law to exercisethe government and not Lodovico; the latter, being aware of the duke'sdesign, studied to prevent him from effecting it. The position ofLodovico being known to the Venetians, they thought they could make itavailable for their own interests; and hoped, as they had often beforedone, to recover in peace all they had lost by war; and having secretlyentered into treaty with Lodovico, the terms were concluded in August, 1484. When this became known to the rest of the allies, they weregreatly dissatisfied, principally because they found that the places wonfrom the Venetians were to be restored; that they were allowed tokeep Rovigo and the Polesine, which they had taken from the marquis ofFerrara, and besides this retain all the pre-eminence and authority overFerrara itself which they had formerly possessed. Thus it was evidentto everyone, they had been engaged in a war which had cost vast sums ofmoney, during the progress of which they had acquired honor, and whichwas concluded with disgrace; for the places wrested from the enemy wererestored without themselves recovering those they had lost. Theywere, however, compelled to ratify the treaty, on account of theunsatisfactory state of their finances, and because the faults andambition of others had rendered them unwilling to put their fortunes tofurther proof. 

CHAPTER VI

Affairs of the pope--He is reconciled to Niccolo Vitelli--Discordsbetween the Colonnesi and the Orsini--Various events--The warof Serezana--Genoa occupied by her archbishop--Death of SixtusIV. --Innocent VIII. Elected--Agostino Fregoso gives Serezana to the bankof St. Giorgio--Account of the bank of St. Giorgio--War with theGenoese for Serezana--Stratagem of the Florentines to attack PietraSanta--Difficulties and final surrender of Pietra Santa--The Luccheselay claim to Pietra Santa--The city of L'Aquila revolts against the kingof Naples--War between him and the pope--The Florentines take the king'sparty--Peace between the pope and the king. 

During these events in Lombardy, the pope sent Lorenzo to invest Cittadi Castello, for the purpose of expelling Niccolo Vitelli, the placehaving been abandoned to him by the League, for the purpose of inducingthe pontiff to join them. During the siege, Niccolo's troops wereled out against the papal forces and routed them. Upon this the poperecalled the Count Girolamo from Lombardy with orders first to recruithis army at Rome, and then proceed against Citta di Castello. Butthinking afterward, that it would be better to obtain Niccolo Vitelloas his friend than to renew hostilities with him, an arrangement wasentered into by which the latter retained Citta di Castello, and thepope pacified Lorenzo as well as he could. He was induced to both thesemeasures rather by his apprehension of fresh troubles than by his loveof peace, for he perceived dissensions arising between the Colonessi andthe Orsini. 

In the war between the king of Naples and the pope, the former hadtaken the district of Tagliacozzo from the Orsini, and given it to theColonnesi, who had espoused his cause. Upon the establishment of peace, the Orsini demanded its restoration by virtue of the treaty. The popehad frequently intimated to the Colonnesi that it ought to be restored;but they, instead of complying with the entreaties of the Orsini, orbeing influenced by the pope's threats, renewed hostilities against theformer. Upon this the pontiff, unable to endure their insolence, unitedhis own forces with those of the Orsini, plundered the houses theypossessed in Rome, slew or made prisoners all who defended them, andseized most of their fortresses. So that when these troubles werecomposed, it was rather by the complete subjugation of one party thanfrom any desire for peace in the other. 

Nor were the affairs of Genoa or of Tuscany in repose, for theFlorentines kept the Count Antonio da Marciano on the borders ofSerezana; and while the war continued in Lombardy, annoyed the peopleof Serezana by inroads and light skirmishes. Battistino Fregoso, doge ofGenoa, trusting to Pagolo Fregoso, the archbishop, was taken prisoner, with his wife and children, by the latter, who assumed the sovereigntyof the city. The Venetian fleet had attacked the kingdom of Naples, taken Gallipoli, and harassed the neighboring places. But upon the peaceof Lombardy, all tumults were hushed except those of Tuscany and Rome;for the pope died in five days after its declaration, either in thenatural course of things, or because his grief for peace, to which hewas always opposed, occasioned his end. 

Upon the decease of the pontiff, Rome was immediately in arms. The CountGirolamo withdrew his forces into the castle; and the Orsini feared theColonnesi would avenge the injuries they had recently sustained. TheColonnesi demanded the restitution of their houses and castles, so thatin a few days robberies, fires, and murders prevailed in several partsof the city. The cardinals entreated the count to give the castle intothe hands of the college, withdraw his troops, and deliver Rome fromthe fear of his forces, and he, by way of ingratiating himself with thefuture pontiff obeyed, and retired to Imola. The cardinals, being thusdivested of their fears, and the barons hopeless of assistance in theirquarrels, proceeded to create a new pontiff, and after some discussion, Giovanni Batista Cibo, a Genoese, cardinal of Malfetta, was elected, andtook the name of Innocent VIII. By the mildness of his disposition (forhe was peaceable and humane) he caused a cessation of hostilities, andfor the present restored peace to Rome. 

The Florentines, after the pacification of Lombardy, could not remainquiet; for it appeared disgraceful that a private gentleman shoulddeprive them of the fortress of Serezana; and as it was allowed by theconditions of peace, not only to demand lost places, but to make warupon any who should impede their restoration, they immediately providedmen and money to undertake its recovery. Upon this, Agostino Fregoso, who had seized Serezana, being unable to defend it, gave the fortress tothe Bank of St. Giorgio. As we shall have frequent occasion to speak ofSt. Giorgio and the Genoese, it will not be improper, since Genoa isone of the principal cities of Italy, to give some account of theregulations and usages prevailing there. When the Genoese had made peacewith the Venetians, after the great war, many years ago, the republic, being unable to satisfy the claims of those who had advanced large sumsof money for its use, conceded to them the revenue of the Dogano orcustomhouse, so that each creditor should participate in the receiptsin proportion to his claim, until the whole amount should be liquidated, and as a suitable place for their assembling, the palace over theDogano was assigned for their use. These creditors established a form ofgovernment among themselves, appointing a council of one hundred personsfor the direction of their affairs, and a committee of eight, who, asthe executive body, should carry into effect the determinations of thecouncil. Their credits were divided into shares, called _Luoghi_, andthey took the title of the Bank, or Company of St. Giorgio. Having thusarranged their government, the city fell into fresh difficulties, andapplied to San Giorgio for assistance, which, being wealthy and wellmanaged, was able to afford the required aid. On the other hand, as thecity had at first conceded the customs, she next began to assign towns, castles, or territories, as security for moneys received; and thispractice has proceeded to such a length, from the necessities of thestate, and the accommodation by the San Giorgio, that the latter nowhas under its administration most of the towns and cities in the Genoesedominion. These the Bank governs and protects, and every year sends itsdeputies, appointed by vote, without any interference on the part of therepublic. Hence the affections of the citizens are transferred from thegovernment to the San Giorgio, on account of the tyranny of theformer, and the excellent regulations adopted by the latter. Hence alsooriginate the frequent changes of the republic, which is sometimesunder a citizen, and at other times governed by a stranger; for themagistracy, and not the San Giorgio, changes the government. So whenthe Fregosi and the Adorni were in opposition, as the government of therepublic was the prize for which they strove, the greater part of thecitizens withdrew and left it to the victor. The only interference ofthe Bank of St. Giorgio is when one party has obtained a superiorityover the other, to bind the victor to the observance of its laws, whichup to this time have not been changed; for as it possesses arms, money, and influence, they could not be altered without incurring the imminentrisk of a dangerous rebellion. This establishment presents aninstance of what in all the republics, either described or imaginedby philosophers, has never been thought of; exhibiting within the samecommunity, and among the same citizens, liberty and tyranny, integrityand corruption, justice and injustice; for this establishment preservesin the city many ancient and venerable customs; and should it happen (asin time it easily may) that the San Giorgio should have possession ofthe whole city, the republic will become more distinguished than that ofVenice. 

Agostino Fregoso conceded Serezana to the San Giorgio, which readilyaccepted it, undertook its defense, put a fleet to sea, and sent forcesto Pietra Santa to prevent all attempts of the Florentines, whosecamp was in the immediate vicinity. The Florentines found it would beessentially necessary to gain possession of Pietra Santa, for withoutit the acquisition of Serezana lost much of its value, being situatedbetween the latter place and Pisa; but they could not, consistentlywith the treaty, besiege it, unless the people of Pietra Santa, or itsgarrison, were to impede their acquisition of Serezana. To induce theenemy to do this, the Florentines sent from Pisa to the camp a quantityof provisions and military stores, accompanied by a very weak escort;that the people of Pietra Santa might have little cause for fear, and bythe richness of the booty be tempted to the attack. The plan succeededaccording to their expectation; for the inhabitants of Pietra Santa, attracted by the rich prize took possession of it. 

This gave legitimate occasion to the Florentines to undertake operationsagainst them; so leaving Serezana they encamped before Pietra Santa, which was very populous, and made a gallant defense. The Florentinesplanted their artillery in the plain, and formed a rampart upon thehill, that they might also attack the place on that side. JacopoGuicciardini was commissary of the army; and while the siege of PietraSanta was going on, the Genoese took and burned the fortress of Vada, and, landing their forces, plundered the surrounding country. BiongianniGianfigliazzi was sent against them, with a body of horse and foot, andchecked their audacity, so that they pursued their depredations lessboldly. The fleet continuing its efforts went to Livorno, and bypontoons and other means approached the new tower, playing theirartillery upon it for several days, but being unable to make anyimpression they withdrew. 

In the meantime the Florentines proceeded slowly against Pietra Santa, and the enemy taking courage attacked and took their works upon thehill. This was effected with so much glory, and struck such a panic intothe Florentines, that they were almost ready to raise the siege, andactually retreated a distance of four miles; for their generals thoughtthat they would retire to winter quarters, it being now October, andmake no further attempt till the return of spring. 

When the discomfiture was known at Florence, the government was filledwith indignation; and, to impart fresh vigor to the enterprise, andrestore the reputation of their forces, they immediately appointedAntonio Pucci and Bernardo del Neri commissaries, who, with vast sums ofmoney, proceeded to the army, and intimated the heavy displeasure of theSignory, and of the whole city, if they did not return to the walls; andwhat a disgrace, if so large an army and so many generals, having onlya small garrison to contend with, could not conquer so poor and weaka place. They explained the immediate and future advantages that wouldresult from the acquisition, and spoke so forcibly upon the subject, that all became anxious to renew the attack. They resolved, in the firstplace, to recover the rampart upon the hill; and here it was evident howgreatly humanity, affability, and condescension influence the minds ofsoldiers; for Antonio Pucci, by encouraging one and promising another, shaking hands with this man and embracing that, induced them to proceedto the charge with such impetuosity, that they gained possession ofthe rampart in an instant. However, the victory was not unattended bymisfortune, for Count Antonio da Marciano was killed by a cannon shot. This success filled the townspeople with so much terror, that they beganto make proposals for capitulation; and to invest the surrender withimposing solemnity, Lorenzo de' Medici came to the camp, when, after afew days, the fortress was given up. It being now winter, the leaders ofthe expedition thought it unadvisable to make any further effort untilthe return of spring, more particularly because the autumnal air hadbeen so unhealthy that numbers were affected by it. Antonio Pucci andBiongianni Gianfigliazzi were taken ill and died, to the great regretof all, so greatly had Antonio's conduct at Pietra Santa endeared him tothe army. 

Upon the taking of Pietra Santa, the Lucchese sent ambassadors toFlorence, to demand its surrender to their republic, on account of itshaving previously belonged to them, and because, as they alleged, it wasin the conditions that places taken by either party were to be restoredto their original possessors. The Florentines did not deny the articles, but replied that they did not know whether, by the treaty betweenthemselves and the Genoese, which was then under discussion, it wouldhave to be given up or not, and therefore could not reply to that pointat present; but in case of its restitution, it would first be necessaryfor the Lucchese to reimburse them for the expenses they had incurredand the injury they had suffered, in the death of so many citizens; andthat when this was satisfactorily arranged, they might entertain hopesof obtaining the place. 

The whole winter was consumed in negotiations between the Florentinesand Genoese, which, by the pope's intervention, were carried on at Rome;but not being concluded upon the return of spring, the Florentines wouldhave attacked Serezana had they not been prevented by the illness ofLorenzo de' Medici, and the war between the pope and King Ferrando; forLorenzo was afflicted not only by the gout, which seemed hereditary inhis family, but also by violent pains in the stomach, and was compelledto go the baths for relief. 

The more important reason was furnished by the war, of which this wasthe origin. The city of L'Aquila, though subject to the kingdom ofNaples, was in a manner free; and the Count di Montorio possessed greatinfluence over it. The duke of Calabria was upon the banks of the Trontowith his men-at-arms, under pretense of appeasing some disturbancesamong the peasantry; but really with a design of reducing L'Aquilaentirely under the king's authority, and sent for the Count di Montorio, as if to consult him upon the business he pretended then to have inhand. The count obeyed without the least suspicion, and on his arrivalwas made prisoner by the duke and sent to Naples. When this circumstancebecame known at L'Aquila, the anger of the inhabitants arose to thehighest pitch; taking arms they killed Antonio Cencinello, commissaryfor the king, and with him some inhabitants known partisans of hismajesty. The L'Aquilani, in order to have a defender in their rebellion, raised the banner of the church, and sent envoys to the pope, to submittheir city and themselves to him, beseeching that he would defend themas his own subjects against the tyranny of the king. The pontiff gladlyundertook their defense, for he had both public and private reasons forhating that monarch; and Signor Roberto of San Severino, an enemy of theduke of Milan, being disengaged, was appointed to take the commandof his forces, and sent for with all speed to Rome. He entreatedthe friends and relatives of the Count di Montorio to withdraw theirallegiance from the king, and induced the princes of Altimura, Salerno, and Bisignano to take arms against him. The king, finding himself sosuddenly involved in war, had recourse to the Florentines and the dukeof Milan for assistance. The Florentines hesitated with regard to theirown conduct, for they felt all the inconvenience of neglecting their ownaffairs to attend to those of others, and hostilities against the churchseemed likely to involve much risk. However, being under the obligationof a League, they preferred their honor to convenience or security, engaged the Orsini, and sent all their own forces under the Countdi Pitigliano toward Rome, to the assistance of the king. The latterdivided his forces into two parts; one, under the duke of Calabria, hesent toward Rome, which, being joined by the Florentines, opposed thearmy of the church; with the other, under his own command, he attackedthe barons, and the war was prosecuted with various success on bothsides. At length, the king, being universally victorious, peace wasconcluded by the intervention of the ambassadors of the king of Spain, in August, 1486, to which the pope consented; for having found fortuneopposed to him he was not disposed to tempt it further. In this treatyall the powers of Italy were united, except the Genoese, who wereomitted as rebels against the republic of Milan, and unjust occupiers ofterritories belonging to the Florentines. Upon the peace being ratified, Roberto da San Severino, having been during the war a treacherous allyof the church, and by no means formidable to her enemies, left Rome;being followed by the forces of the duke and the Florentines, afterpassing Cesena, found them near him, and urging his flight reachedRavenna with less than a hundred horse. Of his forces, part werereceived into the duke's service, and part were plundered by thepeasantry. The king, being reconciled with his barons, put to deathJacopo Coppola and Antonello d'Aversa and their sons, for having, duringthe war, betrayed his secrets to the pope. 

CHAPTER VII

The pope becomes attached to the Florentines--The Genoeseseize Serezanello--They are routed by the Florentines--Serezanasurrenders--Genoa submits to the duke of Milan--War between theVenetians and the Dutch--Osimo revolts from the church--Count GirolamoRiario, lord of Furli, slain by a conspiracy--Galeotto, lord of Faenza, is murdered by the treachery of his wife--The government of the cityoffered to the Florentines--Disturbances in Sienna--Death of Lorenzode' Medici--His eulogy--Establishment of his family--Estates bought byLorenzo--His anxiety for the defense of Florence--His taste for arts andliterature--The university of Pisa--The estimation of Lorenzo by otherprinces. 

The pope having observed in the course of the war, how promptly andearnestly the Florentines adhered to their alliances, although he hadpreviously been opposed to them from his attachment to the Genoese, and the assistance they had rendered to the king, now evinced a moreamicable disposition, and received their ambassadors with greater favorthan previously. Lorenzo de' Medici, being made acquainted with thischange of feeling, encouraged it with the utmost solicitude; for hethought it would be of great advantage, if to the friendship of the kinghe could add that of the pontiff. The pope had a son named Francesco, upon whom designing to bestow states and attach friends who might beuseful to him after his own death, saw no safer connection in Italythan Lorenzo's, and therefore induced the latter to give him one of hisdaughters in marriage. Having formed this alliance, the pope desired theGenoese to concede Serezana to the Florentines, insisting that they hadno right to detain what Agostino had sold, nor was Agostino justifiedin making over to the Bank of San Giorgio what was not his own. However, his holiness did not succeed with them; for the Genoese, during thesetransactions at Rome, armed several vessels, and, unknown to theFlorentines, landed three thousand foot, attacked Serezanello, situatedabove Serezana, plundered and burnt the town near it, and then, directing their artillery against the fortress, fired upon it with theirutmost energy. This assault was new and unexpected by the Florentines, who immediately assembled their forces under Virginio Orsino, at Pisa, and complained to the pope, that while he was endeavoring to establishpeace, the Genoese had renewed their attack upon them. They then sentPiero Corsini to Lucca, that by his presence he might keep the cityfaithful; and Pagolantonio Soderini to Venice, to learn how thatrepublic was disposed. They demanded assistance of the king and ofSignor Lodovico, but obtained it from neither; for the king expressedapprehensions of the Turkish fleet, and Lodovico made excuses, but sentno aid. Thus the Florentines in their own wars are almost alwaysobliged to stand alone, and find no friends to assist them with the samereadiness they practice toward others. Nor did they, on this desertionof their allies (it being nothing new to them) give way to despondency;for having assembled a large army under Jacopo Guicciardini and PietroVettori, they sent it against the enemy, who had encamped upon theriver Magra, at the same time pressing Serezanello with mines and everyspecies of attack. The commissaries being resolved to relieve the place, an engagement ensued, when the Genoese were routed, and Lodovico dalFiesco, with several other principal men, made prisoners. The Serezanesiwere not so depressed at their defeat as to be willing to surrender, but obstinately prepared for their defense, while the Florentinecommissaries proceeded with their operations, and instances of valoroccurred on both sides. The siege being protracted by a variety offortune, Lorenzo de' Medici resolved to go to the camp, and on hisarrival the troops acquired fresh courage, while that of the enemyseemed to fail; for perceiving the obstinacy of the Florentines' attack, and the delay of the Genoese in coming to their relief, they surrenderedto Lorenzo, without asking conditions, and none were treated withseverity except two or three who were leaders of the rebellion. Duringthe siege, Lodovico had sent troops to Pontremoli, as if with anintention of assisting the Florentines; but having secret correspondencein Genoa, a party was raised there, who, by the aid of these forces, gave the city to the duke of Milan. 

At this time the Dutch made war upon the Venetians, and Boccolino ofOsimo, in the Marca, caused that place to revolt from the pope, andassumed the sovereignty. After a variety of fortune, he was induced torestore the city to the pontiff and come to Florence, where, under theprotection of Lorenzo de' Medici, by whose advice he had been prevailedupon to submit, he lived long and respected. He afterward went to Milan, but did not experience such generous treatment; for Lodovico caused himto be put to death. The Venetians were routed by the Dutch, near thecity of Trento, and Roberto da S. Severino, their captain, was slain. After this defeat, the Venetians, with their usual good fortune, madepeace with the Dutch, not as vanquished, but as conquerors, so honorablewere the terms they obtained. 

About this time, there arose serious troubles in Romagna. Francescod'Orso, of Furli, was a man of great authority in that city, andbecame suspected by the count Girolamo, who often threatened him. Heconsequently, living under great apprehensions, was advised by hisfriends to provide for his own safety, by the immediate adoption of sucha course as would relieve him from all further fear of the count. Havingconsidered the matter and resolved to attempt it, they fixed upon themarket day, at Furli, as most suitable for their purpose; for many oftheir friends being sure to come from the country, they might makeuse of their services without having to bring them expressly for theoccasion. It was the month of May, when most Italians take supper bydaylight. The conspirators thought the most convenient hour would beafter the count had finished his repast; for his household being thenat their meal, he would remain in the chamber almost alone. Havingfixed upon the hour, Francesco went to the count's residence, lefthis companions in the hall, proceeded to his apartment, and desired anattendant to say he wished for an interview. He was admitted, and aftera few words of pretended communication, slew him, and calling to hisassociates, killed the attendant. The governor of the place coming byaccident to speak with the count, and entering the apartment with a fewof his people, was also slain. After this slaughter, and in the midstof a great tumult, the count's body was thrown from the window, and withthe cry of "church and liberty, " they roused the people (who hated theavarice and cruelty of the count) to arms, and having plundered hishouse, made the Countess Caterina and her children prisoners. Thefortress alone had to be taken to bring the enterprise to a successfulissue; but the Castellan would not consent to its surrender. They beggedthe countess would desire him to comply with their wish, which shepromised to do, if they would allow her to go into the fortress, leaving her children as security for the performance of her promise. Theconspirators trusted her, and permitted her to enter; but as soon as shewas within, she threatened them with death and every kind of torture inrevenge for the murder of her husband; and upon their menacing her withthe death of her children, she said she had the means of getting more. Finding they were not supported by the pope, and that LodovicoSforza, uncle to the countess, had sent forces to her assistance, theconspirators became terrified, and taking with them whatever propertythey could carry off, they fled to Citta di Castello. The countessrecovered the state, and avenged the death of her husband with theutmost cruelty. The Florentines hearing of the count's death, tookoccasion to recover the fortress of Piancaldoli, of which he hadformerly deprived them, and, on sending some forces, captured it; butCecco, the famous engineer, lost his life during the siege. 

To this disturbance in Romagna, another in that province, no lessimportant, has to be added. Galeotto, lord of Faenza, had married thedaughter of Giovanni Bentivogli, prince of Bologna. She, either throughjealousy or ill treatment by her husband, or from the depravity of herown nature, hated him to such a degree, that she determined to deprivehim of his possessions and his life; and pretending sickness, she tookto her bed, where, having induced Galeotto to visit her, he was slain byassassins, whom she had concealed for that purpose in the apartment. She had acquainted her father with her design, and he hoped, on hisson-in-law's death, to become lord of Faenza. A great tumult arose assoon as the murder was known, the widow, with an infant son, fled intothe fortress, the people took up arms, Giovanni Bentivogli, with acondottiere of the duke of Milan, named Bergamino, engaged for theoccasion, entered Faenza with a considerable force, and Antonio Boscoli, the Florentine commissary, was also there. These leaders being together, and discoursing of the government of the place, the men of Val diLamona, who had risen unanimously upon learning what had occurred, attacked Giovanni and Bergamino, the latter of whom they slew, made theformer prisoner, and raising the cry of "Astorre and the Florentines, "offered the city to the commissary. These events being known atFlorence, gave general offense; however, they set Giovanni and hisdaughter at liberty, and by the universal desire of the people, tookthe city and Astorre under their protection. Besides these, afterthe principal differences of the greater powers were composed, duringseveral years tumults prevailed in Romagna, the Marca, and Sienna, which, as they are unimportant, it will be needless to recount. Whenthe duke of Calabria, after the war of 1478, had left the country, thedistractions of Sienna became more frequent, and after many changes, inwhich, first the plebeians, and then the nobility, were victorious, thelatter and length maintained the superiority, and among them Pandolfoand Jacopo Petrucci obtained the greatest influence, so that the formerbeing distinguished for prudence and the latter for resolution, theybecame almost princes in the city. 

The Florentines after the war of Serezana, lived in great prosperityuntil 1492, when Lorenzo de' Medici died; for he having put a stop tothe internal wars of Italy, and by his wisdom and authority establishedpeace, turned his thoughts to the advancement of his own and the city'sinterests, and married Piero, his eldest son, to Alfonsina, daughter ofthe Cavaliere Orsino. He caused Giovanni, his second son, to be raisedto the dignity of cardinal. This was the more remarkable from its beingunprecedented; for he was only fourteen years of age when admitted tothe college; and became the medium by which his family attained to thehighest earthly glory. He was unable to make any particular provisionfor Guiliano, his third son, on account of his tender years, andthe shortness of his own life. Of his daughters, one married JacopoSalviati; another, Francesco Cibo; the third, Piero Ridolfi; and thefourth, whom, in order to keep his house united, he had married toGiovanni de' Medici, died. In his commercial affairs he was veryunfortunate, from the improper conduct of his agents, who in all theirproceedings assumed the deportment of princes rather than of privatepersons; so that in many places, much of his property was wasted, andhe had to be relieved by his country with large sums of money. Toavoid similar inconvenience, he withdrew from mercantile pursuits, and invested his property in land and houses, as being less liable tovicissitude. In the districts of Prato, Pisa, and the Val di Pesa, hepurchased extensively, and erected buildings, which for magnificenceand utility, were quite of regal character. He next undertook theimprovement of the city, and as many parts were unoccupied by buildings, he caused new streets to be erected in them, of great beauty, and thusenlarged the accommodation of the inhabitants. To enjoy his power insecurity and repose, and conquer or resist his enemies at a distance, inthe direction of Bologna he fortified the castle of Firenzuola, situated in the midst of the Appennines; toward Sienna he commenced therestoration and fortification of the Poggio Imperiale; and he shut outthe enemy in the direction of Genoa, by the acquisition of Pietra Santaand Serezana. For the greater safety of the city, he kept in pay theBaglioni, at Perugia, and the Vitelli, at Citta di Castello, and heldthe government of Faenza wholly in his own power; all which greatlycontributed to the repose and prosperity of Florence. In peaceful times, he frequently entertained the people with feasts, and exhibitions ofvarious events and triumphs of antiquity; his object being to keep thecity abundantly supplied, the people united, and the nobility honored. He was a great admirer of excellence in the arts, and a patron ofliterary men, of which Agnolo da Montepulciano, Cristofero Landini, andDemetrius Chalcondylas, a Greek, may afford sufficient proofs. On thisaccount, Count Giovanni della Mirandola, a man of almost supernaturalgenius, after visiting every court of Europe, induced by the munificenceof Lorenzo, established his abode at Florence. He took great delightin architecture, music, and poetry, many of his comments and poeticalcompositions still remaining. To facilitate the study of literatureto the youth of Florence, he opened a university at Pisa, which wasconducted by the most distinguished men in Italy. For Mariano daChinazano, a friar of the order of St. Augustine, and an excellentpreacher, he built a monastery in the neighborhood of Florence. Heenjoyed much favor both from fortune and from the Almighty; all hisenterprises were brought to a prosperous termination, while his enemieswere unfortunate; for, besides the conspiracy of the Pazzi, an attemptwas made to murder him in the Carmine, by Batista Frescobaldi, and asimilar one by Baldinetto da Pistoja, at his villa; but these persons, with their confederates, came to the end their crimes deserved. Hisskill, prudence, and fortune, were acknowledged with admiration, notonly by the princes of Italy, but by those of distant countries; forMatthias, king of Hungary, gave him many proofs of his regard; thesultan sent ambassadors to him with valuable presents, and the Turkishemperor placed in his hands Bernardo Bandini, the murderer of hisbrother. These circumstances raised his fame throughout Italy, and hisreputation for prudence constantly increased; for in council he waseloquent and acute, wise in determination, and prompt and resolutein execution. Nor can vices be alleged against him to sully so manyvirtues; though he was fond of women, pleased with the company offacetious and satirical men, and amused with the games of the nursery, more than seemed consistent with so great a character; for he wasfrequently seen playing with his children, and partaking of theirinfantine sports; so that whoever considers this gravity andcheerfulness, will find united in him dispositions which seem almostincompatible with each other. In his later years, he was greatlyafflicted; besides the gout, he was troubled with excruciating pains inthe stomach, of which he died in April, 1492, in the forty-fourth yearof his age; nor was there ever in Florence, or even in Italy, one socelebrated for wisdom, or for whose loss such universal regret was felt. As from his death the greatest devastation would shortly ensue, theheavens gave many evident tokens of its approach; among other signs, the highest pinnacle of the church of Santa Reparata was struck withlightning, and great part of it thrown down, to the terror and amazementof everyone. The citizens and all the princes of Italy mourned for him, and sent their ambassadors to Florence, to condole with the city on theoccasion; and the justness of their grief was shortly after apparent;for being deprived of his counsel, his survivors were unable either tosatisfy or restrain the ambition of Lodovico Sforza, tutor to the dukeof Milan; and hence, soon after the death of Lorenzo, those evil plantsbegan to germinate, which in a little time ruined Italy, and continue tokeep her in desolation.