A NARRATIVE OF CAPTIVITY IN ABYSSINIA;

 WITH SOME ACCOUNT OF THE LATE EMPEROR THEODORE, HIS COUNTRY AND PEOPLE. 

 BY HENRY BLANC, M. D. , M. R. C. S. E. , F. A. S. L. , ETC. , STAFF ASSISTANT-SURGEON HER MAJESTY'S BOMBAY ARMY, (LATELY ON SPECIAL DUTY IN ABYSSINIA. )

CONTENTS

 PREFACE

 CHAPTER I. 

The Emperor Theodore--His Rise and Conquests--His Armyand Administration--Causes of his Fall--His PersonalAppearance and Character--His Household and Private Life

 CHAPTER II. 

Europeans in Abyssinia--Bell and Plowden--Their Career andDeaths--Consul Cameron--M. Lejean--M. Bardel and Napoleon's Answerto Theodore--The Gaffat People--Mr. Stern and the Djenda Mission--Stateof Affairs at the End of 1863

 CHAPTER III. 

Imprisonment of Mr. Stern--Mr. Kerans arrives with Letters andCarpet--Cameron, with his Followers, is put in Chains--M. Bardelreturns from the Soudan--Theodore's Dealings with Foreigners--TheCoptic Patriarch--Abdul Rahman Bey--The Captivity of the Europeansexplained

 CHAPTER IV. 

News of Cameron's Imprisonment reaches Home--Mr. Rassam is selectedto proceed to the Court of Gondar, and is accompanied by Dr. Blanc--Delays and Difficulties in communicating with Theodore--Descriptionof Massowah and its Inhabitants--Arrival of a Letter from the Emperor

 CHAPTER V. 

From Massowah to Kassala--The Start--The Habab--Adventures of M. Marcopoli--The Beni Amer--Arrival at Kassala--The Nubian Mutiny--Attemptof De Bisson to found a Colony in the Soudan

 CHAPTER VI. 

Departure from Kassala--Sheik Abu Sin--Rumours of Theodore's Defeatby Tisso Gobazé--Arrival at Metemma--Weekly Market--The Takruriesat Drill--Their Foray into Abyssinia--Arrival of Letters from Theodore

 CHAPTER VII. 

Entrance into Abyssinia--Altercation between Takruries and Abyssiniansat Wochnee--Our Escort and Bearers--Applications for Medicine--FirstReception by his Majesty--The Queen's Letter translated and Presentsdelivered--Accompany his Majesty through Metsha--His Conversation_en route_

 CHAPTER VIII. 

Leave the Emperor's Camp for Kourata--The Tana Sea--The AbyssinianNavy--The Island of Dek--Arrival at Kourata--The Gaffat People andformer Captives join us--Charges preferred against the Latter--FirstVisit to the Emperor's Camp at Zagé--Flattery before Coercion

 CHAPTER IX. 

Second Visit to Zagé--Arrest of Mr. Rassam and the English Officers--Charges brought against Mr. Rassam--The former Captives are broughtin Chains to Zagé--Public Trial--Reconciliation--Mr. Flad's Departure--The Imprisonment at Zagé--Departure for Kourata

 CHAPTER X. 

Second Residence at Kourata--Cholera and Typhus break out in theCamp--The Emperor resolves to march to Debra Tabor--Arrival atGaffat--The Foundry transformed into a Palace--Political Trial atDebra Tabor--The Black Tent--Dr. Blanc and Mr. Rosenthal seized atGaffat--Another Public Trial--The Black Hole--March with the Emperorto Aibankab--Sent to Magdala, and Arrival at the Amba

 CHAPTER XI. 

Our first House at Magdala--The Chief has a "little Business" withus--Feelings of a European when being put in Chains--The Operationdescribed--The Prisoners' Toilette--How we Lived--Our first Messengera Failure--How we obtained Money and Letters--A Magdala Diary--ARainy Season in a Godjo

 CHAPTER XII. 

Description of Magdala--Climate and Water Supply--The Emperor'sHouses--His Harem and Magazines--The Church--Prison-house--Guardsand Gaol--Discipline--A previous Visit of Theodore to Magdala--Slaughterof the Gullas--Character and Antecedents of Samuel--Our friends, Zenab the Astronomer, and Meshisha the Lute-player--Day Guards--Webuild new Huts--Abyssinian and Portuguese Servants--Our Inclosureis enlarged

 CHAPTER XIII. 

Theodore writes to Mr. Rassam about Mr. Flad and the Artisans--Histwo Letters contrasted--General Merewether arrives at Massowah--Dangerof sending Letters to the Coast--Ras Engeddah brings us a fewStores--Our Garden--Successful Results of Vaccination at Magdala--OurDay Guard again--Second Rainy Season--The Chiefs are Jealous--TheRas and his Council--Damash, Hailo, Daily Life during Rainy Season--TwoPrisoners attempt to Escape--The Knout in Abyssinia--A Dying Man'sProphecy

 CHAPTER XIV. 

Second Rainy Season ends--Scarcity and dearness of Provisions--Meshishaand Comfou plot their Escape--They succeed--Theodore is robbed--Damashpursues the Fugitives--The Night Attack--The Galla War-cry, and the"Sauve qui peut"--The Wounded left on the Field--Hospitality of theGallas--Theodore's Letter on the Subject--Mastiate's Troubles--WakshumGabra Medhin--Sketch of Gobaz's Career--He invites the Co-operationof the Bishop in seizing Magdala--The Bishop's plan--All the rivalChiefs intrigue for the Amba--Mr. Rassam's Influence overrated

 CHAPTER XV. 

Death of Abouna Salama--Sketch of his Life and Career--Grievancesof Theodore against him--His Imprisonment at Magdala--The WalloGallas--Their Habits and Customs--Menilek appears with an Army inthe Galla Country--His Policy--Advice sent to him by Mr. Rassam--Heinvests Magdala, and fires a _feu-de-joie_--The Queen's behavior--Steps taken by the Chiefs--Our Position not improved--TheEffects of Smoke on Menilek--Our Disappointment followed by greatJoy--We receive news of the Landing of British Troops

 CHAPTER XVI. 

Theodore's Proceedings during our stay at Magdala--His treatmentof Begemder--A Rebellion breaks out--Forced March on Gondar--TheChurches are plundered and burnt--Theodore's Cruelties--The Insurgentsincrease in Strength--The Designs of the Emperor on Kouratafrustrated--Mr. Bardel betrays the new Workmen--Theodore's Ingratitudetowards the Gaffat People--His Raid on Foggara unsuccessful

 CHAPTER XVII. 

Arrival of Mr. Flad from England--Delivers a Letter and Messagefrom the Queen--The Episode of the Telescope--Our Property takencare of--Theodore will not yield except to Force--He recruits hisArmy--Ras Adilou and Zallallou desert him--He is repulsed at Belessaby Lij Abitou and the Peasants--The Expedition against Metraha--HisCruelties there--The great "Sebastopol" is cast--Famine and Pestilencecompel the Emperor to raise his Camp--The difficulties of his Marchto Magdala--His arrival in Dalanta

 CHAPTER XVIII. 

Theodore in the Vicinity of Magdala--Our feelings at the Time--AnAmnesty granted to Dalanta--The Garrison of Magdala join theEmperor--Mrs. Rosenthal and other Europeans are sent to theFortress--Theodore's Conversation with Flad and Waldmeier on theComing of the Troops--Sir Robert Napier's Letter to Theodore reachesus--Theodore plunders Dalanta--He abuses Mr. Waldmeier--Reaches theBechelo--Correspondence between Mr. Rassam and Theodore--Mr. Rassamis released from his Fetters--Theodore arrives at Islamgee--HisQuarrel with the Priests--His First Visit to the Amba--Trial of thetwo Chiefs--He places a new Commandant over the Garrison

 CHAPTER XIX. 

We are counted by the new Ras, and condemned to Sleep in oneHut--Theodore's Second Visit to the Amba--He sends for Mr. Rassam, and gives orders that Prideaux and myself should have our Chainstaken off--The Operation described--Our Reception by the Emperor--Weare sent for to see "Sebastopol" landed on Islamgee--Conversationwith his Majesty--The remaining Prisoners are freed from theirFetters--Theodore is unable to plunder his own Property

 CHAPTER XX. 

All the Prisoners leave the Amba for Islamgee--Our Reception byTheodore--He harangues his Troops, and releases some of thePrisoners--He informs us of the Advance of the English--TheMassacre--We are sent back to Magdala--Effects of the Battle ofFahla--Messrs. Prideaux and Flad sent to Negotiate--Release of theCaptives, and their narrow Escape--Their Arrival in the BritishCamp

 * * * * *

 CONCLUSION

 * * * * *

 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 

PASS OF LOOKUM (Frontispiece). 

FORT, MISSION HOUSE, AND TOWN OF MASSOWAH

GROVE HOUSE AT MONCULLOU

VILLAGE OF DANKORA IN ATCHEFUR

CHURCH OF KEDUS GEORGIS AND VILLAGE OF NEFASA, AGAU MEDAR

VILLAGE OF KANOA IN WANDIGÉ

VIEW FROM WANDIGÉ OF LAKE TANA

SUMMIT OF ZER AMBA, A FORTRESS NEAR TSCHELGA

 * * * * *

_The Fetters on the Cover of this Volume represent the Leg-chainsworn by Dr. Blanc. Their weight is about seven pounds. _

 PREFACE. 

 * * * * *

With a view of gratifying the natural curiosity evinced by a largecircle of friends and acquaintance to obtain accurate informationas to the cause of our captivity, the manner in which we weretreated, the details of our daily life, and the character and habitsof Theodore, I undertook the task of writing this account of ourcaptivity in Abyssinia. 

I have endeavoured to give a correct sketch of the career of Theodore, and a description of his country and people, more especially of hisfriends and enemies. 

In order to make the reader familiar with the subject, it was alsonecessary to say a few words about the Europeans who played a partin that strange imbroglio--the Abyssinian difficulty. My knowledgeof them, and of the events that occurred during our captivity, wasacquired through personal experience, and also by intercourse withwell-informed natives, during long months of enforced idleness. 

In preparing this work for the press, I found it necessary to thecompleteness of the narrative, to incorporate some portions of myReport to the Government of Bombay on Mr. Rassam's mission, whichappeared in an Indian newspaper, and was subsequently republishedin a small volume. 

For the same reason I have also included a few articles contributedby me to a London newspaper. 

The sufferings of the Abyssinian captives will be ever associated, in the annals of British valour, with the triumphant success of theexpedition, so skilfully organized by its commander, whose title, Lord Napier of Magdala, commemorates the crowning achievement of aglorious career. 

_London, July 23, 1868. _

 A NARRATIVE OF CAPTIVITY IN ABYSSINIA. 

 CHAPTER I. 

The Emperor Theodore--His Rise and Conquests--His Army andAdministration--Causes of his Fall--His Personal Appearanceand Character--His Household and Private Life. 

Lij Kassa, better known as the Emperor Theodore, was born in Kouaraabout the year 1818. His father was a noble of Abyssinia, and hisuncle, the celebrated Dejatch Comfou, had for many years governedthe provinces of Dembea, Kouara, Tschelga, &c. On the death of hisuncle he was appointed by Ras Ali's mother, Waizero Menen, governorof Kouara; but, dissatisfied with that post, which left but littlescope for his ambition, he threw off his allegiance, and occupiedDembea as a rebel. Several generals were sent to chastise the youngsoldier; but he either eluded their pursuit or defeated their forces. However, on the solemn promise that he would, be well received, herepaired to the camp of Ras Ali. This kind-hearted but weak rulerthought to attach to his cause the brave chieftain, and to accomplishthat object gave him his daughter Tawavitch (she is beautiful). LijKassa returned to Kouara, and for a time remained faithful to hissovereign. He made several plundering expeditions in the low lands, carried fire and sword into the Arab huts, and always returned fromthese excursions bringing with him hordes of cattle, prisoners, andslaves. 

The successes of Kassa, the courage he manifested on all occasions, the abstemious life he led, and the favour he showed to all whoserved his cause, soon collected around him a band of hardy andreckless followers. Being ambitious, he now formed the project ofcarving out an empire for himself in the fertile plains he had sooften devastated. Educated in a convent, he had not only studiedtheological subjects, but made himself conversant with the mysticAbyssinian history. His early education always exercised greatinfluence on his after-life, giving to his intercourse with othersa religious character, and impressed vividly upon his mind the ideathat the Mussulman race having for centuries encroached on theChristian land, it should be the aim of his life to re-establishthe old Ethiopian empire. Urged on, therefore, both by ambition andfanaticism, he advanced in the direction of Kedaref at the head of16, 000 warriors; but he had soon to learn the immense superiorityof a small number of well-armed and well-trained troops over largebut undisciplined bodies of men. Near Kedaref he came in sight ofhis mortal foes the Turks, a mere handful of irregulars; yet theywere too much for him: for the first time, defeated and disheartened, he had, for a while, to abandon his long-cherished scheme. 

Instead of returning to the seat of his government, he was obliged, on account of a severe wound received during the fight, to halt onthe frontier of Dembea. From his camp he informed his mother-in-lawof his condition, and requested that she would send him a cow--thefee required by the Abyssinian doctor. Waizero Menen, who hadalways hated Kassa, now took advantage of his fallen condition tohumble his pride still more; she sent him, instead of the cow, asmall piece of meat with an insulting message. Near the couch ofthe wounded chieftain sat the brave companion who had shared hisfortunes, the wife whom he loved. On hearing the sneering messageof the Queen, her fiery Galla blood flamed with indignation. Sherose and told Kassa that she loved the brave but abhorred the coward;and she could not remain any longer by his side if, after such aninsult, he did not revenge it in blood. Her passionate words fellupon willing ears; vengeance filled the heart of Kassa, and as soonas he had sufficiently recovered he returned to Kouara and openlyproclaimed his independence. 

For the second time Ras Ali called him to his court; but the summonsmet with a stern refusal. Several generals were sent to enforcethe command, but the young soldier easily routed these courtiers;whilst their followers, charmed with Kassa's insinuating mannersand dazzled by his splendid promises, almost to a man enrolledthemselves under his standard. His wife again exerted her influence, showing him how easily he might secure for himself the supremepower, and, as he hesitated, again threatened to leave him. Kassaresisted no longer; he advanced into Godjam, and carried all beforehim. The battle of Djisella, fought in 1853, decided the fate ofRas Ali. His army had been but for a short time engaged when, panic-stricken, the Ras left the field with a body of 500 horse, leaving the rest of his large host to swell the ranks of theconqueror. Victory followed victory, and after a few years, fromShoa to Metemma, from Godjam to Bogos, all feared and obeyed thecommands of the Emperor Theodore; for under that name he desiredto be crowned, after he had by the battle of Deraskié, fought inFebruary, 1855, subdued Tigré, and conquered his most formidableopponent, Dejatch Oubié. 

Shortly after the battle of Deraskié, Theodore turned his victoriousarms against the Wallo Gallas, possessed himself of Magdala, andravaged and destroyed so completely the rich Galla plain that manyof the chiefs joined his ranks, and fought against their owncountrymen. He had now not only avenged the long-oppressed Christians, so often victims of the Galla inroads, but curbed for a long timethe haughty spirit of these clans. At the height of success, helost his brave and loving wife. He felt the cruel blow deeply. Shehad been his faithful counsellor, the companion of his adventures, the being he most loved; and he cherished her memory while he lived. In 1866, when one of his artisans almost forced himself into hispresence to request permission for me to remain a few days near theman's dying wife, Theodore bent his head, and wept at the remembranceof his own wife whom he had so deeply loved. 

The career of Theodore may be divided into three very distinctperiods:--First, from his early days to the death of his first wife;secondly, from the fall of Ras Ali to the death of Mr. Bell; thirdly, from this last event to his own death. The first period we havedescribed: it was the period of promise. During the second--whichextends from 1853 to 1860--there is still much to praise in theconduct of the Emperor, although many of his actions are unworthyof his early career. From 1860 to 1868 he seems little by littleto have thrown off all restraint, until he became remarkable forreckless and wanton cruelty. His principal wars during the secondperiod were with Dejatch Goscho Beru, governor of Godjam; withDejatch Oubié, whom he conquered, as we have already stated, at thebattle of Deraskié, and with the Wallo Gallas. He could, however, still be merciful, and though he imprisoned many of the feudalchiefs, he promised to release them as soon as the pacification ofhis empire should be complete. 

In 1860 he advanced against his cousin Garad, the murderer of ConsulPlowden, and gained the day; but he lost his best friend and adviser, Mr. Bell, who saved the Emperor's life by sacrificing his own. InJanuary, 1861, Theodore marched with an overwhelming force againsta powerful rebel, Agau Negoussi, who had made himself master of allnorthern Abyssinia; by cunning and skilful tactics, he easilyoverthrew his adversary but tarnished his victory by horrid crueltiesand gross breach of faith. Agau Negoussi's hands and feet were cutoff, and though he lingered for days, the merciless emperor refusedhim even a drop of water to moisten his fevered lips. His cruelvengeance did not stop there. Many of the compromised chiefs, whohad surrendered on his solemn pledge of amnesty, were either handedover to the executioner or sent to linger for life, loaded withfetters, in some of the prison ambas. For the next three yearsTheodore's rule was acknowledged throughout the land. A few pettyrebels had risen here and there, but with the exception of TadlaGwalu, who could not be driven from the fastness of his amba in thesouth of Godjam, all the others were but of little importance, anddid not disturb the tranquillity of his reign. 

But though a conqueror, and endowed with military genius, Theodorewas a bad administrator. To attach his soldiery to his cause, helavished upon them immense sums of money; he was therefore forcedto exact exorbitant tributes, almost to drain the land of its lastdollar, in order to satisfy his rapacious followers. Finding himselfat the head of a powerful host, and feeling either reluctant orafraid to dismiss them to their homes, he longed for foreignconquests; the dream of his younger days became a fixed idea, andhe believed himself called upon by God to re-establish in its formergreatness the old Ethiopian empire. 

He could not, however, forget that he was unable to cope single-handedwith the well-armed and disciplined troops of his foes; he rememberedtoo well his signal failure at Kedaref, and therefore sought togain his long-desired object by diplomacy. He had heard from Bell, Plowden, and others, that England and France were proud of theprotection they afforded to Christians in all parts of the world;he therefore wrote to the sovereigns of those two countries, invitingthem to join him in his crusade against the Mussulman race. A fewpassages selected from his letter to our Queen will prove thecorrectness of this assertion. "By his power (of God) I drove awaythe Gallas. But for the Turks, I have told them to leave the landof my ancestors. They refuse!" He mentions the death of Plowdenand Bell, and then adds:--"I have exterminated those enemies (thosewho killed Bell and Plowden), that I may get, by the power of God, _your friendship_. " He concludes by saying, "_See how the Islamoppress the Christian!_"

Theodore's army at this time consisted of some 100, 000 or 150, 000fighting men; and if we take as the average four followers for everysoldier, his camp must have numbered between 500, 000 and 600, 000souls. Admitting, also, the population of Abyssinia to be nearly3, 000, 000, about one fourth of the number had to be paid, fed, andclothed by the contributions of the remainder. 

During a few years, such was Theodore's prestige that this terribleoppression was quietly accepted; at last, however, the peasants, half-starved and almost naked, finding that with all their sacrificesand privations they were still far from satisfying the dailyincreasing demands of their terrible master, abandoned the fertileplains, and under the guidance of some of the remaining hereditarychiefs, retired to high plateaus, or concealed themselves in secludedvalleys. In Godjam, Walkait, Shoa, and Tigré, the rebellion brokeout almost simultaneously. Theodore had for a while to abandon hisideas of foreign conquest, and did his utmost to crush the mutinousspirit of his people. Whole rebel districts were laid waste; butthe peasants, protected by their strongholds, could not be reached:they quietly awaited the departure of the invader and then returnedto their desolated homes, cultivating just enough for theirmaintenance; thus, with only a few exceptions, the peasants evadedthe terrible vengeance of the now infuriate Emperor. His immensearmy soon suffered severely from this mode of warfare. Each yearthe provinces which the soldiers could plunder became fewer; severefamines broke out; large districts such as Dembea, the granary ofGondar and of central Abyssinia, lay waste and uncultivated. Thesoldiers, formerly pampered, now in their turn half starved andbadly clad, lost confidence in their leader; desertions were numerous;and many returned to their native provinces, and joined the ranksof the discontented. 

The fall of Theodore was even more rapid than his rise. He was stillunconquered in the battlefield, as, after the example of Negoussi'sfate, none dared to oppose him; but against the passive warfare ofthe peasantry and the Fabian-like policy of their chiefs he coulddo nothing. Never resting, almost always on the march, his army dayby day becoming reduced in strength, he went from province toprovince; but in vain: all disappeared at his approach. There wasno enemy; but there was no food! At last, reduced by necessity, inorder to keep around him some remnants of his former immense army, he had no alternative left but to plunder the few provinces stillfaithful to him. 

When I first met Theodore, in January, 1866, he must have been aboutforty-eight years of age. His complexion was darker than that ofthe majority of his countrymen, the nose slightly curved, the mouthlarge, the lips so small as hardly to be perceived. Of middle size, well knit, wiry rather than muscular, he excelled as a horseman, in the use of the spear, and on foot would tire his hardiestfollowers. The expression of his dark eyes, slightly depressed, wasstrange; if he was in good humour they were soft, with a kind ofgazelle-like timidity about them that made one love him; but whenangry the fierce and bloodshot eye seemed to shed fire. In momentsof violent passion his whole aspect was frightful: his black visageacquired an ashy hue, his thin compressed lips left but a whitishmargin around the mouth, his very hair stood erect, and his wholedeportment was a terrible illustration of savage and ungovernablefury. 

Yet he excelled in the art of duping his fellow-men. Even a fewdays before his death he had still, when we met him, all the dignityof a sovereign, the amiability and good-breeding of the mostaccomplished "gentleman. " His smile was so attractive, his wordswere so sweet and gracious, that one could hardly believe that theaffable monarch was but a consummate dissembler. 

He never perpetrated a deed of treachery or cruelty without pleadingsome specious excuse, so as to convey the impression that in allhis actions he was guided by a sense of justice. For example, heplundered Dembea because the inhabitants were too friendly towardsEuropeans, and Gondar because one of our messengers had been betrayedby the inhabitants of that city. He destroyed Zagé, a large andpopulous city, because he pretended that a priest had been rude tohim. He cast into chains his adopted father, Cantiba Hailo, becausehe had taken into his service a female servant he had dismissed. Tesemma Engeddah, the hereditary chief of Gahinte, fell under hisdispleasure because after a battle against the rebels he had shownhimself "too severe, " and our first head-jailor was taken to thecamp and put in chains because he had "formerly been a friend" ofthe King of Shoa. I could adduce hundreds of instances to illustratehis habitual hypocrisy. In our case, he arrested us because we hadnot brought the former captives with us; Mr. Stern he nearly killed, merely for putting his hand to his face, and he imprisoned ConsulCameron for going to the Turks instead of bringing him back ananswer to his letter. 

Theodore had all the dislike of the roving Bedouin for towns andcities. He loved camp life, the free breeze of the plains, the sightof his army gracefully encamped around the hillock he had selectedfor himself; and he preferred to the palace the Portuguese haderected at Gondar for a more sedentary king, the delights of roamingabout incognito during the beautiful cool nights of Abyssinia. Hishousehold was well-regulated; the same spirit of order which hadintroduced something like discipline into his army, showed itselfalso in the arrangements of his domestic affairs. Every departmentwas under the control of a chief, who was directly responsible tothe Emperor, and answerable for everything connected with thedepartment entrusted to him. These officers, all men of position, were the superintendents of the tej makers, of the women who preparedthe large flat Abyssinian bread, of the wood-carriers, of the watergirls, &c. ; others, like the "Balderas, " had charge of the Royalstud, the "Azage" of the domestic servants, the "Bedjerand" of thetreasury, stores, &c. ; there were also the Agafaris or introducers, the Likamaquas or chamberlain, the Afa Negus or mouth of the King. 

Strange to say, Theodore preferred as his personal attendants thosewho had served Europeans. His valet, the only one who stood by himto the last, had been a servant of Barroni, the vice-consul atMassowah. Another, a young man named Paul, was a former servant ofMr. Walker; others had at one time been in the service of Plowden, Bell, and Cameron. Excepting his valet, who was almost constantlynear his person, the others, although they resided in the sameinclosure, had more especially to take care of his guns, swords, spears, shields, &c. He had also around him a great number ofpages; not that I believe he required their presence, but it wasan "honour" he bestowed on chiefs entrusted with distant commandsor with the government of remote provinces. Almost all the dutiesof the household were performed by women; they baked, they carriedwater and wood, and swept his tent or hut, as the case might be. The majority of them were slaves whom he had seized from slave-dealersat the time he made "manly" efforts to put a stop to the trade. Once a week, or more often as the case required, a colonel and hisregiment had the honour of proceeding to the nearest stream, towash the Emperor's linen and that of the Imperial household. Noone, not even the smallest page, could, under the penalty of death, enter his harem. He had a large number of eunuchs, most of themGallas, or soldiers and chiefs who had recovered from the mutilationthe Gallas inflict on their wounded foe. The queen or the favouriteof the day had a tent or house to herself, and several eunuchs toattend upon her; at night these attendants slept at the door of hertent, and were made responsible for the virtue of the lady entrustedto their care. As for the ordinary women, the objects of passingaffections or of stronger passions that time had quenched, a tentor hut in common for ten or twenty, one or two eunuchs and a fewfemale slaves for the whole, was all the state he allowed theseneglected ladies. 

Theodore was more bigoted than religious. Above all things he wassuperstitious; and that to a degree incredible in a man in otherrespects so superior to his countrymen. He had always with himseveral astrologers, whom he consulted on all important occasions--especially before undertaking any expedition, --and whoseinfluence over him was unbounded. He hated the priests, despisedthem for their ignorance, spurned their doctrines, and laughed atthe marvellous stories some of their books contain; but still henever marched without a tent church, a host of priests, defteras, and deacons, and never passed near a church without kissing itsthreshold. 

Though he could read and write, he never condescended to correspondpersonally with any one, but was always accompanied by severalsecretaries, to whom he would dictate his letters; and so wonderfulwas his memory that he could indite an answer to letters receivedmonths, nay years, before, or dilate on subjects and events thathad occurred at a far remote period. Suppose him on the march. Ona distant hillock arose a small red flannel tent--it is there whereTheodore fixed his temporary abode and that of his household. Tohis right is the church tent; next to his own the queen's or thatof the favourite of the day. Then came the one allotted to hisformer lady friends, who travelled with him until a favourableopportunity presented itself of sending them to Magdala, whereseveral hundreds were dwelling in seclusion, spinning cotton fortheir master's shamas and for their own clothes. Behind were severaltents for his secretaries, his pages, his personal attendants, andone for the few stores he carried with him. When he made anylengthened stay at a place he had huts erected by his soldiers forhimself and people, and the whole was surrounded by a double lineof fences. Though not wanting in bravery, he never left anythingto chance. At night the hillock on which he dwelt was completelysurrounded by musketeers, and he never slept without having hispistols under his pillow, and several loaded guns by his side. Hehad a great fear of poison, taking no food that had not been preparedby the queen or her "remplacante;" and even then she and severalattendants had to taste it first. It was the same with his drink:be it water, tej, or arrack, the cup-bearer and several of thosepresent at the time had first to drink before presenting the cupto his Majesty. He made, however, an exception in our favour oneday that he visited Mr. Rassam at Gaffat. To show how much herespected and trusted the English, he accepted some brandy, andallowing no one to taste it before him, he unhesitatingly swallowedthe whole draught. 

He was a very jealous husband. Not only did he take the precautionsI have already mentioned, but (except in the last months of hislife, when it was beyond possibility for him to do otherwise) henever allowed the queen or any other lady in his establishment totravel with the camp. They always marched at night, well concealed, with a strong guard of eunuchs; and woe to him who met them on theroad, and did not turn his back on them until they had passed! Onone occasion a soldier who was on guard crept near the queen's tent, and, taking advantage of the darkness of the night, whispered toone of the female attendants to pass him a glass of tej under thetent. She gave him one. Unfortunately, he was seen by a eunuch, whoseized him, and at once brought him before his Majesty. After hearingthe case, Theodore, who happened to be in good spirits that evening, asked the culprit if he was very fond of tej; the trembling wretchreplied in the affirmative. "Well, give him two wanchas [Footnote:A wancha is a large horn cup. ] full to make him happy, and afterwardsfifty lashes with the girf [Footnote: A long hippopotamus whip. ]to teach him another time not to go near the queen's tent. " Evidently, Theodore, with a large experience of the _beau sexe_ of hiscountry, was profoundly convinced that his precautions were necessary. On one of his visits to Magdala, one of the chiefs of that ambamade a complaint to him against one of the officers of the Imperialhousehold, whom he had caught some time before in his lady'sapartment. 

Theodore laughed, and said to him, "You are a fool. Do I not lookafter my wife? and I am a king. "

Theodore was always an early riser; indeed, he indulged in sleepbut very little. Sometimes at two o'clock, at the latest beforefour, he would issue from his tent and give judgment on any casebrought before him. Of late his temper was such that litigants keptout of his way; he nevertheless retained his former habits, andmight be seen, long before daybreak, sitting solitary on a stone, in deep meditation or in silent prayer. He was also very abstemiousin his food, and never indulged in excesses of the table. He rarelypartook of more than one meal a day; which was composed of injera[Footnote: The pancake loaves made of the small seed of the teff. ]and red pepper, during fast days; of wât, a kind of curry made offish, fowl, or mutton, on ordinary occasions. On feast days hegenerally gave large dinners to his officers, and sometimes to thewhole army. At these festivals the "brindo" [Footnote: Raw beef]would be equally enjoyed by the sovereign and by the guests. Atthese public breakfasts and dinners the King usually sat on a raisedplatform at the head of the table. No one has ever been known, except perhaps Bell, to have dined out of the same basket at thesame time as Theodore; but when he desired specially to honour someof his guests, he either sent them some food from his basket, orhad others placed on the platform near him, or, what was a stillhigher honour, sent to the favoured one his own basket with theremains of his dinner. 

Unfortunately Theodore had for several years before his death greatlytaken to drink. Up to three or four o'clock he was generally soberand attended to the business of the day; but after his siesta hewas invariably more or less intoxicated. In his dress he was generallyvery simple, wearing only the ordinary shama, [Footnote: A whitecotton cloth, with a red border, woven in the country. ] native-madetrousers, and a European white shirt; no shoes, no covering to thehead. His rather long hair--for an Abyssinian--was divided in threelarge plaits, and allowed to fall on his neck in three plaitedtails. Of late he had greatly neglected his hair; for months it hadnot been plaited; and to show the grief he felt on account of the"badness" of his people, he would not allow it to be besmeared withthe heavy coating of butter in which Abyssinians delight. On oneoccasion he apologized to us for the simplicity of his dress. Hetold us that, during the few years of peace that followed theconquest of the country, he used often to appear in public as aking should do; but since he had been by the bad disposition of hispeople obliged to wage constant war against them, he had adoptedthe soldier's raiments, as more becoming his altered fortune. However, after his fall became imminent, he on several occasionsclad himself in gorgeous costumes, in shirts and mantles of richbrocaded silks, or of gold-embroidered velvet. He did so, I believe, to influence his people. They knew that he was poor, and though hehated pomp in his own attire, he desired to impress on his fewremaining followers that though fallen he was still "the King. "

During the lifetime of his first wife and for some years afterwards, Theodore not only led an exemplary life, but forbade the officersof his household and the chiefs more immediately around him to livein concubinage. One day in the beginning of 1860 Theodore perceivedin a church a handsome young girl silently praying to her patron, the Virgin Mary. Struck with her beauty and modesty, he madeinquiries about her, and was informed that she was the only daughterof Dejatch Oubié, the Prince of Tigré, his former rival, whom he haddethroned, and who was then his prisoner. He asked for her hand, and met with a polite refusal. The young girl desired to retireinto a convent, and devote herself to the service of God. Theodorewas not a man to be easily thwarted in his desires. He proposed toOubié that he would set him at liberty, only retaining him in hiscamp as his "guest, " should the Prince prevail on his daughter toaccept his hand. At last Waizero Terunish ("thou art pure") sacrificedherself for her old father's welfare, and accepted the hand of aman whom she could not love. This union was unfortunate. Theodore, to his great disappointment, did not find in his second wife thefervent affection, the almost blind devotion, of the dead companionof his youth. Waizero Terunish was proud; she always looked on herhusband as a "parvenu, " and took no pains to hide from him her wantof respect and affection. In the afternoon, Theodore, as it hadbeen his former habit, tired and weary, would retire for rest inthe queen's tent; but he found no cordial welcome there. His wife'slooks were cold and full of pride; and she even went so far as toreceive him without the common courtesy due to her king. One daywhen he came in she pretended not to perceive him, did not rise, and remained silent when he inquired as to her health and welfare;she held in her hand a book of psalms, and when Theodore asked herwhy she did not answer him, she calmly replied, without lifting upher eyes from the book, "Because I am conversing with a greater andbetter man than you--the pious King David. "

Theodore sent her to Magdala, together with her new-born son, Alamayou ("I have seen the world"), and took as his favourite awidowed lady from Yedjow, named Waizero Tamagno, a rather coarse, lascivious-looking person, the mother of five children by her formerhusband; she soon obtained such an ascendancy over his mind thathe publicly proclaimed "that he had divorced and discarded Terunish, and that Tamagno should in future be considered by all as the queen. "Soon Waizero Tamagno had numerous rivals; but she was a woman oftact; and far from complaining, she rather encouraged Theodore inhis debauchery, and always received him with a smile. One day shesaid to her fickle lord, who felt rather astonished at her forbearance, "Why should I be jealous? I know you love but me; what is it if youstoop now and then to pick up some flowers, to beautify them byyour breath?"

Although Theodore had several children, Alamayou is the onlylegitimate one. The eldest, a lad of about twenty-two, called PrinceMeshisha, is a big, idle, lazy fellow. Though at Zagé, Theodoreintroduced him to us, and desired us to make him a friend with theEnglish, he did not love him: the young man was, indeed, so unlikethe Emperor that I can well understand Theodore having had seriousdoubts of his being really his son. The other children, five or sixin number, the illegitimate offspring of some of his numerousconcubines, resided at Magdala, and were brought up in the harem. He seems to have taken but very little notice of them: but everytime he passed through Magdala he would send for Alamayou, and playwith the boy for hours. A few days before his death he introducedhim to Mr. Rassam, saying, "Alamayou, why do you not bow to yourfather?" and after the audience he sent him to accompany us backto our quarters. 

Waizero Terunish, Almayou's mother, never made any complaint; thoughforsaken by her husband, she remained always faithful to him. Shespent usually the long days of her seclusion reading the books shedelighted in--the psalms, the lives of the saints and of the VirginMary--and bringing up by her side her only son, for whom she had adeep affection. Although she had never loved her husband, in difficulttimes she bravely stood by his side. When Menilek, the King of Shoa, made his demonstration before the amba, and treachery was feared, she sent out her son and made all the chiefs and soldiers swearfidelity to the throne. Two days before his death, Theodore sentfor the wife he had not seen for years, and spent part of theafternoon with her and his son. 

After the storming of Magdala, Waizero Terunish and her rival, Waizero Tamagno, were told to come to our former prison, where theywould meet with protection and sympathy. It fell to my lot to receivethem on their arrival; and I did my utmost to inspire them withconfidence, to assuage their fears, and to assure them that underthe British flag they would be treated with scrupulous honour andrespect. 

It was on the 13th of April, 1866, that Theodore, still powerful, had treacherously seized us in his own house; and strange to say, on the 13th of April, two years afterwards, his dead body lay inone of our huts, while his wife and favourite had to seek shelterunder the roof of those whom he had so long maltreated. 

Both his queens and Alamayou accompanied the English army on itsmarch back, Waizero Tamagno left, with feelings of gratitude forthe kindness and attention she had received at the hands of theEnglish commander-in-chief, as soon as she could with safety returnto her native land, Yedjow; but poor Terunish died at Aikullet. Herchild, Alamayou, the son of Theodore, and grandchild of Oubié, hasnow reached the English shore, an orphan, an exile, but well caredfor. 

 CHAPTER II. 

Europeans in Abyssinia--Bell and Plowden--Their Career and Deaths--Consul Cameron--M. Lejean--M. Bardel and Napoleon's Answer toTheodore--The Gaffat People--Mr. Stern and the Djenda Mission--Stateof Affairs at the end of 1863. 

Abyssinia seems to have had a strange fascination for Europeans. The two first who were connected with the late Abyssinian affairsare Messrs. Bell and Plowden, who both entered Abyssinia in 1842. Mr. John Bell, better known in that country under the name ofJohannes, first attached himself to the fortunes of Ras Ali. Hetook service with that prince, and was elevated to the rank of basha(captain); but it seems that Ras Ali never gave him much confidence, and tolerated him rather on account of his (Ras Ali's) friendshipfor Plowden, than for any liking for Bell himself. Bell shortlyafterwards married a young lady belonging to one of the good familiesof Begemder. From this union he had three children: two daughters, afterwards married to two of the King's European workmen, and ason, who left the country together with the released captives. Bellfought by Ras Ali's side at the battle of Amba Djisella, which endedso fatally for that prince, and afterwards retired into a church, awaiting in that asylum the good pleasure of the victor. Theodorehearing of the presence of a European in the sanctuary, sent himword to come to him, giving him a most solemn pledge that he wouldbe treated as a friend. Bell obeyed, and a strong friendship sprangup between the Emperor and the Englishman. 

Bell had for many years quite identified himself with the Abyssiniansboth in dress and mode of life. He was a man of sound judgment, brave, well-informed, appreciated all that was great and good; andseeing in Theodore an ideal he had often conceived, he attachedhimself to him with disinterested affection--almost worshipped him. Theodore gave him the rank of likamaquas, and always kept him nearhis person. Bell slept at the door of his friend's tent, dined offthe same dish, joined in every expedition, and would frequentlyremain for hours, at the Emperor's request, narrating to him allthe wonders of civilized life, the advantages of military discipline, and the rules of good government. Theodore gave him on severaloccasions a few hundred young men to drill; but European tacticsbeing distasteful to the unruly Abyssinians, he obtained suchindifferent results that the Emperor soon relieved him from thathopeless task. Theodore ordered his friend to marry his wife "bythe sacrament. " Bell at once consented; but, strange to say, thefamily of his wife, out of dislike to Theodore, refused to givetheir consent. Whereupon the Emperor presented him with a Gallaslave, to whom he was married, the Emperor officiating as fatherto the bride. 

Bell was much beloved by all who knew him, and all Europeans whocame into the country were sure to find in him a friend. Betweenhim and Plowden the brotherly friendship that united them onlyincreased with time; and on hearing of the murder of his friend, Bell took a solemn oath that he would avenge his death. About sevenmonths afterwards the Emperor marched against Garad, and suddenlycame upon him not far from the spot where Plowden fell. The Emperorwas riding ahead, next to him came his faithful chamberlain; ontheir entering a small wood the two brothers Garad appeared in themiddle of the road, only a few yards in front of them. Seeing thedanger that threatened his master, Bell rushed forward, placedhimself before the Emperor, so as to protect him with his body, and, with a steady aim, fired at his friend Plowden's murderer. Garad fell. Immediately the brother, who had been watching theEmperor's movements, turned upon Bell, and shot him through theheart. Theodore promptly avenged his faithful friend, for hardlyhad Bell fallen to the ground than his opponent was mortally woundedby the Emperor himself. 

Theodore ordered the place to be at once surrounded, and all Garad'sfollowers--some 1, 600, I believe--were made prisoners and murderedin cold blood. Theodore mourned for several days the death of hisfaithful follower, in whom he lost more than a brave chief and ahardy soldier: I may almost say he lost his kingdom, for none daredhonestly to advise and fearlessly to counsel him as Bell had done, and none ever enjoyed that confidence which rendered Bell's adviceso acceptable. 

Plowden seems to have been of a more ambitious turn of mind thanhis friend. Whilst Bell adopted Abyssinia as his home, and contentedhimself with service under the native princes, it is evident thatPlowden strove to represent England in that distant land, and tobe acknowledged by the rulers of Abyssinia as consuls are in theEast, --a small _imperium in imperio_. He went the right wayto work: induced Ras Ali to send presents to the Queen, and carriedthem himself; impressed upon Lord Palmerston the advantages of atreaty with Abyssinia; spoke a great deal about Mussulmans, slave-trade, oppressed Christians, &c. ; and at length prevailedupon the Foreign Secretary to assent to his plans, and appoint himconsul for Abyssinia. In justice to him, I must say, that from allaccounts no man could have been better fitted for the post: he wasbeloved by all classes, and his name is still mentioned with respect. He did not, so much as Bell, identify himself with the natives; healways wore a European dress, and kept his house in a semi-Englishstyle. On the other hand, he was fond of show, and never travelledwithout being followed by several hundred servants, all well armed--amere parade, as on the day of his death his numerous retinue didnot afford him the slightest assistance. 

Plowden returned to Abyssinia as consul in 1846. He was wellreceived by Ras Ali, with whom he was a favourite, and he soon afterconcluded a paper treaty with that prince. Ras Ali was a weak-mindeddebauchee; all he asked for was to be left alone, and on the sameprinciple he allowed every one around him to do pretty well as theyliked. One day Plowden asked permission to erect a flag-staff. RasAli gave a willing consent, but added, "Do not ask me to protectit, I do not care for such things; but I fear the people will notlike it. " Plowden hoisted the Union Jack above his consulate; a fewhours afterwards it was torn to pieces by the mob. "Did not I tellyou so?" was all the satisfaction he could obtain from the rulerof the land. After the fall of Ras Ali, Bell, who had, as I havealready mentioned, followed the fortunes of Theodore, wrote to hisfriend in enthusiastic terms, depicted in the eloquent language ofadmiring friendship all the good qualities of the rising man, andadvised Plowden to present himself before the powerful chieftainwho undoubtedly before long would be the acknowledged ruler of thewhole of Abyssinia. 

Plowden's first reception by Theodore was courteous in the extreme;but he had this time to deal with a very different kind of man tohis predecessor. Theodore was all amiability, even offered money, but declined to recognize in him "the consul, " or to ratify thetreaty he (Plowden) had made with Ras Ali. For several years Plowdenseemed to have joined his friend Bell in singing the praises ofTheodore; he was to be the reformer of his country, had introduceda certain discipline in his army, and, to use Plowden's own words, "he is an honest man, and strives to be just, and, though firm, farfrom cruel. "

During the last years of his life, Plowden's opinion had been greatlymodified. Theodore did not like him; he feared him; and it was onlyon account of his friendship for Bell that he did not lay violenthands on him. Plowden, on one occasion, was told to accompany hisMajesty to Magdala; arrived there, Theodore called for the Head ofthe mountain, who was at that time the son of the Galla queen, Workite, and asked him his advice as to whether he should put Plowdenin chains or not. The prince, who had a great regard for Plowden, told his Majesty that if they watched him with the eye it wassufficient, and that he would be answerable for his prisoner. Plowden returned with Theodore some time afterwards to the Amharacountry, but was constantly surrounded by spies. All his actionswere reported to the Emperor, and for a long time, under somepretence or the other, he was refused leave to return to England. At last, broken in health, and disappointed, Plowden almost insistedon going. His Majesty granted his request, but at the same timeinformed him that the roads were infested with rebels and thieves, and strongly advised him to await his return. I was told on goodauthority that his Majesty only acquiesced in Plowden's wishesbecause he believed that it was quite impossible for him to leave. 

However, Plowden, trusting in his popularity, and, perhaps, alsoin his retinue, started at once on his homeward journey. At a shortdistance from Gondar he was attacked and made prisoner by a rebelnamed Garad, a cousin of Theodore. It is probable that he wouldhave been let off with a ransom, but for an unfortunate circumstance. Plowden, sick and tired, was resting under a tree, and while Garadwas speaking to him, put his hand towards his belt, as his servanttold us, to take out his handkerchief; but the rebel chief, believingthat he intended to draw a pistol, immediately wounded him mortallywith the lance he held in his hands. Plowden was ransomed by theGondar merchants, but died a few days afterwards, in March, 1860, from the effects of the wound. 

During our stay at Kuarata, at the time we were in high favour, office copies of Plowden's official letters for the year precedinghis death, were brought to us. How altered his impression, howchanged his opinion! He had begun to see through the fine words ofthe Emperor; he more than suspected that before long a hatefultyranny would replace the firm but just rule he had formerly sogreatly admired. I remember well that at Zagé, when our luggage wasreturned to us a few hours after the arrest, with what haste andanxiety Prideaux, in whose charge the manuscript was at the time, opened his trunk behind his bed, so that the guards should notperceive the dangerous paper before he had time to destroy it. 

If Bell and Plowden had been both living, it may be asked, wouldTheodore have dealt with them so as ultimately to call for theintervention of Government on Abyssinian affairs? I believe so. TheKing, as I have said, disliked Plowden personally; he repaid hisransom to the Gondar merchants, it is true, but it was only apolitical "dodge" of his; he knew well to whom he gave the money, and took it back "with interest, " a few years later. Often he hasbeen heard to sneer at the manner in which Plowden was killed, andsay, "The white men are cowards: look at Plowden; he was armed, buthe allowed himself to be killed without even defending himself. "This was a malicious assertion on the part of Theodore, as he waswell aware that Plowden was so sick at the time that he could hardlywalk, and that though he carried a pistol, _it was not loaded_. Not long before his own death, Theodore spoke, on several occasions, in very harsh terms of Bell's eldest daughter, and on some of herfriends representing to his Majesty that he should not forget thatshe was the daughter of the man who died protecting him, Theodorequietly replied, "Bell was a fool; he would never carry a shield!"

A few months after the news of Consul Plowden's death had reachedEngland, Captain Charles Duncan Cameron was appointed to the vacantpost, but for some reason or other, he reached Massowah only inFebruary, 1862, and Gondar in July of the same year. Captain Cameronhad not only served with distinction during the Kaffir war, andpassed alone through more than 200 miles of the enemy's country, but had also been employed on the staff of General Williams, andhad been for several years in the consular service. He was, in allrespects, well fitted for his post; but, unfortunately for him, when he entered Abyssinia he had to deal with a fascinating, vainglorious, shrewd man, hiding his cunning under an appearanceof modesty: in a word, with Theodore who had become an over-bearingdespot. On his first arrival, Cameron was received with greathonours, and treated by the Emperor with marked respect, and whenhe left in October, 1862, he was loaded with presents, escorted bythe Emperor's servants, and almost acknowledged as a consul. Likeso many others--I can say, like ourselves, --at first he had beenso completely taken in by Theodore's manners that he did not discernthe true character of the man he had to deal with, and but too latefound out the worth of his gracious reception and the flatterieswhich had been so liberally bestowed upon him. 

From Adowa Captain Cameron forwarded Theodore's letter to our Queenby native messengers, and proceeded to the province of Bogos, wherehe deemed his presence necessary. He found out during his stay thatSamuel, the Georgis balderaba [Footnote: An introducer: generallygiven to foreigners in the capacity of a spy. ] whom Theodore hadgiven him--a clever, but rather unscrupulous Shoho--was intriguingwith the chiefs of the neighbourhood, tributaries of Turkey, infavour of his imperial master. Captain Cameron thought it thereforeadvisable, in order to avoid future difficulties with the EgyptianGovernment, to leave Samuel behind with the Servants he did notrequire. Samuel was much hurt at not being allowed to accompanyCameron in his tour through the Soudan, and though he pretended tobe well pleased with the arrangement, he shortly afterwards wrotea long letter to his master in which he spoke in very unfavourableterms of Captain Cameron. Arrived at Kassala, Captain Cameron oneevening at a friend's house asked his Abyssinian servants to showthe guests their native war-dance; some refused, others complied, but as it was not appreciated by the spectators, they were told toleave off. (I mention this fact as it was made a serious offenceby Theodore, and is a sample of the pretences adopted by him whenhe desired to vindicate his conduct. ) Arrived at Metemma, Cameron, who was at the time suffering from fever, wrote to his Majesty toinform him of his arrival, and requesting his permission to proceedto the missionary station of Djenda; which was granted. 

Mr. Bardel, a Frenchman, had accompanied Cameron on his first voyageto Abyssinia; they disagreed, and Bardel left Cameron's service toenter the Emperor's. At the time Theodore sent Cameron with a letterto the Queen of England, he also entrusted one to Bardel for theEmperor of the French. During Bardel's absence M. Lejean, the FrenchConsul at Massowah, arrived in Abyssinia; he was the bearer ofcredentials to the Emperor Theodore, and also brought with him afew trifles to be presented to his Majesty in the name of the EmperorNapoleon. M. Lejean was not allowed to leave before the arrival ofMr. Bardel; who returned to Gondar in September, 1863, with ananswer from the French Secretary for Foreign Affairs, whom hedescribed to Theodore as the mouthpiece (_afa negus_) of Napoleon. All the Europeans were summoned from Gondar to witness the reading ofthe letter; the King, seated at the window of the palace, had the letterread, and asked Bardel how he had been received. 

"Badly, " he replied. "I had an audience with the Emperor, when Mr. D'Abbadie whispered to him that your Majesty was in the habit ofcutting off hands and feet; on that, without a word more, Napoleonturned his back upon me. "

Theodore then took the letter, and, tearing it to pieces, said:--"Whois that Napoleon? Are not my ancestors greater than his? If Godmade him great, can he not make me also great?" After which hisMajesty ordered a safe conduct to be given to M. Lejean, with ordersthat he should leave the country at once. 

The Abouna, at that time in favour, afraid above all things of theRoman Catholics, urged the Emperor to let Lejean depart, lest theFrench should be afforded an excuse for taking possession of somepart of the country, from whence their priests would endeavour topropagate their doctrines. But two days after Lejean's departure, Theodore, who had by that time regretted that he had let him go, sent to have him arrested on the road and brought back to Gondar. 

In the autumn of 1863 the Europeans in Abyssinia numbered abouttwenty-five; they were, Cameron and his European servants, the Baslemission, the Scottish mission, the missionaries of the London Societyfor the Conversion of the Jews, and some adventurers. 

In 1855 Dr. Krapf, accompanied by Mr. Flad, entered Abyssinia aspioneers for a mission which Bishop Gobat desired to establish inthat country. The lay missionaries he intended to send were to beworkmen, who would receive a small salary, if necessary, but weresupposed to support themselves by their work: they were also toopen schools, and seize every opportunity to preach the Word ofGod. Mr. Flad made several journeys backwards and forwards, and, at the time of the first trouble that befell the Europeans sincethe beginning of Theodore's reign, the lay missionaries, who hadbeen joined by a few adventurers, --the whole of them better knownby natives and Europeans under the name of the "Gaffat people" (onaccount of the name of the village they usually resided in), amountedto eight. Mr. Flad had some time previously abandoned the BasleMission for the London Mission for the Conversion of the Jews. 

The "Gaffat people" played an important part in all the transactionsthat, from 1863, took place between his Abyssinian Majesty and theEuropeans residing in the country. Their position was not an enviableone; they had not only to please his Majesty, but, in order to keepthemselves free from imprisonment or chains, to forestall his wishes, and to keep his fickle nature always interested in their work bydevising some new toy suited to please his childish love for novelty. On their first arrival in the country they did their best to fulfilthe instructions of their patron, the Bishop of Jerusalem. But onTheodore learning that these men were able workmen, he sent forthem one day and told them, "I do not want teachers in my country, but workmen: will you work for me?" They bowed, and with good graceplaced themselves at his Majesty's disposal. Gaffat, a small hillockabout four miles from Debra Tabor, was assigned to them as a placeof residence. There they built semi-European houses, establishedworkshops, &c. Knowing that he would have a greater hold upon them, and that they would have more difficulty in leaving the country, Theodore ordered them to marry: they all consented. The littlecolony flourished, and Theodore for a long time behaved very liberallyto them; gave them large sums of money, grain, honey, butter, andall necessary supplies in great abundance. They were also presentedwith silver shields, gold-worked saddles, mules, horses, &c. ; theirwives with richly embroidered burnouses, ornaments of gold andsilver; and to enhance their position in the country they wereallowed all the privileges of a Ras. 

"His children, " as Theodore called them, so far had nothing tocomplain of; but the Emperor soon got tired of carriages, pickaxes, doors, and such like; he was bent on having cannons and mortarscast in his country. He gently insinuated his desire; but theyfirmly refused, on the ground that they had no knowledge of suchwork. Theodore knew how to make them consent; he had only to appeardispleased, to frown a little, and they awaited in trembling tohave his good pleasure made known to them. Theodore asked forcannons; they would try. His Majesty smiled; he knew the men he hadto deal with. After the guns, they made mortars; then gunpowder;then brandy; again more cannons, shells, shots, &c. Some were sentto make roads, others erected foundries; a large number of intelligentnatives were apprenticed to them, and with their assistance executedsome really remarkable works. I, who happened to witness one daythe harsh, imperative tone he took with them because he felt annoyedat a mere trifle, can well understand their complete submission tohis iron will, and cannot blame them. They had given in at first, and accepted his bounty; they had wives and children, and desiredto be left in quiet possession of their homes, and were only anxiousto please their hard taskmaster. 

Another missionary station had been established at Djenda. Thesegentlemen, most of them scripture-readers, not conversant with anytrade, and striving but for one object, --the conversion of theFalashas, or native Jews, --declined to work for Theodore. TheEmperor could not understand their refusal. According to his notionsevery European could work in some way or the other. He attributedtheir refusal to ill-will towards him, and only awaited a suitableopportunity to visit them with his displeasure. They and the Gaffatpeople were not in accord; though, for appearance' sake, a kind ofbrotherhood was kept up between the rival stations. 

The Djenda Mission consisted of two missionaries, of the ScottishSociety: a man named Cornelius, [Footnote: He died at Gaffat in thebeginning of 1865. ] brought to Abyssinia by Mr. Stern, on his firsttrip; of Mr. And Mrs. Flad, and of Mr. And Mrs. Rosenthal, who hadaccompanied Mr. Stern on his second journey to Abyssinia. The Rev. Henry Stern is really a martyr to his faith. A fine type of thebrave self-denying missionary, he had already exposed his life inArabia, where he had, with the recklessness of conviction, undertakena dangerous, almost impossible, journey, in order to bring the "goodtidings" to his oppressed brethren the Jews of Yemen and Sanaa. Hehad just escaped almost by a miracle from the hands of the bigotedArabs, when he undertook a first voyage to Abyssinia, in order toestablish a mission in that country, where thousands of Jews wereliving. 

Mr. Stern arrived in Abyssinia in 1860, was well received and kindlytreated by his Majesty. On his return to Europe he published avaluable account of his tour, under the title of _Wanderingsamongst the Falashas of Abyssinia_. In that book Mr. Stern givesa very favourable account of Theodore; but, as becomes a truehistorian, gave some details of the Emperor's family, which were, to a certain extent, the cause of many of the sufferings he hadafterwards to undergo. About that time several articles appearedin one of the Egyptian newspapers, purporting to have issued fromthe pen of Mr. Stern, and reflecting rather severely on the marriageof the Gaffat people. Mr. Stern has always denied having been theauthor of these articles; and though I, and every one else who knowsMr. Stern, will place unlimited confidence in his word, still theGaffat people would not accept his denial: to the very last theybelieved him to have written the obnoxious articles, and harbouredbitter feelings against him, in consequence. 

Mr. Stern undertook a second journey to Abyssinia in the autumn of1862, accompanied this time by Mr. And Mrs. Rosenthal. He and hisparty reached Djenda in April, 1863. 

As soon as the Gaffat people heard of the arrival of Mr. Stern atMassowah, they went in a body to the Emperor and begged him not toallow Mr. Stern to enter Abyssinia. His Majesty gave an evasiveanswer, but did not comply with the request; on the contrary, heseems to have rejoiced at the idea of an enmity existing betweenthe Europeans in his country, and chuckled at the prospect of theadvantages he might reap from their jealousy and rivalry. Mr. Sternsoon perceived the great change that had already taken place in thedeportment of Theodore, and saw but too plainly, during his severalmissionary tours, abundant proofs of the cruelty of the man he hadso shortly before admired and praised. The Abouna (Abyssinian bishop)at the time in frequent collision with the Emperor, spoke but tooopenly of the many vices of the ruling sovereign, and as he hadalways been friendly disposed towards Mr. Stern, this gentlemanfrequently visited him, even made some short stays in his house. This friendship was construed by the Emperor as implying anunderstanding between the bishop and the English priest unfavourableto himself, and with a view to the cession of the church lands fora certain sum of money, which was to be placed in Egypt at theAbouna's disposal. 

To sum up, this was the state of the different parties when thestorm at last burst on the head of the unfortunate Mr. Stern:--Belland Plowden, the only Europeans who might have had some influencefor good over the mind of the Emperor, were dead. The Gaffat peopleworked for the King, were frequently near his person, and entertainedanything but friendly feelings towards Mr. Stern and the DjendaMission. While Captain Cameron and his party were watched in Gondar, and in no way mixed up with the differences that unfortunatelydivided the other Europeans. 

 CHAPTER III. 

Imprisonment of Mr. Stern--Mr. Kerans arrives with Letters andCarpet--Cameron, with his Followers, is put in Chains--Mr. Bardel's Return from the Soudan--Theodore's Dealings withForeigners--The Coptic Patriarch--Abdul Rahman Bey--The Captivityof the Europeans explained. 

Such was the state of affairs when Mr. Stern obtained leave toreturn to the coast. Unfortunately it was impossible for him toavail himself at once of this permission. On Mr. Stern at lasttaking his departure he had to remain at Gondar a few days, and, but too late, thought of presenting his respects to his Majesty. He also accepted during his short stay there the hospitality of thebishop. On the 13th October Mr. Stern, accompanied for a shortdistance by Consul Cameron and Mr. Bardel, started on his homewardjourney. On arriving on the Waggera Plain he perceived the King'stent. What followed is well known: how that unfortunate gentlemanwas almost beaten, to death; and from that hour, almost withoutremission, loaded with chains, tortured, and dragged from prisonto prison, until the day of his deliverance from Magdala by theBritish army. 

When speaking of Theodore's treatment of foreigners, I will endeavourto explain the real cause of the misfortunes that befell Mr. Stern. That he was only the victim of circumstances, is a fact beyond anydoubt. The extracts from his book and the notes from his diary, brought as charges against him, were only discovered several weeks_after_ many cruelties had been inflicted upon him. But Ibelieve that many small, apparently trifling, incidents combinedto make him the first European victim of the Abyssinian monarch. The Emperor could not endure the thought that Europeans in hiscountry should do aught else but work for him. On his first interviewwith Mr. Stern, after this gentleman's return to Abyssinia, Theodore, on being informed as to the motives of Mr. Stern's journey, said, in an angry mood, "I have enough of your Bibles. " Theodore alsobelieved that by ill-using Mr. Stern he would please his "Gaffatchildren, " therefore, immediately after Mr. Stern's imprisonment, he wrote to them saying, "I have chained your enemy and mine. "

That the crisis was at last brought on by malicious representationsto his Majesty of trifling incidents, was proved to us quiteaccidentally on our way down. At Antalo I had a few friends atdinner, amongst them Mr. Stern, when, in the evening, Peter Beru, an Abyssinian who had received his education at Malta and had beenone of the interpreters of Mr. Stern's book at the famous publictrial at Gondar, came into the tent, and, being a little excited, told Mr. Stern that three things had called down upon him the King'sdispleasure: first, the enmity of the Gaffat people against him;secondly, his (Mr. Stern's) intimacy with the Abouna; thirdly, hisnot having called upon his Majesty during his last stay at Gondar. 

On the 22nd of November Mr. Laurence Kerans arrived at Gondar. Hecame for the purpose of joining Captain Cameron in the capacity ofprivate secretary. He brought with him some letters for CaptainCameron; amongst them one from Earl Russell ordering the consulback to his post at Massowah. Of all the captives none deservesgreater sympathy than poor Kerans. Quite a youth when he enteredAbyssinia, he suffered four years of imprisonment in chains, forno reason whatever except that he arrived at an inauspicious time. It is true that, according to his wonted habit, his Majesty chargedhim with having intended to insult him by offering him a carpetrepresenting Gerard the lion-killer. Gerard, in his Zouave costume, Theodore said, represented the Turks, the lion was himself, uponwhom the infidel was firing, the attendant a Frenchman; but headded, "I do not see the Englishman who ought to be by my side. "Poor Kerans remained only a few weeks in semi-liberty at Gondar;he had presented on his own account a rifle to his Majesty (thecarpet was supposed to have been sent by Captain Speedy, who hadpreviously been in Abyssinia); and every morning Samuel, who wasthe balderaba of the Europeans, would present himself, with supposedcompliments from his Majesty, adding, "The Emperor desires to knowwhat you would like?" Kerans answered, "A horse, a shield, and alance. " The next morning Samuel would ask, from his Majesty, whatkind of horse he preferred, and so on, until at last the poor lad, who was obliged every day to bow to the ground in thankfulness forthe supposed gift, began to suspect that all was not right. 

Consul Cameron, a few days after the arrival of Kerans, was calledto the King's camp and told to remain there until further orders. He was already so far a prisoner that he was not allowed to returnto Gondar, when, on the plea of bad health, he applied for permissionto do so. Cameron waited until the beginning of January, dailyexpecting a letter for the Emperor, but at last, as none came, heconsidered himself bound to obey his instructions, and accordingly, informed his Majesty that he had received orders from his Governmentto return to Massowah, and begged that he might be allowed to leavein a few days. 

The next morning, 4th January, Cameron, his European servants, themissionaries from Gondar, and Messrs. Stern and Rosenthal (bothsince some time already in chains), were all sent for by his Majesty. They were ushered into a tent close to the Emperor's inclosure, with two loaded twelve-pounders placed in front of it and pointedin that direction. The place was crowded with soldiers; everythingwas so arranged as to make resistance impossible. Shortly afterCameron's arrival Theodore sent several messages, asking, "Whereis the answer to the letter I gave you? Why did you go to my enemiesthe Turks? Are you a consul?" At last the messages ceased withthis last one: "I will keep you a prisoner until I get an answer, and see if you are a consul or not. " On that Cameron was very rudelyhandled by the soldiers; he was knocked down, his beard torn off, and heavy fetters hammered on him. The captives were all placed ina tent near the Emperor's inclosure; for a time they were wellsupplied with rations, and, apart from the fetters, not otherwiseill used. 

On the 3rd of February Mr. Bardel returned from a mission the Emperorhad intrusted to him, viz. , to spy the land, and report about thedoings of an Egyptian general, who, at the head of a considerableforce, had been for some time staying at Metemma, the nearest postto Abyssinia on the north-west frontier. The following day theGaffat people were called by the Emperor to consult about theliberation of the European captives. On their recommendation, twomissionaries of the Scottish society, two German hunters, Mr. Fladand Cornelius, were freed from their fetters, and allowed to remainat Gaffat with the workmen. The head of the Gaffat people thentold Captain Cameron that he would request Theodore to release thewhole of them and allow them to depart, if Captain Cameron wouldgive a written document to the effect that no steps would be takenby England to avenge the insult inflicted upon her in the personof her representative. Cameron, not considering himself justifiedin taking upon himself such a responsibility, declined. A few daysafterwards Mr. Bardel having offended his Majesty, or rather beingof no more use to him, was sent to join those whom he had beengreatly instrumental in depriving of their liberty. 

The Rev. Mr. Stern has ably described the painful captivity whichhe and his fellow-sufferers experienced up to their first releaseon the arrival of our mission in the beginning of 1865; how theywere dragged from Gondar to Azazo; the horrid torture inflictedupon them on the 12th of May: their long march in chains from Azazoto Magdala; their confinement in chains on that amba in the commonjail; and the horrid tale of sufferings and misery they had for somany months to endure. Suffice it to say, that on the date ofCaptain Cameron's note--14th of February, 1864--which gave the firstintimation of their imprisonment, the captives, eight altogether, were Captain Cameron and his followers (Kerans, Bavdel, McKilvie, Makerer, and Pietro), Messrs. Stern and Rosenthal. 

Much of what I have said, and a great deal of what I have still tonarrate, would appear unintelligible if I were not to describe theconduct Theodore had adopted towards foreigners. It is plain, fromfacts that I will now adduce, that Theodore had for several yearssystematically insulted them. He did so partly to dazzle the peoplewith his power, and partly because he believed that complete impunitywould always attend his grossest misdeeds. 

In December, 1856, David, the Coptic Patriarch of Alexandria, arrivedin Abyssinia, bearer of certain presents for Theodore, and theexpression of the good-will of the Pasha of Egypt. The fame ofTheodore had spread far and wide in the Soudan; and probably theEgyptian authorities, in order to save that province from beingplundered, or unwilling to engage at the time in an expensive warwith their powerful neighbour, adopted that expedient as the bestsuited to appease the ire of their former foe. As usual, Theodorefound an excuse for the ill treatment he inflicted upon the agedPatriarch, on the ground that a diamond cross presented to him wasonly intended as an insult: it meant, he said, that they consideredhim as a vassal; and on the Patriarch proposing that he should senda letter to the Pasha, accompanied with suitable presents, and thatthe Pasha would in return send him fire-arms, cannons, and officersto drill his troops, his Majesty exclaimed, "I see, they now desireme to declare myself their tributary. "

Most probably Theodore, always jealous of the power of the Church, took advantage of the presence of its highest dignitary to show tohis army whom they had to fear and obey. On the pretexts abovementioned he caused one day a hedge to be built around the Patriarch'sresidence, and for several days the eldest son of the Coptic Churchkept his father in close confinement. Theodore had some timepreviously been excommunicated by the Bishop; he therefore enjoyedvery much the disreputable quarrel which took place on that matter, as he induced the Patriarch, through fear, to take off theexcommunication of his inferior. After a while, however, Theodoreapologized, and allowed the terrified old man to depart. The Patriarchon his return told his tale, but the fame for justice and wisdomof the would-be descendant of Solomon was so great that, far frombeing credited, the Turkish Government, who attributed the failureof the negotiation to the unfitness of their agent, soon afterdespatched a mission on a larger scale, together with numerous andcostly presents, under the orders of an experienced and trustyofficer, Abdul Rahman Bey. 

The Egyptian envoy reached Dembea in March, 1859. At first Theodore, gratified at receiving such beautiful gifts, treated the ambassadorwith all courtesy and distinction; but on account of the unsafecondition of the country at the time, he took his guest with him, and considering Magdala a proper and suitable place of residence, left him there. He soon ignored him entirely, and the unfortunateman had to remain nearly two years, a semi-prisoner, on that amba. At last, on the reception of several strongly worded and threateningletters from the Egyptian Government, he allowed him to depart, butcaused him to be plundered of all he had near the frontier, by theShum of Tschelga. Theodore, after the departure of Abdul RahmanBey, wrote to the Egyptian Government, denying any knowledge of theplunder, and accusing the envoy of serious crimes. Hearing of this, the unfortunate Bey, fearing that his denials would not stand againstthe charge brought against him by the pious Emperor, poisoned himselfat Berber. 

His third victim was the Nab of Arkiko. He had accompanied theEmperor to Godjam, when, without reason given, the Emperor cast himinto prison and loaded him with chains. It was only on therepresentation of several influential merchants, who, fearing thatthe Nab's relations would retaliate on the Abyssinian caravans, impressed upon his Majesty the prudence of letting him depart, thatthe Emperor allowed his vassal to return to his country. 

The same day on which he imprisoned the Nab of Arkiko, M. Lejean, a member of the French diplomatic service, disgusted with Abyssiniaand the many discomforts of camp life, presented himself before theEmperor to apply for leave to depart. Theodore could not grant thedesired interview, but M. Lejean persisted in his demand, and senta second time, representing that, as his Majesty was _en route_for Godjam, each day would increase the difficulty of his return. Such presumption could not be tolerated. Theodore had defied Egypt;he would now defy France. Lejean was seized, and had to remain infull uniform for twenty-four hours in chains. He was only releasedon his making an humble apology, and desisting from his desire toleave the country. He was sent to Gaffat, and ordered to abide thereuntil the return of Mr. Bardel. 

Theodore scoffed at and imprisoned the Patriarch of Alexandria; theEgyptian ambassador he kept a semi-prisoner for several years; theNab he chained; the French consul he chained, insulted, and kickedout of the country. Nothing came of all this: on the contrary, inhis own camp his influence was greater. Under these circumstances, any barbarian would have done and thought exactly as Theodore did. He came to the conviction that, either through fear of his poweror the impossibility of reaching him, whatever ill treatment hemight inflict on strangers, no punishment could possibly overtakehim. That such was his impression is evident from the graduallyincreasing brutality of his conduct, always most severe, but neverso outrageous as in the case of the British captives. The savage, barbarous treatment he inflicted on Messrs. Stern, Cameron, Rosenthal, and their followers, is without precedent in modern history. Theodoreat last took no trouble to hide his contempt for Europeans and theirgovernments. 

He knew in August, 1864, that before a month an answer to his letterto the Queen had arrived at Massowah. "Let them wait my goodpleasure, " was the only observation he made on the subject. It isprobable that he would never have taken any notice of her Majesty'sletter or of the mission sent to him, if his rapid fall--at thattime beginning--had not influenced his conduct. When we arrived atMassowah in July, 1864, Theodore was still powerful, at the headof a large army, and master of the greater part of the country. Hiscampaign to Shoa in 1865 was most disastrous. He lost by it, notonly that prosperous kingdom, but a large portion of his army; theGallas seizing the occasion to annoy him greatly on his return. Heforesaw his fall, and it probably struck him that the friendshipof England might be useful to him; or should he doubt its possibility, he might seize us as hostages, in order to make capital out of us;therefore, but with apparent reluctance, he granted us the long-expectedpermission to enter his country. 

We have now the solution of a part of this difficult problem; wecan understand, to a certain degree, the strange character of thisman so remarkable in many ways. Imbued with a few European notions, he longed to obtain some of the advantages he had heard of: buthow? England and France would only return his friendship by words--hewanted deeds; sweet phrases he would not listen to. He soon becameconvinced that he might with impunity insult foreigners or envoysfrom friendly states; and at last it struck him that, while heinsulted and ill used Europeans, he might as well keep in his handsan important man like a consul, as a hostage. 

 CHAPTER IV. 

News of Cameron's Imprisonment reaches Home--Mr. Rassam isselected to proceed to the Court of Gondar, and is accompaniedby Dr. Blanc--Delays and Difficulties in Communicating withTheodore--Description of Massowah and its Inhabitants--Arrivalof a Letter from the Emperor. 

In the spring of 1864 it was vaguely rumoured that an Africanpotentate had imprisoned a British consul; the fact appeared sostrange, that few credited the assertion. It was soon ascertained, however, that a certain Emperor of Abyssinia, calling himselfTheodore, had cast into prison and loaded with chains, CaptainCameron, the consul accredited to his court, and several missionariesstationed in his dominions. A small pencil note from Captain Cameronat last reached Mr. Speedy, the acting vice-consul at Massowah, giving the number and names of the captives, and suggesting thattheir release depended entirely on the receipt of a civil letterin answer to the one the King had forwarded some months before. 

There is no doubt that much difficulty presented itself in orderto meet the request expressed by Consul Cameron. Little was knownabout Abyssinia, and the conduct of its ruler was so strange, socontrary to all precedents, that it became a matter of graveconsideration how to communicate with the Abyssinian Emperor withoutendangering the liberty of others. 

In the official correspondence on Abyssinian affairs there is aletter from Mr. Colquhoun, her Majesty's Agent and Consul-Generalin Egypt, dated Cairo, 10th May, 1864, in which that gentlemaninforms Earl Russell "that it is difficult to get at Theodore. " Hewas expecting to learn what means the Bombay Government could placeat his disposal, as from Egypt none were available; he adds, "exceptfrom Aden I really can see no measures feasible, and such couldonly be of a mild nature, for from the character we have had oflate of the King, he would appear to become subject to fits of ragewhich almost deprive him of reason, and would _render all approachdangerous_. "

On June 16th the Foreign Office selected for the difficult anddangerous task of Envoy to Theodore, Mr. Hormuzd Bassam, AssistantPolitical Resident at Aden; instructions were at the same timeforwarded to that gentleman to the effect that he should hold himselfin readiness to proceed to Massowah, and, if needful, to Abyssinia, with a view of obtaining the release of Captain Cameron and otherEuropeans detained in captivity by King Theodore. A letter from herMajesty the Queen of England, one from the Coptic Patriarch ofAlexandria for the Abouna, and one from the same to King Theodore, were forwarded to Mr. Rassam, in order to facilitate his mission. Mr. Rassam was to be conveyed to Massowah in a ship-of-war; he wasat once to inform Theodore of his arrival, bearing a letter to himfrom the Queen of England, and also forward, by the same messenger, the letters from the Patriarch to the Abouna and to the Emperor. He was to await a reply at Massowah, before deciding whether heshould proceed himself, or forward the Queen's letter to CaptainCameron for delivery. The instructions added that Mr. Rassam might, however, adopt any other course which might appear to him moreadvisable; but he should take special care not to place himself ina position that might cause further embarrassment to the BritishGovernment. 

It so happened that at the time Mr. Rassam received an intimationthat he was selected for the duty of conveying a letter from theQueen to the Emperor of Abyssinia, I had gone with him on a visitto Lahej, a small Arab town about twenty-five miles from Aden. Wetalked a great deal about that strange land, and on my expressingmy desire to accompany Mr. Rassam to the Abyssinian Court, thatgentleman proposed to Colonel Merewether, the Political Residentat Aden, to allow me to go with him as his companion: a requestthat Colonel Merewether immediately granted, and which was shortlyafterwards sanctioned by the Governor of Bombay and the Viceroy ofIndia. 

We had to wait a few days, as the Queen's letter had been detainedin Egypt, in order to have it translated, and it was only on the20th of July, 1864, that Mr. Rassam and myself left Aden for Massowahin her Majesty's steamer _Dalhousie_. 

On the morning of the 23rd, at a distance of about thirty milesfrom the shore, we sighted the high land of Abyssinia, formed ofseveral consecutive ranges, all running from N. To S. , the moredistant being also the highest; some of the peaks, such as Taranta, ranging between 12, 000 and 13, 000 feet. 

As the outline of the coast became more distinct, the sight of asmall island covered with white houses surrounded by green groves, reflecting their welcome shadows in the quiet blue water of thebay, gave us a thrill of delight; it seemed as if at last we hadcome to one of those enchanted spots of the East, so often described, so seldom seen, and to the longing of our anxious hearts the quickmotion of the steamer seemed slow to satisfy our ardent wishes. Butnearer and nearer as we approached the shore, one by one all ourillusions disappeared; the pleasant imagery vanished, and the sternreality of mangrove swamps, sandy and sunburnt beach, wretched andsqualid huts, stared us in the face. Instead of the semi-Paradisedistance had painted to our imagination, we found (and, alas!remained long enough to verify the fact) that the land of ourtemporary residence could be described in three words--sun, dirt, and desolation. 

Massowah, latitude 15. 36 N. , longitude 39. 30 E. , is one of the manycoral islands that abound in the Red Sea; it is but a few feet abovehigh-water mark, about a mile in length, and a quarter in breadth. Towards the north it is separated from the mainland by a narrowcreek about 200 yards in breadth, and is distant from Arkiko, asmall town situated at the western extremity of the bay, about twomiles. Half-a-mile south of Massowah, another small coral island, almost parallel to the one we describe, covered with mangroves andother rank vegetation, the proud owner of a sheik's tomb of greatveneration, lies between Massowah and the Gedem peak, the highmountain forming the southern boundary of the bay. 

The western half of the island of Massowah is covered with houses:a few two stories high, built of coral rock, the remainder smallwooden huts with straw roofs. The first are inhabited by the wealthiermerchants and brokers, the Turkish officials, and the few Banians, European consuls; and merchants whose unfortunate fate has castthem on this inhospitable shore. There is not a building worthmentioning: the Pasha's residence is a large, ungainly mansion, remarkable only for its extreme filthiness. During our stay theoffensive smell from the accumulation of dirt on the yards andstaircases of the palace was quite overwhelming: it is easier toimagine than to describe the abominable stench that pervaded the wholeplace. The few mosques are without importance--miserable whitewashedcoral buildings. One, however, under construction promised to be ashade better than the others. 

[Illustration: Fort, Mission House and Town of Massowah]

The streets--if by this name we may call the narrow and irregularlanes that run between the houses--are kept pretty clean; whetherwith or without municipal intervention I cannot say. Except in frontof the Pasha's residence, there is no open space worthy of the nameof square. The houses are much crowded together, many even beinghalf built over the sea on piles. Land is of such value on thisspot so little known, that reclamation was at several points goingon; though I do not suppose that shares and dividends were eitherissued or promised. 

The landing-place is near the centre of the island, opposite to thegates of the town, which are regularly shut at eight P. M. ; why, itis difficult to say, as it is possible to land on any part of theisland quite as easily, if not more so, than on the greasy pier. On the landing-place a few huts have been erected by the collectorof customs and his subordinates; these, surrounded by the brokersand tallow-scented Bedouins, register the imports, exacting suchduties as they like, before the merchandise is allowed to be purchasedby the Banians or conveyed to the bazaar for sale. This last-namedplace--the _sine qua non_ of all Eastern towns--is a wretchedaffair. Still, the Bedouin beau, the Bashi-bazouk, the native girls, and the many _flaneurs_ of the place, must find some attractionsin its precincts, for though redolent with effluvia of the worstdescription, and swarming with flies, it is, during part of theday, the rendezvous of a merry and jostling crowd. 

The eastern half of the island contains the burial-ground, thewater-tanks, the Roman Catholic mission-house, and a small fort. 

The burial-ground begins almost with the last houses, the boundarybetween the living and the dead being merely nominal. To improvethe closer relationship between the two, the water-tanks are placedamongst the graves! but there are but few tanks still in goodcondition. After heavy showers, the surface drainage finds its wayinto the reservoirs, carrying with it the detritus of all theaccumulated filth of the last year or two, and adding an infusionof human bodies, in all stages of decomposition. Still, the wateris highly prized, and, strange to say, seems to have no noxiouseffects, on the drinkers. At the north and south points of thispart of the island two buildings have been erected--the one theemblem of good-will and peace; the other, of war and strife--themission-house and the fort. But it is difficult to decide which ofthe two means the most mischief; many are inclined to give the palmto the worthy fathers' abode. The fort appears formidable, but onlyat a great distance; on near approach it is found to be but a relicof former ages, a crumbled-down ruin, too weak to bear any longerits three old rusty guns now lying on the ground: it is the terror, not of the neighbourhood, but of the unfortunate gunner, who hasalready lost an arm whilst endeavouring to return a salute throughtheir honeycombed tubes. On the other hand, the mission-house, garbed in immaculate whiteness, smiles radiantly around, invitinginstead of repulsing the invader. But within, are they always wordsof love that fill the echoes of the dome? Is peace the only soundthat issues from its walls? Though the past speaks volumes, andthough the history of the Roman Church is written in letters ofblood all over the Abyssinian land, let us hope that the fears ofthe people have no foundation, and that the missionaries here, likeall Christian missionaries, only strive to promote one object--thecause of Christ. 

Massowah, as well as the immediate surrounding country, is mainlydependent on Abyssinia for its supplies. Jowaree is the staple food;wheat is little used; rice is a favourite amongst the better classes. Goats and sheep are killed daily in the bazaar, cows on rareoccasions; but the flesh of the camel is the most esteemed, though, on account of the expense, rarely indulged in except on greatoccasions. 

The inhabitants being Mussulmans, water is the ordinary beverage;_tej_ and araki (made from honey) can, however, be purchasedin the bazaar. The limited supply of water obtained from the fewremaining tanks is quite inadequate to meet the wants of even asmall portion of the community; water is consequently brought indaily from the wells a few miles north of Massowah, and from Arkiko. The first is brought in leather bags by the young girls of thevillage; the latter conveyed in boats across the bay. The water inboth cases is brackish, that from Arkiko highly so. For this reason, and also on account of the greater facility in the transport, itis cheaper, and is purchased only by the poorer inhabitants. 

To avoid useless repetitions, before speaking of the population, climate, diseases, &c. , a short account of the immediate neighbourhoodis necessary. 

About four miles north of Massowah is Haitoomloo, a large villageof about a thousand huts, the first place where we meet with sweetwater; a mile and a quarter further inland we came upon Moncullou, a smaller but better built village. A mile westward of the lastplace we find the small village of Zaga. These, with a small hamleteast of Haitoomloo, constitute all the inhabited portions of thissterile region. The next village, Ailat, about twenty miles fromMassowah, is built on the first terrace of the Abyssinian range, 600 feet above the level of the sea. All these villages aresituated in the midst of a sandy and desolate plain; a few mimosas, aloes, senna plants, and cactuses struggle for life in the burningsand. The country residences of the English and French consuls shinelike oases in this desert, great pains having been taken to introducetrees that thrive even in such a locality. 

[Illustration: Grove House at Moncullou. ]

The wells are the wealth of the villages--their very existence. Most probably, huts after huts have been erected in their vicinityuntil the actual prosperous villages have arisen, surrounded asthey are on all sides by a burnt and desert tract. The wells numberabout twenty. Many old ones are closed, but new ones are frequentlydug, so as to keep up a constant supply of water. The reason oldwells are abandoned is, that after a while the water becomes verybrackish. In a new well the water is almost sweet. The water obtainedfrom these wells proceeds from two different sources: First, fromthe high mountains in the vicinity. The rain filters and impregnatesthe soil, but not being able to soak beyond a certain depth, onaccount of the volcanic rocks of the undersoil, forms a small stratumalways met with at a certain depth. Secondly, from the sea byfiltration. The wells, though about four miles from the shore, areonly from twenty to twenty-five feet deep, and consequently on orbelow the level of the sea. 

The proof of an undercurrent of water, due to the presence of thehigh range of mountains, becomes more apparent as the travelleradvances into the interior; though the soil is still sandy andbarren, and little vegetation can as yet be seen, trees and shrubsbecome more plentiful, and of a larger size. A few miles fartherinland, even during the summer months, it is always possible toobtain water by digging to the depth of a few feet in the dried-upbed of a water-torrent. 

It often struck me that what artesian wells have done for the Saharathey could equally accomplish for this region. The locality seemseven more favourable, and there is every hope that, like the greatAfrican desert, the now desolate land of Samhar could be transformedinto a rich date-bearing land. 

Taken as they are; these wells could certainly be improved. On ourarrival at Moncullou, we found the water of the well belonging tothe consular residence scarcely used, on account of its very brackishtaste; we had the well emptied, a large quantity of saltish sandremoved, and we dug deeper until large rocks appeared. The resultwas that we had the best well in the place, and requests for ourwater were made by many, including the Pasha himself. Unfortunately, the forefathers of the present Moncullites never did such a thingto their wells, and as all innovations are distasteful to asemi-civilized race, the fact was admired, but not imitated. 

Arkiko, at the extremity of the bay, is much nearer the mountainsthan the villages situated north of Massowah, but the village isbuilt almost on the beach itself; the wells, not a hundred yardsfrom the sea, are also much more superficial than those on thenorthern side, consequently the sea-water, having a much shorterdistance to filter through, retains a greater proportion of salineparticles, and I believe, were, it not for the presence of a smallquantity of sweet water from the hills, it would be quite unpalatable. 

In the neighbourhood of Maasowah there are several hot mineralsprings. The most important are those of Adulis and Ailat. In thesummer of 1865 we made a short trip to Annesley Bay, to inspect thelocality. The ruins of Adulis are several miles from the shore, and, with the exception of a few fragments of broken columns, containno traces of the former important colony. The place was even hotterthan Massowah; there was no vegetation, no trace of habitations onthat desolate shore. Fancy our surprise, on reaching the same spotin May, 1868, to find piers, railways, bazaars, &c. --a bustlingcity had sprung out of the wilderness. 

The springs of Adulis [Footnote: A short time before our departurefor the interior, some of the water of the hot springs of Aduliswas collected and forwarded to Bombay for analysis. ] are only a fewhundred yards from the sea-shore, surrounded by a pleasing greenpatch covered with a vigorous vegetation, the rendezvous of myriadsof birds and quadrupeds, who, morning and evening, swarm thitherto quench their thirst. 

At Ailat [Footnote: Water collected and sent to Bombay, November, 1864. ] the hot spring issues from basaltic rocks on a small plateaubetween high and precipitous mountains. At the source itself thetemperature is 141 Fahrenheit, but as the water flows down thedifferent ravines, it gradually cools until it differs in no wayfrom other mountain streams. It is palatable, and used by theinhabitants of Ailat for all purposes: it is also highly esteemedby the Bedouins. On account of its medicinal properties, numbersresort to the natural baths, formed of hollowed volcanic roots, forthe relief of every variety of disease. From what I could gather, it appears to prove beneficial in chronic rheumatism and in diseasesof the skin. Probably in these cases any warm water would act aswell, considering the usual morbid condition of the integument inthose dirty and unwashed races. 

The population of Massowah, including the surrounding villages (asfar, at least, as I could ascertain), amounts to 10, 000 inhabitants. The Massowah race is far from pure; being a mixture of Turkish, Arab, and African blood. The features are generally good, the nosestraight, the hair in many instances short and curly; the skinbrown, the lips often large, the teeth even and white. The men areof the middle height; the women under it. So much for their physicalappearance. Morally they are ignorant and superstitious, havingapparently retained but few of their forefathers' virtues, but agreat many of their vices. A very good distinction can be made, inthe male portion of the community, between those who wear turbansand long white shirts, and those hard-working wretches who, girdedwith a single leather skin, roam about with their flocks in searchof pasture and water. The first live I know not how. They callthemselves brokers! It is true that three or four times a yearcaravans arrive from the interior, but as a rule, with the exceptionof a skin or two of honey, and a few bags of jowaree, nothing isimported. What possible business can about 500 brokers have? Howten dollars' worth of honey and fifty of grain can give a brokeragesufficient to clothe and feed, not only themselves but also theirfamilies, is a problem I have in vain endeavoured to solve!

In the East, children, instead of being a burden to poor people, are often a source of wealth: at Massowah they certainly are. Theyoung girls of Moncullou, &c. , bring in a pretty good income totheir parents. I know big, strong, but lazy fellows who would squatdown all day in the shade of their huts, living on the earnings oftwo or three little girls, who daily went once or twice to Massowahladen with a large skin full of water. The water-girls vary in agefrom eight to sixteen. The younger ones are rather pretty, small, but well made, the hair neatly braided and falling on the shoulders. A small piece of cotton reaching from the waist to the knee isgenerally the only garment of the poorest. Those better off wearalso a piece of plaid thrown gracefully across the shoulders. Theright nostril is ornamented with a small copper ring; as a substitute, a shirt-button is much esteemed, and during our stay our buttonswere in constant demand. 

If we take into consideration that Massowah is situated within thetropics, possessing no running stream, that it is surrounded byburning deserts, and that rain seldom falls, the conclusion we couldbeforehand have arrived at is, that the climate is essentially hotand dry. 

From November to March the nights are cool, and during that periodthe day, in a good house or tent, is pleasant enough. From Aprilto October the nights are close, and often very oppressive. Duringthose hot months, both in the morning before the sea-breeze springsup and in the evening when it has died away, all animal creationfalls into a torpid state. The perfect calm that then reigns isfearful in its stillness and painful in its effects. 

From May to August sand-storms frequently occur. They begin usuallyat four P. M. (though occasionally they appear in the morning), andlast from a few minutes only to a couple of hours. Long before thestorm is felt, the horizon towards the N. N. W. Is quite dark; a blackcloud extends from the sea to the mountain range, and as it advancesthe sun itself is obscured. A few minutes of dead calm, and thensuddenly the dark column approaches; all seems to disappear beforeit, and the roar of the terrible hurricane of wind and sand nowcoursing over the land is almost sublime in its horrors. Comingafter the moist sea breeze, the hot and dry wind appears quite cool, though the thermometer rises to 110 or 115 degrees. After the storma gentle land breeze follows, and often lasts all night. The amountof sand carried by the wind in these storms can be imagined by themere mention of the fact that we could not discern, at a shortdistance from us, such a large object as a tent. 

It seldom rains; occasionally there are a few showers in August andNovember. 

As far as Europeans are concerned, climates like the one we havejust described cannot be considered as unhealthy; they debilitateand weaken the system, and predispose to tropical diseases, butseldom engender them. I expected to find many cases of scurvy, dueto the brackish condition of the water and to the absence ofvegetables; but either scurvy did not exist to a great extent ordid not come under my observation, as during my stay I did not meetwith more than three or four cases. Fevers affect the natives aftera fall of rain, but though some cases are of a very pernicious type, the majority belong to the simple intermittent or remittent, andyield rapidly to a proper treatment. 

Small-pox now and then makes fearful ravages. When it breaks out, a mild case is chosen, and from it a great many are inoculated. Themortality is considerable amongst those who submit to the operation. On several occasions during the summer I received vaccine lymph, and inoculated with it. In no case did it take; owing, I suppose, to the extreme heat of the weather. During, the cold season I appliedagain, but could not obtain any. The greatest mortality is due tochildbirth--a strange fact, as in the East confinements are generallyeasy. The practice in use here has probably much to do with thisunfavourable result. After her confinement the woman is placed uponan alga or small native bed; underneath which, fire with aromaticherbs is so arranged as almost to suffocate the newly-deliveredwoman. Diarrhoea was frequent during the summer of 1865, anddysentery at the same period proved fatal to many. Diseases of theeyes are seldom met with, except simple inflammation caused by theheat and glare of the sun. I suffered from a severe attack ofophthalmia, and was obliged in consequence to proceed to Aden fora few weeks. I have met with no case of disease of the lungs, andbronchial affections seem almost unknown. I had occasion to attendupon cases of neuralgia, and one of gouty rheumatism. 

For several years locusts have been committing great damage to thecrops. In 1864 they occasioned a scarcity and dearness of the firstnecessaries of life, but in 1865 the whole of Tigré, Hamasein, Bogos, &c. Had been laid waste by swarms of locusts, and at last nosupplies whatever reached from the interior. The local Governmentsent to Hodeida and other ports for grain, and rice, and thus avoidedthe horrors of a complete famine. As it was, numbers died, and manyhalf-starved wretches were ready victims for such a disease ascholera. This last-named scourge made its appearance in October, 1865, at the time we were making our preparations to proceed intothe interior. The epidemic was severely felt. All those who hadbeen suffering from the effects of insufficient or inferior foodbecame an easy prey; few, indeed, of those who contracted the diseaserallied; almost all died. During our residence at Massowah, out ofthe small community of Europeans five died, two from heat apoplexy, two from debility, and one from cholera. (None came under my care. )The Pasha himself was several times on the point of death, fromdebility and complete loss of tone of the digestive organs. He wasat last prevailed upon to leave, and saved his life by a timelytrip to sea. 

The Bedouins of the Samhar, like all bigoted and ignorant savages, have great confidence in charms, amulets and exorcisms. The "medicineman" is generally an old, venerable-looking Sheik--a great rascal, for all his sanctified looks. His most usual prescription is towrite a few lines of the Koran upon a piece of parchment, wash offthe ink with water, and hand it over to the patient to drink; atother times the writing is enclosed in small squares of red leather, and applied to the seat of the disease. The Mullah is no contemptiblerival of his, and though he also applies the all-efficacious wordsof the revealed "cow, " he effects more rapid cures by spittingseveral times upon the sick person, muttering between each ejectionappropriate prayers which no evil spirit could withstand, shouldhis already sanctified spittle not have been sufficient to castthem off. Massowah boasts, moreover, of a regular medical practitioner, in the shape of an old Bashi-bazouk. Though superior in intelligenceto the Sheik and the Mullah, his medical knowledge is on a par withtheirs. He possesses a few drugs, given to him by travellers; butas he is not acquainted with their properties or doses, he wiselykeeps them on a shelf for the admiration of the natives, and employssimples, with which, if he effects no wonderful cures, he stilldoes no harm. Our _confère_ is not at all conceited, thoughhe no doubt imposes upon the credulity of the aborigines; when wemet in "consultation, " he always, with becoming meekness, acknowledgedhis ignorance. 

Massowah, as I have already stated, is built on a coral rock; thesame formation exists on many parts of the coast, and forms cliffs, some of them thirty feet above the level of the sea. Further inland, towards Moncullou and Haitoomloo, volcanic rocks begin to appear, scattered here and there as if carelessly thrown on the sandy plain;at first isolated landmarts over the level space, they soon becomemore united, increasing in number, size, and importance, until themountains themselves are reached, where almost every stone declaresthe predominance of the volcanic formation. 

The flora is scanty, and belongs, with but few exceptions, to the_Leguminosae_. Several varieties of antelopes roam over thedesert. Partridges, pigeons, and several species of the _Natatores_at certain seasons, arrive in great numbers. Apart from these, nothing useful to man is met with amongst the other members of theanimal creation, consisting principally of hosts of hyenas, snakes, scorpions, and innumerable insects. 

We remained at Massowah from the 23rd of July, 1864, to the 8th ofAugust, 1865, the date of our departure for Egypt, where we wentin order to receive instructions, when a letter at last reached usfrom the Emperor Theodore. Massowah offered no attractions: theheat was so intense at times that we could hardly breathe; and weardently longed for our return to Aden or India, as we had givenup all hopes regarding the acceptance of our mission by the AbyssinianEmperor. No pains were spared, no stone was left unturned, nopossible chance left untried to obtain information as to the conditionof the captives, to supply them with the necessaries of life, orinduce the obstinate potentate to call for the letter it was saidhe was so anxious to receive. The very day of our arrival at Massowah, efforts were made to engage messengers to proceed to the Abyssiniancourt and inform his Ethiopian Majesty that officers had arrivedat the coast with the answer to his letter to the Queen of England. But such was the dread of his name, that it was with great difficulty, and only on the promise of a large reward, that any could be obtained. On the evening of the 24th, the day after our arrival, the messengerswere despatched with the letters to the Abouna and the Emperor fromthe Patriarch, one from Mr. Rassam to the Abouna, and one to theEmperor, the messengers promising to be back in the course of amonth or so. 

Mr. Rassam, in his letter to the Emperor Theodoros, informed him, in courteous language, that he had arrived at Massowah the daybefore, bearing a letter from H. M. The Queen of England to hisaddress, and that he was desirous of delivering it into his Majesty'shands. He also informed him that he would await the answer atMassowah, and requested, should his Majesty send for him, kindlyto provide him with an escort. He, however, left to Theodore theoption of sending the prisoners down with a trustworthy person towhom he could deliver the letter from the Queen of England. Heconcluded by advising his Majesty that his embassy to the Queen hadbeen accepted, and should it reach the coast before his (Mr. Rassam's)departure for Aden, he would take the necessary steps to see thatit reached England in safety. 

A month--six weeks--two months, passed in hourly expectation of thereturn of the messengers. All suppositions were exhausted: perhapsthe messengers had not reached; possibly the King had detained them;or they might have lost the packet whilst crossing some river, etc. ;but as no reliable information could moreover be obtained, as tothe exact condition of the captives, it was impossible to remainany longer in such a state of uncertainty. Mr. Rassam, therefore, despatched with considerable difficulty two more messengers, witha copy of his letter of July 24, accompanied by an explanatory note. Private messengers were, at the same time, sent to the Emperor'scamp to report on his treatment of the captives, and to differentparts of the country, from whence we supposed information mightpossibly be obtained. A short time afterwards, having succeeded insecuring the names of some of the Gaffat people who had formerlybeen in communication with Consul Cameron, we wrote to them inEnglish, French, and German, not knowing what language they understood, earnestly requesting that they would inform us as to what stepsthey considered most advisable in order to obtain the release ofthe captives. 

Again we waited on the desert shore of Massowah for that answer solong expected; none came, but on Christmas-day we received a fewlines from Messrs. Flad and Schimper, the two Europeans with whomwe had communicated. All they had to say was, that the misfortuneswhich had befallen the Europeans were due to the Emperor's letternot having been answered, and they advised Mr. Rassam to send theletter he had brought with him to his Majesty. However, Mr. Rassamthought it unbecoming the British Government to force upon theEmperor a letter signed by the Queen of England, when, by hisrefusing even to acknowledge its presence at Massowah, he clearlyshowed that he had changed his mind and did not care any more aboutit. 

In the meanwhile some of the prisoners' servants had arrived withletters from their masters; other messengers despatched from Massowahwere also equally successful; stores, money, letters were nowregularly forwarded to the captives, who, in return, kept us informedas to their condition and the movements of the King. So far ourpresence at Massowah was of the utmost importance, since withoutthe supplies and money we were able to provide them with, theirmisery would have been increased tenfold, if even they had not atlast succumbed to privation and want. 

The friends of the captives and, to a great extent, the public, unaware of the efforts made by Mr. Rassam to accomplish the objectof his mission, and of the great difficulties that were to becontended with, attributed the apparent failure to causes farremoved; many suggestions were advanced, a few even tried, but noresult followed. It was said that one of the reasons his Majestydid not vouch us an answer was, that the mission was not of sufficientimportance; that his Majesty considered himself slighted, andtherefore would not condescend to acknowledge us. To remedy this, in February, 1865, Government decided on adding another militaryofficer to our party, and, as the press reported at the time, itwas confidently expressed that great results would follow this step. Hence, Lieut. Prideaux, of her Majesty's Bombay Staff Corps, arrivedin Massowah in May. As might reasonably be expected, his presenceat the coast did not in the least influence Theodore's mind. Theonly advantage gained by the addition of this officer to the missionwas a charming companion, who was doomed to spend with me in a tenton the sea-beach the hot months of hot Massowah. More monthselapsed: still no answer! the condition of the prisoners was veryprecarious; they saw with great apprehension another rainy seasonabout to set in; their letters were written in a most despondingtone; and though we had done our utmost to supply them with moneyand a few comforts, the distance and the rebellious state of thecountry made it difficult to provide more abundantly for theirwants. 

At last, in March, we determined on a last effort; should it failwe would request our recall. We had heard of Samuel, how he hadbeen in many respects mixed up in the affair, and we knew that heenjoyed in some degree the confidence of his master; so when wewere informed that one of his relations was willing to convey aletter and he assured us of an answer before forty days, once moreour hopes were excited and we trusted in the possibility of success. The forty days expired, then two, then three months; but we heardnothing!! It seemed as if a kind of fatality attended our messengers:from whatever class they were taken--simple peasants, followers ofthe Nab, or relatives of one of the Emperor's courtiers--the resultwas invariably the same; not only they did not bring back any answerfrom the Emperor, but not even one returned to us. 

The prolonged delay of Mr. Rassam's mission at Massowah without anyapparent good results having been achieved, was so contrary to allexpectations, that it was at last decided to resort to other means. 

In February, 1865, a Copt, Abdul Melak, presented himself at theconsulate of Jeddah, pretending to have just arrived from Abyssiniawith a message from the Abouna to the Consul-General, purportingthat if he could bring from H. M. 's Consul-General in Egypt a writtendeclaration to the effect that, should the Emperor allow the Europeansin chains to depart, no steps would be taken to punish the offence, he, the Abouna, would engage himself to obtain their liberation, and become their security. That impostor, who had never been inAbyssinia at all, gave such wonderful details that he completelyimposed upon the Consul of Jeddah and the Consul-General. The factthat he pretended to have passed through Massowah without enteringinto communication with Mr. Rassam was by itself suspicious; buthad these gentlemen possessed the slightest knowledge of Abyssinia, they would at once have discovered the deception when he purchasedsome "suitable" presents for the Abouna, before proceeding on themission that had been intrusted to him. In Abyssinia tobacco isconsidered "unclean" by the priests; none ever smoke; and evenadmitting that in his privacy the Abouna might have now and thenindulged in a weed, he would have taken great care to keep thematter as quiet as possible. Therefore to present him with an_amber mouthpiece_ would have been a gratuitous insult to aman who was supposed to have rendered an important favour. It was, indeed, the very last testimonial any one in the slightest degreeconversant with Abyssinian priesthood would ever have selected. Asit is, the man started, and lived for months amongst the Arab tribesbetween Kassala and Metemma, on the strength of a certificate thatdescribed him as an ambassador and recommended him to the protectionof the tribes that lay on his road. We met him not for from Kassala;he acknowledged the deceit he had practised, and was delighted whenhe heard that we had no intention of requesting the Turkish authoritiesto make him a prisoner. 

Government at last decided on recalling us, and appointed Mr. Palgrave, the distinguished Arabian traveller, in our stead. 

In the beginning of July we went for a short trip to the Hababcountry, situate north of Massowah; on our return, we were met inthe desert of Chab by some of the Naib's relations, who informedus that Ibrahim (the relative of Samuel) had returned with an answerfrom his Majesty, and was expected daily; that all our formermessengers had obtained leave to depart; but what was still moregratifying was the intelligence, brought down by them, that Theodore, to show his regard for us, had liberated Consul Cameron and hisfellow-captives. On July 12, Ibrahim arrived. He gave full detailsabout the release of the Consul; a story which was corroborated afew days afterwards by another relative of his, also one of ourformer messengers. I believe, from what I afterwards learnt, thatTheodore himself was party to the lie, as he publicly, in presenceof the messengers, gave orders to some of his officers to go andremove the Consul's fetters; only the messengers improved on it bystating that they had seen the Consul after the chains had beenremoved. 

The reply Theodore had at last granted to our repeated demands wasnot courteous, nor even civil--it was neither signed nor sealed;he ordered us to proceed through the distant and unhealthy routeof the Soudan, and, once arrived at Metemma, to inform him of ourarrival there, and that he would then provide us with an escort. We did not like the letter; it seemed more the production of amadman than of a reasonable being. I select a few extracts fromthis letter, as they are really curiosities in their way. He said:--

"The reason I do not write to you in my name, because of AbounaSalama, the so-called Kokab (Stern) the Jew, and the one you calledConsul, named Cameron (who was sent by you). I treated them withhonour and friendship in my city. When I thus befriended them, onaccount of my anxiety to cultivate the friendship of the EnglishQueen, they reviled me. 

"Plowden and Johannes (John Bell), who were called Englishmen, werekilled in my country, whose death, by the power of God, I avengedon those who killed them; on account these (the three above mentioned)abused me, and denounced me as a murderer. 

"Cameron, who is called Consul, represented to me that he was aservant of the Queen. I invested him with a robe of honour of mycountry, and supplied him with provisions for the journey. I askedhim to make me a friend of the Queen. 

"When he was sent on his mission, he went and stayed some time withthe Turks, and returned to me. 

"I spoke to him about the letter I sent through him to the Queen. He said, that up to that time he had not received any intelligenceconcerning it. What have I done, said I, that they should hate me, and treat me with animosity? By the power of the Lord my creator, I kept silent. "

Although the steamer _Victoria_ only arrived in Massowah onthe 23rd of July, we had as yet received no letters from ConsulCameron, nor from any of the captives. By the _Victoria_ wewere informed that Mr. Rassam was recalled and Mr. Palgrave appointed. Under the new aspect matters had suddenly taken, Mr. Rassam couldbut refer to Government for instructions. We therefore at oncestarted for Egypt, where we arrived on the 5th of September. 

Through her Majesty's Agent and Consul-General, Government wasapprised of the receipt of a letter from Theodore, granting uspermission to enter Abyssinia; that the letter was uncourteous, andnot signed; that Cameron was released, and though Cameron had alwaysinsisted on our not proceeding into the interior with or withoutsafe-conduct, we were ready to go at once, should Government considerit advisable. Mr. Palgrave was told to remain, Mr. Rassam and hiscompanions to go; a certain sum of money was allowed for presents;letters for the governors of the Soudan were obtained; and, ournecessary stores and outfit being purchased; we returned to Massowah, where we arrived on the 25th of September. 

There we heard that messengers had arrived from the prisoners; thatthey had been taken to Aden by a man-of-war; and that they hadverbally reported, that far from having been released, hand-chainshad been added to the captives' previous fetters. As we could notfind anybody to accompany us through the Soudan (on account of itsunhealthiness at that time of the year) before the middle of October, we thought it advisable to proceed at once to Aden, in order togain correct information from the captives' letters, as to theiractual condition, and to confer with the Political Resident of thatstation, as to the expediency of complying with the Emperor'srequests, under the totally different aspect matters now presented. 

Although Captain Cameron, in several of his former communications, had repeatedly insisted that on no account we should enter Abyssinia, in the note just received he implored us to come up at once, as ourdeclining to do so would prove of the utmost danger to the prisoners. The Political Resident, therefore, taking into consideration CaptainCameron's earnest appeal for Mr. Rassam to acquiesce with Theodore'srequest, advised us to proceed and hope for the best. 

After a short stay at Aden we again returned to Massowah, and, withthe utmost diligence, made all our arrangements for the long journeythat lay before us. Unfortunately cholera had broken out, the nativeswere unwilling to cross the plains of Braka and Taka, on accountof the malarious fever, so deadly at that time of the year, and itrequired all the influence of the local authorities to insure ourspeedy departure. 

 CHAPTER V. 

From Massowah to Kassala--The Start--The Habab--Adventuresof M. Marcopoli--The Beni Amer--Arrival at Kassala--TheNubian Mutiny--Attempt of De Bisson to found a Colony inthe Soudan. 

On the afternoon of the 15th October, all our preparations beingapparently complete, the mission, composed of Mr. H. Rassam, Lieut. W. F. Prideaux, of her Majesty's Bombay Staff Corps, and myself, started on its dangerous enterprise. We were accompanied by a nephewof the Naib of Arkiko; and an escort of Turkish Irregulars had beengraciously sent by the Pasha to protect our sixty camels, ladenwith our personal luggage, stores, and presents for the Ethiopianmonarch. We also took with us several Portuguese and other Indianservants, and a few natives of Massowah as muleteers. 

On a first march something is always found wanting. On this occasionmany of the cameleers were unprovided with ropes: boxes, portmanteau-bags, were strewed all over the road, and night was far advanced beforethe last camel reached Moncullou. A halt was in consequence absolutelynecessary, so that the actual start was only made on the afternoonof the 16th. 

From Moncullou our route lay N. W. Across the desert of Chab, adreary wilderness of sand, intersected by two winter torrents, generally dry: but by digging in their sandy beds it is possibleat all seasons to obtain some muddy water. The rapidity with whichthese torrents fill up is most astonishing. 

During the summer of 1865, we had made a trip to Af-Abed, in theHababs' country. On our return, whilst crossing the desert, weexperienced a very severe storm. We had just reached our encamping-groundon the Southern bank of one of these water-courses, and half thecamels had already crossed the dry bed of the river, when, on asudden, a tremendous roar was heard, shortly afterwards followedby a fearful rush of water. In the former empty bed of the torrentnow dashed a mighty stream, tearing down trees and rocks, so thatno human being could possibly cross. Our luggage and servants werestill on the opposite bank, and although we were only a stone'sthrow from the party so suddenly cut off from us, we had to spendthe night on the bare ground, with no other covering than ourclothing. 

In the very centre of the desert of Chab, arises, Amba Goneb, aconical basaltic rock several hundred feet high, an advanced sentrydetached from the now approaching mountains. On the evening of the18th, we reached Ain, and from the glaring and dreary desert passedinto a lovely valley, watered by a small winding stream, cool andlimpid, shaded by mimosas and tamarinds, and glowing with thefreshness and luxuriance of topical vegetation. [Footnote: Thedistance from Massowah to Ain is about forty-five miles. ]

We were fortunate enough to leave the cholera behind us. Apart froma few cases of diarrhoea, easily checked, the whole party was inexcellent health; every one in high spirits at the prospect ofvisiting almost unknown regions, and above all at having at lastbid adieu to Massowah, where we had spent in anxious expectationlong and dreary months. 

From Ain to Mahaber [Footnote: From Ain to Mahaber (direction E. By N. ) about twenty miles. ] the road is most picturesque; alwaysfollowing the winding of the small river Ain, here and therecompressed to only a few yards by perpendicular walls of trachyte, or basalt; further on expanding into miniature green plateaus, bordered by conical hills, covered to the very summit by mimosasand huge cactuses, alive with large hordes of antelopes (the agazin), which, bounding from rock to rock, scared by their frolics thecountless host of huge baboons. The valley itself, graced by thepresence of gaudy-feathered and sweet-singing birds, echoed to theshrill cry of the numerous guinea-fowls, so tame, that the repeatedreports of our fire-arms did not disturb them in the least. 

At Mahaber we were obliged to remain several days awaiting freshcamels. The Hababs, who had now to supply us, frightened by thepresence of the hairy nephew of the Nab and the Bashi-hazouks, madethemselves scarce, and it was only after much parley and the repeatedassurance that every one would be paid, that the camels at lastmade their appearance. The Hababs are a large pastoral tribe, inhabiting the Ad Temariam, a hilly and well-watered district, aboutfifty miles north-west of Massowah, included between longitude 38. 39and latitude 16 to 16. 30. They represent the finest type of theroving Bedouins; of middle height, muscular, well made, they claiman Abyssinian origin. With the exception of a darker hue of theskin, certainly in other respects they do not differ from theinhabitants of the table-land, and have but few characteristics ofthe aboriginal African races. Some fifty years ago they were aChristian tribe--nominally, at least--but were converted toMohammedanism by an old Sheik, still alive, who resides nearMoncullou, and is an object of great veneration all over the Samhar. Once their doubts removed, their suspicions lulled, the Hababsproved themselves friendly, willing, and obliging. 

Gratitude is no common virtue in Africa, at least as far as my ownexperience goes. Its rarity brings back to my memory a fact that Iwill here record. On our previous trip to the Ad Temariam, I hadseen several patients, amongst them a young man, suffering fromremittent fever, and I gave him some medicine. Hearing of ourarrival at Mahaber, he came to thank me, bringing as an offering asmall skin of milk. He apologized for the absence of his agedfather, who also, he said, wished to kiss my feet, but the distance(about eight miles) was too much for the old man's strength. 

I may as well mention here that a young commercial traveller, Mr. Marcopoli, had accompanied us from Massowah. He was going to Metemma, _viâ_ Kassala, to be present at the annual fairs held at thatplace in winter. He took advantage of our short stay at Mahaber, to proceed to Keren, in the Bogos, where he was called by business, intending to join again our party a few stages ahead. We lookedat our map, and estimated the distance from our halting-place tothe Bogos at the utmost eighteen miles. As he was provided withexcellent mules, in four or five hours he naturally expected toreach his destination. He accordingly started at daybreak, andnever halted once; but night was far advanced before he perceivedthe lights of the first village on the Bogos plateau: so much fortravellers' maps. The poor man's anxiety had been great. Soon afterdark he perceived--or, as I suspect, imagination worked to a highpitch of excitement through fear, conjured to his fancy the phantomof some huge animal--a lion, a tiger, he did not know very exactly;but, at all events, he saw some horrid beast of prey, glaring athim through the brushwood, with fiery and bloodshot eyes, watchingall his movements for a suitable opportunity to fall upon hishelpless prey. However, he reached Keren in safety. 

He found that we were expected by the Bogos people, who believedthat we were proceeding by the upper route. Flowers were to bestrewed in our path, and our entrance was to be welcomed by dancesand songs in our praise; the officer in command of the troops wasto receive us with military honours, the civil governor intendedto entertain us on a large scale: in a word, a grand reception wasto be offered to the English friends of the mighty Theodore. Thedisappointment was no doubt great when Mr. Marcopoli informed theBogosites that our route lay in an opposite direction to their fairprovince. On that the military commander decided on accompanyingMr. Marcopoli back, and paying us his respects at our halting-place. Marcopoli was delighted; he had a too vivid recollection of _hislion_ not to be overjoyed at the idea of having companions withhim. 

Late in the evening they started, the Abyssinian officer and hismen having before marching indulged in deep draughts of tej to keepout the cold. On their way down, the "warriors" cantered about inthe most frantic manner; now riding at a full gallop up to poorMarcopoli, the lance in rest, and dexterously wheeling round whenthe weapon almost touched his breast; then charging upon him atfull speed and firing off their loaded pistols quite close, andonly a few feet above his head. Marcopoli felt very uncomfortablein the society of his bellicose and drunken escort, but not knowingtheir language, he had nothing to do but to appear pleased. 

Early in the morning, at our second stage from Mahaber, thesespecimens of Abyssinian soldiers made their appearance, and a batchof more villanous-looking scoundrels I have never seen during mystay in Abyssinia: evidently Theodore was not very particular asto whom he selected for such distant outposts, unless he consideredthe roughest and most disorderly the fittest for such duties. Theypresented us with a cow they had stolen on the road, and begged usnot to forget to mention to their master that they had come all thedistance from Bogos to pay their respects to his guests. Afterhaving refreshed themselves with a few glasses of brandy and partakenof a slight collation, they kissed the ground in acknowledgment ofthe pleasant things they had received in return for their gift, anddeparted--to our great satisfaction. 

On that 23rd we started from Mahaber, going due west, and followingfor eight miles longer the charming valley of Ain. Afterwards, wediverged to the left, going in a south-west direction, until wereached the province of Barka; when again our route lay west bynorth, until we came to Zaga. From this point to Kassala the generaldirection is west by south. [Footnote: The distance from Mahaberto Adart on the frontier of Barka is about fifty miles; from Adartto Kassala about 130 miles. ] From Mahaber to Adart the road is verypleasant; for several days we continually ascended, and the morewe advanced into the mountainous region the more agreeable andpleasant did we feel it, and we enjoyed the sight of splendid andluxuriant vegetation. 

On the 25th we crossed the Anseba, a large river flowing from thehigh lands of Bogos, Hamasien, and Mensa, and joining the riverBarka at Tjab. [Footnote: Tjab, lat. 17 10', long. 37 15'. ]

We spent a pleasant day in the beautiful Anseba valley, but awareof the danger of remaining after sunset near its flowery but malariousbanks, we pitched our tent on a rising ground at some distance, andthe next morning proceeded to Haboob, the highest point we had togain before descending into the Barka through the difficult passof Lookum. After this abrupt descent of more than 2, 000 feet, theroads generally slope towards the low land of Barka. 

From Ain to Haboob [Footnote: The Anseba, at the point we crossed, is about 4, 000 feet above the level of the sea; Haboob about 4, 500. ]the country is well wooded, and watered by innumerable small streams. The soil is formed of the detritus of the volcanic rocks, speciallyof feldspar; pumice abounds in the ravines. The channels of therivulets are the only roads for the traveller. This mountain chainis, on the whole, a pleasant spot, more delightful for the reasonthat it rises between the arid shores of the Red Sea and the flat, hot, and level plains of the Soudan. The province of Barka is aboundless prairie, about 2, 500 feet above the level of the sea, covered at the time of our journey with half-dried grass some fiveor six feet high, and dotted here and there with small woods ofstunted mimosas. 

From Barka to Metemma we find alluvium as the general formation. 

Water is scarce; even a month after the rainy season all the riversare dried up, and water is only obtained by digging in the sand ofthe dry beds of the river Barka and its tributaries. When we passedthrough these plains many spots were still green; but a few monthslater we should have crossed a parched-up prairie little betterthan the desert itself. 

Our pretty songsters of Ain were no more to be seen. The guinea-fowlwas seldom met with, and only a few tiny antelopes wandered overthe solitary expanse. Instead, we were aroused by the roar of thelion, the laugh of the hyena, and we had to protect our sheep andgoats, as the spotted leopard was lurking around our tents. 

On the 31st of October we reached Zaga, a large sloping plainsituated at the junction of the Barka and the Mogareib. Water canbe obtained at that spot by digging wells in the dried-up beds ofthe rivers, in sufficient quantity to have induced the Beni Amerto make it their winter encamping-ground. 

We had that day made a very long march, on account of the absenceof water on the road. Starting at two P. M. , we only reached ourhalting ground (the bed of a dried-up winter torrent, a few hundredyards below the Beni Amer's camp), a couple of hours before daybreak. We were so sleepy and tired that during the latter part of the stageit had been with great difficulty that we managed to keep in thesaddle; and no sooner did our guide give us the grateful intelligencethat we had arrived, than we stretched on the ground the piece oftanned cowhide we carried with us, and covering ourselves with ourcloaks, lay down to rest until daybreak. I offered to Mr. Marcopolito share my "bedding, " as his own had not arrived, and in a fewminutes we both fell into that deep slumber that follows theexhaustion of a long weary march. I remember my disgust at beingviolently shaken by my bed companion; who, in a faint and tremblingvoice, whispered into my ear: "Look there!" I understood at oncehis look of anguish and terror, for two splendid lions, not morethan twenty paces from us, were drinking near the wells that hadbeen sank by the Arabs. I thought, and told my companion, that aswe had no fire-arms with us; the wisest plan was to go to sleep andremain as quiet as possible. I set him the example, and only wokeup late in the morning, when the sun was already high up and pouringits burning rays over my uncovered head. Marcopoli, with an absentterrified look impressed on his countenance, was still sitting nearme. He told me that he had not slept, but kept watching the lions:they had remained for a long time, drinking, roaring and beatingtheir sides with their tails; and even when they departed he keptlistening to their dreadful roar, sounding more distant as the firstrays of day appeared. 

We had, no doubt, had a narrow escape, as that night a lion hadcarried away a man and a child who had strayed from the Arabencampment. The Sheik of the Beni Amer, during the few days weremained at Zaga, with true Arab hospitality, always placed atnight a strong guard around our tent, to watch the large fires thatthey kindle in order to keep at a respectful distance these unwelcomenight rovers. 

We had agreed with the Hababs that we would exchange camels at thisspot, but none could be obtained for love or money. It was luckyfor us that the Bedouins had by this time found out that all whitemen are not Turks, otherwise we should have been cast helpless inthe very centre of Barka. The Beni Amers could never be inducedeven to acknowledge that they had camels, though more than 10, 000were grazing under our very eyes. 

The Beni Amers are Arabs, speak the Arab language, and have preservedup to the present day all the characteristics of their race. Aroving Bedouin of the Yemen and a Beni Amer are so much alike thatit seems hardly credible that the Beni Amers possess no record oftheir advent on the African coast, or of the causes that inducedthem to leave the land of their ancestors. Their long, black, silkyhair has not acquired the woolly texture of that of the sons ofHam, and the small extremities, the well-knit limbs, the straightnose and small lips, the dark bronzed complexion, distinguish themalike from the Shankallas and the Barias, and from the mixed racesof the plateaus. They wear a piece of cloth a few yards in length, folded round the body, with an elegance peculiar to the savage. Even with this dirty rag, they must be admired, like the Italianbeggar, not only for their beautiful forms, but also for the lookof impudence and roguery displayed in the bright glare of theirdark eyes. The Beni Amers retain to a high degree that nuisance sowell described by a distinguished traveller in the East, and, liketheir brethren of the Arabian shore, they are _une race bavardeet criarde_. They pay a nominal tribute to the Egyptian Government, and the reason we could not obtain camels was that, troops beingmoved about, they feared that on their arrival at Kassala they wouldbe pressed into the Government service, and not only receive nopay, but most likely in the end lose the greater number of theircamels. This tribe roams along the banks of the Barka and its manytributaries. Zaga is only their winter station; at other times theywander over the immense plains north of Barka in search of pastureand water for their innumerable flocks. All over the district ofZaga camps appeared in every direction; the herds of cattle, especially camels, seemed without number: this all indicates thatthey form a wealthy, powerful tribe. 

We encamped near their head-quarters, where resides the Sheik ofall the Beni Amers, Ahmed, surrounded by his wives, children, andpeople. He is a man of middle age, conspicuous among his cunningfollowers by a shrewd and crafty look. He was friendly to us, andpresented us with a few sheep and cows. His camp covered severalacres of ground, the whole enclosed by a strong fence; the wigwamsare built in a circle a few feet from the hedge; the open space inthe centre being reserved for the cattle, always driven in at night. The chief's small circular wood and grass huts contrasted favourablywith the dwellings of his followers. The latter, constructed in acircle, are formed by thrusting into the ground the extremities ofsmall branches; a few pieces of coarse matting thrown over themcomplete the structure. They cannot be more than four feet high, and their average circumference is twelve feet; nevertheless, someeight or ten unwashed faces were seen peeping through the smalldoor, staring with their black, frightened eyes at the strange whitemen. Small-pox was raging at the time with great virulence; feveralso was daily claiming many victims. I gave medicine to severalof the sufferers, and good hygienic advice to Sheik Ahmed. Helistened with all becoming respect to the good things that fellfrom the Hakeem's lips: he would see; but they had never done sobefore, and with Mussulman bigotry and superstition he put an endto the conversation by an "Allah Kareem. " [Footnote: "God is merciful"]

On the 3rd of November we were again on the march. On the 5th wearrived al Sabderat, the first permanent village we had met withsince leaving Moncullou. This village--in appearance similar tothose of the Samhar--is built on the side of a large graniticmountain, cleft in two from the summit to the base. Numerous wellsare dug in the dried-up bed of the water-course that separates thevillage. The inhabitants of this divided village often contendbetween themselves for the possession of the precious fluid; andwhen the rushing waters have disappeared, human passions too oftenfill with strife and warfare the otherwise quiet bed of the stream. 

On the morning of November 6 we entered Kassala. The Nab's nephewhad preceded us, to inform the governor of our arrival, and presenthim with a letter recommending us to the care of the authorities, written by the Pasha of Egypt. To honour us according to his mastersfirman, the governor sent all the garrison to meet us a few milesfrom the town, with a polite apology for his absence, due to sickness. The senior partner of the Greek firm of Paniotti also came to welcomeus, and afforded us the hospitality of his house and board. 

Kassala, the capital of Takka, a walled town near the River Gash, containing about 10, 000 inhabitants, is on the model of most modernEgyptian towns, public as well as private buildings being alike ofmud. The arsenal, barracks, &c. Are the only structures of anyimportance. Beautiful gardens have been made at a short distancefrom the town, near the Biver Gash, by the European portion of thecommunity. Just before, and immediately after the rains, the placeis very unhealthy. During those months malarious fever and dysenteryprevail to a great extent. 

Kassala, formerly a prosperous city, the centre of all the tradeof the immense tract of country included from Massowah and Suakinto the Nile, and from Nubia to Abyssinia, was, at the date of ourarrival, almost deserted, covered with ruins and rank vegetation, destitute of the most common necessaries of life, the spectre ofits former self, haunted by its few remaining ghost-like andplague-stricken citizens. Kassala had just gone through the ordealof a mutiny of Nubian troops. Pernicious fevers, malignant dysenteriesand cholera had decimated both rebels and loyalists; war and sicknesshad marched hand in hand to make of this fair oasis of the Soudana wilderness painful to contemplate. The mutiny broke out in July. The Nubian troops had not been paid for two years, and when theyclaimed a portion of their arrears, they only met with a sternrefusal. Under these circumstances, it is not astonishing that theybecame ready listeners to the treasonable words and extravagantpromises made to them by one of their petty chiefs, named Denda, adescendant of the former Nubian kings. They matured their plot ingreat secresy, and every one was horrified one morning to learnthat the black troops had broken out in open mutiny and murderedtheir officers, and, no longer restrained, had followed their naturalinclinations to revel in carnage and plunder. A few Egyptian regularshad, luckily, possession of the arsenal, and held it against theseinfuriated savages until troops could arrive from Kedaref andKhartoum. The Europeans and Egyptians gallantly defended their partof the town. They erected walls and small earthworks betweenthemselves and the mutineers, and continually on the alert, thoughfew in number, they repulsed with great gallantry the assault ofthe fiends thirsting for their lives and property. Egyptian troopspoured in from all directions and relieved the besieged city. Morethan a thousand of the mutineers were killed near the gates of thetown; nearly a thousand more were tried and executed; and those whoattempted to escape the vengeance of the merciless pasha and fledfor safety to the wilderness, were hunted down like beasts by theroving Bedouins. Though order was now restored, it was no easymatter to obtain camels. It required all the power and persuasionof the authorities to induce the Shukrie-Arabs to enter the townand convey us to Kedaref. 

We heard at Kassala the miserable end of Le Comte de Bisson's madenterprise. It appears that the Comte, formerly an officer in theNeapolitan army, had married at an advanced age a beautiful, accomplished and rich heiress, the daughter of some contractor; itwas "a mariage de convenance, " a title bought by wealth and beauty. In the autumn of 1864, De Bisson reached Kassala accompanied bysome fifty adventurers, the scum of the outcasts of all nations, who had enrolled themselves under the standard of the ambitionsComte, "on the promised assurance that power and wealth would be, before long, their envied portion. " De Bisson's idea seems to havebeen to personify a second Moses: he came not only to colonize, butalso to convert. The wild roving Bedouin of the Barka plains would, he believed, not only at once and with gratitude acknowledge hisrule, but would soon, abandoning his false creed, fall prostratebefore the altar he intended to erect in the wilderness. About ahundred town Arabs were induced to join the European party, --auseless set of vagabonds, who adorned themselves with the regimentaluniform, accepted the rifle, pistol, and sword, drew their rations, were punctual in their attendance and always ready to salaam, butshowed much dislike to the drill and other civilized notions theComte and his officers endeavoured to impress upon them. 

Their departure from Kassala for the land of milk and honey wasquite theatrical; in front rode on a camel, a gallant captain (whohad taken his discharge from the Austrian service, ) playing on thebugle a parting "fanfare;" behind him, the second in command, mountedon a prancing charger, and followed by the European part of theforce, who with military step, and shoulder to shoulder, marchedas men for whom victory is their slave. Behind came Le Comte himself, clad in a general's uniform, his breast covered with the manydecorations which sovereigns had only been too proud to confer onsuch a noble spirit; next to him rode gracefully his beautiful wife, looking handsomer still in the picturesque kepi and red uniform ofa French zouave; behind, closing the march, the well-knit Arabs, with plunder written in their dark bright eyes, marched with a quickelastic step and as much regularity as could be expected from menwho abhorred order and had been drilled for so short a time. NeedI say that the expedition failed utterly? The Arabs of the plainsdeclined to accept another pontiff and king in the person of thegallant and noble Comte. They were even vicious enough to inducethose of their brethren who had accepted service, to return to theirformer occupations, and _forget to leave_ behind them on theirdeparture the arms, clothes, etc. , which had been dealt out to themon their entering the Comte's service. 

The return to Kassala was humble: there was no trumpet this time;the brilliant uniforms had given way to soiled and patched raiments:even the general adopted a civilian's dress; the lady alone wasstill smiling, laughing, beautiful as ever; but no Arab in gaudyattire closed the hungry-looking and worn out cortege. De Bissonhad failed: but why?--Because the Egyptian Government had not onlyafforded none of the assistance that had been promised to him, butall at once stopped the supplies he considered himself entitled toexpect. A claim of I do not know how many millions was at once madeon the Egyptian Government. A commissioner was sent out, who itappears took a very different view of the question, as he declaredthe "Comte's" pretensions absurd and unreasonable. The Comte soonafterwards, with his wife, returned to Nice, leaving at Kassala theremnant of his European army; the few who had not succumbed to feveror other malarious diseases. 

At the time of the mutiny of the Nubian troops, a few not in hospitalor on their way to Khartoum or Massowah, fought well; two even paidwith their lives their gallant attempt at a sortie, and they hadgained for themselves, by their bravery in those difficult times, the respect they had lost during the long days of inaction. 

De Bisson was instrumental in spreading the most fallacious reportsas to the condition of the captives held by Theodore, and even whenan army was already marching to their rescue, "correct" accountsappeared of the repulse of the British by Theodore; at another timea mendacious report was spread that a great battle had been foughtin Tigré between Theodore and a powerful rebel--a battle which wassaid to have lasted three days without any marked success havingbeen gained by either side; and that Theodore, having perceived inthe enemy's camp some Europeans, had sent orders for our immediateexecution; the fulfilment of the sentence resting with the Empress, who was residing at Gondar, and that his (De Bisson's) agent wasusing his influence to stay the execution. Absurd and ridiculousas were these reports, they were not the less productive of greatdistress to the families and friends of the captives. 

During the five days we spent at Kassala, I am happy to say that Iwas able to relieve many sufferers; amongst them our host himself, and one of his guests, a young, well-educated Egyptian officer, laid at death's door by a severe attack of dysentery. 

A Nubian colonel called on us one morning; he strongly advised usto stop before it was too late. He had heard much about Theodore'sdoings, and assured us that we would meet but with deceit andtreachery at his hands. On our telling him that we were officersand bound to obey, he said, nothing more, but bid us good-by in asorrowful voice. 

 CHAPTER VI. 

Departure from Kassala--Sheik Abu Sin--Rumours of Theodore'sDefeat by Tisso Gobazé--Arrival at Metemma--Weekly Market--The Takruries at Drill--Their Foray into Abyssinia--Arrivalof Letters from Theodore. 

On the afternoon of the 10th November we started for Kedaref. Ourroute now lay in a more southerly direction. On the 13th we crossedthe Atbara, a tributary of the Nile, bringing to the father ofrivers the waters of Northern Abyssinia. On the 17th we enteredSheik Abu Sin, the capital of the province of Kedaref. [Footnote:From Kassala to Kedaref is about 120 miles. ] Our cameleers belongedto the Shukrie-Arabs. They are a semi-pastoral, semi-agriculturaltribe, and reside principally in the neighbourhood of and along thecourse of the Atbara, or wander over the immense plains that extendalmost without limit from this river to the Nile. They are moredegenerated than the Beni-Amers, having mixed more with the Nubianand other tribes that dwell around them. They speak an impureArabic. Many have retained the features and general appearance ofthe original race, whilst others might be looked upon as half-castes, and some can with difficulty be distinguished from the Nubians orTakruries. 

From Kassala to Kedaref we crossed interminable plains, coveredwith high grass, speckled here and there with woods of mimosas, tooscanty to afford the slightest shade or protection during the fearfulheat of the mid-day sun. Here and there on the horizon appeared afew isolated peaks; the Djbel Kassala, a few miles south of thecapital of Takka. Eastward, the Ela Hugel and the Abo-Gamel werein sight for many days, whilst towards the west, lost almost in themisty horizon, appeared in succession the outlines of Derkeda andKassamot. 

The valley of the Atbara, luxuriant in vegetation, inhabited by allvarieties of the feathered tribe, visited by the huge thirstyquadruped of the savannah, presented a spectacle so grand in itssavage beauty that we could with difficulty tear ourselves from itsshady groves; had it not been that "Forward" was our watchword, wewould, braving malaria, have spent a few days near its green andfragrant banks. 

Sheik Abu Sin is a large village; the houses are circular and builtof wood and covered with straw; A small hut belonging to the firmof Paniotti, our host of Kassala, was placed at our disposal. Weshortly afterwards received the visit of a Greek merchant, who cameto consult me for a stiff joint brought on by a gun-shot wound. Itappears, that some years before, whilst riding a camel on anelephant-hunting expedition, the gun, a large half-ounce bore, wentoff by itself, he never knew how. All the bones of the fore-arm hadbeen smashed, the cicatrice of a dreadful flesh-wound showed whatsufferings he had undergone, and it was indeed a wonder for me that, residing as he did in such a hot unhealthy climate, deprived of allmedical advice, he had not succumbed to the effects of the wound, still more that he had been able to save the limb. I considered thecure so extraordinary, that, as there was nothing to be done, Iadvised him to leave well alone. 

The governor also called upon us, and we returned his civility. Whilstsipping our coffee with him and other grandees of the place, we weretold that Tisso Gobazé, one of the rebels, had beaten Theodore andmade him a prisoner. He said he believed the news to be correct, butadvised us to inquire into it on our arrival at Metemma, and shouldwe find it untrue, to return on our steps and on no account to enterAbyssinia if Theodore was still the ruler. He then gave us some examplesof the Emperor's cruelty and treachery; but we did not put much credencein his word, as we knew that of old a bad feeling existed between theAbyssinian Christians and their Mussulman neighbours of the plain. At Metemma that rumour was not even known; however, we had no choice, and never thought one instant of anything else but of accomplishing themission intrusted to us, in face of all perils and dangers. 

At Kedaref we were lucky enough to arrive on a market-day, consequentlyhad no difficulty in exchanging camels. That very evening we were_en route_ again, still towards the south, but this time makingalmost an angle with our former route, marching towards the risingsun. 

Between Sabderat and Kassala, between that town and the Gash, wehad for the first time seen some cultivation; but it was nothingcompared to the immense vista of cultivated fields, beginning aday's journey from Sheik Abu Sin, and extending, almost withoutinterruption, throughout the provinces of Kedaref and Galabat. Villages appeared in all directions, crowning every rounded hillock. As we advanced, these eminences increased in size until they gaveplace to hills and mountains, which ultimately blend with theuninterrupted chain of high peaks forming the Abyssinian table-land, now again, after so many days, rising before us. 

We arrived at Metemma on the afternoon of the 21st of November. Inthe absence of Sheik Jumma, the potentate of these regions, we werereceived by his _alter ego_, who put one of the Imperial residences--a wretched barn--at the disposal of the "great men from England. "If we deduct the seven days we were obliged to halt _en route_, on account of the difficulty we had in obtaining camels, we performedthe whole journey between Massowah and Metemma, a distance of about440 miles, in thirty days. Our journey on the whole was extremelydreary and fatiguing. Apart from a few pretty spots, such as fromAin to Haboob, the valleys of the Anseba and Atbara, and from Kedarefto Galabat, we crossed only endless savannahs, saw not a humanbeing, not a hut, only now and then a few antelopes, or the tracksof elephants, and heard no sound but the roar of wild beasts. Twiceour caravan was attacked by lions; unfortunately we did not seethem, as we were on both occasions riding ahead, but every nightwe heard their awful roar, echoing like distant thunder in the stillnights of those silent prairies. 

The heat of the day was at times really painful. In order that thecamels might start in time, our tents were packed early; sometimeswe would sit for hours waiting the good pleasure of the cameleersunder the scanty shade of a mimosa, vainly endeavouring to find inits dwarfed foliage a relief from the burning rays of the sun. Nightafter night, be it moonlight or starlight, on we went; the task wasbefore us, and duty urged us on to reach the land where our countrymenwere lingering in chains. Often in the saddle between three and, four P. M. , we have jogged along on our wearied mules until themorning star had disappeared before the first rays of day. Forseveral days we had no water but the hot and filthy fluid we carriedin leathern skins; and even this nauseous decoction was so scantyand precious, that we could not afford to soothe the sun-burnt skinand refresh the exhausted frame by a timely ablution. 

Notwithstanding the discomfort, inconveniences, nay, danger ofcrossing the Soudan in that unhealthy season of the year, by careand attention we reached Metemma without having had a single deathto lament. Several of the followers and native servants, even Mr. Rassam, suffered more or less from fever. They all eventuallyrecovered, and when a few weeks later we started for Abyssinia, thewhole party was in better health than when we left the hot andsultry shores of the Red Sea. 

Metemma, the capital of Galabat, a province situated on the westernfrontier of Abyssinia, is built in a large valley, about four milesfrom the Atbara. A small rivulet runs at the foot of the village, and separates Galabat from Abyssinia. On the Abyssinian side thereis a small village, inhabited by the few Abyssinian traders whoreside there during the winter months; at which period a largetraffic is carried on with the interior. The round, conical hut ishere again the abode of all classes the size and better state ofrepair being the only visible difference between the dwelling ofthe rich and that of his less fortunate neighbour. Sheik Jumma'spalaces are inferior to many of his subjects' huts, probably todispel the credited suspicion that he is rich, and that incalculabletreasures are buried under the ground. The huts put at our disposalwere, as I have already stated, his property; they are situated onone of the small hills that overlook the town; the Sheik removesthere with his family during the rainy season, as it is in somedegree less unhealthy than the swampy ground below. 

Though following the creed of the Medina prophet, the capital ofGalabat cannot boast of a single mosque. 

The inhabitants of Galabat are Takruries, a negro race from Darfur. They number about 10, 000; of these 2, 000 reside in the capital, theremainder in the many villages that arise in all directions amidstcultivated fields and green meadows. The whole province is welladapted for agricultural purposes. Small rounded hillocks, separatedby sloping valleys watered by many rivulets, impart a pleasingaspect to the whole district; and if it was not for the extremeunhealthiness of the place, it is possible to understand the selectionmade by the Darfur pilgrims: though it is no compliment paid totheir own native land. The pious Darfur Mussulmans, on their wayto Mecca, observed this favoured spot, and fancied it realized, _minus_ the houris, some of the inferior Paradises of Mohammed. At last some remained; Metemma was built; other pilgrims followedthe example; and soon, though a lazy and indolent race, owing tothe extreme fertility of the soil, they formed a prosperous colony. 

At the outset they acknowledged the Sultan of Darfur, paid himtribute, and were governed by one of his officers. But the Galabatcolony soon found out that the Egyptians and Abyssinians were moreto be feared than their distant sovereign, who could neither protectnor injure them; accordingly, they quietly murdered the viceroyfrom Darfur, and elected a Sheik from amongst themselves. The rulerat once made terms with both Egyptians and Abyssinians, and tenderedyearly tribute to both. This wise but servile policy met with thebest results; the colony increased and prospered, trade flourished, Abyssinians and Egyptians flocked to the well-supplied market, andthe tribute of a few thousand dollars to each party fell lightlyon the now rich and cunning negroes. 

From November to May, on Mondays and Tuesdays, the market is heldon a large open space in the centre of the village. Abyssiniansbring horses, mules, cattle, and honey; the Egyptian merchantdisplays in his stall, calico, shirtings, hardware, and gaudy prints. Arabs and Takruries arrive with camels laden with cotton and grain. The market-place is now a crowded and exciting scene: horses aretried by half-naked jockeys, who, with whip and heel, drive at afurious pace their diminutive steeds, reckless as to the limbs andlives of the venturous spectators. 

Here cotton is being loaded on donkeys, and will soon find its wayto Tschelga and Gondar; here some fat Nubian girls, redolent withrancid castor-oil flowing from their woolly heads down their necksand shoulders, issue grinning from a Frank's store, holding in theirhands red and yellow kerchiefs, the long-desired object of theirdreams. The whole scene is lively; good-humour prevails; and thoughthe noise is fearful, the bargaining being long and clamorous, andevery one is armed with lance or club, still, all is peaceful: noblood is ever shed on these occasions but that of a few cows, killedfor the many visitors from the high country who enjoy their rawbeefsteak under the cool shadow of the willows that border thestream. 

On Friday the scene changes. On that day the whole community isseized with martial ardour. Having no mosque, the Takruries devotetheir holy day to ceremonies more suited to their taste, and resortto the market-place, now transformed into a parade-ground, a fewto drill, the greater number to admire. Some Takruries, havingserved for a time in the Egyptian army, returned to their adoptedland full of the value of disciplined troops, and of the superiorityof muskets over lances and sticks. They prevailed on their countrymento form a regiment on the model of "master's, " Old muskets werepurchased, and Sheik Jumma had the glory to see during his reignthe 1st, or Jumma's Own, rise to existence. A more ludicrous sightcould not, I believe, be witnessed. About a hundred flat-nosed, woolly, grinning negroes march around the parade-ground in Indianfile, out of step, for about ten minutes. Line is then formed, butnot being as yet well up to the proper value of the words of command, half face on one side, half on the other. Still the crowd admires;white teeth are displayed from ear to ear. The yellow-eyed monstersnow feel confident that with such support nothing is impossible, and no sooner is "stand at ease" proclaimed, than the spectatorsrush, forward to admire more closely, and to congratulate, thefuture heroes of Metemma. 

Sheik Jumma is an ugly specimen of an ugly race: he is about sixtyyears of age, tall and lank, with a wrinkled face, very black, having a few grey patches on the chin, and the owner of a nose soflat that it requires time to see that he has one at all; He isgenerally drunk, and spends the greater part of the year carryingthe tribute either to the Abyssinian Lion, or to his other masterthe Pasha of Khartoum. A few days after our arrival at Metemma hereturned from Abyssinia, and politely paid us a visit, accompaniedby a motley and howling train of followers. We returned his call;but he had got drunk in the interval, and was at least uncivil, ifnot positively rude. 

During our stay we had occasion to witness the great yearly, festivalof the re-election of the Sheik. Early in the morning a crowd ofTakruries came pouring in from all directions, armed with sticksor spears, a few mounted, the majority on foot, all howling andscreeching (I believe they call it singing), so that before eventhe dust raised by a new party could be seen, the ear was deafenedby their clamour. Every Takrurie warrior--that is, every one whocan howl and carry a bludgeon or lance--is entitled to a vote; forthis privilege he pays a dollar. The polling consists in countingthe money, and the amount decides the ruler's fate. The re-electedSheik (such was the result of the election we witnessed) killedcows, supplied jowaree loaves, and, above all, immense jars ofmerissa (a kind of sour toast-and-water, intoxicating for all that), and feasted for two days the whole body of the electors. It isdifficult to say which of the two is out of pocket, the elector orthe Sheik. There is no doubt that every Takrurie will eat and drinkto the full amount of his dollar; is content with paying his homage, and wishes to have the worth of his money. Bribery is unknown! Thedrums, the sign of royalty, have been silent for three days (duringthe interregnum), but the cows are no sooner slaughtered and themerissa handed round by black maidens or fair Galla slaves, thantheir monotonous beat is again heard; soon to be drowned under thehowling chorus of two thousand intoxicated negroes. 

The following morning the whole assembled "by orders" on a placesome distance from the town. Arranged in a large crescent, SheikJamma addressed his warriors in these words: "We are a strong andmighty people, unequalled in horsemanship and in the use of theclub and the spear!" Moreover, (said he), they had increased theirpower by adopting the system of fire-arms, the real strength of theTurks. He was all-confident that the very sight of their gunmenwould strike terror into every neighbouring tribe. He ended byproposing a raid into Abyssinia, and said: "We will take cows, slaves, horses, and mules, and please our master the great Theodoreby plundering his enemy Tisso Gobazé!" A wild _feu-de-joie_, and a terrible roar, from the excited crowd, informed the old Sheikthat his proposal was accepted. That very same afternoon they startedon their expedition, and probably surprised some peaceful district, as they returned after a few days, driving before them severalthousand heads of cattle. 

Metemma, from May to November, is very unhealthy. The principaldiseases are continued, remittent, and intermittent fevers, diarrhoea, and dysentery. The Takruries are a tough race, and resist well thenoxious influences of the climate; but not so the Abyssinian, orthe white man: the first is almost certain to die should he attemptto spend the dreaded months in the malarious low country, the secondmost probably will suffer much in health, but resist for a seasonor two. During our stay, I had many demands for medicine. Large, cake-like spleens were greatly reduced by local applications oftincture of iodine, and the internal administration of small dosesof quinine and iodine of potassium. Chronic diarrhoea yielded readilyto a few doses of castor oil, followed by opium and tannic acid. Acute and chronic dysentery was treated by ipecacuanha, followedby astringents. One of my patients was the son and heir of theSheik. He had been suffering for the last two years from chronicdysentery; and although under my care he entirely recovered, hisungrateful father never even thanked me for all my trouble. Simpleophthalmia, skin diseases, and glandular swellings were also common. 

The Takruries have no knowledge whatever of medicine: charms arehere, as throughout the Soudan, the great remedy. They are alsoused as preventatives to keep off the evil eye, bad spirits, andgenii of different sorts; for these reasons almost every individual--nay, cattle, mules, and horses, are covered with amulets of allshapes and sizes. 

The day after our arrival at Metemma we despatched two messengerswith a letter to the Emperor Theodore, to inform him that we hadreached Metemma, the place he had himself fixed upon, and were onlywaiting for his permission to proceed to his presence. We fearedthat the fickle despot might change his mind, and leave us for anunlimited period in the unhealthy Galabat. More than a month hadelapsed, and we were giving way to despair, when, to our great joy, on the 25th of December (1865), the messengers we had despatchedon our arrival, also those sent from Massowah at the time of ourdeparture, returned, bringing for us civil and courteous answersfrom his Majesty. Sheik Jumma was also ordered by his Abyssinianmaster to treat us well, and to provide us with camels up to Wochnee. At that village, Theodore informed us, we should be met by an escortand by some of his officers, by whom arrangements would be made toconvey our luggage to the imperial camp. 

 CHAPTER VII. 

Entrance into Abyssinia--Altercation between Takruries andAbyssinians at Wochnee--Our Escort and Bearers--Applicationsfor Medicine--First Reception by his Majesty--The Queen's LetterTranslated, and Presents Delivered--Accompany his Majesty throughMetcha--His Conversation _en route_. 

Heartily sick of Metemma, and longing to climb the high range solong a forbidden barrier to our hopes and wishes, we soon made ourpreparations, but were delayed a few days on account of the camels. Sheik Jumma, probably proud of his late achievements seemed to takehis orders pretty coolly, and, had we not been more anxious ourselvesto penetrate into the tiger's den than the Sheik to comply with theKing's request, we should no doubt have remained many a day longerat the court of that negro potentate. By dint of courteous messages;promises, and threats, the required number of camels was at lastforthcoming, so that on the afternoon of the 28th December, 1865, we passed the Ethiopian Rubicon, and halted for the night onAbyssinian ground. On the morning of the 30th we arrived at Wochnee, and pitched our tents under some sycamores at a short distance fromthe village. This, our first stage in Abyssinia, led us throughwoods of mimosas, acacias, and incense-trees; the undulating ground, waving like the ocean after a storm, was covered with high and stillgreen grass. As we advanced, the ground became more irregular andbroken, and we crossed several ravines, having each its small runningrivulet of crystal water. By-and-by the rounded hillocks acquireda more abrupt and steep appearance; the grass was no longer talland green, but fine and dry; the sycamore, the cedar, and largetimber-trees began to appear. As we approached Wochnee, our routewas a succession of ascents and descents more precipitous and veryfatiguing, as we trudged through deep ravines and climbed thealmost perpendicular sides of the first range of the Abyssinianmountains. 

At Wochnee we found no one to welcome us. The cameleers, havingunladen their camels, were going to depart, when a servant of oneof the officers sent to receive us by his Majesty arrived. He broughtus compliments from his master, who could not join us for a fewdays, as he was collecting bearers; he told us that we must proceedanother stage by the camels, as no bearers could be obtained in thedistrict of Wochnee. A serious altercation then took place betweenthe governor of Wochnee and the cameleers. They declined to proceedany further, and after a short consultation between themselves, each man seized his camel and walked away. But the governor and theofficer's servant had also been consulting together: seeing thecameleers departing, they went to the village, and, as it happenedto be market-day, soon collected a good number of soldiers andpeasants. As the cameleers were passing close to the village, ona given signal, the whole of the camels were seized. I regret tosay, for the honour of the Arabs and Takruries, that, though wellarmed, they did not show fight, but on the contrary, ran away inevery direction. Unwilling to lose their precious beasts of burden, the owners returned by twos and threes. More consultations followed:at last, on the promise of an extra dollar for each, and a cow forall, peace and harmony were satisfactorily restored. After a coupleof hours' march, we reached Balwaha. I can understand the difficultiesthe cameleers raised, as the road is exceedingly bad for camels, passing as it does over two high and steep mountains and across twonarrow ravines densely overgrown with tall bamboos. 

At Balwaha we encamped in a small natural enclosure, formed bybeautiful foliaged trees. Three days after our arrival, two of theofficers sent by Theodore to meet us at last made their appearance, but no bearers. We had unfortunately arrived during the last daysof the long feast before Christmas, and we must, said the chief ofthe escort, have patience till the feast was over. 

On the 6th January about twelve hundred peasants were assembled, but the confusion was so great that no start could be made beforethe following day, and even then we only made the short stage offour miles. The greater part of the heavy baggage was left behind, and it required a reinforcement from Tschelga to allow us to proceedon our journey. On the 9th we made a better stage, and halted forthe night on a small plateau opposite the high hill fort of ZerAmba. 

We were now fairly in the mountains, and had often to dismount todescend some precipitous declivity, wondering how our mules couldclimb the opposite steep, wall-like ascent. On the 10th the sameawful road, only worse and worse as we advanced; and when at lastwe had ascended the almost perpendicular precipice that leads tothe Abyssinian plateau itself, and admired the grand vista that layat our feet, we congratulated ourselves upon having at last reachedthe land of promise. We halted a few miles from the market townof Tschelga, at a place called Wali Dabba. Here we had to exchangebearers and consequently to wait several days till the new onesarrived, or anything like order could be introduced. From that daymy troubles began. 

I was at all hours of the day surrounded by an importuning crowd, of all ages and sexes, afflicted by the many ills that flesh isheir to. I had no more privacy, and no more rest. Did I leave ourcamp with my gun in search of game, a clamorous crowd followed me. On the march, at every halt from Wali Dabba to Theodore's camp inDamot, I heard nothing else from sunrise to sunset but the incessantcries of "_Abiet, abiet; medanite, medanite_. " [Footnote: "LordMaster, medicine, medicine. "] I did my best; I attended at any hourof the day those who would benefit from a few doses of medicine. But this did not satisfy the great majority, composed of oldsyphilitic cases, nor the leper, nor those suffering from elephantiasis, the epileptic, the scrofulous, or those who had been mutilated atthe hands of the cruel Gallas. Day after day the crowd of patientsincreased; those who had met with refusal remained in the hope thaton another day the "Hakeem's" boxes of unheard-of medicine mightbe opened, for them also. New ones daily poured in. The many curesof simple cases that I had been able to accomplish spread my famefar and wide, and even reached my countrymen at Magdala, who heardthat an English Hakeem had arrived, who could break bones andinstantly set them, so that the individual operated upon walkedaway like the paralytic in Holy Writ. At last the nuisance becameintolerable, and I was obliged to keep my tent closed all day long;whenever I left it I was surrounded by an admiring crowd. Theofficers of the escort were obliged to place a guard round my tent, and only allowed their relatives and friends to approach. Still, these were often countless, and it was not till the dread of thedespot overcame even their love of life and health, that successfuland unsuccessful postulants returned to their homes. 

On the 13th January we began our march towards the Emperor's camp, and passed successively through the provinces of Tschelga, part ofDembea, Dagossa, Wandigé, Atchefur, Agau Medar, and Damot, leavingthe Tana Sea on our left. The three first-named provinces had a fewyears before fallen under the wrath of the despot; every villagehad been burnt, every crop destroyed, and the inhabitants had eitherperished from famine or been absorbed into the Imperial army. Afew had just then returned to their broken-down homes, on hearingof the pardon proclaimed by the Emperor; who, after three years, had relented, and allowed those who still wandered in distantprovinces, destitute and homeless, to return again to the land oftheir fathers. Here and there, amongst the ruins of former prosperousvillages, some half-starved and almost naked peasants were seenerecting small sheds on the ashes of their ancestral huts, near theland they were going again to cultivate. Alas, they knew not howsoon the same merciless hand would be stretched upon them! Atchefurhad also been plundered at the same date; but their "crime" nothaving been so great, the "father of his people" had been contentto strip them of all their property, and did not call fire in aidto complete his vengeance. The villages of Atchefur are large andwell built; some, such as Limju, can rank with small towns; but thepeople had a poor and miserable appearance. The small amount ofcultivation indicated but too plainly that they expected anotherplunder, and just tilled the soil enough to meet their immediatewants. 

[Illustration: VILLAGE OF DANKORA IN ATCHEFUR. ]

[Illustration: CHURCH OF KEDUS GEORGIS AND VILLAGE OF NEFASA AGAU MEDUR. ]

The Agau Medars were always pets of the Emperor; he never plunderedthem, or, what is the same, he never made any lengthened "friendlystay" among them. The rich and abundant harvest ready for the sickle, the numerous herds of cattle grazing in the flower-speckled meadows, the large and neat villages, the happy look of the peasants, clearlyproved what Abyssinia can do for its children if their rich andfertile soil was not laid waste in wanton destruction, and themselvesdriven by warfare and bloodshed to perish from misery and hunger. 

Theodore's camp was at this time in Damot. He had already burnt, plundered, and slaughtered to his heart's content; it is thereforenot astonishing that from Agau to his camp we saw, apart from ourescort and bearers, not a human being: no sleek cattle, no smilinghamlet--a dire, contrast to the happy Agau that "St. Michaelprotects. "

The 25th of January was our last stage. We had halted the nightbefore at a short distance from the Imperial camp. The black andwhite tents of Theodore, pitched on a high conical hill, stood outin bold relief as the setting sun made the dark background darkerstill. A faint, distant hum, such as one hears on approaching alarge city, came now and then to us, carried by the soft eveningbreeze, and the smoke that arose for miles around the dark hillcrowned by its silent tents, left us no, doubt that we should beforelong find ourselves face to face with the African despot, and thatwe were even then almost in the midst of his countless host. As weapproached, messenger after messenger came to meet us; we had tohalt several times, march on again for a while, and then halt anew;at last the chief of the escort told us that it was time to dress. A small rowtie was accordingly pitched; we put on our uniforms, and, mounting again, we had hardly proceeded a hundred yards, when, coming to a sudden turn in the road, we saw displayed before us oneof those Eastern scenes which brought back to our memory the daysof Lobo and of Bruce. 

A conical wooded hill, opposite to the one honoured by the Imperialtents, was covered to the very summit by the gunners and spearmenof Theodore; all in gala dress; they were clad in shirts ofrich-coloured silks, the black, brown, or red lamd [Footnote: Apeculiar mantle of fur or velvet. ] falling from their shoulders, the bright iron of the lances glancing in the light of the middaysun which poured its rays through the dark foliage of the cedars. In the valley between the hills a large body of cavalry, about10, 000 strong, formed a double line, between which we advanced. Onour right, dressed in gorgeous array, almost all bearing the silvershield and the Bitwa, their horses adorned with richly platedbridles, stood the whole of the officers of his Majesty's army andhousehold, the governors of provinces and of districts, &c. Allwere mounted, some on really noble-looking animals, tribute fromthe plateaus of Yedjow and the highlands of Shoa. On our left, thecorps of cavalry was darker, but more compact, than its aristocratic_vis-à-vis_. The horses, though on the whole, perhaps, lessgraceful, were strong and in good condition; and seeing their ironranks, we could well understand how panic-stricken the poor scatteredpeasants must have been when Theodore, at the head of his well-armedand well-mounted band of ruthless followers, suddenly appeared amongtheir peaceful homes, and, before his very presence was suspected, had come, destroyed, and gone. 

In the centre opposite to us stood Ras Engeddah, the Prime Minister, distinguished from all by his gentlemanly appearance and the greatsimplicity of his attire. Bare-headed, the shama girded in tokenof respect, he delivered the Imperial message of welcome, translatedinto Arabic by Samuel, who stood by him, and whose finely chiselledfeatures and intellectual countenance at once proclaimed hissuperiority over the ignorant Abyssinian. Compliments delivered, the Ras and ourselves mounted, and advanced towards the Imperialtents, preceded by the body of mounted grandees, and followed bythe cavalry. Arrived at the foot of the hill, we dismounted, andwere conducted to a small red flannel tent pitched for our receptionon the ascent itself. There we rested for a while, and partook ofa slight collation. Towards three o'clock we were informed that theEmperor would receive us; we ascended the hill on foot, escortedby Samuel and several other officers of the Imperial household. Assoon as we reached the small plateau on the summit, an officerbrought us renewed greetings and compliments from his Majesty. Weadvanced slowly towards the beautiful durbar-tent of red and yellowsilk, between a double line of gunners, who, on a signal, fired asalute very creditable to their untaught skill. 

Arrived at the entrance of the tent, the Emperor again inquiredafter our health and welfare. Having acknowledged with due respecthis courteous inquiries, we advanced towards the throne, and deliveredinto his hands the letter from her Majesty the Queen. The Emperorreceived it civilly, and told us to sit down on the splendid carpetsthat covered the ground. The Emperor was seated on an alga, wrappedup to the eyes in a shama, the sign of greatness and of power inAbyssinia. On his right and left stood four of his principal officers, clad in rich and gay silks, and behind him watched one of his trustyfamiliars, holding a double-barrelled pistol in each hand. The Kingmade a few complaints about the European prisoners, and regrettedthat by their conduct they had interrupted the friendship formerlyexisting between the two nations. He was happy to see us, and hopedthat all would be well again. After a few compliments had beenexchanged, on the plea that we must be tired, having come so far, we were allowed to depart. 

The letter from the Queen of England, which we had handed over tohis Abyssinian Majesty, was in English, and no translation had beenaffixed to it. His Majesty did not break the seal before us, probably on account of the presence of his high officers; as hewould not have liked them to witness his disappointment had theletter not suited his views. As soon as we had reached our tent, the letter was sent to us to be translated; but as we had with usno European who understood the language of the country, it had tobe rendered first by Mr. Rassam into Arabic to Samuel, and by himfrom that language into Amharic. There is much reason to regretthat none of the Europeans in the country who were conversant withthe Amharic language were sent for before that important documentwas made over to his Majesty; for I believe that not only thetranslation was--in many respects--a bad one, but, moreover, incorrect. A simple phrase was rendered into one of deep importanceto the success of the mission--one of such serious meaning, consideringTheodore's position, that I am still inclined to believe that itwas introduced in the Amharic translation by Theodore's instructions. The English ran thus:--"And so, not doubting that you will receiveour servant Rassam in a favourable manner, and give entire creditto all that he shall say to you on our part. " This was rendered:--"Hewill do for you whatever you require, " or words to that effect. HisMajesty was greatly pleased, so his confidential servants said, with the Queen's letter; and intimated that he would before longrelease the captives. 

On the following morning Theodore sent for us. He had no one nearhim except Ras Engeddah. He was standing at the entrance of histent, leaning gracefully on his lance. He invited us to enter thetent; and there, before us, he dictated to his secretary, in presenceof Ras Engeddah, Samuel, and our interpreter, a letter to theQueen, --an humble, apologizing letter, which he never intended todespatch. 

In the afternoon we had the honour of another interview, in orderto make over to him the presents we had brought with us. He firstasked if the gifts came from the Queen or from Mr. Rassam himself. Having been informed that they had been purchased in the name ofthe Queen, he accepted them; remarking, at the same time, that hedid so not for their value, but as a token from a friendly Powerwhose renewed friendship he was so happy to acknowledge. Amongstthe presents there was a large looking-glass. Mr. Rassam, onpresenting it, told his Majesty that he had intended it for theQueen. On that his Majesty looked rather serious; but calmly repliedthat he had not been happy in his married life, and that he was onthe point of marrying another lady, to whom he would offer thesplendid mirror. Soon after our arrival, cows, sheep, honey, tej, and bread were sent in abundance, and ourselves and followers weredaily supplied with all necessaries of life from the Imperialkitchen. 

His Majesty accompanied us several stages towards the Tana Sea, Kourata having been fixed upon as our place of residence until thearrival of our countrymen from Magdala. On the first day's marchwe were left behind, on account of our luggage, and had a goodopportunity of experiencing what it is to travel with an Abyssinianarmy. The fighting men were in front with the king, but thecamp-followers (numbering on that occasion about 250, 000), encumberedas they were with the tents and provisions of the soldiers, camemore slowly behind. It is almost impossible to describe the crushand confusion that frequently took place when a small river had tobe forded, or when a single footpath led along a steep, incline ofalmost naked rocks. Thousands heaped together pushed, screamed, andvainly endeavoured to penetrate the living mass, which alwaysincreased as the mules and donkeys became more frightened, and themuddy banks of the stream more slippery and broken. Several times, driven to despair by hours of patient waiting, we went in searchof another road, or some other ford, where the crush and crowd mightbe less. It was only late in the afternoon that we reached ourencamping-ground: we had been the whole day upon a march that theEmperor accomplished in an hour and a half. 

Theodore, having heard to what inconvenience we had been put, hadthe heavy luggage conveyed as before; but ourselves, with a fewlight articles, were allowed the privilege of riding with him infront of the army. During the few days he accompanied us we madebut short stages, never more than ten miles a day. Theodore travelledwith us for several reasons: he wanted to take us by a short cutby the Tana Sea, and as the country was depopulated, he was obligedto have our luggage carried by his soldiers. He had not as yetplundered that part of Damot; the inhabitants had fled, but theharvest ready for the sickle remained, and at a sign from the Emperorwas reaped by thousands of hands. Whilst the greater part of hissoldiers were thus employed, and the sword was practically used asan implement of peace, the King, with a large body of cavalry, leftthe camp, and shortly afterwards the smoke that arose far and wideproclaimed their merciless errand. 

A few incidents that occurred during our short stay with Theodoredeserve to be recorded, as they will illustrate his character duringhis friendly moods. On our second day's march with his Majesty, (February 1st, ) the Blue Nile was crossed not far from its source;the banks were steep and slippery, the crush was fearful, and manya child or woman would have been drowned or otherwise killed hadnot Theodore sent some of the chiefs, who waited on him, to makesteps on the slope with their spears, whilst he remained there untilthe last camp-follower had passed. When we arrived his Majesty sentus word not to dismount. We crossed the water on our mules; but themoment we reached the opposite bank we alighted, and climbed to thespot where his Majesty was standing. The road was so precipitousand slippery that Mr. Rassam, who was in front, had some difficultyin reaching the summit; Theodore; seeing his position, advanced, took him by the hand, and said, in Arabic, "Be of good cheer, donot be afraid. "

The following day, during the march, Theodore sent Samuel backwardsand forwards with questions, --such as: "Is the American war over?How many were killed? How many soldiers had they? Did the Englishfight with the Ashantees? Did they conquer them? Is their countryunhealthy? Is it like this? Why did the King of Dahomey kill somany of his subjects? What is his religion?" He then gave one ofhis _excuses_ for not having sent for us sooner. He had beendisappointed, he said, with all the Europeans that had entered hiscountry. None were good but Bell and Plowden; and he wanted toknow, by report, if the Englishman who had landed at Massowah waslike all the rest. His patience was such that he had believed himto be a good man, and had, therefore, decided upon sending for him. 

On the 4th he again sent for us. He was alone, sitting in the openair. He made us sit down on a carpet near him, --and spoke at lengthabout his former career. He told us how he dealt with the rebels:first he sent them word to pay tribute; if they refused, he wenthimself and plundered their, country. On the third refusal, to usehis own words, "he sent their bodies to the grave; and their soulsto hell. " He also told us that Bell had spoken to him so much aboutour Queen, that for many years he had intended sending her anembassy; he had even everything ready when; Captain Cameron madehim an enemy of his former friend. He had ordered, he said, sometokens of his regard to be made for us, as he had nothing with himfit to offer us; he had been pleased to see us, and considered usas "three brothers. " The interview was long; when at last hisMajesty dismissed us, he informed us that the following day he wouldsend us to Kourata to await there the arrival of our countrymenfrom Magdala. Shortly after reaching our tent, Mr. Rassam receiveda polite note, informing him that he would receive 5, 000 dollars, which he might spend as he liked, but always _in a manner agreeableto the Lord_. A verbal message was also sent to me to inquireif I knew anything about smelting iron, casting guns, etc. : to whichI answered, in pursuance of friendly advice, that I was ignorantof everything except my own medical profession. 

 CHAPTER VIII. 

Leave the Emperor's Camp for Kourata--The Tana Sea--The AbyssinianNavy--The Island of Dek--Arrival at Kourata--The Gaffat People andformer Captives join us--Charges preferred against the latter--FirstVisit to the Emperor's Camp at Zagé--Flattery before Coercion. 

On the 6th of February his Majesty sent us word to depart. We didnot see him, but before we left he sent us a letter informing usthat as soon as the prisoners joined us he would take steps to sendus out of his country in "honour and safety. " The officer orderedto proceed to Magdala to deliver the captives, and conduct them tous, was one of our escort; we were the bearers of an humble apologyfrom Theodore to our Queen: all smiled upon us; and rejoiced beyondexpression by the apparently complete success of our mission, weretraced our steps with a light and thankful heart through theplains of Agau Medar. On the afternoon of the 10th of February, weencamped on the shore of the Tana Sea, a large fresh-water lake, the reservoir of the Blue Nile. The river enters at the south-westextremity of the lake, and issues again at its south-east extremity, the two branches being only separated by the promontory of Zagé. 

[Illustration: VILLAGE OF KANOA, IN WANDIGÉ. ]

The spot we pitched our camp upon was not far from Kanoa, a prettyvillage in the district of Wandigé, Kourata being almost oppositeto us, bearing N. N. E. We had to wait several days while boats wereconstructed for ourselves, escort, and luggage. These boats--of themost primitive kind of construction still in existence--are madeof bulrushes, the papyrus of the ancients. The bulrushes are tiedtogether so as to form a flat surface some six feet in breadth andfrom ten to twenty feet in length. The two extremities are thenrolled up and tied together. The passengers and boatmen sit upon alarge square bundle of bulrushes forming the essential part of theboat, which the outward cage serves only to keep in place, and byits pointed extremities to favour progression. To say that theseboats leak is a mistake; they are full of water, or rather, like apiece of cork, always half submerged: their floating is simply aquestion of specific gravity. The manner in which the boats arepropelled adds greatly to the discomfort of the traveller. Two mensit in front, and one behind. They use long sticks, instead of oars, beating the water alternately to the right and left; at each strokethey send in front and from behind jets of spray like a shower-bath, and the unfortunate occupant of the boat, who had beforehand takenoff his shoes and stockings and well tucked up his trousers, findsthat he would have been wiser had he adopted a more simple costumestill, and followed the example of the naked boatmen. 

The Abyssinian navy does not weigh heavily on the estimates, nordoes it take years to construct a fleet; two days after our arrivalfifty new vessels had been launched, and several hundreds had joinedfrom Zagé and the Isle of Dek. 

The few days we spent on the shore of the Tana Sea were among thesmall number of happy ones we have seen in this country. Samuel, now our balderaba (introducer) and chief of the escort, did notallow the former crowds to invade my tent. Being an intelligentman, and his relatives and friends less numerous than those of hispredecessor, he only brought to me those he knew would benefit bya few doses of medicine, or whom he was compelled to introduce; forby refusing the petty chiefs and important men of the severalneighbouring districts he would have made serious enemies. It wasnow a recreation, instead of a fatigue; a study of the diseases ofthe country; a fact almost impossible, before, when I could onlydefend myself against the importunities of a crowd, and in peacenot examine a single case. The remainder of my time was spent inshooting. Aquatic birds, ducks, geese, &c. , were in abundance, andso tame that the survivors did not move away, but remained bathing, feeding, and cleaning their bright feathers around the dead bodiesof their mates and companions. 

[Illustration: View from Wandige of Lake Tana]

On the morning of the 16th we started for Dek, the largest and mostimportant island of the Tana Lake; it is situated about half-wayfrom our starting-place and Kourata. We were shower-bathed for aboutsix hours; our speed was about two and a half knots, so that thedistance must be about fifteen miles. Dek is a very pretty islandindeed; a long, flat volcanic rock, surrounded by conical hillocks, forming so many island pearls around a coronet. The whole islandis well wooded, covered with the most luxuriant vegetation, dottedwith numerous and prosperous villages, and proudly boasts of fourold and revered churches--the shrines of many devoted pilgrims. Wespent the night in the heart of the picturesque island--the idealof an earthly abode. Alas! we knew only some time afterwards thatthe passage of the white men caused tears and distress among theArcadian inhabitants of that peaceful land. The inhabitants of theisland had been ordered to supply us with 10, 000 dollars. The chiefs, almost despairing of being able to raise so large a sum, made apowerful appeal to their friends and neighbours; painted in truecolours the wrath of the despot should he learn that his requesthad not been complied with, and the wilderness that would thenreplace their rich and happy isle. The eloquence of some, and thethreats of others, were equally successful. All the savings of yearswere brought to the chiefs; silver rings and chains--the dower andfortune of many a young maiden--were added to the newly spun shamaof the matron: all were reduced to poverty, and were trembling;though they smiled whilst making the sacrifice of all their worldlygoods. How they must have cursed, in the bitterness of their grief, the poor white strangers who were the innocent cause of all theirmisfortunes!

The following morning we started for Kourata, the distance andinconvenience being about the same as on the preceding day. Onceagain on _terra firma_, we hailed with delight the end of ourshort and disagreeable passage. On the beach we were received bythe clergy, who had turned out in full canonicals to welcome uswith all the pomp usually accorded only to royalty; for such hadbeen the Imperial command. Two of the wealthiest merchants of theplace claimed us as their guests, in the name of their royal master, and, mounted on beautiful mules, we ascended the hill on whichKourata is built; the privilege of riding through the sacred streetshaving been conferred on, the honoured guests of the sovereign ofthe land. 

Kourata is, after Gondar, the most important and wealthy city ofAbyssinia; it is a town of priests and merchants, built on the sidesof a conical hill and bathed by the waters of the Tana Sea. Thehouses, many of them built of stone, are superior to any we saw inAbyssinia. The church erected by the Queen of Socinius is held insuch sanctity that the whole town is considered sacred, and nonebut the bishop or the emperor are allowed to ride through its narrowand steep lanes. From the sea it is almost impossible to see thetown, so close and compact are the towering dark cedars andsycamores--the just pride of the inhabitants. The whole hillock isso completely covered with vegetation of every description, thatthe spot from a distance seems more like a luxuriant waste untouchedby man's hand, than the abode of thousands, and the central martof Western Abyssinia. For a few days we resided in the town, whereseveral of the best houses had been put at our disposal; but thecountless host of unmentionable insects fairly drove us away. Weobtained permission to pitch our tents on the sea beach, on apleasant spot only a few hundred yards from the town, where weenjoyed the double luxury of fresh air and abundance of water. 

A few days after our arrival at Kourata we were joined by the "Gaffatpeople. " The Emperor had written to them to come and remain withus during our stay, as he feared that we might feel lonely andunhappy in his country, separated from our own people. Agreeablyto the instructions they had received, on arriving at a shortdistance from our encampment, they sent to inform us of theirarrival, and requested permission to present themselves before us. I was never so much taken aback as at the sight of these Europeanswearing the Abyssinian gala dress, silk shirts of gaudy colours, trousers of the same material, the shama thrown over the leftshoulder, many with naked feet, several without covering to theirhead. They had been so long in Abyssinia that I doubt not theyconsidered themselves very smart; and, if we did not admire them, the natives certainly did. They pitched their camp a little distancein rear of ours. A few days later their wives and children arrived, and on more intimate acquaintance we soon perceived that severalamongst them were well-educated and well-informed men--not at alldespicable companions in that distant laud. 

On the 12th of March our poor countrymen, so long in chains andmisery, at last arrived. We provided tents for those who had none, and they remained in our inclosure. They all, more or less, boretraces of the many sufferings they had endured; but Messrs. Sternand Cameron more than the others. We endeavoured to cheer them upby the prospect of a speedy return to Europe, and only regrettedthat we could not show them more kindness; as Mr. Rassam did notthink it advisable, on account of Theodore's suspicious character, to appear to be on too intimate terms with them. They knew theEmperor better than we did, and now and then expressed doubts asto the favourable issue of the affair. They had heard _en route_that they would have to make boats for Theodore, and were alwaysanxious and nervous each time a messenger arrived from the Imperialcamp. 

Theodore, after plundering Metcha, the fertile province at the southernextremity of Lake Tana, destroyed the large and populous town of Zagé, and pitched his camp on a small strip of land connecting the promontoryof Zagé with the mainland. The Emperor was very attentive;he sent us 5, 000 dollars more, supplies in abundance, and put thirtymilch cows at our disposal; he also sent us lion cubs, monkeys, &c. , and almost every second day wrote civil and courteous lettersto Mr. Rassam. All our interpreters, all the messengers, even Mr. Rassam's butler, went one after the other to Zag to be investedwith "the order of the shirt. " To the messenger who had brought usdown the false intelligence of Captain Cameron's release, he gavea marguf (silk-bordered) shama, a title, and the government of adistrict; and requested Mr. Rassam to love him, and cause him tobe loved by our Queen, as his stratagem had fortunately succeeded, and had induced us to come to him. When one of our interpreters, Omar Ali, a native of Massowah, went in his turn to be decorated, he found his Majesty sitting near the beach making cartridges. Hetold him, "You see my occupation; but I am not ashamed of it. Icannot make up my mind to let Stern and Cameron go; but, for thesake of your masters, I will. I like them because they are alwaysso well behaved, hold their caps in their hand as soon as theyapproach my presence, and are respectful before me, whilst Cameronused to pull his beard about all the time. "

If I mention these apparent trifles, it is to show that Theodorewas still doubtful in his mind whether he would allow any one todepart or not. As he was still wavering, he might, perhaps, haveallowed himself to be guided by his better qualities, had not a fewincidents that occurred at the time worked upon his suspiciousnature. 

Theodore, always fond of showing himself as a just man before hispeople, desired a kind of trial of the former captives to takeplace, before him and us, and in presence of his soldiers; when, had they acknowledged that they were wrong, and begged his Majesty'spardon, he would probably have gone through the form of a publicreconciliation, and after presenting them with a few gifts, allowedthem to depart. 

Mr. Rassam, on the contrary, believed it to be advisable that hisMajesty should not see the former captives, as their sight mightput him in a passion; and as everything appeared to progress sofavourably, he considered it more prudent to do his utmost to avoida meeting between the two. 

Shortly after the arrival of the Magdala prisoners, who had beenjoined at Debra Tabor by those who had been detained there on parole, his Majesty, at Mr. Rassam's instigation, instead of calling themto him as he had intended, sent several of his officers, hissecretary, etc. , to Kourata, and requested us to have certain chargesread publicly to the captives, who would declare whether he or theywere in the wrong. 

All the captives, the Gaffat people, and the Abyssinian officers, being assembled in Mr. Rassam's tent, the scribe read the charges. The first was against Captain Cameron. Theodore began by statingthat Cameron, on his representing himself to be a messenger fromthe Queen, was received with all due honour and respect, and welcomedto the best of his ability. He accepted with humility the presentsthe Queen sent to him, and on Cameron explaining that an exchangeof consuls between the two countries would be greatly to the interestof Abyssinia, Theodore, to use his own words, said, "I was glad onhearing this, and said, very well!" He continued by stating thathe impressed upon the consul that the Turks were his enemies, andrequested him to protect the mission and presents he intended tosend to the Queen; that he gave him a friendly letter, and sent himaway, but Cameron, instead of delivering the letter, went to theTurks who hated him, and before whom he insulted and lowered him;that on Cameron's return, he asked him, "'Where is the answer tothe friendly letter I entrusted you with? what have you come for?'He answered: 'I do not know;' so I said to him, 'You are not theservant of my friend the Queen, as you had represented yourself tobe, ' and by the power of my creator I imprisoned him. Ask him ifhe can deny this. "

The second charge was against Mr. Bardel; but he had evidently gottired of the affair, as the charges against Stern, Rosenthal, &c. Are not specified; though on former occasion he several timesreferred to his grievances against them. They are included in ageneral charge which runs as follows:--

"The other prisoners have abused me, I am well aware, I used tolove, and honour them. A friend ought to be a shield to his friend, and they ought to have shielded me. Why did they not defend me? Onthis account I disliked them. 

"Now, by the power of God! for the sake of the Queen, and the Britishpeople, and yourselves, I cannot continue my dislike against them. I wish you to make between us a reconciliation from the heart. IfI am in fault, do you tell me and I will requite them; but if youfind that I am wronged, I wish you to get them to requite me. "

After the charges had been read, the captives were asked if theyhad done wrong or not. It would have been absurd for them not tohave acknowledged their faults, and begged for pardon. We knew thatthey were innocent, injured men, and that any errors of judgmentthey might have committed were so trivial compared to the sufferingsthey had undergone, that they could, under any other circumstances, have applied for the requital he offered them. In acknowledgingthat they were wrong they acted wisely: it was what we counselled, nay ordered. 

The sitting concluded with the public reading of the Amharictranslation of the Queen's letter, and of the reply which Theodoresaid he would send by us. 

Though all seemed smooth and favourable, no doubt a storm wasimminent; and shortly afterwards, though everything was as yetfriendly, we should have been far less confident had our knowledgeof Theodore been greater. 

On our way to Kourata we had been asked indirectly by his servantswhether we knew anything about boat-making? We replied in thenegative. As I have stated, some of the escort had told CaptainCameron, that at Kourata he would be employed in ship-building. There was no doubt that his Majesty had made up his mind to have asmall navy, and I believe that the real reason we were sent toKourata, and the Gaffat people to keep us company there, was thatTheodore imagined that we knew more about making boats than wewished to say, and hoped to coax us into undertaking the work. TheGaffat people, were told to make boats; they replied that they knewnothing about it, but would work with any one who could direct them:at the same time they intimated that his Majesty ought to takeadvantage of Mr. Rassam's friendship to ask him to write for someproper person and instruments; that they had no doubt that on Mr. Rassam making the application, his Majesty would obtain anythinghe required. 

A few days later Theodore wrote to Mr. Rassam requesting him towrite for workmen, and to await their return. Until that date allhad been plain sailing. I acknowledged that the letter was rathera "damper" on Mr. Rassam. Two courses were left open to him: todecline, in courteous terms, on the ground that his instructionsdid not warrant his making such a request; or accept, on conditionthat the former captives should be allowed to depart, himselfremaining with one of his companions until the workmen arrived. Instead of that Mr. Rassam took a half-way course; he told Theodorethat it would be better for him if he was allowed to depart, as athome he could better represent the desires of his Majesty, but ifthe Emperor insisted upon it he would write. 

Theodore was so far confirmed in the impression conveyed to him byhis workmen that through the intervention of Mr. Rassam he couldobtain anything he liked, that the only thing which for a few dayslonger remained undecided by him was--should he endeavour to gainhis object by flatteries or by bullying? He at once went to work, and did the best to succeed by amicable measures. For this purposehe sent us a polite invitation to come and spend a day with himat Zagé, ordering at the same time his workmen to accompany him. On the 25th of March we proceeded by native boats and reached Zagéafter a four-hours' shower-bath; at a short distance from the landing-placewe dressed ourselves in uniform, and were met on our arrival by RasEngeddah (Commander-in-Chief), the Master of the Horse, and several otherhigh officials of the Imperial household. His Majesty had sent us by theRas polite greetings, and mounting the beautiful mules sent from theroyal stable, we proceeded to the Emperor's inclosure. We were at firstconducted to some silk tents, which had been pitched at a short distancefrom his banqueting-hall, so that we might rest awhile and partake ofthe collation his Queen had forwarded to us. In the afternoon theEmperor sent us word that he would come and see us. 

We shortly afterwards went out to meet him, and to our astonishmentsaw him coming towards us, his cloth folded and the right armuncovered: a sign of inferiority, of high respect--an honour Theodorewas never known to have paid to any man. He was all smiles, allamiability, sat down a few minutes on Mr. Rassam's couch, and whenhe left he shook hands in the most friendly manner with him. Alittle later we returned his call. We found him in the audience-hall, seated on a carpet; he gracefully saluted us, and made us sit downby his side. To his left stood his eldest son Prince Meshisha, andRas Engeddah; his workmen were also present standing in the centreof the hall in front of him. He had before him quite an arsenal ofguns and pistols; he spoke about and showed those we had broughtwith us, guns that had been made to order by the brother of agunmaker in his service, a manufacturer at St. Etienne, near Lyons. He conversed on various topics, about the different ranks in hisarmy, presented us to his son, and ordered him at the conclusionof the audience, together with the Gaffat people, to escort us backto our tent. 

The following day Theodore sent repeated kind messages; but we didnot see him. In the morning he called, all his chiefs together, andasked them to advise him as to whether he should allow the Europeansto depart or not. All exclaimed, "Let them go;" one only remarkingthat if once out, and they wanted to fight, "let them come, we willthen have God on our side. " As soon as he had dismissed his chiefs, he called the Gaffat people and asked them also what he should do. They told us that they had strongly advised him to let us depart. It was reported that on returning to his house; his valet said tohim, "Every one tells you to let them go; you know that they areyour enemies, and what will you have in your hands?" In the eveninghis Majesty was rather excited: he sent for the Gaffat people, andtaking hold of the rude pillar of his hut, said: "Is that thedwelling fit for a king?" What conversation passed between them atthe time, I cannot say; but a few days afterwards one of them toldme that his Majesty was much put out, as Mr. Rassam had not mentionedto him the objects he had so dear at heart, viz. : the artisans andinstruments, and that on our applying to be allowed to return toKourata, his Majesty looked very black at first, and refused, andthat they had had great fears that he might have forcibly detainedus. 

On our return to Kourata the correspondence between Theodore andMr. Rassam began afresh. The letters, as a rule, contained nothingof importance, but the messages brought backwards and forwards werehighly special, and had significant reference to the former captives, with whom Theodore was bent on having a reconciliation before theirdeparture. Apprehensive that Theodore might get into a passion atthe sight of them, Mr. Rassam endeavoured: by all means to avoid ameeting he so much dreaded; and, at last, his Majesty seemed tohave been convinced by his friend's reasonings, and to all appearancegave in to him. Some of the former captives were naturally anxious, and would have much preferred the risk of having to bear a few harshwords rather than excite Theodore's suspicions. It was too late. He had already made up his mind to detain us forcibly, and at thetime he pretended to agree not to see the former captives, he wasall the while, building a fence for their reception. 

Mr. Rassam, to divert the Emperor's mind, proposed to him to institutean order to be called the "Cross of Christ and Solomon's Seal;" therules and regulations were drawn out, one of the workmen made amodel of the badges according to Mr. Rassam's direction, his Majestyapproved of them, and nine were ordered--three of the first, threeof the second, three of the third orders. Mr. Rassam, together withRas Engeddah and Prince Meshisha, were to be made knights of thefirst order; the English officers of the mission were to be secondclass; as for the third, I do not know for whom they were destined, unless for such as Bappo, his butler. 

Quite unaware of all that was going on behind the scenes, we fanciedthat we had nothing more to fear, and that all obstacles had beencleverly removed; we were building castles in the air--seeing inimagination dear friendly faces once more, and, thinking we werehomeward bound, we laughed at the scorching heat of the Soudan'shottest months: when suddenly all our plans, hopes, and expectationswere cruelly crushed. 

 CHAPTER IX. 

Second visit to Zagé--Arrest of Mr. Rassam and the EnglishOfficers--Charges brought against Mr. Rassam--The former Captivesare brought in Chains to Zagé--Public Trial--Reconciliation--Mr. Flad's Departure--The Imprisonment at Zagé--Departure for Kourata. 

On the 13th of April we made our third experiment of the bulrushboats, as the Emperor desired once more to see his dear friendsbefore they left. The European workmen of Gaffat accompanied us. All the Magdala and Gaffat prisoners started the same day, but byanother route; the whole party was to rendezvous at Tankal, nearthe north-west extremity of the lake, where the luggage was alsoto be conveyed by boats. 

On our arrival at Zagé, we were received with the usual marksof respect. Ras Engeddah and several high officers came to meet uson the beach, and richly harnessed mules were provided for us fromthe royal stables. We dismounted at the entrance of his Majesty'sinclosure, and were conducted at once to the large audience-hall, erected quite close to the Emperor's private fence. On entering, we were surprised to see the large hall lined on both sides byAbyssinian officers in their gala dress. The throne had been placedat the extremity of the hall, but was empty, and the large circularspace around it was filled with the highest officers of the realm. We had only advanced a few stages, preceded by Ras Engeddah, whenhe bowed and kissed the ground, we thought out of respect for thethrone; but it was the signal for an act of base treachery. Nosooner had the Ras prostrated himself, than nine men, posted forthe purpose, rushed upon each of us, and in less time than I canexpress it our swords, belts, and caps were cast to the ground, ouruniforms torn, and the officers of the English mission, seized bythe arm and neck, were dragged, to the upper part of the hall, degraded and reviled before the whole of Theodore's courtiers andgrandees!

We were allowed to sit down, our captors sitting next to us. TheEmperor did not appear, but questions were brought to us by the RasEngeddah, Cantiba Hailo (the Emperor's adopted father), Samuel, andthe European workmen. Some of the questions asked by his Majestywere, to say the least, childish: "Where are the prisoners? Whyhave you not brought them to me? You had no right to send themwithout my permission. I wished you to reconcile me with them. Iintended also to give to those who had no mule a mule, and to thosewho had no money some money for the road. Why have you given themfire-arms? Did you not come with a friendly letter from the Queenof England? Why have you sent letters to the coast?" and such likerubbish. 

Many of the highest officers several times expressed openly theirapproval of our answers--a rare proceeding in an Abyssinian Court. They evidently did not like, nor could they justify, the treacherousconduct of their master. Between the questions, a paper was partiallyread, referring to his Majesty's pedigree. As it had nothing todo with, our alleged offences, I could not understand its object, except that it was a certain weakness of this _parvenu_ toglory in his supposed ancestors. His Majesty's last message was:"I have sent for your brethren, and when they arrive, I will seewhat I shall do. "

The assembly having been dismissed, we waited a little while, whilsta tent was pitched for us near the Emperor's inclosure. At the timewe were undergoing our trial, all the luggage we had brought withus was personally examined by his Majesty. All arms, money, papers, knives, &c. , were confiscated; the remainder being sent to us afterwe had been escorted to the tent; We had hardly entered our newabode, and had not yet recovered from our surprise at the turn theAbyssinian _imbroglio_ had just taken, when cows and bread inabundance were sent to us by Theodore a strange contrast to hisrecent dealings. 

At about the same hour which witnessed this reverse in our fortunes, the released captives were also destined to meet with a fearfuldisappointment. Their fate was even worse than ours. After abouttwo hours' ride they came to a village, and were resting under theshade of a few trees, until their tents should be pitched, whenthey were called for, and told to enter the house of the chief ofthe village. As soon as they were all collected, a number ofsoldiers entered, and the chief of the escort, showing them a letter, asked them if it was his Majesty's seal. On their replying in theaffirmative, they were told to sit down. They were rather perplexed, but imagined that perhaps his Majesty had sent them a letter to bidthem farewell, and that they were allowed to sit down as they weretired. However, their conjectures were soon set at rest. On a signalgiven by the chief of the escort, they were seized by the soldierswho lined the room. The letter from Theodore was then read to them. It was addressed to the chief of the escort, and ran thus:--"In thename of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, to Bitwaddad Tadla. By the power of God, we, Theodore, the king of kings, are well. Weare angry with our friends, and with the Europeans, who say, 'Weare going to our country, ' and we are not yet reconciled. Until weconsult as to what we shall do, seize them; but do not make themuncomfortable or afraid, and do not hurt them. "

In the evening they were chained two by two, their servants werewatched, and but two allowed to each individual to prepare his food;the following morning they were taken to Kourata. There they heardof our arrest, and even reports to the effect that we had beenkilled. The wives of the Gaffat people treated them very kindly:they themselves were in great anguish, as they were quite ignorantof the fate of their relatives. On the morning of the 15th theywere taken over by boat to Zagé. On their arrival they werereceived by guards, who conducted them to a fenced space; mules hadbeen brought for Captain Cameron, Mrs. Rosenthal, and Mrs. Flad, and shortly afterwards the Emperor sent them cows, sheep, bread, &c. , in abundance. 

The three days we spent in the small tent at Zagé were daysof great anxiety. We had until then seen but the good side, theamiable mood of our host, and we were not as yet accustomed to hissudden bursts of temper, to his violence and treachery. As soonas our luggage was returned, we destroyed every letter, paper, note, diary, in our possession, and repeatedly questioned Samuel as toour future prospects. On the morning of the second day Theodoresent us his compliments, and told us that as soon as the captivesarrived, everything would be all right. We sent him some shirtsthat had been made for him during our stay at Kourata; he receivedthem, but declined the soap that accompanied them, as, he said, weshould require it for the road. In the afternoon we watched himthrough the links of the tent, whilst he was sitting for hours ona raised platform in front of his inclosure. He appeared calm, andremained, for a long time, in conversation with his favourite, RasEngeddah, who stood below. 

We were guarded night and day, and could not move a few steps outsidethe tent without being followed by a soldier; at night, if we hadto go out, we were told to carry a lantern with us. Our guards wereall old confidential chiefs of the Emperor, men of rank and position, who executed their orders, but did not abuse their position to makeus feel still more our disgrace. On the evening of the 15th a smallfarce was played that amused me at the time. I was going out a shortdistance, a servant carrying a lantern before me. We had onlyadvanced a few steps when a soldier roughly seized my servant;immediately the officer on guard ran up towards us, and pretendingto be very indignant at the soldier's conduct, told him to let myservant go, and lifting up his stick, gave him a few strokes on theback, exclaiming, "Why do you stop him? These are not prisoners;they are the friends of the King. " On turning round; I saw the chiefand the soldier having a good laugh together. The following morningthe reconciliation was to take place. Theodore desired to impressus with the idea that we might be still his friends, and that wehad better give in to him with good grace, as the arrest of the13th would prove to us that he could also treat us as enemies. Hisplan was not a bad one; at all events it succeeded. 

On the 17th we received a message from his Majesty, telling us togo to him, as he desired to try before us the Europeans who had, he said, formerly insulted him. Theodore knows well how to make adisplay; and on this occasion he did his utmost to impress all, Europeans as well as natives, with an idea of his power and greatness. He was seated on an alga in the open air, in front of the audience-hall. All the great officers of state were stationed on his left hand infront; on his right were the Europeans, and around these moreimportant individuals, the petty chiefs and soldiers formed analmost complete circle. 

As soon as we approached, his Majesty rose and saluted us; receivedus, in short, as though we were still his honoured guests, and notthe heralds from a great Power he had recently so grossly insulted. We were told to sit down. A few minutes of silence followed, andwe saw advancing from the outer gate our countrymen guarded ascriminals, and chained two by two. They were arranged in a line infront of his Majesty, who, after observing them for a few seconds, "kindly" inquired after their health, and how they had spent theirtime. The captives acknowledged these compliments by repeatedlykissing the ground before that incarnation of the Evil One, who allthe time grinned in delight at the sight of the misery and humiliationof his victims. Captain Cameron's and Mr. Bardel's fetters werethen opened, and they were told to come and sit down near us. Allthe other captives remained standing in the sun, and had to answerto the Emperor's questions. He was collected, and calm; only once, when addressing us, did he appear in any way excited. 

He asked them, "Why did you wish to leave my country before youtook leave of me?" They answered that they had only acted accordingto Mr. Rassam's orders, to whom they had been made over. He thensaid, "Why did you not ask Mr. Rassam to bring you to me, and bereconciled before you left?" and turning towards Mr. Rassam, said, "It is your fault. I told you to reconcile me with them; why didyou not do so?" Mr. Rassam replied: that he had believed the writtenreconciliation that followed the trial of the charges he had sentagainst them to be sufficient. The Emperor then said to Mr. Rassam, "Bid I not tell you I wanted to give them mules and money, and youanswered me that you had bought mules for them, and that you hadmoney enough to take them to their country? Now, on your account, you see them in chains. From the day you told me that you desiredto send them by another road I became suspicious, and imagined thatyou did so in order that you might say in your country that theywere released through your cunning and power. "

The former captives' supposed crimes are well known, and its theremainder of the trial was only a repetition of the one of Gondar, it would be a mere waste of time to speak of it here; suffice itto say that these unfortunate and injured men answered with allhumility and meekness, and endeavoured by so doing to avert thewrath of the wretch in whose power they were. 

The Emperor's pedigree was then read: from Adam to David all wenton smoothly enough; from Solomon's supposed son Menilek to Sociniusfew names were given--perhaps they were patriarchs in their ownway; but when it came to Theodore's father and mother the difficultyincreased, indeed it became serious; many witnesses were broughtforward to testify to their royal descent, and even the opinion ofthe puppet-Emperor Johannes was recorded in favour of Theodore'slegal right to the throne of his ancestors. 

We were then called forward, and the scene of the 18th enacted over, again. After we had been told to sit down, Theodore called hisworkmen before him, and asked them if he ought to get "kassa?"(meaning a reparation for what he had suffered at the hands of theEuropeans). Some did not audibly reply; whilst others loudlyproclaimed that "kassa was good. " In conclusion, his Majesty said, addressing himself to us "Do you want to be my masters? You willremain with me; and wherever I go, you will go; wherever I stay, you will stay. " On that we were dismissed to our tents, and CaptainCameron was allowed to accompany us. The other Europeans, still inchains, were sent to another part of the camp, where several weeksbefore a fence had been erected, no one knew why. 

The following day we were again called before Theodore, but thistime it was quite a private affair. The prisoners were firstconducted to our tent, and released from their fetters. We werethen called into his presence; the former captives followed us, andthe Gaffat people shortly afterwards entered, and were told to sitat the Emperor's right. As soon as the released prisoners entered;they bowed their heads to the ground and begged for pardon. HisMajesty told them to rise, and after informing them that they hadnever done anything wrong, and that they were his friends, bowedhis head to the ground, and in his turn begged for pardon. Heremained in that attitude until they had repeatedly told him, "ForGod's sake, we forgive you!" Captain Cameron then read aloud Dr. Beke's letter and the petition of the prisoners' relatives. Thereconciliation effected, the Emperor dictated a letter for ourQueen, and Mr. Flad was selected to convey it. We then all had ourtents pitched in a large enclosure, fenced that very morning underhis Majesty's supervision. We were once more all united; but thistime all prisoners. Mr. Flad left; we expected that his missionwould be unsuccessful, and that England, disgusted with so muchtreachery, would not condescend to treat further, but enforce herdemands. The day Mr. Flad left, his wife accompanied the workmen, who were ordered back to Kourata; with them we had much lessintercourse than before, as they were at all times timid, and verycareful not to have many dealings with doubtful friends of the King. 

Zagé was one of the principal towns of the formerly prosperousand populous district of Metsha, but when we came we saw nought butruins; and had we not been told that the guicho and coffee-coveredhill was only a few weeks before the abode of thousands, we couldnot have credited it; nor that the small circular patches, now greenwith grass and weeds, had been the homes of a thriving and industriouspopulation. 

A few days after the reconciliation--the very morning Flad left forEngland--his Majesty returned us our arms, and a portion of ourmoney; he also presented us at the same time with silver-mountedshields, spears, and mules, and a few days later with horses. Wesaw him on several occasions: twice he came to see us in our tents;one day we went with him to assist at the trial of some guns madeby his European workmen; once duck-shooting with him on the lake;another time to see him play the national game of goucks. Heendeavoured to appear friendly, supplied us with abundant rations, and twice a day sent his compliments; he even fired a salute andgave a feast on our Queen's birthday. Nevertheless, we felt unhappy:our cage was gilt, but still a cage; and the experience we had hadof the King's treachery made us constantly fear a recurrence of it. When we met him in Damot, and when we visited him before at Zagé, we had only seen the actor in his smiling mood; now all restraintwas thrown off: women were flogged to death close to our tents, andsoldiers laden with chains or beaten to death on the most trivialpretexts. The true character of the tyrant became daily more apparent, and we felt that our position was most dangerous and critical. 

Theodore was still bent on building boats; seeing that everybodyseemed reluctant to help him he went to work himself; he made animmense flat-bottomed bulrush boat of great thickness, and to propelit made two large wheels worked by hand: in fact he had invented apaddle steamer, only the locomotive agent was deficient. We saw itseveral times on the water; the wheels were rather high up and itrequired at least a hundred men on it to make them dip sufficiently. Strange to say he spent his time in that frivolous way and nevertook notice of a large rebel force not four miles from his camp. 

Cholera had been making havoc in Tigré; we were not surprised, therefore, to hear that it had spread over other provinces, andthat several cases had already broken out at Kourata. The King'scamp was pitched in a very unhealthy situation, on a low, swampyground; fevers, diarrhoea, and dysentery had prevailed to a greatextent. Informed of the approach of cholera, his Majesty wiselydecided upon moving his camp to the highlands of Begemder. Mrs. Rosenthal was at the time very unwell, and could not stand thejourney by land; she was therefore allowed to proceed by water toKourata, accompanied by her husband, myself, and Captain Cameron, also in delicate health. We started on the evening of the 31st ofMay, and reached Kourata early the next morning. A gale of wind wasblowing at the time, and we had to make frequent stoppages on thelee of the land, as the heavy sea frequently threatened to swampour frail boats. Without exaggeration, this last passage was in allrespects the _ne plus ultra_ of discomfort. 

 CHAPTER X. 

Second Residence in Kourata--Cholera and Typhus break out inthe Camp--The Emperor resolves to march to Debra Tabor--Arrivalat Gaffat--The Foundry transformed into a Palace--PoliticalTrial at Debra Tabor--The Black Tent--Dr. Blanc and Mr. Rosenthalseized at Gaffat--Another Public Trial--The Black Hole--March withthe Emperor to Aibankab--Sent to Magdala, and Arrival at the Amba. 

At Kourata a few empty houses were put at our disposal, and we wentto work to make these dirty native dwellings inhabitable. It wasrumoured that Theodore intended to spend the rainy season in theneighbourhood, and on the 4th he made a sudden visit; he was onlyaccompanied by a few of his chiefs. He came and returned by water. Ras Engeddah arrived about an hour before him. I was advised to goand meet him on the beach; I therefore accompanied the Gaffat people, who also went to present him their respects. His Majesty, on seeingme, asked me how I was, if I liked the place, &c. No one ever knewwhy he came. I believe, to judge for himself if the cholera wasraging there at the time or not, as he made many inquiries on thesubject. 

On the 6th of June Theodore left Zagé with his army; Mr. Rassamand the other prisoners accompanied him; all the heavy baggage hadbeen sent by boat to Kourata. On the 9th, his Majesty encamped ona low promontory south of Kourata. Cholera had by this time brokenout in the camp, and hundreds were dying daily. In the hope ofimproving the sanitary condition of the army, the Emperor moved hiscamp to some high ground a mile or so north of the town; but theepidemic continued to rage with great virulence both in the campand in the town. The church was so completely choked up with deadbodies that no more could be admitted, and the adjoining streetsoffered the sad sight of countless corpses, surrounded by thesorrowful relatives, awaiting for days and nights the hallowed gravein the now crowded cemetery. Small-pox and typhus fever also madetheir appearance, and claimed the victims cholera had spared. 

On the 12th June we received orders to join the camp, as Theodoreintended to leave on the following day for the higher and morehealthy province of Begemder. On the 13th, at early morning, thecamp was struck, and we encamped in the evening on the banks of theGumaré, a tributary of the Nile. The next day the march was resumed. We had been more or less ascending since our departure from Kourata, and Outoo (a beautiful plateau, our halting-place of the 14th) musthave been several thousand feet higher than the lake; nevertheless, cholera, small-pox, and typhus fever continued unabated. His Majestyinquired what was usually done in our country under similarcircumstances. We advised him to proceed at once to the higherplateau of Begemder, to leave his sick at some distance from DebraTabor, to break up as far as possible his army, and distribute itover the whole province, selecting a few healthy and isolatedlocalities where every fresh case that broke out should be sent. He acted upon this advice, and before long had the satisfaction ofseeing the several epidemics lose their virulence, and, before manyweeks, disappear entirely. 

On the 16th we made a very long march. We started at about 6 A. M. And never halted once until we arrived at Debra Tabor at about 2P. M. As soon as we reached the foot of the hill on which the Imperialhouses arise, we received a message from his Majesty telling us notto dismount, and shortly afterwards he rode towards us, accompaniedby a few of his bodyguard. We all started for Gaffat, the Europeanstation, about three miles east of Debra Tabor. _En route_ wewere overtaken by the most severe hailstorm I have ever seen orexperienced; such was its violence, that Theodore was several timesobliged to halt. The hail poured down in such thick masses, and thestones were of such an enormous size, that it was indeed quitepainful to bear. At last we reached Gaffat, frozen and drenched tothe skin; but the Emperor, seemingly quite unaffected by the recentshower, acted as our cicerone, and took us about the place, explainingto us the foundry, workshops, water-wheels, &c. A few planks weretransformed into seats, and a fire lighted by his order, and weremained with him alone for more than three hours, discussing thelaws and customs of England. Some carpets and cushions had beenleft behind at Debra Tabor, and he sent back Ras Engeddah to havethem conveyed. As soon as he returned with the bearers, Theodoreled the way up the hill to Gaffat, and with his own hands spreadthe carpets, and placed the throne in the house selected for Mr. Rassam. Other houses were distributed to the other Europeans, afterwhich his Majesty left. 

On the 17th June the European workmen, who had remained behind atKourata, arrived at Debra Tabor. We are not aware that they madeany objection to our occupying their houses, but the Emperor perceivedby their demeanour that they were not pleased; he therefore accompaniedthem to Gaffat, and in a few hours had the foundry, by means ofshamas, gabis, and carpets, transformed into a very decent abode. The throne was also conveyed there, and when all was ready we werecalled. His Majesty, after apologizing for the accommodation he wasobliged to give us for a few days, returned to Debra Tabor, promisingthat the next day he would see for a more suitable dwelling for hisguests. Accordingly, the following morning he arrived, and hadseveral native houses on a small hill opposite Gaffat cleared outfor our reception. As Mr. Rassam's house was rather small, thatgentleman took advantage of the circumstance to request that theEmperor would withdraw the honour of placing the throne in his room. His Majesty acquiesced, but had the place well carpeted, and thewalls and ceiling lined with white cloth. After all these dailychanges we thought that we were settled for the rainy season. Choleraand typhus fever had made their appearance at Gaffat, and frommorning to night I was in constant attendance on the sick. One ofmy patients, the wife of one of the Europeans, greatly occupied mytime: she had first been attacked with cholera, and was afterwardslaid for many days at death's door with typhus fever. 

On the morning of the 25th of June we received a message from theEmperor, to the effect that Mr. Rassam, his companions, the priests, and any one he would like to take with him, should repair to DebraTabor, to be present at a political trial. The European workmen, Cantiba, Hailo, and Samuel accompanied us. Arrived at Debra Tabor, we were surprised at not being received with the usual salutations, and instead of being at once conducted to the presence of Theodore, we were ushered into a black tent pitched in the King's inclosure. We surmised that the political trial concerned ourselves. We hadbeen seated but a few minutes, when the European workmen were sentfor by his Majesty. After a while they returned, with Cantiba Hailo, Samuel, and an Afa Negus (mouth of the King), who delivered theImperial messages. 

The first and most important was, "I have received a letter fromJerusalem, in which I am told that the Turks are making railwaysin the Soudan, to attack my country conjointly with the English andFrench. " The second message was much to the same effect, only addingthat as Mr. Rassam must have seen the railway in construction, heought to have informed his Majesty of it. The third question was, "Is it not true that the Egyptian railway was built by the English?"Fourthly, "Did he not give a letter to Consul Cameron for him todeliver to the Queen of England, and did not the Consul returnwithout an answer? Did not Mr. Rosenthal say that the EnglishGovernment had laughed at his letter?" Altogether; there were someseven or eight questions, but the others were insignificant, and Ido not remember them. A few days before a Greek priest had arrivedfrom the coast with a letter for his Majesty: Whether these statementswere contained in the missive; or were merely a pretext inventedby Theodore himself, to give a reason for the ill treatment heintended to inflict upon his innocent guests, it is impossible tosay. The concluding message was, "You must remain here; your armshis Majesty no longer trusts in your hands, but your property willbe sent to you. "

Mr. Rosenthal obtained permission to return to Gaffat to see hiswife, and I was granted leave to accompany Samuel, as Mrs. Waldmeierwas that day in a very critical state. Mr. Rassam and the otherEuropeans remained in the tent. Mr. Waldmeier, on account of hiswife's serious illness, had remained at Gaffat, and he was muchstartled and grieved when he heard of our new misfortune; especiallyas it would deprive his wife of medical attendance at a time herlife was despaired of. He begged me to remain near her for an hour, whilst he would gallop to Debra Tabor to entreat his Majesty to letme remain with him until his wife should be out of danger. Mrs. Waldmeier is a daughter of the late Mr. Bell, who was held in greatesteem and affection by the Emperor. Not only did Theodore at oncegrant Waldmeier's request, but added, that if Mr. Rassam had noobjection, he would allow me to remain at Gaffat, as sickness wasprevailing there, during the expedition he intended to make. As Iwas much reduced by chronic diarrhoea and overexertion, I was muchpleased at the prospect of remaining at Gaffat, instead of campaigningduring the rains. Mr. Rassam himself on the following day requestedhis Majesty to allow me and some of our companions to remain forthe rainy season at Gaffat. In my case and in Mr. Rosenthal's, permission was granted, but was refused to all the others. 

Every day we heard that orders had been issued for the camp to bestruck, but his Majesty did not leave. He daily inquired after Mrs. Waldmeier, and sent me his compliments. He visited Gaffat twiceduring the few days I was there, and on each occasion sent for meand received me courteously. Mr. Rassam and the other Europeanswere allowed to come to Gaffat and spend the day with us; andalthough now and then the word "Magdala" was whispered, still itseemed as if the storm had blown over, and we hoped before long tobe all again united at Gaffat, and there in peace spend the rainyseason. On the 3rd of July an officer brought me the Imperialcompliments, and stated that his Majesty was coming to inspect theworks, and that I might present myself before him. I went at onceto the foundry, and on the road I met two of the Gaffat workmenalso proceeding there. A little incident then occurred, which wasfollowed by serious consequences. We met the Emperor near thefoundry, riding ahead of his escort; he asked us how we were, andwe all lowed and took off our hats. As he passed, along, the twoEuropeans with whom I walked, covered themselves; but aware howtouchy his Majesty, was on all points of etiquette, I kept my headuncovered, though the sun was hot and fierce. Arrived at thefoundry, the Emperor again greeted me cordially; examined for a fewminutes the drawing of a gun his workmen proposed to cast for him, and then left, all of us following. In the courtyard he passed closeto Mr. Rosenthal, who did not bow, as Theodore took no notice ofhim. 

As the Emperor issued from the foundry fence a poor old beggar askedfor alms, saying, "My lords (gaitotsh) the Europeans have alwaysbeen kind to me. Oh! my king, do you also relieve my distress!"On hearing the expression "lord" applied to his workmen, he gotinto a fearful passion. "How dare you call any one 'lord' but myself. Beat him, beat him, by my death!" Two of the executioners at oncerushed upon the beggar, and began beating him with their long sticks, Theodore all the while exclaiming, "Beat him, beat him, by my death!"The poor old cripple, at first in heartrending terms, implored formercy; but his voice grew fainter and fainter, and in a few minutesmore there lay his corpse, that none dare remove or pray for. Thelaughing hyenas that night caroused undisturbed on his abandonedremains. 

Theodore's rage was by no means abated by this act of cruelty; headvanced a few steps, then stopped, turned, his lance in rest, looking around, the very image of ungovernable fury. His eyes fellupon Mr. Rosenthal. "Seize him!" cried he; Immediately severalsoldiers rushed forward to obey the imperial command. "Seize theman they call a Hakeem. " Instantly a dozen ruffians pounced uponme, and I was held fast by the arms, coat, trousers--by every placethat afforded a grip. He then addressed himself to Mr. Rosenthal. "You donkey, why did you call me the son of a poor woman? Why didyou abase me?" Mr. Rosenthal said, "If I have offended your Majesty, I beg for pardon. " All the while the Emperor was shaking his lancein a threatening manner, and every minute I expected that he wouldthrow it; I feared that, blind with rage, he would not be able tocontrol himself; and I well knew that if once he began to give ventto his passions, my fate was also sealed. 

Fortunately for us both, Theodore turned towards his European workmenand abused them in no measured terms. "You slaves! Have I not boughtyou with money? Who are you that you dare call yourselves 'lords?'Take care!" Then addressing the two I had met on the road, he said, "You are proud, are you? Slaves! Women! Rotten donkeys! you coveryour heads, in my presence! Did you not see me? Did not the Hakeemkeep his head uncovered? Poor men that I have made rich!" He thenturned towards me, and seeing me held by a dozen soldiers, he criedout, "Let him go; bring him before me. " All drew back except one, who conducted me to within a few feet from the Emperor. He thenasked me, "Do you know Arabic?" Though I understand a little ofthat language, I thought it more prudent, under the circumstances, to reply in the negative. He then told Mr. Schimper to translatewhat he was going to say. "You, Hakeem, are my friend. I have nothingagainst you; but others have abused me, and you must come up withme to witness their trial. " Then ordering Cantiba Hailo to give mehis mule, he mounted, I and Mr. Rosenthal following; the latter onfoot, dragged the whole way by the soldiers who had first seizedhim. 

As soon as we reached Debra Tabor, the Emperor sent word to Mr. Rassam to come out with the other Europeans, as he had somethingto tell him. Theodore sat upon a rock, about twenty yards in frontof us; between him and ourselves stood a few of his high officers, and behind us a deep line of soldiers. He was still angry, breakingthe edges of the rock with the butt-end of his lance, and spittingconstantly between his words. He at once addressed himself to theRev. Mr. Stern, and asked him, "Was it as a Christian, a heathen, or a Jew, that you abused me? Tell me where you find in the Biblethat a Christian ought to abuse? When you wrote your book, by whoseauthority did you do it? Those who abused me to you, were they myenemies or yours? Who was it told you evil things against me?" &c. He afterwards said to Mr. Rassam, "You, also, have, abused me. ""I?" replied Mr. Rassam. "Yes, you; in four instances. First, youread Mr. Stern's book, wherein I am abused; secondly, you did notreconcile me with the prisoners, but wanted to send them out of thecountry; thirdly, your Government allows the Turks to keep Jerusalem--itis my inheritance. The fourth I have forgotten. " He then asked Mr. Rassam whether he knew or not that Jerusalem belonged to him, andthat the Abyssinian convent there had been seized by the Turks? Asthe descendant of Constantine and Alexander the Great, India andArabia belonged to him. He put many foolish questions of the samekind. At last he said to Samuel, who was interpreting, "What haveyou to say if I chain your friends?" "Nothing, " replied Samuel;"are you not the master?" Chains had been brought, but the answersomewhat pacified him. He then addressed one of his chiefs, saying, "Can you watch these people in the tent?" The other, who knew hisanswer, replied, "Your Majesty, the house would be better. " Onthat he gave orders for our baggage to be conveyed from the blacktent to a house contiguous to his own, and we were told to go. 

The house assigned to us was formerly used as a godown: it was builtof stone, with a large verandah all around, and closed by a singlesmall door, with no window or other aperture. It was only whenseveral lighted candles had been brought that we could find our wayinto the dark central room, and it only required numbers to reactthe fearful drama of the Calcutta Black Hole. Some soldiers carriedin our bedding, and a dozen guards sat near us, holding lightedcandles in their hands. The Emperor sent us several messages. Mr. Rassam took advantage of this circumstance to complain bitterly ofthe unfair treatment inflicted upon us. He said, "Tell his Majestythat I have done my best to bring on a good understanding betweenmy country and him; but when to-day's work is known, whatever theconsequences may be, let him not throw the blame upon me. " Theodoresent back word, "If I treat you well or not; it is the same; myenemies will always say that I have ill-treated you, so it does notmatter. "

A little later we were rather startled by a message from his Majesty, informing us that he could not rest before comforting his friend, and that he would come and see us. Though we did our best to dissuadehim from such a step, he soon afterwards came; accompanied by someslaves carrying arrack and tej. He said, "Even my wife told me notto go out, but I could not leave you in grief, so I have come todrink with you. " On that he had arrack and tej presented to all ofus, himself setting the example. 

He was calm, and rather serious, though he made great efforts toappear gay. He must have remained at least an hour; conversing ondifferent topics, the Pope of Rome being the principal one discussed. Amongst other things: he said, "My father was mad, and though peopleoften say that I am mad also; I never would believe it; but now Iknow it is true. " Mr. Rassam answered, "Pray do not say such athing. " His Majesty replied, "Yes, yes, I am mad, " Shortly beforeleaving, he said, "Do not look at my face or take heed of my wordswhen I speak to you before my people, but look at my heart: I havean object. " As he returned, he gave orders to the guards to withdrawoutside, and not to inconvenience us. Though we have seen him sincethen once or twice, at a distance, it is the last time we conversedwith him. 

The two days we spent in the black hole at Debra Tabor, all huddledup together, obliged to have lighted candles day and night, and inanxious uncertainty about our future fate, were really days ofmental torture and physical discomfort. We hailed with joy theannouncement that we were going to move; any alternative waspreferable to our position--be it rain in a worn-out tent, be itchains in one of the ambas--anything was better than close confinement, deprived of all comforts, even of the cheering light of day. 

At noon on the 5th of July, we were informed that his Majesty hadalready left, and that our escort was in attendance. All weredelighted at the prospect of seeing fresh air and green fields andbright sun. We did not require a second command, and did not evengive a second thought to the journey, rain, mud, and such likeinconveniences. On that day we made but a short stage, and encampedon a large plain called Janmêda, a few miles south of Gaffat. Early morning the following day the army moved off, but we waitedin the rear at least three hours before the order came for us tostart. Theodore, seated on a rock, had allowed the whole force, camp-followers included, to go on in advance, and like us, unprotectedfrom the pouring rain, and seemingly in deep thought, examined thedifferent corps as they passed before him. We were now strictlywatched; several chiefs with their men guarded us day and night, adetachment marched ahead of us, another in the rear, and a strongparty never lost sight of us. 

We halted that afternoon on a large plain near a small eminencecalled Kulgualiko, on which the Imperial tents were pitched. Thefollowing day, the same mode of departure was adopted, and aftertravelling all night we halted at a place called Aibankab, at thefoot of Mount Guna, the highest peak in Begemder, often coveredduring the rainy season with frozen hail. 

We remained the 8th at Aibankab. In the afternoon his Majesty toldus to ascend the hill on which his tents were pitched, to see thesnow-covered summit of the Guna, as from our position below we couldnot obtain a good view of it. A few polite messages passed betweenus, but we did not see him. 

Early on the 9th, Samuel, our balderaba, was sent for. He stayedaway a long time, and on his return informed us that we were to goon in advance, that our heavy baggage would be sent after us, andthat we must keep with us a few light articles which the soldiersof our escort and our mules could carry. Several of the officersof the Imperial household, to whom we had shown some kindness, cameto bid us good-by, all looking very sad--one with tears in his eyes. Though no one informed us of our destination, we all surmised thatMagdala and chains were our lot. 

Bitwaddad Tadla, with the men under his command, now took chargeof us. We soon perceived that we were more strictly guarded thanever; one or two mounted soldiers had special charge of each separateindividual of our party, flogging the mules if they did not go fastenough, or causing those in front to wait until the less well mountedcould come up. We made a very long march on that day, from 9 A. M. To 4 P. M. , without a halt. The soldiers, who carried a few parcels, came on shortly after us, but the baggage mules only arrived atsunset, and dead tired. As the small rowties we had brought withus had not arrived, the head of the guard had a house in the villageof Argabea cleared out for our reception. No food being forthcoming, we killed a sheep and broiled it over the fire, Abyssinian fashion;hungry and tired, we thought it the most exquisite meal we had evermade. 

At sunrise, the following morning, our guards told us to get ready, and soon after we were in the saddle. Our route lay E. S. E. Anyslight doubts we might still have had about our destination nowvanished; the former prisoners knew too well the road to Magdalato have any misgivings on the subject. On the previous day the roadwas a gradual ascent over a well-cultivated and populous district;but on the 10th, the country bore a wild aspect, few villages wereto be seen, and but few dark tufts of cedars graced the summit ofthe distant hills, proclaiming the presence of a church. The scenerywas grand, and for the artist no doubt full of attractions; but forEuropeans, driven like cattle by semi-barbarians, the precipitousdescents and steep acclivities had certainly no charms. After a fewhours' march, we arrived at an almost perpendicular precipice (almost1, 500 feet in height, and not more than a quarter of a mile inbreadth), that we had both to descend and ascend in order to reachthe next plateau. Another couple of hours' march brought us to thegate's of Begemder. In front of us arose the plateau of Dahonte, only about a couple of miles distant, but we had to ascend a moreabrupt precipice than the one we had just passed and climb againa steeper ascent before we could reach it. The valley of the Jiddah, a tributary of the Nile, was between us and our halting-place--astiff march, as the silver thread we viewed from the narrow passagebetween the basaltic columns of the Eastern Begemder ridge was 3, 000feet below us. Tired and worn out, at last; we accomplished ourtask. 

We halted for the night at a place called Magat, on the first terraceof the Dahonte plateau, about 500 feet from the summit. Our smalltent arrived in time, our servants had carried with them a fewprovisions, and we managed to make a frugal meal; but only one ortwo of the best baggage mules made their appearance, so that we hadto lie on the bare ground--those best off on leathern skins. It wasfive days after our arrival at Magdala before a small portion ofour luggage arrived, and until then we could not even change ourclothes, and had nothing to protect ourselves against the coldnights of the rainy season. Early on the morning of the 11th wecontinued our ascent, and soon reached the splendid plateau ofDahonte. This small province is but a large circular plain abouttwelve miles in diameter, covered at the time of our journey, withfields in all stages of cultivation, and with beautiful greenmeadows, where grazed thousands of heads of cattle, and where mules, horses, and innumerable flocks everywhere meet the eye. The wholecircumference of this plain is dotted with small rounded hillocks, and from their base to the summit numerous well-built villagesarise. Dahonte is certainly the most fertile and picturesque districtI have seen in Abyssinia. 

By noon we reached the eastern extremity of the plateau, and therebefore us again appeared one of those awful chasms we had encounteredtwice on our road since leaving Debra Tabor. We did not at allrejoice at the idea of having to descend, then wade through thewide and rapid Bechelo, and again climb the opposite precipice--aperfect wall--to complete our day's work. Fortunately, our muleswere so tired that the chief of our guard halted, for the nighthalf way down the descent, at one of the villages that are perchedon the several terraces of this basaltic mountain. At dawn on the12th we continued our descent, crossed the Bechelo, and ascendedto the opposite plateau of Watat, where we arrived at eleven A. M. There we made a slight halt and partook of a frugal breakfast, sentby the chief of Magdala to Bitwaddad Tadla, who kindly shared itwith us. 

From Watat to Magdala the road is an inclined plain, constantly butgradually shelving upwards towards the high plateau of the Wallocountry--the end of our journey, as Magdala is on its border. Theamba, with a few isolated mountains, all perpendicular and crownedwith walls of basalt, seem like miniatures of the large expansesof Dahonte and Wallo--small particles detached from the neighbouringgigantic masses. 

The road on nearing Magdala is more abrupt; one or two conical hillshave to be crossed before the amba itself is reached. Magdala isformed of two cones, separated by a small plateau named Islamgee, a few hundred feet lower than the two peaks it divides. The northernpeak is the higher of the two, but on account of the absence ofwater and the small space it affords, it is not inhabited; and toMagdala alone belonged the privilege of being Theodore's most famousfortress, his treasury, and his gaol. 

From Islamgee the ascent is steeper, but we were able to ride onour mules up to the second door; a feat we could not perform whilstascending from the Bechelo and Jiddah, as we had not only to descendalmost all the way on foot, but had frequently to dismount at theascent, and climb on all-fours, leaving the mules to find their wayas best they could. The distance from Watat to Magdala is generallyaccomplished in five hours, but we were nearly seven, as we had tomake frequent halts, and messengers came to and fro from the Amba. Many of the chiefs of the mountain came out to meet Bitwaddad Tadla. 

At Islamgee another long halt was made, I suppose while our _lettrede cachet_ was examined by the chiefs in council. At last, oneby one, counted like sheep, we passed the doors, and were taken toa large open space in front of the King's house. There we were metby the Ras (Head of the mountain) and the six superior chiefs, whojoin with him in council on every important occasion. As soon asthey had greeted Bitwaddad Tadla they retired a few yards, andconsulted with him and Samuel. After a few minutes, Samuel told usto come on; and, accompanied by the chiefs, escorted by theirfollowers, we were taken to a house near the Imperial fence. A firewas lighted. To fatigued and dejected men the prospect of a roof, after so many days passed in the rain, cheered us even in our misery, and when the chiefs had retired, leaving a guard at the door, wesoon forgot--talking, smoking, or sleeping near the fire--that wewere the innocent victims of base treachery. Two houses had beenallowed to our party. At first we all slept in one of them, theother being made over to the servants, and used as a kitchen. 

 CHAPTER XI. 

Our First House at Magdala--The Chief has a "little Business"with us--Feelings of an European when being put in Chains--TheOperation described--The Prisoner's Toilet--How we Lived--Ourfirst Messenger a Failure--How we obtained Money and Letters--AMagdala Diary--A Rainy Season in a Godjo. 

It was already dark when we had arrived the evening before. Ourfirst thought in the morning was to examine our new abode. Itconsisted of two circular huts, surrounded by a strong thorny fence, adjoining the Emperor's Enclosure. The largest hut was in a badstate of repair; and as the roof, instead of being supported by acentral pole, had about a dozen of lateral ones forming as manyseparate divisions, we made it over to our servants and to ourbalderaba Samuel. The one we kept for ourselves had been built byRas Hailo, at one time a great favourite of Theodore, but who hadunfortunately fallen under his displeasure. Ras Hailo was not chainedduring the time he remained in that house: for a time he was even"pardoned, " and made chief of the mountain. But Theodore, after awhile, again deprived him of his command and confidence, and senthim to the common gaol, chained like the other prisoners. For anAbyssinian house it was well built; the roof was almost the best Isaw in the country, being made with small bamboos closely arrangedand bound with rings of the same material. After Ras Hailo had beensent to the gaol, his house had been made over to the favourite ofthe day, Ras Engeddah; but, according to custom, Theodore took itaway from him to lodge his English guests. 

For us it was small: we were eight, and the place could not containeasily more than four. The evenings and nights were bitterly cold, and the fire occupying the centre of the room, some of us had tolay half the body in a recess that leaked, and half in the room. At first we felt our position bitterly. The rainy season had setin, and hailstorms occurred almost every day. Many of us (Prideauxand myself amongst them) had not even a change of clothes, nobedding, nor anything to cover ourselves with during the long colddamp nights; and I always shall remember with feelings of gratitudethe Samaritan act of Samuel, who, pitying me, kindly lent me oneof his shamas. 

We had hardly any money, and we had not the remotest idea fromwhence we could obtain any. Though there was some talk of rationsbeing supplied from the Imperial stores, the former captives onlylaughed at the idea; they knew, from bitter experience, that prisonerson Amba Magdala "were expected to give, but never to receive. " Theevent proved that their surmises were right: we never receivedanything from the man who on all occasions loudly proclaimed himselfour friend but a small jar of tej, that for some months was dailysent to Samuel: (I believe all the time it was intended for him;at all events, he and his friends drank it;) and on great feastdays a couple of lean, hungry-looking cows, of which, I am delightedto say, I declined a share. 

To the European, accustomed to find at his door every necessary oflife, the fact that not a shop exists throughout the breadth andwidth of Abyssinia may appear strange; but still it is so. We had, therefore, to be our own butchers and bakers, and as for what iscalled grocery stores, we had simply to dispense with them. Ourfood was abominably bad; the sheep we purchased were little betterthan London cats; and as no flour-mill is to be found in Abyssinia, far less any bakers, we were obliged to purchase the grain, beatit to remove the chaff, and grind it between two stones--not theflat grinding-stones of Egypt or India, but on a small curved pieceof rock, where the grain is reduced to flour by means of a largehard kind of pebble held in the hand. It was brown bread with avengeance. On the mountain we might buy eggs and fowls; but as thefirst were generally bad when sold to us, we soon got disgustedwith them; and though we put up with the fowls as a change of diet, their toughness and leanness would have made them rejected everywhereelse. Being the rainy reason, we had great difficulty in purchasinga little honey. Wild coffee was now and then obtainable; but itmade, in the absence of sugar, and with or without smoky milk, sucha bitter, nauseous compound, that, after a while, I and otherspreferred doing without it. Such was then the amount of "luxuries"we had to depend on during our long captivity, --coarse, vitreous-looking, badly-baked bread; the ever-returning dish of skinny, tough mutton, the veteran cock, smoked butter, and bitter coffee. Tea, sugar, wine, fish, vegetables, &c. , were not, either for love or money, to be obtained anywhere. The coarseness and uniformity of our food, however, was as nothing compared with our dread of being starvedto death; for even the few and inferior articles I have mentionedwould fail us when our money was expended. 

I was very badly off for clothes. Before leaving Debra Tabor, I wastold to leave everything behind in the charge of the Gaffat people, and only take with me the few things I required for the road. Myonly pair of shoes, what from rain, sun, and climbing, had becomeso thoroughly worn-out, and so hard, as to bring on a wound thattook months to heal, so that until the arrival of one of my servantsfrom the coast, many months afterwards, I had to walk, or rathercrawl, about on naked feet. 

Life in common among men of different tastes and habits is, indeed, dreadful. There we were, eight Europeans, all huddled up in thesame small place, a waiting-room, a dining-room, a dormitory; mostof us entire strangers before, and only united by one bond--commonmisfortune. Adversity is but little fitted to improve the temper:on the contrary, it breaks down all social habits; the more so ifeducation and birth do not enable the sufferer to contend againstthe greatest difficulties. We feared above all things that familiaritywhich creeps on so naturally between men of totally different socialpositions, and leads to harsh words and contempt. We had to liveon terms of equality with one of the former servants of CaptainCameron; we had to be quiet if some remained talking part of thenight, and put up silently with the defects of others in the hopethat our own might meet with the same leniency. 

A party of soldiers, varying from fifteen to twenty, came everyevening a little before dusk, and pitched a small black tent almostopposite our door. As it frequently rained at night, the greaternumber of the soldiers remained in the tent; only two or three, supposed to be watching, went to sleep under the shelter of aprojecting part of the roof. They did not disturb us, and, if wewent out after dark, they merely watched where we went, but did notfollow. In the daytime we had four guards, two taking it in turnto watch the gate of our inclosure. These men were never changedduring all the time of our stay; but we had not much reason to besatisfied with the selection made, as, with one exception, our dayguards were fearful rascals and dangerous spies. 

We had already spent three days at Magdala, and were beginning tohope that our punishment would be limited to "simple imprisonment, "when about noon on the 16th we perceived the chief, accompanied bya large escort, coming in the direction of our prison. Samuel wassent for, and a long consultation took place between him and thechief outside the gate. We were yet in ignorance of what was goingon, and felt rather uncomfortable when Samuel returned to us witha serious countenance, and told us that we must all go into theroom, as the chief had a "little business" with us. We obeyed, andshortly afterwards the Ras (Head of the mountain), the five membersof council, and about eight or ten more presented themselves. TheRas and the principal chiefs, all armed to the teeth, squeezedthemselves into the room, the others remaining outside. The ordinaryAbyssinian conversation--that is to say, a great deal of talkingabout religion, looking pious, taking God's and the King's name invain every minute--opened the proceedings. I was sitting near thedoor, and as the conversation did not interest me much, I was lookingat the motley crowd outside, when all at once I perceived that twoor three men were carrying large bundles of chains. I pointed themout to Mr. Rassam, and asked him if he believed they intended themfor us; he spoke to Samuel in Arabic on the subject, and theaffirmative answer he received revealed to us the subject of thelong consultation that had taken place outside. 

The Ras now dropped the desultory conversation he had been holdingsince his arrival, and in quiet terms informed us that it was thecustom of the mountain to chain every prisoner sent there; that hehad received no instructions from the Emperor, and would at oncedespatch a messenger to inform him that he had put us in irons, andhe had no doubt that before long his master would send orders forour fetters to be removed, but that in the meanwhile we must submitto the rules of the amba; he added that in our case it was withregret that he felt himself obliged to enforce them. The poor fellowreally meant well; he was kind-hearted and, for an Abyssinian, hadgentlemanly manners; he had some hope that Theodore might have bythat time regretted the unnecessary and cruel order, and wouldperhaps seize the opportunity he thus offered him and cancel it. I may as well add here that, not many months afterwards, the Raswas accused of being in correspondence with the king of Shoa; hewas taken in irons to the camp, where he shortly afterwards diedfrom the consequences of the many tortures inflicted upon him. 

The chains were brought, and the real business of the day began;one after another we had to submit to the operation, the formercaptives being first served and favoured with the heaviest chains. At last my turn came. I was made to sit down on the ground, tuckup my trousers, and place my right leg on a large stone that hadbeen brought for the purpose. One of the rings was then placed onmy leg a couple of inches above the right ankle, and down came, upon the thick cold iron, a huge sledge-hammer: every stroke vibratedthrough the whole limb, and when the hammer fell not quite straightit pressed the iron ring against the bone, causing most acute pain. It took about ten minutes to fix on properly the first ring; it wasbeaten down until a finger could just be introduced between thering and the flesh, and then the two pieces, where they overlappedone another, were hammered down until they perfectly joined. Theoperation was then performed on the left leg. I was always afraidof the blacksmith missing the iron and smashing my leg to pieces. All at once I felt as if the limb was being torn asunder; the ringhad broken just when the operation was nearly completed. For thesecond time I had to submit to the hammering process, and this timethe fetter was rivetted to the entire satisfaction of the smith andchief. 

I was now told that I might rise and go to my seat; but that wasno easy matter, and, having no practice in this, for me, quite newway of locomotion, I could hardly take the necessary three or foursteps. Although I was in great bodily pain, and felt deeply thedegradation we were subjected to, I would not give the officers ofthe man who was thus ill-treating us cause to believe that I caredin the least about it. On rising to my legs I lifted up my cap andshouted, to their great astonishment, "God save the Queen, " andwent on laughing and chatting as if I felt perfectly happy. As everydetail of our life was reported to Theodore, and my contempt forhis chains was public, he was at once informed of it: but he onlymentioned the fact twenty-one months afterwards, when he alludedto it in conversation with Mr. Waldmeier, to whom he said that everyone allowed themselves to be chained without saying a word; thateven Mr. Rassam had smiled upon them; but that the doctor and Mr. Prideaux had looked at them with anger. 

After the operation was over, and the witnesses of the scene hadeach favoured us with a "May God open thee, " the messenger thechiefs were sending to Theodore (a fellow named Lib, a great spy, and confidant of the Emperor; the same who had brought our _lettresde cachet_, ) was introduced to receive any message Mr. Rassamdesired to convey to his Majesty. That gentleman, in quiet andcourteous words, reproached his Majesty for his treachery, and castupon him the onus of the consequences such unfair treatment wouldmost likely bring upon him. Unfortunately Samuel, always timid, andat this time almost dead with fright, as he did not know whetherchains were not in reserve for him also, declined to interpret, andsimply sent the ordinary compliments instead. 

When our gaolers had withdrawn, we looked at one another, and thesight was so ridiculous, so absurd, that for all our sorrow we couldnot help laughing heartily. The chains consisted of two heavy ringsconnected together by three small thick links, leaving just a spanbetween one ring and the other; and these we wore for nearlytwenty-one months! At first we could not walk at all; our legs werebruised and sore from the hammering on, and the iron pressing onthe ankles was so painful that we were obliged to tie bandages underthe chains during the daytime. At night I always took off thebandages, as the constant impediment to the circulation theyoccasioned, caused the feet to swell; yet at night we felt theweight and pressure even more than during the day: our legs seemedfor a long time never to get rest; we could not move them about, and when in our sleep we turned from one side to the other, thelinks, by striking the bone of the leg, caused such acute pain asto awake us at once. Though after a time we got more accustomed tothem, and could walk about our small inclosure with more ease, stillevery now and then we had to remain quiet for some days, as thelegs got sore, and small ulcers appeared on the parts where thegreatest pressure bore. Even since they have been removed, formonths my legs were weaker than before, the ankles smaller, and thefeet somewhat enlarged. 

The evening we were put in chains we had to cut open our trousersas the only way of getting them off. During their former captivityat Magdala, Messrs. Cameron, Stern and others, either wore petticoatsor native drawers, which they had been taught to pass between theleg and the chain. But we had no material at hand to make the first, and as for passing even the thinnest cambric through the rings inthe swollen condition of the limb, that was quite out of the question. Necessity, it is said, is the mother of invention: at all events Iinvented the "Magdala trousers. " On taking off mine that evening, I cut them near the outward seam, and collecting all the buttons Icould obtain, had them sewed on, and button-holes made along theBeam as near to one another as my limited supply allowed. Some weeksafterwards I was able, with the assistance of a native, to passthrough the rings calico drawers; and as my legs grew thinner, intime, I was able to put on trousers made of thin Abyssinian cottoncloth; and such is the force of habit and practice, that at last Icould take off or put on my trousers as quickly almost as if mylegs were free. 

We had gone to bed early that evening, not knowing what to do, whenwe heard a discussion going on outside our hut between Samuel andthe chief of the guard that night, named Mara, a descendant of someArmenian and a great worshipper of his Imperial master. Samuel atlast came in and told us that he had endeavoured to persuade theofficer not to disturb us, but that he insisted on examining ourchains to see if they were all right. We declined at first to submitto the inspection, and only consented, in order to get rid of thefellow, to shake our chains under the shama with which we werecovered, as he passed from one to another. 

As we expected to be at least six months in Magdala--giving timefor the news to reach England, and the troops to arrive that wefelt certain would immediately be despatched to set us free andpunish the despot--Mr. Rassam endeavoured, through Samuel, to obtaina few more huts for our accommodation. Samuel spoke to the Ras andto the other chiefs, and they agreed to give us a small hut and twogodjos, (small huts, the roof formed by the ends of the twigs beingtied together at the free extremity, and the whole covered withstraw, ) when they would have collected wood enough to make a newfence. In the meanwhile two of us, Pietro and Mr. Kerans, wereinduced to live in the kitchen, where they would have more room andleave more space for ourselves. 

Our first thought on reaching Magdala was to communicate theintelligence to our friends and to Government; since we had beenchained we knew that every hour lost was a day added to our discomfortand misery, and that we ought to lose no time in sending a trustymessenger to Massowah. It was always very difficult for us towrite, but more so in the beginning, as we were afraid even ofSamuel, afterwards so useful in all that concerned our messengers. All the country up to Lasta still recognized Theodore, and we wereobliged to be very guarded in our expressions, in case the lettershould fall into the hands of some of his chiefs and be forwardedto him. On the 18th, our packet was ready; but, strange to say, itwas the only time our letter came to grief. We could only trustservants that had been some time with us, --at least, so we thoughtat the time, --and therefore selected an old servant of Cameron whohad been formerly, on several occasions, employed as messenger. Hewas a good man, a first-rate walker, but very quarrelsome; and tospite his adversary was capable of anything. To accompany him throughthe rebel country we obtained a servant from a political prisoner, Dejatch Maret: they were to travel together and return with ananswer from Mr. Munzinger. Soon after, leaving Magdala, the twobegan to quarrel, and on reaching the rebels' outposts, a questionof precedence between them led to the discovery of our packet; bothmessengers were seized, tied with ropes for a few days, and whenreleased, our man was told to go back, and the letters were burnt. Afterwards we made better arrangements: the messengers carried intheir belts the letters which were of a dangerous nature; otherwisewe sewed them up in leather, in the shape of the amulets and charmsworn by the natives, or had them stitched between patches on oldtrousers, or near the seams. Those writing from the coast used thesame precautions; and though we must have sent about forty messengerswith letters during our captivity, without mentioning those employedelsewhere, they all, with the one exception I have mentioned, reachedin safety. 

Next came the question so vital to us, how to get money. It sohappened that Theodore, about that time, gave a thousand dollarsto each of his workmen. Many of them, judging from the politicalcondition of the country that the Emperor's power would soon fallentirely, were desirous of sending their money out of the country, and as we were only too anxious to get some, the matter was easilyarranged to our mutual satisfaction. We sent servants to DebraTabor; and as the road was still safe, and we had, by suitablepresents, made friends of the chiefs of the districts that lay inthe way, the servants were not molested or plundered. They carriedthe dollars either in bags, on mules, laden at the same time withgrain or flour which the Gaffat people now and then sent us, ortied in the long cotton sash that Abyssinians wear as a belt. Directions were also given to Mr. Munzinger to forward money toMetemma, from whence we could draw it by sending servants. It wasonly during the second year of our captivity that we experiencedany serious difficulty on that score. The Emperor's power becamemore and more limited; rebels and thieves infested the roads; theroute between Metemma and Magdala was closed; the Gaffat people hadnone to spare; and at one time it seemed as if it was perfectlyimpossible for messengers to reach us. Though for months we wererather hard up, what by employing servants of political prisoners, friends or relatives of the rebels, by using the influence of theBishop, or through the protection of Wagshum Gobazé, money againfound its way to Magdala, and relieved us from our apprehensions. Theodore knew indirectly that we sent servants to the coast, butas it is the custom to allow prisoners' servants to go to theirmasters' families to beg for them, he could not well forbid us; themore so as he never gave us anything. If messengers had fallen intohis hands he would probably have plundered the money, but not injuredthem. As for letters it was quite a different affair: if those wewrote had by accident come into his possession, he would have madeshort work of the messenger, and most certainly of us also. 

It might appear strange that the Abyssinians--a race of thieves--shouldhave proved themselves so honest on these occasions, and not abscondedwith the couple of hundred dollars entrusted to them: a fortune fora poor servant. Though it would be ungrateful to run down thesemen, who exposed themselves to great perils, often travelled thewhole distance from Massowah to Magdala at night, and who, I maysay, saved us from starvation; still I believe that they acted moreon the old adage that honesty is the best policy, than from anyinnate virtue. First, they were handsomely rewarded, well treated, and expected a further reward (which they very properly received)should fortune once more smile upon us; Secondly, all the greatrebel chiefs befriended us, and we should have had but to communicatewith them directly, or, better still, through the Bishop; for themto have at once seized the delinquent, deprived him of his ill-gottenwealth, and punished him severely. This they knew perfectly well. 

Looking back, I cannot imagine how I got through the long, drearydays of idleness, always the same, for twenty-one months. Chainswere nothing compared to the fearful want of occupation. Supposewe had kept a daily diary, the entries would have been generallyas follows:--"Took a bath (a painful operation, as the chains, unsupported by the bandages, hurt fearfully); small boy helps topass my trousers between the chains. To-day, being dry, we crawledup and down our fifteen yards' walk. Breakfast; felt happier thattask over. Sick came for medicine. As I am doctor and apothecary, prescribed and made the medicine myself. Samuel, or some trustynative friend who knows that my tej is ripe, came for a glass ortwo. Go now and smoke a pipe with Cameron. Lay down and readMcCulloch's _Commercial Dictionary_; very interesting book, but sends me to sleep. Afternoon, lay down and got up again; triedonce more the _Commercial Dictionary_. Dinner (I wonder whatage the cock we ate had reached); crawled about for, an hour betweenthe huts; lay down, took Gadby's _Appendix_; but as I knew itby heart, even his curious descriptions have no more attraction. Small boy lighted the fire; the wood was green, the smoke fearful. Had a game of whist with Rassam and Prideaux. I do not suppose theywould play with our dirty cards in a guard-room. Lost twenty points. Small boy took off the trousers. The guards were cursing us becausethey had to sleep outside in the rain. Bravo, Samuel, you are afriend indeed!"

This imaginary page I might repeat _ad infinitum_. As a change, sometimes we wrote to our friends, or received letters and somescraps of newspapers--delightful days; few and far between. OnSundays we had divine service; Mr. Stern, though sick and weary, always did his utmost to comfort and encourage us. Such was, as arule, our daily life: it is true we had our exciting times, perhapstoo much of it at the end; we had also, now and then, a few otheroccupations, such as building a new hut, making a small garden, settling a quarrel amongst the servants: details that will come inour narrative as we proceed. I mentioned that the chiefs hadpromised to enlarge our fence; they kept to their word. Four orfive days after we had undergone the chaining operation, they madeus another visit, consulted, discussed for a long time, and at lastagreed to make a small break in the fence and inclose the threehuts they had promised us. Samuel, who had the distribution of thenew premises, gave the small house to Rassam, took one of the godjosfor himself, and gave the third one to Prideaux and myself. Keransand Pietro were still to remain in the kitchen, so that our firsthouse was left to Messrs. Cameron, Stern, and Rosenthal. 

On the 23rd July, 1866, Prideaux and myself entered our new abode:and, without exaggeration, if a dog were tied up in a similar shedin England I may say that the owner would be prosecuted by theSociety for the Protection of Animals. As it was, we were only toohappy to get it, and at once went to work--not to make it comfortable, that was quite out of the question, but--to try to keep out therain. 

 CHAPTER XII. 

Description of Magdala--Climate and Water Supply--The Emperor'sHouses--His Harem and Magazines--The Church--Prison-house--Guardsand Gaol--Discipline--A previous Visit of Theodore to Magdala--Slaughterof the Gallas--Character and Antecedents of Samuel--Our friends Zenabthe Astronomer, and Meshisha the Lute--player--Day Guards--We buildnew Huts--Abyssinian and Portuguese Servants--Our Inclosure is enlarged. 

Amba Magdala, distant about 320 [Footnote: According to Mr. C. Markham. ]miles from Zulla, and about 180 from Gondar, arises in the provinceof Worahaimanoo, on the border of the Wallo Galla country. Theapproach is difficult on account of the steep ascent and narrowprecipitous ravines that separate it from the rivers Bechelo andJiddah and from the table-land of Wallo. It stands almostisolated--amongst gigantic surrounding masses, and viewed from thewestern side possesses the appearance of a crescent. On the extremeleft of this curve appears a small flat plateau called Fahla, connected by a strip of land with a peak higher than the amba itself, and called Selassié (trinity), on account of the church erectedupon it, and designated by that name. From Selassié to Amba Magdalaitself there is a large plain called Islamgee, several hundred feetlower than the two peaks it separates. At Islamgee several smallvillages had been erected by the peasants who cultivate the landfor the Emperor, the chiefs, and soldiers of the amba. The servantsof the prisoners had also there a spot given to them where theywere allowed to build huts for themselves and cattle. On Saturdaya weekly market, formerly well supplied, was held at the foot ofSelassié. Numerous wells were generally sunk during the dryseason close to the springs of Islamgee, which wells afforded asmall but constant supply of water. From Islamgee the road up toMagdala is very steep and difficult. To the first gate it follows, at times very abruptly, the flank of the mountain. To the right, the sides of the amba rise like a huge wall; below is a giddy abyss. From the first to the second gate the road is exceedingly narrowand steep, turning to the right at a sharp angle with the firstpart of the road. Small earthworks had been erected on the flanksnear the gates, protecting every weak point; The summit of the ridgewas strongly fenced and loopholed. Two other gates led from theamba to the foot of the mountain; one had some time before beenclosed, but the other, called Kafir Ber, opened in the directionof the Galla country. The amba is well fortified by nature, andTheodore, to increase its strength, added some rude fortifications. 

The Magdala plateau is oblong and somewhat irregular, about a mileand a half in length, and on the average about a mile broad. It wasone of the strongest fortresses in Abyssinia, and by its positionbetween the rich and fertile plateau of Dahonte, Dalanta, andWorahaimanoo, easily provisioned. Magdala is more than 9, 000 feetabove the level of the sea; and enjoys a splendid climate. In theevenings, almost all the year round, a fire is welcome, and, thougha month or two before the rains the temperature rises somewhat, inthe huts we never found it too hot to be uncomfortable. The highland that surrounds the amba in the distance is barren and bleak, due to the great altitude, and many of the peaks in the Galla countryare, for several months in the year, covered with snow or frozenhail. Water, during and for some months after the rainy season, isabundant, but from March to the first week in July it gets scarcerand scarcer, until it is obtained only with difficulty. In orderto remedy this disadvantage, Theodore, with his usual forethought, had several large tanks constructed on the mountain, and also sunkwells in promising places. The effort was pretty successful; thewells gave only a small supply of water, it is true, but it was aconstant one all the year round. The water collected in the tankswas of very little use. Those reservoirs were not covered after therains, and the water, impregnated with all kinds of vegetable andanimal matter, soon became quite unfit to drink. The principalsprings are at Islamgee; there are a few on the amba itself, andnumerous less important ones issue from the sides, not many feetfrom the summit, at the base of the ridge itself. 

Magdala was not only used by Theodore as a fortress, but also as agaol, a magazine, a granary, and as a place of protection for hiswives and family. The King's house and the granary stood almostin the centre of the amba; in front towards the west a large spacehad been left open and clear; behind stood the houses of the officersof his household; to the left, huts of chiefs and soldiers; to theright, on a small eminence, the godowns and magazines, soldiers'quarters, the church, the prison; and behind again another largeopen space looking towards the Galla plateau of Tanta. 

Theodore's houses had nothing regal about them. They were builton the same pattern as the ordinary huts of the country, but onlyon a larger scale. He himself, I believe, never, or at least veryrarely, lived in them; he preferred his tent at Islamgee, or onsome neighbouring height, to the larger and more commodious abodeon the amba. To his dislike to houses in general, I believe wasadded a particular objection to shutting himself up in the fort. The majority of these houses were occupied by Theodore's wives andconcubines, the eunuchs, and female slaves. The granary and tejhouses were in the same inclosure, but separated from the ladies'department by a strong fence; the granary consisted of half a dozenhuge huts, protected from the rain by a double roof. They containedbarley, tef, beans, peas, and a little wheat. All the grain waskept in leather bags piled up until they reached almost to the roof. It is said that, at the time of the capture of Magdala by our troops, there was grain in sufficient quantity stored in these granariesto last the garrison and other inhabitants of the amba for at leastsix months. The dwellings of the chiefs and soldiers were built onthe model of the Amhara houses--circular, with a pointed thatchedroof. The huts of the common soldiers were built without order, insome places in such close proximity that if, as it happened on oneor two occasions, a fire broke out, in a few seconds twenty orthirty houses were at once burnt to the ground: nothing couldpossibly stop the conflagration but rapidly pulling down to leewardthe huts not as yet on fire. The principal chiefs had several housesfor themselves, all in one inclosure, surrounded and separated fromthe soldiers' huts by a high and strong fence. Since about a yearbefore his death Theodore had been gradually accumulating at Magdalathe few remnants of his former wealth. Some sheds contained muskets, pistols, &c. ; others books and paper; others carpets, shamas, silks, some powder, lead, shot, caps; and the best the little money hestill possessed, the gold he had seized at Gondar, and the propertyof his workmen sent over to Magdala for safe custody. All thestore-huts were during the rainy season covered with black woollencloth, called màk, woven in the country. Once or twice a week thechiefs would meet in consultation in a small house erected for thatpurpose in the magazine inclosure to discuss public affairs, but, above all, to assure themselves by personal inspection that the"treasures" entrusted to their care were in perfect order and insafe keeping. 

The Magdala church, consecrated to the Saviour of the World (MedaniAlum), was not in any respect worthy of such an important place. It was of recent date, small, unadorned with the customaryrepresentations of saints, of the life of the Apostles, of theTrinity, of God the Father, and the devil. No St. George was seenon his white charger, piercing the dragon with his Amhara lance;no martyr smiled benignly at his fiend-like tormentors. The mudwalls had not even been whitewashed; and every pious soul longedfor the accomplishment of Theodore's promise--the building of achurch worthy of his great name. The inclosure was as bare as theholy place itself; no graceful juniper, tall sycamore, or dark greenguicho solemnized its precincts, or offered cool shade where thehundred priests, defteras, and deacons who daily performed service, could repose after the fatiguing ceremony--the howling and thedancing to David's psalms. On the same line, but below the hillockon which stood the church, the Abouna possessed a few houses and agarden; but, alas for him, his _pied-à-terre_ had for severalyears become his prison. 

The prison-house, a common gaol for the political offenders, thieves, and murderers, consisted of five or six huts inclosed by a strongfence, and surrounded by the private dwellings of the more wealthyprisoners and guards, extending from the eastern slope of the hillockto the edge of the precipice and to the open space towards thesouth. At the time of our captivity these houses cannot have containedless than 660 prisoners. Of these, about 80 died of remittent fever, 175 were released by his Majesty, 307 executed, and 91 owed theirliberty to the stormers of Magdala. The prison rules were in somerespects very severe, in others mild and foreign to our civilizedideas. At sunset every prisoner was ordered into the centralinclosure. As they passed the gate they were counted and theirfetters examined. The women had a hut for themselves; only a latearrangement, however, as before they had to sleep in the same housesas the men. The space was very limited and the prisoners were packedin like herrings in a barrel. Abyssinians themselves, hard-heartedas they are, described the scene at night as something fearful. Thehuts, crowded to excess, were close, the atmosphere fetid, thestench unbearable. There lay, side by side, the poor, starvedvagabond, chained hands and feet, and often with a large forkedpiece of wood several yards long fixed round his neck, and thewarrior who had bled in many a hard-won fight, the governor ofprovinces--nay, the sons of kings and conquered rulers themselves. In the centre the guards, keeping candles lighted all night, laughedor played some noisy game, indifferent to the sufferings of theunfortunates they watched. At day-dawn, always about 6 A. M. In thatlatitude, the prison-door was opened, and those who were luckyenough to possess any, repaired to the huts they had erected in thevicinity of the sleeping-houses, while the poorer crawled about theprison inclosure, awaiting their pancake loaf with all the impatienceof hungry men, just kept from immediate starvation by the _bounty_of the Emperor. Others strolled about in couples, begging from theirmore favoured companions, or, when leave was granted, went fromhouse to house imploring alms in the name of the "Saviour of theWorld. "

The prison guards were the greatest ruffians I have ever seen. Theyhad been for so many years in contact with misery in its worst shapethat the last spark of human feeling had died out in their calloushearts. Instead of showing compassion or pity for their prisoners, many of them innocent victims of a low treachery, they added totheir misery by the harshness and cruelty of their conduct. Had achief received at last a small sum of money from his distant province, he was soon made aware that he must satisfy the greed of his rapaciousgaolers. But that was nothing compared to the moral tortures theyinflicted on their prisoners. Many of them had been for yearsconfined on the amba, and had brought their families to reside nearthem. Woe to the woman who would not listen to the solicitationsof these infamous wretches; threatened and even beaten, few indeedof the sorrowful wives and daughters held out; others willingly metadvances; and when the chief, the man of rank, or the wealthymerchant, left his day house, he knew that his wife would immediatelyreceive her chosen lover, or, what was still more heartrending, aman she despised but feared. 

Such was the daily life of those whose fault was to have given earto the fair words of Theodore, an error that weighed heavier uponthem than a crime. But when the Emperor, on his way, stopped a fewdays at Magdala, what anxiety, what anguish, reigned in that accursedplace! No day house, no hours spent with the family or the friend, no food hardly; the prisoners must remain in the night houses, asthe Emperor at any moment might send for some one of them to sethim at liberty, or, more likely, to put an end to his miserableexistence. Let us take, for example, his visit to Magdala in thefirst days of July, 1865, on his return from his unsuccessfulcampaign in Shoa. No doubt long-continued misfortunes crush thebetter qualities of men, and induce them to perform acts at themere thought of which in better days they would have blushed. Suchwas the case with Beru Goscho, formerly the independent ruler ofGodjam. Since years he had lingered in chains. In the hope ofimproving his position, he had the baseness to report to his Majestythat when a rumour was started that he had been killed in Shoa, agreat many of the prisoners had rejoiced. Theodore, on receivingthis message, gave orders for all the political prisoners who wereonly chained by the leg to have hand chains put on--exempting onlyfrom this order his informer Beru Goscho. However, some days later, this chief having sent a servant to Theodore to ask as a reward tobe allowed to have his wife near him, the Emperor, who did notapprove of treachery in others, pretended to be annoyed at hisrequest, and gave orders that he should also be put in hand chains. But this was trifling compared with the massacre of the Gallas, which happened during that same visit of Theodore. After subduingthe Galla country he required hostages. Accordingly, the QueenWorkite sent him her son, the heir to the throne; and many chiefs, believing in the high character of Theodore, willingly accompaniedhim. The Galla prince had at first been kindly treated; even madegovernor of the mountain; but soon, on some pretext or other, hewas disgraced: first made a prisoner at large, and then sent to thecommon gaol, to endure chains and misery for years. 

Menilek, the grandson of Sehala Selassié, had been since his youthbrought up near the Emperor; he was entrusted with an independentcommand, and in order to strengthen his adherence to his cause, Theodore gave him his daughter in marriage. Under these circumstances, I can easily fancy the rage and passion of Theodore when, onemorning, he was informed that Menilek had deserted with his followers, and was already on his way to claim the dominions of his fathers. The Emperor with a telescope saw on the distant Wallo plain Menilekreceived, with honour by the Galla Queen Workite. Blind, with rage, he had no thought but revenge. He dared not venture to pursueMenilek and encounter the two allies; at hand he had easy victims--theGalla prince and his chiefs. Theodore mounted his horse, called hisbody-guard, and sent for those men, who had already lingered longin captivity through trusting to his word, and then followed a sceneso horrible that I dare not write the details. All were killedsome--thirty-two, I believe--and their still breathing bodies hurledover the precipice. It is probable that shortly afterwards Theodoreregretted having allowed himself to be guided by passion. WithMenilek he had lost Shoa; by the murder of the Galla prince he hadmade those tribes his deadly foes. He sent word to the Bishop, "Why, if I was acting wrongly, did you not come out with the 'Fitta Negust'(Abyssinian code of law) in your hands, and tell me I was wrong?"The Bishop's reply was simple and to the point:--"Because I sawblood written in your face. " However, Theodore soon consoled himself. The rains were late, and water scarce on the amba: the next day itrained. Theodore, full of smiles, addressed his soldiers, saying, "See the rain; God is pleased with me because I have killed theinfidels. "

Such is Magdala, the sun-burnt barren rock, the arid lonely spotwhere we had to undergo nearly two years of captivity in chains. 

We furnished our house without much expense; two tanned cows' hideswere all we required. These, together with a few old carpets Theodorehad presented us with at Zagé, was about the extent of ourworldly goods. I had a small folding table and a camp-stool (someof our kit had arrived a few days before); but our hovel was toosmall to admit them and us. The rainy season had fairly set in, andthe broken roof of our godjo was rapidly giving way under the weightof the wet grass; we propped it up as best we could by means of along stick, still it looked very shaky, and leaked worse and worse. The ground, always damp now, had quite the appearance of an Irishbog; and if the straw that was placed underneath the skins to makeour bed a little softer was not removed every other day, the steamrose even through the old carpets that adorned our abode. At lastI could stand it no longer: I was afraid of falling ill. It was badenough to be in chains and in a hovel, but sickness into the bargainwould have driven me to despair. I sent my Abyssinian servants tocut some wood, and made a small raised platform; it was ratherirregular and hard, but I preferred it to sleeping for so long onthe wet ground. 

Well do I still remember that long, dreary, rainy season, and withwhat impatience we looked for the Feast of the Cross, about the25th of September; as the natives told us that the rains alwaysceased about that time! I had brought with me from Gaffat an Amharicgrammar. "Faute de mieux, " I struggled hard to study it, but themind was not fitted for such work; and, book in hand, I was inspirit, thousands of miles away, thinking of home, dreaming awakeof beloved friends, of freedom and liberty. Towards the end ofAugust, shortly after the return of our ill-fated messenger, wewrote again and sent another man: by this time we had abundant proofthat Samuel, --formerly our introducer, now our gaoler, --was completelyin our interests; and by his good arrangements the messenger startedwithout any one knowing of it, and managed to reach Massowah withhis letter. 

I have spoken often of Samuel, and shall again and again have tomention his name in my narrative. He was, from the beginning, mixedup with the affairs of the Europeans, and I believe at one time hewas rather unfriendly towards them; but since our arrival and duringour captivity, he behaved exceedingly well. He was a shrewd, cunningman, and one of the first who perceived that Theodore was losingground. Outwardly he swore by his name, and kept his confidence;but all the while he was serving us, and helping us in ourcommunications with the coast, the rebels, &c. In his youth hisleft leg had been broken and badly set; and though Theodore likedhim, he did not give him a military command, but always employedhim in a civil capacity. He did not like to speak of the accidentthat occasioned his deformity, and would, if asked, always give anevasive answer. Pietro, the Italian, was a great gossip, and hisstories could not always be relied upon. His account of the brokenleg was that when Samuel went to Shoa, some Englishman there gavehim a kick which sent him rolling down some small ravine, and inthe fall the leg was broken. It was on account of that blow froman Englishman, Pietro said, that Samuel hated them all so much, andwas so bitter against them at first. It may be so; but I believethat he had not been understood. 

Samuel fancied that he was a very great man in his own country. Hisfather had been a small sheik; and Theodore, after Samuel's nativecountry had rebelled, made him governor of it. With all the appearanceof great humility, Samuel was proud; and by treating him as if hewas in reality a great man, he was as easily managed as a child. He had suffered from a severe attack of dysentery during our stayat Kourata. I attended him carefully, and he always felt gratefulfor my attentions towards him. When we separated and lived indifferent houses, he did not allow the guards to sleep inside ourhut. It is true it would have been difficult; but Abyssinian soldiersare not particular: they sleep anywhere, --on their prisoner's bed, if there is no other place, making use of him as a pillow. Of courseMr. Rassam had none; but he was the great man, the dispenser offavours. Stern, Cameron, and Rosenthal, being neither rich norfavourites, had the advantage of the presence of two or three ofthose ruffians as their companions every night; nor were those inthe kitchen better off, as some soldiers were always sent in atnight not to watch Kerans and Pietro, but the King's property (ourown kit). 

Samuel soon made friends with some of the chiefs. After a while, two of them were constantly in our inclosure, and, under the pretextof coming to see Samuel, would spend hours with us. Kerans, a goodAmharic scholar, was the interpreter on those occasions: one ofthem, Deftera Zenab, the King's chief scribe, (now tutor to Alamayou, )is an intelligent; honest man; but he was quite mad on astronomy, and would listen for hours to anything concerning the solar system. Unfortunately, either the explanations were faulty or his comprehensiondull as each time he came he wanted the whole dissertation overagain until at last our patience was fairly exhausted, and we gavehim up as a bad job. His other intimate was a good-natured youngman called Afa Negus Meshisha, son of a former governor of the Amba;Theodore, on the death of the father, had given Meshisha the title, but nothing more. His forte was playing the lute, or a rude instrumentsomething like it. Samuel could listen to him for hours; but twominutes was quite enough to make us run off. He was, however, useful in his way, as he gave us good information about what wasgoing on in Theodore's camp, --intelligence which his position asan occasional member of the council enabled him to obtain. 

Such, apart from ourselves, was our only society. It is true thatthe Ras and the great men would occasionally call on Mr. Rassam, much more frequently since he give them arrack and toj, instead ofthe coffee he used to offer them at first; but, unless one of themwanted some medicine, it was very rare that they honoured us witha visit; they thought that they had done quite enough--indeedbestowed a great favour, for which we ought to be grateful--if, asthey passed near our hut, they shouted "May God open thee!"

But our enemy was one of the day guards, named Abu Falek, an oldrascal who delighted in making mischief; he was hated by every oneon the mountain, and on that account outwardly respected. The dayhe was on guard it was very difficult to write, as he was alwaysputting his ugly grey head in at the door to see what we were doing. He did his best to do us harm, but could reach no higher than ourservants: our dollars were too much for him. 

Everything has an end. With Maskal (the Feast of the Cross) camesunshine and pleasant cool weather. We had already been two monthsand a half in chains, and we expected that soon some comfortingnews would reach us, telling us "Be of good cheer; we are coming. "

Since our arrival at Magdala we had not received a single letter:and more than six months had elapsed without news from our friends, or any intelligence whatsoever from Europe. 

Immediately after the rains, Mr. Rassam had his house repaired andimproved, and a new hut built, as Mrs. Rosenthal was expected tojoin our party; Samuel obtained a piece of ground adjoining ourinclosure, which was afterwards included in it, and on which hebuilt a hut for himself and family. Samuel had several times spokento me about pulling down our wretched godjo, and building a largerhut instead; but I thought it was hardly worth the while, as beforemany months some change or the other would take place: anotherreason was, that part of the old fence stood in front of my godjo, and I should hardly have gained more than a foot of ground. Samuelpromised to do his best to have the fence removed if I would build;I agreed to do so, and he endeavoured to fulfil his part of thecontract, but failed. However, a few weeks later, one of the chiefs, whom I had attended almost since our arrival, in his first burstof gratitude at being cured, took upon himself to break down thefence, and promised to send me his men to help me. 

All the materials--wood, bamboos, cow-hides, straw--could be purchasedbelow the mountain, and in a few days all was ready. I sent wordto my patient, who came at once, with about fifty soldiers, who, by his orders, broke down the fence, and pulled down my godjo. Theground was afterwards levelled, the circumference of the hut tracedwith a stick, fixed to the centre by a piece of string, and a trencha foot and a half deep dug. Two strong sticks were placed at thespot where the door would be, and each soldier, carrying severalof the branches with which the walls are built, placed them in theditch, filling up the vacant space with the earth that had beentaken out; they had only to tie, with strips of cow-hide, flexiblebranches transversely in order to keep the vertical ones together, and the first part of the structure was complete. A few daysafterwards they returned, made the framework of the roof, and liftedit up on the walls; it then only required the thatcher to renderour new abode inhabitable. The servants brought water and made mud, with which the walls were coated inside, and a week from the daythe godjo had been pulled down, Prideaux and myself were able togive our house-warming. The soldiers were delighted with their job, and always came in large numbers when we required their assistance, as we treated them very liberally: for instance, the materials forour new hut cost eight dollars, but we spent fourteen dollars infeasting those who had assisted us. We had now seven feet of groundeach, the table could be placed in the centre, and the folding chairoffered to a visitor. Mr. Rassam had tried, with success, to whitewashthe interior of his hut with a kind of soft white yellowish sandstone, that could be obtained in the vicinity of the Amba; we, therefore, also put our servants to work, but first had the mud walls severaltimes besmeared with cow-dung, in order to make the whitewash adhere. We enjoyed very much the neat clean appearance of our hut. Unfortunately, being situate between two high fences and surroundedby other huts, it was rather dark. To obviate this defect, we cutout of the walls some of the framework, and made four windows; thiswas certainly a great improvement, but at night we felt the coldbitterly. Luckily, our friend Zenab gave us some parchment; out ofan old box we made some rude frames, and the parchment, previouslywell soaked in oil served instead of glass. 

We were obliged to keep a large staff of servants, as we had toprepare everything for ourselves. Some women were engaged to grindflour for us and the Abyssinian servants; others to bring water orwood. Men-servants went to the market or to the neighbouring districtsto purchase grain, sheep, honey, &c. ; many were employed as messengersto the coast or to Gaffat. I had with me two Portuguese, who werethe torment of my life, as they were always quarrelling, oftendrunk, impertinent, and unwilling to work. The Portuguese lived inthe kitchen, but as they were always fighting with the other servants, and we were perfectly helpless, and could not possibly enforce ourcommands, I had a small hut erected for them. The inclosure hadbeen enlarged again by the chief, and Cameron had built a log-housefor himself, and Mr. Rosenthal had had one made for his servants;mine for the Portuguese was built on the same spot, and before therainy season I had another one made for the Abyssinians, as theygrumbled and threatened to leave, if they had to spend the rainsin a tent. 

All these arrangements took us some time; we had been glad to havesomething to do, as the days passed much quicker, and time did notweigh so heavily upon us. Our Christmas was not very merry, nor didwe on New Year's Day wish one another many returns of a similarone; but we were on the whole more accustomed to our captivity, andcertainly in many respects more comfortable. 

 CHAPTER XIII. 

Theodore writes to Mr. Rassam about Mr. Flad and the Artisans--Histwo Letters contrasted--General Merewether arrives at Massowah--Dangerof sending Letters to the Coast--Ras Engeddah brings us a few Stores--Our Garden--Successful Results of Vaccination at Magdala--Our DayGuard again--Second Rainy Season--The Chiefs are Jealous--The Ras andhis Council--Damash, Hailo, &c. --Daily Life during Rainy Season--TwoPrisoners attempt to Escape--The Knout in Abyssinia--A Dying Man'sProphecy. 

About this time a servant of Mr. Rassam, whom he had sent to hisMajesty some months previously, returned on the 28th of Decemberwith a letter from Theodore, in which was inclosed one from ourQueen. Theodore informed Mr. Rassam that Mr. Flad had arrived atMassowah, and had sent him the letter which he had forwarded us forperusal; he told Mr. Rassam to await his arrival, as he would becoming before long, and they would consult together about an answer. We were greatly rejoiced at the tenor of the Queen's letter: it wasplain that at last a higher tone had been adopted, that the characterof Theodore was better known, and all his futile plans would befrustrated by the attitude our Government had taken. 

On the 7th of January, 1867, Ras Engeddah arrived on the Amba, having accompanied thither a batch of prisoners. He sent us hiscompliments and a letter from Theodore. Theodore's letter was rathera boastful and imperious one: he, first gave a summary of Flad'sletter to himself, in which he had been informed by that gentlemanthat everything he had required had been consented to, but that inthe meanwhile he had changed his behaviour towards us. Theodorealso gave us his intended reply: he said Ethiopia and England hadformerly been on a footing of friendship; and for that reason hehad loved the English exceedingly. But since then (to use his ownwords), "having heard that they have calumniated and hated me withthe Turks, I said to myself, Can this be true? and I felt somemisgiving in my heart. " He evidently wanted to ignore the illtreatment he had inflicted upon us, as he said: "Mr. Rassam and hisparty you sent to me I have placed in my house in my capital atMagdala, and I will treat them well until I obtain a token offriendship. " He concluded his letter by ordering Mr. Rassam to writeto the proper authorities, so that the things should be sent a tohim; he desired Mr. Rassam's letter to be forwarded to him, andquickly, so that Mr. Flad might come without delay. 

This letter must probably have been a post-prandial one; it was notthe line of conduct he wanted to adopt: he knew too well that hisonly chance was to natter, appear humble, meek and ignorant; hemight, he knew, enlist England's sympathy by appearing in thatlight, and that an overbearing tone would not suit his purpose, norsecure him the object he longed for. Early the following day amessenger arrived from the Imperial camp with a letter from GeneralMerewether, and another from Theodore. How different this letterfrom the one brought by Ras Engeddah! It was insinuating, courteous;he orders no more, he humbly requests; he meekly entreats and begs:he begins by saying:--"Now in order to prove the good relationshipbetween me and yourself, let it be shown by your writing, and bygetting the skilful artisans and Mr. Flad to come _viâ_ Metemma;This will be the sign of our friendship. " He quotes the story ofSolomon and Hiram on the occasion of the building of the temple;then adds, "And now when I used to fall girded at the feet of thegreat Queen, her nobles, people; hosts, etc. , could it be possibleto be more humble?" He then describes his reception of Mr. Rassam, and the way he treated him; how he released the former captives thevery day of his arrival, in order to comply with the request of theQueen; he explains the cause of our imprisonment by reproaching Mr. Rassam with having taken away the prisoners without first bringingthem to him; and concludes by saying, "As Solomon fell at the feetof Hiram, so I, beneath God, fall at the feet of the Queen, and herGovernment, and her friends. I wish you to get them (the artisans)_viâ_ Metemma, in order that they may teach me wisdom, andshow me clever arts. When this is done I will make you glad andsend you away, by the power of God. "

Mr. Rassam replied to his Majesty at once, informing him that hehad complied with his request. The messenger, on his arrival at theEmperor's camp, was well received, presented with a mule, and quicklydespatched on his errand. For several months we heard nothing moreupon the subject. 

General Merewether, in his letter to Theodore, informed him thathe had arrived at Massowah with the workmen and presents, and thaton the captives being made over to him he would allow the workmento proceed to his Majesty's camp. We were quite overjoyed when weheard that General Merewether was entrusted with the negotiation:we knew his ability, and had full confidence in his tact anddiscretion. Indeed, he deserves our sincere gratitude; for he wasthe captives' friend: from the moment he landed at Massowah to theday of our release, he spared himself neither trouble nor pains toeffect our deliverance. 

Messengers now were despatched more regularly; by them we wrotelong accounts of Theodore's proceedings, and urged that force shouldbe employed to obtain our release. We knew the great risk we ran, but we preferred death to a continuance of such a miserable existence. We informed our friends that we had quite made up our minds, andthat our safety was not to weigh for one instant in the balance. It was a chance: the only one left to us, and we implored that wemight have the advantage of it. We gave all the information in ourpower as to the resources of the country, the movements of hisMajesty, the strength of his army, the course he would probablyfollow should troops land, how to deal with him, and the means toadopt in order to insure success. We knew that should any of suchletters fall into Theodore's hands, we had no mercy, no pity toexpect; but we considered it our duty to submit our opinion, andto the best of our ability assist those who were labouring for ourrelease. 

At this time we frequently received news from our friends, as wellas newspapers, or a few articles cut out of them, and inclosed inan envelope. War was still but little talked of; the press, withbut few exceptions, seemed to look upon it as a rash undertakingthat would only lead to failure. Correspondents, to our despair anddisgust, expatiated on guinea-worms, poisonous flies, absence ofwater, and such like rubbish. For another two months and a half weled the same monotonous life. My medicines were getting low, andas the number of my patients was great, I was very anxious to receivesome more. 

On the 19th of March Ras Engeddah arrived on the Amba with a fewthousand soldiers. He had brought with him some money, powder, andvarious stores which Theodore thought would be safer at Magdala. At the same time he sent us some stores, medicines, &c. , whichCaptain Goodfellow had forwarded to Metemma soon after Mr. Flad'sarrival. I will give credit to Theodore for having behaved well onthat occasion. As soon as we were informed that the stores hadarrived at Metemma, Mr. Rassam wrote to the Emperor, asking hispermission to send servants and mules, in order to have them conveyedto Magdala. Theodore said that he would have them carried himself, and moreover kept his word. He sent one of his officers to Wochnee, with instructions to the various chiefs of districts to have ourthings carried to Debra Tabor. I had long ago given everything up, and was agreeably surprised when those few comforts reached us. For some days, we treated ourselves to green peas, potted meats, cigars, &c. , and felt in better spirits; not so much on accountof the stores themselves, as for the attention our dangerous hosthad shown us. 

I remember that during the following months we felt more than atany time the burden of such an existence. We had expected greatthings, and nothing was effected: we could not have believed, onour first arrival at Magdala, that another rainy season was inreserve for us; we never would have credited the assertion thatlong before that date all would not have been over, some way or theother. What we disliked above all things was the uncertainty inwhich we were now placed: we trembled at the idea of the crueltiesand tortures Theodore inflicted upon his victims; and each time aroyal messenger arrived, we could be seen going from one hut to theother, exchanging anxious looks, and repeatedly asking ourfellow-sufferers, "In there any news? Is there anything concerningus?"

General Merewether, with kind forethought, had sent us some seeds, and we obtained more from Gaffat. Rassam's inclosure had beenconsiderably enlarged by the chiefs, and he was able to arrange anice garden. He had before sown some tomato seeds; these plantssprang up wonderfully well, and Mr. Rassam, with great taste, madewith bamboos a very pretty trellis-work, soon entirely covered bythis novel creeper. Between our hut, the fence, and the hut oppositeours, we had a small piece of ground, about eight feet broad on theaverage, and about ten feet long. Prideaux and myself laboured hard, delighted at the idea of having something to do; with slit-up bambooswe made a small trellis-work, dividing our garden into squares, triangles, &c. , and on the 24th of May, in honour of our Queen'sbirthday, we sowed the seed. Some things came out very quickly;peas, in six weeks, were seven or eight feet high, mustard, cress, radishes, and salads prospered. But our central flower-bed remainedfor a long time barren; and when at last a few plants came out, they belonged to some biennial species, as they only flowered inthe following spring. A few peas, just to taste (our garden was toosmall to enable us to get from it more than a scanty dish or two), raw lettuces (we had no oil, and only inferior vinegar made out oftej), with now and then a radish, were luxuries we immensely enjoyedafter our long meat diet. When a second parcel of seeds reached us, we transformed into "gardens" every available spot, and had thepleasure of eating a few turnips, more lettuces, and a cabbage ortwo. Soon after the rainy season everything withered away; the sunburnt up our treasures, and left us again to our mutton and fowls. 

A month or so before the rainy season of 1867, fever of a malignanttype broke out in the common gaol. The place was dirty enough before, and the horrors of that abode were indescribable even when sicknessdid not prevail; but when about 150 men of all ranks lay prostrateon the ground, contaminating still more the already impure atmosphere, the scene was horrible in the extreme, giving a better idea of theplace of torments than even Dante's vivid description. The epidemiclasted until the first rains set in. About eighty died; and manymore would have succumbed, had not, fortunately, some of the guardscontracted the disease. As long as it was only the prisoners, theyturned a deaf ear to all my suggestions; now they had become willinglisteners, and quickly adopted the advice they had spurned but ashort time before. To all who claimed my services I willingly sentmedicine; and, when some of the guards also came to me for treatment, I gave them some also: but on condition that they would treat withmore kindness the unfortunate men in their charge. 

General Merewether, always thoughtful and kind, aware that much ofour comfort depended on our being on friendly terms with the garrison, sent me some vaccine lymph in small tubes. I explained to some ofthe more intelligent natives the wonderful properties of thatprophylactic, and induced them to bring me their children to beinoculated. Amongst semi-civilized races it is often difficult tointroduce the blessings of vaccination; but on this occasion theywere universally and gratefully accepted. For about six weeks animmense crowd collected outside the gates on vaccinating days; somuch so that it was with some difficulty that they were kept back, so anxious were they to avail themselves of the famous medicinethat protected from the dreaded "koufing" (small-pox). It so happenedthat, amongst the children I operated upon, was the child of oldAbu Falek (or rather his wife's), the day guard I have alreadymentioned. He was naturally ill-natured and disobliging, and tosave himself the trouble of bringing his child to have othersinoculated from it, and at the same time so as not to be accusedof selfishness, he spread the rumour that the children from whomthe lymph was taken would shortly afterwards die. This was thedeath-blow to my endeavours to introduce vaccine amongst the natives;numbers still collected to be vaccinated, but none came to give thelymph, and as I had no more tubes, I was obliged to discontinue anexperiment which had so wonderfully succeeded. 

The rainy season of 1867 set in about the end of the first week inJuly. We had better shelter, and had time to make arrangements forprovision for our followers and ourselves before the rains fairlycommenced, and in that respect were better off than the year before;but, for other reasons, such as the political condition of thecountry, the daily increasing difficulty of communicating with thecoast, it was perhaps, on the whole, more trying and disagreeable. 

The chiefs of the mountain had not been long in finding out thatthe English captives had money. They all had frequently beenpresented with _douceurs_, in the shape of dollars for themselves, shamas or ornaments for their wives; also tej and arrack, which wasbrewed by Samuel under Mr. Rassam's direction, of which they partookfrequently and freely. They tried to cut one another out; each onein his private visits pretending to be "the best friend;" but theycould not openly leave the council-room, and start off for a glass, without being accompanied by the whole batch, so they forbade everyone but themselves from visiting us. Poor Zenab for months took nomore lessons in astronomy, and Meshisha played the lute to his wivesand followers. They even went so far as to forbid the petty chiefsand soldiers coming to me for medicine. But this was too much;though a despotism, the constitution of the country only acknowledgedone master. The soldiers therefore sent their petty chiefs in abody to the Ras and members of the council; they talked even ofrepresenting the matter to Theodore; and, as the chiefs were farfrom being immaculate, and dreaded nothing so much as reports totheir master, they were obliged to give in, and cancel the order. 

Theodore had, after his capture of Magdala, appointed a chief asgovernor of the Amba, giving him a kind of unlimited power over thegarrison; but some years later he adjoined to him a few chiefs ashis councillors, still allowing the Head of the mountain to retaina great deal of his former power. Always suspicious, but less ableto satisfy his soldiers than before, he took every precaution toavoid treachery, and to make certain that, when engaged on distantexpeditions, he might depend on his fortress of Magdala. With thatobject he ordered a council to assemble on all important occasions, and to consult on all matters concerning the internal economy ofthe mountain. Every head of department, and every chief of a corps, had a voice; the officers in command of the troops were to sendseparate and private messengers; the Ras was still considered asthe Head of the mountain, but his authority was limited, and hisresponsibility great, should he think proper to overrule hiscompanions. Under these circumstances, it is not astonishing that, as a rule, he would follow the advice of those chiefs whom he knewto be the greatest worshippers of his master, his most faithfulspies and beloved tale-bearers. 

The Head of the mountain on our arrival, Ras Kidana Mariam, was, on account of his family connections and his position in the country, considered "dangerous" by Theodore, and, as I have already mentioned, was on a false charge taken to the camp. Shortly before deprivingRas Kidana Mariam of his command he had promoted him from a Dedjazmatchto the rank of Ras. Every umbel (colonel) was promoted by the sameorder to be a Bitwaddad (something like a Brigadier-General), or aDedjazmatch, a title only applied in former days to governors ofone large or of several small provinces; bachas (captains) weremade colonels, and so on throughout the whole garrison; which afterthis consisted only of officers and non-commissioned officers, thelowest in rank being at least a sergeant. Theodore wrote to themat the time to inform them that they would draw the pay and rationsaccording to their rank, and when, as he expected before long, heshould see them, he would treat them so generously that even the"unborn babe would rejoice in his mother's womb. " Theodore, on threeor four occasions, out of his few remaining dollars, gave them asmall advance of pay. About forty dollars was the amount a generaltouched during the time we were there; a sergeant, during the sameperiod, about eight, I believe. With that they were supposed tofeed and clothe themselves, families, and followers; for no rationswere distributed at the same time as the money. At first they wereall dazzled by their new ranks--the only thing Theodore coulddistribute with a liberal hand; but they soon found out what thesewere worth, and, ragged, hungry, and cold, they were the first tojoke about their high-sounding but empty titles. 

A distant relation of Theodore by his mother's side, named RasBisawar, was, on the dismissal of Kidana Mariam, selected for thevacant post. He had in his youth been brought up for the church, had even been made a deftera, when the brilliant example of hisrelative took him from the peaceful and quiet life he had firstchosen to cast him amidst the turmoil of camp life. He was a greatbig hulking fellow, bald-headed, and rather good-natured; but forall his sword and pistols could not conceal his first pursuit inlife: he was still the deftera in borrowed plumage. His great faultwas to be too weak; he had no decision of character, no firmness, and was always guided in his actions by the last talker. 

Next in importance came Bitwaddad Damash, the ugliest and mostpompous puppy and the biggest-boasting villain on the whole mountain. He was very sick when we first arrived, but though he could notcome himself he was far too much interested in our affairs not tobe at all hours of the day informed of our doings; for that purposehe sent his eldest son, a lad of about twelve, several times in theday with compliments and inquiries after our welfare. As soon ashe could walk about a little he came now and then himself, to seeme for advice, and when restored to health, in the thankfulness ofthe first moment, he helped to build our house. But gratitude isnot a lasting quality--in Abyssinia it hardly exists--and not longafterwards Damash gave strong hints that if we wanted him to be ourfriend we must not "forget him. " Prideaux and myself had not muchmoney to spare, but as he was known to be a great scoundrel, wethought it would not be prudent to make an enemy of him, and thereforesent him, as a token of friendship, Prideaux's small foldinglooking-glass, the only presentable thing we had between us. Forsome time the looking-glass consolidated our friendship, but when, on a second application for "tokens, " we turned a deaf ear to hissoft words, he would have nothing more to do with as; he called usbad men, sneered at us, made us take off our caps before him, andeven went so far as to insult Cameron and Stern, shaking his headat them in a threatening manner as, more or less intoxicated, heleft in the afternoon the room of his beloved and generous friend, Mr. Rassam. Damash had command of half the gunmen, some 270, theRas of the rest, about 200. 

The third member of council was Bitwaddad Hailo, the best of thelot; he was in charge of the gaol, but was never known to abuse hisposition. His two brothers had commanded our escort from the frontierto the Emperor's camp in Damot; his mother, a fine old lady, alsoaccompanied us part of the way: the brothers and the mother hadbeen well treated by us, so that even before we came to the Ambawe were known to him, and he always conducted himself very civilly, and proved useful on many occasions. When he heard of Theodore'sapproach, as he knew that charges were going, to be brought againsthim, he ran, away and joined the English camp. 

He managed his escape, in a very clever manner indeed. Accordingto the, rules of the mountain, not even a Bitwaddad could pass thegate without permission from the Ras, and since desertions had takenplace the permission was no more granted. His wife and child werealso on the Amba, and since he was suspected, if they had left hewould have been strictly watched. His mother had accompaniedTheodore's camp, being desirous of seeing her son. When his Majestyencamped in the valley of the Bechelo, she asked his permission tobe allowed to go to Magdala, and on her arrival at Islamgee shesent word to her son to give orders at the gate to let her in; buthe declined, stating publicly, as the motive of his refusal, that, not having received intimation from his Majesty that he had grantedher request, he could not take upon himself to admit her into thefort. The mother had been made a party to the plot beforehand, andplayed her part well; it was market-day, and therefore the placewas crowded with soldiers and petty chiefs. On hearing of her son'srefusal to admit her, she pretended to be driven to despair, toreher hair and cried aloud, quite overcome by the ingratitude of theson she had made such a long journey to embrace. The spectatorstook her part, and, in her name, sent to him again; but he was firm. "To-morrow, " he said, "I will send word to the Emperor; if he allowsyou to come I will be only too happy to admit you; to-day, all Ican do is to send you my wife and child to remain with you untilthe evening. " The old lady, with the wife and child, retired to aquiet corner for a friendly chat, and when no more noticed, quietlywalked away. At about ten at night, accompanied by one of his men, and assisted by some friends, Hailo made his escape and rejoinedhis family. 

Another member of council was called Bitwaddad Wassié: he also wasin charge of the prison alternatively with Hailo. He was a good-temperedman, always laughing, but, it appears, not beloved by the prisoners, for, after the taking of Magdala, the women flew at him, and gavehim a sound thrashing. He was remarkable in one respect: he wouldnever accept anything, and though money was repeatedly offered tohim he always declined it. Dedjazmatch Goji, in command of 500spearmen, a tall old man, was as big a fool as he was bulky; heloved but one thing, tej, and worshipped but one being, Theodore. Bitwaddad Bakal, a good soldier, a simple-minded man, in charge ofthe Imperial household, and a few insignificant old men, completedthe quorum. 

Let us suppose a wet day during the rainy season of 1867. Our moneywas getting very scarce, and all communication with Metemma, Massowah, or Debra Tabor was completely interrupted. War had been talked ofmore seriously at home, and, in the absence of news, we were inanxious expectation of what would be decided. The weather did notpermit us to do much gardening; and other occupations were few. Wewrote home, (an easier task during the rains, as the guards keptto their huts, ) studied Amharic, read the famous _CommercialDictionary_, or visited one another, and smoked bad tobacco, simply to kill time. Mr. Rosenthal, a very clever linguist, managed, with an Italian Bible, to master that language, and, to drive awaydull care, spent his evenings studying French with only the helpof a portion of Guizot's _Histoire de la Civilisation_. If itcleared up a little, we puddled about in the small road between thenow increased huts; but probably, before long, would be scared awayby some one shouting out, --"The Ras and the chiefs are coming!" Ifwe could directly run away we did so; but if perceived, we had toput on our blandest smile, bow to the rude inquiry, "How art thou?good afternoon to thee" (the second person singular is only employedas a sign of disrespect, towards an inferior), and, O gods! pulloff our ragged caps and keep our heads uncovered. To see themwaddling along, ready to burst with self-conceit; whilst we knewthat the clothes they were clad with, and the food they had partakenof that day, were all purchased with British money, was very annoying. As they accepted bribes the least they could do was to be civil;on the contrary, they looked down upon us as if we were semi-idiots, or a species between them and monkeys, --"white donkeys, " as theycalled us when they spoke of us among themselves. Preceded by Samuel, they would make straight for Mr. Rassam's house; they were hardlyswore civil to him than to us, though they always swore to himeternal friendship. I often admired Mr. Rassam's' patience on theseoccasions: he could sit, talk, and laugh with them for hours, gorgingthem with bumpers of tej until they reeled out of his place, thelaughing-stocks, yet envied objects, of the soldiers who helpedthem to regain their homes. On the whole they were a vile set: toplease their master they would have shuddered at no crime, andstopped at no infamy. When they thought that any cruel act of theirsmight please Theodore, their god, no consideration of friendshipor family ties would arrest their hands or soften their hearts. They came to Mr. Rassam, though he was kind to them, out of noregard, only because it was part of their instructions, and theycould indulge their appetite for spirituous drinks; but had we been, by want of money, reduced to appeal to them, I doubt whether theywould have sanctioned for us, to whom they owed so much, even thesmall pittance daily doled out to the poor Abyssinian prisoners. 

About that time these wretches had a good opportunity of showingtheir zeal for their beloved master. One Saturday two prisonerstook advantage of the bustle always attending market-days, to attempttheir escape. One of them, Lij Barié, was the son of a chief inTigré; some years before he had been imprisoned on "suspicion, "or, more likely, because he might prove dangerous, as he was muchliked in his province. His companion was a young lad, a semi-Galla, from the Shoa frontier, who had been kept for years in chains onthe Amba awaiting his trial. One day, as he was cutting wood, alarge splinter flew off, and, striking his mother in the chest, caused her death. Theodore was, at the time, on an expedition, andto conciliate the Bishop, he made over the case to him; who, however, declined to investigate it as it did not fall under his jurisdiction. Theodore, vexed at the Bishop's refusal, sent the lad to Magdala, where he was chained, awaiting the good pleasure of his judges. Lij Barié had only been able to open one of the rings, the otherbeing too strong; so he fastened the chain and ring on one leg bymeans of a large bandage as well as he could, and put on the shirtand cloth of one of the servant-girls, who was in his confidence, and, carrying on his shoulder the gombo (earthen jar for water), left the prison inclosure without being seen. The boy had fortunatelybeen able to get rid of his fetters altogether, and he slipped outalso without being noticed; not being encumbered with much clothing, and quite free in his limbs, he soon reached the gate, passed outwith the followers of some chief, and was already far away and insafety before his disappearance was noticed. 

Lij Barié failed in his attempt. What with the chain fastened onone leg, the woman's dress, and the gombo, he could not advancequickly. He was, however, already half way between the prison andthe gate, somewhere not far from our inclosure, when a young man, perceiving a good-looking girl coming in his direction, advancedto speak to her; but as he came closer, his eyes fell upon thebandage, and to his astonishment he saw a piece of chain peepingthrough the interstices of the cloth. He guessed at once that thiswas a prisoner endeavouring to escape, and followed the individualuntil he met some soldiers; he told them his suspicions, andthey fell upon Lij Barié and made him a prisoner. A crowd sooncollected around the unfortunate young man, and the alarm beinggiven that a prisoner had been seized as he was endeavouring toescape, several of the guards rushed to the spot, and at oncerecognizing their old inmate, claimed him as their property. Inan instant all his clothes were torn off his back, and the cowardlyruffians struck him with the butt-ends of their lances, and withthe back of their swords, until his whole body was a mass of woundsand sores, and he lay senseless, nearly dead, on the ground. Buteven this was not enough to satisfy their savage revenge; theycarried him off to the prison, hammered on hand and foot chains, placed a long heavy log of wood round his neck, put his feet in thestocks, and left him there for days, more dead than alive, untilthe good pleasure of the Emperor should be known. 

An immediate search was made for his companion and for the servant-girl, his accomplice. The first was already beyond their reach, but theysucceeded in capturing the unfortunate young woman. The Ras andcouncil immediately assembled, and condemned her to receive, infront of the Emperor's house, one hundred blows from the heavy girãf. The next morning the Ras, accompanied by a large number of chiefsand soldiers, came to the spot to witness the execution of thesentence. The girl was thrown down on the ground, stripped of herskirt, and leather ropes tied to her feet and hands to keep her atfull stretch. A strong, powerful ruffian was entrusted with theexecution of the punishment. Each fall of the whip could be heardfrom our inclosure, resounding like a pistol-shot; every blow toreoff a strip of flesh; and after every ten strokes the girãf becameso heavy with blood that, it had to be wiped before the operationcould be continued. She never said a word, nor even groaned. Whenshe was removed, after the hundredth stroke, the naked ribs and theback-bone were visible through the flowing blood: the whole of theflesh of the back having been torn to pieces. 

Some time afterwards a messenger brought back Theodore's answer. Lij Barié was first to have his hands and feet cut off, beforeall the Abyssinian prisoners, and afterwards to be thrown over theprecipice. The chiefs made quite a holiday of that execution; andeven sent a polite message to Samuel requesting him to "come and seethe fun. " Lij Barié was brought out, a dozen of the bravest fellupon him at once; and, with their ungainly blunt swords, hackedaway at his hands and feet with all the delight an Abyssinian has forspilling blood. Whilst submitting to this agonizing torture, LijBarié never lost his courage or presence of mind, and it is veryremarkable that whilst they were so unmercifully murdering him, heprophesied, almost to a letter, the fate that before long awaitedthem. "You cowards, " he shouted out, "fit servants of the robberyour master! He can seize no man but by treachery; and you can killthem only when they are unarmed and in your power. But before longthe English will come to release their people; they will avenge inyour blood the ill treatment you have inflicted upon their countrymen, and punish, you and your master for all your cowardice, cruelties, and murders. " The wretches took little notice of the dying wordsof the brave lad; they hurled him over the precipice, and, in abody, walked over to our place to finish the day, so well begun, by partaking of Mr. Rassam's generous hospitality. 

 CHAPTER XIV. 

Second Rainy Season ends--Scarcity and Dearness of Provisions--Meshishaand Comfou plot their Escape--They succeed--Theodore is robbed--Damashpursues the Fugitives--The Night Attack--The Galla War-cry and the"Sauve qui peut"--The wounded left on the Field--Hospitality of the Gallas--Theodore's Letter on the Subject--Mastiate's Troubles--Wakshum GabraMedhin--Sketch of Gobazé's Career--He invites the Co-operationof the Bishop in seizing Magdala--The Bishop's Plan--All the rival Chiefsintrigue for the Amba--Mr. Rassam's Influence overrated. 

Another Maskal (Feast of the Cross) had gone by and September usheredin fine, pleasant weather. No important change had taken place inour daily life: it was the same routine over again; only we werebeginning to be very anxious about the long delay of our messengersfrom the coast, as our money was running short: indeed, we hadhardly any left, and every necessary of life had risen to fabulousprices. Five oblong pieces of salt were now given in exchange fora Maria Theresa dollar, whilst formerly, at Magdala, during theirfirst captivity, our companions had often got as much as thirty, never less than fifteen or eighteen. Though the value of the salthad so greatly increased, the articles purchased with it had notfollowed the same proportion, they were, on the contrary, loweredin amount and quality. When the salts were abundant we could buyfour old fowls for a salt; now that they were scarce, we could onlybuy two; and everything in the same ratio; consequently all ourexpenses had risen 200 per cent. Supplies. In the market were alsogetting very scarce; and often we could not purchase grain for ourAbyssinian servants. The soldiers on the mountain suffered greatlyfrom this scarcity and high prices; they were continually begging, and many, no doubt, were saved from starvation by the generosityof those they kept prisoners. Very fortunately, I had put aside asmall sum of money in case of accident, otherwise I believe theAbyssinian difficulty would have been at an end, so far as we wereconcerned. I kept a little for myself, and handed the rest over toMr. Rassam, as he usually supplied us with money from the sumsforwarded to him by the agent at Massowah. We dismissed as manyservants as we possibly could, reduced our expenses to a minimum, and sent messengers after messengers to the coast to bring us upas much money as they could. At that time, if we had fortunatelybeen provided with a large sum of ready cash, I do really believethat we might have bought the mountain; so discouraged and mutinouswere the soldiers of the garrison at the long privations andsemi-starvation they were enduring for a master of whom they hadno reliable information. The agent at the coast did his best. Hostsof messengers had been despatched, but the condition of the countrywas such that they had to bury the money they were carrying in thehouse of a friend at Adowa, and abide there for several months, until they could, with great prudence and by travelling only atnight, venture to pass through districts infested with thieves, anda prey to the greatest anarchy. 

On the morning of the 5th of September, whilst at breakfast, oneof our interpreters rushed into the hut, and told us that our friendAfa Negus Meshisha (the lute-player), and Bedjerand Comfou, one ofthe officers in charge of the godowns, had run away. Theirs was along-preconcerted and ably managed plan. At the beginning of therainy season, ground had been allotted to the various, chiefs andsoldiers, at Islamgee and at the foot of the mountain. Some of thechiefs made arrangements with the peasants living below for themto till the soil on their account, they supplying the seed grain, and the harvest to be divided between the two; others, who had manyservants, did the work themselves. Afa Negus Meshisha's and BedjerandComfou's lots happened to be at the foot of the mountain; theythemselves undertook the cultivation, occasionally visited theirfields, and sent once or twice a week all their male and femaleservants to pull out the weeds under the superintendence of theirwives. The whole of the land they had received had not been putunder cultivation, and, a few days before, Comfou spoke to the Rasabout it, who advised him to sow some tef, as, with the prevailingscarcity, he would be happy to reap a second harvest. Comfou approvedof the idea, and asked the Ras to send him a servant on the morningof the 5th, to allow him to pass the gates. The Ras agreed. On thatvery morning Meshisha went to the Ras, and told him that he alsowanted to sow some tef, and asked him to allow him to go down. TheRas, who had not the slightest suspicion, granted his request. Bothhad that morning sent down several of their servants to weed thefields, and, not to excite suspicion, had sent their wives by anothergate, also under the same pretence. As the Gallas often attackedthe soldiers of the garrison at the foot of the mountain, thedoor-keepers were not surprised to see the two officers well armedand preceded by their mules; nor did they take much notice of thebags their followers carried, when they were told that it was tefthey were going to sow, a statement moreover corroborated by theRas's servant himself. Off they started in open daylight, meetingmany of the soldiers of the mountain on the way down. Arrived, atthe fields, they told their servants to follow them, and madestraight for the Galla plain. Some of the soldiers who were at thetime working at their fields suspected that all was not right, andat once returned to the Amba and communicated their suspicions tothe Ras. He had but to take a telescope to perceive the two friendswinding their way in the distance along the road that led to theGalla plain. All the garrison was at once called out, and an immediatepursuit ordered; but during the interval the fugitives had gainedground, and were at last perceived quietly resting on the plainabove, in company with such a respectable-looking body of Gallahorsemen that prudence dictated to the braves of Magdala theadvisability of not following any further. On their way back theyfound, hiding herself in the bushes, the wife of Comfou, carryingher infant babe in her arms. It appears that, flurried and excited, that young woman failed to find the place of rendezvous, and wasconcealing herself until the soldiers had passed by, when the criesof her child attracted their attention. She was triumphantly broughtback, chained hand and feet, and cast into the common gaol, "awaitingorders. "

Whilst the garrison had been sent on their unsuccessful errand, thechiefs had met together, and as one of the runaways was superintendentof the storehouses and magazines, an immediate search was made, inorder to ascertain whether he had helped himself to some of the"treasures" before taking his unceremonious leave. To their horrorthey soon found out that silks, caps, powder, even the Emperor'sgala dress, his favourite pistol and rifle, together with a largesum of money, were missing: in fact, the _bags of tef_ werefull of spoils. The Ras felt the gravity of his position; he hadnot only allowed himself to be grossly duped, but, moreover, someof the most valuable of the Emperor's property intrusted to hiscare had been carried off by his former friend. He utterly lost hishead; he painted to himself Theodore's rage on hearing the news;he saw himself an inmate of the gaol, loaded with fetters, or perhapscondemned to a speedy and cruel death. He assembled the council, and laid the case before the chiefs; the wisest and most experiencedwere for trusting to his relationship with the Emperor, and to hiswell-known friendship for him; others proposed an expedition in theGalla country, a night attack on the village where it was supposedthe fugitive would spend the nights: a few hundred would start inthe evening, they said, surprise the fugitives, bring them back, recover the lost property, and, at the same time, murder a fewGallas, and plunder as much as they could--exploits that wouldimmensely gratify their royal master, and make him forget the easyway the Ras had been imposed upon. 

This last advice was carried out; and, though some still dissented, the Ras overruled their objections: he was already so deeplycompromised that he clutched at every chance that offered itselfof retrieving his position. Bitwaddad Damash, the friend andcountryman of Theodore, the brave warrior, was intrusted with thecommand; under him were, placed Bitwaddad Hailo, Bitwaddad Wassié, and Dedjazmatch Goji, all of them "old friends of ours, " and ofwhom I have given a short description. Two hundred of Damash'sgunmen, and two hundred of Goji's spearmen, all picked soldiers, well armed and well mounted, formed the attacking party. Towardssunset they all assembled. Before leaving, Damash, clad in a silkshirt, wearing gallantly over his shoulders a splendid tiger's skin, armed with a pair of pistols and a double-barrelled gun; came toour prison to bid us good-by; or rather to gratify his vanity byour compelled admiration, and to obtain a parting blessing from hisfriend Mr. Rassam, who courteously performed the ceremony. 

Twice before, Damash had, during our stay at Magdala, started forWatat, a village some twelve miles distant from Magdala, not farfrom where the Bechelo separates the province of Worahaimanoo fromthe plateau of Dahonte. There the Emperor's cattle were kept, andmessengers had been sent to the Amba by the peasants requestingimmediate assistance, as a Galla force had made its appearance, andthey felt themselves unable to protect Theodore's cows. On theseoccasions the very sight of Damash and his gunmen had driven theGallas away: at least so they said on their return; but _mauvaiseslangues_ asserted that it was only a trick of the country peoplethemselves, who desired to be reported to the Emperor as faithfulsubjects of his and anxious to protect the cattle they had in charge. Many of the younger and inexperienced soldiers felt confident thaton this occasion the result would be the same; the fugitives wouldbe surprised, and the Gallas run away in all directions at the sightof Damash and his valiant companions, leaving their homesteads andproperty at the mercy of the invaders. 

The Ras passed an anxious, sleepless night; at day-dawn he and hisfriends went upon the small hillock near the prison, and telescopein hand anxiously watched the Galla plain. Hours passed away, andthey saw nothing. What had occurred? why had not Damash and hismen come back? such were the questions every, one asked: the oldmen shook their heads; they had fought in their days in the Gallacountry, and knew the valour of these savage horsemen. Even our oldspy, Abu Falek, probably to see what we would say exclaimed, "Thatfool Damash had the impudence to make a raid in the Galla country, when even Theodore himself could not go there now. " At last thewelcome intelligence that Damash and his men were coming back, spread like wild-fire all over the mountain: they had been seendescending a steep ravine, not the road they had taken on going, but a shorter one. Soon afterwards horses and men were perceivedon the plain; and something like confusion, and cattle being hurrieddown could be made out by the glasses. The party from the garrisonwere seen to halt at a short distance from the ravine they haddescended, and march on very slowly. Something was wrong evidently;horsemen were at once despatched by the Ras to ascertain the resultof the expedition. They returned with a doleful tale, and the Ambasoon rang with the wailing of widows and orphans; eleven dead, thirty wounded, scores of fire-arms lost, the fugitives at large, was in sum the intelligence they brought back to the despondingRas. 

A Galla renegade had the night before led Damash and his men straightto the village of the chief in whose company they had been seen inthe morning, and under whose hospitable roof he justly surmisedthat they would spend the night. At first all succeeded as they hadexpected. They reached the doomed village an hour before day-dawn, and surrounded at once the house of the chief, whilst a small bodywas sent to search and plunder the village itself. A fearful massacretook place; surprised in their sleep, the men were murdered beforethey were aware of the presence of the enemy; only a few were spared, together with some women and children, by the less blood-thirstyof these midnight assassins. Before retiring to rest, Meshisha andComfou, thinking that perhaps an attempt might be made to capturethem, advised the chief to be on his guard, and proposed to sleepwith him in a small broken-down hut at some distance from his house. Fortunately for them and the chief, they adopted that prudent course;awoke by the cries and shouts in the village, they bridled theirready-saddled steeds, and were off before even their presence hadbeen suspected. 

Damash collected his men, and with his prisoners and plunder atonce retraced his steps, glorying in his great deed and rejoicingin his success; it is true he had not caught the fugitives, butafter all that was the Ras's business. He had planned the expedition, carried fire and sword into the Galla country; and without the lossof a single man was returning to the Amba with prisoners, horses, cows, mules, and other spoils of war. He knew how pleased Theodorewould be, and he fancied himself already the fortunate successorof the disgraced Ras. He was within a few hundred yards of theshort road he intended to take on his way back, leading from theTanta plateau to the valley below Magdala, when he saw on the distanthorizon a few horsemen riding towards him at full speed. The cattleand prisoners under charge of Goji and a few men were already engagedin the narrow road, and retreat was impossible. He placed his gunmenso as to face the horsemen, only a dozen, hoping to scare thathandful off by the very sight of his large force; but he was mistaken. Brave Mahomed Hamza had the blood of his relations to avenge, and, though at the head of only twelve men, he bravely charged the 400Amhara soldiers. A shot struck him in the forehead, and he felldead from his horse. His companions, however, before the Amharascould reload, made a second brilliant charge, avenged their chief, and carried away the body all were anxious to mutilate. Morehorsemen came pouring in from all directions; the war-cry was echoedfar and wide; men, women, and children assailed the Amharas withlances and stones. Mahomed's brothers, now supported by fifty lances, charged again and again the affrighted enemy, and drove them likesheep to the very brink of the precipice. 

Damash, however, had not come to fight but to slay; he was onlybrave when he had prisoners to bully, defenceless men to murder, and children to reduce to slavery: the cattle had reached the valleybelow and the road was clear, so throwing away his tiger's skin, his shield, his pistols, his gun, and abandoning his horses, hegave the example of the _sauve qui peut_, and rolled ratherthan ran down the steep descent. His example was followed by allthe Amharas. A complete rout followed; the ground was strewed withmatchlocks, spears, and shields; wounded and dead were alike abandonedon the battlefield. The Gallas did not follow them down the ravineas they could not charge on the broken ground below; they, however, killed several with sharp stones--a dreadful weapon in a Galla'shand--as their terrified foe hurried down the narrow pass and tumbledone over the other in their eagerness to reach the valley, wherethese cowards knew well that they would be safe. 

Almost all the wounded came to me; and for twelve hours I was busybandaging and dressing their wounds. In several cases, where I knewthat recovery was impossible, I informed the relations of the fact;as otherwise their death would have been laid to me, a rather seriousmatter in our critical position. Those thus warned always soughtnative advice, but they found out very soon that charms and amuletswere of no avail, and that my prognostic had been but too true. Iremember one case: a chief who had often been on guard at nightover our prison had his left leg completely smashed by a stone;without entering into professional details, suffice it to say thatI at once pronounced amputation as the only possible remedy; butto please the chiefs, who took a great interest in him, I agreedto dress his wound for a week, and after that time, should I bestill of the same opinion to inform them of it. He had a small godjobuilt in our inclosure, and remained there until I gave for thesecond time as my opinion that nothing could save his life butimmediate amputation. He was on that taken to his house and madeover to a Shoa doctor, who promised not only to save his life butalso the limb. The poor man was tortured by that ignorant quack fora week or ten days, until death put an end to his misery. 

Two days after, on a female spy reporting that in the ravine wherethe Amharas had been slaughtered, she had seen two wounded menhidden among the bushes, and still alive; an old chief, also a Gallarenegade, with a few hundred men, was ordered to proceed to thespot, and endeavour to bring them back and bury the dead; they wereon no account to engage in any action with the Gallas, but to retreatat once should he meet with resistance. He saw no enemy except hisold comrade Comfou, who, from a rock above, fired at them with hisrifle, without wounding or killing any one; they returned his fire, but to no purpose, and, having fulfilled their instructions, broughtin the two wounded men: both, however, died shortly afterwards. One of them had his right arm and left leg broken; moreover, a spearhad cut open the abdominal integuments, and the bowels protruded:he said that he had suffered greatly from thirst, but that hisgreatest trouble was, with his left hand, to keep off the vulturesfrom tearing his intestines. 

The Ras, it is true, was now in a worse plight than before; butthis time not alone. Damash had abandoned his men, run away, andlost the gun, pistols, and horse the Emperor had given, or ratherlent, him. Many of the petty chiefs and soldiers had followedDamash's example, and some twenty-five matchlocks could not heaccounted for, and of spears and shields the number missing wasstill greater. By-the-by, Damash pretended to be wounded, and fora long time we saw nothing of him, a circumstance at which werejoiced extremely, but _his friends_ told us that he was onlysuffering from a few excoriations due to his rather too rapidretreat. 

If force had failed, perhaps negotiations might succeed. It wasknown that the two fugitives were still living in some of thevillages belonging to the relations of Mahomed, awaiting the returnof a messenger they had sent to the Galla Queen Mastiate, whosecamp was a few days distant. The Magdala chiefs, therefore, proposedto the Gallas in their power that if they could induce their relationsto give up the two fugitives, with the things they had taken awaywith them, they would set them all--men, women, and children--free, and restore the cattle that had been plundered. A woman, the wifeof one of the principal men captured, volunteered to go. To thehonour of the Gallas, they proudly and with scorn refused to giveup their guests: they preferred to allow their relatives to lingerin chains at Magdala, and abandon them to tortures and death, ratherthan obtain their release by a dishonourable action. 

The Magdala magnates had now to give up all hope of redeeming theirconduct in the eyes of Theodore; the good understanding betweenthem was much shaken: they taxed one another, when in their cups, with cowardice, sent messengers separately to the Emperor, accusingone another, and lived in as much dread of the arrival of an Imperialmessenger as we did ourselves. But Theodore, surrounded by difficulties, almost cut off from his amba, was far too cunning to show hisdispleasure: his letter on the subject was perfect. What if two ofhis servants had run away? they were unfaithful, and he was onlytoo glad that they had left his amba; as for the arms lost, whatdid it matter? he had more to give them; and when he came theyshould take their revenge. A few, not many, were taken in, but allpretended to be so, and several only awaited a favourable opportunityto follow the example of those they had endeavoured to capture. 

Every one suspected that Mastiate, the Galla Queen, would resentthe foray made in her country, and avenge the death of her subjectsso treacherously murdered. She would probably, they feared, destroytheir crops at the foot of the Amba, stop the market, and starveout the place. She had, they knew, faithful allies in Comfou andMeshisha, and as the latter had been almost brought up on themountain, and knew the many paths by which to lead; at night, theGalla host, much anxiety, therefore, prevailed, and great precautionswere taken to protect the Amba against a sudden attack. 

I believe that it was indeed Mastiate's plan, and that she was onthe point of executing it when a serious danger from, another siderequired her presence. Wakshum Gobazé, at the head of a powerfularmy, had invaded her dominions. 

Our days of calm repose were at an end; if it was not one rebelchief or the other that threatened the Amba, it was the good newsfrom home that at last an expedition for our deliverance had beendecided upon, or the less welcome information that the King wasabout to move in our direction; and one excitement had hardlysubsided before we were again a prey to another--one day full ofhope, the next, perhaps, desponding and cast down. 

Watshum Gobazé's career, had been full of adventure. As a youngman he accompanied his father, Wakshum Gabra Medhin, the hereditarychief of Lasta, to the Imperial camp. On Theodore's first campaignin Shoa, which ended in the submission of that country, Gobazé'sfather fell under Theodore's displeasure, and was on the point ofbeing executed when the Bishop interfered, and, as he was of greatuse to Theodore at the time, his request was granted. However, notlong afterwards, Gobazé and his father seized their opportunity, deserted from Theodore's army, and retired into Lasta. They had notmuch difficulty in inducing the mountaineers to espouse their cause, and declare themselves independent. Theodore deputed to suppressthat insurrection the rebel's own cousin, called Wakshum Teferi, abrave soldier and splendid horseman. He pursued his relative, totally defeated his army, and brought him a chained prisoner tothe foot of the throne. Theodore was at the time in Wadela, a highplateau situate between Lasta and Begemder. He condemned the rebelchief to death; and as but few trees are to be found on that elevatedplateau, he had him hung on the one near which his tent was pitched, so that the body of his enemy might be seen far and wide. Gobazéhad managed to escape; and some time afterwards, Theodore, who wasafraid of Wakshum Teferi, as he was beloved and admired by thesoldiers, put him in chains, --forgetting that the man had servedhim so faithfully as even to bring to the scaffold his blood relation, --on the pretext that he had willingly allowed Gobazé to escape. 

Gobazé for a while remained hidden in the fastnesses of the highmountains of Lasta, but no sooner did he perceive that the Emperor'spower was weakened and that the peasants were discontented with histyrannical rule, than he came forth from his retreat, and havingcollected around him some of the former followers of his father, hoistedthe standard of rebellion, and loudly proclaimed himself the avengerof his race. All Lasta soon acknowledged him. His rule was mild; andbefore long Gobazé found himself at the head of a considerable force. He advanced in the direction of Tigré, subdued the provincesof Enderta and Wajjerat, marched into Tigré proper, conqueredTheodore's lieutenant, and left there his deputy, Dejatch Kassa. He himself returned to Lasta, having in view the extension of his powertowards Yedjow and the Galla country, so as to protect Lasta from beinginvaded by these tribes during his proposed conquest of the Amhara country. Circumstances were greatly in his favour, and for a while he wasthe man to whom all Abyssinia looked to as their future ruler. Onhis return to Lasta he was at once acknowledged by Wadela, and atthe same time some runaway chiefs of Yedjow having come to him, heavailed himself of their assistance to make himself master of thatprovince. He had some trouble, however, in settling it, as part ofit was strongly in favour of an alliance with the Wallo Gallas: hedeemed it the wisest course, therefore, to invade the Wallo countryafter the rainy season, and dictate his terms. He detached a smallforce, and sent with it one of his relations to receive the submissionof Dalanta; and not long afterwards Dahonte was evacuated by theGallas, and occupied by his troops. In the beginning of Septemberhe entered the Wallo Galla country by its north-eastern frontier, notfar from Lake Haïk. On the intelligence reaching Queen Mastiate shehastened to oppose his march, and encamped a few miles in advance of hisarmy, on a large plain, where her splendid cavalry would have alladvantage. For at least a fortnight or three weeks the two armiesremained in front of each other; Gobazé awaiting his enemy onthe broken ground he had encamped upon, and where the Galla horsecould not charge, but where his gunmen would be all-powerful; whilethe Queen, on her side, would not leave the ground she had chosen, and where she was almost certain of victory. 

Gobazé had been long before in communication with the Bishop andwith Mr. Rassam. Before the rainy season of 1867, he had sent wordto the Bishop that he was coming to Magdala, presented him a fewhundred dollars, and asked him to afford all the assistance in hispower should he advance towards the place. The Bishop said he woulddo his utmost, and that as soon as the Amba was invested he wouldleave no stone, unturned to facilitate his plans. Gobazé sentback word that if the Bishop would secure him the services of Damash, Goji, and the Ras (the three who had all the garrison under theirjoint command), that he would come at once. This request was simplyabsurd; if we had been able to gain over these men to our cause, we could have dispensed with the presence of Gobazé altogether. What the Bishop proposed was, that Gobazé should encamp atIslamgee; the moment he appeared below the mountain, the Bishop wouldsupply us and some men upon whom he could depend with fire-arms andammunition. We should in the meanwhile open our chains with theassistance of our servants, and arm all those amongst them who couldbe trusted; and on the Bishop being informed, that we were ready, he would come out in full canonicals, carrying the holy cross, andexcommunicate Theodore and every one who adhered to him, placingunder an irrevocable curse all who attempted to arrest him or us. Our party, including Portuguese, natives of Massowah, and messengers, would have amounted to at least twenty-five; the Bishop could bringfifty men, and surround himself with about 200 priests and defteras, so as to form a mixed sortie; all, however, ready to fight in caseof need. Should persuasion or threats fail to force the way to thegate, they were to shoot down any one attempting to molest us inour advance. Arrived at the gate, the Bishop and the priests wouldstand before the inner door, whilst the armed party would seizeupon the outer gate and hold it until the Wakshum and his men, readyat hand, would march in and take possession of the fort. 

The plan was a very good one, and no doubt would have succeeded. We knew well, that no pity would have been shown to us had we beenrecaptured, and we would have fallen one after the other, ratherthan allow ourselves to be made prisoners again. In presence ofeven a handful of men, determined to sell their lives dearly, fewof the soldiers would have ventured on an open attack; the affairwould have been sudden, and the garrison taken by surprise: moreover, we had to deal with bigoted people, and many who might have rushedupon us, would have been kept back by the presence of the Bishop, and would kiss the ground before his feet rather than encounter hisdreaded excommunication. The Bishop informed Gobazé of this plan, and for days we lived in a fearful state of excitement, always hopingthat the messenger would return with the grateful intelligencethat Gobazé had accepted it. However, we were doomed todisappointment: Gobazé did not approve the suggestion; he sent wordto the Bishop, "It is better for me to go to Begemder and attack theremy blood enemy: only give me your blessing. On the fall of Theodore, the Amba belongs to me; it is far preferable that I should fight himinstead of attacking Magdala, as you know well that we cannot takeforts. " The blessing was duly given; but Gobazé thought betterof it: he did not venture to attack the murderer of his father, and a few days afterwards we heard that he had marched into Yedjow. Gobazé behaved always very well towards us; he assisted, as much aslay in his power, our messengers on their way to the coast, and wasanxious to effect our deliverance; unfortunately he had not sufficientcourage to fight when Theodore was his opponent. 

Gobazé and Mastiate after a time got tired of staring at oneanother. The latter was aware that before long she would have todeal with even a more serious enemy, in the person of her rivalWorkite, and she would willingly have come to terms. She sent ahorse to Gobazé as a peace-offering, but he returned the present, accompanied with a parcel of cotton and a spindle, with a message tothe effect that she had nothing to do with horses, and as heroccupation was to spin cotton, he had sent her the necessary articles. Gobazé, however, shortly afterwards heard that in Tigré, DejatchKassa, who for some months had abandoned his cause, had madehimself very powerful, and marched upon Adowa. Supplies also began torun short in his camp, whilst Mastiate being in her own country, coulddraw them with all facility; he therefore retraced his stepstowards Yedjow. Mastiate followed him in the rear, only biding her timeto fall upon him when a favourable opportunity presented itself. Gobazé found his position difficult, and made advances. Mastiate sawher advantage and made her own terms. She promised not to interfere inthe affairs of Yedjow, on condition that he made over to her theprovinces of Dahonte and Dalanta, which he had shortly before occupied. He agreed, and peace was made between the two parties; it was evenreported that an offensive and defensive alliance had been concludedbetween them; but this could hardly have been the case, as soonafterwards, when Mastiate was hard pressed by Menilek, her new allydid not afford her any assistance. 

To us these constant changes of rulers was most annoying, more soas we had no money, and were constantly obliged to make presentsto the new chiefs appointed by the conqueror of the day. We hadhardly made "friends" with the shums (governors) Theodore had leftin those provinces, than we had to open communications with thedeputies of the Galla Queen, and again with those of Gobazéon the evacuation of those districts by the Gallas, and a fourthtime on their reoccupation by the Gallas: we had to ensure theirneutrality, at least, --for they had already plundered several ofour messengers--by suitable offerings and promises of more, shouldthey favour our cause. In one respect we were very fortunate: onour arrival we were saved from much discomfort, if not from somethingworse, by the money the Emperor gave to his workmen; who made itover to us. During the rainy season we were again saved fromstarvation by a few dollars I had kept in reserve; for the thirdtime, everything appeared desperate, and we were so reduced thatsome sold and others were talking of selling their mules and anythingavailable, when a messenger at last reached us with a few hundreddollars. 

Whilst Mastiate was negotiating with Gobaz, her son wrote to Mr. Rassam and to the Bishop. He asked Mr. Rassam to use his influenceand give him the mountain, promising in return to treat us honourablyif we liked to remain in his country, or enable us to reach thecoast if we desired to return to our own native land. To the Bishophe promised all protection; he would allow him to take away hisproperty, and would not injure what he called "his idols. "

So long as we could get out of the clutches of Theodore, it did notmatter much into whose hands we fell: not that we ever expected, --such, at least, was the opinion of the majority amongst us, --that weshould be allowed to leave the country: but, at all events, weshould not be in daily fear of our lives, of tortures, and ofstarvation, as we were then. We should not have liked to fall intothe hands of the peasants or of some petty chief: the first wouldhave at once put us to death out of hatred to the white men; thesecond, most probably would have ill-treated us or have sold us tothe highest bidder. The great rebels would have acted differently:we should have been, for a time, at least, comparatively free, andallowed to depart on a suitable ransom being given. Therefore, toAli, to Gobaz, to Ahmed the son of Mastiate, or to Menilek theKing of Shoa, Mr. Rassam's answer was always the same, "Come; investthis place, and then we will see what we can do for you. "

It amused us sometimes to watch all these different rivals ofTheodore, each of them endeavouring to seize upon Magdala evenbefore Theodore was quite out of the way. Gobazé and Menilek, had both in view to make themselves rulers of Abyssinia, by thepossession of Magdala: (indeed the latter had also written beforethe rainy season, informing the Bishop of his coming to takepossession of _his_ amba, and requesting the bishop to takecare of _his_ property. ) Apart from the great prestige it wouldconfer upon them, they would obtain the three things they rightlyjudged would most likely insure the fulfilment of their ambitiousviews: viz. , the throne, the Bishop, and the English prisoners. Allwanted Mr. Bassam, not merely to help them, but to _give_ themthe mountain: they were aware that the chiefs were on friendly termswith us, and supposed that we were in possession of fabulous sumsof money, so that, by means of friendship and bribery, we mightopen the gates to the candidate we selected. 

Magdala could only become theirs by treachery: in their immensearmies, they could not have found twenty men with sufficient courageto venture on an assault. Magdala had the reputation of beingimpregnable; and, indeed, against natives badly armed, it was verynearly so. Even Theodore only took possession of it because theGalla garrison, through fear, evacuated the place during the night. He had pitched his camp at the foot of the Amba, and attempted anassault; but soon retired from his hopeless task before the showerof missiles thrown from above. It was not until several days afterthe Gallas had retired, that one of the chiefs, suspecting the placeto be empty, cautiously ventured to ascertain the fact, and returnedto inform Theodore that he might quietly walk in as the enemy haddisappeared. 

 CHAPTER XV

Death of Abouna Salama--Sketch of his Life and Career--Grievancesof Theodore against him--His Imprisonment at Magdala--The WalloGallas--Their Habits and Customs--Menilek appears with an Army inthe Galla Country--His Policy--Advice sent to him by Mr. Rassam--Heinvests Magdala and fires a _feu-de-joie_--The Queen's Behaviour--Steps taken by the Chiefs--Our Position not Improved--The Effectsof Smoke on Menilek--Our Disappointment followed by Great Joy--Wereceive News of the Landing of British Troops. 

On the 25th of October, Abouna Salama (the Bishop of Abyssinia)died after a long and painful illness. 

Abouna Salama was in many respects a remarkable man. Two suchcharacters as Theodore and himself are seldom met with at the sametime in those distant lands. Both ambitious, both proud, bothpassionate, it was inevitable that sooner or later they must comeinto collision, and the stronger crush the weaker. 

Abyssinia had been for years without a bishop. Priests could nomore be consecrated, nor new churches dedicated to Christian worship, as the ark could not contain the tabot blessed by the bishop of theland. Ras Ali, although outwardly a Christian and belonging to aconverted family, had still too many connections amongst the MussulmanGallas, his true friends and supporters, to care for more than anapparent profession of the State religion, and troubled himselfvery little about the inconvenience to which the priesthood wassubjected by the long-continued vacancy of the bishopric. 

Dejatch Oubié was at that time the semi-independent ruler ofTigré. From the position of a simple governor he had graduallyrisen to power, and now at the head of a large army strove for thetitle of Ras. Though still on apparent terms of friendship withRas Ali, even to a certain degree acknowledging him as his superior, he was all the while secretly exerting his influence to overthrowthe Ras's power in order to reign in his stead. For these reasonshe despatched some of his chiefs, with Monsignor de Jacobis, anItalian nobleman and Roman Catholic bishop at Massowah, to Egypt, to obtain a bishop for the Abyssinian see; [Footnote: According tothe rules of the Abyssinian Church, the bishop must be a Copticpriest ordained at Cairo. The expenses required for the consecrationof a bishop amount to about 10, 000 dollars] and in order to securefor himself such a powerful weapon as the support of the priesthood, he incurred the heavy expense required for the consecration of anAbouna. De Jacobis made strenuous efforts to have a bishop anointedwho would favour the Roman Catholics; but he failed, as the Patriarchchose for that dignity a young man who had received part of hiseducation at an English school at Cairo, and whose views were morein favour of Protestantism than of the Copt's long-standing adversary, the Church of Rome. 

Andraos, this young priest, was only in his twentieth year. Wheninformed that he must leave his monastery and the companionship ofthe monks his friends to proceed to the distant and semi-civilizedland of Habesch, he firmly declined the honour proposed for him. He requested his superiors to fix their choice on a worthier man, declaring himself unfit for the dignity so suddenly thrust uponhim. His objections were not admitted, and as he still persistedin his refusal, the superior of the convent put him in irons; whereinhe should remain, he was told, until he agreed to obey the head ofthe Coptic Church. Andraos gave in; and having been duly anointedand consecrated Bishop of Abyssinia, under the title of AbounaSalama, with all the pomps and ceremonies proper to the occasion, started shortly afterwards in an English man-of-war, reachingMassowah in the beginning of 1841. 

Dejatch Oubié received him with great honours; added numerousvillages and large districts to those the hereditary possession ofthe bishops, and made every endeavour to attach him to his cause. He succeeded even beyond his expectations. Abouna Salama, insteadof needing the persuasions of Oubié to join him in the overthrowof Ras Ali, proposed the attempt. Through his influence Oubiéconcluded an alliance with Goscho Beru, the ruler of Godjam. Thetwo chiefs agreed to march on Debra Tabor, attack Ras Ali, wrestfrom him the power he had usurped, and divide the government ofAbyssinia, confirming the Bishop's alleged rights to a third of therevenue of the land. 

Oubié and Goscho Beru kept to their engagements, offered battleto Ras Ali near Debra Tabor, and utterly routed his army; Ras Aliwith difficulty escaping from the field with a small body of well-mountedfollowers. It so happened, however, that Oubié celebrated hissuccess in potations too many and deep. Some of the fugitive soldiersof Ras Ali accidentally entered Oubié's tent, found their master'sconqueror in the condition known as dead drunk, and availed themselvesof his helpless condition to make him their prisoner. This suddencontretemps changed the aspect of affairs. Certain well-mountedhorsemen galloped after Ras Ali and succeeded in overtaking himtowards evening. He would not at first believe in his good fortune;but others of his soldiers arriving and confirming the glad tidings, he returned to Debra Tabor, reunited his scattered followers, andwas able to dictate terms to his captive conqueror. Oubié waspardoned and allowed to return to Tigré, the Bishop being answerablefor his fidelity. Ras Ali treated the Bishop with all respect, fellat his feet and implored him not to listen to the calumnies ofhis enemies, assuring him that the Church had no more faithful sonthan himself, nor any more willing to comply with the holy father'swishes. The Bishop, now on friendly terms with all parties, and allbut worshipped by them, soon made his authority felt; and had notTheodore risen from obscurity, Abouna Salama would, no doubt, havebeen the Hildebrand of Abyssinia. 

During the campaigns of Lij Kassa against the ruler of Godjam, andduring that period of revolution ending in the overthrow of RasAli, Abouna Salama retired to his property in Tigré, residingthere in peace under the protection of his friend Oubié. Eversince his arrival in Abyssinia Abouna Salama had shown the bitterestopposition to the Roman Catholics: an enmity not so much engenderedby conviction, perhaps, as inflamed by the fact that some of hisproperty had been seized at Jiddah at the instigation of some RomanCatholic priests, who had through his influence been plundered, ill-treated, and expelled from Abyssinia. When the intelligencereached the Abouna that Lij Kassa was marching against Tigré, he publicly excommunicated him, on the ground that Kassa was thefriend of the Roman Catholics, protected their Bishop, De Jacobis, and wanted to subvert in favour of the creed of Rome the religionof the land. But Kassa was a match for the Abouna; he denied thecharge, and at the same time stated "that if Abouna Salama couldexcommunicate, Abouna de Jacobis could remove it. " The Bishop, alarmed at the influence his enemies might possibly obtain, offeredto recall his anathema, on condition that Kassa would expel DeJacobis. These terms having been agreed upon, Abouna Salama shortlyafterwards consented to place the crown of Abyssinia on the usurper'shead, and did so in the very church Oubié had erected for his owncoronation, under the name of Theodore II. 

Pleased with the Bishop's compliance, Theodore showed him the utmostrespect. He carried his chair, or walked behind him with a lanceand shield as if he was nothing but a follower of his, and on allfit occasions fell down to the ground in his presence and respectfullykissed his hand. Abouna Salama for a time believed that his influenceover Theodore was unbounded, as it had been over Ras Ali and Oubié;mistook Theodore's show of humility for sincere admiration anddevotion; and the more humble Theodore seemed disposed to be, themore arrogant did the Bishop, publicly show himself. But he had notquite understood the character of the Emperor he had anointed; andoverrating his own importance, at last he made of Theodore an openand relentless enemy. The crisis came when Abouna Salama leastexpected it. One day Theodore went in state to pay him his respects. Arrived at the Abouna's tent, he informed him of his visit; theBishop sent word that he would receive him when convenient, andmeanwhile bade him wait without. Theodore complied; but as timepassed and the Bishop made no appearance, Theodore walked away, theenemy of his prelate, and burning for revenge. 

For years afterwards they lived in open enmity, or enmity slightlymasked: each worked hard at the destruction of the other. IfTheodore's reign had been a peaceful one, the Abouna would havegained the day; but the Emperor, surrounded as he was by a largearmy of devoted followers, found ready listeners to his descriptionsof the Bishop's character. Abouna Salama was never very popular;he was, without being a miser, far from liberal. Friendship inAbyssinia means presents: it is accepted as such by all; and everychief, every man of note, who courts popularity, lavishes with anunsparing hand. The Emperor naturally took advantage of this wantof liberality in the Bishop's character, to contrast it with hisown generosity. He insinuated that the Abouna was only a merchantat heart; that instead of selling the tribute he received in kindto the people of the country, as was formerly the custom, he sentit by caravans to Massowah, trafficked with the Turks, and hoardedall his money in Egypt. Little by little Theodore worked on theminds of his people, impressing them with the idea that, after all, the Bishop was only a man like themselves; and, at least in Theodore'scamp, he had already lost much of his prestige when the Emperorspread the report that his honour had been assailed by the Bishopwhom they all worshipped. 

Theodore, when detailing to us his grievances one day on our wayto Agau Medar, introduced the subject of his quarrel with the Abouna. He then stated as the reason of his enmity against him that, oneday when he was entertaining his officers at a public breakfast, the Bishop, taking advantage of his absence, and under pretence ofconfessing the Queen, went into her tent. When Theodore returnedafter the breakfast was over, he presented himself at the door ofhis wife's apartment, but on being informed that she was engagedin her religious duties with the Abouna he walked away. In theevening he returned again to his wife's tent. When he entered, sheflew to him, and sobbing on his neck told him that she had beenthat day unwillingly unfaithful to him, having been unable to resistthe violence of the Bishop. He forgave her, he said, because shewas innocent; and as for the suborner of his honour he could notpunish him: nothing but death could avenge such a crime, and howcould he lay violent hands on a dignitary of the Church?--There isno doubt that the whole was an abominable invention; but Theodorehad evidently told the same story over and over again until at lasthe had come to believe it himself. 

Abouna Salama lost reputation, though, perhaps, few people believedthe Emperor's assertion. But on the principle that if you throw mudsome will stick, the Abouna's character was amongst a certain classfairly gone; and henceforward his friends were only to be foundamongst the King's enemies, while his foes were Theodore's bosomfriends. In public Theodore still always treated him with respect, though not with such a great show of humility as before; but heevidently, for the sake of his people, made a distinction betweenthe official character of the Abouna, respecting it on account ofhis Christian faith, and his private one, for which he expressedthe greatest scorn. 

For a long while the question of the Church lands was a great dealdiscussed between them. Theodore could not tolerate any power inthe State but his own. He had fought hard to be the supreme rulerof Abyssinia; he had done his utmost to bring the Abouna intocontempt, and when he thought the occasion favourable to do awayentirely with his power and influence, he confiscated all the Churchlands and revenues--some of the Bishop's hereditary property by thesame stroke--and placed himself virtually at the head of the Church. The Abouna's anger knew no bounds. Naturally of a violent temper, he grossly abused Theodore on every occasion. Some of their quarrelswere most unbecoming; the intense hatred burning in the prelate'sheart showing itself in expressions that ought never to have fallenfrom his lips. The Bishop of Abyssinia was never tolerant. I havementioned that towards Roman Catholics he was most intolerant. Hepersecuted them at every opportunity, and even when himself aprisoner at Magdala he never sought to obtain the release of anunfortunate Abyssinian who had been years before cast into chainsat his instigation, for the sole reason that the man had visitedRome and become a convert there. Towards Protestants he was betterinclined; still, he would not hear of "conversions. " Missionariesmight instruct, but they had to stop there; and when, as it happened, some Jews were led by the teachings of the missionaries to acceptChristianity, they had to be baptized and received as members ofthe Abyssinian Church. He showed himself on all occasions friendlytowards Europeans, not Roman Catholics, and in time of troubleproved of good service to the European captives; even helping themwith small sums of money at a time of great scarcity and want. Buthis friendship was dangerous. Theodore distrusted, nay, dislikedany one who was on friendly terms with his great enemy; the horridtorture the Europeans suffered at Azzazoo was due entirely to thatcause; and the quarrels or reconciliations between Church and Statealways influenced their and our fate. The Abouna left Azzazoo withthe King's camp after the rainy season of 1864. 

A serious rebellion had broken out in Shoa, and Theodore, leavinghis prisoners, wives and camp-followers at Magdala, made a quickmarch through the Wallo Galla country; but he found the rebels sostrong that he could do nothing against them. He was greatly annoyedat the Bishop's refusal to accompany him. The Shoa people are ofall Abyssinians the most bigoted, and have the greatest regard fortheir Abouna; with him in his camp many of the opposing chiefs wouldat once have laid down their arms and returned to their allegiance. But the Bishop, who had in view his fertile districts in Tigré, proposed accompanying Theodore first to that province; and afterthe rebellion had been put down in that part of the kingdom, toproceed with him to Shoa. Their interview on that occasion wasvery stormy; and Theodore must have had great command over himselfto have refrained from extremities. Abouna Salama remained atMagdala, according to his desire; but a prisoner. He was never putin chains; though it is said that Theodore had several times resolveit should be done, and even had the fetters prepared; but he wasalways restrained by dread of the effect that such a measure mighthave on his people. The Bishop was allowed to go as far as thechurch, should he desire it; but at night a small guards alwayswatched outside his house; sometimes even a few of the soldierspassed the night in the Abouna's apartment. Almost all his servantswere spies of the King. He could trust no one, except a few of hisslaves--young Gallas given to him in former days by Theodore--anda Copt, who, with some priests, had accompanied the Patriarch Davidon his visit to Abyssinia: some of them had accepted the King'sservice, whilst others, like the Copt servant I have mentioned, devoted themselves to their compatriot and bishop. 

During the former imprisonment of the captives at Magdala, theintercourse between the Bishop and them had been very limited. Theynever saw each other; but occasionally a young slave of the Bishop'swould carry a verbal message, or a short Arabic note containingsome piece of news, generally some exaggerated rumours of the rebels'doings (always believed by the too credulous Abouna), or simpleinquiries about medicine, &c. 

The day of our arrival, and whilst the chiefs were reading Theodore'sinstructions concerning us, the young slave above mentioned cameup to Mr. Rosenthal with kind compliments from the Abouna, to informus that as far as his master then knew there was nothing bad forthe present, but great fears for the future. The Bishop, we knew, had frequent communications with the great rebel chiefs (Theodorewas also well aware of the fact, and hated him all the more forit); he had shown himself at all times well disposed towards us, and as he was as anxious as ourselves to escape from the power ofTheodore, we deemed it of the highest importance to open communicationwith him. But the difficulties in the way were enormous. Nothingwould have injured our prospects more than the betrayal of ourintercourse with the Bishop to the Emperor. Samuel in that respectcould not for a long time be trusted; as a deadly enmity existedbetween himself and the Bishop. It required all the persuasivepowers of Mr. Rassam to bring on a good understanding between thetwo; he, however, managed the affair so skilfully that he not onlysucceeded, but after mutual explanations, they became affectionatefriends. But, until this difficulty had been overcome, greatprecautions were necessary. 

The small slave was soon suspected by our vigilant guards. It wouldhave been dangerous to confide to him anything of importance, forhe might at any time be seized and searched. We therefore employedservant-girls, who were known to the Bishop, as they had residedon the mountain with the former captives. The Bishop accepted witheagerness our proposal to escape from the Amba, and, sanguine ashe was hasty, at first gave us great hopes; but when we came to thedetails of his plot, as far as we were concerned, we found it wasperfectly ridiculous. He wanted some nitrate of silver in orderto blacken his face, so as to pass unperceived through the gates. Once free, he was to join either Menilek or the Wakshum, excommunicateand depose Theodore, and proclaim the rebel emperor in his place. He had evidently forgotten that the days of Oubié and Ras Aliwere gone long ago, that the man who held Magdala cared but littlefor excommunication, and that, deposed or not, Theodore still wouldvirtually be king. The Bishop might have succeeded, perhaps; buthad he been caught, or had it ever been known that we were partiesto his escape, no power in the world would have saved us from therage of the infuriated monarch. 

After the Bishop's reconciliation with Samuel our relations withhim were more frequent and intimate. He was at all times willingto help us to the best of his ability, lent as a few dollars whenwe were hard pressed for money, wrote to the rebels to protect ourmessengers, invited them to come to our release, promising to thesuccessful one his support, and, I believe, would even have accepteda reconciliation with the man from whom he had received so manyinjuries, solely for our sake. 

Disappointed in his ambition, deprived of his property, insulted, degraded, without power, without liberty, Abouna Salama succumbedto the too common temptation of men who suffer much. Almost withoutsociety, leading a dull misanthropic life, he did not remember thatsobriety in all respects was essential to his health and thatover-indulgence at table was not consistent with his forced seclusion. Constant annoyances, added to intemperate habits, could but bringon sickness. During our first winter I attended him, through AlakaZenab, our friend and his, and under my care he recovered. Unfortunately, he only listened to my advice and obeyed my injunctionsfor a short time; soon missing the stimulants he had for years beenaccustomed to, he gradually felt the want of their cheering influence, and again resorted to them. During the rainy season of 1867 he hada more serious attack. This time Samuel, being able to visit himat night, was our medium, and being a very intelligent man couldgive us a correct account of his condition. For a while his healthimproved; but he was even more unreasonable than formerly: hardlywas he convalescent than several times a day he sent to inquire ifhe could drink some arrack, take a little opium, or indulge in someof his more favourite dishes. It is not astonishing that relapsequickly followed: though I showed him the danger of the course hewas pursuing, he persisted in it. 

In the beginning of October the Bishop's condition became so criticalthat he applied to the Ras and chiefs to allow me to visit him. They met in consultation, and in a body repaired to Mr. Rassam, when I was called and asked if I would attend him. I replied thatas far as I was concerned I was perfectly willing. The chiefs thenretired to consider the matter; and on one of them insinuating thatTheodore would not be sorry if his enemy the Abouna died, and thathe would be angry if he knew that the Bishop had been brought incontact with the Europeans, they decided on refusing his request;though they consented to the attendance of the _cow-doctor_. With the Abouna we lost a staunch ally, a good friend; nay, theonly one we had in the country. Had a rebel succeeded in makinghimself master of the Amba his protection would have been invaluable:not that I believe his influence would have been sufficient toensure our release; but still, with him, we should have met at thehands of any of the great rebel chiefs nothing but good treatmentand courteous demeanour. 

The messenger sent to convey the tidings of the Abouna's death tothe Emperor, was rather puzzled how to express himself, not knowingin what light his Majesty would receive the news. He adopted amiddle course as the safest, and tried to appear neither sorry norrejoiced. Theodore listened to his tale and exclaimed, "Thank God, my enemy is dead!" Then, addressing the messenger, he added, "Youfool! why did you not on reaching me shout out 'Miserach' (goodtidings)? I would have given you my best mule. "

With the death of the Bishop, our hopes, though always of thefaintest kind, when natives were expected to be the deliverers, seemed for ever crushed. Wakshum Gobazé had, for a time at least, by his treaty with Mastiate, given up his pretensions to thepossession of Magdala; and Menilek, even if he kept to his word andattempted the siege of our amba, would, no doubt, fall back on Shoaas soon as he should be apprised of the death of his friend whomhe was so anxious to release. We had no precise information as tothe steps that were taken at home for our rescue; and, until certainthat troops had landed, we felt very anxious lest some _contretemps_should, at the last instant, occur, and the expedition be abandoned, or some more or less chimerical plan adopted in its stead. We hadreceived a little money of late, but as everything was scarce anddear, we had to be very careful, and refuse many a "friend's"request--rather a dangerous proceeding in those days. 

We believed--but events proved we were wrong--that if any greatrebel, any rising man of influence, should present himself beforethe Amba, the discontented, half-starved wretches would be only tooglad to open the gates and receive him as a saviour. The garrison, we knew, would not on any account surrender to the Gallas. For yearsthey had been at enmity, and the marauding expeditions which thesoldiers of the mountain had lately made into their territory, hadincreased that bad feeling, and quite destroyed any hope ofreconciliation. This was the more vexatious, as now that Mastiatehad, by her treaty with Gobazé, obtained possession and garrisonedall the districts around Magdala, it was but natural to expect thatshe would make some efforts at least to seize upon a fortress thatlay within her dominions. Not many days after the departure ofGobazé for Yedjow, she issued orders to the people of theneighbourhood to cease supplying the Amba, and forbade any of hersubjects from attending the weekly market; she even fixed a day forthe troops she had detached to Dalanta and Dahonte to rendezvousat a short distance from Magdala, as she intended to destroy thewhole of the country for miles around, and reduce the garrison byfamine. 

The Wallo Gallas are a fine race, far superior to the Abyssinianin elegance, manliness, and courage. Originally from the interiorof Africa, they made their first appearance in Abyssinia towardsthe middle of the sixteenth century. These hordes invaded the fairestprovinces in such numbers, they excelled so greatly the Amharas inhorsemanship and in courage, that not only did they overrun theland, but lived for years on the resources of the country in imprudentsecurity. After a while they settled down on the beautiful plateauextending from the river Bechelo to the highlands of Shoa, and fromthe Nile to the lowland inhabited by the Adails. Though retainingmost of the characteristics of their race, they adopted many of thecustoms of the people they conquered. They lost in great measuretheir predatory and pastoral habits, tilled the soil, built permanentdwellings, and to a certain, extent adopted in their dress, food, and mode of life the usages of the former inhabitants. 

In appearance the Galla is tall, well made, ratherslender, but wiry; the hair of both men and women is long, thick, waving, rather than curly, and is altogether more like coarseEuropean hair than the semi-woolly texture that covers Abyssinianskulls. Their dress is in many respects identical; both weartrousers, only those of the Gallas are shorter and tighter, somewhatresembling those worn by the people of Tigré. They both weara large cotton cloth, a robe by day and a covering by night; theonly difference being that the Galla seldom weaves in the side thebroad red stripe, the pride of the Amhara. The food of both racesis nearly the same; both enjoy the raw meat of the cow, the shiroor hot spiced dish of peas, the wât, and the teps (toasted meat);they only differ in the grain they use for bread, the Amharadelighting in pancakes made of the small seed of the tef, whilstthe Galla's bread is more loaf-like, and is prepared with the flourof wheat or barley, the only grain that prospers on their elevatedland. The Galla women are generally fair; and when not exposed tothe sun, their large, black, brilliant, shining eyes, their rosylips, their long, black, and neatly-braided hair, their little feetand hands, their graceful and well-rounded forms, make them comparableto the fairest daughters of Spain or Italy. The long shirt fallingfrom the neck to the ankle, and fastened round the waist by theample folds of a white cotton belt; the silver anklets, from whichhang tiny bells, the long necklace of beads and silver, the whiteand black rings covering the taper fingers, are all very much thesame articles as those that are thought necessary for the toiletteof the Galla amazon and the more sedentary Amhara lady. 

The most apparent difference is in their religion. At the time oftheir first appearance, the Wallo Gallas, like many of the divisionsof the same family who, having settled further inland and havingless intercourse with foreigners, are still plunged in the grossestidolatry, worshipped trees and stones; or rather under these naturalobjects rendered adoration to a being called the Unknown, who wasto be propitiated by human sacrifices. It is impossible to obtainany correct information as to the exact date of their conversionto Islamism; but it has been accepted by the Wallo tribe almostuniversally. None at the present day are given to heathen practices, and only a few families belong to the Christian faith. 

If we compare the races still further, and examine the morality andsocial habits of the two, at a first glance it would seem that bothare licentious, both dissolute. But, on closer inspection, thedegradation of the one is seen to be so thorough, that the othermay claim, by contrast, something like primitive simplicity. TheAmhara's life is one round of sensual debauchery; his conversationseldom deviates to pure or innocent subjects: no title is so enviedby the men as that of libertine, and the women, also, are allambitious of a like distinction: an "unfortunate" is not regardedas unfortunate there. The richest, the noblest, the highest in theland are profligates in love, or mercenary: more frequently both. Nothing is so disagreeable to an Abyssinian lady's ear as aninsinuation that she is virtuous; for that would be taken to meanthat she is either ill-looking or for some other reason is notfavoured with many lovers. 

In some parts of the Galla country the family exists in the oldpatriarchal form. The father is in his humble hut as absolute asthe chief is over the tribe. If a man marries and is afterwardsobliged to leave his village on a distant foray, his wife isimmediately taken under the close protection of his brother, whois her husband until the elder's return. This custom was for manyyears very prevalent; now it is more limited: it is most common inthe plateau arising from the Bechelo to Dalanta or Dahonte, whereGalla families, almost isolated from the general tribe, have preservedmany of the institutions of their forefathers. The stranger invitedunder the roof of a Galla chief will find in the same large smokyhut individuals of several generations. The heavy straw roof restson some ten or twelve wooden pillars, having in the centre an openspace, where the matrons, sitting near the fire, prepare the eveningmeal, while a swarm of children play around them. Opposite the rudedoor of small twigs, held together by nothing but a few branchescut from the nearest tree, stands the simple alga of the "lord ofthe manor. " Near his bed neighs his favourite horse, the pet ofyoung and old. In other partitioned places are his stores of barleyor wheat. When the evening meal is over, and the children sleepwhere they last fell in their romping games, the chief first seesthat the companion of his forays is well littered; he then conductshis guest to the spot where some sweet-smelling straw has beenspread under a dried cow-hide. Nor is that the end of his hospitality, which at this point becomes rather embarrassing to the marriedtraveller. But the strange way in which the guest is honoured mustnot be set down to licentiousness; it really is simplicity. 

Every Galla is a horseman, every horseman a soldier; and thus isformed a perfect militia, an always ready army, where no disciplineis required, no drill but to follow the chief. As soon as the war-cryis heard, or the signal fire is seen on the summit of the distantpeak, the ever-ready steed is saddled, the young son jumps up behindhis father to hold his second lance, and from every hamlet, fromevery apparently peaceful homestead, brave soldiers rush to therendezvous. When Theodore himself, at the head of his thousands, invaded their land, then farewell to their homes. His revengefulhand burnt forms and villages far and wide wherever he was opposed, and the defenceless peasants fled in order to save their lives, knowing well how futile were their hopes of safety, should theyfall into his power. 

The Wallos are divided into seven tribes. Presenting no differencesamongst themselves, they were simply separated by civil wars. Couldthese brave horsemen only understand the motto "Union is strength, "they could make as easy a conquest of the whole of Abyssinia astheir fathers did of the plains they now dwell upon. When united, they have always carried their arms successfully into an enemy'scountry. Children of their race, the Gooksas, the Mariés, theAlis, have held the Emperor in their sway, and governed the landfor years. Unfortunately during the days of our captivity, as hadbeen but too frequently the case before, petty jealousies, unworthyrivalries, weakened to such an extent their power that, far frombeing able to impose their laws on others, they in turn became buttools in the hands of the Christian kings and rulers. With Abusheerdied the last vestige of union. If not at actual war, one party wasalways working against another; and no distant campaign could bethought of when their enemies in their own country dwelt. 

Abusheer, the last Imam of the Wallo Gallas, left two sons bydifferent wives, Workite [Footnote: Fine gold. ] and Mastiate. [Footnote: Looking-glass. ] The son of the former, as we mentionedin a previous chapter, was killed by Theodore on the escape ofMenilek to Shoa, and Workite had no option left but to seek thehospitality of the young king for whom she had sacrificed so much. 

Thus for more than two years Mastiate was left in undisturbedpossession of the supremacy vested in her by the unanimous consentof the chiefs, a regent for her son until he attained his majority. 

Menilek, after his escape, had no easy task before him: the chiefwho had headed the rebellion in the name of his king, after thegallant repulse and the check he inflicted upon Theodore, declaredhimself independent--became the Cromwell instead of the Monk ofAbyssinia. Menilek was, however, well received by a small party offaithful adherents; Workite had also been accompanied by a smallforce of trusty followers; and on a large number of the chiefsabandoning the usurper and joining the standard of Menilek, hemarched against the powerful rebel, who still held the capital andmany strong places, utterly defeated his army and made him a prisoner. 

This victory was shortly afterwards followed by the completesubmission of Shoa to his rule; chief after chief made theirobedience, and all acknowledged as their king the grandson of SahelaSelassi. Once his rights admitted by his people, he led his armyagainst the numerous Galla tribes who inhabit the beautiful countryextending from the south-eastern frontier of Shoa to the picturesquelake of Guaragu. But, instead of plundering these agriculturalraces, as his father had done, he promised them honourable treatment, a kind of mild vassalage, on the payment of a small annual tribute. The Gallas, surprised at his unexpected generosity and clemency, willingly accepted his terms, and, from former foes, enrolledthemselves as his followers, and accompanied him on his expeditions. Theodore had left a strong garrison on an almost impregnable amba, situated at the northern frontier of Shoa, commanding the entranceinto the pass leading from the Galla country to the highlands ofShoa. Menilek, before his campaign in the Galla country, had investedthat last stronghold of Theodore in his own dominions, and, aftera six months' siege, the garrison, who had repeatedly applied totheir master for relief, at last gave in and opened their gates tothe young king. Menilek treated them exceedingly well, many werehonoured with appointments in his household, others received titlesand commands, or were placed in positions of trust and confidence. 

Menilek owed much to Workite; without her timely protection he wouldhave been pursued, and as Shoa had shut its gates upon him, hisposition would have become one of great difficulty and danger. Hecould not forget, either, that to save his life she had sacrificedher only son and lost her kingdom: his debt of gratitude towardsher was immense, and nothing he could do could adequately repay herfor her devotion. But if he could not give her back her murderedson, he would, at all events, march against her rival, and restoreby force of arms the disgraced queen to the throne she had lost onhis account. At the end of October, 1867, Menilek, at the head ofa considerable army, computed at 40, 000 to 50, 000 men, composed of30, 000 cavalry, some 2, 000 or 3, 000 musketeers, and the rest spearmen, entered the Wallo Galla plain: he proclaimed that he came not asan enemy, but as a friend; not to destroy nor to plunder, but tore-establish in her rule the deposed and lawful queen Workite. Shewas accompanied by a young lad who, she asserted, was her grandson, the child of the prince who had been killed more than two yearsbefore at Magdala. She stated that he had been born in the Wallocountry, before her departure for Shoa, the result of one of thosefrequent casual unions so common in the country, and that she hadtaken him away when she sought refuge in the land of the man whomshe had saved. To avoid any attempt being made by her rival tosecure the person of her grandchild, she had until then kept thematter secret. However, her story was but little credited: I knowon the Amba the soldiers laughed at it; still it offered an excuseto many of her former adherents for again joining her cause, andif they did not credit her tale they pretended at least to do go. 

The Galla chiefs for some time remained undecided. Menilek keptto his word; he neither plundered nor molested any one, and, beforelong, he reaped the reward of his wise policy. Five of the tribessent in their adhesion, and recognized Workite as regent for hergrandson. Mastiate, in presence of such defection, adopted the mostprudent course of retiring with her reduced army before theoverwhelming forces of her adversaries; they followed her for somedays, but without overtaking her. Menilek, believing that they hadnothing more to fear on that side, settled as he best could theclaims of Workite, and, accompanied by a large force of his newallies, marched against Magdala. 

Menilek had evidently placed much confidence in the well-knowndisaffection of the garrison, and he expected that, through theinfluence of the Bishop (of whose death he was not aware), of hisuncle Aito Dargie, and of Mr. Kassam, he would find on his arrivala party in his favour, who would materially assist him, if not makeover the Amba to him at once. No doubt, had the Bishop been stillalive he would either have succeeded by promises, threats, or forcein opening the gates to his beloved friend. Aito Dargie, I believe, contrived to secure a promise of assistance from a few chiefs; butthey were not powerful enough, and at the last moment lacked courage. 

As for Mr. Rassam, he adopted the most prudent course of suitinghis policy to the movements of Menilek; too much caution could notbe used, as there was much reason to fear that the great deeds aboutto be achieved would end in empty boasting. To Menilek he gavegreat encouragement, offered him the friendship of England, andeven went so far as assuring him that he would be acknowledged byour Government as king, should we be indebted to him for ourdeliverance; he requested him to encamp at Selassié, fire histwo guns against the gate, and should the garrison not give in, toencamp between Arogié and the Bechelo, and keep Theodore fromreaching the Amba until the arrival of our troops. 

We had been greatly disappointed by Wakshum Gobazé: for sixweeks he was always coming, but never came. Next we had Mastiateas our great excitement: she, we thought, would strive to gainpossession of her amba; but she also never made her appearance; andnow for nearly a month we were in daily expectation of the arrivalof Menilek. We had already given him up when, to our great surprise, on the morning of the 30th of November, we perceived a large camppitched on the northern slope of Tanta; and on the top of a smalleminence commanding the plateau, and opposite to Magdala, stood thered, white, and black tents of the King of Shoa, the ambitious youngprince who styled himself already "King of kings. " Our astonishmentwas complete when, towards noon, we heard the report of a steadymusketry-fire mingled with the occasional discharge of small cannon. We at once gave credit to Menilek for greater pluck than we everbelieved him capable of; expecting that under cover of his fire theelite of his troops would assault the place; and aware of the littleresistance he would meet with, we already rejoiced at the prospectof liberty, or at least of an advantageous change of masters. Wehad not finished our mutual congratulations when the firing ceased:as everything was calm and quiet on the Amba, we could not make outwhat was going on, until some of our guards came into our huts andasked us if we had heard Menilek's "faker. " Alas, it was indeednothing but a mere boast: he had fired from the verge of the Gallaplateau, far out of range, to terrify into submission the waveringgarrison; then, satisfied with his day's work, he and his men hadretired to their tents, awaiting the result of their warlikedemonstration. 

The fact of Menilek being encamped on the Galla plain was full ofperil for ourselves without being of any avail to him. The nextmorning he sent a message to us through Aito Dargie, asking whathe should do. We again strongly urged upon him the necessity of hisattacking the Amba by the Islamgee side; and in case he deemed itimpossible to assault the place, to stop all communication betweenthe fortress and the Imperial camp. Our great fear was that Theodore, on hearing that Menilek was besieging his amba, would send ordersfor the immediate execution of all prisoners of note, ourselvesincluded. No doubt great disaffection existed on the Amba, and ifMenilek had gone the proper way to work, before many days the placewould have been his. But he never did anything; he remained encampedon the spot he had first chosen, and made no other attempt to rescueus. 

Waizero Terunish, Theodore's queen, acted well on that occasion:she gave an adderash (public breakfast), presided over by her sonAlamayou, to all the chiefs of the mountain. It being a fast-day, the feast was limited to tef bread, and a peppery sauce; and as thesupply of tej in the royal cellars was scanty, the enthusiasm wasnot very considerable. Still it had the desired effect--chiefs andsoldiers had publicly to proclaim their loyalty to Theodore; aswith the party, still strong, that would give ear to no treachery, she was prepared to seize the malcontents individually, before theyhad time to declare themselves in open rebellion as the adherentsof Menilek. Every one who thought that he was in any way suspected, and many who had no doubt made promises to Menilek and accepted hisbribes, felt very nervous. Samuel was sent for; he did not likethe prospect at all, and we were very much afraid for him ourselves, and glad when we saw him come back. On its being perceived thatsome of the chiefs had not made their appearance, inquiries weremade as to the cause of their absence; they, seeing that there wasvery little hope of securing a strong party in favour of Menilek, gave explanations that were accepted, conditionally that on thefollowing day they would repair to the King's inclosure, and there, in presence of the assembled garrison, proclaim their loyalty. Theywent as they had been ordered, and were the loudest in their praiseof Theodore, in their expressions of devotion to his cause, and intheir abuse of the "fat boy" who had ventured near a fortressentrusted to their care. 

The Queen had done her duty well and honourably. The Ras and chiefsconsulted together, and considered it advisable, in order to showtheir affection and devotion for their master, to do somethingthemselves also. But what should be done? They had already placedextra guards at night on the gates, and protected every weak pointon the Amba; nothing remained but to bully the prisoners. The secondevening after the arrival of Menilek before the mountain, Samuelreceived orders from the chiefs to make us all sleep at night inone hut; the only exception being made in favour of the king'sfriend, Mr. Rassam. But poor Samuel, though sick, went to the Rasand insisted on having the order cancelled: I believe his influencewas backed on that occasion by a douceur he quietly slipped intothe Ras's hand. The chiefs in their wisdom had also decreed, andthe next morning enforced the order that all the servants, Mr. Rassam's excepted; should be sent down from the mountain. Themessengers and other public servants employed by Mr. Rassam werealso obliged to leave. To Prideaux and myself they allowed, apartfrom our Portuguese, a water-girl and a small boy each. I had nohouse down at Islamgee; Samuel could not think of allowing me topitch a tent, so the poor fellows would have been very badly offif Captain Cameron had not very kindly allowed them to share hisservants' quarters. We were put to great inconvenience by thisabsurd and vexatious order, and I had some trouble, when everythingwas again quiet, in getting the servants up again; it required allthe influence of Samuel and a douceur to the Ras, out of my pocket, to gain my object. 

As may well be expected, the Abyssinian prisoners were not spared;all their servants were counted, and sent down the mountain, oneonly being allowed to three or four during the daytime to carrywood, water, and prepare their food. They were not suffered to leavethe night-houses, but had to remain day and night in those filthyplaces. Every one on the mountain was exceedingly anxious thatMenilek should decide on something, and put an end to that painfulstate of anxiety. 

Early on the morning of the 3rd of December we were apprised by ourservants that Menilek had struck his camp and was on the move. Wherehe was going to no one knew; but, as we were to some extent in hisconfidence, we flattered ourselves that he had accepted our advice, and would before long be seen on Selassié, or on the plateau ofIslamgee. We spent a very anxious morning; the chiefs seemedperplexed, evidently expecting an assault from that direction, andwe were confidentially informed that we should be called upon toman the guns should the Amba be attacked. However, our suspense wasshortly at an end. The smoke rising in the distance, and in thedirection of the road to Shoa, showed us but too clearly that thewould-be conqueror had, without striking a blow, returned to hisown country, and, with great gallantry, was burning a few miserablevillages, whose chiefs were adherents of Mastiate. 

The excuse Menilek gave for his hasty retreat was, that his supplieshad run short, and that, having no camp-followers with him he couldnot have flour prepared; that his troops being hungry and dissatisfied, he had decided on returning at once to Shoa, collect his camp-followers, and advance again better provisioned, and remain in the neighbourhoodof Magdala until it fell. The truth was, that to his greatdisappointment he had heard from his camp the muskets fired duringthe "fakering;" he knew that, as far as treachery was concerned, his chance was gone for a while, and that he must await the effectsof want and privation induced by a long siege. Supplies he mighthave obtained in abundance, as he was the ally of Workite and in afriendly country. Should he even have required more, the undefendeddistricts of Worahaimanoo, Dalanta, etc. , would have been quitewilling to send abundant provisions into his camp on the assurancethat they would not be molested. But if this "fakering" somewhatderanged his plans, something he saw on the evening of the secondday, a mere speck of smoke, made him fairly run away. That smokewas kindled by the terrible Theodore. He was, it is true, still faraway; but who could say? His father-in-law, Menilek knew well, wasa man of long marches and sudden attacks. How his large army wouldbe scattered like chaff before the wind at the cry, "Theodore iscoming, " he was well aware, and he came to the conclusion that thesooner he was off the better. 

Our disappointment was something beyond description. Our rage, ourindignation and scorn for such cowardice, I cannot express. The"fat boy, " as we also now called him, we hated and despised. Hadwe been imprudent enough openly to take his part, what would havebecome of us? Menilek, doubtless, meant well, and probably wouldhave succeeded had the Bishop lived a few weeks longer. As it is, he did us a great deal of harm. Had he and Workite never left Shoa, Mastiate would have laid siege to the mountain. Sooner or later itmust have surrendered, and neither Theodore nor his messengers wouldever have ventured south of the Bechelo if Mastiate had been therewith her 20, 000 horsemen. 

With Menilek's departure, I, for one, made up my mind never againto credit any of the promises of the native chiefs, which alwaysended in mere moon-shine. Since then, I heard with the utmostindifference that so-and-so was marching in such a direction, thathe or she would attack Theodore, or invest the Amba and stop allcommunication between the rascals on the top and "our friend"Theodore. We had been a long time without messengers, and the lasthad not brought us the intelligence so anxiously looked for. Ourimpatience was greater since we knew that we could expect nothingfrom the natives, and believed the expedition from England to beon its way: we felt that something was going on and we longed forthe certainty. 

How well I remember the 13th of December, a glorious day for us!No lover ever read, with more joy and happiness the long-expectednote from the beloved one, than I did that day the kind and cheeringletter of our gallant friend, General Merewether. Troops had landed!Since the 6th of October, our countrymen were in the same land thatsaw us captives. Roads, piers, were being made; regiment afterregiment were leaving the shores of India, some already marchingacross the Abyssinian Alps to rescue or avenge. It seemed toodelightful to be true: we could hardly credit it. Ere long all mustbe over! Liberty or death! Anything was better than continuedslavery. Theodore was coming--_qu'importe_? Was not Merewetherthere? the brave leader of many a hard fight; the gallant officerand accomplished politician. With such men as a Napier, a Staveleyat the head of British troops, who could feel but contempt for pettyvexations? We were prepared even for a worse fate, if it was to beour lot. At least, England's prestige would be restored, herchildren's blood not left unrevenged. It was one of those excitingmoments in a man's life that few can realize who have not passedthrough months of mental agony, and then been suddenly overcomewith joy. We laughed more than ever at the idea of giving even athought to such poltroons as Gobaz and Menilek. The hope of meetingour brave countrymen cheered us. In the mind's eye we beheld them, and in our hearts we thanked them for the toils and privations theywould have to undergo before they could set _the captives free_. For the second time, Christmas and New Year's Day found us in fettersat Magdala; but we were happy: they would be the last, at all events, and, full of trust in our deliverance, we now looked forward tospending the next _at home_. 

 CHAPTER XVI. 

Theodore's Proceedings during our Stay at Magdala--His Treatmentof Begemder--A Rebellion breaks out--Forced March on Gondar--TheChurches are Plundered and Burnt--Theodore's Cruelties--The Insurgentsincrease in Strength--The Designs of the Emperor on KourataFrustrated--Mr. Bardel Betrays the New Workmen--Theodore's Ingratitudetowards the "Gaffat People"--His Raid on Foggara Unsuccessful. 

Theodore remained at Aibankab for only a few days after our departure, and returned to Debra Tabor. He had told us once, "You will seewhat great things I will achieve during the rainy season, " and weexpected that he would march into Lasta or Tigré before the roadswere closed by the rains, to subdue the rebellion that for yearshe had allowed to pass unnoticed. It is very probable that if hehad adopted that course he would have regained his prestige, andeasily reduced to obedience those provinces. No one was so muchTheodore's enemy as himself; he seems to have been possessed withan evil spirit urging him to his own destruction. Many a time hewould have regained the ground he had lost, and put down to a certainextent rebellion; but all his actions, from the day we left himuntil he arrived at Islamgee, were only calculated to acceleratehis fall. 

Begemder is a large, powerful, fertile province, the "land of sheep"(as its name indicates), a fine plateau, some 7, 000 or 8, 000 feetabove the sea, well watered, well cultivated, and thickly populated. The inhabitants are warlike, brave for Abyssinians, and often haverepulsed the rebels venturing to invade their province, so firm inits allegiance to Theodore. Not many months before Tesemma Engeddah, a young man, hereditary chief Of Gahinte, a district of Begemdernear its eastern frostier, with the aid of the peasants, attackeda force sent into Begemder by Gobazé, utterly routed it and putevery man to death; except a few chiefs who were kept for theEmperor to deal with as he thought fit. 

Begemder paid an annual tribute of 300, 000 dols. , and supplied atall times the Queen's camp with grain, cows, &c. , and during thestay of the Emperor in the province liberally provided his camp. Moreover, it furnished 10, 000 men to the army, all good spearmen, but bad shots. Theodore, therefore, preferred for his musketeersthe men of Dembea, who showed more skill in the use of fire-arms. 

Begemder, the proverb says, "is the maker and destroyer of kings;"certainly it was so in the case of Theodore. After the flight ofRas Ali, Begemder at once acknowledged him, and caused him to belooked upon as the future ruler of the land. Theodore was well awareof the difficult game he had to play, but believed his precautionswere such that he would inevitably succeed. At first he was allsmiles; chiefs were rewarded, peasants flattered; his stay wouldbe short; every day he expected he would leave. The annual tributewas paid; Theodore gave handsome presents to the chiefs, honouredmany with silk shirts, and swore that as soon as the cannons hisEuropeans were casting should be completed, he would start forGodjam, and with his new mortars destroy the nest of the arch-rebelTadla Gwalu. He invited, all the chiefs to reside in his camp duringhis stay, to rejoice his heart. They were his friends, when so manyrose against him. Would they advance him a year's tribute? couldthey not provide more liberally for the wants of his army? He wasgoing away for a long time, and would not for years trouble themfor tribute or supplies. The chiefs did their best; every availabledollar, all the corn and cattle the peasants could spare, found itsway into Theodore's treasury and camp. But the peasants at last gottired, and would not listen any longer to the entreaties of theirchiefs. Good words Theodore perceived would be of no avail any more, so he adopted an imperious, menacing tone. One after the other, onsome _good_ ground, he imprisoned the chiefs; but it was onlyto test their fidelity: they would, he knew get for him what hewanted, and then he would not only release them, but treat themwith the greatest honour. The poor men did their best, and thepeasants, in order to obtain the deliverance of their chiefs, broughtall they had as a ransom. At last, both chiefs and peasants foundthat all their efforts failed to satisfy their insatiable master. 

This state of things lasted for more than eight months, and duringthat period, first by plausible and honeyed words, afterwards byintimidation, he kept himself and army without difficulty and withouttrouble. He made no expeditions during that time, except one againstGondar. He hated Gondar--a city of merchants and priests, alwaysready to receive with open arms any rebel: any robber chief mightsit undisturbed in the halls of the old Abyssinian kings and receivethe homage and tribute of its peaceful inhabitants. Several timesbefore Theodore had vented his rage on the unfortunate city; he hadalready more than once sent his soldiers to plunder it, and therich Mussulman merchants had only saved their houses from destructionby the payment of a large sum. It was no more the famous city ofFasiladas, nor the rich commercial town that former travellers haddescribed; confidence could no longer dwell under the repeatedextortions of king and rebel, nor could the metropolis of Abyssiniaafford to answer the repeated calls made upon its wealth. But stillthe forty-four churches stood intact, surrounded by the noble treesthat gave to the capital such a picturesque appearance; no one haddared extend a sacrilegious hand to those sanctuaries, and untilthen Theodore himself had shrunk from such a deed. But now he hadmade up his mind: the gold of Kooskuam, the silver of Bata, thetreasures of Selassié should refill his empty coffers; her churchesshould perish with the doomed city: nothing would he leave standingas a record of the past, not a dwelling to shelter the people hedespised. 

On the afternoon of the 1st of December, Theodore started on hismerciless errand, taking with him only the elite of his army, thebest mounted and the best walkers amongst his men. He never halteduntil he came, the next morning, to the foot of the hill on whichGondar is built--a march of more than eighty miles in less thansixteen hours. But though he suddenly pounced upon his enemy, itwas too late; the news of his approach had spread faster. The joyous_elelta_ resounded from house to house; the anxious and terrifiedinhabitants desired to appear happy in presence of the dire calamitysuch a visit presaged. The rebel's deputy had left the palace intime, and accompanied by a few hundred horsemen, awaited, at somedistance from the town, the result of Theodore's coming. He had notlong to wait. The invaders searched every house, plundered everybuilding, from the churches to the poorest hut, and drove awaybefore them like cattle the 10, 000 remaining inhabitants of thatlarge city. Then, the work of destruction began: fire spread fromhouse to house, the churches and palace, the only remarkable buildingsthe country possessed, became a heap of blackened ruins. But thepriests looked sullen; some entreated, others murmured, a few werebold enough to curse; at an order given by Theodore, hundreds ofaged priests were hurled into the flames. But his insatiate furydemanded fresh victims. Where were the young girls who had welcomedhis entrance. Was it not their joyous shouts that had scared awaythe rebel? "Let them be brought!" cried the fiend, and these younggirls were thrown alive into the fire!

The expedition had been successful; Gondar was utterly destroyed. Four inferior churches only had escaped destruction. Gold, silks, dollars were now abundant in the royal camp. Theodore was receivedon his return to Debra Tabor with all the triumphal honours bestowedon a victor; the Gaffat people went to meet him with lighted torches;and compared him to the pious Hozekiah. If Theodore's star had beendim before this wanton barbarity, it disappeared altogether fromthat day: all went against him--success never attended him more. 

The burning of Gondar increased immensely the power of the rebels. They advanced steadily and cautiously, seizing district afterdistrict, until whole provinces acknowledged their sway, and alljoined in anathematizing the sacrilegious monarch who had nothesitated to destroy churches that even the Mussulman Gallas hadrespected. As long as the soldiers had money the peasants willinglysold them their goods; but this could not last long: soon scarcityprevailed in the camp. Theodore applied to the chiefs; they mustuse their influence and force the "bad peasant" to bring in moresupplies. The peasants would listen no longer; they told the chiefs, "Let the king set you free and then we will do anything you tellus, but now we know that you are only acting under compulsion. "Theodore ordered the chiefs to be tortured: "If they cannot bringgrain they must give money. " Some who had a few savings sent them--fortorture was worse than poverty; but this did not improve theircondition. Theodore believed that they had more, and as they hadnothing to give, many died under the daily repetition of the torturesTheodore now inflicted on his prisoners; amongst whom were hisbravest soldiers, his staunchest supporters, nay, his bosom friends. 

Desertions were now more frequent than ever; chiefs left in theopen day with their followers; the gunman threw away his weapon, and joined his oppressed brother the peasant; great numbers of theBegemder soldiery daily abandoned his cause and returned to theirvillages. Theodore, in this plight, resorted to a former practiceof his. He must plunder, and feed his army by plunder. But theBegemder men would not plunder their own countrymen, and he did notplace much confidence in the bravery of his Dembea men: thereforehe pitted the man of Gahinte against the peasant of Ifag, the sonsof Mahdera Mariam against those of Esté--all districts of the sameprovince, but far distant from one another, and with long feudsexisting between some of them. At first he succeeded, and returnedfrom his expeditions with ample supplies; but his fearful crueltiesat last aroused the peasants. Joined by the deserters they foughtin their own way, cut off stragglers, sent their families to distantprovinces, and for miles around Debra Tabor ceased cultivating thesoil. 

In March, 1867, Theodore started for Kourata, the third town inimportance in Abyssinia, and the greatest commercial centre afterGondar and Adowa. But this time he failed completely; ever sincehis expedition to Gondar, the peasants of all the surroundingdistricts were always on the alert: beacon-fires were ready, thepeople telegraphed to each other in their rude way, and the victimsevaded the tyrant. 

At Kourata he found no one, and hardly any plunder; the richmerchants, priests, every one had embarked with all their goods inthe small native boats, and, out of range of Theodore's rifles, quietly awaited his departure to return to their homes. Theodorewas greatly disappointed; he expected to reap a rich harvest andfound nothing. He must revenge himself; but here, again, he wasfrustrated. The soldiers deserted _en masse_; few, very fewwould remain with him, he was told, if he destroyed Kourata. Thesacred town, houses, streets, trees, had all been dedicated to God'sservice; such a sacrilege was beyond the rascality of even theAbyssinian soldier. Theodore had to return to Debra Tabor. Sometimesonce or twice a week he would go forth and plunder; but with littlesuccess: each time his difficulties increased; the peasants hadlost their first great dread of him; they fought well at places, and defied the gaily-dressed chiefs: none as yet stood before him, but the day was not far off when his prestige had fallen so lowthat a man was found who challenged his anointed king. 

The position of the Europeans near Theodore was, indeed, mostpainful. Always to please a ferocious, mad, enraged tiger, wouldhave been trifling compared to what they had to undergo during thelast year they served him. Theodore was quite changed; no one whohad known him in former days would have now recognized the elegantand chivalrous young prince, or the proud, but just Emperor, in thehomicidal monomaniac of Debra Tabor. 

A few days before we left for Magdala (after the political trial), Messrs. Staiger, Brandeis, and the two hunters, foreseeing thatcaptivity, and probably chains, would be our lot before long, availedthemselves of a former permission they had obtained to remain nearMrs. Flad during her husband's absence, in order to keep clear ofthe coming storm. McKelvie (a former captive, and servant of Capt. Cameron, ) pretended sickness, also remained behind, and shortlyafterwards took service with his Majesty. Mackerer (also a formercaptive, and servant of Capt. Cameron, ) had previously been inTheodore's service, and preferred to return to him rather than gothrough a second captivity at Magdala. Little were they aware atthe time how much they would have to go through themselves. 

Mrs. Rosenthal, on account of her health, could not accompany usthen; afterwards she several times applied for leave to join herhusband, but until a couple of months before our release, was alwaysrefused on some specious reason or the other. Mrs. Flad and childrenbelonged to the same party, having been left by her husband on hisdeparture, under the protection of the "Gaffat people. "

Altogether the number of Europeans with his Majesty during the timeof our captivity at Magdala, including Mr. Bardel, was fifteen, exclusive of the two ladies and several half-castes. 

Theodore had no sooner returned to Debra Tabor, after sending usto Magdala, than he set to work, with the assistance of the Europeans, casting cannons of various shapes and sizes, and mortars of immenseweight and calibre. Gaffat, where the foundry had been erected, wasonly a few miles from Debra Tabor, and every day Theodore was inthe habit of riding down with a small escort and superintending theworks. On these occasions, the four who had remained behind (Mr. Staiger and his party) usually came to present their respects, butdid not work. Mackerer and McKelvie had been apprenticed to someof the Gaffat people, and did their utmost to please the Emperor, and he, to encourage them, presented them with a silk shirt and 100dollars each. One morning when the four had come as usual to lookon, Theodore, in an angry voice, asked them why they did not workwith the others. They perceived by his tone and manner that it wasimprudent to refuse; and accordingly bowed in acquiescence and setto work. Theodore, to mark his pleasure, ordered them to be investedwith robes of honour, and sent them also 100 dollars each. For sometime they worked at the foundry, but were afterwards sent with Mr. Bardel to make roads for the artillery; Theodore, with his usualcaution, having two constructed at the same time, one in the directionof Magdala, the other leading towards Godjam, so as to leave everyone, his people and the rebels, in doubt as to his movements. 

At this time Mr. Brandeis and Mr. Bardel happened to meet at somehot springs not far from Debra Tabor, whither they had gone withhis Majesty's permission for the benefit of their health. ThoughBardel was not a favourite; being justly distrusted by all, it seemsthat a kind of intimacy sprung up between the two, and in an hourof confidence Mr. Brandeis revealed to Bardel a plot they had madeto run away, proposing to him to join their party. Bardel accepted. A short time afterwards they returned to Debra Tabor, or rather toa short distance from it, where they were making the roads. Theyat once set to work to complete their arrangements, and at last, everything being ready for the route, they fixed upon the night ofthe 25th of February for their departure. Towards ten in the eveningBardel looked into the tent where all were assembled, and seeingat a glance that everything was ready, pretended to have forgottensomething in his tent, and begged them to wait a few minutes forhim. They agreed, and mounting his horse, Bardel started at fullgallop to fetch Theodore. That man, so unprincipled that evenAbyssinians looked upon him with contempt, had basely betrayed, outof mere love of mischief, those poor men who had trusted in him. Theodore was quite taken aback when Bardel told him that the fourhe had taken into his service, and Mackerer, were on the point ofdeserting. "But were you not also one of the party?" Theodoreinquired. Bardel said that it was true; but if he had entered intothe plot, it was only to be able to prove his attachment to hismaster by revealing it to him, when he could with his own eyesassure him of the correctness of the assertion. Theodore accompaniedhim to the tent where the others were anxiously expecting theircompanion's return. Fancy their dismay and astonishment when theysaw the Emperor quietly walking in followed by their betrayer!

Theodore was calm, asked them why they were so ungrateful, and whythey wanted to run away? They replied that they longed to see theircountry. They were given in charge to the soldiers who had accompaniedTheodore, chained hand and foot, each of them to one of theirservants; all their followers were stripped naked, tied with ropes, and several of them killed. Their condition ever since was mostdreadful: they were confined at first with hundreds of starving andnaked Abyssinians, witnessed the execution of thousands, many ofwhom had been their bed companions, and expected at any instant tobe called upon to pay with their lives the penalty of their rashattempt. However, Theodore after a while made a difference betweenthem and his people, he set apart a small tent for them, did notdeprive them of all their clothes, and allowed them some servantsto prepare their food. 

The rebellion had by this time, April, 1867, become so universal, that apart from a few provinces in the neighbourhood of Magdala, that fortress and another one, Zer Amba, near Tschelga, he couldonly call his own the few acres on which his tents were pitched. His European workmen had cast some guns for him, and afraid thatat Gaffat these might be seized by some rebel, he determined uponremoving them to his camp. He took advantage of the receipt of aletter from Mr. Flad, to appear displeased at the news he hadreceived, and thereby cover his ingratitude towards those faithfulservants by a plausible excuse. 

On the 17th of April Theodore went to Gaffat, stopped at the footof the hillock on which it is built, sent for the Europeans, andtold them that he had received a letter from Mr. Flad, containingserious matters, and that, as he could not trust them far from him, they must go to Debra Tabor until Mr. Flad's return, when all wouldbe explained; he added that he had also heard that preparations forthe reception of troops were being made at Kedaref, and that "ifhe was to be killed, they would die first. " One of the Europeans, Moritz Hall, remonstrated against the unfair treatment he wassubjected to, after long and faithful services: "Kill us at once, "he exclaimed, "but do not degrade us in this way; if in the letteryou have received, there is anything you can charge against us, then have it read out before your people. Death is better thanunjust suspicion. " Theodore, in angry tone, ordered him to be silent, and sent them all under escort to Debra Tabor; their wives andfamilies followed; all their property was seized, but afterwardspartly returned, and on the tools and instruments being given backto them, they were told to work. The Europeans and guns safe in hiscamp, Theodore left Debra Tabor on a plundering expedition; but inBegemder he met with such constant resistance from the peasantry, that his soldiers at last objected. 

To please them, he led them towards Foggara, a fertile plain to thenorth-west of Begemder; but he found hardly anything there. All thegrain had been buried, and the cattle removed to distant parts ofthe country. One of our messengers sent to him by Mr. Rassam foundhim there, and on his return, gave us the most dreadful descriptionof the Emperor's temper: floggings, beatings, and executions weregoing on all day, and he was so badly off for money, that he hadimprisoned several of his own personal attendants, fixing theirrelease at 100 dollars each. During his absence, the Gaffat peoplehad consulted amongst themselves as to the best means of regainingthe Emperor's favour, and decided on proposing to cast an immensemortar for him. Theodore was delighted. A foundry was erected, andthe "Great Sebastopol, " which was destined to be the crushing blowfor him, and the means of our salvation, was begun. 

 CHAPTER XVII. 

Arrival of Mr. Flad from England--Delivers a Letter and Messagefrom the Queen--The Episode of the Telescope--Our Propertytaken care of--Theodore will not yield except to force--HeRecruits his Army--Ras Adilou and Zallallou desert him--Heis repulsed at Belessa by Lij Abitou and the Peasants--TheExpedition against Metraha--His Cruelties there--The "GreatSebastopol" is Cast--Famine and Pestilence compel the Emperorto raise his Camp--The Difficulties of his March to Magdala--HisArrival in Dalanta. 

Soon after the Gaffat people had been sent to Debra Tabor, Mr. Fladarrived from England, and met Theodore in Dembea on the 26th ofApril. Their first meeting was not very friendly. Mr. Flad handedto his Majesty the Queen's letter, with others from General Merewether, Dr. Beke, and from the relations of the former captives. On presentingGeneral Merewether's letter to Theodore, Flad informed him that hehad brought as a present to him from that gentleman, an excellenttelescope. Theodore asked to see it. The telescope was ratherdifficult to arrange so as to suit Theodore's sight, and as it tooksome time before Flad could put it in order, Theodore got impatientand said, "Take it to the tent, we will try it to-morrow; but Iknow it is not a good telescope: I know it is not sent to me forgood. "

Theodore then ordered every one to retire, and having told Flad tosit down, asked him, "Have you seen the Queen?" Flad replied in theaffirmative, adding that he had been very graciously received, andthat he had a verbal message to deliver to him from her Majesty. "What is it?" Theodore immediately asked. Had replied, "The Queenof England has told me to inform your Majesty, that if you do notat once send out of your country all those you have detained solong against their will, you have no right to expect any furtherfriendship from her. " Theodore listened attentively, and even hadthe message repeated to him several times. After a pause, he saidto Flad, "I have asked from them a sign of friendship, but it isrefused to me. If they wish to come and fight, let them come, andcall me a woman if I do not beat them. "

The following day Mr. Flad presented him with the several gifts hehad brought with him from Government, Dr. Beke, and others; thesupplies he had brought for as he put aside, but everything wassent to the royal tent, and 1, 000 dollars he had also conveyed forus, Theodore took, saying the roads were dangerous, and that hewould send an order for it to Mr. Rassam at Magdala. On the 29thTheodore sent again for the telescope: one of his officers hadexamined it, and found it excellent, but Theodore pretended not tobe able to see anything with it. 

"It is not sent for good, " he said; "it is the same story as someyears ago when Basha Falaka (Captain Speedy) sent me a carpet byKerans; but by the power of God I chained the bearer of that carpet. The man who sends me the telescope only wants to annoy me; he wishesto tell me, 'Though you are a king and I send you an excellenttelescope, you will not be able to see through it. '" Flad did hisbest to disabuse his Majesty of this impression, and convince himof the fact that the telescope was sent to him as a token offriendship; but as Theodore only got more violent, Flad thought itprudent to be silent. 

On Monday, the 30th, Theodore sent for Flad again and told him thathe was going to send him to rejoin his family at Debra Tabor. Fladtook advantage of this occasion to give a full account of thedealings of the rebels with France, and their desire to be acknowledgedby us; he assured Theodore that if he did not comply with our Queen'srequest he would certainly involve himself in a disastrous war, etc. Theodore listened with great coolness and indifference, andwhen Flad ceased talking, quietly said: "Do not be afraid: thevictory comes from God. I trust in the Lord and he will help me;I do not trust in my power. I trust in God who says, If you havefaith like a mustard seed, you can remove mountains. " He said thateven if he had not chained Mr. Rassam it would have been all thesame; they would not have sent him the workmen. He knew already, at the time of Bell and Plowden, that the English were not hisfriends, and he only treated these two well out of personal regardfor them. He concluded by saying, "I leave it to the Lord: he willdecide it when we fight on the battle-field. "

Theodore had vented his rage about the telescope to hide hisdisappointment; he had said to one of his workmen at the time hewrote to Flad to come up with the artisans, "You do not know meyet; but call me a fool, if by my cunning I do not get them. " Insteadof artisans, white men to be held as hostages, he received a firmmessage, holding out no hope of friendship unless he set at libertyall those he had so long unlawfully detained. His answers, so fullof meekness, he knew would please his followers; they were superstitiousand ignorant, and placed a certain credence in his hopeful words. 

Desertions had considerably reduced his army. He well knew theinfluence of numbers in a country like Abyssinia, and to increasehis scanty host, after plundering for the fourth or fifth timeDembea and Taccosa, he issued a proclamation to the peasants in thefollowing terms:--"You have no more homes, grain, or cattle. I havenot done it: God did it. Come with me, and I will take you whereyou will find plenty to eat, cattle in abundance, and punish thosewho are the cause of God's anger upon you. " He did the name for thedistricts of Begemder he had lately destroyed; and many of thesepoor starving, homeless creatures, not knowing where to go or howto live, were only too glad to accept his offer. 

Theodore's position was not an enviable one. In May, Ras Adilou, together with all the Yedjow men, the only cavalry left to him, departed from the camp in open daylight, taking with them theirwives, children, and followers. Theodore was afraid of pursuing thedeserters, lest the greater part of his remaining force should seizethe opportunity thus offered to them and join the discontented, instead of fighting to capture them. Not long before, a young chiefof Gahinte, named Zallallou, at the head of two hundred horse, hadfled to his native province, and through his influence all thepeasants of that warlike district had aimed and prepared themselvesto defend their country against Theodore and his famished host. Zallallou, the very day he left the Imperial camp, fell upon someof our servants _en route_ to Debra Tabor, where they weregoing to purchase supplies; all were plundered of everything theyhad, stripped, and several detained as prisoners for a few days. 

Dahonte and Dalanta not long afterwards, declared themselves forthe Gallas, turned out of their provinces the governors Theodorehad appointed over them, and seized upon the cattle, mules, andhorses belonging to the Magdala garrison, which had been sent there, as was the custom before the rainy season, on account of the scarcityof water on the Amba itself. If Theodore, only a few months before, had but a very insecure portion of his former vast empire that hecould call his own, at that date, June, 1867, he was a king withouta kingdom, and a general without an army. Magdala and Zer Amba werestill garrisoned by his troops; but apart from these forts, he hadnothing left: even his camp was only full of mutinous men, anddesertions went on at such a rate that he could then only musterfrom 6, 000 to 7, 000 men, the majority of whom were peasants, whohad followed him to avoid starvation. For miles around Debra Taborthe country was a perfect desert, and Theodore saw with dread therainy season coming on, for he had no supplies in camp, and a largenumber of followers, the people of Gondar, and an endless host ofuseless individuals to support. 

[Illustration: SUMMIT OF ZER AMBA FORTRESS NEAR TECHELGA. ]

In Begemder plundering was out of the: question; the peasants werealways on the watch, and on the slightest sign of a move wereeverywhere on the alert, killing the stragglers and plunderers, andkeeping out of the way of the gunmen who stood around the Emperor. Theodore remembered a rich district not as yet plundered, Belessa, at the north-east of Begemder. In order to surprise the inhabitantscompletely, he proclaimed some days before that he was going on anexpedition in quite a different direction, and to make his armyappear as formidable as possible, he had given orders that everyone who possessed a horse or a mule, or a servant, must send them, under penalty of death, to accompany the expedition. The Belessapeople, far from being surprised, had been informed of his intentionby their spies, and Theodore, to his disappointment, saw from adistance their villages on fire; the peasants themselves havingpreferred destroying their homes to leaving them a prey to theinvader. Under the conduct of a gallant chief, Lij Abitou, a youngman of good family, and a runaway officer, from the Imperialhousehold, the peasants, well armed, took up a position on a smallplateau, separated by a narrow ravine from the route Theodore wouldtake. To his surprise, instead of running away at the mere sightof his charger, they not only stood their ground, but severalwell-mounted chiefs rode out in front and bid defiance to Theodorehimself. Astrologers must have told him that the day was notfavourable, as after several of his chiefs who had answered thecartel had been laid dead on the field, he still refused to leadhis men in person, and before this unexpected resistance gave wayand ordered a retreat. Belessa was saved: the hungry, famishedrobbers that Theodore called soldiers passed a dreadful night;tired, hungry, and cold, they could not sleep, for the peasantsmight surprise and attack them, in their turn. The cruelties Theodoreperpetrated after his return to Debra Tabor were fearful; toohorrible to be related. At last, tired of taking his revenge on theinnocent, he turned his thoughts to the place he might most easilyplunder, and fixed upon the island of Metraha. 

That island, situate in the Tana Sea, about twenty miles north ofKourata, is only a few hundred yards from the mainland. It wasconsidered in the light of an asylum, and protected by its sacredcharacter, priests and monks resided there in peace; while merchantsand rich landowners sent their goods and stores there for safecustody. Theodore had no scruples about violating the sanctity ofthe island: the asylum afforded by the churches to all before histime he had long ago violated, and, certain of a large booty, didnot hesitate to add another sacrilege to his numerous crimes. Onhis arrival before Metraha, he at once ordered his people to makerafts. Whilst Theodore was occupied in their construction, a priestcame in a boat, and approaching within speaking distance, inquiredof the Emperor what it was that he desired. Theodore told him thegrain that they had in store. The priest replied that they wouldsend it to him; but Theodore, not satisfied with the grain alone, told the priest not to be afraid, but to send their boats. He tooka solemn oath that he would not injure them, nor remove anythingbut the grain he required. The priest, on his return to the island, informed the people of his conversation with the Emperor, and themajority being in favour of complying with his requests, it wasagreed that all the available boats should be taken to the mainland. A few who had no trust in Theodore's word entered their canoes, andpaddled away in an opposite direction. Theodore ordered the Europeansto fire upon them with the small cannons they had brought. Theycomplied; but, to Theodore's great disappointment, failed to hitany of the fugitives. No sooner had Theodore and a select partybeen admitted on the island than he caused all the remaininginhabitants to be shut up in a few of the larger houses; and afterall the grain, silver, gold, and merchandise had been removed, heset the place on fire, and burnt to death priests, merchants, womenand children!

For a while, abundance reigned in Theodore's camp. The work ofcasting the big cannon had been going on for some time: the day ofits completion at last arrived, and Emperor and workmen anxiouslyawaited the result of their labours. The Europeans, to their greatdismay, saw that they had failed; but Theodore, not in the leastput out, told them not to be afraid, but to try again: perhaps theywould succeed another time. Theodore examined carefully everything, connected with the smelting, in order to find out the cause of thefailure, and he soon perceived that it was due to the presence ofsome water around the mould. He at once set to work, and had alarge, deep, broad trench constructed from beneath the mould tosome distance outside. This drain dried up the place, and on asecond attempt being made the success was complete. Theodore wasdelighted; he made handsome presents to the workmen, and preparedeverything requisite to carry away with him his immense piece ofordnance. 

During that rainy season (1867) Theodore's difficulties were verygreat: indeed, the punishment of his evil deeds was falling heavilyupon him, and to his proud nature it must have been a daily andconstant agony. The rebels were now so little afraid of Theodorethat every night they made attacks on his camp, and were always onthe watch to seize stragglers, or camp-followers. They had at lastbecome such a terror to the soldiers that, to protect them, and atthe same time check, to a certain extent, desertion, Theodore hada large stockade built around the foot of the hill on which hiscamp was pitched. A war of extermination on both sides now tookplace; Theodore showing no pity to the peasants whom he succeededin capturing, and they, on their side, torturing and murdering anyone who belonged to the Emperor's camp. A detailed account of theatrocities committed by Theodore during the last month of his stayin Begemder would be too horrible to narrate: suffice it to saythat he burnt alive, or sentenced to some cruel death, in that shortspace of time, more than 3, 000 persons! His rage at times was soblind that, unable to satisfy his revenge by punishing those whodaily insulted and scorned him, he vented his anger on the fewremaining faithful companions who shared his fate: chiefs who hadfought by his side for years, friends whom he knew from his childhood, old respectable men who had protected him in former days, all hadto suffer more or less for their faithfulness, and fell innocentvictims to his mad fits of violence. Many succumbed to a lingeringdeath, or chains and torture, for no reason whatever except thatthey loved him!

Desertions were still frequent, but the difficulty of escape wasgreater than before; the peasants often put to death the fugitives;and always stripped and plundered them of everything they had. Thegates of the fence were guarded night and day by faithful men, andit required often a good deal of ability and cunning to be able topass through them. I was told an anecdote which exemplifies theexpedients the soldiers resorted to in order to get out of thedreaded camp. One evening, about half an hour before sunset, a womanpresented herself at the gate, carrying on her head one of the largeflat baskets used for keeping bread; she said, with tears in hereyes; that her brother was lying down some short distance from thefence so dangerously wounded that he could not walk; she had broughthim a little bread and water, etc. The guards allowed her to pass. A few minutes afterwards a soldier presented himself at the gate, and asked if they had seen a woman go through, giving the descriptionof the one that had just gone out. The guards said that they had;the soldier appeared to be in a fearful passion, and said that shewas his wife, who had made an assignation to run away with herlover; and he threatened to report them to the Emperor. The guardstold him that she could not be far off, and that he had better goquickly and overtake her; off he went: as might be expected, neitherappeared again. 

To the annoyances and difficulties caused by the presence of largebodies of armed peasants, day and night hanging about the outskirtsof the camp, were soon added the evils of famine: a small Abyssinianloaf cost a dollar; a salt and a half, a dollar; butter could notby any means be obtained; and hundreds died daily of want andstarvation. When the grain plundered at Metraha was consumed, nomore could be found; plundering was now quite impossible, and aslong as Theodore did not move his camp there was no hope of suppliesof any kind being obtained. Almost all the mules, horses, and thefew remaining sheep had died from want of food; they could not grazeany more in close vicinity to the camp, that pasture being completelyeaten up; and as to driving them to some green fields at a distance, that was impossible. The poor animals dropped one after the other, and infected the place by the stench that arose from their deadbodies. The cows had all been killed long before by order ofTheodore. One day, when, after one of his first razzias, he hadbrought back with him to Debra Tabor more than 80, 000 cows; at nightthe peasants came, and from a distance implored him to have pityupon them, and restore them their cattle, without which they wereunable to cultivate the soil. Theodore was on the point of accedingto their request, when some of the rascals around him said, "Doesnot your Majesty know that there is a prophecy in the country, thata king will seize a large amount of cattle, and that the peasantswill come and beg him to return them; the king will comply, butsoon afterwards die. " Theodore replied, "Well, the prophecy willnot apply to me. " He immediately gave orders for all the cows incamp, those he had lately brought, and all others, to be killed atonce; the order was obeyed, and nearly, it is said, 100, 000 werekilled and left to rot in the plain at a short distance from thecamp. 

The next day, Theodore, seated outside his hut, perceived a mandriving a cow into the fields; he sent for him, and asked him ifhe had not heard the order. The man replied in the affirmative, butsaid that he had not killed his cow because his wife having diedthe day before on giving birth to a child, he had kept that one forthe sake of her milk. Theodore told him, "Why did not you know thatI would be a father to your child? Kill the man, " he said to thosearound him, "and take care of his child for me. "

The waggons being at last ready, Theodore decided upon marchingtowards Magdala. Pestilence, engendered by famine and the noxiouseffluvia arising from the heap of unburied dead bodies, now increasedthe already dismal condition of the Emperor's army; and in a fewweeks more he and his whole host must have perished from sicknessand want. On the 10th of October, his Majesty set fire to his housesat Debra Tabor, and destroyed the whole place; leaving only, as arecord of his stay, a church he had built as an expiation for hissacrilege at Gondar. His march was, indeed, the most wonderful feathe ever accomplished; none but he would have ventured on such anundertaking; and no other man could have succeeded in accomplishingthe arduous journey that lay before him: it required all his energy, perseverance, and iron will to carry out his purpose under suchimmense difficulties. 

He had not more than 5, 000 men with him, all more or less in badcondition, weakened by famine, discontented, and only awaiting afavourable opportunity to run away. The camp-followers, on thecontrary; numbered between forty and fifty thousand helpless anduseless beings whom he had to protect and feed. He had, moreover, several hundred prisoners to guard, an immense amount of baggageto carry, fourteen gun-carriages, with cannon or mortars--one ofthem the famous "Sebastopol, " weighing between fifteen and sixteenthousand pounds--and ten waggons, the whole to be dragged by menacross a country without roads. Theodore did not let himself beinfluenced by all these unfavourable circumstances; he seemed, fora time, to have regained much of his former self, and behaved withmore consideration towards his followers. His daily marches werevery short, not more than a mile and a half to two miles a day. Aportion of his camp marched early every morning, carrying the heavyluggage, dragging the waggons, and protecting the followers fromthe attacks of the rebels, who were always hovering in the distance, watching a favourable opportunity to avenge themselves on theEmperor's people for all the miseries they had suffered at his hand;another portion remained behind to guard what could not be carried;off, and, on the return of the first batch, all started for thespot fixed upon for that day's halt, conveying what had been leftbehind in the morning. Even then the day's work wast not over; thecorn was as yet not quite ripe, and stood in the fields by the sideof the road; Theodore would set the example, pluck a few unripeears of barley, rub them between his hands, and, satisfied withthis frugal meal, repair to the nearest brook to quench thirst. From Debra Tabor to Checheo, such was the daily routine of thereduced host of Theodore, --harnessed to waggons, in place of thehorses and mules now so scarce in the camp; constantly on the alert, as the country was all up in arms against them; with no suppliesavailable, only the unripe barley plucked by the wayside; no peaceby day nor rest at night: in a word, a march unequalled in theannals of history. 

The prisoners were very badly off: many--even the Europeans--werein hand and foot chains; to walk a few steps in such a conditionis fatiguing in the extreme, but to have to go over a mile or twoof broken ground with such fetters equals the cruellest torture. Mrs. Flad and Mrs. Rosenthal every day, as soon as they arrived atthe stage, sent back their mules for the Europeans to ride; andsome time afterwards, on Mr. Staiger making a gala dress for hisMajesty, the hand-chains of all five were taken away. On the nativeprisoners requesting to be allowed to ride, his Majesty sent themword that, as he knew they had money, he would grant permission tothose who would send him a _dollar_. Theodore must have beenhard up, indeed, to be satisfied with such a trifle. Several compliedwith his demand, and, by giving small presents to those chiefs whohad mules, they got an occasional lift. 

At Aibankab Theodore halted a few days to rest his men; near it twoheaps of stones arise, giving to the place the name of Kimr Dengea. [Footnote: "Kimr Dengea, " heap of stones. ] The story the people ofthe country narrate with reference to these heaps of stones is thaton one occasion a Queen, at the head of her army, went on anexpedition against the Gallas; before starting she ordered everyone of her soldiers as he passed along to put a stone on a certainspot, and on her return again ordered them to place a stone at ashort distance from the former heap. The first is a large mass, thesecond very much smaller; the Queen knew by that how great her losshad been, and never since then ventured against the Gallas. 

At Kimr Dengea Theodore fell in with a caravan of salt-merchantson their route to Godjam. He asked them why they went to the rebelsinstead of coming to him. The chief of the caravan honestly repliedthat they had heard from merchants that his Majesty was in the habitof burning people alive, and consequently they were afraid to comenear him. Theodore said, "It is true I am a bad man, but if you hadtrusted and come to me, I would have treated you well; but as youprefer the rebels, I will take care that in future you do not goto them. " He then seized the salt and mules, sent all the merchantsinto an empty house, had it surrounded with dry wood, put guardsat the door, and set fire to it. 

The peasants of Gahinte, to whom Theodore offered an amnesty, declined to accept it; on three occasions he issued a proclamationoffering them a free pardon should they return to him. At last, however, they sent him some priests to see what terms he would make;he received the priests well, and told them that he would not enterGahinte: he only required a few supplies; but to prove to him theirsincerity they must send from each village a person of influenceto reside in his camp until he left Begemder. Luckily for them, thepeasants declined to comply with his demands; Theodore was tooprudent to venture into their valleys, and contented himself byplundering at a short distance from his camp; burning alive, beforehe left, a few poor wretches who had been simple enough to rely onthe faith of his proclamation. 

Theodore arrived at the foot of the steep ascent that leads fromBegemder to Checheo on the 22nd of November. Up to that spot theroad was not bad; but now an almost perpendicular height stoodbefore him, and he was obliged to blast enormous rocks, cut a roadthrough basalt, to enable him to bring his waggons, guns, and mortarson the Zébite plains above. 

About that time he must have received the first intelligence of thelanding of British troops at Zulla; for one afternoon he said tothe Europeans, "Do not be afraid if I send for you at night. Youmust be on the watch, as I hear some donkeys intend stealing myslaves. " The Europeans could not make out his meaning, and retiredas usual to their tents. In the middle of the night, all of them, with the exception of an old man called Zander, and McKelvie, whohad for a long time been suffering from dysentery, were awoke bysoldiers coming into their quarters and ordering them to go at onceto the Emperor. They were all ushered into a small tent, and manyfrivolous charges made against them. They were not allowed to leavethat night; even a large bundle of chains was brought in; but onsome of the chiefs representing to his Majesty that without theirlabour it would be exceedingly difficult to make roads and guidethe waggons, and that he could always put them in chains when hereached Magdala, Theodore relented. He allowed them to go to theirown tents in the daytime, when not on duty; but at night for theirown safety, and, as he said, on account of the badness of his people, he made them all sleep in one tent, a few yards from his own: withthe exception of a few days, they remained prisoners at night andslaves during the day, until the beginning of April. 

From early dawn to late at night Theodore was himself hard at work;with his own hands he removed stones, levelled the ground, or helpedto fill up small ravines. No one could leave so long as he was therehimself; no one could think of eating, drinking, or of rest, whilstthe Emperor showed the example and shared the hardships. When hecould capture a few peasants or some of the rebels that crowned allthe heights around him, and day and night insulted or laughed athim, he killed them in some cruel way or the other; but towards thesoldiers, ever since leaving Debra Tabor, he behaved better, andleft off beating or imprisoning them, as had been of late his wont. On one or two occasions only he called them all around him, and, standing on an elevated rock, addressed them in these terms: "Iknow that you all hate me; you all want to run away. Why do you notkill me? Here I am alone, and you are thousands. " He would pausefor a few seconds, and add, "Well, if you will not kill me, I willkill you all, one after the other. "

On the 15th of December, the road being completed, he brought uphis waggons on the plain of Zébite, and encamped there for a fewdays. The peasants of that district, believing that Theodore wouldnever be able to ascend to their plateau, with all the incumbranceshe had with him--though they were themselves ready to fly at theshortest notice--had not removed their cattle and grain; thusTheodore, for the first time for many months, was able to providefood for his small army, and make even some provision for the future. From Zébite to Wadela the road is naturally good, so that, as faras that district, the task before him was easy. He reached thatplateau on the 25th of the same month, and encamped at Bet Hor. 

But the work now before him would have driven any other man todespair; though not fifty miles from his Amba Magdala, he had, before he could rest there, to make roads down two precipitousdescents, cross two rivers, and surmount again two steep perpendicularascents. He went, however, steadily to work. Little by little hemade a road, creditable even to a European engineer, bringing withhim his mortars, cannons, &c. ; he plundered at the same time, andkept away by his name alone Watshum Gobazé and his uncle Meshisha, who were both watching his movements: not that they intended toattack him, but who were anxious to be able to decamp at the firstsign of his marching in the direction of the provinces they"protected. " On the 10th of January he began his descent, reachedthe valley of the Jiddah on the 28th of the same month, ascendedthe opposite precipice, and encamped on the Dalanta plain on the20th of February, 1868. 

 CHAPTER XVIII. 

Theodore in the vicinity of Magdala--Our Feelings at the Time--AnAmnesty granted to Dalanta--The Garrison of Magdala join theEmperor--Mrs. Rosenthal and other Europeans are sent to theFortress--Theodore's Conversations with Flad and Waldmeier on thecoming of the Troops--Sir Robert Napier's Letter to Theodore reachesus--Theodore plunders Dalanta--He abuses Mr. Waldmeier--Reaches theBechelo--Correspondence between Mr. Rassam and Theodore--Mr. Rassamis Released from his Fetters--Theodore arrives at Islamgee--HisQuarrel with the Priests--His first Visit to the Amba--Trial of theTwo Chiefs--He places a New Commandant over the Garrison. 

We have now followed the Emperor's career from the day of ourdeparture from Debra Tabor to his arrival in our neighbourhood. During that time, apart from the letters he addressed to Mr. Rassamrelative to the one from the Queen, and about Mr. Flad and theartisans, we had but little intercourse with him. For a long timemessengers passed with the greatest difficulty, and, afraid lesthis written communications with the chiefs on the Amba might fallinto the hands of the rebels, he had of late sent only verbalmessages. Every messenger usually brought us compliments, and whenany were sent from the Amba they always came to us by order of thechief before they left, so that Mr. Rassam might return a civilmessage in answer to the one he had received. 

The ordinary staff of messengers were too well known on the roadto be able to pass through the districts in rebellion; and for along time we rejoiced at the idea that all communications were forever interrupted between the camp and the fort, when one day a youngGalla, servant of one of the political prisoners, reached the Amba, bringing a letter from his Majesty. The lad went forwards andbackwards many times; but, apart from the presents be received fromus, I do not believe he ever even got a salt for so constantlyexposing his life; a few more men, who had friends and acquaintanceson the road, managed also to pass through. All of them were veryuseful to us, as they also carried the correspondence between usand Mr. Flad, and, beings well rewarded, could be trusted with themost dangerous letters. We thought it even good fun to make theKing's messenger our medium of communication between our friendsin his camp and ourselves, often on treasonable matters. 

Soon after reaching Bet Hor, Theodore issued a proclamation to therebel districts of Dahonte and Dalanta, offering full amnesty forthe past, and pledging himself, "by the death of Christ, " that hewould neither plunder nor ill-use them, should they return to theirallegiance. For some days both districts refused, as Gobazé hadpromised to come and defend them; but the people of Dalanta, on seeingthat, far from giving them any help, Gobazé was himself gettingout of the way of Theodore, thought that, after all, it was perhapsbetter to accept the latter's offer, and, as they could not helpthemselves, trust to his pledged word. Dahonte, however, remainedin its rebellion, and proposed to resist by force of arms any attempton the part of Theodore to plunder the province. As the Emperor hadspoken in very friendly terms to his workmen and others about Mr. Rassam, that gentleman was advised by the chiefs to write to theKing, congratulating him on his safe arrival. This he repeated onseveral similar occasions; and the messengers he sent with theseletters were very cordially treated by his Majesty. Theodore alsowrote to Mr. Rassam on one or two occasions; and we had a ludicrousrepetition of the courteous and edifying correspondence that hadpassed formerly between the two in the sunny days of Kourata. 

January, 1868, ushered in a period of great mental excitement forus, which lasted until the very end; increasing in intensity as weapproached the last days, as we well knew that then our fate wouldbe decided. But there is something in the constant repetition ofstimulants, be they moral or physical, which blunts the feelings, hardens the heart, and at last allows the person long submitted totheir influence to look upon everything with indifference andimpassiveness. We had had so many "shocks" during the last threemonths--so many times we expected to be tortured or killed--thatwhen the day arrived that we were in reality placed almost beyondhope, the crisis did not affect us much, and once passed, we neverthought of the matter again. 

Having become "reconciled" with his children of Dalanta, Theodore'stask was much easier. Several thousand peasants helped him in hisroad-making, others carried part of his property to Magdala, andnow that the brave garrison of the Amba could cross the Dalantaplateau without fear, he sent for them, leaving only a few old menon the mountain beyond the ordinary number of prisoners' guards. On the 8th of January Bitwaddad Damash, in command, with the "brave"Goji as his lieutenant, and accompanied by seven or eight hundredmen, started for Wadela. Many left with beating hearts, tremblingat the prospect of meeting the Emperor. He was worshipped at adistance, but dreaded on his approach. His Majesty, however, receivedthem very well; but was not over civil to all. Damash he treatedrather coolly; but as he wanted them a little time longer, he didnot say much, nor give them any cause to believe that he was greatlydispleased with them. 

A few days after Theodore had reached Dalanta he sent back theMagdala garrison to the Amba, to accompany thither the prisonershe had brought, with him, --the Europeans included, --and forwardedby them some powder, shot, and the instruments belonging to hisworkmen. Mrs. Rosenthal was also allowed to accompany the party, and all arrived on the Amba on the afternoon of the 26th of January. The five Europeans were sent to us; and on the interpreter's hutbeing given to Mr. And Mrs. Rosenthal, the larger one that gentlemanhad previously occupied was made over to the other five. We werewell pleased to be all together. The new comers had much to tellus, and we in return gave them an account of our doings. We were, above all things, rejoiced at the arrival of Mrs. Rosenthal; ourmorbid idea having been for months, almost up to the end, that someflying column would be detached from the main body of our army tocut off Theodore from the mountain; and our anxiety had been greaton account of Mrs. Rosenthal and her child, as Theodore, accordingto his system of hostages, had kept her near him as a security toprevent the Magdala prisoners from running away. 

Messengers now went backwards and forwards daily, sometimes twicein the same day, between the camp and the amba. At first, we sawwith anxiety the near approach of Theodore and the renewed facilityof his communications with us; but as it was an evil we were powerlessto contend against, we consoled ourselves as best we could, andthough fearing the worst, hoped for the best. One advantage wegained was the facility of corresponding with Mr. Flad, who always, with great courage, had, ever since his return from England, on allpossible occasions, kept us informed of Theodore's doings, and ofanything he might have said with reference to the existing difficulties. He wrote to us in the beginning of February to inform us that, fromsome, conversation he had had with officers of the Imperial household, it was his opinion that his Majesty was aware of the landing of ourtroops, and had purposely sent to him a chief to find out what theintentions of our Government were concerning himself, and if therewas still any hope of the matter being peaceably settled. 

There is no doubt that for several mouths past, his Majesty hadbeen advised by his spies that English troops had landed in hiscountry; but under the difficulties he was placed in at the time, he considered it advisable to keep silent on the subject. Since hehad reached the vicinity of the Amba, however, he frequently, inhis conversation with his people, gave strong hints that he expectedbefore long to have to contend with the soldiers of Europe. On the8th of February Theodore told Mr. Waldmeier, the head of theworkmen--a very intelligent and well-educated man, for whom Theodorehad a great regard, though of late he had somewhat roughly usedhim--that he had received news from the coast informing him thatthe English had disembarked at Zulla. The following day he sent forMr. Flad, and calling him aside, told him, "The people from whomyou brought me a letter, and who you said would come, have arrivedand landed at Zulla. They are coming up by the Salt Plain. Why didthey not take a better road? The one by the Salt Plain is veryunhealthy. "

Flad explained to him that for troops arriving from India, thatroad was the best, as they would in three or four days reach thehighlands of Agam. Theodore said, "We are making roads with greatdifficulty; for them it will only be play to make roads everywhere. It seems to me that it is the will of God that they should come. If He who is above does not kill me, none will kill me, and if Hesays, 'You must die, ' none can save me: remember the history ofHezekiah and Sennacherib. " Theodore appeared very calm and composedduring that conversation. Two days afterwards he said to some ofhis workmen, "I long for the day I shall have the pleasure of seeinga disciplined European army. I am like Simeon; he was old, butbefore he died he rejoiced his heart by holding the Saviour in hisarms. I am old, too; but I hope God will spare me to see them beforeI die. My soldiers are nothing compared to a disciplined army, where thousands obey the command of one man. " Evidently he stillentertained some vague hope that the coming event might turn to hisadvantage, as on another occasion he said to Mr. Waldmeier, "Wehave a prophecy in our country that a European king will meet anAbyssinian one, and that afterwards a king will reign in Abyssiniagreater than any before him. That prophecy is going to be fulfilledat the present time; but I do not know whether I am the king alludedto, or if it is some one else. "

We were delighted at the receipt of this intelligence; for a longtime we believed that Theodore knew of the landing of our troops, but as he had never made any mention of the fact we still had ourdoubts on the subject, and were somewhat in dread of his first burstof passion on the intelligence reaching him. 

On the 15th of February a letter from the Commander-in-Chief addressedto Theodore was brought to us by the messenger to whom it had beenentrusted, as he was afraid of handing it over to his Majestyhimself. This placed us in a difficult position; though as regardedthe Amharic translation, it was perhaps as well that it had notreached Theodore, as that version, on some important points, gavea totally different meaning from that of the letter itself. I wasquite delighted at listening to the Commander-in-Chief's manly andstraightforward language. The letter was as firm as it was courteous, and I felt happy and proud, even in my captivity, that at last anEnglish general had torn asunder the veil of false humility whichfor so long a time had concealed the bold and haughty spirit ofEngland. We felt strengthened by the conviction that the hour wascome when right and might would prevail, and the merciless despotwho had acted towards us with such unheard-of treachery would meethis fate. 

According to the latest news we had received from the Imperial camp, Theodore did not seem inclined to vent upon us his disappointmentand anger at seeing all his plans frustrated by the landing of anEnglish army; it was therefore decided to keep for the present theimportant and valuable document that had so accidentally falleninto our hands, as a powerful weapon to use, should a change takeplace in the line of conduct Theodore had adopted since he was madeconversant of the fact that force was at last resorted to to effectour deliverance: for we had our fears, knowing his changeable andfickle disposition. 

Nor did Theodore's peaceful mood last much longer. The Dalantapeople, relying on his promises, and anxious to get rid of hispresence, gave him every assistance in their power, carrying hisbaggage to the Amba, or working at the roads under his direction. The honourable way in which he had kept his word with the peopleof Dalanta induced the neighbouring district to send him deputationsbegging for pardon, and offering to pay him tribute and send suppliesinto his camp, if he would proclaim in their favour the same amnestyhe had granted to the Dalanta people. Had Theodore been wise, eventhen he had a good opportunity of regaining part of his lost kingdom;and had he continued to keep to his word, province after province, disgusted with the cowardice of the rebels, would have returned tohim. But he was too fond of plundering: the peasants did not, according to his ideas, send sufficient supplies; and as he knewthat the district was exceedingly rich in grain and cattle, regardlessof his oath, on the 17th of February, he gave orders for his soldiersto plunder the peasants' houses. 

Taken quite by surprise, very little resistance was offered. Theodoresucceeded beyond his expectations; corn and cattle were now inabundance, and in order to economize his supplies, he allowed; allthe Gondar people who were still with him, and many of the womenand children of runaway soldiers and chiefs, to leave the camp andgo wherever they liked. Since Ohecheo he had formed the strongestand hardiest of the women of his camp into a plundering band; hewas always much pleased with their bravery, and one of them havingkilled a petty chief, and brought to him the sword of her adversary, he was so delighted that he gave her a title of rank and presentedher with one of his own pistols. We knew enough of the Emperor'scharacter to fear that, when once he again took to plundering andkilling, he would lose much of the amenity and gentleness he hadof late displayed, and look upon the arrival of an armed force fromEngland in a very different light; we were not, therefore, muchastonished to hear that he had again quarrelled with the Europeansaround him. It is also not improbable that a copy of the proclamationthe Commander-in-Chief had sent to the different chiefs may havefallen into his hands about this time, as one was found after hisdeath amongst his papers. Whatever may have been the cause of hissudden change, he, without any apparent reason, all at once regardedhis workmen with suspicion, and though he ordered them to be inconstant attendance upon his person, he would not for many daysallow them to work. 

Mr. Waldmeier one evening, on returning to his tent to take hisevening meal, entered into conversation with a spy of the Emperor'son the subject of the advance of the English army. Waldmeier, amongstother things, told the man that it would be a very unwise act ofhis Majesty if he did not at once make friends with the English, as he had not a single friend in the country. On the officer reportingthat conversation, Theodore in a fearful passion sent for all theEuropeans; for a while his rage was such that he could not speak, but kept walking up and down, looking fiercely at them, and holdinghis spear in a threatening attitudes. At last, stopping before Mr. Waldmeier, he abused him in no measured terms: "Who are you, youdog, but a donkey, a poor man who came from a far country to be myslave, and whom I have paid and fed for years? What does a beggarlike you know about my affairs? Are you to dictate to me what Iam to do? A King is coming to treat with a King! What do you knowabout such matters?" Theodore then threw himself on the ground andsaid, "Take my spear and kill me; but do not revile me. " Waldmeierprostrated himself before him and begged for pardon; the Emperorrose, but refused to grant his request, and ordered him to rise andfollow him. 

On the 18th of February Theodore pitched his camp near the ridgeof the Dalanta plateau, and the following day the chiefs of theAmba, with their telescopes, could perceive several working partiesengaged in making the road down to the Bechelo. Theodore had madeabout a thousand prisoners when he had plundered Dalanta, and allof them, under strong escorts, were set to work for him; but whenthe road was finished half way, he allowed them to return to Dalanta. 

For a while the communications between the Amba and the camp wereagain suspended. The few chiefs and soldiers that had remained atMagdala viewed with great despondency this last breach of faith oftheir master, as it foreboded anything but gratitude towards themfor the many privations they had submitted to in fulfilment of thetrust vested in them. With great difficulty we succeeded in gettinga messenger to pass through the valley of the Bechelo, on accountof the disturbed condition of the country since Dalanta had beenplundered. The news he brought was a little more favourable. HisMajesty had reconciled himself with Mr. Waldmeier, and now treatedall his artisans with consideration and kindness. He did not, however, allow them to work, and they all slept in a tent near hisMajesty: a precaution he had for a short time ceased to take. Oftenhe spoke to his soldiers, or to the Europeans, about the coming ofour troops; sometimes avowing his intention to fight with them, atother times expressing himself in a more conciliatory tone. He hadhardly mentioned our names of late; he spoke about Mr. Stern, but, contrary to his habit, not in anger. He referred several times toa certain letter of Mrs. Flad's, which had given him great offencesome years before. That lady alluded in it to the possible invasionof the county by the English and French, giving as her opinion thathe would not be afraid. Theodore frequently said that Mrs. Flad wasright: "They are coming, and I do not fear. "

On the 14th of March his Majesty, with all his waggons, cannons, and mortars, reached the valley of the Bechelo. From a letter wereceived from Mr. Flad it appears that his Majesty was in a greathurry to reach Magdala. The Europeans were still treated courteously, but, day and night, were strictly watched. He evidently receivedgood information of what was going on in the British camp. To Mr. Waldmeier, who was more than any other in his confidence, he said, "With love and friendship they will overcome me; but if they comewith other intentions I know they will not spare me, and I willmake a great blood-bath, and afterwards die. "

On the 16th he despatched a messenger to the Amba to rejoice hispeople with the good news of his approach, and sent us a courteousmessage. Mr. Rassam at once wrote to him, complimenting him on hissuccess. Mr. Rassam is certainly deserving of praise for endeavouring, by every means in his power, to impress upon his Majesty the ferventfriendship he felt for him, and the sincere admiration and deepdevotion which time had only strengthened, and that even captivityand chains could not destroy. Mr. Rassam's official position gavehim great advantages over the other captives; he was able to make"friends" of all the royal messengers, of all the personal attendants, of his Majesty, and of every one on the Amba or in the camp, whocould say a good word for him. Ignorant of the source of Mr. Rassam'sliberality, the chief courtiers, and even his Majesty himself, cameto the conclusion that Mr. Prideaux and myself were very inferiorbeings--harmless individuals, whom it would be perfectly absurd toplace on a footing of equality with the open-handed, sweet-talkinggentleman, who alone, and out of mere regard, again congratulatedhis Majesty. 

Theodore was so pleased with Mr. Rassam's letter that early on the18th he sent Mr. Flad, his secretary and several officers, with afriendly letter to that gentleman, and instructed the chief of theAmba to remove at once _his friend's_ fetters. Theodore, inhis letter to Mr. Rassam, forgetting that he himself had on severaloccasions made mention of his fetters, said that he had no quarrelwith him, and that when he had sent him to Magdala he had only toldhis people to watch him, but out of precaution they put him inchains. He sent him also 2, 000 dollars for the money and thingsFlad had brought with him, and said that, on account of the rebelliouscondition of the country, he had not been able to forward them, andhoped he would, at the same time, accept a present of a hundredsheep and fifty cows. No one else was included in the order; and Iconfess that we were foolish enough to feel this disappointmentbitterly. Probably twenty months of captivity weakens the mind aswell as the body, as at other times we should not have given evena thought to the matter. Even as it was we soon forgot all aboutit, wisely remembering that freedom and liberty would be ours whenthe British flag should float over our former gaol. It appears thatour displeasure had been remarked, and a spy started at once forthe camp to inform his Majesty that we were angry at our chains notbeing opened. 

Mr. Flad returned that evening to the Imperial camp, already pitchedon the northern banks of the Bechelo; and the following morning theEmperor sent for him and asked him if he had seen us all, and ifwe were looking well. He inquired especially about Mr. Prideaux andmyself; Flad told his Majesty that we were in good health, but sorrythat he had made a difference between us and Mr. Rassam. At thisthe Emperor, smiling all the while, said:--"Yes, I have heard ofit: when they were put in chains by my people Mr. Rassam did notsay a word, but both of them looked angrily at the chains. I haveno anger against them, nor have they done me any wrong; as soon asI shall meet Mr. Rassam I will take off their chains also. "

Mr. Flad explained to his Majesty that we had felt disappointed, as some one, on Mr. Rassam's chains being ordered to be opened, hadcome to the conclusion that the Consul, Dr. Blanc, and Mr. Prideauxwould be included in the same order, and had run on ahead to bringus the _miserach_ (good news); that Mr. Rassam was also verysorry his two companions were separated from him, and had asked himthe reason why it was so, but as he did not know his Majesty'smotives he could not answer him, &c. Theodore, still smiling, saidto Mr. Flad, "If there is only friendship, everything will be right. "

On the evening of the 25th of March, his Majesty pitched his campon the small plateau of Islamgee; he had brought his cannons andeven the monster mortar as far as the foot of the ascent, and washard at work making the road required for them to be dragged up. 

Early on the morning of the 26th, the priests of the Amba, in fullcanonicals, carrying crosses and gaily-tinselled umbrellas, wentto Islamgee to congratulate the Emperor on his safe arrival. Theodorereceived them with great courtesy, and shortly afterwards dismissedthem, saying, "Go back, my fathers, be of good cheer; if I havemoney I will share it with you. My clothes will be yours, and withmy corn I will feed you. " They were on the point of starting whenan old bigoted priest, who had always shown himself badly disposedtowards us, turned round and addressed his Majesty in the followingterms:--"Oh, my King, do not abandon your religion!" Theodore, quitesurprised, inquired of him what he meant. The priest, rather excited, exclaimed, in a loud voice, "You do not fast, you observe no morethe feasts of the saints! I fear that you will soon follow entirelythe religion of the Franks. " Theodore turned towards some of theEuropeans that stood near him and said, "Did I ever inquire of youabout your religion? Did I ever show any desire to follow yourcreed?" They all replied, "Certainly not. " Theodore then addressedthe priests, who were listening with dismay to this conversation, and told them, "Judge this man. " The priests did not consult long, and with one accord gave as their decision, that "the man who insultshis king is worthy of death. " On that, the soldiers fell upon theold priest, tore off his clothes, and would have, killed him on thespot had not Theodore mitigated the punishment. He ordered him tobe put in chains, sent to the Amba, and for seven days not to beallowed either bread or water. 

Another priest, who had also on a former occasion grossly insultedhis Majesty, was sent up to the prison at the same time. That priesthad said to some of the Emperor's spies that their master wore threematabs: [Footnote: _Matab_: a string made of blue silk, andworn round the neck as the sign of Christianity in Abyssinia. ] one, because he was a Mussulman, having burnt the churches; the secondbecause he was a Frank, never observing the fast days; the third, to make the people believe he was a Christian. 

The following morning we were awoke by the merry _elelta_--theshrill cry of joy uttered by the Abyssinian _beau sexe_ ongreat and happy events. On this occasion a peculiar mixture ofjoyous and plaintive strains slightly modified its usual character, and it was a sharp but also tremulous sound that greeted the arrivalof the Emperor Theodore on the Amba. Carpets were at once spreadon the open space in front of his house, the throne was brought outand decked with gorgeous silks, and the state umbrella unfolded toprotect the reclining Emperor from the hot rays of the sun. Weexpected, on seeing all these preparations made and the large numberof courtiers and officers assembled in front, that before long wewould be called for, and that something similar to the trial andreconciliation of Zagé was going to be acted over again. We were, however, mistaken: it was on account of some private affairs that theEmperor, abandoning for a day his work, had called a court of justice. 

For a long time various charges had been whispered against two ofthe chiefs of the Amba, Ras Bisawar and Bitwaddad Damash. His Majestynow desired to investigate them; he listened quietly to the accusers, and having heard the defence, he asked the opinion of the chiefsaround him. They advised him to forgive them on account of theirformer good services, but that they should not be trusted any more. Had not a chief, they said, deserted a few nights before--a feathe could not have accomplished had not several of the garrisonhelped him in his escape?--and moreover, should an enemy presenthimself before the Amba during one of the Emperor's absences, theywould most probably quarrel amongst themselves instead of defendingthe place. The Emperor accepted their decision and said that hewould send a new garrison, that the former one should proceed thatvery day to his camp, and that as their store of grain would onlybe a burden to them, they should leave it behind; he would giveorders to the writers to make out a correct account of all theyhad, and, _to oblige them_, he would keep the grain himselfand pay them the value in money. He afterwards sent for the twopriests he had imprisoned the day before, released them from theirfetters, and told them that he forgave them, but that they mustleave his country at once. On going away, he sent word by Samuelto Mr. Rassam that he had intended to come and see him but thathe felt too tired; he added, "Your people are near; they are comingto deliver you. "

The soldiers of the garrison were greatly annoyed at having toleave, and were much pleased early the next morning to learn thatTheodore had rescinded his order. He had, he said, pardoned themon account of their long and faithful services. The Ras was put on"half-pay, " and a new commandant, Bitwaddad Hassanié, sent to takeover the charge, while the garrison was reinforced by some 400 musketeers. 

It is probable that Theodore wanted simply to know what amount ofcorn the garrison possessed, as he might perhaps require it himselfbefore long, and possibly also the clemency shown by him was dueto his being pleased at the soldiers having complied with his ordersand purchased grain, as he had directed them, with the money he hada short time before given them. 

 CHAPTER XIX. 

We are counted by the new Ras, and condemned to sleep in OneHut--Theodore's Second Visit to the Amba--Sends for Mr. Rassam and gives orders that Prideaux and myself should haveour Chains taken off--The Operation described--Our Receptionby the Emperor--We are sent for to see "Sebastopol" landed onIslamgee--Conversation with his Majesty--The remaining Prisonersare freed from their Fetters--Theodore is unable to Plunder hisown property. 

On the 28th of March, all of us, with the exception of Mr. Rassam, were called out and made to stand in a line to be _counted_by the new Ras; then at about ten at night, as we were undressing, Samuel came to inform us that he had received orders to put us all, with the exception of Mr. Rassam, in one hut for that night, butthat as none of our huts was large enough, he had obtained leavethat we should be distributed into two. Cameron, Mr. Rosenthal, andMr. Kerans were made to join us company, and four villanous-lookingrascals, with lighted candles burning all night, were posted insidethe door to prevent our going out. Samuel and two chiefs slept inMr. Rassam's room, and I strongly suspect that Samuel was on thatoccasion more in the position of a prisoner than a guardian. 

We slept but little, expecting that the morning would bring somechange for the worse. To our day guards some ten or fifteen of thegreatest scoundrels of the camp had been recently added, and wefelt rather anxious when we learnt early the next morning thatTheodore had sent word he would come up in the course of the dayto muster the garrison. 

At about three in the afternoon some of our servants came rushinginto our hut to tell us that Theodore had arrived on the Amba, andthat he appeared to be a _little_ drunk. Shortly afterwardsMr. Flad came with a message to Mr. Rassam from the Emperor, to theeffect that if his Majesty had time he would send for him after hisreturn from the church. A red-flannel tent, the sign of royalty, was, in the meanwhile, pitched in the plain, and all around carpetswere spread. When Theodore issued from the church he was in a greatpassion, seized a priest by the beard, and said to him, "You saythat I want to change my religion; before any one could force meto do so I would cut my throat. " He then thrust his spear withviolence into the ground, "fakered, " cursed the Bishop, --in a word, acted in all respects as if drunk or mad. He called Mr. Meyer, whowas standing at a short distance from him, and told him to go toMr. Rassam with the message, "Your people are coming. I put you inchains for that purpose. I have not obtained what I wanted. Cometo me, and in the same dress you used to wear before. "

We all felt very nervous about the interview, as Theodore seemedin a bad disposition; however, all went on well. As soon as Mr. Rassam approached the tent, Theodore advanced a few steps to meethim, shook hands with him, and asked him to sit down. He then said, "I cannot say that I could not bring my throne today, as you areaware that it is at Magdala; but out of respect for my friend theQueen, whom you represent here, I desire to sit on the same carpetas yourself. " After a while, he said to Mr. Rassam, "Those twopersons who came with you are neither my friends nor my enemies, but if you consent to become their security, I will have theirchains opened. " On that Mr. Rassam rose, and said, "Not only willI become their security, but should they do anything displeasingto your Majesty, do not say it is Blanc or Prideaux, but that Rassamdid it. " Theodore then asked Mr. Rassam to send two persons to haveour chains taken off, and as his Majesty insisted upon it, Mr. Rassam mentioned Mr. Flad and Samuel. 

The servants had heard the good news and rushed in before Flad cameto us with the welcome intelligence. On the arrival of Flad andSamuel, we were taken to Mr. Rassam's house, where Mr. Flad deliveredto us from his Majesty the following message:--"You are neither myfriends nor my enemies. I do not know who you are. I chained youbecause I chained Mr. Rassam: now I open your chains because hepromised to be your security. If you run away it will be a shamefor you and for me. "

On that we were told to sit down; an iron wedge was first hammeredin where the ring was joined, and when the intervening space wasconsidered sufficient, three or four loops of strong leather ropewere passed inside the irons, and we were told to put one leg on alarge stone brought in for the purpose. On each side a long polewas then fixed in the leather loops, and five or six men pulled onthem with all their strength, using the stone as a "point d'appui"for the lever. As the leather thongs acted on the iron ring, littleby little it gave way and stretched out, until at last it was wideenough to pass over the foot: the operation was then performed onthe other leg. It took at least half an hour to take mine off, andeven more to open Prideaux's. Though we were delighted at theprospect of having again the free use of our limbs, we did not enjoythe rude operation at all; and although (as we were in favour) thesoldiers did their best not to hurt us, still the pain was at timesquite unbearable, as the "point d'appui" now and then slipped fromthe stone to the chain itself, and pressing on the shin it seemedto us as if the leg would be crushed to pieces. 

At first we could hardly walk. Our legs seemed to us as light asfeathers; we could not guide them, and we staggered very much likedrunken men: if we met with a small stone in our way, we involuntarilylifted up the foot to a ridiculous height. For days the limb waspainful, and the slightest exertion was followed by great fatigue. 

Theodore having expressed his desire that we should present ourselvesbefore him in uniform, we dressed ourselves immediately the chainswere taken off. As I was the first to get rid of my twenty-onemonths' friends, I was ready when Prideaux came in; but no soonerhad he begun taking off his prison garb to dress himself, thanmessenger after messenger rushed in, sent from Theodore to hurryus on. Well knowing the fickle disposition of their master, all thechiefs present, Samuel, the guards, every one kept continuallyshouting out to Prideaux, "Make haste, make haste!" Flurried, andunaccustomed since so many months to the civilized way of puttingon his clothes, and unable to guide his feet properly, in his hurryhe tore his uniform trousers almost in two. But no one _would hearof waiting any longer: off we must go. Luckily a few pins were athand, and what with his cap as a screen, the accident, if notrepaired, was hidden. On reaching the Imperial tent, his Majesty, after greeting us cordially, said, "I chained you because yourpeople believed that I was not a strong king; now that your mastersare coming I release you to show them that I am not afraid. Fearnot; Christ is my witness, and God knows, that I have nothing inmy heart against you three. You came to this country knowing whatthe Consul had done. Do not fear, nothing will happen to you. Sitdown. "

Once seated he ordered some tej to be given to us, and conversedwith Mr. Rassam; amongst other things he said, "I am like a womanin the family way, and know not if it will be an abortion, a girlor a boy; I hope it will be a boy. Some men die when they are young, some at middle age, some when they are old; some are prematurelycut off, but what my end will be, God only knows. " He then introducedhis son to Mr. Rassam. He inquired if we had carpets, and if ourhouses were comfortable; and on Mr. Rassam telling him that by hisfavour we had everything we required, and that his Majesty wouldbe pleased if he saw the nice home he had, Theodore looking up toheaven said, "My friend, believe me, my heart loves you; ask me forwhatever you like, even for my own flesh, and I will give it toyou. "

His Majesty, during the whole of the interview, was most courteousand appeared much pleased with Mr. Rassam's answers, and laughedheartily more than once. When he dismissed us, he sent his son andthe Europeans to accompany us to our huts. 

I heard, both from Mr. Rassam and from the Europeans that werepresent all along, that before as well as during the time we werepresent, Theodore had shown himself most friendly and kind. TheEuropeans told me that whilst our chains were being opened he talkedon many subjects with Mr. Rassam. Amongst other things, he saidto him, "Mr. Stern has wounded me in the arm, but if anything badis to happen, before that I will wound him also. " He also said, "Iwill fight; you may see my dead body, and say there is a bad man, who has injured me and mine; and perhaps you will not bury me. "

After we left he mustered his troops and spoke to them about us. "Whatever happens, I will not kill these three--they are messengers;but amongst those that are coming, and here also, I have enemies;those I will kill if they want to injure me. " As he was passing thegate on his way back to his camp, he called the Ras and told him, "Mr. Rassam and his companions are not prisoners, they may play andrun; watch them with the eye only. "

That night we had no guards inside our room; they slept outside asbefore. We, however, did not venture to avail ourselves of the orderand walk about the Amba, but remained quietly in our inclosure. 

On reaching his camp, Theodore assembled his people and said tothem:--"You hear of white men coming to fight me; it is no rumour, but quite true. " A soldier shouted out, "Never mind, my king, wewill fight them. " Theodore looked at the man, and said, "You fool!you do not know what you say. These people have long cannons, elephants, guns, and muskets without number. We cannot fight againstthem. You believe that our muskets are good: if they were so theywould not sell them to us. I might kill Mr. Rassam, as he bringsthese soldiers against me. I did him no harm: it is true I put himin chains; but it is your fault, you people of Magdala, you shouldhave advised me better. I might kill him, but he is only one; andthen those who are coming would take away my children, my women, my treasures, and kill me and you. "

The following morning, the 30th, a message was sent to the five whohad lately joined us, asking them to work again for him, as hewanted more stone shots. On accepting his offer, their foot chainswere taken off, hand chains put by pairs, and they were conductedto the camp. A tent was pitched for them, and on their arrival theyreceived a present of tej, meat and bread, from his Majesty. 

None of us were over sanguine at the recent good treatment we hadreceived at the hands of Theodore; we knew how suddenly he changed, and that often, --as formerly in our case, --he pretended greatfriendship, when he intended all the while to ill-use, or even killhis dupes. We were, however, in good spirits and kept up our courage, knowing that the end was near: we left the result in God's hands, and hoped for the best. 

On the 1st of April we learnt that the evening before, Theodore, being very drunk, had "fakered" a great deal. At about ten in theforenoon a large number of soldiers came rushing in from the campbelow (we always disliked very much those abrupt movements of thesoldiers), but instead of coming towards our fence, as at first wefeared, they went in the direction of the magazines, and shortlyafterwards we saw them again passing along on their way back, carrying the cannons Theodore had on the mountain, powder, cannon-balls, &c. We supposed that Theodore had either decided on defendingSelassié, or had sent for his guns, as he intended, such was thegeneral opinion, to have a great "faker. "

Early on the morning of the 2nd, some of the chiefs were sent bythe Emperor to inform us that his Majesty required us immediatelyto proceed to Islamgee. From our former experience of Theodore'sfickle disposition we knew not what would be our fate, whether apolite reception, imprisonment or something worse; but as there wasno help for it, we dressed, and, accompanied by the chiefs, leftour huts, (perhaps never to see them again, ) and walked down to thecamp below the mountain. It was the first time, with the exceptionof the short distance we had gone on the day our chains had beenopened, that we had left our inclosure. We had but a very indifferentidea of the Amba, and were astonished to find it much larger thanwe expected, the road between the gates longer and steeper, and thepaths along the side of the Amba more abrupt and more lengthy thanwe had supposed from our recollections of twenty-one months before. 

We found Theodore seated on a heap of stones about twenty yardsbelow Islamgee, on the side of the road just completed, and throughwhich the cannons, mortars, and waggons were going to be dragged. From the spot he had chosen he could see all the road down to thefoot of Islamgee, where all his people were busily engaged fixinglong leather ropes to the waggons, and, under the supervision ofthe Europeans, making everything ready, for the ascent. The Emperorwas dressed very simply: the only difference in his attire from thechief in attendance standing some ten yards on his side, was in thesilk border of his shama: he held a spear in his hand, and two longpistols were fixed in his belt. He greeted us cordially and madeus sit down _behind him_: a proof of confidence, he wouldcertainly not have accorded to his dearest Abyssinian friend, aswe had only to give him a sudden push, and he would have rolleddown the precipice below. 

The road he had made on the side of Islamgee was broad but verysteep on the average at a gradient of one in three; half way analmost straight angle intersected it, and we feared that there mightbe some difficulty in turning the heavy waggons without upsettingthem. He did not speak much at first, being intent on examining thewaggons below; but as soon as the big mortar came in sight he pointedit out to us, and asked Mr. Rassam his opinion about it. We alladmired the huge piece, and Mr. Rassam, having complimented hisMajesty on his great work, added, that before long he hoped thatour people would have the same pleasure of admiring it as we did. Samuel, who translated on that occasion, turned quite pale, but asthe Emperor understood a little Arabic he was obliged to render thesentence, though he evidently did not like it. Theodore laughed, and sent Samuel to tell Mr. Waldmeier what Mr. Rassam had just said. A few minutes afterwards his Majesty got up; we rose also, and Mr. Rassam told him, through Samuel, that to gladden his heart stillmore he begged him to be gracious enough to release from theirfetters our companions still in chains on the Amba. This timeSamuel not only turned pale, but shook his head, declining to opensuch a subject; but on Mr. Rassam repeating his request, this timein a higher tone of voice, Theodore looked round, and Samuel, havingno option left, complied. His Majesty looked sullen and a littleannoyed, but after a short pause gave orders to some of his attendantsand to Samuel to proceed at once to the Amba and have the chainsof the five remaining captives opened at once. 

The Emperor then walked down to the spot where the road made a sharpangle, and directed the laborious task of having such heavy massesdragged up the precipitous incline. He sent us to the other sideof the road, where we might witness the whole scene well, andappointed several of his high officers to attend upon us. None butTheodore, I believe, could have directed that difficult operation;the leather ropes, from long use, were always breaking, and we werevery much afraid that some accident might happen, and that, at thevery last stage, the ponderous mortar "Sebastopol" would tumbleover the precipice. We fancied the rage his Majesty would be in;and our close proximity to him made us earnestly pray that nothingof the kind would occur. The sight was well worth witnessing:Theodore standing on a projecting rock, leaning on his spear, senthis aide-de-camp at every moment with instructions to those whodirected the five or six hundred men harnessed to the ropes. Attimes when the noise was too great, or when he wanted to give somegeneral instructions, he had but to lift up his hand and not a soundwould arise from the thousands engaged in the work, and the clearvoice of Theodore would alone be heard in the deep silence that hissimple gesture had produced. 

At last the big mortar was safely landed on Islamgee. We climbedup as fast as we could, and complimented his Majesty on the achievementof his great undertaking; he sent us word to examine the mortar. We all three jumped on the gun-carriage, greatly admired it, andloudly expressed our astonishment and delight to the bystanders. His Majesty was evidently well pleased with the praises we hadbestowed upon his great favourite, and made us sit down near himon the verge of the Islamgee plateau whilst the remaining cannonsand waggons were being drawn up. The wonderful work of dragging upthe 16, 000 pounds weight of "Sebastopol" once over--though some ofthe cannons were also of a considerable size, --the rest of theoperation was only child's play, and his Majesty, though present, never interfered. 

We must have remained with him for at least several hours in quietand friendly talk. As the sun was getting hot, his Majesty insistedon our putting on our caps, and, on Mr. Rassam a short time afterwardsasking his permission to open an umbrella, he not only granted it, but, seeing that I had none, kindly sent one of his pages for hisown, opened it, and gave it to me. He told us of all the difficultieshe had undergone, and how the peasants refused every assistance. He said, "I was obliged to make roads during the day and drag mywaggons, and to plunder at night, as my people had nothing to eat. "All the country, he said, had been against him, and when they couldseize any of his followers they immediately put them to death; inreturn, when he made any of them prisoners, to avenge his friends, he burnt them alive: this he told us in the quietest way possible, just as if he had done the right thing. He then asked about ourtroops, the elephants, the rifles, &c. Mr. Rassam told him everythingwe knew; that about 12, 000 troops had landed, but that not morethan 5, 000 or 6, 000 would advance on Magdala--adding, "It will onlybe friendship. " Theodore said, "God only knows; before, when theFrench came into my country, at the time of that robber 'AgauNegussi, ' I made a quick march to seize them, but they had run away. Do you believe that I would not have gone to meet your people, andasked them what they came into my country for? but how can I? Youhave seen to-day my army, and"--pointing to the Amba above--"thereis all my country. But I will wait for them here, and then let God'swill be done. "

He next spoke about the Crimean war, of the late contest betweenAustria and Prussia, of the needle-gun, and asked us if the Prussianshad made the Emperor of Austria a prisoner, or seized his country. Mr. Rassam told him that the needle-guns, by their rapid fire, hadgained the victory for the Prussians; that on peace being made theEmperor of Austria was obliged to pay a large sum of money; that apart of his territory had been annexed by the conqueror, and allhis allies had lost their kingdoms. His Majesty listened with greatcomposure, only when he was told that only 5, 000 men were coming, the proud curl of his lip expressed how much he felt his fallencondition when so few men were considered sufficient to conquerhim. He afterwards spoke to us about his old grievances againstCameron, Stern, and Rosenthal. About us he said, "You have neverdone me any wrong. I know that you are great men in your country, and I feel very sorry to have ill-treated you without cause. "

After the last waggon had been drawn up, he rose and told us tofollow; we walked a few yards behind him, and when Samuel, who hadgone to give orders for a tent to be pitched for us, returned, heasked us, through him, several questions about shells, the chargerequired for his big mortar, &c. , to all of which Mr. Rassam replied, that being a civilian he knew nothing about it. He then told himto ask me, but Mr. Rassam replied that I was only acquainted withmedicines. On that he ceased his inquiries and conducted ne to thetent prepared for us; then bidding us good afternoon, retired tohis apartment. An Abyssinian breakfast, tej, and a few Europeandishes and cakes that Mrs. Waldmeier had prepared; according tohis instructions, were then sent for us to partake of. A short timeafterwards he sent for Mr. Waldmeier and Samuel. 

It seems that Theodore had already been drinking, as he talked tothem in a very excited manner, inquiring why he had not receivedany intimation of the landing of our troops and if it was notcustomary for a king to inform another that he was invading hiscountry &c. Mr. Waldmeier and Samuel, when they returned, appearedrather alarmed, as it was no unfrequent case with Theodore to bevery friendly in the morning, and, when in his cups, to change hisdemeanour and ill-treat those he had petted a little while before. Samuel and Waldmeier were a second time sent for. Theodore thenabused Samuel a great deal, told him that he had many charges tobring against him, but that he left it for another day; he thenordered him to take us back to the fort, gave instructions for threemules to be brought, and for the commandant of the mountain, togetherwith the former one, to escort us. To Mr. Waldmeier he said, "TellMr. Rassam that a small fire, the size of a pea, if not put out intime, may cause a great conflagration: it is left to Mr. Rassam toextinguish it before it spreads. " We were glad to return safe andsound to our old prison, and rejoiced on seeing our companions freedfrom their fetters and looking happy and hopeful. 

On the following morning Mr. Rassam sent word to the Emperor, requesting his permission to be allowed to inform the Commander-in-Chiefof the British army of his Majesty's good-will towards the Europeansin his power; but Theodore answered that he did not desire him towrite, as he had opened the chains of the captives not out of fear, but simply on account of his personal friendship for Mr. Rassam. 

As Theodore had on several occasions expressed his astonishment atnot receiving any communication from the Commander-in-Chief, wethought it advisable to request Sir Robert Napier, through ourfriends, to be kind enough to send a short courteous letter to theEmperor, informing him of the object of the expedition; as theletter he had addressed to him before landing had been detained byMr. Rassam, and the ultimatum sent by Lord Stanley previous to theintervention of an armed force, having also fallen into Mr. Rassam'shands, instead of reaching the Emperor, had been destroyed by thatgentleman. 

The five (Mr. Staiger and his party) were making stone balls forhis Majesty's cannons, but as none of the Europeans in his servicewould stand security for them, every evening the hand chains werehammered on after their day's work was over. On the evening of the3rd Theodore sent to Mr. Rassam, asking him to become their guarantee;but he refused, as he could not, he said, hold himself responsiblefor them so long as they were working for his Majesty and residedat a distance from him. However, Mr. Flad and one of the otherEuropeans consenting to become security, the torture of having thechains daily fastened on was discontinued, and the captives weresimply guarded at night in their tent. 

Provisions were running short, and for some days a foraging expeditionwas much talked about, Dahonte being considered as the place selected. But Theodore, unwilling to expose his small force to a repulse, didnot venture so far, but on the morning of the 4th of April plunderedhis own people, the few small villages situate at the foot of theAmba; and he unsuccessfully attempted to sack the village of Watat, where his _own cattle_ were kept. Theodore met with much moreresistance than he expected from the Galla peasants; many of thesoldiers were killed, and the booty brought back was very small. 

The soldiers on the mountain were more despondent than ever: littleaware of the great change that before long was to take place, theyviewed with great concern and anxiety this last raid, as, were theEmperor to go away, they would be left to starve on their rock. From Mr. Munzinger we frequently received short notes, which reachedus sewn in the worn-out trousers of some peasant or messenger; thuswe knew that our deliverers were now near, and we longed for theday, not far distant, when our fate would be decided: for we sufferedmore from constant anxiety and doubt--as to what every minute mightbring, than from the certainty of death: even the few hopefulthoughts we now and then indulged in were nothing compared toregained liberty. 

 CHAPTER XX. 

All the Prisoners leave the Amba for Islamgee--Our Reception byTheodore--He harangues his Troops, and releases some of thePrisoners--He informs us of the Advance of the English--The Massacre--We are sent back to Magdala--Effects of theBattle of Fahla--Messrs. Prideaux and Flad sent to negotiate--Release of the Captives, and their Narrow Escape--TheirArrival in the British Camp. 

On the evening of the 7th of April we heard indirectly that thenext morning all the prisoners, ourselves included, would be calledbefore his Majesty, who was at the time encamped at the foot ofSelassié, and that in all probability we should not return tothe Amba. At day-dawn a messenger came from Theodore ordering usto go down, and take with, us our tents and anything else we mightrequire. As was our wont on such occasions, we put on our uniforms, and proceeded to the Emperor's camp accompanied by the formercaptives. On approaching Selassié we perceived his Majesty, surrounded by many of his chiefs and soldiers, standing near hisguns in conversation with some of his European workmen. He salutedus courteously, and told, us to advance and stand near him. Cameronwas staggering from the effects of the sun, and could with difficultykeep himself from falling to the ground. On perceiving his conditionhis Majesty asked us what was the matter with him. We answered thatCameron was unwell, and begged permission for him to sit down, arequest that was immediately granted. Theodore then greeted theother prisoners, asked them how they were, and on perceiving theRev. Mr. Stern he said, smiling all the while, "O Kokab (Star), whyhave you plaited your hair?" [Footnote: Only soldiers plait thehair; peasants and priests shave the head about once a month. ]Before he could answer Samuel told the Emperor, "Your Majesty, itis not plaited; it falls naturally on his shoulders. "

Theodore then retired a little way from the crowd, and told us threeand Cameron to follow him. Seating himself on a large stone, andtelling us also to sit down, he said, "I have sent for you, as Idesire to look after your safety. When your people come and fireupon me I will put you in a safe place; and should you even therebe in danger I will remove you to somewhere else. " He asked us ifour tents had arrived, and on being informed that they had not, heordered one of his own, of red flannel, to be pitched in themeanwhile. He remained with us about half an hour conversing ondifferent topics; he narrated the anecdote of Damocles, asked usabout our laws, quoted Scripture--in a word, jumped from one subjectto the other, discoursing on topics quite foreign to his thoughts. He did his best to appear calm and amiable, but we soon detectedthat he was labouring under great excitement. When, in January, 1866, he received us at Zagé, we were struck by the simplicityof his dress, in every respect the same as that of his commonsoldiers; of late, however, he had adopted a more gaudy attire, butnothing compared to the harlequin coat he wore that day. 

After he had dismissed us, he ascended the hill under which ourtent was pitched, and for two hours, at about fifty yards from us, surrounded by his army, he "fakered" (bragged) to his heart'scontent. He discoursed first on his former deeds, or what he intendedto do when he should encounter the white men, speaking all the whilein contemptuous terms of his advancing foe. Addressing the soldierswhom he was sending as an advanced post to Arogié, he told them, on the approach of the white men, to wait until they had fired, andbefore the enemy had time to reload, to fall upon them with theirspears; and showing the gaudy dress he had put on for the occasion, he added: "Your valour will meet with its reward, and you willenrich yourselves with spoils, compared to which the rich dress Iam wearing is but a mere trifle. " When he had concluded his haranguehe dismissed his troops, and sent for Mr. Rassam. He told him notto notice what had taken place, as it meant nothing; but that hewas obliged to speak publicly in that manner to encourage hissoldiers. He then mounted his mule and ascended to the top of Selassiéto examine the road from Dalanta to the Bechelo, and ascertain themovements of the English army. 

The next day, the 8th, we only saw his Majesty at a distance, seatedon a stone in front of his tents, and talking quietly to thosearound him. In the afternoon he ascended to the top of Selassié, and on his return sent us word that he had seen nothing; but thatour people could not be far off, as a woman had come to inform himthat, the evening before, horses and mules had been taken down tothe Bechelo to be watered. 

As we came down from the Amba the day before, we had met on theroad all the prisoners crawling along, many of them in hand andfoot chains, having in that condition been obliged to walk down theirregular and steep descent. Their appearance was enough to inspirepity in the most callous heart; many had no other covering than asmall piece of rag round the loins, and were living skeletons, covered with some loathsome skin disease. Chiefs, soldiers orbeggars, all wore an anxious expression: they had but too muchreason to fear that they had not been dragged out of the prisonwhere they had spent years of misery for any good purpose. However, on that morning Theodore gave orders for about seventy-five to bereleased, all either former servants of his, or chiefs whom he hadimprisoned, without cause, during his fits of madness, so frequentof late. 

Soon after his return from Selassié, his merciful mood beingover, Theodore sent orders to have seven prisoners executed; amongstthem the wife and child of Comfou (the storekeeper who had run awayin September)--poor innocent beings on whom the despot vented hisrage for the desertion of the husband: they were shot by the "braveAmharas, " and their bodies hurled over the nearest precipice. Theodore sent me word to go and visit Bardel, who was lying dangerouslyill in a tent close by. Having seen him and prescribed, I afterwardsvisited some of the Europeans and their families; I found them allexceedingly anxious and none could arrive at any conclusion as tothe probable course Theodore would adopt. 

Early on the morning of the 9th some of the European workmen informedus that Theodore was making roads to drag part of his artillery toFahla, where it overlooks the Bechelo; they also told us that beforeparting he had given orders for the release of about one hundredprisoners, most of them women or poor people. Towards 2 P. M. TheEmperor returned, and sent us word by Samuel that he had seen aquantity of baggage coming down from Dalanta to the Bechelo--fourelephants, but very few men. He had also remarked, he said, somesmall white animals, with black heads, but he could not make outwhat they were. Did we know? We made a rough guess, and answeredthat they were probably Berbera sheep. He sent a last message, saying, "I am tired from looking out so long; I am going to restawhile. Why are your people so slow?"

A severe storm then broke out; and it had hardly subsided when wesaw soldiers rushing from all directions towards the side of theprecipice--a couple of hundred yards from our tent. We soon heardthat his Majesty, in a fearful passion, had left his tent, and hadgone to Mr. Rassam's servants' houses, where the Magdala prisonershad been shut up since they had been taken down to Islamgee. 

As I have said, that morning Theodore had released a large numberof his prisoners. Those who remained, believing that they mightavail themselves of the Emperor's good disposition, clamoured forbread and water, as for two days they had been deprived of both, all their servants having decamped and kept away since they hadbeen removed from Magdala. At the cries of "abiet, abiet, "[Footnote: "Abiet, " master, lord. The usual expression used by beggarswhen asking alms. ] Theodore, who was reposing after indulging in deeppotations, asked his attendant, "What is it?" He was told that theprisoners begged for water and bread. Theodore, seizing his sword, and telling the man to follow him, exclaimed, "I will teach themto ask for food when my faithful soldiers are starving. " Arrivedat the place where the prisoners were confined, blind with rage anddrink, he ordered the guards to bring them out. The two first hehacked to pieces with his own sword; the third was a young child;though it arrested his hand, it did not save the poor creature'slife, and he was hurled alive over the precipice by Theodore'sorder. He seems to have been somewhat calmer after the two firstmurders, and something like order prevailed during the remainderof the executions. As every prisoner was brought out he inquiredhis name, his country, and _his crime_. The greater part werefound guilty, hurled over the precipice, and shot below by musketeerssent there to despatch any one who still showed signs of animation, as many had escaped with life from the awful fall. Some 307 wereput to death, and 91 reserved for another day. These last, strangeto say, were all chiefs of note; many of whom had fought againstthe Emperor, and all, he knew, were his deadly enemies. 

What our feelings were all this time can easily be surmised: wecould see the deep line of soldiers standing behind the Emperor, and counted up to two hundred discharges of fire-arms, when we leftoff the agonizing calculation of how many victims were beingslaughtered. A friendly chief came to us, and implored us to remainvery quiet in our tents, as it would be very dangerous if Theodoreremembered us in his present mood. At dusk he returned, followedby an admiring crowd. He, however, took no notice of us; and, aftera while, seeing all quiet, we felt pretty confident that we weresafe for _that day_ at least. 

There is no doubt that when Theodore sent for us and all theprisoners, he had made up his mind to kill every one. His apparentclemency was merely used as a blind to mask his intent and inspirehopes of freedom in the hearts of those whose death he had alreadydetermined upon. 

Early on the morning of the 10th his Majesty sent us word to getready to return to Magdala. Shortly afterwards one of his servantsbrought us the following message:--"Who is that woman who sends hersoldiers to fight against a king? Send no more messengers to yourpeople: if a single servant of yours is missing, the covenant offriendship between you and myself is broken. " A few minutes afterwardsa boy whom I had some days previously sent to General Merewether, with a request that a letter should be sent to Theodore, who hadon several occasions manifested great astonishment at not receivingany communication from the army, returned with a letter from hisExcellency the Commander-in-Chief for the Emperor. The letter wasperfect; just what we had wished for--firm, courteous; it containedno threats, no promises, except that Theodore would be honourablytreated if he delivered the prisoners uninjured into his hands. Weat once sent Samuel to inform the Emperor that a letter from SirR. Napier had arrived for him. His Majesty declined to receive it. "It is of no use, " he said; "I know what I have to do. " However, shortly afterwards he sent for Samuel privately, and asked him itscontents, and as Samuel had translated it, he informed him of theprincipal points. His Majesty listened attentively, but made noremarks. A mule from the Imperial stables was sent for Mr. Rassam'suse to ride; Lieutenant Prideaux, Captain Cameron, and myself weretold that we might ride our own mules; but this favour was deniedto the other captives. On our return to Magdala we were hailed byour servants, and the few friends we had on the mountain, as menwho had returned from the grave. We sent for our tents, bedding, &c. , and awaited with anxiety the next move of the fickle despot. 

About noon the whole of the garrison of the Amba were told to armand proceed to the King's camp; a few old men only and the ordinaryprisoners' guard remaining on the mountain. Between 3 and 4 P. M. Aviolent thunder-storm burst over the Amba. We thought now and thenthat we could distinguish amidst the peals of thunder distant guns, and some close at hand. At other times we were almost certain thatthe sound we had just heard was a volley; but we only laughed atthe idea, and wondered how the echoes of the almost constant thundercould to our excited imagination bear such close resemblance to thewelcome music of an attack by the army of rescue. Shortly after 4P. M. The storm subsided, and then no mistake was possible; the deep, dull sound of guns, and the sharp reports of small arms, now reachedus plainly and distinctly. But what was it? No one would or couldsay. Twice during the next hour the joyous _elelta_ resoundedfrom Islamgee to the Amba above, where it was responded to by thesoldiers' families. Then all doubts vanished: evidently the Kingwas only "fakering;" no fight could have taken place, as no_elelta_ would be heard if Theodore had ventured to encounterthe British troops. 

We were fast asleep, quite unaware of the glorious battle that hadtaken place a few miles from our prison, when we were aroused by aservant, who told us to dress quickly, and come over to Mr. Rassam'shouse, as messengers had just arrived from his Majesty. We foundon entering Mr. Rassam's room Messrs. Waldmeier and Flad, and severalof the Emperor's chiefs, who had come up to deliver the Imperialmessage. Then for the first time we heard of the battle of Fahla;heard, indeed, that we were now safe; that the humbled despot hadacknowledged the greatness of the power he had for years despised. The Imperial message was as follows:--"I thought that the peoplethat are now coming were women; I now find that they are men. Ihave been conquered by the advance guard alone. All my musketeersare dead. Reconcile me with your people. "

Mr. Rassam sent him back word that he had come to his country tomake peace, and now, as well as formerly, he only wished to seethat happy result obtained; he proposed, he said, sending LieutenantPrideaux for himself, and that his Majesty should send Mr. Flad, or any other European whom he trusted, together with one of hisnoblemen, to the British camp to make terms; but that unless he waswilling to deliver over to the Commander-in-Chief all the prisoners, the proposed steps would be quite useless. The two Europeans andthe other messenger remained some time with us to rest and refreshthemselves: they told us that his Majesty had mistaken a batteryof artillery for Baggage, and seeing only a few men at Arogié, he had given in to the importunities of his chiefs, and allowedthem to have their own way. On a cannon being fired, the Abyssinians, excited by the prospect of a large booty, rushed down the hill. HisMajesty commanded the artillery, which was served by Abyssinianworkmen, under the direction of a Copt, the former servant of theBishop, and of Lij Engeddah Wark, the son of a converted BengalJew. At the first discharge the largest piece of ordnance, "Theodoros, "burst, the Abyssinians by mistake having rammed in two cannon balls. Towards dusk he had sent to recall his troops, but messenger aftermessenger was despatched to no purpose: at last the broken-downremnants of his army were seen slowly climbing the steep ascent, and he heard for the first time the dismal tale of their disaster. Fitaurari [Footnote: _Fitaurari_, the commander of the advanced guard. ]Gabrié, his long-attached friend, the bravest of the brave, lay deadon the battle-field; he inquired for others, but the answer wasDead, dead, dead!! Cast down, conquered at last, Theodore, withoutsaying a word, walked back to his tent with no other thought butan appeal to the friendship of his captives and to the generosityof his foe. 

Returning to the Emperor's tent Messrs. Flad and Waldmeier informedhim of their arrival by one of the eunuchs who had accompanied themfor that purpose. It appears that in the meanwhile Theodore hadbeen drinking hard; he came out of his tent very much excited, andasked the Europeans, "What do you want?" They told him that as hehad commanded them, they had spoken on his behalf to Mr. Rassam, and that that gentleman had proposed sending Mr. Prideaux, &c. &c. The Emperor interrupted them, and in an angry tone exclaimed, "Mindyour own business: go to your tents!" The two Europeans stood still, in the hope that his Majesty might change his mind; but seeing thatthey did not depart, he got into a rage, and in a high tone of voiceordered them to retire at once. 

At about 4 A. M. A messenger was sent by his Majesty to call Messrs. Flad and Waldmeier before him. As soon as they arrived he asked, "Do you hear this wailing? There is not a soldier who has not losta friend or a brother. What will it be when the whole English armycomes? What shall I do? counsel me. " Mr. Waldmeier told him: "YourMajesty, peace is the best. " "And you, Flad, what do you say?" "YourMajesty, " replied Mr. Flad, "ought to accept Mr. Rassam's proposal. "Theodore remained a few minutes silent, his head between his hands, apparently in deep thought, and then said, "Well, go back to Magdala, and tell Mr. Rassam that I trust in his friendship to reconcileme with his people. I will do what he thinks best. " Mr. Flad broughtus this message, Mr. Waldmeier remaining with the Emperor. 

On Lieutenant Prideaux and Mr. Flad reaching Islamgee they wereconducted to the Emperor, whom they found sitting outside on a stoneand dressed in his ordinary manner. He received them very graciously, and immediately ordered one of his best mules to be saddled forPrideaux's use. Noticing that he was rather exhausted from the rapidwalk, he gave him a horn of tej to refresh himself with on the road. He then dismissed them with the following message:--"I had thoughtbefore this that I was a strong man, but I have now discovered thatthey are stronger; now reconcile me. " They then left, and accompaniedby Dejatch Alamé, the Emperor's son-in-law, proceeded to the Britishcamp at Arogié, where they arrived after a two hours' ride, and werewarmly cheered and greeted by all. After a short stay in the camp, they returned to his Majesty bearing a letter from Sir Robert Napier, couched in firm but conciliatory terms, and assuring Theodore that, provided he submitted to the Queen of England and brought all theprisoners and other Europeans to the British camp, honourabletreatment would be accorded to himself and his family. 

Sir Robert Napier received Dejatch Alamé with great courtesy(a fact that was immediately reported to Theodore by a specialmessenger), invited him into his tent, and spoke plainly to him. He told him that not only all the Europeans must at once be sentto the camp, but the Emperor himself must come in also and submitto the Queen of England. He told him that if he complied he wouldbe honourably treated, but that if any one of the Europeans in hishands were injured, he could expect no pity; and that had he (SirRobert Napier) to remain for five years in the country, he wouldnot leave until the last murderer was punished, had he even to buyhim from his mother. He then showed Alamé some of the "toys" hehad brought with him, and explained to him their effects. 

On the return of Prideaux and his companions to Theodore's camp, they found him sitting on the brow of Selassié, overlooking theBritish camp, and in anything but a pleasant humour. They had beenjoined on their arrival by Mr. Waldmeier, and together they presentedthemselves before him, and delivered the letter into his hands. Itwas twice translated, and at the conclusion of the second readinghe asked, in a deliberate manner, "What does honourable treatmentmean? Does it mean that the English will help me to subdue myenemies, or does, it mean honourable treatment as a prisoner?"Prideaux replied, that on the first point the Commander-in-Chiefhad said nothing; that all his wishes were contained in his letter;and that the English army had simply come into the country to rescuetheir fellow-countrymen, and that object effected they would thenreturn. This answer did not please him at all. Evidently his worstpassions were aroused; but, controlling himself, he motioned themto stand a little distance from him, while he dictated a letter tohis secretary, --a letter begun before the arrival of Prideaux, anincoherent epistle, not sealed, stating, amongst other things, thathe had hitherto surrendered to no man, and was not prepared to doso now. He inclosed with his letter the one he had just receivedfrom Sir Robert Napier, handed it over to Prideaux, and bade thembe off at once; not allowing Prideaux even to wait for a glass ofwater, telling him that there was no time to lose. 

Another couple of hours' ride brought Prideaux and Flad again tothe British camp. Sir Robert Napier, however reluctant he must havefelt, after allowing them time to rest, despatched them back toTheodore. It was, indeed, the proper way to deal with him: firmnessalone could save our lives; as we had but too ample proofs that thekind of adoration for so long bestowed upon him resulted in nothingbut a nonsensical correspondence, and no real advantage had everbeen gained. No answer could possibly be given to the mad productionTheodore had sent; a verbal message to the same purport as the firstcommunication from the Commander-in-Chief was all that was required. 

We were still in the power of Theodore; had not, as yet, tastedliberty; whatever, before long, would be our fate, we were passive, and ready to submit with as much good grace as possible to thesentence we every minute expected. Mr. Flad had left his wife andchildren on Islamgee, and could not well decline to go back; butfor Prideaux the case was quite different: he returned, like abrave, gallant man, ready to sacrifice his own life in endeavouringto save ours, and going willingly to almost certain death in obedienceto his duty. None of the brave soldiers who gallantly wear theVictoria Cross ever did a nobler deed. Fortunately, however, asthey were nearing Selassié, they met Mr. Meyer, one of the Europeanworkmen, who communicated to them the welcome intelligence that we wereall liberated and on our way to the camp. They gladly turned roundthe heads of their tired mules, and, together with Mr. Meyer, broughtback the good news to our anxious countrymen. 

But we must return to ourselves, still shut up in Magdala. Weremained all day in great suspense, not knowing at any moment whatcourse Theodore would adopt. I dressed several of the wounded andsaw many of the soldiers who had taken part in the fight of theprevious day. All were much cast down, and declared that they wouldnot fight again. "Of what use is it, " they said, "fighting againstyour people? When we fight with our countrymen each side has itsturn; with you it is always your turn. See how many dead and woundedwe have! We did not see any of your men fall: and then you neverrun away. " The rockets terrified them greatly, and if their descriptionof the shells is correct they must indeed be terrible weapons. 

Shortly after receiving an answer from Sir Robert Napier, anddespatching Prideaux and Flad for the second time, Theodore calledhis principal chiefs and some of his European workmen before himand held a kind of council; but he soon became so excited, so mad, that it was with difficulty he was restrained from committingsuicide. The chiefs reproved him for his weakness, and proposedthat we should all be killed, or kept in a hut in the camp and burntalive on the approach of our soldiers. His Majesty took no noticeof these suggestions, dismissed his chiefs, and told Messrs. Meyerand Saalmüller, two of his European workmen, to get ready toaccompany us to the English camp. At the same time he sent two of hishigh officers, Bitwaddad Hassanié and Ras Bissawur, to us withthe following message:--"Go at once to your people: you will sendfor your property to-morrow. "

We did not like that message at all. The two chiefs were sullen anddowncast, and Samuel was so excited that he would give us noexplanation of this sudden decision. We called our servants to packup a few things, and many of them bade us good-by with tears intheir eyes. The best disposed of the guards looked sad and sorrowful:no doubt the general impression was the same as ours, that we weresent for, not to go to the English camp, but to certain death. Therewas no use in remonstrating or in complaining, so we dressed; gladthat at all events the end of our captivity had arrived, whateverit might be; we bade good-by to our servants, and under a strongescort left the Amba. Whilst we had been dressing, Samuel hadconsulted with the two chiefs; they told him that Theodore was quitemad, and that anything which might delay our meeting should not beneglected, as time to allow him to cool down a little was of theutmost importance. They decided on sending a soldier in advancewith a supposed message from us, to ask from his Majesty the favourof a last interview, as we could not depart without first biddinghim good-by. 

Arrived at the foot of the Amba, we found that the Emperor had sentno mules, as was his custom, and we had to have ours saddled, orborrow some from the European workmen. The place seemed almostdeserted, and on our way to the Imperial tent we met only a fewsoldiers; but as we advanced we perceived that the heights ofSelassié and Fahla were crowded with the remnants of theImperial host. 

At about a hundred yards from the King's tent we met the messengerwhom Samuel and the chiefs had sent to request a last interview, coming back towards us. He said that the King was not in histent, but between Fahla and Selassié, and that he would only seehis beloved friend Rassam. Orders were then given by the chiefs whoescorted us to conduct Mr. Rassam by one road, and the remainderof the captives by another. We had to follow a small pathwayon the side of Selassié, and Mr. Rassam was conducted by a roadsome fifty yards above. We advanced in that manner for a couple ofhundred yards, when we were ordered to stop. The soldiers told us thatthe Emperor was coming towards Mr. Rassam, and that we must wait untiltheir interview was over. 

After a while we were told to advance, as Mr. Rassam had left theKing and was moving on. 

I was walking in front of our party, and great was my surprise, after a few steps, on arriving at a sudden turn in the road, tofind myself face to face with Theodore. I at once perceived thathe was in a fearful passion. Behind him stood about twenty men ina line, all armed with muskets. The spot on which he was standingis a small platform, so narrow that I would have almost to touchhim on my way onwards. Below the platform the precipice was abruptand deep; above, the rocks rose like a huge wall: evidently he couldnot have chosen a better place if he had any evil intentions againstus. 

He could not have seen me at first, as his face was half turned;he whispered something to the soldier nearest to him, and stretchedout his hand to take the man's musket. I was quite prepared for theworst, and, at the moment, had no doubt in my mind that our lasthour had come. 

Theodore, his hand still on his musket, turned round; he thenperceived me, looked at me for a second or two, dropped his hand, and in a low sad voice asked me how I was, and bade me good-by. 

The chief on the following day told me that, at the time, Theodorewas undecided as to whether he would kill us all or not; onlyallowing Mr. Rassam to go on account of his personal friendship forhim, and that we owed our lives to the mere accident that his eyefirst fell upon me, against whom he had no animosity; but that theresult would have been quite different had his anger been rousedby the sight of those he hated. 

A few minutes later we rejoined Mr. Rassam, and moved on as fastas our mules could amble. Mr. Rassam told me that Theodore hadsaid to him, "It is getting dark; it is perhaps better if youremained here until to-morrow. " Mr. Rassam said, "Just as yourMajesty likes. " Theodore then said, "Never mind; go. " He shook handswith Mr. Rassam, both crying at the idea of parting, and Mr. Rassampromising to return early the next morning. 

We had nearly reached the outposts of the Imperial camp when somesoldiers shouted for us to stop. Had Theodore again changed hismind? So near liberty, were we again doomed to captivity or death?Such thoughts immediately crossed our minds; but our suspense wasshort, as we perceived running towards us one of the Emperor'sservants, carrying Prideaux's sword, as well as my own, which hisMajesty had seized at Debra Tabor some twenty-one months before. We sent back our thanks to his Majesty by the servant, and resumedour march. 

Little did we know at the time the narrow escape we had just had. It appears that, after our departure, Theodore sat down on a stone, and, putting his head between his hands, began to cry. Ras Engeddahsaid to him, "Are you a woman, to cry? Let us bring back these whitemen, kill them, and run away; or fight and die. " Theodore rebukedhim in these words:--"You donkey! have I not killed enough thesetwo last days? Do you want me to kill these white men, and coverAbyssinia with blood?"

Though now fairly out of the Imperial camp, and in sight almost ofour pickets, we could hardly credit that we were not the victimsof some delusion. Involuntarily, we would look back, fearful that, regretting his clemency, Theodore might follow and overtake usbefore we reached our camp. But God, who had almost by a miracledelivered us that day, still protected us; and shortly afterwards, with grateful and joyful hearts, we entered the British lines; andheard the gladdening sound of English voices, the hearty cheers ofour countrymen, and shook hands with the dear friends who hadlaboured so zealously for our release. 

 CONCLUSION. 

On the morning of the 12th, the day following our deliverance, Theodore sent a letter of apology, expressing his regret for havingwritten the impertinent missive of the day before. He at the sametime requested the Commander-in-Chief to accept a present of 1, 000cows; this, according to Abyssinian custom, implying a peace-offering, which once accepted, removed all apprehension of hostilities. 

The five captives who had joined us in January, 1868 (Mr. Staigerand his party), Mrs. Flad and her children, several of the Europeans, and the families of all of them, were still in Theodore's power. The Europeans who had accompanied us the evening before, and whohad spent the night at the camp, were early that morning sent backto Theodore; and Samuel, who was one of the party, was instructedto demand that the whole of the Europeans and their families shouldbe allowed to depart at once. A dhoolee and bearers were also sentat the same time for Mrs. Flad, whose state of health did not allowher to ride. Before starting, Samuel was told by Mr. Rassam thatthe Commander-in-Chief had accepted the cows: an unfortunate mistake, as it misled and deceived Theodore, but so far opportune, that itprobably saved the lives of the Europeans still in his power. 

When the Europeans who had returned to Selassi to bring down theirfamilies, and Samuel, approached the Emperor, his first questionwas, "Have the cows been accepted?" Samuel, bowing respectfullybefore him, said: "The English Ras says to you, 'I have acceptedyour present: may God give it back to you. '" On that Theodore drewa long breath, as if relieved of a deep anxiety, and told theEuropeans, "Take your families and go. " To Mr. Waldmeier he said, "You also want to leave me; well, go: now that I have friendshipwith the English, if I want ten Waldmeiers I have only to ask forthem. " In the afternoon the European workmen and their families, Mr. Staiger and his party, Mrs. Flad and children, Samuel, and ourservants, all came into the British camp. They had been allowed totake away their property, and on their departure Theodore, in goodspirits, bade them good-by. 

On Saturday, the 11th, Sir Robert Napier had clearly pointed out toDejatch Alamé, the course he had adopted, and that not only thecaptives, but Theodore also, must come into the British campbefore twenty-four hours, otherwise hostilities would begin anew;but at the urgent request of Dejatch Alamé, who knew how difficultit would be for Theodore to comply with that part of the orderwhich referred to himself, he promised to extend to forty-eight hoursthe term he had fixed upon for his ultimatum to be acceded to. 

On the morning of the 18th, the Emperor having not as yet made hissubmission, it became necessary to compel him to obey, and stepswere being taken to complete the work so ably begun, when severalof the greatest chiefs of Theodore's army made their appearance, stating that they came in their own name and in that of the soldiersof the garrison, to lay down their arms and surrender the fortress;they added that, Theodore, accompanied by about fifty followers, had made his escape during the night. 

It appears that the evening before, Theodore, on hearing that thecows had not been accepted, but were still outside the Englishpickets, believed that he had been deceived, and that, if he fellinto the hands of the English, he would either be doomed to chainsor to a cruel death. All night he walked about Selassié anxiousand cast down, and towards early morn called upon his people tofollow him. But instead of obeying they retired to another partof the plain. Theodore shot the two nearest to him; but this daringact did not quell the mutinous disposition of the soldiery: on thecontrary, they only retreated further back. 

With the few men who followed him, he passed through the Kafir Ber, but had not gone far before he saw the Gallas advancing from allsides in order to surround him and his party. He then said to hisfew faithful followers, "Leave me: I will die alone. " They refused;on that he said to them, "You are right; but let us return to themountain: it is better to die by the hands of Christians. "

The surrender of the army, the storming of Magdala, the self-inflicteddeath of Theodore, are too well-known facts for me to enlarge uponthem I entered the place shortly after it had been occupied by ourtroops. One of the first objects that attracted my attention wasthe dead body of Theodore. There was a smile on his lip--that happysmile he so seldom wore of late: it gave an air of calm grandeurto the features of one whose career had been so remarkable, whosecruelties are almost unparalleled in history; but who at the lasthour seemed to have recalled the days of his youth, fought like abrave man, and killed himself rather than surrender. 

I remained that night in Magdala. It seemed passing strange to spenda night as a free man in the same hut where I had been so longconfined a prisoner. English soldiers now guarded our former gaolers, the queen was our guest, the dead body of Theodore lay in one ofour huts: in the short span of forty-eight hours our position hadso completely changed that it was difficult to realize it: at timesI was apprehensive of being the victim of a delusion. I was tooexcited to sleep. 

General Wilby, his aide-de-camp Captain Cappel, and his brigade-majorMajor Hicks, shared my hut; hungry and tired they enjoyed quite as much asI did, the simple Abyssinian dish of teps, the peppery sauce, and some tej, which we ourselves went to fetch from the cellars in the royal buildings. The next day we returned to Arogié, and during my stay there I receivedthe kind hospitality of General Merewether. On the 16th, some of thereleased captives and myself started for Dalanta, where we waited a fewdays until all had joined; and on the 21st, after Sir Robert Napier hadpresented us to our deliverers, we proceeded on our way to the coast, and reached Zulla on the 28th of May. 

Looking back now, a free man in a free country, the past appearsto me like a horrible dream, a kind of missing link in my life; andwhen I remember that our deliverance was followed so shortlyafterwards by the self-destruction of the passionate despot whoheld us in his power, I can find no truer solution to this difficultproblem, than the words inscribed by the warm-hearted countrymenof Kerans, on the banner that floated at Ahascragh to welcome hisreturn, "God is good, who set you free. "

ERRATUM. 

Page 33, line 13, --_For_ "Samuel, the Georgis balderaba"_Read_ "Samuel Georgis, the balderaba"