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State of the Union AddressAndrew JacksonDecember 8, 1829

Fellow Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:

It affords me pleasure to tender my friendly greetings to you on theoccasion of your assembling at the seat of Government to enter upon theimportant duties to which you have been called by the voice of ourcountry-men. The task devolves on me, under a provision of theConstitution, to present to you, as the Federal Legislature of 24sovereign States and 12, 000, 000 happy people, a view of our affairs, and to propose such measures as in the discharge of my officialfunctions have suggested themselves as necessary to promote the objectsof our Union. 

In communicating with you for the first time it is to me a source ofunfeigned satisfaction, calling for mutual gratulation and devoutthanks to a benign Providence, that we are at peace with all man-kind, and that our country exhibits the most cheering evidence of generalwelfare and progressive improvement. Turning our eyes to other nations, our great desire is to see our brethren of the human race secured inthe blessings enjoyed by ourselves, and advancing in knowledge, infreedom, and in social happiness. 

Our foreign relations, although in their general character pacific andfriendly, present subjects of difference between us and other powers ofdeep interest as well to the country at large as to many of ourcitizens. To effect an adjustment of these shall continue to be theobject of my earnest endeavors, and not with standing the difficultiesof the task, I do not allow myself to apprehend unfavorable results. Blessed as our country is with every thing which constitutes nationalstrength, she is fully adequate to the maintenance of all herinterests. In discharging the responsible trust confided to theExecutive in this respect it is my settled purpose to ask nothing thatis not clearly right and to submit to nothing that is wrong; and Iflatter myself that, supported by the other branches of the Governmentand by the intelligence and patriotism of the people, we shall be able, under the protection of Providence, to cause all our just rights to berespected. 

Of the unsettled matters between the United States and other powers, the most prominent are those which have for years been the subject ofnegotiation with England, France, and Spain. The late periods at whichour ministers to those Governments left the United States render itimpossible at this early day to inform you of what has been done on thesubjects with which they have been respectively charged. Relying uponthe justice of our views in relation to the points committed tonegotiation and the reciprocal good feeling which characterizes ourintercourse with those nations, we have the best reason to hope for asatisfactory adjustment of existing differences. 

With Great Britain, alike distinguished in peace and war, we may lookforward to years of peaceful, honorable, and elevated competition. Every thing in the condition and history of the two nations iscalculated to inspire sentiments of mutual respect and to carryconviction to the minds of both that it is their policy to preserve themost cordial relations. Such are my own views, and it is not to bedoubted that such are also the prevailing sentiments of ourconstituents. Although neither time nor opportunity has been affordedfor a full development of the policy which the present cabinet of GreatBritain designs to pursue toward this country, I indulge the hope thatit will be of a just and pacific character; and if this anticipation berealized we may look with confidence to a speedy and acceptableadjustment of our affairs. 

Under the convention for regulating the reference to arbitration of thedisputed points of boundary under the 5th article of the treaty ofGhent, the proceedings have hitherto been conducted in that spirit ofcandor and liberality which ought ever to characterize the acts ofsovereign States seeking to adjust by the most unexceptionable meansimportant and delicate subjects of contention. The first sentiments ofthe parties have been exchanged, and the final replication on our partis in a course of preparation. This subject has received the attentiondemanded by its great and peculiar importance to a patriotic member ofthis Confederacy. The exposition of our rights already made is such as, from the high reputation of the commissioners by whom it has beenprepared, we had a right to expect. Our interests at the Court of theSovereign who has evinced his friendly disposition by assuming thedelicate task of arbitration have been committed to a citizen of theState of Maine, whose character, talents, and intimate acquaintancewith the subject eminently qualify him for so responsible a trust. Withfull confidence in the justice of our cause and in the probity, intelligence, and uncompromising independence of the illustriousarbitrator, we can have nothing to apprehend from the result. 

From France, our ancient ally, we have a right to expect that justicewhich becomes the sovereign of a powerful, intelligent, and magnanimouspeople. The beneficial effects produced by the commercial convention of1822, limited as are its provisions, are too obvious not to make asalutary impression upon the minds of those who are charged with theadministration of her Government. Should this result induce adisposition to embrace to their full extent the wholesome principleswhich constitute our commercial policy, our minister to that Court willbe found instructed to cherish such a disposition and to aid inconducting it to useful practical conclusions. The claims of ourcitizens for depredations upon their property, long since committedunder the authority, and in many instances by the express direction, ofthe then existing Government of France, remain unsatisfied, and musttherefore continue to furnish a subject of unpleasant discussion andpossible collision between the two Governments. I cherish, however, alively hope, founded as well on the validity of those claims and theestablished policy of all enlightened governments as on the knownintegrity of the French Monarch, that the injurious delays of the pastwill find redress in the equity of the future. Our minister has beeninstructed to press these demands on the French Government with all theearnestness which is called for by their importance and irrefutablejustice, and in a spirit that will evince the respect which is due tothe feelings of those from whom the satisfaction is required. 

Our minister recently appointed to Spain has been authorized to assistin removing evils alike injurious to both countries, either byconcluding a commercial convention upon liberal and reciprocal terms orby urging the acceptance in their full extent of the mutuallybeneficial provisions of our navigation acts. He has also beeninstructed to make a further appeal to the justice of Spain, in behalfof our citizens, for indemnity for spoliations upon our commercecommitted under her authority--an appeal which the pacific and liberalcourse observed on our part and a due confidence in the honor of thatGovernment authorize us to expect will not be made in vain. 

With other European powers our intercourse is on the most friendlyfooting. In Russia, placed by her territorial limits, extensivepopulation, and great power high in the rank of nations, the UnitedStates have always found a steadfast friend. Although her recentinvasion of Turkey awakened a lively sympathy for those who wereexposed to the desolation of war, we can not but anticipate that theresult will prove favorable to the cause of civilization and to theprogress of human happiness. The treaty of peace between these powershaving been ratified, we can not be insensible to the great benefit tobe derived by the commerce of the United States from unlocking thenavigation of the Black Sea, a free passage into which is secured toall merchant vessels bound to ports of Russia under a flag at peacewith the Porte. This advantage, enjoyed upon conditions by most of thepowers of Europe, has hitherto been withheld from us. During the pastsummer an antecedent but unsuccessful attempt to obtain it was renewedunder circumstances which promised the most favorable results. Althoughthese results have fortunately been thus in part attained, furtherfacilities to the enjoyment of this new field for the enterprise of ourcitizens are, in my opinion, sufficiently desirable to insure to themour most zealous attention. 

Our trade with Austria, although of secondary importance, has beengradually increasing, and is now so extended as to deserve thefostering care of the Government. A negotiation, commenced and nearlycompleted with that power by the late Administration, has beenconsummated by a treaty of amity, navigation, and commerce, which willbe laid before the Senate. 

During the recess of Congress our diplomatic relations with Portugalhave been resumed. The peculiar state of things in that country causeda suspension of the recognition of the representative who presentedhimself until an opportunity was had to obtain from our official organthere information regarding the actual and, as far as practicable, prospective condition of the authority by which the representative inquestion was appointed. This information being received, theapplication of the established rule of our Government in like cases wasno longer withheld. 

Considerable advances have been made during the present year in theadjustment of claims of our citizens upon Denmark for spoliations, butall that we have a right to demand from that Government in their behalfhas not yet been conceded. From the liberal footing, however, uponwhich this subject has, with the approbation of the claimants, beenplaced by the Government, together with the uniformly just and friendlydisposition which has been evinced by His Danish Majesty, there is areasonable ground to hope that this single subject of difference willspeedily be removed. 

Our relations with the Barbary Powers continue, as they have long been, of the most favorable character. The policy of keeping an adequateforce in the Mediterranean, as security for the continuance of thistranquillity, will be persevered in, as well as a similar one for theprotection of our commerce and fisheries in the Pacific. 

The southern Republics of our own hemisphere have not yet realized allthe advantages for which they have been so long struggling. We trust, however, that the day is not distant when the restoration of peace andinternal quiet, under permanent systems of government, securing theliberty and promoting the happiness of the citizens, will crown withcomplete success their long and arduous efforts in the cause ofself-government, and enable us to salute them as friendly rivals in allthat is truly great and glorious. 

The recent invasion of Mexico, and the effect thereby produced upon herdomestic policy, must have a controlling influence upon the greatquestion of South American emancipation. We have seen the fell spiritof civil dissension rebuked, and perhaps for ever stifled, in thatRepublic by the love of independence. If it be true, as appearancesstrongly indicate, the spirit of independence is the master spirit, andif a corresponding sentiment prevails in the other States, thisdevotion to liberty can not be without a proper effect upon thecounsels of the mother country. The adoption by Spain of a pacificpolicy toward her former colonies--an event consoling to humanity, anda blessing to the world, in which she herself can not fail largely toparticipate--may be most reasonably expected. 

The claims of our citizens upon the South American Governmentsgenerally are in a train of settlement, while the principal part ofthose upon Brazil have been adjusted, and a decree in council orderingbonds to be issued by the minister of the treasury for their amount hasreceived the sanction of His Imperial Majesty. This event, togetherwith the exchange of the ratifications of the treaty negotiated andconcluded in 1828, happily terminates all serious causes of differencewith that power. 

Measures have been taken to place our commercial relations with Peruupon a better footing than that upon which they have hitherto rested, and if met by a proper disposition on the part of that Governmentimportant benefits may be secured to both countries. 

Deeply interested as we are in the prosperity of our sister Republics, and more particularly in that of our immediate neighbor, it would bemost gratifying to me were I permitted to say that the treatment whichwe have received at her hands has been as universally friendly as theearly and constant solicitude manifested by the United States for hersuccess gave us a right to expect. But it becomes my duty to inform youthat prejudices long indulged by a portion of the inhabitants of Mexicoagainst the envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of theUnited States have had an unfortunate influence upon the affairs of thetwo countries, and have diminished that usefulness to his own which wasjustly to be expected from his talents and zeal. To this cause, in agreat degree, is to be imputed the failure of several measures equallyinteresting to both parties, but particularly that of the MexicanGovernment to ratify a treaty negotiated and concluded in its owncapital and under its own eye. Under these circumstances it appearedexpedient to give to Mr. Poinsett the option either to return or not, as in his judgment the interest of his country might require, andinstructions to that end were prepared; but before they could bedispatched a communication was received from the Government of Mexico, through its charge d'affaires here, requesting the recall of ourminister. This was promptly complied with, and a representative of arank corresponding with that of the Mexican diplomatic agent near thisGovernment was appointed. Our conduct toward that Republic has beenuniformly of the most friendly character, and having thus removed theonly alleged obstacle to harmonious intercourse, I can not but hopethat an advantageous change will occur in our affairs. 

In justice to Mr. Poinsett it is proper to say that my immediatecompliance with the application for his recall and the appointment of asuccessor are not to be ascribed to any evidence that the imputation ofan improper interference by him in the local politics of Mexico waswell founded, nor to a want of confidence in his talents or integrity, and to add that the truth of the charges has never been affirmed by thefederal Government of Mexico in its communications with us. 

I consider it one of the most urgent of my duties to bring to yourattention the propriety of amending that part of the Constitution whichrelates to the election of President and Vice-President. Our system ofgovernment was by its framers deemed an experiment, and they thereforeconsistently provided a mode of remedying its defects. 

To the people belongs the right of electing their Chief Magistrate; itwas never designed that their choice should in any case be defeated, either by the intervention of electoral colleges or by the agencyconfided, under certain contingencies, to the House of Representatives. Experience proves that in proportion as agents to execute the will ofthe people are multiplied there is danger of their wishes beingfrustrated. Some may be unfaithful; all are liable to err. So far, therefore, as the people can with convenience speak, it is safer forthem to express their own will. 

The number of aspirants to the Presidency and the diversity of theinterests which may influence their claims leave little reason toexpect a choice in the first instance, and in that event the electionmust devolve on the House of Representatives, where it is obvious thewill of the people may not be always ascertained, or, if ascertained, may not be regarded. From the mode of voting by States the choice is tobe made by 24 votes, and it may often occur that one of these will becontrolled by an individual Representative. Honors and offices are atthe disposal of the successful candidate. Repeated ballotings may makeit apparent that a single individual holds the cast in his hand. May henot be tempted to name his reward?

But even without corruption, supposing the probity of theRepresentative to be proof against the powerful motives by which it maybe assailed, the will of the people is still constantly liable to bemisrepresented. One may err from ignorance of the wishes of hisconstituents; another from a conviction that it is his duty to begoverned by his own judgment of the fitness of the candidates; finally, although all were inflexibly honest, all accurately informed of thewishes of their constituents, yet under the present mode of election aminority may often elect a President, and when this happens it mayreasonably be expected that efforts will be made on the part of themajority to rectify this injurious operation of their institutions. Butalthough no evil of this character should result from such a perversionof the first principle of our system--that the majority is togovern--it must be very certain that a President elected by a minoritycan not enjoy the confidence necessary to the successful discharge ofhis duties. 

In this as in all other matters of public concern policy requires thatas few impediments as possible should exist to the free operation ofthe public will. Let us, then, endeavor so to amend our system that theoffice of Chief Magistrate may not be conferred upon any citizen but inpursuance of a fair expression of the will of the majority. 

I would therefore recommend such an amendment of the Constitution asmay remove all intermediate agency in the election of the President andVice-President. The mode may be so regulated as to preserve to eachState its present relative weight in the election, and a failure in thefirst attempt may be provided for by confining the second to a choicebetween the two highest candidates. In connection with such anamendment it would seem advisable to limit the service of the ChiefMagistrate to a single term of either four or six years. If, however, it should not be adopted, it is worthy of consideration whether aprovision disqualifying for office the Representatives in Congress onwhom such an election may have devolved would not be proper. 

While members of Congress can be constitutionally appointed to officesof trust and profit it will be the practice, even under the mostconscientious adherence to duty, to select them for such stations asthey are believed to be better qualified to fill than other citizens;but the purity of our Government would doubtless be promoted by theirexclusion from all appointments in the gift of the President, in whoseelection they may have been officially concerned. The nature of thejudicial office and the necessity of securing in the Cabinet and indiplomatic stations of the highest rank the best talents and politicalexperience should, perhaps, except these from the exclusion. 

There are, perhaps, few men who can for any great length of time enjoyoffice and power without being more or less under the influence offeelings unfavorable to the faithful discharge of their public duties. Their integrity may be proof against improper considerationsimmediately addressed to themselves, but they are apt to acquire ahabit of looking with indifference upon the public interests and oftolerating conduct from which an unpracticed man would revolt. Officeis considered as a species of property, and government rather as ameans of promoting individual interests than as an instrument createdsolely for the service of the people. Corruption in some and in othersa perversion of correct feelings and principles divert government fromits legitimate ends and make it an engine for the support of the few atthe expense of the many. The duties of all public officers are, or atleast admit of being made, so plain and simple that men of intelligencemay readily qualify themselves for their performance; and I can not butbelieve that more is lost by the long continuance of men in office thanis generally to be gained by their experience. I submit, therefore, toyour consideration whether the efficiency of the Government would notbe promoted and official industry and integrity better secured by ageneral extension of the law which limits appointments to four years. 

In a country where offices are created solely for the benefit of thepeople no one man has any more intrinsic right to official station thananother. Offices were not established to give support to particular menat the public expense. No individual wrong is, therefore, done byremoval, since neither appointment to nor continuance in office is amatter of right. The incumbent became an officer with a view to publicbenefits, and when these require his removal they are not to besacrificed to private interests. It is the people, and they alone, whohave a right to complain when a bad officer is substituted for a goodone. He who is removed has the same means of obtaining a living thatare enjoyed by the millions who never held office. The proposedlimitation would destroy the idea of property now so generallyconnected with official station, and although individual distress maybe some times produced, it would, by promoting that rotation whichconstitutes a leading principle in the republican creed, give healthfulaction to the system. 

No very considerable change has occurred during the recess of Congressin the condition of either our agriculture, commerce, or manufactures. The operation of the tariff has not proved so injurious to the twoformer or as beneficial to the latter as was anticipated. Importationsof foreign goods have not been sensibly diminished, while domesticcompetition, under an illusive excitement, has increased the productionmuch beyond the demand for home consumption. The consequences have beenlow prices, temporary embarrassment, and partial loss. That such of ourmanufacturing establishments as are based upon capital and areprudently managed will survive the shock and be ultimately profitablethere is no good reason to doubt. 

To regulate its conduct so as to promote equally the prosperity ofthese three cardinal interests is one of the most difficult tasks ofGovernment; and it may be regretted that the complicated restrictionswhich now embarrass the intercourse of nations could not by commonconsent be abolished, and commerce allowed to flow in those channels towhich individual enterprise, always its surest guide, might direct it. But we must ever expect selfish legislation in other nations, and aretherefore compelled to adapt our own to their regulations in the mannerbest calculated to avoid serious injury and to harmonize theconflicting interests of our agriculture, our commerce, and ourmanufactures. Under these impressions I invite your attention to theexisting tariff, believing that some of its provisions requiremodification. 

The general rule to be applied in graduating the duties upon articlesof foreign growth or manufacture is that which will place our own infair competition with those of other countries; and the inducements toadvance even a step beyond this point are controlling in regard tothose articles which are of primary necessity in time of war. When wereflect upon the difficulty and delicacy of this operation, it isimportant that it should never be attempted but with the utmostcaution. Frequent legislation in regard to any branch of industry, affecting its value, and by which its capital may be transferred to newchannels, must always be productive of hazardous speculation and loss. 

In deliberating, therefore, on these interesting subjects localfeelings and prejudices should be merged in the patriotic determinationto promote the great interests of the whole. All attempts to connectthem with the party conflicts of the day are necessarily injurious, andshould be discountenanced. Our action upon them should be under thecontrol of higher and purer motives. Legislation subjected to suchinfluences can never be just, and will not long retain the sanction ofa people whose active patriotism is not bounded by sectional limits norinsensible to that spirit of concession and forbearance which gave lifeto our political compact and still sustains it. Discarding allcalculations of political ascendancy, the North, the South, the East, and the West should unite in diminishing any burthen of which eithermay justly complain. 

The agricultural interest of our country is so essentially connectedwith every other and so superior in importance to them all that it isscarcely necessary to invite to it your particular attention. It isprincipally as manufactures and commerce tend to increase the value ofagricultural productions and to extend their application to the wantsand comforts of society that they deserve the fostering care ofGovernment. 

Looking forward to the period, not far distant, when a sinking fundwill no longer be required, the duties on those articles of importationwhich can not come in competition with our own productions are thefirst that should engage the attention of Congress in the modificationof the tariff. Of these, tea and coffee are the most important. Theyenter largely into the consumption of the country, and have becomearticles of necessity to all classes. A reduction, therefore, of theexisting duties will be felt as a common benefit, but like all otherlegislation connected with commerce, to be efficacious and notinjurious it should be gradual and certain. 

The public prosperity is evinced in the increased revenue arising fromthe sales of the public lands and in the steady maintenance of thatproduced by imposts and tonnage, not withstanding the additional dutiesimposed by the act of May 19th, 1828, and the unusual importations inthe early part of that year. 

The balance in the Treasury on January 1st, 1829 was $5, 972, 435. 81. Thereceipts of the current year are estimated at $24, 602, 230 and theexpenditures for the same time at $26, 164, 595, leaving a balance in theTreasury on January 1st, 1830 of $4, 410, 070. 81. 

There will have been paid on account of the public debt during thepresent year the sum of $12, 405, 005. 80, reducing the whole debt of theGovernment on January 1st, 1830 to $48, 565, 406. 50, including $7 millionsof the 5% stock subscribed to the Bank of the United States. The paymenton account of public debt made on July 1st, 1829 was $8, 715, 462. 87. It wasapprehended that the sudden withdrawal of so large a sum from the banksin which it was deposited, at a time of unusual pressure in the moneymarket, might cause much injury to the interests dependent on bankaccommodations. But this evil was wholly averted by an earlyanticipation of it at the Treasury, aided by the judicious arrangementsof the officers of the Bank of the United States. 

This state of the finances exhibits the resources of the nation in anaspect highly flattering to its industry and auspicious of the abilityof Government in a very short time to extinguish the public debt. Whenthis shall be done our population will be relieved from a considerableportion of its present burthens, and will find not only new motives topatriotic affection, but additional means for the display of individualenterprise. The fiscal power of the States will also be increased, andmay be more extensively exerted in favor of education and other publicobjects, while ample means will remain in the Federal Government topromote the general weal in all the modes permitted to its authority. 

After the extinction of the public debt it is not probable that anyadjustment of the tariff upon principles satisfactory to the people ofthe Union will until a remote period, if ever, leave the Governmentwithout a considerable surplus in the Treasury beyond what may berequired for its current service. As, then, the period approaches whenthe application of the revenue to the payment of debt will cease, thedisposition of the surplus will present a subject for the seriousdeliberation of Congress; and it may be fortunate for the country thatit is yet to be decided. 

Considered in connection with the difficulties which have heretoforeattended appropriations for purposes of internal improvement, and withthose which this experience tells us will certainly arise when everpower over such subjects may be exercised by the Central Government, itis hoped that it may lead to the adoption of some plan which willreconcile the diversified interests of the States and strengthen thebonds which unite them. Every member of the Union, in peace and in war, will be benefited by the improvement of inland navigation and theconstruction of high ways in the several States. Let us, then, endeavorto attain this benefit in a mode which will be satisfactory to all. That hitherto adopted has by many of our fellow citizens beendeprecated as an infraction of the Constitution, while by others it hasbeen viewed as inexpedient. All feel that it has been employed at theexpense of harmony in the legislative councils. 

To avoid these evils it appears to me that the most safe, just, andfederal disposition which could be made of the surplus revenue would beits apportionment among the several States according to their ratio ofrepresentation, and should this measure not be found warranted by theConstitution that it would be expedient to propose to the States anamendment authorizing it. I regard an appeal to the source of power incases of real doubt, and where its exercise is deemed indispensable tothe general welfare, as among the most sacred of all our obligations. 

Upon this country more than any other has, in the providence of God, been cast the special guardianship of the great principle of adherenceto written constitutions. If it fail here, all hope in regard to itwill be extinguished. 

That this was intended to be a government of limited and specific, andnot general, powers must be admitted by all, and it is our duty topreserve for it the character intended by its framers. If experiencepoints out the necessity for an enlargement of these powers, let usapply for it to those for whose benefit it is to be exercised, and notunder-mine the whole system by a resort to over-strained constructions. The scheme has worked well. It has exceeded the hopes of those whodevised it, and become an object of admiration to the world. We areresponsible to our country and to the glorious cause of self-governmentfor the preservation of so great a good. 

The great mass of legislation relating to our internal affairs wasintended to be left where the Federal Convention found it--in the Stategovernments. Nothing is clearer, in my view, than that we are chieflyindebted for the success of the Constitution under which we are nowacting to the watchful and auxiliary operation of the Stateauthorities. This is not the reflection of a day, but belongs to themost deeply rooted convictions of my mind. I can not, therefore, toostrongly or too earnestly, for my own sense of its importance, warn youagainst all encroachments upon the legitimate sphere of Statesovereignty. Sustained by its healthful and invigorating influence thefederal system can never fall. 

In the collection of the revenue the long credits authorized on goodsimported from beyond the Cape of Good Hope are the chief cause of thelosses at present sustained. If these were shortened to 6, 9, and 12months, and ware-houses provided by Government sufficient to receivethe goods offered in deposit for security and for debenture, and if theright of the United States to a priority of payment out of the estatesof its insolvent debtors were more effectually secured, this evil wouldin a great measure be obviated. An authority to construct such housesis therefore, with the proposed alteration of the credits, recommendedto your attention. 

It is worthy of notice that the laws for the collection and security ofthe revenue arising from imposts were chiefly framed when the rates ofduties on imported goods presented much less temptation for illicittrade than at present exists. There is reason to believe that theselaws are in some respects quite insufficient for the proper security ofthe revenue and the protection of the interests of those who aredisposed to observe them. The injurious and demoralizing tendency of asuccessful system of smuggling is so obvious as not to require comment, and can not be too carefully guarded against. I therefore suggest toCongress the propriety of adopting efficient measures to prevent thisevil, avoiding, however, as much as possible, every unnecessaryinfringement of individual liberty and embarrassment of fair and lawfulbusiness. 

On an examination of the records of the Treasury I have been forciblystruck with the large amount of public money which appears to beoutstanding. Of the sum thus due from individuals to the Government aconsiderable portion is undoubtedly desperate, and in many instanceshas probably been rendered so by remissness in the agents charged withits collection. By proper exertions a great part, however, may yet berecovered; and what ever may be the portions respectively belonging tothese two classes, it behooves the Government to ascertain the realstate of the fact. This can be done only by the prompt adoption ofjudicious measures for the collection of such as may be made available. It is believed that a very large amount has been lost through theinadequacy of the means provided for the collection of debts due to thepublic, and that this inadequacy lies chiefly in the want of legalskill habitually and constantly employed in the direction of the agentsengaged in the service. It must, I think, be admitted that thesupervisory power over suits brought by the public, which is now vestedin an accounting officer of the Treasury, not selected with a view tohis legal knowledge, and encumbered as he is with numerous otherduties, operates unfavorably to the public interest. 

It is important that this branch of the public service should besubjected to the supervision of such professional skill as will give itefficiency. The expense attendant upon such a modification of theexecutive department would be justified by the soundest principles ofeconomy. I would recommend, therefore, that the duties now assigned tothe agent of the Treasury, so far as they relate to the superintendenceand management of legal proceedings on the part of the United States, be transferred to the Attorney General, and that this officer be placedon the same footing in all respects as the heads of the otherDepartments, receiving like compensation and having such subordinateofficers provided for his Department as may be requisite for thedischarge of these additional duties. The professional skill of theAttorney General, employed in directing the conduct of marshals anddistrict attorneys, would hasten the collection of debts now in suitand hereafter save much to the Government. It might be further extendedto the superintendence of all criminal proceedings for offenses againstthe United States. In making this transfer great care should be taken, however, that the power necessary to the Treasury Department be notimpaired, one of its greatest securities consisting in control over allaccounts until they are audited or reported for suit. 

In connection with the foregoing views I would suggest also an inquirywhether the provisions of the act of Congress authorizing the dischargeof the persons of the debtors to the Government from imprisonment maynot, consistently with the public interest, be extended to the releaseof the debt where the conduct of the debtor is wholly exempt from theimputation of fraud. Some more liberal policy than that which nowprevails in reference to this unfortunate class of citizens iscertainly due to them, and would prove beneficial to the country. Thecontinuance of the liability after the means to discharge it have beenexhausted can only serve to dispirit the debtor; or, where hisresources are but partial, the want of power in the Government tocompromise and release the demand instigates to fraud as the onlyresource for securing a support to his family. He thus sinks into astate of apathy, and becomes a useless drone in society or a viciousmember of it, if not a feeling witness of the rigor and inhumanity ofhis country. All experience proves that oppressive debt is the bane ofenterprise, and it should be the care of a republic not to exert agrinding power over misfortune and poverty. 

Since the last session of Congress numerous frauds on the Treasury havebeen discovered, which I thought it my duty to bring under thecognizance of the United States court for this district by a criminalprosecution. It was my opinion and that of able counsel who wereconsulted that the cases came within the penalties of the act of the17th Congress approved March 3d, 1823, providing for punishment offrauds committed on the Government of the United States. Either fromsome defect in the law or in its administration every effort to bringthe accused to trial under its provisions proved ineffectual, and theGovernment was driven to the necessity of resorting to the vague andinadequate provisions of the common law. It is therefore my duty tocall your attention to the laws which have been passed for theprotection of the Treasury. If, indeed, there be no provision by whichthose who may be unworthily intrusted with its guardianship can bepunished for the most flagrant violation of duty, extending even to themost fraudulent appropriation of the public funds to their own use, itis time to remedy so dangerous an omission; or if the law has beenperverted from its original purposes, and criminals deserving to bepunished under its provisions have been rescued by legal subtleties, itought to be made so plain by amendatory provisions as to baffle thearts of perversion and accomplish the ends of its original enactment. 

In one of the most flagrant causes the court decided that theprosecution was barred by the statute which limits prosecutions forfraud to two years. In this case all the evidences of the fraud, and, indeed, all knowledge that a fraud had been committed, were inpossession of the party accused until after the two years had elapsed. Surely the statute ought not to run in favor of any man while heretains all the evidences of his crime in his own possession, and leastof all in favor of a public officer who continues to defraud theTreasury and conceal the transaction for the brief term of two years. Iwould therefore recommend such an alteration of the law as will givethe injured party and the Government two years after the disclosure ofthe fraud or after the accused is out of office to commence theirprosecution. 

In connection with this subject I invite the attention of Congress to ageneral and minute inquiry into the condition of the Government, with aview to ascertain what offices can be dispensed with, what expensesretrenched, and what improvements may be made in the organization ofits various parts to secure the proper responsibility of public agentsand promote efficiency and justice in all its operations. 

The report of the Secretary of War will make you acquainted with thecondition of our Army, fortifications, arsenals, and Indian affairs. The proper discipline of the Army, the training and equipment of themilitia, the education bestowed at West Point, and the accumulation ofthe means of defense applicable to the naval force will tend to prolongthe peace we now enjoy, and which every good citizen, more especiallythose who have felt the miseries of even a successful warfare, mustardently desire to perpetuate. 

The returns from the subordinate branches of this service exhibit aregularity and order highly creditable to its character. Both officersand soldiers seem imbued with a proper sense of duty, and conform tothe restraints of exact discipline with that cheerfulness which becomesthe profession of arms. There is need, however, of further legislationto obviate the inconveniences specified in the report underconsideration, to some of which it is proper that I should call yourparticular attention. 

The act of Congress of March 2d, 1821, to reduce and fix the militaryestablishment, remaining unexecuted as it regards the command of one ofthe regiments of artillery, can not now be deemed a guide to theExecutive in making the proper appointment. An explanatory act, designating the class of officers out of which the grade is to befilled--whether from the military list as existing prior to the act of1821 or from it as it has been fixed by that act--would remove thisdifficulty. It is also important that the laws regulating the pay andemoluments of officers generally should be more specific than they noware. Those, for example, in relation to the Pay Master and SurgeonGeneral assign to them an annual salary of $2. 500, but are silent as toallowances which in certain exigencies of the service may be deemedindispensable to the discharge of their duties. This circumstance hasbeen the authority for extending to them various allowances atdifferent times under former Administrations, but no uniform rule hasbeen observed on the subject. Similar inconveniences exist in othercases, in which the construction put upon the laws by the publicaccountants may operate unequally, produce confusion, and exposeofficers to the odium of claiming what is not their due. 

I recommend to your fostering care, as one of our safest means ofnational defense, the Military Academy. This institution has alreadyexercised the happiest influence upon the moral and intellectualcharacter of our Army; and such of the graduates as from various causesmay not pursue the profession of arms will be scarcely less useful ascitizens. Their knowledge of the military art will be advantageouslyemployed in the militia service, and in a measure secure to that classof troops the advantages which in this respect belong to standingarmies. 

I would also suggest a review of the pension law, for the purpose ofextending its benefits to every Revolutionary soldier who aided inestablishing our liberties, and who is unable to maintain himself incomfort. These relics of the War of Independence have strong claimsupon their country's gratitude and bounty. The law is defective in notembracing within its provisions all those who were during the last wardisabled from supporting themselves by manual labor. Such an amendmentwould add but little to the amount of pensions, and is called for bythe sympathies of the people as well as by considerations of soundpolicy. 

It will be perceived that a large addition to the list of pensionershas been occasioned by an order of the late Administration, departingmaterially from the rules which had previously prevailed. Consideringit an act of legislation, I suspended its operation as soon as I wasinformed that it had commenced. Before this period, however, applications under the new regulation had been preferred to the numberof 154, of which, on March 27, the date of its revocation, 87 wereadmitted. For the amount there was neither estimate nor appropriation;and besides this deficiency, the regular allowances, according to therules which have heretofore governed the Department, exceed theestimate of its late Secretary by about $50, 000, for which anappropriation is asked. 

Your particular attention is requested to that part of the report ofthe Secretary of War which relates to the money held in trust for theSeneca tribe of Indians. It will be perceived that without legislativeaid the Executive can not obviate the embarrassments occasioned by thediminution of the dividends on that fund, which originally amounted to$100, 000, and has recently been invested in United States 3% stock. 

The condition and ulterior destiny of the Indian tribes within thelimits of some of our States have become objects of much interest andimportance. It has long been the policy of Government to introduceamong them the arts of civilization, in the hope of graduallyreclaiming them from a wandering life. This policy has, however, beencoupled with another wholly incompatible with its success. Professing adesire to civilize and settle them, we have at the same time lost noopportunity to purchase their lands and thrust them farther into thewilderness. By this means they have not only been kept in a wanderingstate, but been led to look upon us as unjust and indifferent to theirfate. Thus, though lavish in its expenditures upon the subject, Government has constantly defeated its own policy, and the Indians ingeneral, receding farther and farther to the west, have retained theirsavage habits. A portion, however, of the Southern tribes, havingmingled much with the whites and made some progress in the arts ofcivilized life, have lately attempted to erect an independentgovernment within the limits of Georgia and Alabama. These States, claiming to be the only sovereigns within their territories, extendedtheir laws over the Indians, which induced the latter to call upon theUnited States for protection. 

Under these circumstances the question presented was whether theGeneral Government had a right to sustain those people in theirpretensions. The Constitution declares that "no new State shall beformed or erected within the jurisdiction of any other State" withoutthe consent of its legislature. If the General Government is notpermitted to tolerate the erection of a confederate State within theterritory of one of the members of this Union against her consent, muchless could it allow a foreign and independent government to establishitself there. 

Georgia became a member of the Confederacy which eventuated in ourFederal Union as a sovereign State, always asserting her claim tocertain limits, which, having been originally defined in her colonialcharter and subsequently recognized in the treaty of peace, she hasever since continued to enjoy, except as they have been circumscribedby her own voluntary transfer of a portion of her territory to theUnited States in the articles of cession of 1802. Alabama was admittedinto the Union on the same footing with the original States, withboundaries which were prescribed by Congress. 

There is no constitutional, conventional, or legal provision whichallows them less power over the Indians within their borders than ispossessed by Maine or New York. Would the people of Maine permit thePenobscot tribe to erect an independent government within their State?And unless they did would it not be the duty of the General Governmentto support them in resisting such a measure? Would the people of NewYork permit each remnant of the six Nations within her borders todeclare itself an independent people under the protection of the UnitedStates? Could the Indians establish a separate republic on each oftheir reservations in Ohio? And if they were so disposed would it bethe duty of this Government to protect them in the attempt? If theprinciple involved in the obvious answer to these questions beabandoned, it will follow that the objects of this Government arereversed, and that it has become a part of its duty to aid indestroying the States which it was established to protect. 

Actuated by this view of the subject, I informed the Indians inhabitingparts of Georgia and Alabama that their attempt to establish anindependent government would not be countenanced by the Executive ofthe United States, and advised them to emigrate beyond the Mississippior submit to the laws of those States. 

Our conduct toward these people is deeply interesting to our nationalcharacter. Their present condition, contrasted with what they oncewere, makes a most powerful appeal to our sympathies. Our ancestorsfound them the uncontrolled possessors of these vast regions. Bypersuasion and force they have been made to retire from river to riverand from mountain to mountain, until some of the tribes have becomeextinct and others have left but remnants to preserve for a while theironce terrible names. Surrounded by the whites with their arts ofcivilization, which by destroying the resources of the savage doom himto weakness and decay, the fate of the Mohegan, the Narragansett, andthe Delaware is fast over-taking the Choctaw, the Cherokee, and theCreek. That this fate surely awaits them if they remain within thelimits of the States does not admit of a doubt. Humanity and nationalhonor demand that every effort should be made to avert so great acalamity. It is too late to inquire whether it was just in the UnitedStates to include them and their territory within the bounds of newStates, whose limits they could control. That step can not be retraced. A State can not be dismembered by Congress or restricted in theexercise of her constitutional power. But the people of those Statesand of every State, actuated by feelings of justice and a regard forour national honor, submit to you the interesting question whethersomething can not be done, consistently with the rights of the States, to preserve this much-injured race. As a means of effecting this end Isuggest for your consideration the propriety of setting apart an ampledistrict west of the Mississippi, and without the limits of any Stateor Territory now formed, to be guaranteed to the Indian tribes as longas they shall occupy it, each tribe having a distinct control over theportion designated for its use. There they may be secured in theenjoyment of governments of their own choice, subject to no othercontrol from the United States than such as may be necessary topreserve peace on the frontier and between the several tribes. Therethe benevolent may endeavor to teach them the arts of civilization, and, by promoting union and harmony among them, to raise up aninteresting commonwealth, destined to perpetuate the race and to attestthe humanity and justice of this Government. 

This emigration should be voluntary, for it would be as cruel as unjustto compel the aborigines to abandon the graves of their fathers andseek a home in a distant land. But they should be distinctly informedthat if they remain within the limits of the States they must besubject to their laws. In return for their obedience as individualsthey will without doubt be protected in the enjoyment of thosepossessions which they have improved by their industry. But it seems tome visionary to suppose that in this state of things claims can beallowed on tracts of country on which they have neither dwelt nor madeimprovements, merely because they have seen them from the mountain orpassed them in the chase. Submitting to the laws of the States, andreceiving, like other citizens, protection in their persons andproperty, they will ere long become merged in the mass of ourpopulation. 

The accompanying report of the Secretary of the Navy will make youacquainted with the condition and useful employment of that branch ofour service during the present year. Constituting as it does the beststanding security of this country against foreign aggression, it claimsthe especial attention of Government. In this spirit the measures whichsince the termination of the last war have been in operation for itsgradual enlargement were adopted, and it should continue to becherished as the off-spring of our national experience. It will beseen, however, that not withstanding the great solicitude which hasbeen manifested for the perfect organization of this arm and theliberality of the appropriations which that solicitude has suggested, this object has in many important respects not been secured. 

In time of peace we have need of no more ships of war than arerequisite to the protection of our commerce. Those not wanted for thisobject must lay in the harbors, where without proper covering theyrapidly decay, and even under the best precautions for theirpreservation must soon become useless. Such is already the case withmany of our finest vessels, which, though unfinished, will now requireimmense sums of money to be restored to the condition in which theywere when committed to their proper element. 

On this subject there can be but little doubt that our best policywould be to discontinue the building of ships of the first and secondclass, and look rather to the possession of ample materials, preparedfor the emergencies of war, than to the number of vessels which we canfloat in a season of peace, as the index of our naval power. Judiciousdeposits in navy yards of timber and other materials, fashioned underthe hands of skillful work-men and fitted for prompt application totheir various purposes, would enable us at all times to constructvessels as fast as they can be manned, and save the heavy expense ofrepairs, except to such vessels as must be employed in guarding ourcommerce. 

The proper points for the establishment of these yards are indicatedwith so much force in the report of the Navy Board that in recommendingit to your attention I deem it unnecessary to do more than express myhearty concurrence in their views. The yard in this District, beingalready furnished with most of the machinery necessary for shipbuilding, will be competent to the supply of the two selected by theBoard as the best for the concentration of materials, and, from thefacility and certainty of communication between them, it will beuseless to incur at those depots the expense of similar machinery, especially that used in preparing the usual metallic and woodenfurniture of vessels. 

Another improvement would be effected by dispensing altogether with theNavy Board as now constituted, and substituting in its stead bureauxsimilar to those already existing in the War Department. Each member ofthe Board, transferred to the head of a separate bureau charged withspecific duties, would feel in its highest degree that wholesomeresponsibility which can not be divided without a far more thanproportionate diminution of its force. Their valuable services wouldbecome still more so when separately appropriated to distinct portionsof the great interests of the Navy, to the prosperity of which eachwould be impelled to devote himself by the strongest motives. Undersuch an arrangement every branch of this important service would assumea more simple and precise character, its efficiency would be increased, and scrupulous economy in the expenditure of public money promoted. 

I would also recommend that the Marine Corps be merged in the artilleryor infantry, as the best mode of curing the many defects in itsorganization. But little exceeding in number any of the regiments ofinfantry, that corps has, besides its lieutenant-colonel commandant, five brevet lieutenant-colonels, who receive the full pay andemoluments of their brevet rank, without rendering proportionateservice. Details for marine service could as well be made from theartillery or infantry, there being no peculiar training requisite forit. 

With these improvements, and such others as zealous watchfulness andmature consideration may suggest, there can be little doubt that underan energetic administration of its affairs the Navy may soon be madeevery thing that the nation wishes it to be. Its efficiency in thesuppression of piracy in the West India seas, and wherever itssquadrons have been employed in securing the interests of the country, will appear from the report of the Secretary, to which I refer you forother interesting details. Among these I would bespeak the attention ofCongress for the views presented in relation to the inequality betweenthe Army and Navy as to the pay of officers. No such inequality shouldprevail between these brave defenders of their country, and where itdoes exist it is submitted to Congress whether it ought not to berectified. 

The report of the Post Master General is referred to as exhibiting ahighly satisfactory administration of that Department. Abuses have beenreformed, increased expedition in the transportation of the mailsecured, and its revenue much improved. In a political point of viewthis Department is chiefly important as affording the means ofdiffusing knowledge. It is to the body politic what the veins andarteries are to the natural--conveying rapidly and regularly to theremotest parts of the system correct information of the operations ofthe Government, and bringing back to it the wishes and feelings of thepeople. Through its agency we have secured to ourselves the fullenjoyment of the blessings of a free press. 

In this general survey of our affairs a subject of high importancepresents itself in the present organization of the judiciary. Anuniform operation of the Federal Government in the different States iscertainly desirable, and existing as they do in the Union on the basisof perfect equality, each State has a right to expect that the benefitsconferred on the citizens of others should be extended to hers. Thejudicial system of the United States exists in all its efficiency inonly fifteen members of the Union; to three others the circuit courts, which constitute an important part of that system, have beenimperfectly extended, and to the remaining six altogether denied. Theeffect has been to withhold from the inhabitants of the latter theadvantages afforded (by the Supreme Court) to their fellow citizens inother States in the whole extent of the criminal and much of the civilauthority of the Federal judiciary. That this state of things ought tobe remedied, if it can be done consistently with the public welfare, isnot to be doubted. Neither is it to be disguised that the organizationof our judicial system is at once a difficult and delicate task. Toextend the circuit courts equally throughout the different parts of theUnion, and at the same time to avoid such a multiplication of membersas would encumber the supreme appellate tribunal, is the objectdesired. Perhaps it might be accomplished by dividing the circuitjudges into two classes, and providing that the Supreme Court should beheld by these classes alternately, the Chief Justice always presiding. 

If an extension of the circuit court system to those States which donot now enjoy its benefits should be determined upon, it would ofcourse be necessary to revise the present arrangement of the circuits;and even if that system should not be enlarged, such a revision isrecommended. 

A provision for taking the census of the people of the United Stateswill, to insure the completion of that work within a convenient time, claim the early attention of Congress. 

The great and constant increase of business in the Department of Stateforced itself at an early period upon the attention of the Executive. Thirteen years ago it was, in Mr. Madison's last message to Congress, made the subject of an earnest recommendation, which has been repeatedby both of his successors; and my comparatively limited experience hassatisfied me of its justness. It has arisen from many causes, not theleast of which is the large addition that has been made to the familyof independent nations and the proportionate extension of our foreignrelations. The remedy proposed was the establishment of a homedepartment--a measure which does not appear to have met the views ofCongress on account of its supposed tendency to increase, gradually andimperceptibly, the already too strong bias of the federal system towardthe exercise of authority not delegated to it. I am not, therefore, disposed to revive the recommendation, but am not the less impressedwith the importance of so organizing that Department that its Secretarymay devote more of his time to our foreign relations. Clearly satisfiedthat the public good would be promoted by some suitable provision onthe subject, I respectfully invite your attention to it. 

The charter of the Bank of the United States expires in 1836, and itsstock holders will most probably apply for a renewal of theirprivileges. In order to avoid the evils resulting from precipitancy ina measure involving such important principles and such deep pecuniaryinterests, I feel that I can not, in justice to the parties interested, too soon present it to the deliberate consideration of the Legislatureand the people. Both the constitutionality and the expediency of thelaw creating this bank are well questioned by a large portion of ourfellow citizens, and it must be admitted by all that it has failed inthe great end of establishing an uniform and sound currency. 

Under these circumstances, if such an institution is deemed essentialto the fiscal operations of the Government, I submit to the wisdom ofthe Legislature whether a national one, founded upon the credit of theGovernment and its revenues, might not be devised which would avoid allconstitutional difficulties and at the same time secure all theadvantages to the Government and country that were expected to resultfrom the present bank. 

I can not close this communication without bringing to your view thejust claim of the representatives of Commodore Decatur, his officersand crew, arising from the recapture of the frigate Philadelphia underthe heavy batteries of Tripoli. Although sensible, as a general rule, of the impropriety of Executive interference under a Government likeours, where every individual enjoys the right of directly petitioningCongress, yet, viewing this case as one of very peculiar character, Ideem it my duty to recommend it to your favorable consideration. Besides the justice of this claim, as corresponding to those which havebeen since recognized and satisfied, it is the fruit of a deed ofpatriotic and chivalrous daring which infused life and confidence intoour infant Navy and contributed as much as any exploit in its historyto elevate our national character. Public gratitude, therefore, stampsher seal upon it, and the meed should not be withheld which may hereafter operate as a stimulus to our gallant tars. 

I now commend you, fellow citizens, to the guidance of Almighty God, with a full reliance on His merciful providence for the maintenance ofour free institutions, and with an earnest supplication that what evererrors it may be my lot to commit in discharging the arduous dutieswhich have devolved on me will find a remedy in the harmony and wisdomof your counsels. 

***

State of the Union AddressAndrew JacksonDecember 6, 1830

Fellow Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:

The pleasure I have in congratulating you upon your return to yourconstitutional duties is much heightened by the satisfaction which thecondition of our beloved country at this period justly inspires. Thebeneficent Author of All Good has granted to us during the present yearhealth, peace, and plenty, and numerous causes for joy in the wonderfulsuccess which attends the progress of our free institutions. 

With a population unparalleled in its increase, and possessing acharacter which combines the hardihood of enterprise with theconsiderateness of wisdom, we see in every section of our happy countrya steady improvement in the means of social intercourse, andcorrespondent effects upon the genius and laws of our extendedRepublic. 

The apparent exceptions to the harmony of the prospect are to bereferred rather to inevitable diversities in the various interestswhich enter into the composition of so extensive a whole than any wantof attachment to the Union--interests whose collisions serve only inthe end to foster the spirit of conciliation and patriotism soessential to the preservation of that Union which I most devoutly hopeis destined to prove imperishable. 

In the midst of these blessings we have recently witnessed changes inthe conditions of other nations which may in their consequences callfor the utmost vigilance, wisdom, and unanimity in our councils, andthe exercise of all the moderation and patriotism of our people. 

The important modifications of their Government, effected with so muchcourage and wisdom by the people of France, afford a happy presage oftheir future course, and have naturally elicited from the kindredfeelings of this nation that spontaneous and universal burst ofapplause in which you have participated. In congratulating you, myfellow citizens, upon an event so auspicious to the dearest interestsof man-kind I do no more than respond to the voice of my country, without transcending in the slightest degree that salutary maxim of theillustrious Washington which enjoins an abstinence from allinterference with the internal affairs of other nations. From a peopleexercising in the most unlimited degree the right of self-government, and enjoying, as derived from this proud characteristic, under thefavor of Heaven, much of the happiness with which they are blessed; apeople who can point in triumph to their free institutions andchallenge comparison with the fruits they bear, as well as with themoderation, intelligence, and energy with which they are administered--from such a people the deepest sympathy was to be expected in astruggle for the sacred principles of liberty, conducted in a spiritevery way worthy of the cause, and crowned by a heroic moderation whichhas disarmed revolution of its terrors. Not withstanding the strongassurances which the man whom we so sincerely love and justly admirehas given to the world of the high character of the present King of theFrench, and which if sustained to the end will secure to him the proudappellation of Patriot King, it is not in his success, but in that ofthe great principle which has borne him to the throne--the paramountauthority of the public will--that the American people rejoice. 

I am happy to inform you that the anticipations which were indulged atthe date of my last communication on the subject of our foreign affairshave been fully realized in several important particulars. 

An arrangement has been effected with Great Britain in relation to thetrade between the United States and her West India and North Americancolonies which has settled a question that has for years affordedmatter for contention and almost uninterrupted discussion, and has beenthe subject of no less than six negotiations, in a manner whichpromises results highly favorable to the parties. 

The abstract right of Great Britain to monopolize the trade with hercolonies or to exclude us from a participation therein has never beendenied by the United States. But we have contended, and with reason, that if at any time Great Britain may desire the productions of thiscountry as necessary to her colonies they must be received uponprinciples of just reciprocity, and, further, that it is making aninvidious and unfriendly distinction to open her colonial ports to thevessels of other nations and close them against those of the UnitedStates. 

Antecedently to 1794 a portion of our productions was admitted into thecolonial islands of Great Britain by particular concessions, limited tothe term of one year, but renewed from year to year. In thetransportation of these productions, however, our vessels were notallowed to engage, this being a privilege reserved to British shipping, by which alone our produce could be taken to the islands and theirsbrought to us in return. From Newfoundland and her continentalpossessions all our productions, as well as our vessels, were excluded, with occasional relaxations, by which, in seasons of distress, theformer were admitted in British bottoms. 

By the treaty of 1794 she offered to concede to us for a limited timethe right of carrying to her West India possessions in our vessels notexceeding 70 tons burthen, and upon the same terms as British vessels, any productions of the United States which British vessels might importtherefrom. But this privilege was coupled with conditions which aresupposed to have led to its rejection by the Senate; that is, thatAmerican vessels should land their return cargoes in the United Statesonly, and, moreover, that they should during the continuance of theprivilege be precluded from carrying molasses, sugar, coffee, cocoa, orcotton either from those islands or from the United States to any otherpart of the world. Great Britain readily consented to expunge thisarticle from the treaty, and subsequent attempts to arrange the termsof the trade either by treaty stipulations or concerted legislationhave failed, it has been successively suspended and allowed accordingto the varying legislation of the parties. 

The following are the prominent points which have in later yearsseparated the two Governments: Besides a restriction whereby allimportations into her colonies in American vessels are confined to ourown products carried hence, a restriction to which it does not appearthat we have ever objected, a leading object on the part of GreatBritain has been to prevent us from becoming the carriers of BritishWest India commodities to any other country than our own. On the partof the United States it has been contended, first, that the subjectshould be regulated by treaty stipulation in preference to separatelegislation; second, that our productions, when imported into thecolonies in question, should not be subject to higher duties than theproductions of the mother country or of her other colonial possessions, and, 3rd, that our vessels should be allowed to participate in thecircuitous trade between the United States and different parts of theBritish dominions. 

The first point, after having been for a long time strenuously insistedupon by Great Britain, was given up by the act of Parliament of July, 1825, all vessels suffered to trade with the colonies being permittedto clear from thence with any articles which British vessels mightexport and proceed to any part of the world, Great Britain and herdependencies alone excepted. On our part each of the above points hadin succession been explicitly abandoned in negotiations preceding thatof which the result is now announced. 

This arrangement secures to the United States every advantage asked bythem, and which the state of the negotiation allowed us to insist upon. The trade will be placed upon a footing decidedly more favorable tothis country than any on which it ever stood, and our commerce andnavigation will enjoy in the colonial ports of Great Britain everyprivilege allowed to other nations. 

That the prosperity of the country so far as it depends on this tradewill be greatly promoted by the new arrangement there can be no doubt. Independently of the more obvious advantages of an open and directintercourse, its establishment will be attended with other consequencesof a higher value. That which has been carried on since the mutualinterdict under all the expense and inconvenience unavoidably incidentto it would have been insupportably onerous had it not been in a greatdegree lightened by concerted evasions in the mode of making thetransshipments at what are called the neutral ports. These indirectionsare inconsistent with the dignity of nations that have so many motivesnot only to cherish feelings of mutual friendship, but to maintain suchrelations as will stimulate their respective citizens and subjects toefforts of direct, open, and honorable competition only, and preservethem from the influence of seductive and vitiating circumstances. 

When your preliminary interposition was asked at the close of the lastsession, a copy of the instructions under which Mr. McLane has acted, together with the communications which had at that time passed betweenhim and the British Government, was laid before you. Although there hasnot been any thing in the acts of the two Governments which requiressecrecy, it was thought most proper in the then state of thenegotiation to make that communication a confidential one. So soon, however, as the evidence of execution on the part of Great Britain isreceived the whole matter shall be laid before you, when it will beseen that the apprehension which appears to have suggested one of theprovisions of the act passed at your last session, that the restorationof the trade in question might be connected with other subjects and wassought to be obtained at the sacrifice of the public interest in otherparticulars, was wholly unfounded, and that the change which has takenplace in the views of the British Government has been induced byconsiderations as honorable to both parties as I trust the result willprove beneficial. 

This desirable result was, it will be seen, greatly promoted by theliberal and confiding provisions of the act of Congress of the lastsession, by which our ports were upon the reception and annunciation bythe President of the required assurance on the part of Great Britainforthwith opened to her vessels before the arrangement could be carriedinto effect on her part, pursuing in this act of prospectivelegislation a similar course to that adopted by Great Britain inabolishing, by her act of Parliament in 1825, a restriction thenexisting and permitting our vessels to clear from the colonies on theirreturn voyages for any foreign country whatever before British vesselshad been relieved from the restriction imposed by our law of returningdirectly from the United States to the colonies, a restriction whichshe required and expected that we should abolish. Upon each occasion alimited and temporary advantage has been given to the opposite party, but an advantage of no importance in comparison with the restoration ofmutual confidence and good feeling, and the ultimate establishment ofthe trade upon fair principles. 

It gives me unfeigned pleasure to assure you that this negotiation hasbeen throughout characterized by the most frank and friendly spirit onthe part of Great Britain, and concluded in a manner stronglyindicative of a sincere desire to cultivate the best relations with theUnited States. To reciprocate this disposition to the fullest extent ofmy ability is a duty which I shall deem it a privilege to discharge. 

Although the result is itself the best commentary on the servicesrendered to his country by our minister at the Court of St. James, itwould be doing violence to my feelings were I to dismiss the subjectwithout expressing the very high sense I entertain of the talent andexertion which have been displayed by him on the occasion. 

The injury to the commerce of the United States resulting from theexclusion of our vessels from the Black Sea and the previous footing ofmere sufferance upon which even the limited trade enjoyed by us withTurkey has hitherto been placed have for a long time been a source ofmuch solicitude to this Government, and several endeavors have beenmade to obtain a better state of things. Sensible of the importance ofthe object, I felt it my duty to leave no proper means unemployed toacquire for our flag the same privileges that are enjoyed by theprincipal powers of Europe. Commissioners were consequently appointedto open a negotiation with the Sublime Porte. Not long after the memberof the commission who went directly from the United States had sailed, the account of the treaty of Adrianople, by which one of the objects inview was supposed to be secured, reached this country. The Black Seawas understood to be opened to us. Under the supposition that this wasthe case, the additional facilities to be derived from theestablishment of commercial regulations with the Porte were deemed ofsufficient importance to require a prosecution of the negotiation asoriginally contemplated. It was therefore persevered in, and resultedin a treaty, which will be forthwith laid before the Senate. 

By its provisions a free passage is secured, without limitations oftime, to the vessels of the United States to and from the Black Sea, including the navigation thereof, and our trade with Turkey is placedon the footing of the most favored nation. The latter is an arrangementwholly independent of the treaty of Adrianople, and the former derivesmuch value, not only from the increased security which under anycircumstances it would give to the right in question, but from thefact, ascertained in the course of the negotiation, that by theconstruction put upon that treaty by Turkey the article relating to thepassage of the Bosphorus is confined to nations having treaties withthe Porte. The most friendly feelings appear to be entertained by theSultan, and an enlightened disposition is evinced by him to foster theintercourse between the two countries by the most liberal arrangements. This disposition it will be our duty and interest to cherish. 

Our relations with Russia are of the most stable character. Respect forthat Empire and confidence in its friendship toward the United Stateshave been so long entertained on our part and so carefully cherished bythe present Emperor and his illustrious predecessor as to have becomeincorporated with the public sentiment of the United States. No meanswill be left unemployed on my part to promote these salutary feelingsand those improvements of which the commercial intercourse between thetwo countries is susceptible, and which have derived increasedimportance from our treaty with the Sublime Porte. 

I sincerely regret to inform you that our minister lately commissionedto that Court, on whose distinguished talents and great experience inpublic affairs I place great reliance, has been compelled by extremeindisposition to exercise a privilege which, in consideration of theextent to which his constitution had been impaired in the publicservice, was committed to his discretion--of leaving temporarily hispost for the advantage of a more genial climate. 

If, as it is to be hoped, the improvement of his health should be suchas to justify him in doing so, he will repair to St. Petersburg andresume the discharge of his official duties. I have received the mostsatisfactory assurances that in the mean time the public interest inthat quarter will be preserved from prejudice by the intercourse whichhe will continue through the secretary of legation with the Russiancabinet. 

You are apprised, although the fact has not yet been officiallyannounced to the House of Representatives, that a treaty was in themonth of March last concluded between the United States, and Denmark, by which $650 thousand are secured to our citizens as an indemnity forspoliations upon their commerce in the years 1808, 1809, 1810, and1811. This treaty was sanctioned by the Senate at the close of its lastsession, and it now becomes the duty of Congress to pass the necessarylaws for the organization of the board of commissioners to distributethe indemnity among the claimants. It is an agreeable circumstance inthis adjustment that the terms are in conformity with the previouslyascertained views of the claimants themselves, thus removing allpretense for a future agitation of the subject in any form. 

The negotiations in regard to such points in our foreign relations asremain to be adjusted have been actively prosecuted during the recess. Material advances have been made, which are of a character to promisefavorable results. Our country, by the blessing of God, is not in asituation to invite aggression, and it will be our fault if she everbecomes so. Sincerely desirous to cultivate the most liberal andfriendly relations with all; ever ready to fulfill our engagements withscrupulous fidelity; limiting our demands upon others to mere justice;holding ourselves ever ready to do unto them as we would wish to bedone by, and avoiding even the appearance of undue partiality to anynation, it appears to me impossible that a simple and sincereapplication of our principles to our foreign relations can fail toplace them ultimately upon the footing on which it is our wish theyshould rest. 

Of the points referred to, the most prominent are our claims uponFrance for spoliations upon our commerce; similar claims upon Spain, together with embarrassments in the commercial intercourse between thetwo countries which ought to be removed; the conclusion of the treatyof commerce and navigation with Mexico, which has been so long insuspense, as well as the final settlement of limits between ourselvesand that Republic, and, finally, the arbitrament of the questionbetween the United States and Great Britain in regard to thenorth-eastern boundary. 

The negotiation with France has been conducted by our minister withzeal and ability, and in all respects to my entire satisfaction. Although the prospect of a favorable termination was occasionallydimmed by counter pretensions to which the United States could notassent, he yet had strong hopes of being able to arrive at asatisfactory settlement with the late Government. The negotiation hasbeen renewed with the present authorities, and, sensible of the generaland lively confidence of our citizens in the justice and magnanimity ofregenerated France, I regret the more not to have it in my power yet toannounce the result so confidently anticipated. No ground, however, inconsistent with this expectation has yet been taken, and I do notallow myself to doubt that justice will soon be done us. The amount ofthe claims, the length of time they have remained unsatisfied, andtheir incontrovertible justice make an earnest prosecution of them bythis Government an urgent duty. The illegality of the seizures andconfiscations out of which they have arisen is not disputed, and whatever distinctions may have heretofore been set up in regard to theliability of the existing Government it is quite clear that suchconsiderations can not now be interposed. 

The commercial intercourse between the two countries is susceptible ofhighly advantageous improvements, but the sense of this injury has had, and must continue to have, a very unfavorable influence upon them. Fromits satisfactory adjustment not only a firm and cordial friendship, buta progressive development of all their relations, may be expected. Itis, therefore, my earnest hope that this old and vexatious subject ofdifference may be speedily removed. 

I feel that my confidence in our appeal to the motives which shouldgovern a just and magnanimous nation is alike warranted by thecharacter of the French people and by the high voucher we possess forthe enlarged views and pure integrity of the Monarch who now presidesover their councils, and nothing shall be wanting on my part to meetany manifestation of the spirit we anticipate in one of correspondingfrankness and liberality. 

The subjects of difference with Spain have been brought to the view ofthat Government by our minister there with much force and propriety, and the strongest assurances have been received of their early andfavorable consideration. 

The steps which remained to place the matter in controversy betweenGreat Britain and the United States fairly before the arbitrator haveall been taken in the same liberal and friendly spirit whichcharacterized those before announced. Recent events have doubtlessserved to delay the decision, but our minister at the Court of thedistinguished arbitrator has been assured that it will be made withinthe time contemplated by the treaty. 

I am particularly gratified in being able to state that a decidedlyfavorable, and, as I hope, lasting, change has been effected in ourrelations with the neighboring Republic of Mexico. The unfortunate andunfounded suspicions in regard to our disposition which it became mypainful duty to advert to on a former occasion have been, I believe, entirely removed, and the Government of Mexico has been made tounderstand the real character of the wishes and views of this in regardto that country. The consequences is the establishment of friendshipand mutual confidence. Such are the assurances I have received, and Isee no cause to doubt their sincerity. 

I had reason to expect the conclusion of a commercial treaty withMexico in season for communication on the present occasion. Circumstances which are not explained, but which I am persuaded are notthe result of an indisposition on her part to enter into it, haveproduced the delay. 

There was reason to fear in the course of the last summer that theharmony of our relations might be disturbed by the acts of certainclaimants, under Mexican grants, of territory which had hitherto beenunder our jurisdiction. The cooperation of the representative of Mexiconear this Government was asked on the occasion and was readilyafforded. Instructions and advice have been given to the governor ofArkansas and the officers in command in the adjoining Mexican State bywhich it is hoped the quiet of that frontier will be preserved until afinal settlement of the dividing line shall have removed all ground ofcontroversy. 

The exchange of ratifications of the treaty concluded last year withAustria has not yet taken place. The delay has been occasioned by thenon-arrival of the ratification of that Government within the timeprescribed by the treaty. Renewed authority has been asked for by therepresentative of Austria, and in the mean time the rapidly increasingtrade and navigation between the two countries have been placed uponthe most liberal footing of our navigation acts. 

Several alleged depredations have been recently committed on ourcommerce by the national vessels of Portugal. They have been made thesubject of immediate remonstrance and reclamation. I am not yetpossessed of sufficient information to express a definitive opinion oftheir character, but expect soon to receive it. No proper means shallbe omitted to obtain for our citizens all the redress to which they mayappear to be entitled. 

Almost at the moment of the adjournment of your last session twobills--the one entitled "An act for making appropriations for buildinglight houses, light boats, beacons, and monuments, placing buoys, andfor improving harbors and directing surveys", and the other "An act toauthorize a subscription for stock in the Louisville and Portland CanalCompany"--were submitted for my approval. It was not possible withinthe time allowed for me before the close of the session to give tothese bills the consideration which was due to their character andimportance, and I was compelled to retain them for that purpose. I nowavail myself of this early opportunity to return them to the Houses inwhich they respectively originated with the reasons which, after maturedeliberation, compel me to withhold my approval. 

The practice of defraying out of the Treasury of the United States theexpenses incurred by the establishment and support of light houses, beacons, buoys, and public piers within the bays, inlets, harbors, andports of the United States, to render the navigation thereof safe andeasy, is coeval with the adoption of the Constitution, and has beencontinued without interruption or dispute. 

As our foreign commerce increased and was extended into the interior ofthe country by the establishment of ports of entry and delivery uponour navigable rivers the sphere of those expenditures received acorresponding enlargement. Light houses, beacons, buoys, public piers, and the removal of sand bars, sawyers, and other partial or temporaryimpediments in the navigable rivers and harbors which were embraced inthe revenue districts from time to time established by law wereauthorized upon the same principle and the expense defrayed in the samemanner. That these expenses have at times been extravagant anddisproportionate is very probable. The circumstances under which theyare incurred are well calculated to lead to such a result unless theirapplication is subjected to the closest scrutiny. The local advantagesarising from the disbursement of public money too frequently, it is tobe feared, invite appropriations for objects of this character that areneither necessary nor useful. 

The number of light house keepers is already very large, and the billbefore me proposes to add to it 51 more of various descriptions. Fromrepresentations upon the subject which are understood to be entitled torespect I am induced to believe that there has not only been greatimprovidence in the past expenditures of the Government upon theseobjects, but that the security of navigation has in some instances beendiminished by the multiplication of light houses and consequent changeof lights upon the coast. It is in this as in other respects our dutyto avoid all unnecessary expense, as well as every increase ofpatronage not called for by the public service. 

But in the discharge of that duty in this particular it must not beforgotten that in relation to our foreign commerce the burden andbenefit of protecting and accommodating it necessarily go together, andmust do so as long as the public revenue is drawn from the peoplethrough the custom house. It is indisputable that whatever givesfacility and security to navigation cheapens imports and all whoconsume them are alike interested in what ever produces this effect. Ifthey consume, they ought, as they now do, to pay; otherwise they do notpay. The consumer in the most inland State derives the same advantagefrom every necessary and prudent expenditure for the facility andsecurity of our foreign commerce and navigation that he does whoresides in a maritime State. Local expenditures have not of themselvesa corresponding operation. 

From a bill making direct appropriations for such objects I shouldnot have withheld my assent. The one now returned does so in severalparticulars, but it also contains appropriations for surveys of localcharacter, which I can not approve. It gives me satisfaction to findthat no serious inconvenience has arisen from withholding my approvalfrom this bill; nor will it, I trust, be cause of regret that anopportunity will be thereby afforded for Congress to review itsprovisions under circumstances better calculated for full investigationthan those under which it was passed. 

In speaking of direct appropriations I mean not to include a practicewhich has obtained to some extent, and to which I have in one instance, in a different capacity, given my assent--that of subscribing to thestock of private associations. Positive experience and a more thoroughconsideration of the subject have convinced me of the impropriety aswell as inexpediency of such investments. All improvements effected bythe funds of the nation for general use should be open to the enjoymentof all our fellow citizens, exempt from the payment of tolls or anyimposition of that character. The practice of thus mingling theconcerns of the Government with those of the States or of individualsis inconsistent with the object of its institution and highly impolite. The successful operation of the federal system can only be preserved byconfining it to the few and simple, but yet important, objects forwhich it was designed. 

A different practice, if allowed to progress, would ultimately changethe character of this Government by consolidating into one the Generaland State Governments, which were intended to be kept for everdistinct. I can not perceive how bills authorizing such subscriptionscan be otherwise regarded than as bills for revenue, and consequentlysubject to the rule in that respect prescribed by the Constitution. Ifthe interest of the Government in private companies is subordinate tothat of individuals, the management and control of a portion of thepublic funds is delegated to an authority unknown to the Constitutionand beyond the supervision of our constituents; if superior, itsofficers and agents will be constantly exposed to imputations offavoritism and oppression. Direct prejudice the public interest or analienation of the affections and respect of portions of the people may, therefore, in addition to the general discredit resulting to theGovernment from embarking with its constituents in pecuniarystipulations, be looked for as the probable fruit of such associations. It is no answer to this objection to say that the extent ofconsequences like these can not be great from a limited and smallnumber of investments, because experience in other matters teachesus--and we are not at liberty to disregard its admonitions--that unlessan entire stop be put to them it will soon be impossible to preventtheir accumulation until they are spread over the whole country andmade to embrace many of the private and appropriate concerns ofindividuals. 

The power which the General Government would acquire within the severalStates by becoming the principal stock-holder in corporations, controlling every canal and each 60 or 100 miles of every importantroad, and giving a proportionate vote in all their elections, is almostinconceivable, and in my view dangerous to the liberties of the people. 

This mode of aiding such works is also in its nature deceptive, and inmany cases conducive to improvidence in the administration of thenational funds. Appropriations will be obtained with much greaterfacility and granted with less security to the public interest when themeasure is thus disguised than when definite and direct expenditures ofmoney are asked for. The interests of the nation would doubtless bebetter served by avoiding all such indirect modes of aiding particularobjects. In a government like ours more especially should all publicacts be, as far as practicable, simple, undisguised, and intelligible, that they may become fit subjects for the approbation to animadversionof the people. 

The bill authorizing a subscription to the Louisville and PortlandCanal affords a striking illustration of the difficulty of withholdingadditional appropriations for the same object when the first erroneousstep has been taken by instituting a partnership between the Governmentand private companies. It proposes a third subscription on the part ofthe United States, when each preceding one was at the time regarded asthe extent of the aid which Government was to render to that work; andthe accompanying bill for light houses, etc. , contains an appropriationfor a survey of the bed of the river, with a view to its improvement byremoving the obstruction which the canal is designed to avoid. Thisimprovement, if successful, would afford a free passage of the riverand render the canal entirely useless. To such improvidence is thecourse of legislation subject in relation to internal improvements onlocal matters, even with the best intentions on the part of Congress. 

Although the motives which have influenced me in this matter may bealready sufficiently stated, I am, never the less, induced by itsimportance to add a few observations of a general character. 

In my objections to the bills authorizing subscriptions to theMaysville and Rockville road companies I expressed my views fully inregard to the power of Congress to construct roads and canals within aState of to appropriate money for improvements of a local character. Iat the same time intimated me belief that the right to makeappropriations for such as were of a national character had been sogenerally acted upon and so long acquiesced in by the Federal and StateGovernments and the constituents of each as to justify its exercise onthe ground of continued and uninterrupted usage, but that it was, neverthe less, highly expedient that appropriations even of that charactershould, with the exception made at the time, be deferred until thenational debt is paid, and that in the mean while some general rule forthe action of the Government in that respect ought to be established. 

These suggestions were not necessary to the decision of the questionthen before me, and were, I readily admit, intended to awake theattention and draw forth the opinion and observations of ourconstituents upon a subject of the highest importance to theirinterests, and one destined to exert a powerful influence upon thefuture operations of our political system. I know of no tribunal towhich a public man in this country, in a case of doubt and difficulty, can appeal with greater advantage or more propriety than the judgmentof the people; and although I must necessarily in the discharge of myofficial duties be governed by the dictates of my own judgment, I haveno desire to conceal my anxious wish to conform as far as I can to theviews of those for whom I act. 

All irregular expressions of public opinion are of necessity attendedwith some doubt as to their accuracy, but making full allowances onthat account I can not, I think, deceive myself in believing that theacts referred to, as well as the suggestions which I allowed myself tomake in relation to their bearing upon the future operations of theGovernment, have been approved by the great body of the people. Thatthose whose immediate pecuniary interests are to be affected byproposed expenditures should shrink from the application of a rulewhich prefers their more general and remote interests to those whichare personal and immediate is to be expected. But even such objectionsmust from the nature of our population be but temporary in theirduration, and if it were otherwise our course should be the same, forthe time is yet, I hope, far distant when those intrusted with power tobe exercised for the good of the whole will consider it either honestor wise to purchase local favors at the sacrifice of principle andgeneral good. 

So understanding public sentiment, and thoroughly satisfied that thebest interests of our common country imperiously require that thecourse which I have recommended in this regard should be adopted, Ihave, upon the most mature consideration, determined to pursue it. 

It is due to candor, as well as to my own feelings, that I shouldexpress the reluctance and anxiety which I must at all times experiencein exercising the undoubted right of the Executive to withhold hisassent from bills on other grounds than their constitutionality. Thatthis right should not be exercised on slight occasions all will admit. It is only in matters of deep interest, when the principle involved maybe justly regarded as next in importance to infractions of theConstitution itself, that such a step can be expected to meet with theapprobation of the people. Such an occasion do I conscientiouslybelieve the present to be. 

In the discharge of this delicate and highly responsible duty I amsustained by the reflection that the exercise of this power has beendeemed consistent with the obligation of official duty by several of mypredecessors, and by the persuasion, too, that what ever liberalinstitutions may have to fear from the encroachments of Executivepower, which has been every where the cause of so much strife andbloody contention, but little danger is to be apprehended from aprecedent by which that authority denies to itself the exercise ofpowers that bring in their train influence and patronage of greatextent, and thus excludes the operation of personal interests, everywhere the bane of official trust. 

I derive, too, no small degree of satisfaction from the reflection thatif I have mistaken the interests and wishes of the people theConstitution affords the means of soon redressing the error byselecting for the place their favor has bestowed upon me a citizenwhose opinions may accord with their own. I trust, in the mean time, the interests of the nation will be saved from prejudice by a rigidapplication of that portion of the public funds which might otherwisebe applied to different objects to that highest of all our obligations, the payment of the public debt, and an opportunity be afforded for theadoption of some better rule for the operations of the Government inthis matter than any which has hitherto been acted upon. 

Profoundly impressed with the importance of the subject, not merely asrelates to the general prosperity of the country, but to the safety ofthe federal system, I can not avoid repeating my earnest hope that allgood citizens who take a proper interest in the success and harmony ofour admirable political institutions, and who are incapable of desiringto convert an opposite state of things into means for the gratificationof personal ambition, will, laying aside minor considerations anddiscarding local prejudices, unite their honest exertions to establishsome fixed general principle which shall be calculated to effect thegreatest extent of public good in regard to the subject of internalimprovement, and afford the least ground for sectional discontent. 

The general grounds of my objection to local appropriations have beenheretofore expressed, and I shall endeavor to avoid a repetition ofwhat has been already urged--the importance of sustaining the Statesovereignties as far as is consistent with the rightful action of theFederal Government, and of preserving the greatest attainable harmonybetween them. I will now only add an expression of my conviction--aconviction which every day's experience serves to confirm--that thepolitical creed which inculcates the pursuit of those great objects asa paramount duty is the true faith, and one to which we are mainlyindebted for the present success of the entire system, and to which wemust alone look for its future stability. 

That there are diversities in the interests of the different Stateswhich compose this extensive Confederacy must be admitted. Thosediversities arising from situation, climate, population, and pursuitsare doubtless, as it is natural they should be, greatly exaggerated byjealousies and that spirit of rivalry so inseparable from neighboringcommunities. These circumstances make it the duty of those who areintrusted with the management of its affairs to neutralize theireffects as far as practicable by making the beneficial operation of theFederal Government as equal and equitable among the several States ascan be done consistently with the great ends of its institution. 

It is only necessary to refer to undoubted facts to see how far thepast acts of the Government upon the subject under consideration havefallen short of this object. The expenditures heretofore made forinternal improvements amount to upward of $5 millions, and have beendistributed in very unequal proportions amongst the States. Theestimated expense of works of which surveys have been made, togetherwith that of others projected and partially surveyed, amounts to morethan $96 millions. 

That such improvements, on account of particular circumstances, may bemore advantageously and beneficially made in some States than in othersis doubtless true, but that they are of a character which shouldprevent an equitable distribution of the funds amongst the severalStates is not to be conceded. The want of this equitable distributioncan not fail to prove a prolific source of irritation among the States. 

We have it constantly before our eyes that professions of superior zealin the cause of internal improvement and a disposition to lavish thepublic funds upon objects of this character are daily and earnestly putforth by aspirants to power as constituting the highest claims to theconfidence of the people. Would it be strange, under suchcircumstances, and in times of great excitement, that grants of thisdescription should find their motives in objects which may not accordwith the public good? Those who have not had occasion to see and regretthe indication of a sinister influence in these matters in past timeshave been more fortunate than myself in their observation of the courseof public affairs. If to these evils be added the combinations andangry contentions to which such a course of things gives rise, withtheir baleful influences upon the legislation of Congress touching theleading and appropriate duties of the Federal Government, it was butdoing justice to the character of our people to expect the severecondemnation of the past which the recent exhibitions of publicsentiment has evinced. 

Nothing short of a radical change in the action of the Government uponthe subject can, in my opinion, remedy the evil. If, as it would benatural to expect, the States which have been least favored in pastappropriations should insist on being redressed in those here after tobe made, at the expense of the States which have so largely anddisproportionately participated, we have, as matters now stand, butlittle security that the attempt would do more than change theinequality from one quarter to another. 

Thus viewing the subject, I have heretofore felt it my duty torecommend the adoption of some plan for the distribution of the surplusfunds, which may at any time remain in the Treasury after the nationaldebt shall have been paid, among the States, in proportion to thenumber of their Representatives, to be applied by them to objects ofinternal improvement. 

Although this plan has met with favor in some portions of the Union, ithas also elicited objections which merit deliberate consideration. Abrief notice of these objections here will not, therefore, I trust, beregarded as out of place. 

They rest, as far as they have come to my knowledge, on the followinggrounds: first, an objection to the ration of distribution; second, anapprehension that the existence of such a regulation would produceimprovident and oppressive taxation to raise the funds fordistribution; 3rd, that the mode proposed would lead to theconstruction of works of a local nature, to the exclusion of such asare general and as would consequently be of a more useful character;and, last, that it would create a discreditable and injuriousdependence on the part of the State governments upon the Federal power. 

Of those who object to the ration of representatives as the basis ofdistribution, some insist that the importations of the respectiveStates would constitute one that would be more equitable; and othersagain, that the extent of their respective territories would furnish astandard which would be more expedient and sufficiently equitable. Theration of representation presented itself to my mind, and it stilldoes, as one of obvious equity, because of its being the ratio ofcontribution, whether the funds to be distributed be derived from thecustoms or from direct taxation. It does not follow, however, that itsadoption is indispensable to the establishment of the system proposed. There may be considerations appertaining to the subject which wouldrender a departure, to some extent, from the rule of contributionproper. Nor is it absolutely necessary that the basis of distributionbe confined to one ground. It may, if in the judgment of those whoseright it is to fix it it be deemed politic and just to give it thatcharacter, have regard to several. 

In my first message I stated it to be my opinion that "it is notprobably that any adjustment of the tariff upon principles satisfactoryto the people of the Union will until a remote period, if ever, leavethe Government without a considerable surplus in the Treasury beyondwhat may be required for its current surplus". I have had no cause tochange that opinion, but much to confirm it. Should these expectationsbe realized, a suitable fund would thus be produced for the plan underconsideration to operate upon, and if there be no such fund itsadoption will, in my opinion, work no injury to any interest; for I cannot assent to the justness of the apprehension that the establishmentof the proposed system would tend to the encouragement of improvidentlegislation of the character supposed. What ever the proper authorityin the exercise of constitutional power shall at any time here afterdecide to be for the general good will in that as in other respectsdeserve and receive the acquiescence and support of the whole country, and we have ample security that every abuse of power in that regard byagents of the people will receive a speedy and effectual corrective attheir hands. The views which I take of the future, founded on theobvious and increasing improvement of all classes of our fellowcitizens in intelligence and in public and private virtue, leave mewithout much apprehension on that head. 

I do not doubt that those who come after us will be as much alive as weare to the obligation upon all the trustees of political power toexempt those for whom they act from all unnecessary burthens, and assensible of the great truth that the resources of the nation beyondthose required for immediate and necessary purposes of Government canno where be so well deposited as in the pockets of the people. 

It may some times happen that the interests of particular States wouldnot be deemed to coincide with the general interest in relation toimprovements within such States. But if the danger to be apprehendedfrom this source is sufficient to require it, a discretion might bereserved to Congress to direct to such improvements of a generalcharacter as the States concerned might not be disposed to unite in, the application of the quotas of those States, under the restriction ofconfining to each State the expenditure of its appropriate quota. Itmay, however, be assumed as a safe general rule that such improvementsas serve to increase the prosperity of the respective States in whichthey are made, by giving new facilities to trade, and therebyaugmenting the wealth and comfort of their inhabitants, constitute thesurest mode of conferring permanent and substantial advantages upon thewhole. The strength as well as the true glory of the Confederacy isfounded on the prosperity and power of the several independentsovereignties of which it is composed and the certainty with which theycan be brought into successful active cooperation through the agency ofthe Federal Government. 

It is, more over, within the knowledge of such as are at all conversantwith public affairs that schemes of internal improvement have from timeto time been proposed which, from their extent and seemingmagnificence, were readily regarded as of national concernment, butwhich upon fuller consideration and further experience would now berejected with great unanimity. 

That the plan under consideration would derive important advantagesfrom its certainty, and that the moneys set apart for these purposeswould be more judiciously applied and economically expended under thedirection of the State legislatures, in which every part of each Stateis immediately represented, can not, I think, be doubted. In the newStates particularly, where a comparatively small population isscattered over an extensive surface, and the representation in Congressconsequently very limited, it is natural to expect that theappropriations made by the Federal Government would be more likely tobe expended in the vicinity of those numbers through whose immediateagency they were obtained than if the funds were placed under thecontrol of the legislature, in which every county of the State has itsown representative. This supposition does not necessarily impugn themotives of such Congressional representatives, nor is it so intended. We are all sensible of the bias to which the strongest minds and puresthearts are, under such circumstances, liable. In respect to the lastobjection--its probable effect upon the dignity and independence ofState governments--it appears to me only necessary to state the case asit is, and as it would be if the measure proposed were adopted, to showthat the operation is most likely to be the very reverse of that whichthe objection supposes. 

In the one case the State would receive its quota of the nationalrevenue for domestic use upon a fixed principle as a matter of right, and from a fund to the creation of which it had itself contributed itsfair proportion. Surely there could be nothing derogatory in that. Asmatters now stand the States themselves, in their sovereign character, are not unfrequently petitioners at the bar of the Federal Legislaturefor such allowances out of the National Treasury as it may comport withtheir pleasure or sense of duty to bestow upon them. It can not requireargument to prove which of the two courses is most compatible with theefficiency or respectability of the State governments. 

But all these are matters for discussion and dispassionateconsideration. That the desired adjustment would be attended withdifficulty affords no reason why it should not be attempted. Theeffective operation of such motives would have prevented the adoptionof the Constitution under which we have so long lived and under thebenign influence of which our beloved country has so signallyprospered. The framers of that sacred instrument had greaterdifficulties to overcome, and they did overcome them. The patriotism ofthe people, directed by a deep conviction of the importance of theUnion, produced mutual concession and reciprocal forbearance. Strictright was merged in a spirit of compromise, and the result hasconsecrated their disinterested devotion to the general weal. Unlessthe American people have degenerated, the same result can be againeffected when ever experience points out the necessity of a resort tothe same means to uphold the fabric which their fathers have reared. 

It is beyond the power of man to make a system of government like oursor any other operate with precise equality upon States situated likethose which compose this Confederacy; nor is inequality alwaysinjustice. Every State can not expect to shape the measures of theGeneral Government to suit its own particular interests. The causeswhich prevent it are seated in the nature of things, and can not beentirely counteracted by human means. Mutual forbearance becomes, therefore, a duty obligatory upon all, and we may, I am confident, count upon a cheerful compliance with this high injunction on the partof our constituents. It is not to be supposed that they will object tomake such comparatively inconsiderable sacrifices for the preservationof rights and privileges which other less favored portions of the worldhave in vain waded through seas of blood to acquire. 

Our course is a safe one if it be but faithfully adhered to. Acquiescence in the constitutionally expressed will of the majority, and the exercise of that will in a spirit of moderation, justice, andbrotherly kindness, will constitute a cement which would for everpreserve our Union. Those who cherish and inculcate sentiments likethese render a most essential service to their country, while those whoseek to weaken their influence are, how ever conscientious and praiseworthy their intentions, in effect its worst enemies. 

If the intelligence and influence of the country, instead of laboringto foment sectional prejudices, to be made subservient to partywarfare, were in good faith applied to the eradication of causes oflocal discontent, by the improvement of our institutions and byfacilitating their adaptation to the condition of the times, this taskwould prove one of less difficulty. May we not hope that the obviousinterests of our common country and the dictates of an enlightenedpatriotism will in the end lead the public mind in that direction?

After all, the nature of the subject does not admit of a plan whollyfree from objection. That which has for some time been in operation is, perhaps, the worst that could exist, and every advance that can be madein its improvement is a matter eminently worthy of your most deliberateattention. 

It is very possible that one better calculated to effect the objects inview may yet be devised. If so, it is to be hoped that those whodisapprove the past and dissent from what is proposed for the futurewill feel it their duty to direct their attention to it, as they mustbe sensible that unless some fixed rule for the action of the FederalGovernment in this respect is established the course now attempted tobe arrested will be again resorted to. Any mode which is calculated togive the greatest degree of effect and harmony to our legislation uponthe subject, which shall best serve to keep the movements of theFederal Government within the sphere intended by those who modeled andthose who adopted it, which shall lead to the extinguishment of thenational debt in the shortest period and impose the lightest burthensupon our constituents, shall receive from me a cordial and firmsupport. 

Among the objects of great national concern I can not omit to pressagain upon your attention that part of the Constitution which regulatesthe election of President and Vice-President. The necessity for itsamendment is made so clear to my mind by observation of its evils andby the many able discussions which they have elicited on the floor ofCongress and elsewhere that I should be wanting to my duty were I towithhold another expression of my deep solicitude on the subject. Oursystem fortunately contemplates a recurrence to first principles, differing in this respect from all that have preceded it, and securingit, I trust, equally against the decay and the commotions which havemarked the progress of other governments. 

Our fellow citizens, too, who in proportion to their love of libertykeep a steady eye upon the means of sustaining it, do not require to bereminded of the duty they owe to themselves to remedy all essentialdefects in so vital a part of their system. While they are sensiblethat every evil attendant upon its operation is not necessarilyindicative of a bad organization, but may proceed from temporarycauses, yet the habitual presence, or even a single instance, of evilswhich can be clearly traced to an organic defect will not, I trust, beover-looked through a too scrupulous veneration for the work of theirancestors. 

The Constitution was an experiment committed to the virtue andintelligence of the great mass of our country-men, in whose ranks theframers of it themselves were to perform the part of patrioticobservation and scrutiny, and if they have passed from the stage ofexistence with an increased confidence in its general adaptation to ourcondition we should learn from authority so high the duty of fortifyingthe points in it which time proves to be exposed rather than bedeterred from approaching them by the suggestions of fear or thedictates of misplaced reverence. 

A provision which does not secure to the people a direct choice oftheir Chief Magistrate, but has a tendency to defeat their will, presented to my mind such an inconsistence with the general spirit ofour institutions that I was indeed to suggest for your considerationthe substitute which appeared to me at the same time the most likely tocorrect the evil and to meet the views of our constituents. The mostmature reflection since has added strength to the belief that the bestinterests of our country require the speedy adoption of some plancalculated to effect this end. A contingency which some times places itin the power of a single member of the House of Representatives todecide an election of so high and solemn a character is unjust to thepeople, and becomes when it occurs a source of embarrassment to theindividuals thus brought into power and a cause of distrust of therepresentative body. 

Liable as the Confederacy is, from its great extent, to parties foundedupon sectional interests, and to a corresponding multiplication ofcandidates for the Presidency, the tendency of the constitutionalreference to the House of Representatives is to devolve the electionupon that body in almost every instance, and, what ever choice may thenbe made among the candidates thus presented to them, to swell theinfluence of particular interests to a degree inconsistent with thegeneral good. The consequences of this feature of the Constitutionappear far more threatening to the peace and integrity of the Unionthan any which I can conceive as likely to result from the simplelegislative action of the Federal Government. 

It was a leading object with the framers of the Constitution to keep asseparate as possible the action of the legislative and executivebranches of the Government. To secure this object nothing is moreessential than to preserve the former from all temptations of privateinterest, and therefore so to direct the patronage of the latter as notto permit such temptations to be offered. Experience abundantlydemonstrates that every precaution in this respect is a valuablesafe-guard of liberty, and one which my reflections upon the tendenciesof our system incline me to think should be made still stronger. 

It was for this reason that, in connection with an amendment of theConstitution removing all intermediate agency in the choice of thePresident, I recommended some restrictions upon the re-eligibility ofthat officer and upon the tenure of offices generally. The reason stillexists, and I renew the recommendation with an increased confidencethat its adoption will strengthen those checks by which theConstitution designed to secure the independence of each department ofthe Government and promote the healthful and equitable administrationof all the trusts which it has created. 

The agent most likely to contravene this design of the Constitution isthe Chief Magistrate. In order, particularly, that his appointment mayas far as possible be placed beyond the reach of any improperinfluences; in order that he may approach the solemn responsibilitiesof the highest office in the gift of a free people uncommitted to anyother course than the strict line of constitutional duty, and that thesecurities for this independence may be rendered as strong as thenature of power and the weakness of its possessor will admit, I can nottoo earnestly invite your attention to the propriety of promoting suchan amendment of the Constitution as will render him ineligible afterone term of service. 

It gives me pleasure to announce to Congress that the benevolent policyof the Government, steadily pursued for nearly 30 years, in relation tothe removal of the Indians beyond the white settlements is approachingto a happy consummation. Two important tribes have accepted theprovision made for their removal at the last session of Congress, andit is believed that their example will induce the remaining tribes alsoto seek the same obvious advantages. 

The consequences of a speedy removal will be important to the UnitedStates, to individual States, and to the Indians themselves. Thepecuniary advantages which it promises to the Government are the leastof its recommendations. It puts an end to all possible danger ofcollision between the authorities of the General and State Governmentson account of the Indians. It will place a dense and civilizedpopulation in large tracts of country now occupied by a few savagehunters. By opening the whole territory between Tennessee on the northand Louisiana on the south to the settlement of the whites it willincalculably strengthen the south west frontier and render the adjacentStates strong enough to repel future invasions without remote aid. Itwill relieve the whole State of Mississippi and the western part ofAlabama of Indian occupancy, and enable those States to advance rapidlyin population, wealth, and power. It will separate the Indians fromimmediate contact with settlements of whites; free them from the powerof the States; enable them to pursue happiness in their own way andunder their own rude institutions; will retard the progress of decay, which is lessening their numbers, and perhaps cause them gradually, under the protection of the Government and through the influence ofgood counsels, to cast off their savage habits and become aninteresting, civilized, and Christian community. These consequences, some of them so certain and the rest so probable, make the completeexecution of the plan sanctioned by Congress at their last session anobject of much solicitude. 

Toward the aborigines of the country no one can indulge a more friendlyfeeling than myself, or would go further in attempting to reclaim themfrom their wandering habits and make them a happy, prosperous people. Ihave endeavored to impress upon them my own solemn convictions of theduties and powers of the General Government in relation to the Stateauthorities. For the justice of the laws passed by the States withinthe scope of their reserved powers they are not responsible to thisGovernment. As individuals we may entertain and express our opinions oftheir acts, but as a Government we have as little right to control themas we have to prescribe laws for other nations. 

With a full understanding of the subject, the Choctaw and the Chickasawtribes have with great unanimity determined to avail themselves of theliberal offers presented by the act of Congress, and have agreed toremove beyond the Mississippi River. Treaties have been made with them, which in due season will be submitted for consideration. In negotiatingthese treaties they were made to understand their true condition, andthey have preferred maintaining their independence in the Westernforests to submitting to the laws of the States in which they nowreside. These treaties, being probably the last which will ever be madewith them, are characterized by great liberality on the part of theGovernment. They give the Indians a liberal sum in consideration oftheir removal, and comfortable subsistence on their arrival at theirnew homes. If it be their real interest to maintain a separateexistence, they will there be at liberty to do so without theinconveniences and vexations to which they would unavoidably have beensubject in Alabama and Mississippi. 

Humanity has often wept over the fate of the aborigines of thiscountry, and Philanthropy has been long busily employed in devisingmeans to avert it, but its progress has never for a moment beenarrested, and one by one have many powerful tribes disappeared from theearth. To follow to the tomb the last of his race and to tread on thegraves of extinct nations excite melancholy reflections. But truephilanthropy reconciles the mind to these vicissitudes as it does tothe extinction of one generation to make room for another. In themonuments and fortifications of an unknown people, spread over theextensive regions of the West, we behold the memorials of a oncepowerful race, which was exterminated of has disappeared to make roomfor the existing savage tribes. Nor is there any thing in this which, upon a comprehensive view of the general interests of the human race, is to be regretted. Philanthropy could not wish to see this continentrestored to the condition in which it was found by our forefathers. What good man would prefer a country covered with forests and ranged bya few thousand savages to our extensive Republic, studded with cities, towns, and prosperous farms, embellished with all the improvementswhich art can devise or industry execute, occupied by more than12, 000, 000 happy people, and filled with all the blessings of liberty, civilization, and religion?

The present policy of the Government is but a continuation of the sameprogressive change by a milder process. The tribes which occupied thecountries now constituting the Eastern States were annihilated or havemelted away to make room for the whites. The waves of population andcivilization are rolling to the westward, and we now propose to acquirethe countries occupied by the red men of the South and West by a fairexchange, and, at the expense of the United States, to send them to aland where their existence may be prolonged and perhaps made perpetual. 

Doubtless it will be painful to leave the graves of their fathers; butwhat do they more than our ancestors did or than our children are nowdoing? To better their condition in an unknown land our forefathersleft all that was dear in earthly objects. Our children by thousandsyearly leave the land of their birth to seek new homes in distantregions. Does Humanity weep at these painful separations from everything, animate and inanimate, with which the young heart has becomeentwined? Far from it. It is rather a source of joy that our countryaffords scope where our young population may range unconstrained inbody or in mind, developing the power and faculties of man in theirhighest perfection. 

These remove hundreds and almost thousands of miles at their ownexpense, purchase the lands they occupy, and support themselves attheir new homes from the moment of their arrival. Can it be cruel inthis Government when, by events which it can not control, the Indian ismade discontented in his ancient home to purchase his lands, to givehim a new and extensive territory, to pay the expense of his removal, and support him a year in his new abode? How many thousands of our ownpeople would gladly embrace the opportunity of removing to the West onsuch conditions! If the offers made to the Indians were extended tothem, they would be hailed with gratitude and joy. 

And is it supposed that the wandering savage has a stronger attachmentto his home than the settled, civilized Christian? Is it moreafflicting to him to leave the graves of his fathers than it is to ourbrothers and children? Rightly considered, the policy of the GeneralGovernment toward the red man is not only liberal, but generous. He isunwilling to submit to the laws of the States and mingle with theirpopulation. To save him from this alternative, or perhaps utterannihilation, the General Government kindly offers him a new home, andproposes to pay the whole expense of his removal and settlement. 

In the consummation of a policy originating at an early period, andsteadily pursued by every Administration within the present century--sojust to the States and so generous to the Indians--the Executive feelsit has a right to expect the cooperation of Congress and of all goodand disinterested men. The States, moreover, have a right to demand it. It was substantially a part of the compact which made them members ofour Confederacy. With Georgia there is an express contract; with thenew States an implied one of equal obligation. Why, in authorizingOhio, Indiana, Illinois, Missouri, Mississippi, and Alabama to formconstitutions and become separate States, did Congress include withintheir limits extensive tracts of Indian lands, and, in some instances, powerful Indian tribes? Was it not understood by both parties that thepower of the States was to be coextensive with their limits, and thatwith all convenient dispatch the General Government should extinguishthe Indian title and remove every obstruction to the completejurisdiction of the State governments over the soil? Probably not oneof those States would have accepted a separate existence--certainly itwould never have been granted by Congress--had it been understood thatthey were to be confined for ever to those small portions of theirnominal territory the Indian title to which had at the time beenextinguished. 

It is, therefore, a duty which this Government owes to the new Statesto extinguish as soon as possible the Indian title to all lands whichCongress themselves have included within their limits. When this isdone the duties of the General Government in relation to the States andthe Indians within their limits are at an end. The Indians may leavethe State or not, as they choose. The purchase of their lands does notalter in the least their personal relations with the State government. No act of the General Government has ever been deemed necessary to givethe States jurisdiction over the persons of the Indians. That theypossess by virtue of their sovereign power within their own limits inas full a manner before as after the purchase of the Indian lands; norcan this Government add to or diminish it. 

May we not hope, therefore, that all good citizens, and none morezealously than those who think the Indians oppressed by subjection tothe laws of the States, will unite in attempting to open the eyes ofthose children of the forest to their true condition, and by a speedyremoval to relieve them from all the evils, real or imaginary, presentor prospective, with which they may be supposed to be threatened. 

Among the numerous causes of congratulation the condition of our impostrevenue deserves special mention, in as much as it promises the meansof extinguishing the public debt sooner than was anticipated, andfurnishes a strong illustration of the practical effects of the presenttariff upon our commercial interests. 

The object of the tariff is objected to by some as unconstitutional, and it is considered by almost all as defective in many of its parts. 

The power to impose duties on imports originally belonged to theseveral States. The right to adjust those duties with a view to theencouragement of domestic branches of industry is so completelyincidental to that power that it is difficult to suppose the existenceof the one without the other. The States have delegated their wholeauthority over imports to the General Government without limitation orrestriction, saving the very inconsiderable reservation relating totheir inspection laws. This authority having thus entirely passed fromthe States, the right to exercise it for the purpose of protection doesnot exist in them, and consequently if it be not possessed by theGeneral Government it must be extinct. Our political system would thuspresent the anomaly of a people stripped of the right to foster theirown industry and to counteract the most selfish and destructive policywhich might be adopted by foreign nations. This sure can not be thecase. This indispensable power thus surrendered by the States must bewithin the scope of the authority on the subject expressly delegated toCongress. 

In this conclusion I am confirmed as well by the opinions of PresidentsWashington, Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe, who have each repeatedlyrecommended the exercise of this right under the Constitution, as bythe uniform practice of Congress, the continued acquiescence of theStates, and the general understanding of the people. 

The difficulties of a more expedient adjustment of the present tariff, although great, are far from being insurmountable. Some are unwillingto improve any of its parts because they would destroy the whole;others fear to touch the objectionable parts lest those they approveshould be jeoparded. I am persuaded that the advocates of theseconflicting views do injustice to the American people and to theirrepresentatives. The general interest is the interest of each, and myconfidence is entire that to insure the adoption of such modificationsof the tariff as the general interest requires it is only necessarythat that interest should be understood. 

It is an infirmity of our nature to mingle our interests and prejudiceswith the operation of our reasoning powers, and attribute to theobjects of our likes and dislikes qualities they do not possess andeffects they can not produce. The effects of the present tariff aredoubtless over-rated, both in its evils and in its advantages. By oneclass of reasoners the reduced price of cotton and other agriculturalproducts is ascribed wholly to its influence, and by another thereduced price of manufactured articles. 

The probability is that neither opinion approaches the truth, and thatboth are induced by that influence of interests and prejudices to whichI have referred. The decrease of prices extends throughout thecommercial world, embracing not only the raw material and themanufactured article, but provisions and lands. The cause musttherefore be deeper and more pervading than the tariff of the UnitedStates. It may in a measure be attributable to the increased value ofthe precious metals, produced by a diminution of the supply and anincrease in the demand, while commerce has rapidly extended itself andpopulation has augmented. The supply of gold and silver, the generalmedium of exchange, has been greatly interrupted by civil convulsionsin the countries from which they are principally drawn. A part of theeffect, too, is doubtless owing to an increase of operatives andimprovements in machinery. But on the whole it is questionable whetherthe reduction in the price of lands, produce, and manufactures has beengreater than the appreciation of the standard of value. 

While the chief object of duties should be revenue, they may be soadjusted as to encourage manufactures. In this adjustment, however, itis the duty of the Government to be guided by the general good. Objectsof national importance alone ought to be protected. Of these theproductions of our soil, our mines, and our work shops, essential tonational defense, occupy the first rank. What ever other species ofdomestic industry, having the importance to which I have referred, maybe expected, after temporary protection, to compete with foreign laboron equal terms merit the same attention in a subordinate degree. 

The present tariff taxes some of the comforts of life unnecessarilyhigh; it undertakes to protect interests too local and minute tojustify a general exaction, and it also attempts to force some kinds ofmanufactures for which the country is not ripe. Much relief will bederived in some of these respects from the measures of your lastsession. 

The best as well as fairest mode of determining whether from any justconsiderations a particular interest ought to receive protection wouldbe to submit the question singly for deliberation. If afterdue examination of its merits, unconnected with extraneousconsiderations--such as a desire to sustain a general system or topurchase support for a different interest--it should enlist in itsfavor a majority of the representatives of the people, there can belittle danger of wrong or injury in adjusting the tariff with referenceto its protective effect. If this obviously just principle werehonestly adhered to, the branches of industry which deserve protectionwould be saved from the prejudice excited against them when thatprotection forms part of a system by which portions of the country feelor conceive themselves to be oppressed. What is incalculably moreimportant, the vital principle of our system--that principle whichrequires acquiescence in the will of the majority--would be secure fromthe discredit and danger to which it is exposed by the acts ofmajorities founded not on identity of conviction, but on combinationsof small minorities entered into for the purpose of mutual assistancein measures which, resting solely on their own merits, could never becarried. 

I am well aware that this is a subject of so much delicacy, on accountof the extended interests in involves, as to require that it should betouched with the utmost caution, and that while an abandonment of thepolicy in which it originated--a policy coeval with our Government, andpursued through successive Administrations--is neither to be expectedor desired, the people have a right to demand, and have demanded, thatit be so modified as to correct abuses and obviate injustice. 

That our deliberations on this interesting subject should beuninfluenced by those partisan conflicts that are incident to freeinstitutions is the fervent wish of my heart. To make this greatquestion, which unhappily so much divides and excites the public mind, subservient to the short-sighted views of faction, must destroy allhope of settling it satisfactorily to the great body of the people andfor the general interest. I can not, therefore, in taking leave of thesubject, too earnestly for my own feelings or the common good warn youagainst the blighting consequences of such a course. 

According to the estimates at the Treasury Department, the receipts inthe Treasury during the present year will amount to $24, 161, 018, whichwill exceed by about $300, 000 the estimate presented in the last annualreport of the Secretary of the Treasury. The total expenditure duringthe year, exclusive of public debt, is estimated at $13, 742, 311, andthe payment on account of public debt for the same period will havebeen $11, 354, 630, leaving a balance in the Treasury on January 1st, 1831 of $4, 819, 781. 

In connection with the condition of our finances, it affords mepleasure to remark that judicious and efficient arrangements have beenmade by the Treasury Department for securing the pecuniaryresponsibility of the public officers and the more punctual payment ofthe public dues. The Revenue Cutter Service has been organized andplaced on a good footing, and aided by an increase of inspectors atexposed points, and regulations adopted under the act of May, 1830, forthe inspection and appraisement of merchandise, has produced muchimprovement in the execution of the laws and more security against thecommission of frauds upon the revenue. Abuses in the allowances forfishing bounties have also been corrected, and a material saving inthat branch of the service thereby effected. In addition to theseimprovements the system of expenditure for sick sea men belonging tothe merchant service has been revised, and being rendered uniform andeconomical the benefits of the fund applicable to this object have beenusefully extended. 

The prosperity of our country is also further evinced by the increasedrevenue arising from the sale of public lands, as will appear from thereport of the Commissioner of the General Land Office and the documentsaccompanying it, which are herewith transmitted. I beg leave to drawyour attention to this report, and to the propriety of making earlyappropriations for the objects which it specifies. 

Your attention is again invited to the subjects connected with thatportion of the public interests intrusted to the War Department. Someof them were referred to in my former message, and they are presentedin detail in the report of the Secretary of War herewith submitted. Irefer you also to the report of that officer for a knowledge of thestate of the Army, fortifications, arsenals, and Indian affairs, all ofwhich it will be perceived have been guarded with zealous attention andcare. It is worthy of your consideration whether the armamentsnecessary for the fortifications on our maritime frontier which are nowor shortly will be completed should not be in readiness sooner than thecustomary appropriations will enable the Department to provide them. This precaution seems to be due to the general system of fortificationwhich has been sanctioned by Congress, and is recommended by that maximof wisdom which tells us in peace to prepare for war. 

I refer you to the report of the Secretary of the Navy for a highlysatisfactory account of the manner in which the concerns of thatDepartment have been conducted during the present year. Our position inrelation to the most powerful nations of the earth, and the presentcondition of Europe, admonish us to cherish this arm of our nationaldefense with peculiar care. Separated by wide seas from all thoseGovernments whose power we might have reason to dread, we have nothingto apprehend from attempts at conquest. It is chiefly attacks upon ourcommerce and harrassing in-roads upon our coast against which we haveto guard. A naval force adequate to the protection of our commerce, always afloat, with an accumulation of the means to give it a rapidextension in case of need, furnishes the power by which all suchaggressions may be prevented or repelled. The attention of theGovernment has therefore been recently directed more to preserving thepublic vessels already built and providing materials to be placed indepot for future use than to increasing their number. With the aid ofCongress, in a few years the Government will be prepared in case ofemergency to put afloat a powerful navy of new ships almost as soon asold ones could be repaired. 

The modifications in this part of the service suggested in my lastannual message, which are noticed more in detail in the report of theSecretary of the Navy, are again recommended to your serious attention. 

The report of the Post Master General in like manner exhibits asatisfactory view of the important branch of the Government under hischarge. In addition to the benefits already secured by the operationsof the Post Office Department, considerable improvements within thepresent year have been made by an increase in the accommodationafforded by stage coaches, and in the frequency and celerity of themail between some of the most important points of the Union. 

Under the late contracts improvements have been provided for thesouthern section of the country, and at the same time an annual savingmade of upward of $72, 000. Not with standing the excess of expenditurebeyond the current receipts for a few years past, necessarily incurredin the fulfillment of existing contracts and in the additional expensesbetween the periods of contracting to meet the demands created by therapid growth and extension of our flourishing country, yet thesatisfactory assurance is given that the future revenue of theDepartment will be sufficient to meets its extensive engagements. Thesystem recently introduced that subjects its receipts and disbursementsto strict regulation has entirely fulfilled its designs. It gives fullassurance of the punctual transmission, as well as the security of thefunds of the Department. The efficiency and industry of its officersand the ability and energy of contractors justify an increasedconfidence in its continued prosperity. 

The attention of Congress was called on a former occasion to thenecessity of such a modification in the office of Attorney General ofthe United States as would render it more adequate to the wants of thepublic service. This resulted in the establishment of the office ofSolicitor of the Treasury, and the earliest measures were taken to giveeffect to the provisions of the law which authorized the appointment ofthat officer and defined his duties. But it is not believed that thisprovision, however useful in itself, is calculated to supersede thenecessity of extending the duties and powers of the Attorney General'sOffice. On the contrary, I am convinced that the public interest wouldbe greatly promoted by giving to that officer the generalsuperintendence of the various law agents of the Government, and of alllaw proceedings, whether civil or criminal, in which the United Statesmay be interested, allowing him at the same time such compensation aswould enable him to devote his undivided attention to the publicbusiness. I think such a provision is alike due to the public and tothe officer. 

Occasions of reference from the different Executive Departments to theAttorney General are of frequent occurrence, and the prompt decision ofthe questions so referred tends much to facilitate the dispatch ofbusiness in those Departments. The report of the Secretary of theTreasury hereto appended shows also a branch of the public service notspecifically intrusted to any officer which might be advantageouslycommitted to the Attorney General. But independently of thoseconsiderations this office is now one of daily duty. It was originallyorganized and its compensation fixed with a view to occasional service, leaving to the incumbent time for the exercise of his profession inprivate practice. The state of things which warranted such anorganization no longer exists. The frequent claims upon the services ofthis officer would render his absence from the seat of Government inprofessional attendance upon the courts injurious to the publicservice, and the interests of the Government could not fail to bepromoted by charging him with the general superintendence of all itslegal concerns. 

Under a strong conviction of the justness of these suggestions, Irecommend it to Congress to make the necessary provisions for givingeffect to them, and to place the Attorney General in regard tocompensation on the same footing with the heads of the severalExecutive Departments. To this officer might also be intrusted acognizance of the cases of insolvency in public debtors, especially ifthe views which I submitted on this subject last year should meet theapprobation of Congress--to which I again solicit your attention. 

Your attention is respectfully invited to the situation of the Districtof Columbia. Placed by the Constitution under the exclusivejurisdiction and control of Congress, this District is certainlyentitled to a much greater share of its consideration than it has yetreceived. There is a want of uniformity in its laws, particularly inthose of a penal character, which increases the expense of theiradministration and subjects the people to all the inconveniences whichresult from the operation of different codes in so small a territory. On different sides of the Potomac the same offense is punishable inunequal degrees, and the peculiarities of many of the early laws ofMaryland and Virginia remain in force, not with standing theirrepugnance in some cases to the improvements which have superseded themin those States. 

Besides a remedy for these evils, which is loudly called for, it isrespectfully submitted whether a provision authorizing the election ofa delegate to represent the wants of the citizens of this District onthe floor of Congress is not due to them and to the character of ourGovernment. No principles of freedom, and there is none more importantthan that which cultivates a proper relation between the governors andthe governed. Imperfect as this must be in this case, yet it isbelieved that it would be greatly improved by a representation inCongress with the same privileges that are allowed to the otherTerritories of the United States. 

The penitentiary is ready for the reception of convicts, and onlyawaits the necessary legislation to put it into operation, as oneobject of which I beg leave to recall your attention to the proprietyof providing suitable compensation for the officers charged with itsinspection. 

The importance of the principles involved in the inquiry whether itwill be proper to recharter the Bank of the United States requires thatI should again call the attention of Congress to the subject. Nothinghas occurred to lessen in any degree the dangers which many of ourcitizens apprehend from that institution as at present organized. Inthe spirit of improvement and compromise which distinguishes ourcountry and its institutions it becomes us to inquire whether it be notpossible to secure the advantages afforded by the present bank throughthe agency of a Bank of the United States so modified in its principlesand structures as to obviate constitutional and other objections. 

It is thought practicable to organize such a bank with the necessaryofficers as a branch of the Treasury Department, based on the publicand individual deposits, without power to make loans or purchaseproperty, which shall remit the funds of the Government, and theexpense of which may be paid, if thought advisable, by allowing itsofficers to sell bills of exchange to private individuals at a moderatepremium. Not being a corporate body, having no stock holders, debtors, or property, and but few officers, it would not be obnoxious to theconstitutional objections which are urged against the present bank; andhaving no means to operate on the hopes, fears, or interests of largemasses of the community, it would be shorn of the influence which makesthat bank formidable. The States would be strengthened by having intheir hands the means of furnishing the local paper currency throughtheir own banks, while the Bank of the United States, though issuing nopaper, would check the issues of the State banks by taking their notesin deposit and for exchange only so long as they continue to beredeemed with specie. In times of public emergency the capacities ofsuch an institution might be enlarged by legislative provisions. 

These suggestions are made not so much as a recommendation as with aview of calling the attention of Congress to the possible modificationsof a system which can not continue to exist in its present form withoutoccasional collisions with the local authorities and perpetualapprehensions and discontent on the part of the States and the people. 

In conclusion, fellow citizens, allow me to invoke in behalf of yourdeliberations that spirit of conciliation and disinterestedness whichis the gift of patriotism. Under an over-ruling and merciful Providencethe agency of this spirit has thus far been signalized in theprosperity and glory of our beloved country. May its influence beeternal. 

***

State of the Union AddressAndrew JacksonDecember 6, 1831

Fellow Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:

The representation of the people has been renewed for the 22nd timesince the Constitution they formed has been in force. For near half acentury the Chief Magistrates who have been successively chosen havemade their annual communications of the state of the nation to itsrepresentatives. Generally these communications have been of the mostgratifying nature, testifying an advance in all the improvements ofsocial and all the securities of political life. But frequently andjustly as you have been called on to be grateful for the bounties ofProvidence, at few periods have they been more abundantly orextensively bestowed than at the present; rarely, if ever, have we hadgreater reason to congratulate each other on the continued andincreasing prosperity of our beloved country. 

Agriculture, the first and most important occupation of man, hascompensated the labors of the husband-man with plentiful crops of allthe varied products of our extensive country. Manufactures have beenestablished in which the funds of the capitalist find a profitableinvestment, and which give employment and subsistence to a numerous andincreasing body of industrious and dexterous mechanics. The laborer isrewarded by high wages in the construction of works of internalimprovement, which are extending with unprecedented rapidity. Scienceis steadily penetrating the recesses of nature and disclosing hersecrets, while the ingenuity of free minds is subjecting the elementsto the power of man and making each new conquest auxiliary to hiscomfort. By our mails, whose speed is regularly increased and whoseroutes are every year extended, the communication of publicintelligence and private business is rendered frequent and safe; theintercourse between distant cities, which it formerly required weeks toaccomplish, is now effected in a few days; and in the construction ofrail roads and the application of steam power we have a reasonableprospect that the extreme parts of our country will be so muchapproximated and those most isolated by the obstacles of naturerendered so accessible as to remove an apprehension some timesentertained that the great extent of the Union would endanger itspermanent existence. 

If from the satisfactory view of our agriculture, manufactures, andinternal improvements we turn to the state of our navigation and tradewith foreign nations and between the States, we shall scarcely findless cause for gratulation. A beneficent Providence has provided fortheir exercise and encouragement an extensive coast, indented bycapacious bays, noble rivers, inland seas; with a country productive ofevery material for ship building and every commodity for gainfulcommerce, and filled with a population active, intelligent, well-informed, and fearless of danger. These advantages are notneglected, and an impulse has lately been given to commercialenterprise, which fills our ship yards with new constructions, encourages all the arts and branches of industry connected with them, crowds the wharves of our cities with vessels, and covers the mostdistant seas with our canvas. 

Let us be grateful for these blessings to the beneficent Being who hasconferred them, and who suffers us to indulge a reasonable hope oftheir continuance and extension, while we neglect not the means bywhich they may be preserved. If we may dare to judge of His futuredesigns by the manner in which His past favors have been bestowed, Hehas made our national prosperity to depend on the preservation of ourliberties, our national force on our Federal Union, and our individualhappiness on the maintenance of our State rights and wise institutions. If we are prosperous at home and respected abroad, it is because we arefree, united, industrious, and obedient to the laws. While we continueso we shall by the blessing of Heaven go on in the happy career we havebegun, and which has brought us in the short period of our politicalexistence from a population of 3, 000, 000 to 13, 000, 000; from 13separate colonies to 24 united States; from weakness to strength; froma rank scarcely marked in the scale of nations to a high place in theirrespect. 

This last advantage is one that has resulted in a great degree from theprinciples which have guided our intercourse with foreign powers sincewe have assumed an equal station among them, and hence the annualaccount which the Executive renders to the country of the manner inwhich that branch of his duties has been fulfilled proves instructiveand salutary. 

The pacific and wise policy of our Government kept us in a state ofneutrality during the wars that have at different periods since ourpolitical existence been carried on by other powers; but this policy, while it gave activity and extent to our commerce, exposed it in thesame proportion to injuries from the belligerent nations. Hence havearisen claims of indemnity for those injuries. England, France, Spain, Holland, Sweden, Denmark, Naples, and lately Portugal had all in agreater or less degree infringed our neutral rights. Demands forreparation were made upon all. They have had in all, and continue tohave in some, cases a leading influence on the nature of our relationswith the powers on whom they were made. 

Of the claims upon England it is unnecessary to speak further than tosay that the state of things to which their prosecution and denial gaverise has been succeeded by arrangements productive of mutual goodfeeling and amicable relations between the two countries, which it ishoped will not be interrupted. One of these arrangements is thatrelating to the colonial trade which was communicated to Congress atthe last session; and although the short period during which it hasbeen in force will not enable me to form an accurate judgment of itsoperation, there is every reason to believe that it will prove highlybeneficial. The trade thereby authorized has employed to September30th, 1831 upward of 30 thousand tons of American and 15 thousand tonsof foreign shipping in the outward voyages, and in the inward nearly anequal amount of American and 20 thousand only of foreign tonnage. Advantages, too, have resulted to our agricultural interests from thestate of the trade between Canada and our Territories and Statesbordering or the St. Lawrence and the Lakes which may prove more thanequivalent to the loss sustained by the discrimination made to favorthe trade of the northern colonies with the West Indies. 

After our transition from the state of colonies to that of anindependent nation many points were found necessary to be settledbetween us and Great Britain. Among them was the demarcation ofboundaries not described with sufficient precision in the treaty ofpeace. Some of the lines that divide the States and Territories of theUnited States from the British Provinces have been definitively fixed. 

That, however, which separates us from the Provinces of Canada and NewBrunswick to the North and the East was still in dispute when I cameinto office, but I found arrangements made for its settlement overwhich I had no control. The commissioners who had been appointed underthe provisions of the treaty of Ghent having been unable to agree, aconvention was made with Great Britain by my immediate predecessor inoffice, with the advice and consent of the Senate, by which it wasagreed "that the points of difference which have arisen in thesettlement of the boundary line between the American and Britishdominions, as described in the 5th article of the treaty of Ghent, shall be referred, as therein provided, to some friendly sovereign orState, who shall be invited to investigate and make a decision uponsuch points of difference"; and the King of the Netherlands having bythe late President and His Britannic Majesty been designated as suchfriendly sovereign, it became my duty to carry with good faith theagreement so made into full effect. To this end I caused all themeasures to be taken which were necessary to a full exposition of ourcase to the sovereign arbiter, and nominated as ministerplenipotentiary to his Court a distinguished citizen of the State mostinterested in the question, and who had been one of the agentspreviously employed for settling the controversy. 

On January 10th, 1831 His Majesty the King of the Netherlands deliveredto the plenipotentiaries of the United States and of Great Britain hiswritten opinion on the case referred to him. The papers in relation tothe subject will be communicated by a special message to the properbranch of the Government with the perfect confidence that its wisdomwill adopt such measures as will secure an amicable settlement of thecontroversy without infringing any constitutional right of the Statesimmediately interested. 

It affords me satisfaction to inform you that suggestions made by mydirection to the charge d'affaires of His Britannic Majesty to thisGovernment have had their desired effect in producing the release ofcertain American citizens who were imprisoned for setting up theauthority of the State of Maine at a place in the disputed territoryunder the actual jurisdiction of His Britannic Majesty. From this andthe assurances I have received of the desire of the local authoritiesto avoid any cause of collision I have the best hopes that a goodunderstanding will be kept up until it is confirmed by the finaldisposition of the subject. 

The amicable relations which now subsist between the United States andGreat Britain, the increasing intercourse between their citizens, andthe rapid obliteration of unfriendly prejudices to which former eventsnaturally gave rise concurred to present this as a fit period forrenewing our endeavors to provide against the recurrence of causes ofirritation which in the event of war between Great Britain and anyother power would inevitably endanger our peace. Animated by thesincerest desire to avoid such a state of things, and peacefully tosecure under all possible circumstances the rights and honor of thecountry, I have given such instructions to the minister lately sent tothe Court of London as will evince that desire, and if met by acorrespondent disposition, which we can not doubt, will put an end tocauses of collision which, without advantage to either, tend toestrange from each other two nations who have every motive to preservenot only peace, but an intercourse of the most amicable nature. 

In my message at the opening of the last session of Congress Iexpressed a confident hope that the justice of our claims upon France, urged as they were with perseverance and signal ability by our ministerthere, would finally be acknowledged. This hope has been realized. Atreaty has been signed which will immediately be laid before the Senatefor its approbation, and which, containing stipulations that requirelegislative acts, must have the concurrence of both houses before itcan be carried into effect. 

By it the French Government engage to pay a sum which, if not quiteequal to that which may be found due to our citizens, will yet, it isbelieved, under all circumstances, be deemed satisfactory by thoseinterested. The offer of a gross sum instead of the satisfaction ofeach individual claim was accepted because the only alternatives were arigorous exaction of the whole amount stated to be due on each claim, which might in some instances be exaggerated by design, in otherover-rated through error, and which, therefore, it would have been bothungracious and unjust to have insisted on; or a settlement by a mixedcommission, to which the French negotiators were very averse, and whichexperience in other cases had shewn to be dilatory and often whollyinadequate to the end. 

A comparatively small sum is stipulated on our part to go to theextinction of all claims by French citizens on our Government, and areduction of duties on our cotton and their wines has been agreed on asa consideration for the renunciation of an important claim forcommercial privileges under the construction they gave to the treatyfor the cession of Louisiana. 

Should this treaty receive the proper sanction, a source of irritationwill be stopped that has for so many years in some degree alienatedfrom each other two nations who, from interest as well as theremembrance of early associations, ought to cherish the most friendlyrelations; an encouragement will be given for perseverance in thedemands of justice by this new proof that if steadily pursued they willbe listened to, and admonition will be offered to those powers, if any, which may be inclined to evade them that they will never be abandoned;above all, a just confidence will be inspired in our fellow citizensthat their Government will exert all the powers with which they haveinvested it in support of their just claims upon foreign nations; atthe same time that the frank acknowledgment and provision for thepayment of those which were addressed to our equity, althoughunsupported by legal proof, affords a practical illustration of oursubmission to the divine rule of doing to others what we desire theyshould do unto us. 

Sweden and Denmark having made compensation for the irregularitiescommitted by their vessels or in their ports to the perfectsatisfaction of the parties concerned, and having renewed the treatiesof commerce entered into with them, our political and commercialrelations with those powers continue to be on the most friendlyfooting. 

With Spain our differences up to February 22d, 1819 were settled by thetreaty of Washington of that date, but at a subsequent period ourcommerce with the States formerly colonies of Spain on the continent ofAmerica was annoyed and frequently interrupted by her public andprivate armed ships. They captured many of our vessels prosecuting alawful commerce and sold them and their cargoes, and at one time to ourdemands for restoration and indemnity opposed the allegation that theywere taken in the violation of a blockade of all the ports of thoseStates. This blockade was declaratory only, and the inadequacy of theforce to maintain it was so manifest that this allegation was varied toa charge of trade in contraband of war. This, in its turn, was alsofound untenable, and the minister whom I sent with instructions topress for the reparation that was due to our injured fellow citizenshas transmitted an answer to his demand by which the captures aredeclared to have been legal, and are justified because the independenceof the States of America never having been acknowledged by Spain shehad a right to prohibit trade with them under her old colonial laws. This ground of defense was contradictory, not only to those which hadbeen formerly alleged, but to the uniform practice and established lawsof nations, and had been abandoned by Spain herself in the conventionwhich granted indemnity to British subjects for captures made at thesame time, under the same circumstances, and for the same allegationswith those of which we complain. 

I, however, indulge the hope that further reflection will lead to otherviews, and feel confident that when His Catholic Majesty shall beconvinced of the justice of the claims his desire to preserve friendlyrelations between the two countries, which it is my earnest endeavor tomaintain, will induce him to accede to our demand. I have thereforedispatched a special messenger with instructions to our minister tobring the case once more to his consideration, to the end that if(which I can not bring myself to believe) the same decision (that cannot but be deemed an unfriendly denial of justice) should be persistedin the matter may before your adjournment be laid before you, theconstitutional judges of what is proper to be done when negotiation forredress of injury fails. 

The conclusion of a treaty for indemnity with France seemed to presenta favorable opportunity to renew our claims of a similar nature onother powers, and particularly in the case of those upon Naples, moreespecially as in the course of former negotiations with that power ourfailure to induce France to render us justice was used as an argumentagainst us. The desires of the merchants, who were the principalsufferers, have therefore been acceded to, and a mission has beeninstituted for the special purpose of obtaining for them a reparationalready too long delayed. This measure having been resolved on, it wasput in execution without waiting for the meeting of Congress, becausethe state of Europe created an apprehension of events that might haverendered our application ineffectual. 

Our demands upon the Government of the two Sicilies are of a peculiarnature. The injuries on which they are founded are not denied, nor arethe atrocity and perfidy under which those injuries were perpetratedattempted to be extenuated. The sole ground on which indemnity has beenrefused is the alleged illegality of the tenure by which the monarchwho made the seizures held his crown. This defense, always unfounded inany principle of the law of nations, now universally abandoned, even bythose powers upon whom the responsibility for the acts of past rulersbore the most heavily, will unquestionably be given up by His SicilianMajesty, whose counsels will receive an impulse from that high sense ofhonor and regard to justice which are said to characterize him; and Ifeel the fullest confidence that the talents of the citizencommissioned for that purpose will place before him the just claims ofour injured citizens in such as light as will enable me before youradjournment to announce that they have been adjusted and secured. Precise instructions to the effect of bringing the negotiation to aspeedy issue have been given, and will be obeyed. 

In the late blockade of Terceira some of the Portuguese fleet capturedseveral of our vessels and committed other excesses, for whichreparation was demanded, and I was on the point of dispatching an armedforce to prevent any recurrence of a similar violence and protect ourcitizens in the prosecution of their lawful commerce when officialassurances, on which I relied, made the sailing of the shipsunnecessary. Since that period frequent promises have been made thatfull indemnity shall be given for the injuries inflicted and the lossessustained. In the performance there has been some, perhaps unavoidable, delay; but I have the fullest confidence that my earnest desire thatthis business may at once be closed, which our minister has beeninstructed strongly to express, will very soon be gratified. I have thebetter ground for this hope from the evidence of a friendly dispositionwhich that Government has shown an actual reduction in the duty on ricethe produce of our Southern States, authorizing the anticipation thatthis important article of our export will soon be admitted on the samefooting with that produced by the most favored nation. 

With the other powers of Europe we have fortunately had no cause ofdiscussions for the redress of injuries. With the Empire of the Russiasour political connection is of the most friendly and our commercial ofthe most liberal kind. We enjoy the advantages of navigation and tradegiven to the most favored nation, but it has not yet suited theirpolicy, or perhaps has not been found convenient from otherconsiderations, to give stability and reciprocity to those privilegesby a commercial treaty. The ill health of the minister last yearcharged with making a proposition for that arrangement did not permithim to remain at St. Petersburg, and the attention of that Governmentduring the whole of the period since his departure having been occupiedby the war in which it was engaged, we have been assured that nothingcould have been effected by his presence. A minister will soon benominated, as well to effect this important object as to keep up therelations of amity and good understanding of which we have received somany assurances and proofs from His Imperial Majesty and the Emperorhis predecessor. 

The treaty with Austria is opening to us an important trade with thehereditary dominions of the Emperor, the value of which has beenhitherto little known, and of course not sufficiently appreciated. While our commerce finds an entrance into the south of Germany by meansof this treaty, those we have formed with the Hanseatic towns andPrussia and others now in negotiation will open that vast country tothe enterprising spirit of our merchants on the north--a countryabounding in all the materials for a mutually beneficial commerce, filled with enlightened and industrious inhabitants, holding animportant place in the politics of Europe, and to which we owe so manyvaluable citizens. The ratification of the treaty with the Porte wassent to be exchanged by the gentleman appointed our charge d'affairesto that Court. Some difficulties occurred on his arrival, but at thedate of his last official dispatch he supposed they had been obviatedand that there was every prospect of the exchange being speedilyeffected. 

This finishes the connected view I have thought it proper to give ofour political and commercial relations in Europe. Every effort in mypower will be continued to strengthen and extend them by treatiesfounded on principles of the most perfect reciprocity of interest, neither asking nor conceding any exclusive advantage, but liberating asfar as it lies in my power the activity and industry of our fellowcitizens from the shackles which foreign restrictions may impose. 

To China and the East Indies our commerce continues in its usualextent, and with increased facilities which the credit and capital ofour merchants afford by substituting bills for payments in specie. Adaring outrage having been committed in those seas by the plunder ofone of our merchant-men engaged in the pepper trade at a port inSumatra, and the piratical perpetrators belonging to tribes in such astate of society that the usual course of proceedings between civilizednations could not be pursued, I forthwith dispatched a frigate withorders to require immediate satisfaction for the injury and indemnityto the sufferers. 

Few changes have taken place in our connections with the independentStates of America since my last communication to Congress. Theratification of a commercial treaty with the United Republics of Mexicohas been for some time under deliberation in their Congress, but wasstill undecided at the date of our last dispatches. The unhappy civilcommotions that have prevailed there were undoubtedly the cause of thedelay, but as the Government is now said to be tranquillized we mayhope soon to receive the ratification of the treaty and an arrangementfor the demarcation of the boundaries between us. In the mean time, animportant trade has been opened with mutual benefit from St. Louis, inthe State of Missouri, by caravans to the interior Provinces of Mexico. This commerce is protected in its progress through the Indian countriesby the troops of the United States, which have been permitted to escortthe caravans beyond our boundaries to the settled part of the Mexicanterritory. 

From Central America I have received assurances of the most friendlykind and a gratifying application for our good offices to remove asupposed indisposition toward that Government in a neighboring State. This application was immediately and successfully complied with. Theygave us also the pleasing intelligence that differences which hadprevailed in their internal affairs had been peaceably adjusted. Ourtreaty with this Republic continues to be faithfully observed, andpromises a great and beneficial commerce between the two countries--acommerce of the greatest importance if the magnificent project of aship canal through the dominions of that State from the Atlantic to thePacific Ocean, now in serious contemplation, shall be executed. 

I have great satisfaction in communicating the success which hasattended the exertions of our minister in Colombia to procure a veryconsiderable reduction in the duties on our flour in that Republic. Indemnity also has been stipulated for injuries received by ourmerchants from illegal seizures, and renewed assurances are given thatthe treaty between the two countries shall be faithfully observed. 

Chili and Peru seem to be still threatened with civil commotions, anduntil they shall be settled disorders may naturally be apprehended, requiring the constant presence of a naval force in the Pacific Oceanto protect our fisheries and guard our commerce. 

The disturbances that took place in the Empire of Brazil previously toand immediately consequent upon the abdication of the late Emperornecessarily suspended any effectual application for the redress of somepast injuries suffered by our citizens from that Government, while theyhave been the cause of others, in which all foreigners seem to haveparticipated. Instructions have been given to our minister there topress for indemnity due for losses occasioned by these irregularities, and to take care of our fellow citizens shall enjoy all the privilegesstipulated in their favor by the treaty lately made between the twopowers, all which the good intelligence that prevails between ourminister at Rio Janeiro and the Regency gives us the best reason toexpect. 

I should have placed Buenos Ayres in the list of South American powersin respect to which nothing of importance affecting us was to becommunicated but for occurrences which have lately taken place at theFalkland Islands, in which the name of that Republic has been used tocover with a show of authority acts injurious to our commerce and tothe property and liberty of our fellow citizens. In the course of thepresent year one of our vessels, engaged in the pursuit of a tradewhich we have always enjoyed without molestation, has been captured bya band acting, as they pretend, under the authority of the Governmentof Buenos Ayres. I have therefore given orders for the dispatch of anarmed vessel to join our squadron in those seas and aid in affordingall lawful protection to our trade which shall be necessary, and shallwithout delay send a minister to inquire into the nature of thecircumstances and also of the claim, if any, that is set up by thatGovernment to those islands. In the mean time, I submit the case to theconsideration of Congress, to the end that they may clothe theExecutive with such authority and means as they may deem necessary forproviding a force adequate to the complete protection of our fellowcitizens fishing and trading in those seas. 

This rapid sketch of our foreign relations, it is hoped, fellowcitizens, may be of some use in so much of your legislation as may bearon that important subject, while it affords to the country at large asource of high gratification in the contemplation of our political andcommercial connection with the rest of the world. At peace with all;having subjects of future difference with few, and those susceptible ofeasy adjustment; extending our commerce gradually on all sides and onnone by any but the most liberal and mutually beneficial means, we may, by the blessing of Providence, hope for all that national prosperitywhich can be derived from an intercourse with foreign nations, guidedby those eternal principles of justice and reciprocal good will whichare binding as well upon States as the individuals of whom they arecomposed. 

I have great satisfaction in making this statement of our affairs, because the course of our national policy enables me to do it withoutany indiscreet exposure of what in other governments is usuallyconcealed from the people. Having none but a straight-forward, opencourse to pursue, guided by a single principle that will bear thestrongest light, we have happily no political combinations to form, noalliances to entangle us, no complicated interests to consult, and insubjecting all we have done to the consideration of our citizens and tothe inspection of the world we give no advantage to other nations andlay ourselves open to no injury. 

It may not be improper to add that to preserve this state of things andgive confidence to the world in the integrity of our designs all ourconsular and diplomatic agents are strictly enjoined to examine wellevery cause of complaint preferred by our citizens, and while they urgewith proper earnestness those that are well founded, to countenancenone that are unreasonable or unjust, and to enjoin on our merchantsand navigators the strictest obedience to the laws of the countries towhich they resort, and a course of conduct in their dealings that maysupport the character of our nation and render us respected abroad. 

Connected with this subject, I must recommend a revisal of our consularlaws. Defects and omissions have been discovered in their operationthat ought to be remedied and supplied. For your further information onthis subject I have directed a report to be made by the Secretary ofState, which I shall hereafter submit to your consideration. 

The internal peace and security of our confederated States is the nextprincipal object of the General Government. Time and experience haveproved that the abode of the native Indian within their limits isdangerous to their peace and injurious to himself. In accordance withmy recommendation at a former session of Congress, an appropriation of$500 thousand was made to aid the voluntary removal of the varioustribes beyond the limits of the States. At the last session I had thehappiness to announce that the Chickasaws and Choctaws had accepted thegenerous offer of the Government and agreed to remove beyond theMississippi River, by which the whole of the State of Mississippi andthe western part of Alabama will be freed from Indian occupancy andopened to a civilized population. The treaties with these tribes are ina course of execution, and their removal, it is hoped, will becompleted in the course of 1832. 

At the request of the authorities of Georgia the registration ofCherokee Indians for emigration has been resumed, and it is confidentlyexpected that half, if not two-third, of that tribe will follow thewise example of their more westerly brethren. Those who preferremaining at their present homes will hereafter be governed by the lawsof Georgia, as all her citizens are, and cease to be the objects ofpeculiar care on the part of the General Government. 

During the present year the attention of the Government has beenparticularly directed to those tribes in the powerful and growing Stateof Ohio, where considerable tracts of the finest lands were stilloccupied by the aboriginal proprietors. Treaties, either absolute orconditional, have been made extinguishing the whole Indian title to thereservations in that State, and the time is not distant, it is hoped, when Ohio will be no longer embarrassed with the Indian population. Thesame measures will be extended to Indiana as soon as there is reason toanticipate success. It is confidently believed that perseverance for afew years in the present policy of the Government will extinguish theIndian title to all lands lying within the States composing our FederalUnion, and remove beyond their limits every Indian who is not willingto submit to their laws. 

Thus will all conflicting claims to jurisdiction between the States andthe Indian tribes be put to rest. It is pleasing to reflect thatresults so beneficial, not only to the States immediately concerned, but to the harmony of the Union, will have been accomplished bymeasures equally advantageous to the Indians. What the native savagesbecome when surrounded by a dense population and by mixing with thewhites may be seen in the miserable remnants of a few Eastern tribes, deprived of political and civil rights, forbidden to make contracts, and subjected to guardians, dragging out a wretched existence, withoutexcitement, without hope, and almost without thought. 

But the removal of the Indians beyond the limits and jurisdiction ofthe States does not place them beyond the reach of philanthropic aidand Christian instruction. On the contrary, those whom philanthropy orreligion may induce to live among them in their new abode will be morefree in the exercise of their benevolent functions than if they hadremained within the limits of the States, embarrassed by their internalregulations. Now subject to no control but the superintending agency ofthe General Government, exercised with the sole view of preservingpeace, they may proceed unmolested in the interesting experiment ofgradually advancing a community of American Indians from barbarism tothe habits and enjoyments of civilized life. 

Among the happiest effects of the improved relations of our Republichas been an increase of trade, producing a corresponding increase ofrevenue beyond the most sanguine anticipations of the TreasuryDepartment. 

The state of the public finances will be fully shown by the Secretaryof the Treasury in the report which he will presently lay before you. Iwill here, however, congratulate you upon their prosperous condition. The revenue received in the present year will not fall short of$27, 700, 000, and the expenditures for all objects other than the publicdebt will not exceed $14, 700, 000. The payment on account of theprincipal and interest of the debt during the year will exceed$16, 500, 000, a greater sum than has been applied to that object out ofthe revenue in any year since the enlargement of the sinking fundexcept the two years following immediately there after. The amountwhich will have been applied to the public debt from March 4th, 1829 toJanuary 1st, 1832, which is less than three years since theAdministration has been placed in my hands, will exceed $40, 000, 000. 

From the large importations of the present year it may be safelyestimated that the revenue which will be received into the Treasuryfrom that source during the next year, with the aid of that receivedfrom the public lands, will considerably exceed the amount of thereceipts of the present year; and it is believed that with the meanswhich the Government will have at its disposal from various sources, which will be fully stated by the proper Department, the whole of thepublic debt may be extinguished, either by redemption or purchase, within the four years of my Administration. We shall then exhibit therare example of a great nation, abounding in all the means of happinessand security, altogether free from debt. 

The confidence with which the extinguishment of the public debt may beanticipated presents an opportunity for carrying into effect more fullythe policy in relation to import duties which has been recommended inmy former messages. A modification of the tariff which shall produce areduction of our revenue to the wants of the Government and anadjustment of the duties on imports with a view to equal justice inrelation to all our national interests and to the counteraction offoreign policy so far as it may be injurious to those interests, isdeemed to be one of the principal objects which demand theconsideration of the present Congress. Justice to the interests of themerchant as well as the manufacturer requires that material reductionsin the import duties be prospective; and unless the present Congressshall dispose of the subject the proposed reductions can not properlybe made to take effect at the period when the necessity for the revenuearising from present rates shall cease. It is therefore desirable thatarrangements be adopted at your present session to relieve the peoplefrom unnecessary taxation after the extinguishment of the public debt. In the exercise of that spirit of concession and conciliation which hasdistinguished the friends of our Union in all great emergencies, it isbelieved that this object may be effected without injury to anynational interest. 

In my annual message of December, 1829, I had the honor to recommendthe adoption of a more liberal policy than that which then prevailedtoward unfortunate debtors to the Government, and I deem it my dutyagain to invite your attention to this subject. 

Actuated by similar views, Congress at their last session passed an actfor the relief of certain insolvent debtors of the United States, butthe provisions of that law have not been deemed such as were adequateto that relief to this unfortunate class of our fellow citizens whichmay be safely extended to them. The points in which the law appears tobe defective will be particularly communicated by the Secretary of theTreasury, and I take pleasure in recommending such an extension of itsprovisions as will unfetter the enterprise of a valuable portion of ourcitizens and restore to them the means of usefulness to themselves andthe community. While deliberating on this subject I would alsorecommend to your consideration the propriety of so modifying the lawsfor enforcing the payment of debts due either to the public or toindividuals suing in the courts of the United States as to restrict theimprisonment of the person to cases of fraudulent concealment ofproperty. The personal liberty of the citizen seems too sacred to beheld, as in many cases it now is, at the will of a creditor to whom heis willing to surrender all the means he has of discharging his debt. 

The reports from the Secretaries of the War and Navy Departments andfrom the Post Master General, which accompany this message, presentsatisfactory views of the operations of the Departments respectivelyunder their charge, and suggest improvements which are worthy of and towhich I invite the serious attention of Congress. Certain defects andomissions having been discovered in the operation of the lawsrespecting patents, they are pointed out in the accompanying reportfrom the Secretary of State. 

I have heretofore recommended amendments of the Federal Constitutiongiving the election of President and Vice-President to the people andlimiting the service of the former to a single term. So important do Iconsider these changes in our fundamental law that I can not, inaccordance with my sense of duty, omit to press them upon theconsideration of a new Congress. For my views more at large, as well inrelation to these points as to the disqualification of members ofCongress to receive an office from a President in whose election theyhave had an official agency, which I proposed as a substitute, I referyou to my former messages. 

Our system of public accounts is extremely complicated, and it isbelieved may be much improved. Much of the present machinery and aconsiderable portion of the expenditure of public money may bedispensed with, while greater facilities can be afforded to theliquidation of claims upon the Government and an examination into theirjustice and legality quite as efficient as the present secured. With aview to a general reform in the system, I recommend the subject to theattention of Congress. 

I deem it my duty again to call your attention to the condition of theDistrict of Columbia. It was doubtless wise in the framers of ourConstitution to place the people of this District under thejurisdiction of the General Government, but to accomplish the objectsthey had in view it is not necessary that this people should bedeprived of all the privileges of self-government. Independently of thedifficulty of inducing the representatives of distant States to turntheir attention to projects of laws which are not of the highestinterest to their constituents, they are not individually, nor inCongress collectively, well qualified to legislate over the localconcerns of this District. Consequently its interests are muchneglected, and the people are almost afraid to present theirgrievances, lest a body in which they are not represented and whichfeels little sympathy in their local relations should in its attempt tomake laws for them do more harm than good. 

Governed by the laws of the States whence they were severed, the twoshores of the Potomac within the ten miles square have different penalcodes--not the present codes of Virginia and Maryland, but such asexisted in those States at the time of the cession to the UnitedStates. As Congress will not form a new code, and as the people of theDistrict can not make one for themselves, they are virtually under twogovernments. Is it not just to allow them at least a Delegate inCongress, if not a local legislature, to make laws for the District, subject to the approval or rejection of Congress? I earnestly recommendthe extension to them of every political right which their interestsrequire and which may be compatible with the Constitution. 

The extension of the judiciary system of the United States is deemed tobe one of the duties of the Government. One-fourth of the States in theUnion do not participate in the benefits of a circuit court. To theStates of Indiana, Illinois, Missouri, Alabama, Mississippi, andLouisiana, admitted into the Union since the present judicial systemwas organized, only a district court has been allowed. If this besufficient, then the circuit courts already existing in 18 States oughtto be abolished; if it be not sufficient, the defect ought to beremedied, and these States placed on the same footing with the othermembers of the Union. It was on this condition and on this footing thatthey entered the Union, and they may demand circuit courts as a matternot of concession, but of right. I trust that Congress will not adjournleaving this anomaly in our system. 

Entertaining the opinions heretofore expressed in relation to the Bankof the United States as at present organized, I felt it my duty in myformer messages frankly to disclose them, in order that the attentionof the Legislature and the people should be seasonably directed to thatimportant subject, and that it might be considered and finally disposedof in a manner best calculated to promote the ends of the Constitutionand subserve the public interests. Having thus conscientiouslydischarged a constitutional duty, I deem it proper on this occasion, without a more particular reference to the views of the subject thenexpressed to leave it for the present to the investigation of anenlightened people and their representatives. 

In conclusion permit me to invoke that Power which superintends allgovernments to infuse into your deliberations at this important crisisof our history a spirit of mutual forbearance and conciliation. In thatspirit was our Union formed, and in that spirit must it be preserved. 

***

State of the Union AddressAndrew JacksonDecember 4, 1832

Fellow Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:

It gives me pleasure to congratulate you upon your return to the seatof Government for the purpose of discharging your duties to the peopleof the United States. Although the pestilence which had traversed theOld World has entered our limits and extended its ravages over much ofour land, it has pleased Almighty God to mitigate its severity andlessen the number of its victims compared with those who have fallen inmost other countries over which it has spread its terrors. Not withstanding this visitation, our country presents on every side marks ofprosperity and happiness unequaled, perhaps, in any other portion ofthe world. If we fully appreciate our comparative condition, existingcauses of discontent will appear unworthy of attention, and, withhearts of thankfulness to that divine Being who has filled our cup ofprosperity, we shall feel our resolution strengthened to preserve andhand down to our posterity that liberty and that union which we havereceived from our fathers, and which constitute the sources and theshield of all our blessings. 

The relations of our country continue to present the same picture ofamicable intercourse that I had the satisfaction to hold up to yourview at the opening of your last session. The same friendlyprofessions, the same desire to participate in our flourishingcommerce, the same dispositions, evinced by all nations with whom wehave any intercourse. This desirable state of things may be mainlyascribed to our undeviating practice of the rule which has long guidedour national policy, to require no exclusive privileges in commerce andto grant none. It is daily producing its beneficial effect in therespect shown to our flag, the protection of our citizens and theirproperty abroad, and in the increase of our navigation and theextension of our mercantile operations. The returns which have beenmade out since we last met will show an increase during the lastpreceding year of more than 80 thousand tons in our shipping and ofnear $40, 000, 000 in the aggregate of our imports and exports. 

Nor have we less reason to felicitate ourselves on the position of ourpolitical than of our commercial concerns. They remain in the state inwhich they were when I last addressed you--a state of prosperity andpeace, the effect of a wise attention to the parting advice of therevered Father of his Country on this subject, condensed into a maximfor the use of posterity by one of his most distinguishedsuccessors--to cultivate free commerce and honest friendship with allnations, but to make entangling alliances with none. A strict adherenceto this policy has kept us aloof from the perplexing questions that nowagitate the European world and have more than once deluged thosecountries with blood. Should those scenes unfortunately recur, theparties to the contest may count on a faithful performance of theduties incumbent on us as a neutral nation, and our own citizens mayequally rely on the firm assertion of their neutral rights. 

With the nation that was our earliest friend and ally in the infancy ofour political existence the most friendly relations have subsistedthrough the late revolutions of its Government, and, from the events ofthe last, promise a permanent duration. It has made an approximation insome of its political institutions to our own, and raised a monarch tothe throne who preserves, it is said, a friendly recollection of theperiod during which he acquired among our citizens the highconsideration that could then have been produced by his personalqualifications alone. 

Our commerce with that nation is gradually assuming a mutuallybeneficial character, and the adjustment of the claims of our citizenshas removed the only obstacle there was to an intercourse not onlylucrative, but productive of literary and scientific improvement. 

From Great Britain I have the satisfaction to inform you that Icontinue to receive assurances of the most amicable disposition, whichhave on my part on all proper occasions been promptly and sincerelyreciprocated. The attention of that Government has latterly been somuch engrossed by matters of a deeply interesting domestic characterthat we could not press upon it the renewal of negotiations which hadbeen unfortunately broken off by the unexpected recall of our minister, who had commenced them with some hopes of success. My great object wasthe settlement of questions which, though now dormant, might here-afterbe revived under circumstances that would endanger the goodunderstanding which it is the interest of both parties to preserveinviolate, cemented as it is by a community of language, manners, andsocial habits, and by the high obligations we owe to our Britishancestors for many of our most valuable institutions and for thatsystem of representative government which has enabled us to preserveand improve them. The question of our North-East boundary stillremains unsettled. In my last annual message I explained to you thesituation in which I found that business on my coming into office, andthe measures I thought it my duty to pursue for asserting the rights ofthe United States before the sovereign who had been chosen by mypredecessor to determine the question, and also the manner in which hehad disposed of it. A special message to the Senate in their executivecapacity afterwards brought before them to the question whether theywould advise a submission to the opinion of the sovereign arbiter. Thatbody having considered the award as not obligatory and advised me toopen a further negotiation, the proposition was immediately made to theBritish Government, but the circumstances to which I have alluded havehitherto prevented any answer being given to the overture. Earlyattention, however, has been promised to the subject, and every efforton my part will be made for a satisfactory settlement of this question, interesting to the Union generally, and particularly so to one of itsmembers. 

The claims of our citizens on Spain are not yet acknowledged. On acloser investigation of them than appears to have heretofore takenplace it was discovered that some of these demands, however strong theymight be upon the equity of that Government, were not such as could bemade the subject of national interference; and faithful to theprinciple of asking nothing but what was clearly right, additionalinstructions have been sent to modify our demands so as to embracethose only on which, according to the laws of nations, we had a strictright to insist. An inevitable delay in procuring the documentsnecessary for this review of the merits of these claims retarded thisoperation until an unfortunate malady which has afflicted His CatholicMajesty prevented an examination of them. Being now for the first timepresented in an unexceptionable form, it is confidently hoped that theapplication will be successful. 

I have the satisfaction to inform you that the application I directedto be made for the delivery of a part of the archives of Florida, whichhad been carried to The Havannah, has produced a royal order for theirdelivery, and that measures have been taken to procure its execution. 

By the report of the Secretary of State communicated to you on June25th, 1832 you were informed of the conditional reduction obtained bythe minister of the United States at Madrid of the duties on tonnagelevied on American shipping in the ports of Spain. The condition ofthat reduction having been complied with on our part by the act passedJuly 13th, 1832, I have the satisfaction to inform you that our shipsnow pay no higher nor other duties in the continental ports of Spainthan are levied on their national vessels. 

The demands against Portugal for illegal captures in the blockade ofTerceira have been allowed to the full amount of the accounts presentedby the claimants, and payment was promised to be made in threeinstallments. The first of these has been paid; the second, althoughdue, had not at the date of our last advices been received, owing, itwas alleged, to embarrassments in the finances consequent on the civilwar in which that nation is engaged. 

The payments stipulated by the convention with Denmark have beenpunctually made, and the amount is ready for distribution among theclaimants as soon as the board, now sitting, shall have performed theirfunctions. 

I regret that by the last advices from our charge d'affaires at Naplesthat Government had still delayed the satisfaction due to our citizens, but at that date the effect of the last instructions was not known. Dispatches from thence are hourly expected, and the result will becommunicated to you without delay. 

With the rest of Europe our relations, political and commercial, remainunchanged. Negotiations are going on to put on a permanent basis theliberal system of commerce now carried on between us and the Empire ofRussia. The treaty concluded with Austria is executed by His ImperialMajesty with the most perfect good faith, and as we have no diplomaticagent at his Court he personally inquired into and corrected aproceeding of some of his subaltern officers to the injury of ourconsul in one of his ports. 

Our treaty with the Sublime Porte is producing its expected effects onour commerce. New markets are opening for our commodities and a moreextensive range for the employment of our ships. A slight augmentationof the duties on our commerce, inconsistent with the spirit of thetreaty, had been imposed, but on the representation of our charged'affaires it has been promptly withdrawn, and we now enjoy the tradeand navigation of the Black Sea and of all the ports belonging to theTurkish Empire and Asia on the most perfect equality with all foreignnations. 

I wish earnestly that in announcing to you the continuance offriendship and the increase of a profitable commercial intercourse withMexico, with Central America, and the States of the South I couldaccompany it with the assurance that they all are blessed with thatinternal tranquillity and foreign peace which their heroic devotion tothe cause of their independence merits. In Mexico a sanguinary struggleis now carried on, which has caused some embarrassment to our commerce, but both parties profess the most friendly disposition toward us. Tothe termination of this contest we look for the establishment of thatsecure intercourse so necessary to nations whose territories arecontiguous. How important it will be to us we may calculate from thefact that even in this unfavorable state of things our maritimecommerce has increased, and an internal trade by caravans from St. Louis to Santa Fe, under the protection of escorts furnished by theGovernment, is carried on to great advantage and is daily increasing. The agents provided for by the treaty, with this power to designate theboundaries which it established, have been named on our part, but oneof the evils of the civil war now raging there has been that theappointment of those with whom they were to cooperate has not yet beenannounced to us. 

The Government of Central America has expelled from its territory theparty which some time since disturbed its peace. Desirous of fosteringa favorable disposition toward us, which has on more than one occasionbeen evinced by this interesting country, I made a second attempt inthis year to establish a diplomatic intercourse with them; but thedeath of the distinguished citizen whom I had appointed for thatpurpose has retarded the execution of measures from which I hoped muchadvantage to our commerce. The union of the three States which formedthe Republic of Colombia has been dissolved, but they all, it isbelieved, consider themselves as separately bound by the treaty whichwas made in their federal capacity. The minister accredited to thefederation continues in that character near the Government of NewGrenada, and hopes were entertained that a new union would be formedbetween the separate States, at least for the purposes of foreignintercourse. Our minister has been instructed to use his good offices, when ever they shall be desired, to produce the reunion so much to bewished for, the domestic tranquillity of the parties, and the securityand facility of foreign commerce. 

Some agitations naturally attendant on an infant reign have prevailedin the Empire of Brazil, which have had the usual effect uponcommercial operations, and while they suspended the consideration ofclaims created on similar occasions, they have given rise to newcomplaints on the part of our citizens. A proper consideration forcalamities and difficulties of this nature has made us less urgent andperemptory in our demands for justice than duty to our fellow citizenswould under other circumstances have required. But their claims are notneglected, and will on all proper occasions be urged, and it is hopedwith effect. 

I refrain from making any communication on the subject of our affairswith Buenos Ayres, because the negotiation communicated to you in mylast annual message was at the date of our last advices still pendingand in a state that would render a publication of the detailsinexpedient. 

A treaty of amity and commerce has been formed with the Republic ofChili, which, if approved by the Senate, will be laid before you. ThatGovernment seems to be established, and at peace with its neighbors;and its ports being the resorts of our ships which are employed in thehighly important trade of the fisheries, this commercial convention cannot but be of great advantage to our fellow citizens engaged in thatperilous but profitable business. 

Our commerce with the neighboring State of Peru, owing to the onerousduties levied on our principal articles of export, has been on thedecline, and all endeavors to procure an alteration have hithertoproved fruitless. With Bolivia we have yet no diplomatic intercourse, and the continual contests carried on between it and Peru have made medefer until a more favorable period the appointment of any agent forthat purpose. 

An act of atrocious piracy having been committed on one of our tradingships by the inhabitants of a settlement on the west coast of Sumatra, a frigate was dispatched with orders to demand satisfaction for theinjury if those who committed it should be found to be members of aregular government, capable of maintaining the usual relations withforeign nations; but if, as it was supposed and as they proved to be, they were a band of lawless pirates, to inflict such a chastisement aswould deter them and others from like aggressions. This last was done, and the effect has been an increased respect for our flag in thosedistant seas and additional security for our commerce. 

In the view I have given of our connection with foreign powersallusions have been made to their domestic disturbances or foreignwars, to their revolutions or dissensions. It may be proper to observethat this is done solely in cases where those events affect ourpolitical relations with them, or to show their operation on ourcommerce. Further than this it is neither our policy nor our right tointerfere. Our best wishes on all occasions, our good offices whenrequired, will be afforded to promote the domestic tranquillity andforeign peace of all nations with whom we have any intercourse. Anyintervention in their affairs further than this, even by the expressionof an official opinion, is contrary to our principles of internationalpolicy, and will always be avoided. 

The report which the Secretary of the Treasury will in due time laybefore you will exhibit the national finances in a highly prosperousstate. Owing to the continued success of our commercial enterprise, which has enabled the merchants to fulfill their engagements with theGovernment, the receipts from customs during the year will exceed theestimate presented at the last session, and with the other means of theTreasury will prove fully adequate not only to meet the increasedexpenditures resulting from the large appropriations made by Congress, but to provide for the payment of all the public debt which is atpresent redeemable. 

It is now estimated that the customs will yield to the Treasury duringthe present year upward of $28, 000, 000. The public lands, however, haveproved less productive than was anticipated, and according to presentinformation will not much exceed $2, 000, 000. The expenditures for allobjects other than the public debt are estimated to amount during theyear to about $16, 500, 000, while a still larger sum, viz, $18, 000, 000, will have been applied to the principal and interest of the publicdebt. It is expected, however, that in consequence of the reducedrates of duty which will take effect after March 3d, 1833 there will bea considerable falling off in the revenue from customs in the year1833. It will never the less be amply sufficient to provide for all thewants of the public service, estimated even upon a liberal scale, andfor the redemption and purchase of the remainder of the public debt. OnJanuary 1st, 1833 the entire public debt of the United States, fundedand unfunded, will be reduced to within a fraction of $7, 000, 000, ofwhich $2, 227, 363 are not of right redeemable until January 1st, 1834and $4, 735, 296 not until January 2d, 1835. The commissioners of thesinking funds, however, being invested with full authority to purchasethe debt at the market price, and the means of the Treasury beingample, it may be hoped that the whole will be extinguished within theyear 1833. 

I can not too cordially congratulate Congress and my fellow citizens onthe near approach of that memorable and happy event--the extinction ofthe public debt of this great and free nation. 

Faithful to the wise and patriotic policy marked out by the legislationof the country for this object, the present Administration has devotedto it all the means which a flourishing commerce has supplied and aprudent economy preserved for the public Treasury. Within the fouryears for which the people have confided the Executive power to mycharge $58, 000, 000 will have been applied to the payment of the publicdebt. That this has been accomplished without stinting the expendituresfor all other proper objects will be seen by referring to the liberalprovision made during the same period for the support and increase ofour means of maritime and military defense, for internal improvementsof a national character, for the removal and preservation of theIndians, and, lastly, for the gallant veterans of the Revolution. 

The final removal of this great burthen from our resources affords themeans of further provision for all the objects of general welfare andpublic defense which the Constitution authorizes, and presents theoccasion for such further reductions in the revenue as may not berequired for them. From the report of the Secretary of the Treasury itwill be seen that after the present year such a reduction may be madeto a considerable extent, and the subject is earnestly recommended tothe consideration of Congress in the hope that the combined wisdom ofthe representatives of the people will devise such means of effectingthat salutary object as may remove those burthens which shall be foundto fall unequally upon any and as may promote all the great interestsof the community. 

Long and patient reflection has strengthened the opinions I haveheretofore expressed to Congress on this subject, and I deem it my dutyon the present occasion again to urge them upon the attention of theLegislature. The soundest maxims of public policy and the principalsupon which our republican institutions are founded recommend a properadaptation of the revenue to the expenditure, and they also requirethat the expenditure shall be limited to what, by an economicaladministration, shall be consistent with the simplicity of theGovernment and necessary to an efficient public service. 

In effecting this adjustment it is due, in justice to the interests ofthe different States, and even to the preservation of the Union itself, that the protection afforded by existing laws to any branches of thenational industry should not exceed what may be necessary to counteractthe regulations of foreign nations and to secure a supply of thosearticles of manufacture essential to the national independence andsafety in time of war. If upon investigation it shall be found, as itis believed it will be, that the legislative protection granted to anyparticular interest is greater than is indispensably requisite forthese objects, I recommend that it be gradually diminished, and that asfar as may be consistent with these objects the whole scheme of dutiesbe reduced to the revenue standard as soon as a just regard to thefaith of the Government and to the preservation of the large capitalinvested in establishments of domestic industry will permit. 

That manufactures adequate to the supply of our domestic consumptionwould in the abstract be beneficial to our country there is no reasonto doubt, and to effect their establishment there is perhaps noAmerican citizen who would not for a while be willing to pay a higherprice for them. But for this purpose it is presumed that a tariff ofhigh duties, designed for perpetual protection, which they maintain hasthe effect to reduce the price by domestic competition below that ofthe foreign article. Experience, however, our best guide on this as onother subjects, makes it doubtful whether the advantages of this systemare not counter-balanced by many evils, and whether it does not tend tobeget in the minds of a large portion of our country-men a spirit ofdiscontent and jealousy dangerous to the stability of the Union. 

What, then, shall be done? Large interests have grown up under theimplied pledge of our national legislation, which it would seem aviolation of public faith suddenly to abandon. Nothing could justify itbut the public safety, which is the supreme law. But those who havevested their capital in manufacturing establishments can not expectthat the people will continue permanently to pay high taxes for theirbenefit, when the money is not required for any legitimate purpose inthe administration of the Government. Is it not enough that the highduties have been paid as long as the money arising from them could beapplied to the common benefit in the extinguishment of the public debt?

Those who take an enlarged view of the condition of our country must besatisfied that the policy of protection must be ultimately limited tothose articles of domestic manufacture which are indispensable to oursafety in time of war. Within this scope, on a reasonable scale, it isrecommended by every consideration of patriotism and duty, which willdoubtless always secure to it a liberal and efficient support. Butbeyond this object we have already seen the operation of the systemproductive of discontent. In some sections of the Republic itsinfluence is deprecated as tending to concentrate wealth into a fewhands, and as creating those germs of dependence and vice which inother countries have characterized the existence of monopolies andproved so destructive of liberty and the general good. A large portionof the people in one section of the Republic declares it not onlyinexpedient on these grounds, but as disturbing the equal relations ofproperty by legislation, and therefore unconstitutional and unjust. 

Doubtless these effects are in a great degree exaggerated, and may beascribed to a mistaken view of the considerations which led to theadoption of the tariff system; but they are never the less important inenabling us to review the subject with a more thorough knowledge of allits bearings upon the great interests of the Republic, and with adetermination to dispose of it so that none can with justice complain. 

It is my painful duty to state that in one quarter of the United Statesopposition to the revenue laws has arisen to a height which threatensto thwart their execution, if not to endanger the integrity of theUnion. What ever obstructions may be thrown in the way of the judicialauthorities of the General Government, it is hoped they will be ablepeaceably to overcome them by the prudence of their own officers andthe patriotism of the people. But should this reasonable reliance onthe moderation and good sense of all portions of our fellow citizens bedisappointed, it is believed that the laws themselves are fullyadequate to the suppression of such attempts as may be immediatelymade. Should the exigency arise rendering the execution of the existinglaws impracticable from any cause what ever, prompt notice of it willbe given to Congress, with a suggestion of such views and measures asmay be deemed necessary to meet it. 

In conformity with principles heretofore explained, and with the hopeof reducing the General Government to that simple machine which theConstitution created and of withdrawing from the States all otherinfluence than that of its universal beneficence in preserving peace, affording an uniform currency, maintaining the inviolability ofcontracts, diffusing intelligence, and discharging unfelt its othersuper-intending functions, I recommend that provision be made todispose of all stocks now held by it in corporations, whether createdby the General or State Governments, and placing the proceeds in theTreasury. As a source of profit these stocks are of little or no value;as a means of influence among the States they are adverse to the purityof our institutions. The whole principle on which they are based isdeemed by many unconstitutional, and to persist in the policy whichthey indicate is considered wholly inexpedient. 

It is my duty to acquaint you with an arrangement made by the Bank ofthe United States with a portion of the holders of the 3% stock, bywhich the Government will be deprived of the use of the public fundslonger than was anticipated. By this arrangement, which will beparticularly explained by the Secretary of the Treasury, a surrender ofthe certificates of this stock may be postponed until October, 1833, and thus may be continued by the failure of the bank to perform itsduties. 

Such measures as are within the reach of the Secretary of the Treasuryhave been taken to enable him to judge whether the public deposits inthat institution may be regarded as entirely safe; but as his limitedpower may prove inadequate to this object, I recommend the subject tothe attention of Congress, under the firm belief that it is worthy oftheir serious investigation. An inquiry into the transactions of theinstitution, embracing the branches as well as the principal bank, seems called for by the credit which is given throughout the country tomany serious charges impeaching its character, and which if true mayjustly excite the apprehension that it is no longer a safe depositoryof the money of the people. 

Among the interests which merit the consideration of Congress after thepayment of the public debt, one of the most important, in my view, isthat of the public lands. Previous to the formation of our presentConstitution it was recommended by Congress that a portion of the wastelands owned by the States should be ceded to the United States for thepurposes of general harmony and as a fund to meet the expenses of thewar. The recommendation was adopted, and at different periods of timethe States of Massachusetts, New York, Virginia, North and SouthCarolina, and Georgia granted their vacant soil for the uses for whichthey had been asked. As the lands may now be considered as relievedfrom this pledge, it is in the discretion of Congress to dispose ofthem in such way as best to conduce to the quiet, harmony, and generalinterest of the American people. In examining this question all localand sectional feelings should be discarded and the whole United Statesregarded as one people, interested alike in the prosperity of theircommon country. 

It can not be doubted that the speedy settlement of these landsconstitutes the true interest of the Republic. The wealth and strengthof a country are its population, and the best part of that populationare cultivators of the soil. Independent farmers are every where thebasis of society and true friends of liberty. 

In addition to these considerations questions have already arisen, andmay be expected hereafter to grow out of the public lands, whichinvolve the rights of the new States and the powers of the GeneralGovernment, and unless a liberal policy be now adopted there is dangerthat these questions may speedily assume an importance not nowgenerally anticipated. The influence of a great sectional interest, when brought into full action, will be found more dangerous to theharmony and union of the States than any other cause of discontent, andit is the part of wisdom and sound policy to foresee its approaches andendeavor if possible to counteract them. 

Of the various schemes which have been hitherto proposed in regard tothe disposal of the public lands, none has yet received the entireapprobation of the National Legislature. Deeply impressed with theimportance of a speedy and satisfactory arrangement of the subject, Ideem it my duty on this occasion to urge it upon your consideration, and to the propositions which have been heretofore suggested by othersto contribute those reflections which have occurred to me, in the hopethat they may assist you in your future deliberations. 

It seems to me to be our policy that the public lands shall cease assoon as practicable to be a source of revenue, and that they be sold tosettlers in limited parcels at a price barely sufficient to reimburseto the United States the expense of the present system and the costarising under our Indian compacts. The advantages of accurate surveysand undoubted titles now secured to purchasers seem to forbid theabolition of the present system, because none can be substituted whichwill more perfectly accomplish these important ends. It is desirable, however, that in convenient time this machinery be withdrawn from theStates, and that the right of soil and the future disposition of it besurrendered to the States respectively in which it lies. 

The adventurous and hardy population of the West, besides contributingtheir equal share of taxation under our impost system, have in theprogress of our Government, for the lands they occupy, paid into theTreasury a large proportion of $40, 000, 000, and of the revenue receivedtherefrom but a small part has been expended among them. When to thedisadvantage of their situation in this respect we add theconsideration that it is their labor alone which gives real value tothe lands, and that the proceeds arising from their sale aredistributed chiefly among States which had not originally any claim tothem, and which have enjoyed the undivided emolument arising from thesale of their own lands, it can not be expected that the new Stateswill remain longer contented with the present policy after the paymentof the public debt. To avert the consequences which may be apprehendedfrom this cause, to pub an end for ever to all partial and interestedlegislation on the subject, and to afford to every American citizen ofenterprise the opportunity of securing an independent freehold, itseems to me, therefore, best to abandon the idea of raising a futurerevenue out of the public lands. 

In former messages I have expressed my conviction that the Constitutiondoes not warrant the application of the funds of the General Governmentto objects of internal improvement which are not national in theircharacter, and, both as a means of doing justice to all interests andputting an end to a course of legislation calculated to destroy thepurity of the Government, have urged the necessity of reducing thewhole subject to some fixed and certain rule. As there never will occura period, perhaps, more propitious than the present to theaccomplishment of this object, I beg leave to press the subject againupon your attention. 

Without some general and well-defined principles ascertaining thoseobjects of internal improvement to which the means of the nation may beconstitutionally applied, it is obvious that the exercise of the powercan never be satisfactory. Besides the danger to which it exposesCongress of making hasty appropriations to works of the character ofwhich they may be frequently ignorant, it promotes a mischievous andcorrupting influence upon elections by holding out to the people thefallacious hope that the success of a certain candidate will makenavigable their neighboring creek or river, bring commerce to theirdoors, and increase the value of their property. It thus favorscombinations to squander the treasure of the country upon a multitudeof local objects, as fatal to just legislation as to the purity ofpublic men. 

If a system compatible with the Constitution can not be devised whichis free from such tendencies, we should recollect that that instrumentprovides within itself the mode of its amendment, and that there is, therefore, no excuse for the assumption of doubtful powers by theGeneral Government. If those which are clearly granted shall be foundincompetent to the ends of its creation, it can at any time apply fortheir enlargement; and there is no probability that such anapplication, if founded on the public interest, will ever be refused. If the propriety of the proposed grant be not sufficiently apparent tocommand the assent of 3/4 of the States, the best possible reason whythe power should not be assumed on doubtful authority is afforded; forif more than one quarter of the States are unwilling to make the grantits exercise will be productive of discontents which will farover-balance any advantages that could be derived from it. All mustadmit that there is nothing so worthy of the constant solicitude ofthis Government as the harmony and union of the people. 

Being solemnly impressed with the conviction that the extension of thepower to make internal improvements beyond the limit I have suggested, even if it be deemed constitutional, is subversive of the bestinterests of our country, I earnestly recommend to Congress to refrainfrom its exercise in doubtful cases, except in relation to improvementsalready begun, unless they shall first procure from the States such anamendment of the Constitution as will define its character andprescribe its bounds. If the States feel themselves competent to theseobjects, why should this Government wish to assume the power? If theydo not, then they will not hesitate to make the grant. Both Governmentsare the Governments of the people; improvements must be made with themoney of the people, and if the money can be collected and applied bythose more simple and economical political machines, the Stategovernments, it will unquestionably be safer and better for the peoplethan to add to the splendor, the patronage, and the power of theGeneral Government. But if the people of the several States thinkotherwise they will amend the Constitution, and in their decision allought cheerfully to acquiesce. 

For a detailed and highly satisfactory view of the operations of theWar Department I refer you to the accompanying report of the Secretaryof War. 

The hostile incursions of the Sac and Fox Indians necessarily led tothe interposition of the Government. A portion of the troops, underGenerals Scott and Atkinson, and of the militia of the State ofIllinois were called into the field. After a harassing warfare, prolonged by the nature of the country and by the difficulty ofprocuring subsistence, the Indians were entirely defeated, and thedisaffected band dispersed or destroyed. The result has been creditableto the troops engaged in the service. Severe as is the lesson to theIndians, it was rendered necessary by their unprovoked aggressions, andit is to be hoped that its impression will be permanent and salutary. 

This campaign has evinced the efficient organization of the Army andits capacity for prompt and active service. Its several departmentshave performed their functions with energy and dispatch, and thegeneral movement was satisfactory. 

Our fellow citizens upon the frontiers were ready, as they always are, in the tender of their services in the hour of danger. But a moreefficient organization of our militia system is essential to thatsecurity which is one of the principal objects of all governments. Neither our situation nor our institutions require or permit themaintenance of a large regular force. History offers too many lessonsof the fatal result of such a measure not to warn us against itsadoption here. The expense which attends it, the obvious tendency toemploy it because it exists and thus to engage in unnecessary wars, andits ultimate danger to public liberty will lead us, I trust, to placeour principal dependence for protection upon the great body of thecitizens of the Republic. If in asserting rights or in repelling wrongswar should come upon us, our regular force should be increased to anextent proportional to the emergency, and our present small Army is anucleus around which such force could be formed and embodied. But forthe purposes of defense under ordinary circumstances we must rely uponthe electors of the country. Those by whom and for whom the Governmentwas instituted and is supported will constitute its protection in thehour of danger as they do its check in the hour of safety. 

But it is obvious that the militia system is imperfect. Much time islost, much unnecessary expense incurred, and much public propertywasted under the present arrangement. Little useful knowledge is gainedby the musters and drills as now established, and the whole subjectevidently requires a thorough examination. Whether a plan ofclassification remedying these defects and providing for a system ofinstruction might not be adopted is submitted to the consideration ofCongress. The Constitution has vested in the General Government anindependent authority upon the subject of the militia which renders itsaction essential to the establishment or improvement of the system, andI recommend the matter to your consideration in the conviction that thestate of this important arm of the public defense requires yourattention. 

I am happy to inform you that the wise and humane policy oftransferring from the eastern to the western side of the Mississippithe remnants of our aboriginal tribes, with their own consent and uponjust terms, has been steadily pursued, and is approaching, I trust, itsconsummation. By reference to the report of the Secretary of War and tothe documents submitted with it you will see the progress which hasbeen made since your last session in the arrangement of the variousmatters connected with our Indian relations. With one exception everysubject involving any question of conflicting jurisdiction or ofpeculiar difficulty has been happily disposed of, and the convictionevidently gains ground among the Indians that their removal to thecountry assigned by the United States for their permanent residencefurnishes the only hope of their ultimate prosperity. 

With that portion of the Cherokees, however, living within the State ofGeorgia it has been found impracticable as yet to make a satisfactoryadjustment. Such was my anxiety to remove all the grounds of complaintand to bring to a termination the difficulties in which they areinvolved that I directed the very liberal propositions to be made tothem which accompany the documents herewith submitted. They can not buthave seen in these offers the evidence of the strongest disposition onthe part of the Government to deal justly and liberally with them. Anample indemnity was offered for their present possessions, a liberalprovision for their future support and improvement, and full securityfor their private and political rights. What ever difference of opinionmay have prevailed respecting the just claims of these people, therewill probably be none respecting the liberality of the propositions, and very little respecting the expediency of their immediateacceptance. They were, however, rejected, and thus the position ofthese Indians remains unchanged, as do the views communicated in mymessage to the Senate of February 22d, 1831. 

I refer you to the annual report of the Secretary of the Navy, whichaccompanies this message, for a detail of the operations of that branchof the service during the present year. 

Besides the general remarks on some of the transactions of our Navypresented in the view which has been taken of our foreign relations, Iseize this occasion to invite to your notice the increased protectionwhich it has afforded to our commerce and citizens on distant seaswithout any augmentation of the force in commission. In the gradualimprovement of its pecuniary concerns, in the constant progress in thecollection of materials suitable for use during future emergencies, andin the construction of vessels and the buildings necessary to theirpreservation and repair, the present state of this branch of theservice exhibits the fruits of that vigilance and care which are soindispensable to its efficiency. Various new suggestions, contained inthe annexed report, as well as others heretofore to Congress, areworthy of your attention, but none more so than that urging the renewalfor another term of six years of the general appropriation for thegradual improvement of the Navy. 

From the accompanying report of the Post Master General you will alsoperceive that that Department continues to extend its usefulnesswithout impairing its resources or lessening the accommodations whichit affords in the secure and rapid transportation of the mail. 

I beg leave to call the attention of Congress to the views heretoforeexpressed in relation to the mode of choosing the President and Vice-President of the United States, and to those respecting the tenure ofoffice generally. Still impressed with the justness of those views andwith the belief that the modifications suggested on those subjects ifadopted will contribute to the prosperity and harmony of the country, Iearnestly recommend them to your consideration at this time. 

I have heretofore pointed out defects in the law for punishing officialfrauds, especially within the District of Columbia. It has been foundalmost impossible to bring notorious culprits to punishment, and, according to a decision of the court for this District, a prosecutionis barred by a lapse of two years after the fraud has been committed. It may happen again, as it has already happened, that during the wholetwo years all the evidences of the fraud may be in the possession ofthe culprit himself. However proper the limitation may be in relationto private citizens, it would seem that it ought not to commencerunning in favor of public officers until they go out of office. 

The judiciary system of the United States remains imperfect. Of the 9Western and South Western States, three only enjoy the benefits of acircuit court. Ohio, Kentucky, and Tennessee are embraced in thegeneral system, but Indiana, Illinois, Missouri, Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana have only district courts. If the existing system be agood one, why should it not be extended? If it be a bad one, why is itsuffered to exist? The new States were promised equal rights andprivileges when they came into the Union, and such are the guarantiesof the Constitution. Nothing can be more obvious than the obligation ofthe General Government to place all the States on the same footing inrelation to the administration of justice, and I trust this duty willbe neglected no longer. 

On many of the subjects to which your attention is invited in thiscommunication it is a source of gratification to reflect that the stepsto be now adopted are uninfluenced by the embarrassments entailed uponthe country by the wars through which it has passed. In regard to mostof our great interests we may consider ourselves as just starting inour career, and after a salutary experience about to fix upon apermanent basis the policy best calculated to promote the happiness ofthe people and facilitate their progress toward the most completeenjoyment of civil liberty. On an occasion so interesting and importantin our history, and of such anxious concern to the friends of freedomthroughout the world, it is our imperious duty to lay aside all selfishand local considerations and be guided by a lofty spirit of devotion tothe great principles on which our institutions are founded. 

That this Government may be so administered as to preserve itsefficiency in promoting and securing these general objects should bethe only aim of our ambition, and we can not, therefore, too carefullyexamine its structure, in order that we may not mistake its powers orassume those which the people have reserved to themselves or havepreferred to assign to other agents. We should bear constantly in mindthe fact that the considerations which induced the framers of theConstitution to withhold from the General Government the power toregulate the great mass of the business and concerns of the people havebeen fully justified by experience, and that it can not now be doubtedthat the genius of all our institutions prescribes simplicity andeconomy as the characteristics of the reform which is yet to beeffected in the present and future execution of the functions bestowedupon us by the Constitution. 

Limited to a general superintending power to maintain peace at home andabroad, and to prescribe laws on a few subjects of general interest notcalculated to restrict human liberty, but to enforce human rights, thisGovernment will find its strength and its glory in the faithfuldischarge of these plain and simple duties. Relieved by its protectingshield from the fear of war and the apprehension of oppression, thefree enterprise of our citizens, aided by the State sovereignties, willwork out improvements and ameliorations which can not fail todemonstrate that the great truth that the people can govern themselvesis not only realized in our example, but that it is done by a machineryin government so simple and economical as scarcely to be felt. That theAlmighty Ruler of the Universe may so direct our deliberations andover-rule our acts as to make us instrumental in securing a result sodear to mankind is my most earnest and sincere prayer. 

***

State of the Union AddressAndrew JacksonDecember 3, 1833

Fellow Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:

On your assembling to perform the high trusts which the people of theUnited States have confided to you, of legislating for their commonwelfare, it gives me pleasure to congratulate you upon the happycondition of our beloved country. By the favor of Divine Providencehealth is again restored to us, peace reigns within our borders, abundance crowns the labors of our fields, commerce and domesticindustry flourish and increase, and individual happiness rewards theprivate virtue and enterprise of our citizens. 

Our condition abroad is no less honorable than it is prosperous athome. Seeking nothing that is not right and determined to submit tonothing that is wrong, but desiring honest friendships and liberalintercourse with all nations, the United States have gained throughoutthe world the confidence and respect which are due to a policy so justand so congenial to the character of the American people and to thespirit of their institutions. 

In bringing to your notice the particular state of our foreign affairs, it affords me high gratification to inform you that they are in acondition which promises the continuance of friendship with allnations. 

With Great Britain the interesting question of our North East boundaryremains still undecided. A negotiation, however, upon that subject hasbeen renewed since the close of the last Congress, and a propositionhas been submitted to the British Government with the view ofestablishing, in conformity with the resolution of the Senate, the linedesignated by the treaty of 1783. Though no definitive answer has beenreceived, it may be daily looked for, and I entertain a hope that theoverture may ultimately lead to a satisfactory adjustment of thisimportant matter. 

I have the satisfaction to inform you that a negotiation which, bydesire of the House of Representatives, was opened some years ago withthe British Government, for the erection of light houses on theBahamas, has been successful. Those works, when completed, togetherwith those which the United States have constructed on the western sideof the Gulf of Florida, will contribute essentially to the safety ofnavigation in that sea. This joint participation in establishmentsinteresting to humanity and beneficial to commerce is worthy of twoenlightened nations, and indicates feelings which can not fail to havea happy influence upon their political relations. It is gratifying tothe friends of both to perceive that the intercourse between the twopeople is becoming daily more extensive, and that sentiments of mutualgood will have grown up befitting their common origin and justifyingthe hope that by wise counsels on each side not only unsettledquestions may be satisfactorily terminated, but new causes ofmisunderstanding prevented. 

Not withstanding that I continue to receive the most amicableassurances from the Government of France, and that in all otherrespects the most friendly relations exist between the United Statesand that Government, it is to be regretted that the stipulations of theconvention concluded on July 4th, 1831 remain in some important partsunfulfilled. 

By the second article of that convention it was stipulated that the sumpayable to the United States should be paid at Paris, in six annualinstallments, into the hands of such person or persons as should beauthorized by the Government of the United States to receive it, and bythe same article the first installment was payable on February 2d, 1833. By the act of Congress of July 13th, 1832 it was made the duty ofthe Secretary of the Treasury to cause the several installments, withthe interest thereon, to be received from the French Government andtransferred to the United States in such manner as he may deem best;and by the same act of Congress the stipulations on the part of theUnited States in the convention were in all respects fulfilled. Notdoubting that a treaty thus made and ratified by the two Governments, and faithfully executed by the United States, would be promptlycomplied with by the other party, and desiring to avoid the risk andexpense of intermediate agencies, the Secretary of the Treasury deemedit advisable to receive and transfer the first installment by means ofa draft upon the French minister of finance. 

A draft for this purpose was accordingly drawn in favor of the cashierof the Bank of the United States for the amount accruing to the UnitedStates out of the first installment, and the interest payable with it. This bill was not drawn at Washington until five days after theinstallment was payable at Paris, and was accompanied by a specialauthority from the President authorizing the cashier or his assigns toreceive the amount. The mode thus adopted of receiving the installmentwas officially made known to the French Government by the Americancharge d'affaires at Paris, pursuant to instructions from theDepartment of State. The bill, however, though not presented forpayment until March 23d, 1833, was not paid, and for the reasonassigned by the French minister of finance that no appropriation hadbeen made by the French Chambers. It is not known to me that up to thatperiod any appropriation had been required of the Chambers, andalthough a communication was subsequently made to the Chambers bydirection of the King, recommending that the necessary provision shouldbe made for carrying the convention into effect, it was at an advancedperiod of the session, and the subject was finally postponed until thenext meeting of the Chambers. 

Not withstanding it has been supposed by the French ministry that thefinancial stipulations of the treaty can not be carried into effectwithout an appropriation by the Chambers, it appears to me to be notonly consistent with the character of France, but due to the characterof both Governments, as well as to the rights of our citizens, to treatthe convention, made and ratified in proper form, as pledging the goodfaith of the French Government for its execution, and as imposing uponeach department an obligation to fulfill it; and I have receivedassurances through our charge d'affaires at Paris and the Frenchminister plenipotentiary at Washington, and more recently through theminister of the United States at Paris, that the delay has notproceeded from any indisposition on the part of the King and hisministers to fulfill their treaty, and that measures will be presentedat the next meeting of the Chambers, and with a reasonable hope ofsuccess, to obtain the necessary appropriation. 

It is necessary to state, however, that the documents, except certainlists of vessels captured, condemned, or burnt at sea, proper tofacilitate the examination and liquidation of the reclamationscomprised in the stipulations of the convention, and which by the 6tharticle France engaged to communicate to the United States by theintermediary of the legation, though repeatedly applied for by theAmerican charge d'affaires under instructions from this Government, have not yet been communicated; and this delay, it is apprehended, willnecessarily prevent the completion of the duties assigned to thecommissioners within the time at present prescribed by law. 

The reasons for delaying to communicate these documents have not beenexplicitly stated, and this is the more to be regretted as it is notunderstood that the interposition of the Chambers is in any mannerrequired for the delivery of those papers. 

Under these circumstances, in a case so important to the interests ofour citizens and to the character of our country, and underdisappointments so unexpected, I deemed it my duty, however I mightrespect the general assurances to which I have adverted, no longer todelay the appointment of a minister plenipotentiary to Paris, but todispatch him in season to communicate the result of his application tothe French Government at an early period of your session. I accordinglyappointed a distinguished citizen for this purpose, who proceeded onhis mission in August last and was presented to the King early in themonth of October. He is particularly instructed as to all mattersconnected with the present posture of affairs, and I indulge the hopethat with the representations he is instructed to make, and from thedisposition manifested by the King and his ministers in their recentassurances to our minister at Paris, the subject will be earlyconsidered, and satisfactorily disposed of at the next meeting of theChambers. 

As this subject involves important interests and has attracted aconsiderable share of the public attention, I have deemed it proper tomake this explicit statement of its actual condition, and should I bedisappointed in the hope now entertained the subject will be againbrought to the notice of Congress in such manner as the occasion mayrequire. 

The friendly relations which have always been maintained between theUnited States and Russia have been further extended and strengthened bythe treaty of navigation and commerce concluded on December 6th, 1832, and sanctioned by the Senate before the close of its last session. Theratifications having been since exchanged, the liberal provisions ofthe treaty are now in full force, and under the encouragement whichthey have secured a flourishing and increasing commerce, yielding itsbenefits to the enterprise of both nations, affords to each the justrecompense of wise measures, and adds new motives for that mutualfriendship which the two countries have hitherto cherished toward eachother. 

It affords me peculiar satisfaction to state that the Government ofSpain has at length yielded to the justice of the claims which havebeen so long urged in behalf of our citizens, and has expressed awillingness to provide an indemnification as soon as the proper amountcan be agreed upon. Upon this latter point it is probable anunderstanding had taken place between the minister of the United Statesand the Spanish Government before the decease of the late King ofSpain; and, unless that event may have delayed its completion, there isreason to hope that it may be in my power to announce to you early inyour present session the conclusion of a convention upon terms not lessfavorable than those entered into for similar objects with othernations. That act of justice would well accord with the character ofSpain, and is due to the United States from their ancient friend. Itcould not fail to strengthen the sentiments of amity and good willbetween the two nations which it is so much the wish of the UnitedStates to cherish and so truly the interest of both to maintain. 

By the first section of an act of Congress passed on July 13th, 1832the tonnage duty on Spanish ships arriving from the ports of Spainprevious to October 20th, 1817, being five cents per ton. That act wasintended to give effect on our side to an arrangement made with theSpanish Government by which discriminating duties of tonnage were to beabolished in the ports of the United States and Spain on he vessels ofthe two nations. Pursuant to that arrangement, which was carried intoeffect on the part of Spain on May 20th, 1832, by a royal order datedApril 29th, 1832, American vessels in the ports of Spain have paid fivecents per ton, which rate of duty is also paid in those ports bySpanish ships; but as American vessels pay no tonnage duty in the portsof the United States, the duty of five cents payable in our ports bySpanish vessels under the act above mentioned is really adiscriminating duty, operating to the disadvantage of Spain. 

Though no complaint has yet been made on the part of Spain, we are notthe less bound by the obligations of good faith to remove thediscrimination, and I recommend that the act be amended accordingly. Asthe royal order above alluded to includes the ports of the Balearic andCanary islands as well as those of Spain, it would seem that theprovisions of the act of Congress should be equally extensive, and thatfor the repayments of such duties as may have been improperly receivedan addition should be made to the sum appropriated at the last sessionof Congress for refunding discriminating duties. 

As the arrangement referred to, however, did not embrace the islands ofCuba and Puerto Rico, discriminating duties to the prejudice ofAmerican shipping continue to be levied there. From the extent of thecommerce carried on between the United States and those islands, particularly the former, this discrimination causes serious injury toone of those great national interests which it has been considered anessential part of our policy to cherish, and has given rise tocomplaints on the part of our merchants. Under instructions given toour minister at Madrid, earnest representations have been made by himto the Spanish Government upon this subject, and there is reason toexpect, from the friendly disposition which is entertained toward thiscountry, that a beneficial change will be produced. 

The disadvantage, however, to which our shipping is subjected by theoperation of these discriminating duties requires that they be met bysuitable countervailing duties during your present session, power beingat the same time vested in the President to modify or discontinue themas the discriminating duties on American vessels or their cargoes maybe modified or discontinued at those islands. Intimations have beengiven to the Spanish Government that the United States may be obligedto resort to such measures as are of necessary self-defense, and thereis no reason to apprehend that it would be unfavorably received. Theproposed proceeding if adopted would not be permitted, however, in anydegree to induce a relaxation in the efforts of our minister to effecta repeal of this irregularity by friendly negotiation, and it mightserve to give force to his representations by showing the dangers towhich that valuable trade is exposed by the obstructions and burdenswhich a system of discriminating and countervailing duties necessarilyproduces. 

The selection and preparation of the Florida archives for the purposeof being delivered over to the United States, in conformity with theroyal order as mentioned in my last annual message, though in progress, has not yet been completed. This delay has been produced partly bycauses which were unavoidable, particularly the prevalence of thecholera at Havana; but measures have been taken which it is believedwill expedite the delivery of those important records. 

Congress were informed at the opening of the last session that "owing, as was alleged, to embarrassments in the finances of Portugal, consequent upon the civil war in which that nation was engaged", payment had been made of only one installment of the amount which thePortuguese Government had stipulated to pay for indemnifying ourcitizens for property illegally captured in the blockade of Terceira. Since that time a postponement for two years, with interest, of the tworemaining installments was requested by the Portuguese Government, andas a consideration it offered to stipulate that rice of the UnitedStates should be admitted into Portugal at the same duties as Brazilianrice. Being satisfied that no better arrangement could be made, myconsent was given, and a royal order of the King of Portugal wasaccordingly issued on February 4th, 1833 for the reduction of the dutyon rice of the United States. It would give me great pleasure if inspeaking of that country, in whose prosperity the United States are somuch interested, and with whom a long-subsisting, extensive, andmutually advantageous commercial intercourse has strengthened therelation of friendship, I could announce to you the restoration of itsinternal tranquillity. 

Subsequently to the commencement of the last session of Congress thefinal installment payable by Denmark under the convention of March28th, 1830 was received. The commissioners for examining the claimshave since terminated their labors, and their awards have been paid atthe Treasury as they have been called for. The justice rendered to ourcitizens by that Government is thus completed, and a pledge is therebyafforded for the maintenance of that friendly intercourse becoming therelations that the two nations mutually bear to each other. 

It is satisfactory to inform you that the Danish Government haverecently issued an ordinance by which the commerce with the island ofSt. Croix is placed on a more liberal footing than heretofore. Thischange can not fail to prove beneficial to the trade between the UnitedStates and that colony, and the advantages likely to flow from it maylead to greater relaxations in the colonial systems of other nations. 

The ratifications of the convention with the King of the two Sicilieshave been duly exchanged, and the commissioners appointed for examiningthe claims under it have entered upon the duties assigned to them bylaw. The friendship that the interests of the two nations require ofthem being now established, it may be hoped that each will enjoy thebenefits which a liberal commerce should yield to both. 

A treaty of amity and commerce between the United States and Belgiumwas concluded during the last winter and received the sanction of theSenate, but the exchange of the ratifications has been hithertodelayed, in consequence, in the first instance, of some delay in thereception of the treaty at Brussels, and, subsequently, of the absenceof the Belgian minister of foreign affairs at the important conferencesin which his Government is engaged at London. That treaty does butembody those enlarged principles of friendly policy which it issincerely hoped will always regulate the conduct of the two nationshaving such strong motives to maintain amicable relations toward eachother and so sincerely desirous to cherish them. 

With all the other European powers with whom the United States haveformed diplomatic relations and with the Sublime Porte the bestunderstanding prevails. From all I continue to receive assurances ofgood will toward the United States--assurances which it gives me noless pleasure to reciprocate than to receive. With all, the engagementswhich have been entered into are fulfilled with good faith on bothsides. Measures have also been taken to enlarge our friendly relationsand extend our commercial intercourse with other States. The system wehave pursued of aiming at no exclusive advantages, of dealing with allon terms of fair and equal reciprocity, and of adhering scrupulously toall our engagements is well calculated to give success to effortsintended to be mutually beneficial. 

The wars of which the southern part of this continent was so long thetheater, and which were carried on either by the mother country againstthe States which had formerly been her colonies or by the Statesagainst each other, having terminated, and their civil dissensionshaving so far subsided as with few exceptions no longer to disturb thepublic tranquillity, it is earnestly hoped those States will be able toemploy themselves without interruption in perfecting theirinstitutions, cultivating the arts of peace, and promoting by wisecouncils and able exertions the public and private prosperity whichtheir patriotic struggles so well entitle them to enjoy. 

With those States our relations have under-gone but little changeduring the present year. No reunion having yet taken place between theStates which composed the Republic of Colombia, our charge d'affairesat Bogota has been accredited to the Government of New Grenada, and wehave, therefore, no diplomatic relations with Venezuela and Equator, except as they may be included in those heretofore formed with theColombian Republic. 

It is understood that representatives from the three states were aboutto assemble at Bogota to confer on the subject of their mutualinterests, particularly that of their union, and if the result shouldrender it necessary, measures will be taken on our part to preservewith each that friendship and those liberal commercial connectionswhich it has been the constant desire of the United States to cultivatewith their sister Republics of this hemisphere. Until the importantquestion of reunion shall be settled, however, the different matterswhich have been under discussion between the United States and theRepublic of Colombia, or either of the States which composed it, arenot likely to be brought to a satisfactory issue. 

In consequence of the illness of the charge d'affaires appointed toCentral America at the last session of Congress, he was prevented fromproceeding on his mission until the month of October. It is hoped, however, that he is by this time at his post, and that the officialintercourse, unfortunately so long interrupted, has been thus renewedon the part of the two nations so amicably and advantageously connectedby engagements founded on the most enlarged principles of commercialreciprocity. 

It is gratifying to state that since my last annual message some of themost important claims of our fellow citizens upon the Government ofBrazil have been satisfactorily adjusted, and a reliance is placed onthe friendly dispositions manifested by it that justice will also bedone in others. No new causes of complaint have arisen, and the tradebetween the two countries flourishes under the encouragement secured toit by the liberal provisions of the treaty. 

It is cause of regret that, owing, probably, to the civil dissensionswhich have occupied the attention of the Mexican Government, the timefixed by the treaty of limits with the United States for the meeting ofthe commissioners to define the boundaries between the two nations hasbeen suffered to expire without the appointment of any commissioners onthe part of that Government. While the true boundary remains in doubtby either party it is difficult to give effect to those measures whichare necessary to the protection and quiet of our numerous citizensresiding near that frontier. The subject is one of great solicitude tothe United States, and will not fail to receive my earnest attention. 

The treaty concluded with Chili and approved by the Senate at its lastsession was also ratified by the Chilian Government, but with certainadditional and explanatory articles of a nature to have required it tobe again submitted to the Senate. The time limited for the exchange ofthe ratification, however, having since expired, the action of bothGovernments on the treaty will again become necessary. 

The negotiations commenced with the Argentine Republic relative to theoutrages committed on our vessels engaged in the fisheries at theFalkland Islands by persons acting under the color of its authority, aswell as the other matters in controversy between the two Governments, have been suspended by the departure of the charge d'affaires of theUnited States from Buenos Ayres. It is understood, however, that aminister was subsequently appointed by that Government to renew thenegotiation in the United States, but though daily expected he has notyet arrived in this country. 

With Peru no treaty has yet been formed, and with Bolivia no diplomaticintercourse has yet been established. It will be my endeavor toencourage those sentiments of amity and that liberal commerce whichbelong to the relations in which all the independent States of thiscontinent stand toward each other. 

I deem it proper to recommend to your notice the revision of ourconsular system. This has become an important branch of the publicservice, in as much as it is intimately connected with the preservationof our national character abroad, with the interest of our citizens inforeign countries, with the regulation and care of our commerce, andwith the protection of our sea men. At the close of the last session ofCongress I communicated a report from the Secretary of State upon thesubject, to which I now refer, as containing information which may beuseful in any inquiries that Congress may see fit to institute with aview to a salutary reform of the system. 

It gives me great pleasure to congratulate you upon the prosperouscondition of the finances of the country, as will appear from thereport which the Secretary of the Treasury will in due time lay beforeyou. The receipts into the Treasury during the present year will amountto more than $32, 000, 000. The revenue derived from customs will, it isbelieved, be more than $28, 000, 000, and the public lands will yieldabout $3, 0900, 000. The expenditures within the year for all objects, including $2, 572, 240. 99 on account of the public debt, will not amountto $25, 000, 000, and a large balance will remain in the Treasury aftersatisfying all the appropriations chargeable on the revenue for thepresent year. 

The measures taken by the Secretary of the Treasury will probablyenable to pay off in the course of the present year the residue of theexchanged 4. 5% stock, redeemable on January 1st, 1834. It has thereforebeen included in the estimated expenditures of this year, and forms apart of the sum above stated to have been paid on account of the publicdebt. The payment of this stock will reduce the whole debt of theUnited States, funded and unfunded, to the sum of $4, 760, 082. 08, and asprovision has already been made for the 4. 5% stocks above mentioned, and charged in the expenses of the present year, the sum last stated isall that now remains of the national debt; and the revenue of thecoming year, together with the balance now in the Treasury, will besufficient to discharge it, after meeting the current expenses of theGovernment. Under the power given to the commissioners of the sinkingfund, it will, I have no doubt, be purchased on favorable terms withinthe year. 

From this view of the state of the finances and the public engagementsyet to be fulfilled you will perceive that if Providence permits me tomeet you at another session I shall have the high gratification ofannouncing to you that the national debt is extinguished. I can notrefrain from expressing the pleasure I feel at the near approach ofthat desirable event. The short period of time within which the publicdebt will have been discharged is strong evidence of the abundantresources of the country and of the prudence and economy with which theGovernment has heretofore been administered. We have waged two warssince we became a nation, with one of the most powerful kingdoms in theworld, both of them undertaken in defense of our dearest rights, beensuccessfully prosecuted and honorably terminated; and many of those whopartook in the first struggle as well as in the second will have livedto see the last item of the debt incurred in these necessary butexpensive conflicts faithfully and honestly discharged. And we shallhave the proud satisfaction of bequeathing to the public servants whofollow us in the administration of the Government the rare blessing ofa revenue sufficiently abundant, raised without injustice or oppressionto our citizens, and unencumbered with any burdens but what theythemselves shall think proper to impose upon it. 

The flourishing state of the finances ought not, however, to encourageus to indulge in a lavish expenditure of the public treasure. Thereceipts of the present year do not furnish the test by which we are toestimate the income of the next. The changes made in our revenue systemby the acts of Congress of 1832 and 1833, and more especially by theformer, have swelled the receipts of the present year far beyond theamount to be expected in future years upon the reduced tariff ofduties. The shortened credits on revenue bonds and the cash duties onwoolens which were introduced by the act of 1832, and took effect onMarch 4th, 1832, have brought large sums into the Treasury in 1833, which, according to the credits formerly given, would not have beenpayable until 1834, and would have formed a part of the income of thatyear. These causes would of themselves produce a great diminution ofthe receipts in the year 1834 as compared with the present one, andthey will be still more diminished by the reduced rates of duties whichtake place on January 1st, 1834 on some of the most important andproductive articles. 

Upon the best estimates that can be made the receipts of the next year, with the aid of the unappropriated amount now in the Treasury, will notbe much more than sufficient to meet the expenses of the year and paythe small remnant of the national debt which yet remains unsatisfied. Ican not, therefore, recommend to you any alteration in the presenttariff of duties. The rate as now fixed by law on the various articleswas adopted at the last session of Congress, as a matter of compromise, with unusual unanimity, and unless it is found to produce more than thenecessities of the Government call for there would seem to be no reasonat this time to justify a change. 

But while I forbear to recommend any further reduction of the dutiesbeyond that already provided for by the existing laws, I must earnestlyand respectfully press upon Congress the importance of abstaining fromall appropriations which are not absolutely required for the publicinterest and authorized by the powers clearly delegated to the UnitedStates. We are beginning a new era in our Government. The nationaldebt, which has so long been a burden on the Treasury, will be finallydischarged in the course of the ensuing year. No more memory willafterwards be needed than what may be necessary to meet the ordinaryexpenses of the Government. Now, then, is the proper moment to fix oursystem of expenditure on firm and durable principles, and I can not toostrongly urge the necessity of a rigid economy and an inflexibledetermination not to enlarge the income beyond the real necessities ofthe Government and not to increase the wants of the Government byunnecessary and profuse expenditures. 

If a contrary course should be pursued, it may happen that the revenueof 1834 will fall short of the demands upon it, and after reducing thetariff in order to lighten the burdens of the people, and providing fora still further reduction to take effect hereafter, it would be much tobe deplored if at the end of another year we should find ourselvesobliged to retrace our steps and impose additional taxes to meetunnecessary expenditures. 

It is my duty on this occasion to call your attention to thedestruction of the public building occupied by the Treasury Department, which happened since the last adjournment of Congress. A thoroughinquiry into the causes of this loss was directed and made at the time, the result of which will be duly communicated to you. I take pleasure, however, in stating here that by the laudable exertions of the officersof the Department and many of the citizens of the District but fewpapers were lost, and none that will materially affect the publicinterest. 

The public convenience requires that another building should be erectedas soon as practicable, and in providing for it it will be advisable toenlarge in some manner the accommodations for the public officers ofthe several Departments, and to authorize the erection of suitabledepositories for the safe-keeping of the public documents and records. 

Since the last adjournment of Congress the Secretary of the Treasuryhas directed the money of the United States to be deposited in certainState banks designated by him, and he will immediately lay before youhis reasons for this direction. I concur with him entirely in the viewhe has taken on the subject, and some months before the removal I urgedupon the Department the propriety of taking that step. The nearapproach of the day on which the charger will expire, as well as theconduct of the bank, appeared to me to call for this measure upon thehigh considerations of public interest and public duty. The extent ofits misconduct, however, although known to be great, was not at thattime fully developed by proof. It was not until late in the month ofAugust that I received from the Government directors an official reportestablishing beyond question that this great and powerful institutionhad been actively engaged in attempting to influence the elections ofthe public officers by means of its money, and that, in violation ofthe express provisions of its charter, it had by a formal resolutionplaced its funds at the disposition of its president to be employed insustaining the political power of the bank. A copy of this resolutionis contained in the report of the Government directors before referredto, and how ever the object may be disguised by cautious language, noone can doubt that this money was in truth intended for electioneeringpurposes, and the particular uses to which it was proved to have beenapplied abundantly show that it was so understood. Not only was theevidence complete as to the past application of the money and power ofthe bank to electioneering purposes, but that the resolution of theboard of directors authorized the same course to be pursued in future. 

It being thus established by unquestionable proof that the Bank of theUnited States was converted into a permanent electioneering engine, itappeared to me that the path of duty which the executive department ofthe Government ought to pursue was not doubtful. As by the terms of thebank charter no officer but the Secretary of the Treasury could removethe deposits, it seemed to me that this authority ought to be at onceexerted to deprive that great corporation of the support andcountenance of the Government in such an use of its and such anexertion of its power. In this point of the case the question isdistinctly presented whether the people of the United States are togovern through representatives chosen by their unbiased suffrages orwhether the money and power of a great corporation are to be secretlyexerted to influence their judgment and control their decisions. Itmust now be determined whether the bank is to have its candidates forall offices in the country, from the highest to the lowest, or whethercandidates on both sides of political questions shall be broughtforward as heretofore and supported by the usual means. 

At this time the efforts of the bank to control public opinion, throughthe distresses of some and the fears of others, are equally apparent, and, if possible, more objectionable. By a curtailment of itsaccommodations more rapid than any emergency requires, and even whileit retains specie to an almost unprecedented amount in its vaults, itis attempting to produce great embarrassment in one portion of thecommunity, while through presses known to have been sustained by itsmoney it attempts by unfounded alarms to create a panic in all. 

These are the means by which it seems to expect that it can force arestoration of the deposits, and as a necessary consequence extort fromCongress a renewal of its charter. I am happy to know that through thegood sense of our people the effort to get up a panic has hithertofailed, and that through the increased accommodations which the Statebanks have been enabled to afford, no public distress has followed theexertions of the bank, and it can not be doubted that the exercise ofits power and the expenditure of its money, as well as its efforts tospread groundless alarm, will be met and rebuked as they deserve. In myown sphere of duty I should feel myself called on by the factsdisclosed to order a scire facias against the bank, with a view to putan end to the chartered rights it has so palpably violated, were it notthat the charter itself will expire as soon as a decision wouldprobably be obtained from the court of last resort. 

I called the attention of Congress to this subject in my last annualmessage, and informed them that such measures as were within the reachof the Secretary of the Treasury had been taken to enable him to judgewhether the public deposits in the Bank of the United States wereentirely safe; but that as his single powers might be inadequate to theobject, I recommended the subject to Congress as worthy of theirserious investigation, declaring it as my opinion that an inquiry intothe transactions of that institution, embracing the branches as well asthe principal bank, was called for by the credit which was giventhroughout the country to many serious charges impeaching theircharacter, and which, if true, might justly excite the apprehensionthat they were no longer a safe depository for the public money. Theextent to which the examination thus recommended was gone into isspread upon your journals, and is too well known to require to bestated. Such as was made resulted in a report from a majority of theCommittee of Ways and Means touching certain specified points only, concluding with a resolution that the Government deposits might safelybe continued in the Bank of the United States. This resolution wasadopted at the close of the session by the vote of a majority of theHouse of Representatives. 

Although I may not always be able to concur in the views of the publicinterest or the duties of its agents which may be taken by the otherdepartments of the Government or either of its branches, I am, notwithstanding, wholly incapable of receiving otherwise than with themost sincere respect all opinions or suggestions proceeding from such asource, and in respect to none am I more inclined to do so than to theHouse of Representatives. But it will be seen from the brief views atthis time taken of the subject by myself, as well as the more ampleones presented by the Secretary of the Treasury, that the change in thedeposits which has been ordered has been deemed to be called for byconsiderations which are not affected by the proceedings referred to, and which, if correctly viewed by that Department, rendered its act amatter of imperious duty. 

Coming as you do, for the most part, immediately from the people andthe States by election, and possessing the fullest opportunity to knowtheir sentiments, the present Congress will be sincerely solicitous tocarry into full and fair effect the will of their constituents inregard to this institution. It will be for those in whose behalf we allact to decide whether the executive department of the Government, inthe steps which it has taken on this subject, has been found in theline of its duty. 

The accompanying report of the Secretary of War, with the documentsannexed to it, exhibits the operations of the War Department for thepast year and the condition of the various subjects intrusted to itsadministration. 

It will be seen from them that the Army maintains the character it hasheretofore acquired for efficiency and military knowledge. Nothing hasoccurred since your last session to require its services beyond theordinary routine duties which upon the sea-board and the in-landfrontier devolve upon it in a time of peace. The system so wiselyadopted and so long pursued of constructing fortifications at exposedpoints and of preparing and collecting the supplies necessary for themilitary defense of the country, and thus providently furnishing inpeace the means of defense in war, has been continued with the usualresults. I recommend to your consideration the various subjectssuggested in the report of the Secretary of War. Their adoption wouldpromote the public service and meliorate the condition of the Army. 

Our relations with the various Indian tribes have been undisturbedsince the termination of the difficulties growing out of the hostileaggressions of the Sac and Fox Indians. Several treaties have beenformed for the relinquishment of territory to the United States and forthe migration of the occupants of the region assigned for theirresidence West of the Mississippi. Should these treaties be ratified bythe Senate, provision will have been made for the removal of almost allthe tribes remaining E of that river and for the termination of manydifficult and embarrassing questions arising out of their anomalouspolitical condition. 

It is to be hoped that those portions of two of the Southern tribes, which in that event will present the only remaining difficulties, willrealize the necessity of emigration, and will speedily resort to it. Myoriginal convictions upon this subject have been confirmed by thecourse of events for several years, and experience is every day addingto their strength. That those tribes can not exist surrounded by oursettlements and in continual contact with our citizens is certain. Theyhave neither the intelligence, the industry, the moral habits, nor thedesire of improvement which are essential to any favorable change intheir condition. Established in the midst of another and a superiorrace, and without appreciating the causes of their inferiority orseeking to control them, they must necessarily yield to the force ofcircumstances and ere long disappear. 

Such has been their fate heretofore, and if it is to be averted--and itis--it can only be done by a general removal beyond our boundary and bythe reorganization of their political system upon principles adapted tothe new relations in which they will be placed. The experiment whichhas been recently made has so far proved successful. The emigrantsgenerally are represented to be prosperous and contented, the countrysuitable to their wants and habits, and the essential articles ofsubsistence easily procured. When the report of the commissioners nowengaged in investigating the condition and prospects of these Indiansand in devising a plan for their intercourse and government isreceived, I trust ample means of information will be in possession ofthe Government for adjusting all the unsettled questions connected withthis interesting subject. 

The operations of the Navy during the year and its present conditionare fully exhibited in the annual report from the Navy Department. 

Suggestions are made by the Secretary of various improvements, whichdeserve careful consideration, and most of which, if adopted, bid fairto promote the efficiency of this important branch of the publicservice. Among these are the new organization of the Navy Board, therevision of the pay to officers, and a change in the period of time orin the manner of making the annual appropriations, to which I beg leaveto call your particular attention. 

The views which are presented on almost every portion of our navalconcerns, and especially on the amount of force and the number ofofficers, and the general course of policy appropriate in the presentstate of our country for securing the great and useful purposes ofnaval protection in peace and due preparation for the contingencies ofwar, meet with my entire approbation. 

It will be perceived from the report referred to that the fiscalconcerns of the establishment are in an excellent condition, and it ishoped that Congress may feel disposed to make promptly every suitableprovision desired either for preserving or improving the system. 

The general Post Office Department has continued, upon the strength ofits own resources, to facilitate the means of communication between thevarious portions of the Union with increased activity. The method, however, in which the accounts of the transportation of the mail havealways been kept appears to have presented an imperfect view of itsexpenses. It has recently been discovered that from the earliestrecords of the Department the annual statements have been calculated toexhibit an amount considerably short of the actual expense incurred forthat service. These illusory statements, together with the expense ofcarrying into effect the law of the last session of Congressestablishing new mail routes, and a disposition on the part of the headof the Department to gratify the wishes of the public in the extensionof mail facilities, have induced him to incur responsibilities fortheir improvement beyond what the current resources of the Departmentwould sustain. As soon as he had discovered the imperfection of themethod he caused an investigation to be made of its results and appliedthe proper remedy to correct the evil. It became necessary for him towithdraw some of the improvements which he had made to bring theexpenses of the Department within its own resources. These expenseswere incurred for the public good, and the public have enjoyed theirbenefit. They are now but partially suspended, and that where they maybe discontinued with the least inconvenience to the country. 

The progressive increase in the income from postages has equaled thehighest expectations, and it affords demonstrative evidence of thegrowing importance and great utility of this Department. The detailsare exhibited in the accompanying report of the Post Master General. 

The many distressing accidents which have of late occurred in thatportion of our navigation carried on by the use of steam power deservethe immediate and unremitting attention of the constituted authoritiesof the country. The fact that the number of those fatal disasters isconstantly increasing, not withstanding the great improvements whichare every where made in the machinery employed and in the rapidadvances which have made in that branch of science, shows very clearlythat they are in a great degree the result of criminal negligence onthe part of those by whom the vessels are navigated and to whose careand attention the lives and property of our citizens are so extensivelyintrusted. 

That these evils may be greatly lessened, if not substantially removed, by means of precautionary and penal legislation seems to be highlyprobably. So far, therefore, as the subject can be regarded as withinthe constitutional purview of Congress I earnestly recommend it to yourprompt and serious consideration. 

I would also call your attention to the views I have heretoforeexpressed of the propriety of amending the Constitution in relation tothe mode of electing the President and the Vice-President of the UnitedStates. Regarding it as all important to the future quiet and harmonyof the people that every intermediate agency in the election of theseofficers should be removed and that their eligibility should be limitedto one term of either four or six years, I can not too earnestly inviteyour consideration of the subject. 

Trusting that your deliberations on all the topics of general interestto which I have adverted, and such others as your more extensiveknowledge of the wants of our beloved country may suggest, may becrowned with success, I tender you in conclusion the cooperation whichit may be in my power to afford them. 

***

State of the Union AddressAndrew JacksonDecember 1, 1834

Fellow Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:

In performing my duty at the opening of your present session it givesme pleasure to congratulate you again upon the prosperous condition ofour beloved country. Divine Providence has favored us with generalhealth, with rich rewards in the fields of agriculture and in everybranch of labor, and with peace to cultivate and extend the variousresources which employ the virtue and enterprise of our citizens. Letus trust that in surveying a scene so flattering to our freeinstitutions our joint deliberations to preserve them may be crownedwith success. 

Our foreign relations continue, with but few exceptions, to maintainthe favorable aspect which they bore in my last annual message, andpromise to extend those advantages which the principles that regulateour intercourse with other nations are so well calculated to secure. 

The question of our North East boundary is still pending with GreatBritain, and the proposition made in accordance with the resolution ofthe Senate for the establishment of a line according to the treaty of1783 has not been accepted by that Government. Believing that everydisposition is felt on both sides to adjust this perplexing question tothe satisfaction of all the parties interested in it, the hope is yetindulged that it may be effected on the basis of that proposition. 

With the Governments of Austria, Russia, Prussia, Holland, Sweden, andDenmark the best understanding exists. Commerce with all is fosteredand protected by reciprocal good will under the sanction of liberalconventional or legal provisions. 

In the midst of her internal difficulties the Queen of Spain hasratified the convention for the payment of the claims of our citizensarising since 1819. It is in the course of execution on her part, and acopy of it is now laid before you for such legislation as may be foundnecessary to enable those interested to derive the benefits of it. 

Yielding to the force of circumstances and to the wise counsels of timeand experience, that power has finally resolved no longer to occupy theunnatural position in which she stood to the new Governmentsestablished in this hemisphere. I have the great satisfaction ofstating to you that in preparing the way for the restoration of harmonybetween those who have sprung from the same ancestors, who are alliedby common interests, profess the same religion, and speak the samelanguage the United States have been actively instrumental. Our effortsto effect this good work will be persevered in while they are deemeduseful to the parties and our entire disinterestedness continues to befelt and understood. The act of Congress to countervail thediscriminating duties to the prejudice of our navigation levied in Cubaand Puerto Rico has been transmitted to the minister of the UnitedStates at Madrid, to be communicated to the Government of the Queen. Nointelligence of its receipt has yet reached the Department of State. Ifthe present condition of the country permits the Government to make acareful and enlarged examination of the true interests of theseimportant portions of its dominions, no doubt is entertained that theirfuture intercourse with the United States will be placed upon a morejust and liberal basis. 

The Florida archives have not yet been selected and delivered. Recentorders have been sent to the agent of the United States at Havana toreturn with all that he can obtain, so that they may be in Washingtonbefore the session of the Supreme Court, to be used in the legalquestions there pending to which the Government is a party. 

Internal tranquillity is happily restored to Portugal. The distractedstate of the country rendered unavoidable the postponement of a finalpayment of the just claims of our citizens. Our diplomatic relationswill be soon resumed, and the long-subsisting friendship with thatpower affords the strongest guaranty that the balance due will receiveprompt attention. 

The first installment due under the convention of indemnity with theKing of the Two Sicilies has been duly received, and an offer has beenmade to extinguish the whole by a prompt payment--an offer I did notconsider myself authorized to accept, as the indemnification providedis the exclusive property of individual citizens of the United States. The original adjustment of our claims and the anxiety displayed tofulfill at once the stipulations made for the payment of them arehighly honorable to the Government of the Two Sicilies. When it isrecollected that they were the result of the injustice of an intrusivepower temporarily dominant in its territory, a repugnance toacknowledge and to pay which would have been neither unnatural norunexpected, the circumstances can not fail to exalt its character forjustice and good faith in the eyes of all nations. 

The treaty of amity and commerce between the United States and Belgium, brought to your notice in my last annual message as sanctioned by theSenate, but the ratifications of which had not been exchanged owing toa delay in its reception at Brussels and a subsequent absence of theBelgian minister of foreign affairs, has been, after maturedeliberation, finally disavowed by that Government as inconsistent withthe powers and instructions given to their minister who negotiated it. This disavowal was entirely unexpected, as the liberal principlesembodied in the convention, and which form the ground-work of theobjections to it, were perfectly satisfactory to the Belgianrepresentative, and were supposed to be not only within the powersgranted, but expressly conformable to the instructions given to him. Anoffer, not yet accepted, has been made by Belgium to renew negotiationsfor a treaty less liberal in its provisions on questions of generalmaritime law. 

Our newly established relations with the Sublime Porte promise to beuseful to our commerce and satisfactory in every respect to thisGovernment. Our intercourse with the Barbary Powers continues withoutimportant change, except that the present political state of Algiershas induced me to terminate the residence there of a salaried consuland to substitute an ordinary consulate, to remain so long as the placecontinues in the possession of France. Our first treaty with one ofthese powers, the Emperor of Morocco, was formed in 1786, and waslimited to fifty years. That period has almost expired. I shall takemeasures to renew it with the greater satisfaction as its stipulationsare just and liberal and have been, with mutual fidelity and reciprocaladvantage, scrupulously fulfilled. 

Intestine dissensions have too frequently occurred to mar theprosperity, interrupt the commerce, and distract the governments ofmost of the nations of this hemisphere which have separated themselvesfrom Spain. When a firm and permanent understanding with the parentcountry shall have produced a formal acknowledgment of theirindependence, and the idea of danger from that quarter can be no longerentertained, the friends of freedom expect that those countries, sofavored by nature, will be distinguished for their love of justice andtheir devotion to those peaceful arts the assiduous cultivation ofwhich confers honor upon nations and gives value to human life. 

In the mean time I confidently hope that the apprehensions entertainedthat some of the people of these luxuriant regions may be tempted, in amoment of unworthy distrust of their own capacity for the enjoyment ofliberty, to commit the too common error of purchasing present repose bybestowing on some favorite leaders the fatal gift of irresponsiblepower will not be realized. With all these Governments and with that ofBrazil no unexpected changes in our relations have occurred during thepresent year. 

Frequent causes of just complaint have arisen upon the part of thecitizens of the United States, some times from the irregular action ofthe constituted subordinate authorities of the maritime regions andsome times from the leaders or partisans of those in arms against theestablished Governments. In all cases representations have been or willbe made, and as soon as their political affairs are in a settledposition it is expected that our friendly remonstrances will befollowed by adequate redress. 

The Government of Mexico made known in December last the appointment ofcommissioners and a surveyor on its part to run, in conjunction withours, the boundary line between its territories and the United States, and excused the delay for the reasons anticipated--the prevalence ofcivil war. The commissioners and surveyors not having met within thetime stipulated by the treaty, a new arrangement became necessary, andour charge d'affaires was instructed in January, 1833 to negotiate inMexico an article additional to the pre-existing treaty. Thisinstruction was acknowledged, and no difficulty was apprehended in theaccomplishment of that object. By information just received thatadditional article to the treaty will be obtained and transmitted tothis country as soon as it can receive the ratification of the MexicanCongress. 

The reunion of the three States of New Grenada, Venezuela, and Equador, forming the Republic of Colombia, seems every day to become moreimprobable. The commissioners of the two first are understood to be nownegotiating a just division of the obligations contracted by them whenunited under one government. The civil war in Equador, it is believed, has prevented even the appointment of a commissioner on its part. 

I propose at an early day to submit, in the proper form, theappointment of a diplomatic agent to Venezuela, the importance of thecommerce of that country to the United States and the large claims ofour citizens upon the Government arising before and since the divisionof Colombia rendering it, in my judgment, improper longer to delay thisstep. 

Our representatives to Central America, Peru, and Brazil are either ator on their way to their respective posts. 

From the Argentine Republic, from which a minister was expected to thisGovernment, nothing further has been heard. Occasion has been taken onthe departure of a new consul to Buenos Ayres to remind that Governmentthat its long delayed minister, whose appointment had been made knownto us, had not arrived. 

It becomes my unpleasant duty to inform you that this pacific andhighly gratifying picture of our foreign relations does not includethose with France at this time. It is not possible that any Governmentand people could be more sincerely desirous of conciliating a just andfriendly intercourse with another nation than are those of the UnitedStates with their ancient ally and friend. This disposition is foundedas well on the most grateful and honorable recollections associatedwith our struggle for independence as upon a well grounded convictionthat it is consonant with the true policy of both. The people of theUnited States could not, therefore, see without the deepest regret evena temporary interruption of the friendly relations between the twocountries--a regret which would, I am sure, be greatly aggravated ifthere should turn out to be any reasonable ground for attributing sucha result to any act of omission or commission on our part. I derive, therefore, the highest satisfaction from being able to assure you thatthe whole course of this Government has been characterized by a spiritso conciliatory and for bearing as to make it impossible that ourjustice and moderation should be questioned, what ever may be theconsequences of a longer perseverance on the part of the FrenchGovernment in her omission to satisfy the conceded claims of ourcitizens. 

The history of the accumulated and unprovoked aggressions upon ourcommerce committed by authority of the existing Governments of Francebetween the years 1800 and 1817 has been rendered too painfullyfamiliar to Americans to make its repetition either necessary ordesirable. It will be sufficient here to remark that there has for manyyears been scarcely a single administration of the French Government bywhom the justice and legality of the claims of our citizens toindemnity were not to a very considerable extent admitted, and yet neara quarter of a century has been wasted in ineffectual negotiations tosecure it. 

Deeply sensible of the injurious effects resulting from this state ofthings upon the interests and character of both nations, I regarded itas among my first duties to cause one more effort to be made to satisfyFrance that a just and liberal settlement of our claims was as well dueto her own honor as to their incontestable validity. The negotiationfor this purpose was commenced with the late Government of France, andwas prosecuted with such success as to leave no reasonable ground todoubt that a settlement of a character quite as liberal as that whichwas subsequently made would have been effected had not the revolutionby which the negotiation was cut off taken place. The discussions wereresumed with the present Government, and the result showed that we werenot wrong in supposing that an event by which the two Governments weremade to approach each other so much nearer in their politicalprinciples, and by which the motives for the most liberal and friendlyintercourse were so greatly multiplied, could exercise no other than asalutary influence upon the negotiation. 

After the most deliberate and thorough examination of the whole subjecta treaty between the two Governments was concluded and signed at Parison July 4th, 1831, by which it was stipulated that "the FrenchGovernment, in order to liberate itself from all the reclamationspreferred against it by citizens of the United States for unlawfulseizures, captures, sequestrations, confiscations, or destruction oftheir vessels, cargoes, or other property, engages to pay a sum of25, 000, 000 francs to the United States, who shall distribute it amongthose entitled in the manner and according to the rules it shalldetermine"; and it was also stipulated on the part of the FrenchGovernment that this 25, 000, 000 francs should be paid at Paris, in sixannual installments of 4, 166, 666 francs and 66 centimes each, into thehands of such person or persons "as shall be authorized by theGovernment of the United States to receive it", the first installmentto be paid "at the expiration of one year next following the exchangeof the ratifications of this convention and the others at successiveintervals of a year, one after another, 'til the whole shall be paid. To the amount of each of the said installments shall be added interestat 4% thereupon, as upon the other installments then remaining unpaid, the said interest to be computed from the day of the exchange of thepresent convention". 

It was also stipulated on the part of the United States, for thepurpose of being completely liberated from all the reclamationspresented by France on behalf of its citizens, that the sum of1, 500, 000 francs should be paid to the Government of France in sixannual installments, to be deducted out of the annual sums which Francehad agreed to pay, interest thereupon being in like manner computedfrom the day of the exchange of the ratifications. In addition to thisstipulation, important advantages were secured to France by thefollowing article, viz: The wines of France, from and after theexchange of the ratifications of the present conventions, shall beadmitted to consumption in the States of the Union at duties whichshall not exceed the following rates by the gallon (such as it is usedat present for wines in the United States), to wit: six cents for redwines in casks; ten cents for white wines in casks, and 22 cents forwines of all sorts in bottles. The proportions existing between theduties on French wines thus reduced and the general rates of the tariffwhich went into operation January 1st, 1829, shall be maintained incase the Government of the United States should think proper todiminish those general rates in a new tariff. 

In consideration of this stipulation, which shall be binding on theUnited States for ten years, the French Government abandons thereclamations which it had formed in relation to the 8th article of thetreaty of cession of Louisiana. It engages, moreover, to establish onthe long-staple cottons of the United States which after the exchangeof the ratifications of the present convention shall be broughtdirectly thence to France by the vessels of the United States or byFrench vessels the same duties as on short-staple cotton. This treatywas duly ratified in the manner prescribed by the constitutions of bothcountries, and the ratification was exchanged at the city of Washingtonon February 2d, 1832. On account of its commercial stipulations it wasin five days thereafter laid before the Congress of the United States, which proceeded to enact such laws favorable to the commerce of Franceas were necessary to carry it into full execution, and France has fromthat period to the present been in the unrestricted enjoyment of thevaluable privileges that were thus secured to her. 

The faith of the French nation having been thus solemnly pledgedthrough its constitutional organ for the liquidation and ultimatepayment of the long deferred claims of our citizens, as also for theadjustment of other points of great and reciprocal benefits to bothcountries, and the United States having, with a fidelity andpromptitude by which their conduct will, I trust, be alwayscharacterized, done every thing that was necessary to carry the treatyinto full and fair effect on their part, counted with the most perfectconfidence on equal fidelity and promptitude on the part of the FrenchGovernment. In this reasonable expectation we have been, I regret toinform you, wholly disappointed. No legislative provision has been madeby France for the execution of the treaty, either as it respects theindemnity to be paid or the commercial benefits to be secured to theUnited States, and the relations between the United States and thatpower in consequence thereof are placed in a situation threatening tointerrupt the good understanding which has so long and so happilyexisted between the two nations. 

Not only has the French Government been thus wanting in the performanceof the stipulations it has so solemnly entered into with the UnitedStates, but its omissions have been marked by circumstances which wouldseem to leave us without satisfactory evidences that such performancewill certainly take place at a future period. Advice of the exchange ofratifications reached Paris prior to April 8th, 1832. The FrenchChambers were then sitting, and continued in session until April 21st, 1832, and although one installment of the indemnity was payable onFebruary 2d, 1833, one year after the exchange of ratifications, noapplication was made to the Chambers for the required appropriation, and in consequence of no appropriation having then been made the draftof the United States Government for that installment was dishonored bythe minister of finance, and the United States thereby involved in muchcontroversy. 

The next session of the Chambers commenced on November 19th, 1832, andcontinued until April 25th, 1833. Not withstanding the omission to paythe first installment had been made the subject of earnest remonstranceon our part, the treaty with the United States and a bill making thenecessary appropriations to execute it were not laid before the Chamberof Deputies until April 6th, 1833, nearly five months after itsmeeting, and only nineteen days before the close of the session. Thebill was read and referred to a committee, but there was no furtheraction upon it. 

The next session of the Chambers commenced on April 26th, 1833, andcontinued until June 26th, 1833. A new bill was introduced on June11th, 1833, but nothing important was done in relation to it during thesession. 

In 1834 April, nearly three years after the signature of the treaty, the final action of the French Chambers upon the bill to carry thetreaty into effect was obtained, and resulted in a refusal of thenecessary appropriations. The avowed grounds upon which the bill wasrejected are to be found in the published debates of that body, and noobservations of mine can be necessary to satisfy Congress of theirutter insufficiency. Although the gross amount of the claims of ourcitizens is probably greater than will be ultimately allowed by thecommissioners, sufficient is, never the less, shown to render itabsolutely certain that the indemnity falls far short of the actualamount of our just claims, independently of the question of damages andinterest for the detention. That the settlement involved a sacrifice inthis respect was well known at the time--a sacrifice which wascheerfully acquiesced in by the different branches of the FederalGovernment, whose action upon the treaty was required from a sinceredesire to avoid further collision upon this old and disturbing subjectand in the confident expectation that the general relations between thetwo countries would be improved thereby. 

The refusal to vote the appropriation, the news of which was receivedfrom our minister in Paris about May 15th, 1834, might have beenconsidered the final determination of the French Government not toexecute the stipulations of the treaty, and would have justified animmediate communication of the facts to Congress, with a recommendationof such ultimate measures as the interest and honor of the UnitedStates might seem to require. But with the news of the refusal of theChambers to make the appropriation were conveyed the regrets of theKing and a declaration that a national vessel should be forthwith sentout with instructions to the French minister to give the most ampleexplanations of the past and the strongest assurances for the future. After a long passage the promised dispatch vessel arrived. 

The pledges given by the French minister upon receipt of hisinstructions were that as soon after the election of the new members asthe charter would permit the legislative Chambers of France should becalled together and the proposition for an appropriation laid beforethem; that all the constitutional powers of the King and his cabinetshould be exerted to accomplish the object, and that the result shouldbe made known early enough to be communicated to Congress at thecommencement of the present session. Relying upon these pledges, andnot doubting that the acknowledged justice of our claims, the promisedexertions of the King and his cabinet, and, above all, that sacredregard for the national faith and honor for which the French characterhas been so distinguished would secure an early execution of the treatyin all its parts, I did not deem it necessary to call the attention ofCongress to the subject at the last session. 

I regret to say that the pledges made through the minister of Francehave not been redeemed. The new Chambers met on July 31st, 1834, andalthough the subject of fulfilling treaties was alluded to in thespeech from the throne, no attempt was made by the King or his cabinetto procure an appropriation to carry it into execution. The reasonsgiven for this omission, although they might be considered sufficientin an ordinary case, are not consistent with the expectations foundedupon the assurances given here, for there is no constitutional obstacleto entering into legislative business at the first meeting of theChambers. This point, however, might have been over-looked had not theChambers, instead of being called to meet at so early a day that theresult of their deliberations might be communicated to me before themeeting of Congress, been prorogued to December 29th, 1834--a period solate that their decision can scarcely be made known to the presentCongress prior to its dissolution. To avoid this delay our minister inParis, in virtue of the assurance given by the French minister in theUnited States, strongly urged the convocation of the Chambers at anearlier day, but without success. It is proper to remark, however, thatthis refusal has been accompanied with the most positive assurances onthe part of the executive government of France of their intention topress the appropriation at the ensuing session of the Chambers. 

The executive branch of this Government has, as matters stand, exhausted all the authority upon the subject with which it is investedand which it had any reason to believe could be beneficially employed. 

The idea of acquiescing in the refusal to execute the treaty will not, I am confident, be for a moment entertained by any branch of thisGovernment, and further negotiation upon the subject is equally out ofthe question. 

If it shall be the pleasure of Congress to await the further action ofthe French Chambers, no further consideration of the subject will atthis session probably be required at your hands. But if from theoriginal delay in asking for an appropriation, from the refusal of theChambers to grant it when asked, from the omission to bring the subjectbefore the Chambers at their last session, from the fact that, including that session, there have been five different occasions whenthe appropriation might have been made, and from the delay in convokingthe Chambers until some weeks after the meeting of Congress, when itwas well known that a communication of the whole subject to Congress atthe last session was prevented by assurances that it should be disposedof before its present meeting, you should feel yourselves constrainedto doubt whether it be the intention of the French Government, in allits branches, to carry the treaty into effect, and think that suchmeasures as the occasion may be deemed to call for should be nowadopted, the important question arises what those measures shall be. 

Our institutions are essentially pacific. Peace and friendlyintercourse with all nations are as much the desire of our Governmentas they are the interest of our people. But these objects are not to bepermanently secured by surrendering the rights of our citizens orpermitting solemn treaties for their indemnity, in cases of flagrantwrong, to be abrogated or set aside. 

It is undoubtedly in the power of Congress seriously to affect theagricultural and manufacturing interests of France by the passage oflaws relating to her trade with the United States. Her products, manufactures, and tonnage may be subjected to heavy duties in ourports, or all commercial intercourse with her may be suspended. Butthere are powerful and to my mind conclusive objections to this mode ofproceeding. 

We can not embarrass or cut off the trade of France without at the sametime in some degree embarrassing or cutting off our own trade. Theinjury of such a warfare must fall, though unequally, upon our owncitizens, and could not but impair the means of the Government andweaken that united sentiment in support of the rights and honor of thenation which must now pervade every bosom. Nor is it impossible thatsuch a course of legislation would introduce once more into ournational councils those disturbing questions in relation to the tariffof duties which have been so recently put to rest. Besides, by everymeasure adopted by the Government of the United States with the view ofinjuring France the clear perception of right which will induce our ownpeople and the rulers and people of all other nations, even of Franceherself, to pronounce our quarrel just will be obscured and the supportrendered to us in a final resort to more decisive measures will be morelimited and equivocal. 

There is but one point of controversy, and upon that the wholecivilized world must pronounce France to be in the wrong. We insistthat she shall pay us a sum of money which she has acknowledged to bedue, and of the justice of this demand there can be but one opinionamong mankind. True policy would seem to dictate that the question atissue should be kept thus disencumbered and that not the slightestpretense should be given to France to persist in her refusal to makepayment by any act on our part affecting the interests of her people. The question should be left, as it is now, in such an attitude thatwhen France fulfills her treaty stipulations all controversy will be atan end. 

It is my conviction that the United States ought to insist on a promptexecution of the treaty, and in case it be refused or longer delayedtake redress into their own hands. After the delay on the part ofFrance of a quarter of a century in acknowledging these claims bytreaty, it is not to be tolerated that another quarter of a century isto be wasted in negotiating about the payment. The laws of nationsprovide a remedy for such occasions. It is a well-settled principle ofthe international code that where one nation owes another a liquidateddebt which it refuses or neglects to pay the aggrieved party may seizeon the property belonging to the other, its citizens or subjects, sufficient to pay the debt without giving just cause of war. Thisremedy has been repeatedly resorted to, and recently by France herselftoward Portugal, under circumstances less unquestionable. 

The time at which resort should be had to this or any other mode ofredress is a point to be decided by Congress. If an appropriation shallnot be made by the French Chambers at their next session, it may justlybe concluded that the Government of France has finally determined todisregard its own solemn undertaking and refuse to pay an acknowledgeddebt. In that event every day's delay on our part will be a stain uponour national honor, as well as a denial of justice to our injuredcitizens. Prompt measures, when the refusal of France shall becomplete, will not only be most honorable and just, but will have thebest effect upon our national character. 

Since France, in violation of the pledges given through her ministerhere, has delayed her final action so long that her decision will notprobably be known in time to be communicated to this Congress, Irecommend that a law be passed authorizing reprisals upon Frenchproperty in case provision shall not be made for the payment of thedebt at the approaching session of the French Chambers. Her pride andpower are too well known to expect any thing from her fears andpreclude the necessity of a declaration that nothing partaking of thecharacter of intimidation is intended by us. She ought to look upon itas the evidence only of an inflexible determination on the part of theUnited States to insist on their rights. 

That Government, by doing only what it has itself acknowledged to bejust, will be able to spare the United States the necessity of takingredress into their own hands and save the property of French citizensfrom that seizure and sequestration which American citizens so longendured without retaliation or redress. If she should continue torefuse that act of acknowledged justice and, in violation of the law ofnations, make reprisals on our part the occasion of hostilities againstthe United States, she would but add violence to injustice, and couldnot fail to expose herself to the just censure of civilized nations andto the retributive judgments of Heaven. 

Collision with France is the more to be regretted on account of theposition she occupies in Europe in relation to liberal institutions, but in maintaining our national rights and honor all governments arealike to us. If by a collision with France in a case where she isclearly in the wrong the march of liberal principles shall be impeded, the responsibility for that result as well as every other will rest onher own head. 

Having submitted these considerations, it belongs to Congress to decidewhether after what has taken place it will still await the furtheraction of the French Chambers or now adopt such provisional measures asit may deem necessary and best adapted to protect the rights andmaintain the honor of the country. What ever that decision may be, itwill be faithfully enforced by the Executive as far as he is authorizedso to do. 

According to the estimate of the Treasury Department, the revenueaccruing from all sources during the present year will amount to$20, 624, 717, which, with the balance remaining in the Treasury onJanuary 1st, 1834 of $11, 702, 905, produces an aggregate of $32, 327, 623. The total expenditure during the year for all objects, including thepublic debt, is estimated at $25, 591, 390, which will leave a balance inthe Treasury on January 1st, 1835 of $6, 736, 232. In this balance, however, will be included about $1, 150, 000 of what was heretoforereported by the Department as not effective. 

Of former appropriations it is estimated that there will remainunexpended at the close of the year $8, 002, 925, and that of this sumthere will not be required more than $5, 141, 964 to accomplish theobjects of all the current appropriations. Thus it appears that aftersatisfying all those appropriations and after discharging the last itemof our public debt, which will be done on January 1st, 1835, there willremain unexpended in the Treasury an effective balance of about$440, 000. That such should be the aspect of our finances is highlyflattering to the industry and enterprise of our population andauspicious of the wealth and prosperity which await the futurecultivation of their growing resources. It is not deemed prudent, however, to recommend any change for the present in our impost rates, the effect of the gradual reduction now in progress in many of them notbeing sufficiently tested to guide us in determining the precise amountof revenue which they will produce. 

Free from public debt, at peace with all the world, and with nocomplicated interests to consult in our intercourse with foreignpowers, the present may be hailed as the epoch in our history the mostfavorable for the settlement of those principles in our domestic policywhich shall be best calculated to give stability to our Republic andsecure the blessings of freedom to our citizens. 

Among these principles, from our past experience, it can not be doubtedthat simplicity in the character of the Federal Government and a rigideconomy in its administration should be regarded as fundamental andsacred. All must be sensible that the existence of the public debt, byrendering taxation necessary for its extinguishment, has increased thedifficulties which are inseparable from every exercise of the taxingpower, and that it was in this respect a remote agent in producingthose disturbing questions which grew out of the discussions relatingto the tariff. If such has been the tendency of a debt incurred in theacquisition and maintenance of our national rights and liberties, theobligations of which all portions of the Union cheerfully acknowledged, it must be obvious that what ever is calculated to increase the burdensof Government without necessity must be fatal to all our hopes ofpreserving its true character. 

While we are felicitating ourselves, therefore, upon the extinguishmentof the national debt and the prosperous state of our finances, let usnot be tempted to depart from those sound maxims of public policy whichenjoin a just adaptation of the revenue to the expenditures that areconsistent with a rigid economy and an entire abstinence from alltopics of legislation that are not clearly within the constitutionalpowers of the Government and suggested by the wants of the country. Properly regarded under such a policy, every diminution of the publicburdens arising from taxation gives to individual enterprise increasedpower and furnishes to all the members of our happy Confederacy newmotives for patriotic affection and support. But above all, its mostimportant effect will be found in its influence upon the character ofthe Government by confining its action to those objects which will besure to secure to it the attachment and support of our fellow citizens. 

Circumstances make it my duty to call the attention of Congress to theBank of the United States. Created for the convenience of theGovernment, that institution has become the scourge of the people. Itsinterference to postpone the payment of a portion of the national debtthat it might retain the public money appropriated for that purpose tostrengthen it in a political contest, the extraordinary extension andcontraction of its accommodations to the community, its corrupt andpartisan loans, its exclusion of the public directors from a knowledgeof its most important proceedings, the unlimited authority conferred onthe president to expend its funds in hiring writers and procuring theexecution of printing, and the use made of that authority, theretention of the pension money and books after the selection of newagents, the groundless claim to heavy damages in consequence of theprotest of the bill drawn on the French Government, have throughvarious channels been laid before Congress. 

Immediately after the close of the last session the bank, through itspresident, announced its ability and readiness to abandon the system ofunparalleled curtailment and the interruption of domestic exchangeswhich it had practiced upon from August 1st, 1833 to June 30th, 1834, and to extend its accommodations to the community. The grounds assumedin this annunciation amounted to an acknowledgment that thecurtailment, in the extent to which it had been carried, was notnecessary to the safety of the bank, and had been persisted in merelyto induce Congress to grant the prayer of the bank in its memorialrelative to the removal of the deposits and to give it a new charter. They were substantially a confession that all the real distresses whichindividuals and the country had endured for the preceding six or eightmonths had been needlessly produced by it, with the view of affectingthrough the sufferings of the people the legislative action ofCongress. 

It is subject of congratulation that Congress and the country had thevirtue and firmness to bear the infliction, that the energies of ourpeople soon found relief from this wanton tyranny in vast importationsof the precious metals from almost every part of the world, and that atthe close of this tremendous effort to control our Government the bankfound itself powerless and no longer able to loan out its surplusmeans. The community had learned to manage its affairs without itsassistance, and trade had already found new auxiliaries, so that onOctober 1st, 1834 the extraordinary spectacle was presented of anational more than half of whose capital was either lying unproductivein its vaults or in the hands of foreign bankers. 

To the needless distresses brought on the country during the lastsession of Congress has since been added the open seizure of thedividends on the public stock to the amount of $170, 041, under pretenseof paying damages, cost, and interest upon the protested French bill. This sum constituted a portion of the estimated revenues for the year1834, upon which the appropriations made by Congress were based. Itwould as soon have been expected that our collectors would seize on thecustoms or the receivers of our land offices on the moneys arising fromthe sale of public lands under pretenses of claims against the UnitedStates as that the bank would have retained the dividends. Indeed, ifthe principle be established that any one who chooses to set up a claimagainst the United States may without authority of law seize on thepublic property or money wherever he can find it to pay such claim, there will remain no assurance that our revenue will reach the Treasuryor that it will be applied after the appropriation to the purposesdesignated in the law. 

The pay masters of our Army and the pursers of our Navy may under likepretenses apply to their own use moneys appropriated to set in motionthe public force, and in time of war leave the country without defense. This measure resorted to by the bank is disorganizing andrevolutionary, and if generally resorted to by private citizens in likecases would fill the land with anarchy and violence. 

It is a constitutional provision "that no money shall be drawn from theTreasury but in consequence of appropriations made by law". Thepalpable object of this provision is to prevent the expenditure of thepublic money for any purpose what so ever which shall not have been 1stapproved by the representatives of the people and the States inCongress assembled. It vests the power of declaring for what purposesthe public money shall be expended in the legislative department of theGovernment, to the exclusion of the executive and judicial, and it isnot within the constitutional authority of either of those departmentsto pay it away without law or to sanction its payment. 

According to this plain constitutional provision, the claim of the bankcan never be paid without an appropriation by act of Congress. But thebank has never asked for an appropriation. It attempts to defeat theprovision of the Constitution and obtain payment without an act ofCongress. Instead of awaiting an appropriation passed by both Housesand approved by the President, it makes an appropriation for itself andinvites an appeal to the judiciary to sanction it. That the money hadnot technically been paid into the Treasury does not affect theprinciple intended to be established by the Constitution. 

The Executive and the judiciary have as little right to appropriate andexpend the public money without authority of law before it is placed tothe credit of the Treasury as to take it from the Treasury. In theannual report of the Secretary of the Treasury, and in hiscorrespondence with the president of the bank, and the opinions of theAttorney General accompanying it, you will find a further examinationof the claims of the bank and the course it has pursued. 

It seems due to the safety of the people funds remaining in that bankand to the honor of the American people that measures be taken toseparate the Government entirely from an institution so mischievous tothe public prosperity and so regardless of the Constitution and laws. By transferring the public deposits, by appointing other pension agentsas far as it had the power, by ordering the discontinuance of thereceipt of bank checks in the payment of the public dues after January1st, 1834, the Executive has exerted all its lawful authority to severthe connection between the Government and this faithless corporation. 

The high-handed career of this institution imposes upon theconstitutional functionaries of this Government duties of the gravestand most imperative character--duties which they can not avoid and fromwhich I trust there will be no inclination on the part of any of themto shrink. My own sense of them is most clear, as is also my readinessto discharge those which may rightfully fall on me. To continue anybusiness relations with the Bank of the United States that may beavoided without a violation of the national faith after thatinstitution has set at open defiance the conceded right of theGovernment to examine its affairs, after it has done all in its powerto deride the public authority in other respects and to bring it intodisrepute at home and abroad, after it has attempted to defeat theclearly expressed will of the people by turning against them theimmense power intrusted to its hands and by involving a countryotherwise peaceful, flourishing, and happy, in dissension, embarrassment, and distress, would make the nation itself a party tothe degradation so sedulously prepared for its public agents and domuch to destroy the confidence of man-kind in popular governments andto bring into contempt their authority and efficiency. 

In guarding against an evil of such magnitude consideration oftemporary convenience should be thrown out of the question, and weshould be influenced by such motives only as look to the honor andpreservation of the republican system. Deeply and solemnly impressedwith the justice of these views, I feel it to be my duty to recommendto you that a law be passed authorizing the sale of the public stock;that the provision of the charter requiring the receipt of notes of thebank in payment of public dues shall, in accordance with the powerreserved to Congress in the 14th section of the charter, be suspendeduntil the bank pays to the Treasury the dividends withheld, and thatall laws connecting the Government or its officers with the bank, directly or indirectly, be repealed, and that the institution be lefthereafter to its own resources and means. 

Events have satisfied my mind, and I think the minds of the Americanpeople, that the mischiefs and dangers which flow from a national bankfar over-balance all its advantages. The bold effort the present bankhas made to control the Government, the distresses it has wantonlyproduced, the violence of which it has been the occasion in one of ourcities famed for its observance of law and order, are but premonitionsof the fate which awaits the American people should they be deludedinto a perpetuation of this institution or the establishment of anotherlike it. It is fervently hoped that thus admonished those who haveheretofore favored the establishment of a substitute for the presentbank will be induced to abandon it, as it is evidently better to incurany inconvenience that may be reasonably expected than to concentratethe whole moneyed power of the Republic in any form what so ever orunder any restrictions. 

Happily it is already illustrated that the agency of such aninstitution is not necessary to the fiscal operations of theGovernment. The State banks are found fully adequate to the performanceof all services which were required of the Bank of the United States, quite as promptly and with the same cheapness. They have maintainedthemselves and discharged all these duties while the Bank of the UnitedStates was still powerful and in the field as an open enemy, and it isnot possible to conceive that they will find greater difficulties intheir operations when that enemy shall cease to exist. 

The attention of Congress is earnestly invited to the regulation of thedeposits in the State banks by law. Although the power now exercised bythe executive department in this behalf is only such as was uniformlyexerted through every Administration from the origin of the Governmentup to the establishment of the present bank, yet it is one which issusceptible of regulation by law, and therefore ought so to beregulated. The power of Congress to direct in what places the Treasurershall keep the moneys in the Treasury and to impose restrictions uponthe Executive authority in relation to their custody and removal isunlimited, and its exercise will rather be courted than discouraged bythose public officers and agents on whom rests the responsibility fortheir safety. It is desirable that as little power as possible shouldbe left to the President or the Secretary of the Treasury over thoseinstitutions, which, being thus freed from Executive influence, andwithout a common head to direct their operations, would have neitherthe temptation nor the ability to interfere in the political conflictsof the country. Not deriving their charters from the nationalauthorities, they would never have those inducements to meddle ingeneral elections which have led the Bank of the United States toagitate and convulse the country for upward of two years. 

The progress of our gold coinage is creditable to the officers of theMint, and promises in a short period to furnish the country with asound and portable currency, which will much diminish the inconvenienceto travelers of the want of a general paper currency should the Statebanks be incapable of furnishing it. Those institutions have alreadyshown themselves competent to purchase and furnish domestic exchangefor the convenience of trade at reasonable rates, and not a doubt isentertained that in a short period all the wants of the country in bankaccommodations and exchange will be supplied as promptly and as cheaplyas they have heretofore been by the Bank of the United States. If theseveral States shall be induced gradually to reform their bankingsystems and prohibit the issue of all small notes, we shall in a fewyears have a currency as sound and as little liable to fluctuations asany other commercial country. 

The report of the Secretary of War, together with the accompanyingdocuments from the several bureaux of that Department, will exhibit thesituation of the various objects committed to its administration. 

No event has occurred since your last session rendering necessary anymovements of the Army, with the exception of the expedition of theregiment of dragoons into the territory of the wandering and predatorytribes inhabiting the western frontier and living adjacent to theMexican boundary. These tribes have been heretofore known to usprincipally by their attacks upon our own citizens and upon otherIndians entitled to the protection of the United States. It becamenecessary for the peace of the frontiers to check these habitualinroads, and I am happy to inform you that the object has been effectedwithout the commission of any act of hostility. Colonel Dodge and thetroops under his command have acted with equal firmness and humanity, and an arrangement has been made with those Indians which it is hopedwill assure their permanent pacific relations with the United Statesand the other tribes of Indians upon that border. It is to be regrettedthat the prevalence of sickness in that quarter has deprived thecountry of a number of valuable lives, and particularly that GeneralLeavenworth, an officer well known, and esteemed for his gallantservices in the late war and for his subsequent good conduct, hasfallen a victim to his zeal and exertions in the discharge of his duty. 

The Army is in a high state of discipline. Its moral condition, so faras that is known here, is good, and the various branches of the publicservice are carefully attended to. It is amply sufficient under itspresent organization for providing the necessary garrisons for theseaboard and for the defense of the internal frontier, and also forpreserving the elements of military knowledge and for keeping pace withthose improvements which modern experience is continually making. Andthese objects appear to me to embrace all the legitimate purposes forwhich a permanent military force should be maintained in our country. The lessons of history teach us its danger and the tendency whichexists to an increase. This can be best met and averted by a justcaution on the part of the public itself, and of those who representthem in Congress. 

From the duties which devolve on the Engineer Department and upon thetopographical engineers, a different organization seems to be demandedby the public interest, and I recommend the subject to yourconsideration. 

No important change has during this season taken place in the conditionof the Indians. Arrangements are in progress for the removal of theCreeks, and will soon be for the removal of the Seminoles. I regretthat the Cherokees east of the Mississippi have not yet determined as acommunity to remove. How long the personal causes which have heretoforeretarded that ultimately inevitable measure will continue to operate Iam unable to conjecture. It is certain, however, that delay will bringwith it accumulated evils which will render their condition more andmore unpleasant. The experience of every year adds to the convictionthat emigration, and that alone, can preserve from destruction theremnant of the tribes yet living amongst us. The facility with whichthe necessaries of life are procured and the treaty stipulationsproviding aid for the emigrant Indians in their agricultural pursuitsand in the important concern of education, and their removal from thosecauses which have heretofore depressed all and destroyed many of thetribes, can not fail to stimulate their exertions and to reward theirindustry. 

The two laws passed at the last session of Congress on the subject ofIndian affairs have been carried into effect, and detailed instructionsfor their administration have been given. It will be seen by theestimates for the present session that a great reduction will takeplace in the expenditures of the Department in consequence of theselaws, and there is reason to believe that their operation will besalutary and that the colonization of the Indians on the westernfrontier, together with a judicious system of administration, willstill further reduce the expenses of this branch of the public serviceand at the same time promote its usefulness and efficiency. 

Circumstances have been recently developed showing the existence ofextensive frauds under the various laws granting pensions andgratuities for Revolutionary services. It is impossible to estimate theamount which may have been thus fraudulently obtained from the NationalTreasury. I am satisfied, however, it has been such as to justify are-examination of the system and the adoption of the necessary checksin its administration. All will agree that the services and sufferingsof the remnant of our Revolutionary band should be fully compensated;but while this is done, every proper precaution should be taken toprevent the admission of fabricated and fraudulent claims. 

In the present mode of proceeding the attestations and certificates ofthe judicial officers of the various States from a considerable portionof the checks which are interposed against the commission of frauds. These, however, have been and may be fabricated, and in such a way asto elude detection at the examining offices. And independently of thispractical difficulty, it is ascertained that these documents are oftenloosely granted; some times even blank certificates have been issued;some times prepared papers have been signed without inquiry, and in oneinstance, at least, the seal of the court has been within reach of aperson most interested in its improper application. It is obvious thatunder such circumstances no severity of administration can check theabuse of the law. And information has from time to time beencommunicated to the Pension Office questioning or denying the right ofpersons placed upon the pension list to the bounty of the country. 

Such cautions are always attended to and examined, but a far moregeneral investigation is called for, and I therefore recommend, inconformity with the suggestion of the Secretary of War, that an actualinspection should be made in each State into the circumstances andclaims of every person now drawing a pension. The honest veteran hasnothing to fear from such a scrutiny, while the fraudulent claimantwill be detected and the public Treasury relieved to an amount, I havereason to believe, far greater than has heretofore been suspected. Thedetails of such a plan could be so regulated as to interpose thenecessary checks without any burdensome operation upon the pensioners. The object should be two-fold: To look into the original justice of theclaims, so far as this can be done under a proper system ofregulations, by an examination of the claimants themselves and byinquiring in the vicinity of their residence into their history andinto the opinion entertained of their Revolutionary services. Toascertain in all cases whether the original claimant is living and thisby actual personal inspection. This measure will, if adopted, beproductive, I think, of the desired results, and I therefore recommendit to your consideration, with the further suggestion that all paymentsshould be suspended 'til the necessary reports are received. 

It will be seen by a tabular statement annexed to the documentstransmitted to Congress that the appropriations for objects connectedwith the War Department, made at the last session, for the service ofthe year 1834, excluding the permanent appropriation for the payment ofmilitary gratuities under the act of June 7th, 1832, the appropriationof $200, 000 for arming and equipping the militia, and the appropriationof $10, 000 for the civilization of the Indians, which are not annuallyrenewed, amounted to the sum of $9, 003, 261, and that the estimates ofappropriations necessary for the same branches of service for the year1835 amount to the sum of $5, 778, 964, making a difference in theappropriations of the current year over the estimates of theappropriations for the next of $3, 224, 297. 

The principal causes which have operated at this time to produce thisgreat difference are shown in the reports and documents and in thedetailed estimates. Some of these causes are accidental and temporary, while others are permanent, and, aided by a just course ofadministration, may continue to operate beneficially upon the publicexpenditures. 

A just economy, expending where the public service requires andwithholding where it does not, is among the indispensable duties of theGovernment. 

I refer you to the accompanying report of the Secretary of the Navy andto the documents with it for a full view of the operations of thatimportant branch of our service during the present year. It will beseen that the wisdom and liberality with which Congress has providedfor the gradual increase of our navy material have been seconded by acorresponding zeal and fidelity on the part of those to whom has beenconfided the execution of the laws on the subject, and that but a shortperiod would be now required to put in commission a force large enoughfor any exigency into which the country may be thrown. 

When we reflect upon our position in relation to other nations, it mustbe apparent that in the event of conflicts with them we must lookchiefly to our Navy for the protection of our national rights. The wideseas which separate us from other Governments must of necessity be thetheater on which an enemy will aim to assail us, and unless we areprepared to meet him on this element we can not be said to possess thepower requisite to repel or prevent aggressions. We can not, therefore, watch with too much attention this arm of our defense, or cherish withtoo much care the means by which it can possess the necessaryefficiency and extension. To this end our policy has been heretoforewisely directed to the constant employment of a force sufficient toguard our commerce, and to the rapid accumulation of the materialswhich are necessary to repair our vessels and construct with ease suchnew ones as may be required in a state of war. 

In accordance with this policy, I recommend to your consideration theerection of the additional dry dock described by the Secretary of theNavy, and also the construction of the steam batteries to which he hasreferred, for the purpose of testing their efficacy as auxiliaries tothe system of defense now in use. 

The report of the Post Master General herewith submitted exhibits thecondition and prospects of that Department. From that document itappears that there was a deficit in the funds of the Department at thecommencement of the present year beyond its available means of$315, 599. 98, which on the first of July last had been reduced to$268, 092. 74. It appears also that the revenues for the coming year willexceed the expenditures about $270, 000, which, with the excess ofrevenue which will result from the operations of the current half year, may be expected, independently of any increase in the gross amount ofpostages, to supply the entire deficit before the end of 1835. But asthis calculation is based on the gross amount of postages which hadaccrued within the period embraced by the times of striking thebalances, it is obvious that without a progressive increase in theamount of postages the existing retrenchments must be persevered inthrough the year 1836 that the Department may accumulate a surplus fundsufficient to place it in a condition of perfect ease. 

It will be observed that the revenues of the Post Office Department, though they have increased, and their amount is above that of anyformer year, have yet fallen short of the estimates more than $100, 000. This is attributed in a great degree to the increase of free lettersgrowing out of the extension and abuse of the franking privilege. Therehas been a gradual increase in the number of executive offices to whichit has been granted, and by an act passed in March, 1833, it wasextended to members of Congress throughout the whole year. It isbelieved that a revision of the laws relative to the frankingprivilege, with some enactments to enforce more rigidly therestrictions under which it is granted, would operate beneficially tothe country, by enabling the Department at an earlier period to restorethe mail facilities that have been withdrawn, and to extend them morewidely, as the growing settlements of the country may require. 

To a measure so important to the Government and so just to ourconstituents, who ask no exclusive privileges for themselves and arenot willing to concede them to others, I earnestly recommend theserious attention of Congress. 

The importance of the Post Office Department and the magnitude to whichit has grown, both in its revenues and in its operations, seem todemand its reorganization by law. The whole of its receipts anddisbursements have hitherto been left entirely to Executive control andindividual discretion. The principle is as sound in relation to this asto any other Department of the Government, that as little discretionshould be confided to the executive officer who controls it as iscompatible with its efficiency. It is therefore earnestly recommendedthat it be organized with an auditor and treasurer of its own, appointed by the President and Senate, who shall be branches of theTreasury Department. 

Your attention is again respectfully invited to the defect which existsin the judicial system of the United States. Nothing can be moredesirable than the uniform operation of the Federal judiciarythroughout the several States, all of which, standing on the samefooting as members of the Union, have equal rights to the advantagesand benefits resulting from its laws. This object is not attained bythe judicial acts now in force, because they leave one quarter of theStates without circuit courts. 

It is undoubtedly the duty of Congress to place all the States on thesame footing in this respect, either by the creation of an additionalnumber of associate judges or by an enlargement of the circuitsassigned to those already appointed so as to include the new States. What ever may be the difficulty in a proper organization of thejudicial system so as to secure its efficiency and uniformity in allparts of the Union and at the same time to avoid such an increase ofjudges as would encumber the supreme appellate tribunal, it should notbe allowed to weigh against the great injustice which the presentoperation of the system produces. 

I trust that I may be also pardoned for renewing the recommendation Ihave so often submitted to your attention in regard to the mode ofelecting the President and Vice President of the United States. All thereflection I have been able to bestow upon the subject increases myconviction that the best interests of the country will be promoted bythe adoption of some plan which will secure in all contingencies thatimportant right of sovereignty to the direct control of the people. Could this be attained, and the terms of those officers be limited to asingle period of either four or six years, I think our liberties wouldpossess an additional safeguard. 

At your last session I called the attention of Congress to thedestruction of the public building occupied by the Treasury Department. As the public interest requires that another building should be erectedwith as little delay as possible, it is hoped that the means will beseasonably provided and that they will be ample enough to authorizesuch an enlargement and improvement in the plan of the building as willmore effectually accommodate the public officers and secure the publicdocuments deposited in it from the casualties of fire. 

I have not been able to satisfy myself that the bill entitled "An actto improve the navigation of the Wabash River", which was sent to me atthe close of your last session, ought to pass, and I have thereforewithheld from it my approval and now return it to the Senate, the bodyin which it originated. 

There can be no question connected with the administration of publicaffairs more important or more difficult to be satisfactorily dealtwith than that which relates to the rightful authority and properaction of the Federal Government upon the subject of internalimprovements. To inherent embarrassments have been added othersresulting from the course of our legislation concerning it. 

I have heretofore communicated freely with Congress upon this subject, and in adverting to it again I can not refrain from expressing myincreased conviction of its extreme importance as well in regard to itsbearing upon the maintenance of the Constitution and the prudentmanagement of the public revenue as on account of its disturbing effectupon the harmony of the Union. 

We are in no danger from violations of the Constitution by whichencroachments are made upon the personal rights of the citizen. Thesentence of condemnation long since pronounced by the American peopleupon acts of that character will, I doubt not, continue to prove assalutary in its effects as it is irreversible in its nature. 

But against the dangers of unconstitutional acts which, instead ofmenacing the vengeance of offended authority, proffer local advantagesand bring in their train the patronage of the Government, we are, Ifear, not so safe. To suppose that because our Government has beeninstituted for the benefit of the people it must therefore have thepower to do what ever may seem to conduce to the public good is anerror into which even honest minds are too apt to fall. In yieldingthemselves to this fallacy they overlook the great considerations inwhich the Federal Constitution was founded. They forget that inconsequence of the conceded diversities in the interest and conditionof the different States it was foreseen at the period of its adoptionthat although a particular measure of the Government might bebeneficial and proper in one State it might be the reverse in another;that it was for this reason the States would not consent to make agrant to the Federal Government of the general and usual powers ofgovernment, but of such only as were specifically enumerated, and theprobable effects of which they could, as they thought, safelyanticipate; and they forget also the paramount obligation upon all toabide by the compact then so solemnly and, as it was hoped, so firmlyestablished. 

In addition to the dangers to the Constitution springing from thesources I have stated, there has been one which was perhaps greaterthan all. I allude to the materials which this subject has afforded forsinister appeals to selfish feelings, and the opinion heretofore soextensively entertained of its adaptation to the purposes of personalambition. With such stimulus it is not surprising that the acts andpretensions of the Federal Government in this behalf should some timeshave been carried to an alarming extent. The questions which havearisen upon this subject have related--To the power of making internalimprovements within the limits of a State, with the right ofterritorial jurisdiction, sufficient at least for their preservationand use. To the right of appropriating money in aid of such works whencarried on by a State of by a company in virtue of State authority, surrendering the claim of jurisdiction; and To the propriety ofappropriation for improvements of a particular class, viz, for lighthouses, beacons, buoys, public piers, and for the removal of sand bars, sawyers, and other temporary and partial impediments in our navigablerivers and harbors. The claims of power for the General Government uponeach of these points certainly present matter of the deepest interest. The first is, however, of much the greatest importance, in as much as, in addition to the dangers of unequal and improvident expenditures ofpublic moneys common to all, there is super-added to that theconflicting jurisdictions of the respective governments. Federaljurisdiction, at least to the extent I have stated, has been justlyregarded by its advocates as necessarily appurtenant to the power inquestion, if that exists by the Constitution. 

That the most injurious conflicts would unavoidably arise between therespective jurisdictions of the State and Federal Governments in theabsence of a constitutional provision marking out their respectiveboundaries can not be doubted. The local advantages to be obtainedwould induce the States to overlook in the beginning the dangers anddifficulties to which they might ultimately be exposed. The powersexercised by the Federal Government would soon be regarded withjealousy by the State authorities, and originating as they must fromimplication or assumption, it would be impossible to affix to themcertain and safe limits. 

Opportunities and temptations to the assumption of power incompatiblewith State sovereignty would be increased and those barriers whichresist the tendency of our system toward consolidation greatlyweakened. The officers and agents of the General Government might notalways have the discretion to abstain from intermeddling with Stateconcerns, and if they did they would not always escape the suspicion ofhaving done so. Collisions and consequent irritations would spring up;that harmony which should ever exist between the General Government andeach member of the Confederacy would be frequently interrupted; aspirit of contention would be engendered and the dangers of disuniongreatly multiplied. 

Yet we know that not withstanding these grave objections this dangerousdoctrine was at one time apparently proceeding to its finalestablishment with fearful rapidity. The desire to embark the FederalGovernment in works of internal improvement prevailed in the highestdegree during the first session of the first Congress that I had thehonor to meet in my present situation. When the bill authorizing asubscription on the part of the United States for stock in theMaysville and Lexington Turn Pike Company passed the two houses, therehad been reported by the Committees of Internal Improvements billscontaining appropriations for such objects, inclusive of those for theCumberland road and for harbors and light houses, to the amount of$106, 000, 000. In this amount was included authority to the Secretary ofthe Treasury to subscribe for the stock of different companies to agreat extent, and the residue was principally for the directconstruction of roads by this Government. In addition to theseprojects, which had been presented to the two Houses under the sanctionand recommendation of their respective Committees on InternalImprovements, there were then still pending before the committees, andin memorials to Congress presented but not referred, different projectsfor works of a similar character, the expense of which can not beestimated with certainty, but must have exceeded $100, 000, 000. 

Regarding the bill authorizing a subscription to the stock of theMaysville and Lexington Turn Pike Company as the entering wedge of asystem which, however weak at first, might soon become strong enough torive the bands of the Union asunder, and believing that if its passagewas acquiesced in by the Executive and the people there would no longerbe any limitation upon the authority of the General Government inrespect to the appropriation of money for such objects, I deemed it animperative duty to withhold from it the Executive approval. 

Although from the obviously local character of that work I might wellhave contented myself with a refusal to approve the bill upon thatground, yet sensible of the vital importance of the subject, andanxious that my views and opinions in regard to the whole matter shouldbe fully understood by Congress and by my constituents, I felt it myduty to go further. I therefore embraced that early occasion to appriseCongress that in my opinion the Constitution did not confer upon it thepower to authorize the construction of ordinary roads and canals withinthe limits of a State and to say, respectfully, that no bill admittingsuch a power could receive my official sanction. I did so in theconfident expectation that the speedy settlement of the public mindupon the whole subject would be greatly facilitated by the differencebetween the two Houses and myself, and that the harmonious action ofthe several departments of the Federal Government in regard to it wouldbe ultimately secured. 

So far, at least, as it regards this branch of the subject, my besthopes have been realized. Nearly four years have elapsed, and severalsessions of Congress have intervened, and no attempt within myrecollection has been made to induce Congress to exercise this power. The applications for the construction of roads and canals which wereformerly multiplied upon your files are no longer presented, and wehave good reason to infer that the current public sentiment has becomeso decided against the pretension as effectually to discourage itsreassertion. So thinking, I derive the greatest satisfaction from theconviction that thus much at least has been secured upon this importantand embarrassing subject. 

From attempts to appropriate the national funds to objects which areconfessedly of a local character we can not, I trust, have anythingfurther to apprehend. My views in regard to the expediency of makingappropriations for works which are claimed to be of a nationalcharacter and prosecuted under State authority--assuming that Congresshave the right to do so--were stated in my annual message to Congressin 1830, and also in that containing my objections to the Maysvilleroad bill. 

So thoroughly convinced am I that no such appropriations ought to bemade by Congress until a suitable constitutional provision is made uponthe subject, and so essential do I regard the point to the highestinterests of our country, that I could not consider myself asdischarging my duty to my constituents in giving the Executive sanctionto any bill containing such an appropriation. If the people of theUnited States desire that the public Treasury shall be resorted to forthe means to prosecute such works, they will concur in an amendment ofthe Constitution prescribing a rule by which the national character ofthe works is to be tested, and by which the greatest practicableequality of benefits may be secured to each member of the Confederacy. The effects of such a regulation would be most salutary in preventingunprofitable expenditures, in securing our legislation from thepernicious consequences of a scramble for the favors of Government, andin repressing the spirit of discontent which must inevitably arise froman unequal distribution of treasures which belong alike to all. 

There is another class of appropriations for what may be called, without impropriety, internal improvements, which have always beenregarded as standing upon different grounds from those to which I havereferred. I allude to such as have for their object the improvement ofour harbors, the removal of partial and temporary obstructions in ournavigable rivers, for the facility and security of our foreigncommerce. The grounds upon which I distinguished appropriations of thischaracter from others have already been stated to Congress. I will nowonly add that at the 1st session of Congress under the new Constitutionit was provided by law that all expenses which should accrue from andafter the 15th day of August, 1789, in the necessary support andmaintenance and repairs of all light houses, beacons, buoys, and publicpiers erected, placed, or sunk before the passage of the act within anybay, inlet, harbor, or port of the United States, for rendering thenavigation thereof easy and safe, should be defrayed out of theTreasury of the United States, and, further, that it should be the dutyof the Secretary of the Treasury to provide by contracts, with theapprobation of the President, for rebuilding when necessary and keepingin good repair the light houses, beacons, buoys, and public piers inthe several States, and for furnishing them with supplies. 

Appropriations for similar objects have been continued from that timeto the present without interruption or dispute. As a naturalconsequence of the increase and extension of our foreign commerce, ports of entry and delivery have been multiplied and established, notonly upon our sea-board but in the interior of the country upon ourlakes and navigable rivers. The convenience and safety of this commercehave led to the gradual extension of these expenditures; to theerection of light houses, the placing, planting, and sinking of buoys, beacons, and piers, and to the removal of partial and temporaryobstructions in our navigable rivers and in the harbors upon our GreatLakes as well as on the sea-board. 

Although I have expressed to Congress my apprehension that theseexpenditures have some times been extravagant and disproportionate tothe advantages to be derived from them, I have not felt it to be myduty to refuse my assent to bills containing them, and have contentedmyself to follow in this respect in the foot-steps of all mypredecessors. Sensible, however, from experience and observation of thegreat abuses to which the unrestricted exercise of this authority byCongress was exposed, I have prescribed a limitation for the governmentof my own conduct by which expenditures of this character are confinedto places below the ports of entry or delivery established by law. I amvery sensible that this restriction is not as satisfactory as could bedesired, and that much embarrassment may be caused to the executivedepartment in its execution by appropriations for remote and notwell-understood objects. But as neither my own reflections nor thelights which I may properly derive from other sources have supplied mewith a better, I shall continue to apply my best exertions to afaithful application of the rule upon which it is founded. 

I sincerely regret that I could not give my assent to the billentitled: "An act to improve the navigation of the Wabash River"; but Icould not have done so without receding from the ground which I have, upon the fullest consideration, taken upon this subject, and of whichCongress has been heretofore apprised, and without throwing the subjectagain open to abuses which no good citizen entertaining my opinionscould desire. 

I rely upon the intelligence and candor of my fellow citizens, in whoseliberal indulgence I have already so largely participated, for acorrect appreciation on my motives in interposing as I have done onthis and other occasions checks to a course of legislation which, without in the slightest degree calling in question the motives ofothers, I consider as sanctioning improper and unconstitutionalexpenditures of public treasure. 

I am not hostile to internal improvements, and wish to see themextended to every part of the country. But I am fully persuaded, ifthey are not commenced in a proper manner, confined to proper objects, and conducted under an authority generally conceded to be rightful, that a successful prosecution of them can not be reasonably expected. The attempt will meet with resistance where it might otherwise receivesupport, and instead of strengthening the bonds of our Confederacy itwill only multiply and aggravate the causes of disunion. 

***

State of the Union AddressAndrew JacksonDecember 7, 1835

Fellow Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:

In the discharge of my official duty the again devolves upon me ofcommunicating with a new Congress. The reflection that therepresentation of the Union has been recently renewed, and that theconstitutional term of its service will expire with my own, heightensthe solicitude with which I shall attempt to lay before it the state ofour national concerns and the devout hope which I cherish that itslabors to improve them may be crowned with success. 

You are assembled at a period of profound interest to the Americanpatriot. The unexampled growth and prosperity of our country havinggiven us a rank in the scale of nations which removes all apprehensionof danger to our integrity and independence from external foes, thecareer of freedom is before us, with an earnest from the past that iftrue to ourselves there can be no formidable obstacle in the future toits peaceful and uninterrupted pursuit. Yet, in proportion to thedisappearance of those apprehensions which attended our weakness, asonce contrasted with the power of some of the States of the Old World, should we now be solicitous as to those which belong to the convictionthat it is to our own conduct we must look for the preservation ofthose causes on which depend the excellence and the duration of ourhappy system of government. 

In the example of other systems founded on the will of the people wetrace to internal dissension the influences which have so often blastedthe hopes of the friends of freedom. The social elements, which werestrong and successful when united against external danger, failed inthe more difficult task of properly adjusting their own internalorganization, and thus gave way the great principle of self-government. Let us trust that this admonition will never be forgotten by theGovernment or the people of the United States, and that the testimonywhich our experience thus far holds out to the great human family ofthe practicability and the blessings of free government will beconfirmed in all time to come. 

We have but to look at the state of our agriculture, manufactures, andcommerce and the unexampled increase of our population to feel themagnitude of the trust committed to us. Never in any former period ofour history have we had greater reason than we now have to be thankfulto Divine Providence for the blessings of health and generalprosperity. Every branch of labor we see crowned with the most abundantrewards. In every element of national resources and wealth and ofindividual comfort we witness the most rapid and solid improvements. With no interruptions to this pleasing prospect at home which will notyield to the spirit of harmony and good will that so strikinglypervades the mass of the people in every quarter, amidst all thediversity of interest and pursuits to which they are attached, and withno cause of solicitude in regard to our external affairs which willnot, it is hoped, disappear before the principles of simple justice andthe forbearance that mark our intercourse with foreign powers, we haveevery reason to feel proud of our beloved country. 

The general state of our foreign relations has not materially changedsince my last annual message. 

In the settlement of the question of the North Eastern boundary littleprogress has been made. Great Britain has declined acceding to theproposition of the United States, presented in accordance with theresolution of the Senate, unless certain preliminary conditions wereadmitted, which I deemed incompatible with a satisfactory and rightfuladjustment of the controversy. Waiting for some distinct proposal fromthe Government of Great Britain, which has been invited, I can onlyrepeat the expression of my confidence that, with the strong mutualdisposition which I believe exists to make a just arrangement, thisperplexing question can be settled with a due regard to thewell-founded pretensions and pacific policy of all the parties to it. Events are frequently occurring on the North Eastern frontier of acharacter to impress upon all the necessity of a speedy and definitivetermination of the dispute. This consideration, added to the desirecommon to both to relieve the liberal and friendly relations so happilyexisting between the two countries from all embarrassment, will nodoubt have its just influence upon both. 

Our diplomatic intercourse with Portugal has been renewed, and it isexpected that the claims of our citizens, partially paid, will be fullysatisfied as soon as the condition of the Queen's Government willpermit the proper attention to the subject of them. That Governmenthas, I am happy to inform you, manifested a determination to act uponthe liberal principles which have marked our commercial policy. Thehappiest effects upon the future trade between the United States andPortugal are anticipated from it, and the time is not thought to beremote when a system of perfect reciprocity will be established. 

The installments due under the convention with the King of the TwoSicilies have been paid with that scrupulous fidelity by which hiswhole conduct has been characterized, and the hope is indulged that theadjustment of the vexed question of our claims will be followed by amore extended and mutually beneficial intercourse between the twocountries. 

The internal contest still continues in Spain. Distinguished as thisstruggle has unhappily been by incidents of the most sanguinarycharacter, the obligations of the late treaty of indemnification withus have been, never the less, faithfully executed by the SpanishGovernment. 

No provision having been made at the last session of Congress for theascertainment of the claims to be paid and the apportionment of thefunds under the convention made with Spain, I invite your earlyattention to the subject. The public evidences of the debt have, according to the terms of the convention and in the forms prescribed byit, been placed in the possession of the United States, and theinterest as it fell due has been regularly paid upon them. Ourcommercial intercourse with Cuba stands as regulated by the act ofCongress. No recent information has been received as to the dispositionof the Government of Madrid, and the lamented death of our recentlyappointed minister on his way to Spain, with the pressure of theiraffairs at home, renders it scarcely probable that any change is to belooked for during the coming year. 

Further portions of the Florida archives have been sent to the UnitedStates, although the death of one of the commissioners at a criticalmoment embarrassed the progress of the delivery of them. The higherofficers of the local government have recently shown an anxious desire, in compliance with the orders from the parent Government, to facilitatethe selection and delivery of all we have a right to claim. 

Negotiations have been opened at Madrid for the establishment of alasting peace between Spain and such of the Spanish AmericanGovernments of this hemisphere as have availed themselves of theintimation given to all of them of the disposition of Spain to treatupon the basis of their entire independence. It is to be regretted thatsimultaneous appointments by all of ministers to negotiate with Spainhad not been made. The negotiation itself would have been simplified, and this long-standing dispute, spreading over a large portion of theworld, would have been brought to a more speedy conclusion. 

Our political and commercial relations with Austria, Prussia, Sweden, and Denmark stand on the usual favorable bases. One of the articles ofour treaty with Russia in relation to the trade on the North-West coastof America having expired, instructions have been given to our ministerat St. Petersburg to negotiate a renewal of it. The long and unbrokenamity between the two Governments gives every reason for supposing thearticle will be renewed, if stronger motives do not exist to prevent itthan with our view of the subject can be anticipated here. I ask yourattention to the message of my predecessor at the opening of the secondsession of the 19th Congress, relative to our commercial intercoursewith Holland, and to the documents connected with that subject, communicated to the House of Representatives on the 10th of January, 1825, and 18th of January, 1827. 

Coinciding in the opinion of my predecessor that Holland is not, underthe regulations of her present system, entitled to have her vessels andtheir cargoes received into the United States on the footing ofAmerican vessels and cargoes as regards duties of tonnage and impost, arespect for his reference of it to the Legislature has alone preventedme from acting on the subject. I should still have waited withoutcomment for the action of Congress, but recently a claim has been madeby Belgian subjects to admission into our ports for their ships andcargoes on the same footing as American, with the allegation we couldnot dispute that our vessels received in their ports the identicaltreatment shewn to them in the ports of Holland, upon whose vessels nodiscrimination is made in the ports of the United States. 

Given the same privileges the Belgians expected the same benefits--benefits that were, in fact, enjoyed when Belgium and Holland wereunited under one Government. Satisfied with the justice of theirpretension to be placed on the same footing with Holland, I could not, never the less, without disregard to the principle of our laws, admittheir claim to be treated as Americans, and at the same time a respectfor Congress, to whom the subject had long since been referred, hasprevented me from producing a just equality by taking from the vesselsof Holland privileges conditionally granted by acts of Congress, although the condition upon which the grant was made has, in myjudgment, failed since 1822. I recommend, therefore, a review of theact of 1824, and such modification of it as will produce an equality onsuch terms as Congress shall think best comports with our settledpolicy and the obligations of justice to two friendly powers. 

With the Sublime Porte and all the Governments on the coast of Barbaryour relations continue to be friendly. The proper steps have been takento renew our treaty with Morocco. 

The Argentine Republic has again promised to send within the currentyear a minister to the United States. 

A convention with Mexico for extending the time for the appointment ofcommissioners to run the boundary line has been concluded and will besubmitted to the Senate. Recent events in that country have awakenedthe liveliest solicitude in the United States. Aware of the strongtemptations existing and powerful inducements held out to the citizensof the United States to mingle in the dissensions of our immediateneighbors, instructions have been given to the district attorneys ofthe United States where indications warranted it to prosecute withoutrespect to persons all who might attempt to violate the obligations ofour neutrality, while at the same time it has been thought necessary toapprise the Government of Mexico that we should require the integrityof our territory to be scrupulously respected by both parties. 

From our diplomatic agents in Brazil, Chile, Peru, Central America, Venezuela, and New Granada constant assurances are received of thecontinued good understanding with the Governments to which they areseverally accredited. With those Governments upon which our citizenshave valid and accumulating claims, scarcely an advance toward asettlement of them is made, owing mainly to their distracted state orto the pressure of imperative domestic questions. Our patience has beenand will probably be still further severely tried, but our fellowcitizens whose interests are involved may confide in the determinationof the Government to obtain for them eventually ample retribution. 

Unfortunately, many of the nations of this hemisphere are stillself-tormented by domestic dissensions. Revolution succeeds revolution;injuries are committed upon foreigners engaged in lawful pursuits; muchtime elapses before a government sufficiently stable is erected tojustify expectation of redress; ministers are sent and received, andbefore the discussions of past injuries are fairly begun fresh troublesarise; but too frequently new injuries are added to the old, to bediscussed together with the existing government after it has proved itsability to sustain the assaults made upon it, or with its successor ifoverthrown. If this unhappy condition of things continues much longer, other nations will be under the painful necessity of deciding whetherjustice to their suffering citizens does not require a prompt redressof injuries by their own power, without waiting for the establishmentof a government competent and enduring enough to discuss and to makesatisfaction for them. 

Since the last session of Congress the validity of our claims uponFrance, as liquidated by the treaty of 1831, has been acknowledged byboth branches of her legislature, and the money has been appropriatedfor their discharge; but the payment is, I regret to inform you, stillwithheld. 

A brief recapitulation of the most important incidents in thisprotracted controversy will shew how utterly untenable are the groundsupon which this course is attempted to be justified. 

On entering upon the duties of my station I found the United States anunsuccessful applicant to the justice of France for the satisfaction ofclaims the validity of which was never questionable, and has now beenmost solemnly admitted by France herself. The antiquity of theseclaims, their high justice, and the aggravating circumstances out ofwhich they arose are too familiar to the American people to requiredescription. It is sufficient to say that for a period of ten years andupward our commerce was, with but little interruption, the subject ofconstant aggression on the part of France--aggressions the ordinaryfeatures of which were condemnations of vessels and cargoes underarbitrary decrees, adopted in contravention as well of the laws ofnations as of treaty stipulations, burnings on the high seas, andseizures and confiscations under special imperial rescripts in theports of other nations occupied by the armies or under the control ofFrance. Such it is now conceded is the character of the wrongs wesuffered--wrongs in many cases so flagrant that even their authorsnever denied our right to reparation. Of the extent of these injuriessome conception may be formed from the fact that after the burning of alarge amount at sea and the necessary deterioration in other cases bylong detention the American property so seized and sacrificed at forcedsales, excluding what was adjudged to privateers before or withoutcondemnation, brought into the French treasury upward of 24, 000, 000francs, besides large custom house duties. 

The subject had already been an affair of 20 years' uninterruptednegotiation, except for a short time when France was overwhelmed by themilitary power of united Europe. During this period, whilst othernations were extorting from her payment of their claims at the point ofthe bayonet, the United States intermitted their demand for justice outof respect to the oppressed condition of a gallant people to whom theyfelt under obligations for fraternal assistance in their own days ofsuffering and peril. The bad effects of these protracted and unavailingdiscussions, were obvious, and the line of duty was to my mind equallyso. 

This was either to insist upon the adjustment of our claims within areasonable period or to abandon them altogether. I could not doubt thatby this course the interests and honor of both countries would be bestconsulted. Instructions were therefore given in this spirit to theminister who was sent out once more to demand reparation. 

Upon the meeting of Congress in December, 1829, I felt it my duty tospeak of these claims and the delays of France in terms calculated tocall the serious attention of both countries to the subject. The thenFrench ministry took exception to the message on the ground of itscontaining a menace, under it was not agreeable to the FrenchGovernment to negotiate. The American minister of his own accordrefuted the construction which was attempted to be put upon the messageand at the same time called to the recollection of the French ministrythat the President's message was a communication addressed, not toforeign governments, but to the Congress of the United States, in whichit was enjoined upon him by the Constitution to lay before that bodyinformation of the state of the Union, comprehending its foreign aswell as its domestic relations, and that if in the discharge of thisduty he felt it incumbent upon him to summon the attention of Congressin due time to what might be the possible consequences of existingdifficulties with any foreign government, he might fairly be supposedto do so under a sense of his own Government, and not from anyintention of holding a menace over a foreign power. 

The views taken by him received my approbation, the French Governmentwas satisfied, and the negotiation was continued. It terminated in thetreaty of July 4th, recognizing the justice of our claims in part andpromising payment to the amount of 25, 000, 000 francs in six annualinstallments. 

The ratifications of this treaty were exchanged at Washington on thesecond of February, 1832, and in five days thereafter it was laidbefore Congress, who immediately passed the acts necessary on our partto secure to France the commercial advantages conceded to her in thecompact. The treaty had previously been solemnly ratified by the Kingof the French in terms which are certainly not mere matters of form, and of which the translation is as follows: WE, approving the aboveconvention in all and each of the dispositions which are contained init, do declare, by ourselves as well as by our heirs and successors, that it is accepted, approved, ratified, and confirmed, and by thesepresents, signed by our hand, we do accept, approve, ratify, andconfirm it; promising, on the faith and word of a king, to observe itand to cause it to be observed inviolably, without ever contravening itor suffering it to be contravened, directly or indirectly, for anycause or under any pretense whatsoever. Official information of theexchange of ratifications in the United States reached Paris whilst theChambers were in session. The extraordinary and to us injurious delaysof the French Government in their action upon the subject of itsfulfillment have been heretofore stated to Congress, and I have nodisposition to enlarge upon them here. It is sufficient to observe thatthe then pending session was allowed to expire without even an effortto obtain the necessary appropriations; that the two succeeding oneswere also suffered to pass away without anything like a serious attemptto obtain a decision upon the subject, and that it was not until thefourth session, almost three years after the conclusion of the treatyand more than two years after the exchange of ratifications, that thebill for the execution of the treaty was pressed to a vote andrejected. 

In the mean time the Government of the United States, having fullconfidence that a treaty entered into and so solemnly ratified by theFrench King would be executed in good faith, and not doubting thatprovision would be made for the payment of the first installment whichwas to become due on the second day of February, 1833, negotiated adraft for the amount through the Bank of the United States. When thisdraft was presented by the holder with the credentials required by thetreaty to authorize him to receive the money, the Government of Franceallowed it to be protested. In addition to the injury in the nonpaymentof the money by France, conformably to her engagement, the UnitedStates were exposed to a heavy claim on the part of the bank underpretense of damages, in satisfaction of which that institution seizedupon and still retains an equal amount of the public money. 

Congress was in session when the decision of the Chambers reachedWashington, and an immediate communication of this apparently finaldecision of France not to fulfill the stipulation of the treaty was thecourse naturally to be expected from the President. The deep tone ofdissatisfaction which pervaded the public mind and the correspondentexcitement produced in Congress by only a general knowledge of theresult rendered it more than probable that a resort to immediatemeasures of redress would be the consequence of calling the attentionof that body to the subject. Sincerely desirous of preserving thepacific relations which had so long existed between the two countries, I was anxious to avoid this course if I could be satisfied that by soneither the interests nor the honor of my country would becompromitted. Without the fullest assurances on that point, I could nothope to acquit myself of the responsibility to be incurred in sufferingCongress to adjourn without laying the subject before them. Thosereceived by me were believed to be of that character. 

That the feelings produced in the United States by the news of therejection of the appropriation would be such as I have described themto have been was foreseen by the French Government, and prompt measureswere taken by it to prevent the consequence. The King in personexpressed through our minister at Paris his profound regret at thedecision of the Chambers, and promised to send forthwith a ship withdispatches to his minister here authorizing him to give such assurancesas would satisfy the Government and people of the United States thatthe treaty would yet be faithfully executed by France. 

The national ship arrived, and the minister received his instructions. Claiming to act under the authority derived from them, he gave to thisgovernment in the name of his the most solemn assurances that as soonafter the new elections as the charter would permit the French Chamberswould be convened and the attempt to procure the necessaryappropriations renewed; that all the constitutional powers of the Kingand his ministers should be put in requisition to accomplish theobject, and he was understood, and so expressly informed by thisGovernment at the time, to engage that the question should be pressedto a decision at a period sufficiently early to permit information ofthe result to be communicated to Congress at the commencement of theirnext session. Relying upon these assurances, I incurred theresponsibility, great as I regarded it to be, of suffering Congress toseparate without communicating with them upon the subject. 

The expectations justly founded upon the promises thus solemnly made tothis Government by that of France were not realized. The FrenchChambers met on the thirty-first of July, 1834, soon after theelection, and although our minister in Paris urged the French ministryto bring the subject before them, they declined doing so. He nextinsisted that the Chambers, of prorogued without acting on the subject, should be reassembled at a period so early that their action on thetreaty might be known in Washington prior to the meeting of Congress. 

This reasonable request was not only declined, but the Chambers wereprorogued to the 29th of December, a day so late that their decision, however urgently pressed, could not in all probability be obtained intime to reach Washington before the necessary adjournment of Congressby the Constitution. The reasons given by the ministry for refusing toconvoke the Chambers at an earlier period were afterwards shewn not tobe insuperable by their actual convocation on the first of Decemberunder a special call for domestic purposes, which fact, however, didnot become known to this Government until after the commencement of thelast session of Congress. 

Thus disappointed in our just expectations, it became my imperativeduty to consult with Congress in regard to the expediency of a resortto retaliatory measures in case the stipulations of the treaty shouldnot be speedily complied with, and to recommend such as in my judgmentthe occasion called for. To this end an unreserved communication of thecase in all its aspects became indispensable. To have shrunk in makingit from saying all that was necessary to its correct understanding, andthat the truth would justify, for fear of giving offense to others, would have been unworthy of us. To have gone, on the other hand, asingle step further for the purpose of wounding the pride of aGovernment and people with whom we had so many motives for cultivatingrelations of amity and reciprocal advantage would have been unwise andimproper. 

Admonished by the past of the difficulty of making even the simpleststatement of our wrongs without disturbing the sensibilities of thosewho had by their position become responsible for their redress, andearnestly desirous of preventing further obstacles from that source, Iwent out of my way to preclude a construction of the message by whichthe recommendation that was made to Congress might be regarded as amenace to France in not only disavowing such a design, but in declaringthat her pride and her power were too well known to expect anythingfrom her fears. The message did not reach Paris until more than a monthafter the Chambers had been in session, and such was the insensibilityof the ministry to our rightful claims and just expectations that ourminister had been informed that the matter when introduced would not bepressed as a cabinet measure. 

Although the message was not officially communicated to the FrenchGovernment, and not withstanding the declaration to the contrary whichit contained, the French ministry decided to consider the conditionalrecommendation of reprisals a menace and an insult which the honor ofthe nation made it incumbent on them to resent. The measures resortedto by them to evince their sense of the supposed indignity were theimmediate recall of their minister at Washington, the offer ofpassports to the American minister at Paris, and a public notice to thelegislative Chambers that all diplomatic intercourse with the UnitedStates had been suspended. 

Having in this manner vindicated the dignity of France, they nextproceeded to illustrate her justice. To this end a bill was immediatelyintroduced into the Chamber of Deputies proposing to make theappropriations necessary to carry into effect the treaty. As this billsubsequently passed into a law, the provisions of which now constitutethe main subject of difficulty between the two nations, it becomes myduty, in order to place the subject before you in a clear light, totrace the history of its passage and to refer with some particularityto the proceedings and discussions in regard to it. 

The minister of finance in his opening speech alluded to the measureswhich had been adopted to resent the supposed indignity, andrecommended the execution of the treaty as a measure required by thehonor and justice of France. He as the organ of the ministry declaredthe message, so long as it had not received the sanction of Congress, amere expression of the personal opinion of the President, for whichneither the Government nor people of the United States wereresponsible, and that an engagement had been entered into for thefulfillment of which the honor of France was pledged. Entertainingthese views, the single condition which the French ministry proposed toannex to the payment of the money was that it should not be made untilit was ascertained that the Government of the United States had donenothing to injure the interests of France, or, in other words, that nosteps had been authorized by Congress of a hostile character towardFrance. 

What the disposition of action of Congress might be was then unknown tothe French cabinet; but on the 14th day of January the Senate resolvedthat it was at that time inexpedient to adopt any legislative measuresin regard to the state of affairs between the United States and France, and no action on the subject had occurred in the House ofRepresentatives. These facts were known in Paris prior to the 28th ofMarch, 1835, when the committee to whom the bill of indemnification hadbeen referred reported it to the Chamber of Deputies. That committeesubstantially re-echoed the sentiments of the ministry, declared thatCongress had set aside the proposition of the President, andrecommended the passage of the bill without any other restriction thanthat originally proposed. Thus was it known to the French ministry andChambers that if the position assumed by them, and which had been sofrequently and solemnly announced as the only one compatible with thehonor of France, was maintained and the bill passed as originallyproposed, the money would be paid and there would be an end of thisunfortunate controversy. 

But this cheering prospect was soon destroyed by an amendmentintroduced into the bill at the moment of its passage, providing thatthe money should not be paid until the French Government had receivedsatisfactory explanations of the President's message of the secondDecember, 1834, and, what is still more extraordinary, the president ofthe council of ministers adopted this amendment and consented to itsincorporation in the bill. In regard to a supposed insult which hadbeen formally resented by the recall of their minister and the offer ofpassports to ours, they now for the first time proposed to askexplanations. Sentiments and propositions which they had declared couldnot justly be imputed to the Government or people of the United Statesare set up as obstacles to the performance of an act of concededjustice to that Government and people. They had declared that the honorof France required the fulfillment of the engagement into which theKing had entered, unless Congress adopted the recommendations of themessage. They ascertained that Congress did not adopt them, and yetthat fulfillment is refused unless they first obtain from the Presidentexplanations of an opinion characterized by themselves as personal andinoperative. 

The conception that it was my intention to menace or insult theGovernment of France is as unfounded as the attempt to extort from thefears of that nation what her sense of justice may deny would be vainand ridiculous. But the Constitution of the United States imposes onthe President the duty of laying before Congress the condition of thecountry in its foreign and domestic relations, and of recommending suchmeasures as may in his opinion be required by its interests. From theperformance of this duty he can not be deterred by the fear of woundingthe sensibilities of the people or government of whom it may becomenecessary to speak; and the American people are incapable of submittingto an interference by any government on earth, however powerful, withthe free performance of the domestic duties which the Constitution hasimposed on their public functionaries. 

The discussions which intervene between the several departments of ourGovernment being to ourselves, and for anything said in them our publicservants are only responsible to their own constituents and to eachother. If in the course of their consultations facts are erroneouslystated or unjust deductions are made, they require no other inducementto correct them, however informed of their error, than their love ofjustice and what is due to their own character; but they can neversubmit to be interrogated upon the subject as a matter of right by aforeign power. When our discussions terminate in acts, ourresponsibility to foreign powers commences, not as individuals, but asa nation. The principle which calls in question the President for thelanguage of his message would equally justify a foreign power indemanding explanations of the language used in the report of acommittee or by a member in debate. 

This is not the first time that the Government of France has takenexception to the messages of American Presidents. President Washingtonand the first President Adams in the performance of their duties to theAmerican people fell under the animadversions of the French Directory. The objection taken by the ministry of Charles X, and removed by theexplanation made by our minister upon the spot, has already beenadverted to. When it was understood that the ministry of the presentKing took exception to my message of last year, putting a constructionupon it which was disavowed on its face, our late minister at Paris, inanswer to the note which first announced a dissatisfaction with thelanguage used in the message, made a communication to the FrenchGovernment under date of the 29th of January, 1835, calculated toremove all impressions which an unreasonable susceptibility hadcreated. He repeated and called the attention of the French Governmentto the disavowal contained in the message itself of any intention tointimidate by menace; he truly declared that it contained and wasintended to contain no charge of ill faith against the King of theFrench, and properly distinguished between the right to complain inunexceptionable terms of the omission to execute an agreement and anaccusation of bad motives in withholding such execution, anddemonstrated that the necessary use of that right ought not to beconsidered as an offensive imputation. 

Although this communication was made without instructions and entirelyon the minister's own responsibility, yet it was afterwards made theact of this Government by my full approbation, and that approbation wasofficially made known on the 25th of April, 1835, to the FrenchGovernment. It, however, failed to have any effect. The law, after thisfriendly explanation, passed with the obnoxious amendment, supported bythe King's ministers, and was finally approved by the King. 

The people of the United States are justly attached to a pacific systemin their intercourse with foreign nations. It is proper, therefore, that they should know whether their Government has adhered to it. Inthe present instance it has been carried to the utmost extent that wasconsistent with a becoming self-respect. The note of the 29th ofJanuary, to which I have before alluded, was not the only one which ourminister took upon himself the responsibility of presenting on the samesubject and in the same spirit. 

Finding that it was intended to make the payment of a just debtdependent on the performance of a condition which he knew could neverbe complied with, he thought it a duty to make another attempt toconvince the French Government that whilst self-respect and regard tothe dignity of other nations would always prevent us from using anylanguage that ought to give offense, yet we could never admit a rightin any foreign government to ask explanations of or to interfere in anymanner in the communications which one branch of our public councilsmade with another; that in the present case no such language had beenused, and that this had in a former note been fully and voluntarilystate, before it was contemplated to make the explanation a condition;and that there might be no misapprehension he stated the terms used inthat note, and he officially informed them that it had been approved bythe President, and that therefore every explanation which couldreasonably be asked or honorably given had been already made; that thecontemplated measure had been anticipated by a voluntary and friendlydeclaration, and was therefore not only useless, but might be deemedoffensive, and certainly would not be complied with if annexed as acondition. 

When this latter communication, to which I especially invite theattention of Congress, was laid before me, I entertained the hope thatthe means it was obviously intended to afford of an honorable andspeedy adjustment of the difficulties between the two nations wouldhave been accepted, and I therefore did not hesitate to give it mysanction and full approbation. This was due to the minister who hadmade himself responsible for the act, and it was published to thepeople of the United States and is now laid before theirrepresentatives to shew how far their Executive has gone in itsendeavors to restore a good understanding between the two countries. Itwould have been at any time communicated to the Government of Francehad it been officially requested. 

The French Government having received all the explanation which honorand principle permitted, and which could in reason be asked, it washoped it would no longer hesitate to pay the installments now due. Theagent authorized to receive the money was instructed to inform theFrench minister of his readiness to do so. In reply to this notice hewas told that the money could not then be paid, because the formalitiesrequired by the act of the Chambers had not been arranged. 

Not having received any official information of the intentions of theFrench Government, and anxious to bring, as far as practicable, thisunpleasant affair to a close before the meeting of Congress, that youmight have the whole subject before you, I caused our charge d'affairesat Paris to be instructed to ask for the final determination of theFrench Government, and in the event of their refusal to pay theinstallments now due, without further explanations to return to theUnited States. 

The result of this last application has not yet reached us, but isdaily expected. That it may be favorable is my sincere wish. Francehaving now, through all the branches of her Government, acknowledgedthe validity of our claims and the obligation of the treaty of 1831, and there really existing no adequate cause for further delay, will atlength, it may be hoped, adopt the course which the interests of bothnations, not less than the principles of justice, so imperiouslyrequire. The treaty being once executed on her part, little will remainto disturb the friendly relations of the two countries--nothing, indeed, which will not yield to the suggestions of a pacific andenlightened policy and to the influence of that mutual good will and ofthose generous recollections which we may confidently expect will thenbe revived in all their ancient force. 

In any event, however, the principle involved in the new aspect whichhas been given to the controversy is so vitally important to theindependent administration of the Government that it can neither besurrendered nor compromitted without national degradation. I hope it isunnecessary for me to say that such a sacrifice will not be madethrough any agency of mine. The honor of my country shall never bestained by an apology from me for the statement of truth and theperformance of duty; nor can I give any explanation of my official actsexcept such as is due to integrity and justice and consistent with theprinciples on which our institutions have been framed. Thisdetermination will, I am confident, be approved by my constituents. Ihave, indeed, studied their character to but little purpose if the sumof 25, 000, 000 francs will have the weight of a feather in theestimation of what appertains to their national independence, and if, unhappily, a different impression should at any time obtain in anyquarter, they will, I am sure, rally round the Government of theirchoice with alacrity and unanimity, and silence for ever the degradingimputation. 

Having thus frankly presented to you the circumstances which since thelast session of Congress have occurred in this interesting andimportant matter, with the views of the Executive in regard to them, itis at this time only necessary to add that when ever the advices nowdaily expected from our charge d'affaires shall have been received theywill be made the subject of a special communication. 

The condition of the public finances was never more flattering than atthe present period. 

Since my last annual communication all the remains of the public debthave been redeemed, or money has been placed in deposit for thispurpose when ever the creditors choose to receive it. All the otherpecuniary engagements of the Government have been honorably andpromptly fulfilled, and there will be a balance in the Treasury at theclose of the year of about $19, 000, 000. It is believed that aftermeeting all outstanding and unexpended appropriations there will remainnear $11, 000, 000 to be applied to any new objects which Congress maydesignate or to the more rapid execution of the works already inprogress. In aid of these objects, and to satisfy the currentexpenditures of the ensuing year, it is estimated that there will bereceived from various sources $20, 000, 000 more in 1836. 

Should Congress make new appropriations in conformity with theestimates which will be submitted from the proper Departments, amounting to about $24, 000, 000, still the available surplus at theclose of the next year, after deducting all unexpended appropriations, will probably not be less than $6, 000, 000. This sum can, in myjudgment, be now usefully applied to proposed improvements in our navyyards, and to new national works which are not enumerated in thepresent estimates or to the more rapid completion of those alreadybegun. Either would be constitutional and useful, and would renderunnecessary any attempt in our present peculiar condition to divide thesurplus revenue or to reduce it any faster than will be effected by theexisting laws. 

In any event, as the annual report from the Secretary of the Treasurywill enter into details, shewing the probability of some decrease inthe revenue during the next seven years and a very considerablededuction in 1842, it is not recommended that Congress should undertaketo modify the present tariff so as to disturb the principles on whichthe compromise act was passed. Taxation on some of the articles ofgeneral consumption which are not in competition with our ownproductions may be no doubt so diminished as to lessen to some extentthe source of this revenue, and the same object can also be assisted bymore liberal provisions for the subjects of public defense, which inthe present state of our prosperity and wealth may be expected toengage your attention. 

If, however, after satisfying all the demands which can arise fromthese sources the unexpended balance in the Treasury should stillcontinue to increase, it would be better to bear with the evil untilthe great changes contemplated in our tariff laws have occurred andshall enable us to revise the system with that care and circumspectionwhich are due to so delicate and important a subject. 

It is certainly our duty to diminish as far as we can the burdens oftaxation and to regard all the restrictions which are imposed on thetrade and navigation of our citizens as evils which we shall mitigatewhen ever we are not prevented by the adverse legislation and policy offoreign nations or those primary duties which the defense andindependence of our country enjoin upon us. That we have accomplishedmuch toward the relief of our citizens by the changes which haveaccompanied the payment of the public debt and the adoption of thepresent revenue laws is manifest from the fact that compared to 1833there is a diminution of near $25, 000, 000 in the last two years, andthat our expenditures, independently of those for the public debt, havebeen reduced near $9, 000, 000 during the same period. Let us trust thatby the continued observance of economy and by harmonizing the greatinterests of agriculture, manufactures, and commerce much more may beaccomplished to diminish the burdens of government and to increasestill further the enterprise and the patriotic affection of all classesof our citizens and all the members of our happy Confederacy. As thedata which the Secretary of the Treasury will lay before you in regardto our financial resources are full and extended, and will afford asafe guide in your future calculations, I think it unnecessary to offerany further observations on that subject here. 

Among the evidences of the increasing prosperity of the country, notthe least gratifying is that afforded by the receipts from the sales ofthe public lands, which amount in the present year to the unexpectedsum of $11, 000, 000. This circumstance attests the rapidity with whichagriculture, the first and most important occupation of man, advancesand contributes to the wealth and power of our extended territory. Being still of the opinion that it is our best policy, as far as we canconsistently with the obligations under which those lands were ceded tothe United States, to promote their speedy settlement, I beg leave tocall the attention of the present Congress to the suggestions I haveoffered respecting it in my former messages. 

The extraordinary receipts from the sales of the public lands inviteyou to consider what improvements the land system, and particularly thecondition of the General Land Office, may require. At the time thisinstitution was organized, near a quarter century ago, it wouldprobably have been thought extravagant to anticipate for this periodsuch an addition to its business as has been produced by the vastincrease of those sales during the past and present years. It may alsobe observed that since the year 1812 the land offices and surveyingdistricts have been greatly multiplied, and that numerous legislativeenactments from year to year since that time have imposed a greatamount of new and additional duties upon that office, while the want ofa timely application of force commensurate with the care and laborrequired has caused the increasing embarrassment of accumulated arrearsin the different branches of the establishment. 

These impediments to the expedition of much duty in the General LandOffice induce me to submit to your judgment whether some modificationof the laws relating to its organization, or an organization of a newcharacter, be not called for at the present juncture, to enable theoffice to accomplish all the ends of its institution with a greaterdegree of facility and promptitude than experience has proved to bepracticable under existing regulations. The variety of the concerns andthe magnitude and complexity of the details occupying and dividing theattention of the Commissioner appear to render it difficult, if notimpracticable, for that officer by any possible assiduity to bestow onall the multifarious subjects upon which he is called to act the readyand careful attention due to their respective importance, unless theLegislature shall assist him by a law providing, or enabling him toprovide, for a more regular and economical distribution of labor, withthe incident responsibility among those employed under his direction. The mere manual operation of affixing his signature to the vast numberof documents issuing from his office subtracts so largely from the timeand attention claimed by the weighty and complicated subjects dailyaccumulating in that branch of the public service as to indicate thestrong necessity of revising the organic law of the establishment. Itwill be easy for Congress hereafter to proportion the expenditure onaccount of this branch of the service to its real wants by abolishingfrom time to time the offices which can be dispensed with. 

The extinction of the public debt having taken place, there is nolonger any use for the offices of Commissioners of Loans and of theSinking Fund. I recommend, therefore, that they be abolished, and thatproper measures be taken for the transfer to the Treasury Department ofany funds, books, and papers connected with the operations of thoseoffices, and that the proper power be given to that Department forclosing finally any portion of their business which may remain to besettled. 

It is also incumbent on Congress in guarding the pecuniary interests ofthe country to discontinue by such a law as was passed in 1812 thereceipt of the bills of the Bank of the United States in payment of thepublic revenue, and to provide for the designation of an agent whoseduty it shall be to take charge of the books and stock of the UnitedStates in that institution, and to close all connection with it afterthe 3d of March, 1833, when its charter expires. In making provision inregard to the disposition of this stock it will be essential to defineclearly and strictly the duties and powers of the officer charged withthat branch of the public service. 

It will be seen from the correspondence which the Secretary of theTreasury will lay before you that not withstanding the large amount ofthe stock which the United States hold in that institution noinformation has yet been communicated which will enable the Governmentto anticipate when it can receive any dividends or derive any benefitfrom it. 

Connected with the condition of the finances and the flourishing stateof the country in all its branches of industry, it is pleasing towitness the advantages which have been already derived from the recentlaws regulating the value of the gold coinage. These advantages will bemore apparent in the course of the next year, when the branch mintsauthorized to be established in North Carolina, Georgia, and Louisianashall have gone into operation. Aided, as it is hoped they will be, byfurther reforms in the banking systems of the States and by judiciousregulations on the part of Congress in relation to the custody of thepublic moneys, it may be confidently anticipated that the use of goldand silver as circulating medium will become general in the ordinarytransactions connected with the labor of the country. 

The great desideratum in modern times is an efficient check upon thepower of banks, preventing that excessive issue of paper whence arisethose fluctuations in the standard of value which render uncertain therewards of labor. It was supposed by those who established the Bank ofthe United States that from the credit given to it by the custody ofthe public moneys and other privileges and the precautions taken toguard against the evils which the country had suffered in thebankruptcy of many of the State institutions of that period we shouldderive from that institution all the security and benefits of a soundcurrency and every good end that was attainable under the provision ofthe Constitution which authorizes Congress alone to coin money andregulate the value thereof. But it is scarcely necessary now to saythat these anticipations have not been realized. 

After the extensive embarrassment and distress recently produced by theBank of the United States, from which the country is now recovering, aggravated as they were by pretensions to power which defied the publicauthority, and which if acquiesced in by the people would have changedthe whole character of our Government, every candid and intelligentindividual must admit that for the attainment of the great advantagesof a sound currency we must look to a course of legislation radicallydifferent from that which created such an institution. 

In considering the means of obtaining so important an end we must setaside all calculations of temporary convenience, and be influenced bythose only which are in harmony with the true character and thepermanent interests of the Republic. We must recur to first principlesand see what it is that has prevented the legislation of Congress andthe States on the subject of currency from satisfying the publicexpectation and realizing results corresponding to those which haveattended the action of our system when truly consistent with the greatprinciple of equality upon which it rests, and with that spirit offorbearance and mutual concession and generous patriotism which wasoriginally, and must ever continue to be, the vital element of ourUnion. 

On this subject I am sure that I can not be mistaken in ascribing ourwant of success to the undue countenance which has been afforded to thespirit of monopoly. All the serious dangers which our system has yetencountered may be traced to the resort to implied powers and the useof corporations clothed with privileges, the effect of which is toadvance the interests of the few at the expense of the many. 

We have felt but one class of these dangers exhibited in the contestwaged by the Bank of the United States against the Government for thelast four years. Happily they have been obviated for the present by theindignant resistance of the people, but we should recollect that theprinciple whence they sprung is an ever-active one, which will not failto renew its efforts in the same and in other forms so long as there isa hope of success, founded either on the inattention of the people orthe treachery of their representatives to the subtle progress of itsinfluence. 

The bank is, in fact, but one of the fruits of a system at war with thegenius of all our institutions--a system founded upon a political creedthe fundamental principle of which is a distrust of the popular will asa safe regulator of political power, and whose great ultimate objectand inevitable result, should it prevail, is the consolidation of allpower in our system in one central government. Lavish publicdisbursements and corporations with exclusive privileges would be itssubstitutes for the original and as yet sound checks and balances ofthe Constitution--the means by whose silent and secret operation acontrol would be exercised by the few over the political conduct of themany by first acquiring that control over the labor and earnings of thegreat body of the people. Wherever this spirit has effected an alliancewith political power, tyranny and despotism have been the fruit. If itis ever used for the ends of government, it has to be incessantlywatched, or it corrupts the sources of the public virtue and agitatesthe country with questions unfavorable to the harmonious and steadypursuit of its true interests. 

We are now to see whether, in the present favorable condition of thecountry, we can not take an effectual stand against the spirit ofmonopoly, and practically prove in respect to the currency as well asother important interests that there is no necessity for so extensive aresort to it as that which has been heretofore practiced. Theexperience of another year has confirmed the utter fallacy of the ideathat the Bank of the United States was necessary as a fiscal agent ofthe Government. Without its aid as such, indeed, in despite of all theembarrassment it was in its power to create, the revenue has been paidwith punctuality by our citizens, the business of exchange, bothforeign and domestic, has been conducted with convenience, and thecirculating medium has been greatly improved. 

By the use of the State banks, which do not derive their charters fromthe General Government and are not controlled by its authority, it isascertained that the moneys of the United States can be collected anddisbursed without loss or inconvenience, and that all the wants of thecommunity in relation to exchange and currency are supplied as well asthey have ever been before. If under circumstances the most unfavorableto the steadiness of the money market it has been found that theconsiderations on which the Bank of the United States rested its claimsto the public favor were imaginary and groundless, it can not bedoubted that the experience of the future will be more decisive againstthem. 

It has been seen that without the agency of a great moneyed monopolythe revenue can be collected and conveniently and safely applied to allthe purposes of the public expenditure. It is also ascertained thatinstead of being necessarily made to promote the evils of an uncheckedpaper system, the management of the revenue can be made auxiliary tothe reform which the legislatures of several of the States have alreadycommenced in regard to the suppression of small bills, and which hasonly to be fostered by proper regulations on the part of Congress tosecure a practical return to the extent required for the security ofthe currency to the constitutional medium. 

Severed from the Government as political engines, and not susceptibleof dangerous extension and combination, the State banks will not betempted, nor will they have the power, which we have seen exercised, todivert the public funds from the legitimate purposes of the Government. The collection and custody of the revenue, being, on the contrary, asource of credit to them, will increase the security which the Statesprovide for a faithful execution of their trusts by multiplying thescrutinies to which their operations and accounts will be subjected. Thus disposed, as well from interest as the obligations of theircharters, it can not be doubted that such conditions as Congress maysee fit to adopt respecting the deposits in these institutions, with aview to the gradual disuse, of the small bills will be cheerfullycomplied with, and that we shall soon gain in place of the Bank of theUnited States a practical reform in the whole paper system of thecountry. If by this policy we can ultimately witness the suppression ofall bank bills below $20, it is apparent that gold and silver will taketheir place and become the principal circulating medium in the commonbusiness of the farmers and mechanics of the country. The attainment ofsuch a result will form an era in the history of our country which willbe dwelt upon with delight by every true friend of its liberty andindependence. It will lighten the great tax which our paper system hasso long collected from the earnings of labor, and do more to revive andperpetuate those habits of economy and simplicity which are socongenial to the character of republicans than all the legislationwhich has yet been attempted. 

To this subject I feel that I can not too earnestly invite the specialattention of Congress, without the exercise of whose authority theopportunity to accomplish so much public good must pass unimproved. Deeply impressed with its vital importance, the Executive has taken allthe steps within his constitutional power to guard the public revenueand defeat the expectation which the Bank of the United States indulgedof renewing and perpetuating its monopoly on the ground of itsnecessity as a fiscal agent and as affording a sounder currency thancould be obtained without such an institution. 

In the performance of this duty much responsibility was incurred whichwould have been gladly avoided if the stake which the public had in thequestion could have been otherwise preserved. Although clothed with thelegal authority and supported by precedent, I was aware that there wasin the act of the removal of the deposits a liability to excite thatsensitiveness to Executive power which it is characteristic and theduty of free men to indulge; but I relied on this feeling also, directed by patriotism and intelligence, to vindicate the conduct whichin the end would appear to have been called for by the interests of mycountry. The apprehensions natural to this feeling that there may havebeen a desire, through the instrumentality of that measure, to extendthe Executive influence, or that it may have been prompted by motivesnot sufficiently free from ambition, were not over-looked. Under theoperation of our institutions the public servant who is called on totake a step of high responsibility should feel in the freedom whichgives rise to such apprehensions his highest security. When unfoundedthe attention which they arouse and the discussions they excite deprivethose who indulge them of the power to do harm; when just they buthasten the certainty with which the great body of our citizens neverfail to repel an attempt to procure the sanction to any exercise ofpower inconsistent with the jealous maintenance of their rights. 

Under such convictions, and entertaining no doubt that myconstitutional obligations demanded the steps which were taken inreference to the removal of the deposits, it was impossible for me tobe deterred from the path of duty by a fear that my motives could bemisjudged or that political prejudices could defeat the justconsideration of the merits of my conduct. The result has shewn howsafe is this reliance upon the patriotic temper and enlighteneddiscernment of the people. That measure has now been before them andhas stood the test of all the severe analysis which its generalimportance, the interests it affected, and the apprehensions it excitedwere calculated to produce, and it now remains for Congress to considerwhat legislation has become necessary in consequence. 

I need only add to what I have on former occasions said on this subjectgenerally that in the regulations which Congress may prescriberespecting the custody of the public moneys it is desirable that aslittle discretion as may be deemed consistent with their safe-keepingshould be given to the executive agents. No one can be more deeplyimpressed than I am with the soundness of the doctrine which restrainsand limits, by specific provisions, executive discretion, as far as itcan be done consistently with the preservation of its constitutionalcharacter. In respect to the control over the public money thisdoctrine is peculiarly applicable, and is in harmony with the greatprinciple which I felt I was sustaining in the controversy with theBank of the United States, which has resulted in severing to someextent a dangerous connection between a moneyed and political power. The duty of the Legislature to define, by clear and positiveenactments, the nature and extent of the action which it belongs to theExecutive to superintend springs out of a policy analogous to thatwhich enjoins upon all branches of the Federal Government an abstinencefrom the exercise of powers not clearly granted. 

In such a Government, possessing only limited and specific powers, thespirit of its general administration can not be wise or just when itopposes the reference of all doubtful points to the great source ofauthority, the States and the people, whose number and diversifiedrelations securing them against the influences and excitements whichmay mislead their agents, make them the safest depository of power. Inits application to the Executive, with reference to the legislativebranch of the Government, the same rule of action should make thePresident ever anxious to avoid the exercise of any discretionaryauthority which can be regulated by Congress. The biases which mayoperate upon him will not be so likely to extend to the representativesof the people in that body. 

In my former messages to Congress I have repeatedly urged the proprietyof lessening the discretionary authority lodged in the variousDepartments, but it has produced no effect as yet, except thediscontinuance of extra allowances in the Army and Navy and thesubstitution of fixed salaries in the latter. It is believed that thesame principles could be advantageously applied in all cases, and wouldpromote the efficiency and economy of the public service, at the sametime that greater satisfaction and more equal justice would be securedto the public officers generally. 

The accompanying report of the Secretary of War will put you inpossession of the operations of the Department confided to his care inall its diversified relations during the past year. 

I am gratified in being able to inform you that no occurrence hasrequired any movement of the military force, except such as is commonto a state of peace. The services of the Army have been limited totheir usual duties at the various garrisons upon the Atlantic andin-land frontier, with the exceptions states by the Secretary of War. Our small military establishment appears to be adequate to the purposesfor which it is maintained, and it forms a nucleus around which anyadditional force may be collected should the public exigenciesunfortunately require any increase of our military means. 

***

State of the Union AddressAndrew JacksonDecember 5, 1836

Fellow Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:

Addressing to you the last annual message I shall ever present to theCongress of the United States, it is a source of the most heartfeltsatisfaction to be able to congratulate you on the high state ofprosperity which our beloved country has attained. With no causes athome or abroad to lessen the confidence with which we look to thefuture for continuing proofs of the capacity of our free institutionsto produce all the fruits of good government, the general condition ofour affairs may well excite our national pride. 

I can not avoid congratulating you, and my country particularly, on thesuccess of the efforts made during my Administration by the Executiveand Legislature, in conformity with the sincere, constant, and earnestdesire of the people, to maintain peace and establish cordial relationswith all foreign powers. Our gratitude is due to the Supreme Ruler ofthe Universe, and I invite you to unite with me in offering to Himfervent supplications that His providential care may ever be extendedto those who follow us, enabling them to avoid the dangers and thehorrors of war consistently with a just and indispensable regard to therights and honor of our country. But although the present state of ourforeign affairs, standing, without important change, as they did whenyou separated in July last, is flattering in the extreme, I regret tosay that many questions of an interesting character, at issue withother powers, are yet unadjusted. Amongst the most prominent of theseis that of our north east boundary. With an undiminished confidence inthe sincere desire of His Britannic Majesty's Government to adjust thatquestion, I am not yet in possession of the precise grounds upon whichit proposes a satisfactory adjustment. 

With France our diplomatic relations have been resumed, and undercircumstances which attest the disposition of both Governments topreserve a mutually beneficial intercourse and foster those amicablefeelings which are so strongly required by the true interests of thetwo countries. With Russia, Austria, Prussia, Naples, Sweden, andDenmark the best understanding exists, and our commercial intercourseis gradually expanding itself with them. It is encouraged in all thesecountries, except Naples, by their mutually advantageous and liberaltreaty stipulations with us. 

The claims of our citizens on Portugal are admitted to be just, butprovision for the payment of them has been unfortunately delayed byfrequent political changes in that Kingdom. 

The blessings of peace have not been secured by Spain. Our connectionswith that country are on the best footing, with the exception of theburdens still imposed upon our commerce with her possessions out ofEurope. 

The claims of American citizens for losses sustained at the bombardmentof Antwerp have been presented to the Governments of Holland andBelgium, and will be pressed, in due season, to settlement. 

With Brazil and all our neighbors of this continent we continue tomaintain relations of amity and concord, extending our commerce withthem as far as the resources of the people and the policy of theirGovernments will permit. The just and long-standing claims of ourcitizens upon some of them are yet sources of dissatisfaction andcomplaint. No danger is apprehended, however, that they will not bepeacefully, although tardily, acknowledged and paid by all, unless theirritating effect of her struggle with Texas should unfortunately makeour immediate neighbor, Mexico, an exception. 

It is already known to you, by the correspondence between the twoGovernments communicated at your last session, that our conduct inrelation to that struggle is regulated by the same principles thatgoverned us in the dispute between Spain and Mexico herself, and Itrust that it will be found on the most severe scrutiny that our actshave strictly corresponded with our professions. That the inhabitantsof the United States should feel strong prepossessions for the oneparty is not surprising. But this circumstance should of itself teachus great caution, lest it lead us into the great error of sufferingpublic policy to be regulated by partially or prejudice; and there areconsiderations connected with the possible result of this contestbetween the two parties of so much delicacy and importance to theUnited States that our character requires that we should neitheranticipate events nor attempt to control them. 

The known desire of the Texans to become a part of our system, althoughits gratification depends upon the reconcilement of various andconflicting interests, necessarily a work of time and uncertain initself, is calculated to expose our conduct to misconstruction in theeyes of the world. There are already those who, indifferent toprinciple themselves and prone to suspect the want of it in others, charge us with ambitious designs and insidious policy. 

You will perceive by the accompanying documents that the extraordinarymission from Mexico has been terminated on the sole ground that theobligations of this Government to itself and to Mexico, under treatystipulations, have compelled me to trust a discretionary authority to ahigh officer of our Army to advance into territory claimed as part ofTexas if necessary to protect our own or the neighboring frontier fromIndian depredation. In the opinion of the Mexican functionary who hasjust left us, the honor of his country will be wounded by Americansoldiers entering, with the most amicable avowed purposes, upon groundfrom which the followers of his Government have been expelled, and overwhich there is at present no certainty of a serious effort on its partto re-establish its dominion. The departure of this minister was themore singular as he was apprised that the sufficiency of the causesassigned for the advance of our troops by the commanding general hadbeen seriously doubted by me, and there was every reason to supposethat the troops of the United States, their commander having had timeto ascertain the truth or falsehood of the information upon which theyhad been marched to Nacogdoches, would be either there in perfectaccordance with the principles admitted to be just in his conferencewith the Secretary of State by the Mexican minister himself, or werealready withdrawn in consequence of the impressive warnings theircommanding officer had received from the Department of War. It is hopedand believed that his Government will take a more dispassionate andjust view of this subject, and not be disposed to construe a measure ofjustifiable precaution, made necessary by its known inability inexecution of the stipulations of our treaty to act upon the frontier, into an encroachment upon its rights or a stain upon its honor. 

In the mean time the ancient complaints of injustice made on behalf ofour citizens are disregarded, and new causes of dissatisfaction havearisen, some of them of a character requiring prompt remonstrance andample and immediate redress. I trust, however, by tempering firmnesswith courtesy and acting with great forbearance upon every incidentthat has occurred or that may happen, to do and to obtain justice, andthus avoid the necessity of again bringing this subject to the view ofCongress. 

It is my duty to remind you that no provision has been made to executeour treaty with Mexico for tracing the boundary line between the twocountries. What ever may be the prospect of Mexico's being soon able toexecute the treaty on its part, it is proper that we should be inanticipation prepared at all times to perform our obligations, withoutregard to the probable condition of those with whom we have contractedthem. 

The result of the confidential inquiries made into the condition andprospects of the newly declared Texan Government will be communicatedto you in the course of the session. 

Commercial treaties promising great advantages to our enterprisingmerchants and navigators have been formed with the distant Governmentsof Muscat and Siam. The ratifications have been exchanged, but have notreached the Department of State. Copes of the treaties will betransmitted to you if received before, or published if arriving after, the close of the present session of Congress. 

Nothing has occurred to interrupt the good understanding that has longexisted with the Barbary Powers, nor to check the good will which isgradually growing up from our intercourse with the dominions of theGovernment of growing of the distinguished chief of the Ottoman Empire. 

Information has been received at the Department of State that a treatywith the Emperor of Morocco has just been negotiated, which, I hope, will be received in time to be laid before the Senate previous to theclose of the session. 

You will perceive from the report of the Secretary of the Treasury thatthe financial means of the country continue to keep pace with itsimprovement in all other respects. The receipts into the Treasuryduring the present year will amount to about $47, 691, 898; those fromcustoms being estimated at $22, 523, 151, those from lands at about$24, 000, 000, and the residue from miscellaneous sources. Theexpenditures for all objects during the year are estimated not toexceed $32, 000, 000, which will leave a balance in the Treasury forpublic purposes on the first day of January next of about $41, 723, 959. This sum, with the exception of $5, 000, 000, will be transferred tothe several States in accordance with the provisions of the actregulating the deposits of the public money. 

The unexpended balances of appropriation on the first day of Januarynext are estimated at $14, 636, 062, exceeding by $9, 636, 062 the amountwhich will be left in the deposit banks, subject to the draft of theTreasurer of the United States, after the contemplated transfers to theseveral States are made. If, therefore, the future receipts should notbe sufficient to meet these outstanding and future appropriations, there may be soon a necessity to use a portion of the funds depositedwith the States. 

The consequences apprehended when the deposit act of the last sessionreceived a reluctant approval have been measurably realized. Though anact merely for the deposit of the surplus moneys of the United Statesin the State treasuries for safe-keeping until they may be wanted forthe service of the General Government, it has been extensively spokenof as an act to give the money to the several States, and they havebeen advised to use it as a gift, without regard to the means ofrefunding it when called for. Such a suggestion has doubtless been madewithout a proper attention to the various principles and interestswhich are affected by it. 

It is manifest that the law itself can not sanction such a suggestion, and that as it now stands the States have no more authority to receiveand use these deposits without intending to return them than anydeposit bank or any individual temporarily charged with thesafe-keeping or application of the public money would now have forconverting the same to their private use without the consent andagainst the will of the Government. But independently of the violationof public faith and moral obligation which are involved in thissuggestion when examined in reference to the terms of the presentdeposit act, it is believed that the considerations which should governthe future legislation of Congress on this subject will be equallyconclusive against the adoption of any measure recognizing theprinciples on which the suggestion has been made. 

Considering the intimate connection of the subject with the financialinterests of the country and its great importance in whatever aspect itcan be viewed, I have bestowed upon it the most anxious reflection, andfeel it to be my duty to state to Congress such thoughts as haveoccurred to me, to aid their deliberation in treating it in the mannerbest calculated to conduce to the common good. 

The experience of other nations admonished us to hasten theextinguishment of the public debt; but it will be in vain that we havecongratulated each other upon the disappearance of this evil if we donot guard against the equally great one of promoting the unnecessaryaccumulation of public revenue. No political maxim is betterestablished than that which tells us that an improvident expenditure ofmoney is the parent of profligacy, and that no people can hope toperpetuate their liberties who long acquiesce in a policy which taxesthem for objects not necessary to the legitimate and real wants oftheir Government. Flattering as is the condition of our country at thepresent period, because of its unexampled advance in all the steps ofsocial and political improvement, it can not be disguised that there isa lurking danger already apparent in the neglect of this warning truth, and that the time has arrived when the representatives of the peopleshould be employed in devising some more appropriate remedy than nowexists to avert it. 

Under our present revenue system there is every probability that therewill continue to be a surplus beyond the wants of the Government, andit has become our duty to decide whether such a result be consistentwith the true objects of our Government. 

Should a surplus be permitted to accumulate beyond the appropriations, it must be retained in the Treasury, as it now is, or distributed amongthe people or the States. 

To retain it in the Treasury unemployed in any way is impracticable; itis, besides, against the genius of our free institutions to lock up invaults the treasure of the nation. To take from the people the right ofbearing arms and put their weapons of defense in the hands of astanding army would be scarcely more dangerous to their liberties thanto permit the Government to accumulate immense amounts of treasurebeyond the supplies necessary to its legitimate wants. Such a treasurewould doubtless be employed at some time, as it has been in othercountries, when opportunity tempted ambition. 

To collect it merely for distribution to the States would seem to behighly impolitic, if not as dangerous as the proposition to retain itin the Treasury. 

The shortest reflection must satisfy everyone that to require thepeople to pay taxes to the Government merely that they may be paid backagain is sporting with the substantial interests of the country, and nosystem which produces such a result can be expected to receive thepublic countenance. Nothing could be gained by it even if eachindividual who contributed a portion of the tax could receive backpromptly the same portion. But it is apparent that no system of thekind can ever be enforced which will not absorb a considerable portionof the money to be distributed in salaries and commissions to theagents employed in the process and in the various losses anddepreciations which arise from other causes, and the practical effectof such an attempt must ever be to burden the people with taxes, notfor purposes beneficial to them, but to swell the profits of depositbanks and support a band of useless public officers. 

A distribution to the people is impracticable and unjust in otherrespects. It would be taking one man's property and giving it toanother. Such would be the unavoidable result of a rule of equality(and none other is spoken of or would be likely to be adopted), in asmuch as there is no mode by which the amount of the individualcontributions of our citizens to the public revenue can be ascertained. We know that they contribute unequally, and a rule, therefore, thatwould distribute to them equally would be liable to all the objectionswhich apply to the principle of an equal division of property. To makethe General Government the instrument of carrying this odious principleinto effect would be at once to destroy the means of its usefulness andchange the character designed for it by the framers of theConstitution. 

But the more extended and injurious consequences likely to result froma policy which would collect a surplus revenue from the purpose ofdistributing it may be forcibly illustrated by an examination of theeffects already produced by the present deposit act. This act, althoughcertainly designed to secure the safe-keeping of the public revenue, isnot entirely free in its tendencies from any of the objections whichapply to this principle of distribution. The Government had withoutnecessity received from the people a large surplus, which, instead ofbeing employed as heretofore and returned to them by means of thepublic expenditure, was deposited with sundry banks. The banksproceeded to make loans upon this surplus, and thus converted it intobanking capital, and in this manner it has tended to multiply bankcharters and has had a great agency in producing a spirit of wildspeculation. The possession and use of the property out of which thissurplus was created belonged to the people, but the Government hastransferred its possession to incorporated banks, whose interest andeffort it is to make large profits out of its use. This process needonly be stated to show its injustice and bad policy. 

And the same observations apply to the influence which is produced bythe steps necessary to collect as well as to distribute such a revenue. About 3/5 of all the duties on imports are paid in the city of NewYork, but it is obvious that the means to pay those duties are drawnfrom every quarter of the Union. Every citizen in every State whopurchases and consumes an article which has paid a duty at that portcontributes to the accumulating mass. The surplus collected there musttherefore be made up of moneys or property withdrawn from other pointsand other States. Thus the wealth and business of every region fromwhich these surplus funds proceed must be to some extent injured, whilethat of the place where the funds are concentrated and are employed inbanking are proportionably extended. But both in making the transfer ofthe funds which are first necessary to pay the duties and collect thesurplus and in making the re-transfer which becomes necessary when thetime arrives for the distribution of that surplus there is aconsiderable period when the funds can not be brought into use, and itis manifest that, besides the loss inevitable from such an operation, its tendency is to produce fluctuations in the business of the country, which are always productive of speculation and detrimental to theinterests of regular trade. Argument can scarcely be necessary to showthat a measure of this character ought not to receive furtherlegislative encouragement. 

By examining the practical operation of the ration for distributionadopted in the deposit bill of the last session we shall discover otherfeatures that appear equally objectionable. Let it be assumed, for thesake of argument, that the surplus moneys to be deposited with theStates have been collected and belong to them in the ration of theirfederal representative population--an assumption founded upon the factthat any deficiencies in our future revenue from imposts and publiclands must be made up by direct taxes collected from the States in thatration. It is proposed to distribute this surplus--say $30, 000, 000--notaccording to the ration in which it has been collected and belongs tothe people of the States, but in that of their votes in the colleges ofelectors of President and Vice President. The effect of a distributionupon that ration is shown by the annexed table, marked A. 

By an examination of that table it will be perceived that in thedistribution of a surplus of $30, 000, 000 upon that basis there is agreat departure from the principle which regards representation as thetrue measure of taxation, and it will be found that the tendency ofthat departure will be to increase whatever inequalities have beensupposed to attend the operation of our federal system in respect toits bearings upon the different interests of the Union. In making thebasis of representation the basis of taxation the framers of theConstitution intended to equalize the burdens which are necessary tosupport the Government, and the adoption of that ratio, while itaccomplished this object, was also the means of adjusting other greattopics arising out of the conflicting views respecting the politicalequality of the various members of the Confederacy. What ever, therefore, disturbs the liberal spirit of the compromises whichestablished a rule of taxation so just and equitable, and whichexperience has proved to be so well adapted to the genius and habits ofour people, should be received with the greatest caution and distrust. 

A bare inspection in the annexed table of the differences produced bythe ration used in the deposit act compared with the results of adistribution according to the ration of direct taxation must satisfyevery unprejudiced mind that the former ration contravenes the spiritof the Constitution and produces a degree of injustice in theoperations of the Federal Government which would be fatal to the hopeof perpetuating it. By the ration of direct taxation, for example, theState of Delaware in the collection of $30, 000, 000 of revenue would payinto the Treasury $188, 716, and in a distribution of $30, 000, 000 shewould receive back from the Government, according to the ration of thedeposit bill, the sum of $306, 122; and similar results would follow thecomparison between the small and the large States throughout the Union, thus realizing to the small States an advantage which would bedoubtless as unacceptable to them as a motive for incorporating theprinciple in any system which would produce it as it would beinconsistent with the rights and expectations of the large States. 

It was certainly the intention of that provision of the Constitutionwhich declares that "all duties, imposts, and excises" shall "beuniform throughout the United States" to make the burdens of taxationfall equally upon the people in what ever State of the Union they mayreside. But what would be the value of such a uniform rule if themoneys raised by it could be immediately returned by a different onewhich will give to the people of some States much more and to those ofothers much less than their fair proportions? Were the FederalGovernment to exempt in express terms the imports, products, andmanufactures of some portions of the country from all duties while itimposed heavy ones on others, the injustice could not be greater. Itwould be easy to show how by the operation of such a principle thelarge States of the Union would not only have to contribute their justshare toward the support of the Federal Government, but also have tobear in some degree the taxes necessary to support the governments oftheir smaller sisters; but it is deemed unnecessary to state thedetails where the general principle is so obvious. 

A system liable to such objections can never be supposed to have beensanctioned by the framers of the Constitution when they conferred onCongress the taxing power, and I feel persuaded that a matureexamination of the subject will satisfy everyone that there areinsurmountable difficulties in the operation of any plan which can bedevised of collecting revenue for the purpose of distributing it. Congress is only authorized to levy taxes "to pay the debts and providefor the common defense and general welfare of the United States". Thereis no such provision as would authorize Congress to collect togetherthe property of the country, under the name of revenue, for the purposeof dividing it equally or unequally among the States or the people. Indeed, it is not probable that such an idea ever occurred to theStates when they adopted the Constitution. But however this may be, theonly safe rule for us in interpreting the powers granted to the FederalGovernment is to regard the absence of express authority to touch asubject so important and delicate as this as equivalent to aprohibition. 

Even if our powers were less doubtful in this respect as theConstitution now stands, there are considerations afforded by recentexperience which would seem to make it our duty to avoid a resort tosuch a system. All will admit that the simplicity and economy of theState governments mainly depend on the fact that money has to besupplied to support them by the same men, or their agents, who vote itaway in appropriations. Hence when there are extravagant and wastefulappropriations there must be a corresponding increase of taxes, and thepeople, becoming awakened, will necessarily scrutinize the character ofmeasures which thus increase their burdens. By the watchful eye ofself-interest the agents of the people in the State governments arerepressed and kept within the limits of a just economy. 

But if the necessity of levying the taxes be taken from those who makethe appropriations and thrown upon a more distant and less responsibleset of public agents, who have power to approach the people by anindirect and stealthy taxation, there is reason to fear thatprodigality will soon supersede those characteristics which have thusfar made us look with so much pride and confidence to the Stategovernments as the main-stay of our Union and liberties. The Statelegislatures, instead of studying to restrict their State expendituresto the smallest possible sum, will claim credit for their profusion, and harass the General Government for increased supplies. 

Practically there would soon be but one taxing power, and that vestedin a body of men far removed from the people, in which the farming andmechanic interests would scarcely be represented. The States wouldgradually lose their purity as well as their independence; they wouldnot dare to murmur at the proceedings of the General Government, lestthey should lose their supplies; all would be merged in a practicalconsolidation, cemented by wide-spread corruption, which could only beeradicated by one of those bloody revolutions which occasionallyover-throw the despotic systems of the Old World. 

In all the other aspects in which I have been able to look at theeffect of such a principle of distribution upon the best interests ofthe country I can see nothing to compensate for the disadvantages towhich I have adverted. If we consider the protective duties, which arein a great degree the source of the surplus revenue, beneficial to onesection of the Union and prejudicial to another, there is no correctivefor the evil in such a plan of distribution. On the contrary, there isreason to fear that all the complaints which have sprung from thiscause would be aggravated. Everyone must be sensible that adistribution of the surplus must beget a disposition to cherish themeans which create it, and any system, therefore, into which it entersmust have a powerful tendency to increase rather than diminish thetariff. If it were even admitted that the advantages of such a systemcould be made equal to all the sections of the Union, the reasonsalready so urgently calling for a reduction of the revenue would neverthe less lose none of their force, for it will always be improbablethat an intelligent and virtuous community can consent to raise asurplus for the mere purpose of dividing it, diminished as it mustinevitably be by the expenses of the various machinery necessary to theprocess. 

The safest and simplest mode of obviating all the difficulties whichhave been mentioned is to collect only revenue enough to meet the wantsof the Government, and let the people keep the balance of theirproperty in their own hands, to be used for their own profit. EachState will then support its own government and contribute its due sharetoward the support of the General Government. There would be no surplusto cramp and lessen the resources of individual wealth and enterprise, and the banks would be left to their ordinary means. Whateveragitations and fluctuations might arise from our unfortunate papersystem, they could never be attributed, justly or unjustly, to theaction of the Federal Government. There would be some guaranty that thespirit of wild speculation which seeks to convert the surplus revenueinto banking capital would be effectually checked, and that the scenesof demoralization which are now so prevalent through the land woulddisappear. 

Without desiring to conceal that the experience and observation of thelast two years have operated a partial change in my views upon thisinteresting subject, it is never the less regretted that thesuggestions made by me in my annual messages of 1829 and 1830 have beengreatly misunderstood. At that time the great struggle was begunagainst that latitudinarian construction of the Constitution whichauthorizes the unlimited appropriation of the revenues of the Union tointernal improvements within the States, tending to invest in the handsand place under the control of the General Government all the principalroads and canals of the country, in violation of State rights and inderogation of State authority. 

At the same time the condition of the manufacturing interest was suchas to create an apprehension that the duties on imports could notwithout extensive mischief be reduced in season to prevent theaccumulation of a considerable surplus after the payment of thenational debt. In view of the dangers of such a surplus, and inpreference to its application to internal improvements in derogation ofthe rights and powers of the States, the suggestion of an amendment ofthe Constitution to authorize its distribution was made. It was analternative for what were deemed greater evils--a temporary resort torelieve an over-burdened treasury until the Government could, without asudden and destructive revulsion in the business of the country, gradually return to the just principle of raising no more revenue fromthe people in taxes than is necessary for its economical support. 

Even that alternative was not spoken of but in connection with anamendment of the Constitution. No temporary inconvenience can justifythe exercise of a prohibited power not granted by that instrument, andit was from a conviction that the power to distribute even a temporarysurplus of revenue is of that character that it was suggested only inconnection with an appeal to the source of all legal power in theGeneral Government, the States which have established it. No suchappeal has been taken, and in my opinion a distribution of the surplusrevenue by Congress either to the States or the people is to beconsidered as among the prohibitions of the Constitution. 

As already intimated, my views have undergone a change so far as to beconvinced that no alteration of the Constitution in this respect iswise or expedient. The influence of an accumulating surplus upon thecredit system of the country, producing dangerous extensions andruinous contractions, fluctuations in the price of property, rashspeculation, idleness, extravagance, and a deterioration of morals, have taught us the important lesson that any transient mischief whichmay attend the reduction of our revenue to the wants of our Governmentis to be borne in preference to an over-flowing treasury. 

I beg leave to call your attention to another subject intimatelyassociated with the preceding one--the currency of the country. 

It is apparent from the whole context of the Constitution, as well asthe history of the times which gave birth to it, that it was thepurpose of the Convention to establish a currency consisting of theprecious metals. These, from their peculiar properties which renderedthem the standard of value in all other countries, were adopted in thisas well to establish its commercial standard in reference to foreigncountries by a permanent rule as to exclude the use of a mutable mediumof exchange, such as of certain agricultural commodities recognized bythe statutes of some States as a tender for debts, or the still morepernicious expedient of a paper currency. 

The last, from the experience of the evils of the issues of paperduring the Revolution, had become so justly obnoxious as not only tosuggest the clause in the Constitution forbidding the emission of billsof credit by the States, but also to produce that vote in theConvention which negatived the proposition to grant power to Congressto charter corporations--a proposition well understood at the time asintended to authorize the establishment of a national bank, which wasto issue a currency of bank notes on a capital to be created to someextent out of Government stocks. Although this proposition was refusedby a direct vote of the Convention, the object was afterwards in effectobtained by its ingenious advocates through a strained construction ofthe Constitution. The debts of the Revolution were funded at priceswhich formed no equivalent compared with the nominal amount of thestock, and under circumstances which exposed the motives of some ofthose who participated in the passage of the act to distrust. 

The facts that the value of the stock was greatly enhanced by thecreation of the bank, that it was well understood that such would bethe case, and that some of the advocates of the measure were largelybenefited by it belong to the history of the times, and are wellcalculated to diminish the respect which might otherwise have been dueto the action of the Congress which created the institution. 

On the establishment of a national bank it became the interest of itscreditors that gold should be superseded by the paper of the bank as ageneral currency. A value was soon attached to the gold coins whichmade their exportation to foreign countries as a mercantile commoditymore profitable than their retention and use at home as money. Itfollowed as a matter of course, if not designed by those whoestablished the bank, that the bank became in effect a substitute forthe Mint of the United States. 

Such was the origin of a national bank currency, and such the beginningof those difficulties which now appear in the excessive issues of thebanks incorporated by the various States. 

Although it may not be possible by any legislative means within ourpower to change at once the system which has thus been introduced, andhas received the acquiescence of all portions of the country, it iscertainly our duty to do all that is consistent with our constitutionalobligations in preventing the mischiefs which are threatened by itsundue extension. That the efforts of the fathers of our Government toguard against it by a constitutional provision were founded on anintimate knowledge of the subject has been frequently attested by thebitter experience of the country. The same causes which led them to refusetheir sanction to a power authorizing the establishment of incorporationsfor banking purposes now exist in a much stronger degree to urge us toexert the utmost vigilance in calling into action the means necessaryto correct the evils resulting from the unfortunate exercise of thepower, and it is hoped that the opportunity for effecting this greatgood will be improved before the country witnesses new scenes ofembarrassment and distress. 

Variableness must ever be the characteristic of a currency of which theprecious metals are not the chief ingredient, or which can be expandedor contracted without regard to the principles that regulate the valueof those metals as a standard in the general trade of the world. Withus bank issues constitute such a currency, and must ever do so untilthey are made dependent on those just proportions of gold and silver asa circulating medium which experience has proved to be necessary notonly in this but in all other commercial countries. Where thoseproportions are not infused into the circulation and do not control it, it is manifest that prices must vary according to the tide of bankissues, and the value and stability of property must stand exposed toall the uncertainty which attends the administration of institutionsthat are constantly liable to the temptation of an interest distinctfrom that of the community in which they are established. 

The progress of an expansion, or rather a depreciation, of the currencyby excessive bank issues is always attended by a loss to the laboringclasses. This portion of the community have neither time noropportunity to watch the ebbs and flows of the money market. Engagedfrom day to day in their useful toils, they do not perceive thatalthough their wages are nominally the same, or even somewhat higher, they are greatly reduced in fact by the rapid increase of a spuriouscurrency, which, as it appears to make money abound, they are at firstinclined to consider a blessing. 

It is not so with the speculator, by whom this operation is betterunderstood, and is made to contribute to his advantage. It is not untilthe prices of the necessaries of life become so dear that the laboringclasses can not supply their wants out of their wages that the wagesrise and gradually reach a justly proportioned rate to that of theproducts of their labor. When thus, by depreciation in consequence ofthe quantity of paper in circulation, wages as well as prices becomeexorbitant, it is soon found that the whole effect of the adulterationis a tariff on our home industry for the benefit of the countries wheregold and silver circulate and maintain uniformity and moderation inprices. It is then perceived that the enhancement of the price of landand labor produces a corresponding increase in the price of productsuntil these products do not sustain a competition with similar ones inother countries, and thus both manufactured and agriculturalproductions cease to bear expectation from the country of the spuriouscurrency, because they can not be sold for cost. 

This is the process by which specie is banished by the paper of thebanks. Their vaults are soon exhausted to pay for foreign commodities. The next step is a stoppage of specie payment--a total degradation ofpaper as a currency--unusual depression of prices, the ruin of debtors, and the accumulation of property in the hands of creditors and cautiouscapitalists. 

It was in view of these evils, together with the dangerous powerwielded by the Bank of the United States and its repugnance to ourConstitution, that I was induced to exert the power conferred upon meby the American people to prevent the continuance of that institution. But although various dangers to our republican institutions have beenobviated by the failure of that bank to extort from the Government arenewal of its charter, it is obvious that little has been accomplishedexcept a salutary change of public opinion toward restoring to thecountry the sound currency provided for in the Constitution. 

In the acts of several of the States prohibiting the circulation ofsmall notes and the auxiliary enactments of Congress at the lastsession forbidding their reception or payment on public account, thetrue policy of the country has been advanced and a larger portion ofthe precious metals infused into our circulating medium. These measureswill probably be followed up in due time by the enactment of State lawsbanishing from circulation bank notes of still higher denominations, and the object may be materially promoted by further acts of Congressforbidding the employment as fiscal agents of such banks as continue toissue notes of low denominations and throw impediments in the way ofthe circulation of gold and silver. 

The effects of an extension of bank credits and over-issues of bankpaper have been strikingly illustrated in the sales of the publiclands. From the returns made by the various registers and receivers inthe early part of last summer it was perceived that the receiptsarising from the sales of the public lands were increasing to anunprecedented amount. In effect, however, these receipts amounted tonothing more than credits in bank. The banks lent out their notes tospeculators. They were paid to the receivers and immediately returnedto the banks, to be lent out again and again, being mere instruments totransfer to speculators the most valuable public land and pay theGovernment by a credit on the books of the banks. 

Those credits on the books of some of the Western banks, usually calleddeposits, were already greatly beyond their immediate means of payment, and were rapidly increasing. Indeed, each speculation furnished meansfor another; for no sooner had one individual or company paid in thenotes than they were immediately lent to another for a like purpose, and the banks were extending their business and their issues so largelyas to alarm considerate men and render it doubtful whether these bankcredits, if permitted to accumulate, would ultimately be of the leastvalue to the Government. The spirit of expansion and speculation wasnot confined to the deposit banks, but pervaded the whole multitude ofbanks throughout the Union and was giving rise to new institutions toaggravate the evil. 

The safety of the public funds and the interest of the people generallyrequired that these operations should be checked; and it became theduty of every branch of the General and State Governments to adopt alllegitimate and proper means to produce that salutary effect. Under thisview of my duty I directed the issuing of the order which will be laidbefore you by the Secretary of the Treasury, requiring payment for thepublic lands sold to be made in specie, with an exception until the15th of the present month in favor of actual settlers. 

This measure has produced many salutary consequences. It checked thecareer of the Western banks and gave them additional strength inanticipation of the pressure which has since pervaded our Eastern aswell as the European commercial cities. By preventing the extension ofthe credit system it measurably cut off the means of speculation andretarded its progress in monopolizing the most valuable of the publiclands. It has tended to save the new States from a non-residentproprietorship, one of the greatest obstacles to the advancement of anew country and the prosperity of an old one. It has tended to keepopen the public lands for entry by emigrants at Government pricesinstead of their being compelled to purchase of speculators at doubleor triple prices. And it is conveying into the interior large sums insilver and gold, there to enter permanently into the currency of thecountry and place it on a firmer foundation. It is confidently believedthat the country will find in the motives which induced that order andthe happy consequences which will have ensued much to commend andnothing to condemn. 

It remains for Congress if they approve the policy which dictated thisorder to follow it up in its various bearings. Much good, in myjudgment, would be produced by prohibiting sales of the public landsexcept to actual settlers at a reasonable reduction of price, and tolimit the quantity which shall be sold to them. Although it is believedthe General Government never ought to receive anything but theconstitutional currency in exchange for the public lands, that pointwould be of less importance if the lands were sold for immediatesettlement and cultivation. Indeed, there is scarcely a mischiefarising out of our present land system, including the accumulatingsurplus of revenues, which would not be remedied at once by arestriction on land sales to actual settlers; and it promises otheradvantages to the country in general and to the new States inparticular which can not fail to receive the most profoundconsideration of Congress. 

Experience continues to realize the expectations entertained as to thecapacity of the State banks to perform the duties of fiscal agents forthe Government at the time of the removal of the deposits. It wasalleged by the advocates of the Bank of the United States that theState banks, what ever might be the regulations of the TreasuryDepartment, could not make the transfers required by the Government ornegotiate the domestic exchanges of the country. It is now wellascertained that the real domestic exchanges performed throughdiscounts by the United States Bank and its 25 branches were at leastone third less than those of the deposit banks for an equal period oftime; and if a comparison be instituted between the amounts of servicerendered by these institutions on the broader basis which has been usedby the advocates of the United States Bank in estimating what theyconsider the domestic exchanges transacted by it, the result will bestill more favorable to the deposit banks. 

The whole amount of public money transferred by the Bank of the UnitedStates in 1832 was $16, 000, 000. The amount transferred and actuallypaid by the deposit banks in the year ending the first of October lastwas $39, 319, 899; the amount transferred and paid between that periodand the 6th of November was $5, 399, 000, and the amount of transferwarrants outstanding on that day was $14, 450, 000, making an aggregateof $59, 168, 894. These enormous sums of money first mentioned have beentransferred with the greatest promptitude and regularity, and the ratesat which the exchanges have been negotiated previously to the passageof the deposit act were generally below those charged by the Bank ofthe United States. Independently of these services, which are fargreater than those rendered by the United States Bank and its 25branches, a number of the deposit banks have, with a commendable zealto aid in the improvement of the currency, imported from abroad, attheir own expense, large sums of the precious metals for coinage andcirculation. 

In the same manner have nearly all the predictions turned out inrespect to the effect of the removal of the deposits--a stepunquestionably necessary to prevent the evils which it was foreseen thebank itself would endeavor to create in a final struggle to procure arenewal of its charter. It may be thus, too, in some degree with thefurther steps which may be taken to prevent the excessive issue ofother bank paper, but it is to be hoped that nothing will now deter theFederal and State authorities from the firm and vigorous performance oftheir duties to themselves and to the people in this respect. 

In reducing the revenue to the wants of the Government your particularattention is invited to those articles which constitute the necessariesof life. The duty on salt was laid as a war tax, and was no doubtcontinued to assist in providing for the payment of the war debt. Thereis no article the release of which from taxation would be felt sogenerally and so beneficially. To this may be added all kinds of fueland provisions. Justice and benevolence unite in favor of releasing thepoor of our cities from burdens which are not necessary to the supportof our Government and tend only to increase the wants of the destitute. 

It will be seen by the report of the Secretary of the Treasury and theaccompanying documents that the Bank of the United States has made nopayment on account of the stock held by the Government in thatinstitution, although urged to pay any portion which might suit itsconvenience, and that it has given no information when payment may beexpected. Nor, although repeatedly requested, has it furnished theinformation in relation to its condition which Congress authorized theSecretary to collect at their last session. Such measures as are withinthe power of the Executive have been taken to ascertain the value ofthe stock and procure the payment as early as possible. 

The conduct and present condition of that bank and the great amount ofcapital vested in it by the United States require your carefulattention. Its charter expired on the third day of March last, and ithas now no power but that given in the twenty-first section, "to usethe corporate name, style, and capacity for the purpose of suits forthe final settlement and liquidation of the affairs and accounts of thecorporation, and for the sale and disposition of their estate--real, personal, and mixed--but not for any other purpose or in any othermanner what so ever, nor for a period exceeding two years after theexpiration of the said term of incorporation". 

Before the expiration of the charter the stock-holders of the bankobtained an act of incorporation from the legislature of Pennsylvania, excluding only the United States. Instead of proceeding to wind uptheir concerns and pay over to the United States the amount due onaccount of the stock held by them, the president and directors of theold bank appear to have transferred the books, papers, notes, obligations, and most or all of its property to this new corporation, which entered upon business as a continuation of the old concern. 

Amongst other acts of questionable validity, the notes of the expiredcorporation are known to have been used as its own and again put incirculation. That the old bank had no right to issue or re-issue itsnotes after the expiration of its charter can not be denied, and thatit could not confer any such right on its substitute any more thanexercise it itself is equally plain. In law and honesty the notes ofthe bank in circulation at the expiration of its charter should havebeen called in by public advertisement, paid up as presented, and, together with those on hand, canceled and destroyed. 

Their re-issue is sanctioned by no law and warranted by no necessity. If the United States be responsible in their stock for the payment ofthese notes, their re-issue by the new corporation for their own profitis a fraud on the Government. If the United States is not responsible, then there is no legal responsibility in any quarter, and it is a fraudon the country. They are the redeemed notes of a dissolved partnership, but, contrary to the wishes of the retiring partner and without hisconsent, are again re-issued and circulated. 

It is the high and peculiar duty of Congress to decide whether anyfurther legislation be necessary for the security of the large amountof public property now held and in use by the new bank, and forvindicating the rights of the Government and compelling a speedy andhonest settlement with all the creditors of the old bank, public andprivate, or whether the subject shall be left to the power nowpossessed by the Executive and judiciary. It remains to be seen whetherthe persons who as managers of the old bank undertook to control theGovernment, retained the public dividends, shut their doors upon acommittee of the House of Representatives, and filled the country withpanic to accomplish their own sinister objects may now as managers of anew bank continue with impunity to flood the country with a spuriouscurrency, use the $7 millions of Government stock for their own profit, and refuse to the United States all information as to the presentcondition of their own property and the prospect of recovering it intotheir own possession. 

The lessons taught by the Bank of the United States can not well belost upon the American people. They will take care never again to placeso tremendous a power in irresponsible hands, and it will be fortunateif they seriously consider the consequences which are likely to resulton a smaller scale from the facility with which corporate powers aregranted by their State governments. 

It is believed that the law of the last session regulating the depositbanks operates onerously and unjustly upon them in many respects, andit is hoped that Congress, on proper representations, will adopt themodifications which are necessary to prevent this consequence. 

The report of the Secretary of War ad interim and the accompanyingdocuments, all which are herewith laid before you, will give you a fullview of the diversified and important operations of that Departmentduring the past year. 

The military movements rendered necessary by the aggressions of thehostile portions of the Seminole and Creek tribes of Indians, and byother circumstances, have required the active employment of nearly ourwhole regular force, including the Marine Corps, and of large bodies ofmilitia and volunteers. With all these events so far as they were knownat the seat of Government before the termination of your last sessionyou are already acquainted, and it is therefore only needful in thisplace to lay before you a brief summary of what has since occurred. 

The war with the Seminoles during the summer was on our part chieflyconfined to the protection of our frontier settlements from theincursions of the enemy, and, as a necessary and important means forthe accomplishment of that end, to the maintenance of the postspreviously established. In the course of this duty several actions tookplace, in which the bravery and discipline of both officers and menwere conspicuously displayed, and which I have deemed it proper tonotice in respect to the former by the granting of brevet rank forgallant services in the field. But as the force of the Indians was notso far weakened by these partial successes as to lead them to submit, and as their savage inroads were frequently repeated, early measureswere taken for placing at the disposal of Governor Call, who ascommander in chief of the Territorial militia had been temporarilyinvested with the command, an ample force for the purpose of resumingoffensive operations in the most efficient manner so soon as the seasonshould permit. Major General Jesup was also directed, on the conclusionof his duties in the Creek country, to repair to Florida and assume thecommand. 

The result of the first movement made by the forces under the directionof Governor Call in October last, as detailed in the accompanyingpapers, excited much surprise and disappointment. A full explanationhas been required of the causes which led to the failure of thatmovement, but has not yet been received. In the mean time, as it wasfeared that the health of Governor Call, who was understood to havesuffered much from sickness, might not be adequate to the crisis, andas Major General Jesup was known to have reached Florida, that officerwas directed to assume command, and to prosecute all needful operationswith the utmost promptitude and vigor. From the force at his disposaland the dispositions he has made and is instructed to make, and fromthe very efficient measures which it is since ascertained have beentaken by Governor Call, there is reason to hope that they will soon beenabled to reduce the enemy to subjection. In the mean time, as youwill perceive from the report of the Secretary, there is urgentnecessity for further appropriations to suppress these hostilities. 

Happily for the interests of humanity, the hostilities with the Creekswere brought to a close soon after your adjournment, without thateffusion of blood which at one time was apprehended as inevitable. Theunconditional submission of the hostile party was followed by theirspeedy removal to the country assigned them West of the Mississippi. The inquiry as to alleged frauds in the purchase of the reservations ofthese Indians and the causes of their hostilities, requested by theresolution of the House of Representatives of the first of July lastJuly 1st, 1836 to be made by the President, is now going on through theagency of commissioners appointed for that purpose. Their report may beexpected during your present session. 

The difficulties apprehended in the Cherokee country have beenprevented, and the peace and safety of that region and its vicinityeffectually secured, by the timely measures taken by the WarDepartment, and still continued. 

The discretionary authority given to General Gaines to cross the Sabineand to occupy a position as far West as Nacogdoches, in case he shoulddeem such a step necessary to the protection of the frontier and to thefulfillment of the stipulations contained in our treaty with Mexico, and the movement subsequently made by that officer have been alluded toin a former part of this message. At the date of the latestintelligence from Nacogdoches our troops were yet at that station, butthe officer who has succeeded General Gaines has recently been advisedthat from the facts known at the seat of Government there would seem tobe no adequate cause for any longer maintaining that position, and hewas accordingly instructed, in case the troops were not alreadywithdrawn under the discretionary powers before possessed by him, togive the requisite orders for that purpose on the receipt of theinstructions, unless he shall then have in his possession suchinformation as shall satisfy him that the maintenance of the post isessential to the protection of our frontiers and to the due executionof our treaty stipulations, as previously explained to him. 

Whilst the necessities existing during the present year for the serviceof militia and volunteers have furnished new proofs of the patriotismof our fellow citizens, they have also strongly illustrated theimportance of an increase in the rank and file of the Regular Army. Theviews of this subject submitted by the Secretary of War in his reportmeet my entire concurrence, and are earnestly commended to thedeliberate attention of Congress. In this connection it is also properto remind you that the defects in our present militia system are everyday rendered more apparent. The duty of making further provision by lawfor organizing, arming, and disciplining this arm of defense has beenso repeatedly presented to Congress by myself and my predecessors thatI deem it sufficient on this occasion to refer to the last annualmessage and to former Executive communications in which the subject hasbeen discussed. 

It appears from the reports of the officers charged with mustering intoservice the volunteers called for under the act of Congress of the lastsession that more presented themselves at the place of rendezvous inTennessee than were sufficient to meet the requisition which had beenmade by the Secretary of War upon the governor of that State. This wasoccasioned by the omission of the governor to apportion the requisitionto the different regiments of militia so as to obtain the proper numberof troops and no more. It seems but just to the patriotic citizens whorepaired to the general rendezvous under circumstances authorizing themto believe that their services were needed and would be accepted thatthe expenses incurred by them while absent from their homes should bepaid by the Government. I accordingly recommend that a law to thiseffect be passed by Congress, giving them a compensation which willcover their expenses on the march to and from the place of rendezvousand while there; in connection with which it will also be proper tomake provision for such other equitable claims growing out of theservice of the militia as may not be embraced in the existing laws. 

On the unexpected breaking out of hostilities in Florida, Alabama, andGeorgia it became necessary in some cases to take the property ofindividuals for public use. Provision should be made by law forindemnifying the owners; and I would also respectfully suggest whethersome provision may not be made, consistently with the principles of ourGovernment, for the relief of the sufferers by Indian depredations orby the operations of our own troops. 

No time was lost after the making of the requisite appropriations inresuming the great national work of completing the unfinishedfortifications on our sea-board and of placing them in a proper stateof defense. In consequence, however, of the very late day at whichthose bills were passed, but little progress could be made during theseason which has just closed. A very large amount of the moneys grantedat your last session accordingly remains unexpended; but as the workwill be again resumed at the earliest moment in the coming spring, thebalance of the existing appropriations, and in several cases which willbe laid before you, with the proper estimates, further sums for thelike objects, may be usefully expended during the next year. 

The recommendations of an increase in the Engineer Corps and for areorganization of the Topographical Corps, submitted to you in my lastannual message, derive additional strength from the greatembarrassments experienced during the present year in those branches ofthe service, and under which they are now suffering. Several of themost important surveys and constructions directed by recent laws havebeen suspended in consequence of the want of adequate force in thesecorps. 

The like observations may be applied to the Ordnance Corps and to thegeneral staff, the operations of which as they are now organized musteither be frequently interrupted or performed by officers taken fromthe line of the Army, to the great prejudice of the service. 

For a general view of the condition of the Military Academy and ofother branches of the military service not already noticed, as well asfor further illustrations of those which have been mentioned, I referyou to the accompanying documents, and among the various proposalscontained therein for legislative action I would particularly noticethe suggestion of the Secretary of War for the revision of the pay ofthe Army as entitled to your favorable regard. 

The national policy, founded alike in interest and in humanity, so longand so steadily pursued by this Government for the removal of theIndian tribes originally settled on this side of the Mississippi to theW of that river, may be said to have been consummated by the conclusionof the late treaty with the Cherokees. The measures taken in theexecution of that treaty and in relation to our Indian affairsgenerally will fully appear by referring to the accompanying papers. Without dwelling on the numerous and important topics embraced in them, I again invite your attention to the importance of providing awell-digested and comprehensive system for the protection, supervision, and improvement of the various tribes now planted in the Indiancountry. 

The suggestions submitted by the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, andenforced by the Secretary, on this subject, and also in regard to theestablishment of additional military posts in the Indian country, areentitled to your profound consideration. Both measures are necessary, for the double purpose of protecting the Indians from intestine war, and in other respects complying with our engagements with them, and ofsecuring our western frontier against incursions which otherwise willassuredly be made on it. The best hopes of humanity in regard to theaboriginal race, the welfare of our rapidly extending settlements, andthe honor of the United States are all deeply involved in the relationsexisting between this Government and the emigrating tribes. I trust, therefore, that the various matters submitted in the accompanyingdocuments in respect to those relations will receive your early andmature deliberation, and that it may issue in the adoption oflegislative measures adapted to the circumstances and duties of thepresent crisis. 

You are referred to the report of the Secretary of the Navy for asatisfactory view of the operations of the Department under his chargeduring the present year. In the construction of vessels at thedifferent navy yards and in the employment of our ships and squadronsat sea that branch of the service has been actively and usefullyemployed. While the situation of our commercial interests in the WestIndies required a greater number than usual of armed vessels to be kepton that station, it is gratifying to perceive that the protection dueto our commerce in other quarters of the world has not provedinsufficient. Every effort has been made to facilitate the equipment ofthe exploring expedition authorized by the act of the last session, butall the preparation necessary to enable it to sail has not yet beencompleted. No means will be spared by the Government to fit out theexpedition on a scale corresponding with the liberal appropriations forthe purpose and with the elevated character of the objects which are tobe effected by it. 

I beg leave to renew the recommendation made in my last annual messagerespecting the enlistment of boys in our naval service, and to urgeupon your attention the necessity of further appropriations to increasethe number of ships afloat and to enlarge generally the capacity andforce of the Navy. The increase of our commerce and our position inregard to the other powers of the world will always make it our policyand interest to cherish the great naval resources of our country. 

The report of the Post Master General presents a gratifying picture ofthe condition of the Post Office Department. Its revenues for the yearending the 30th June last were $3, 398, 455. 19, showing an increase ofrevenue over that of the preceding year of $404, 878. 53, or more than13%. The expenditures for the same year were $2, 755, 623. 76, exhibitinga surplus of $642, 831. 43. The Department has been redeemed fromembarrassment and debt, has accumulated a surplus exceeding half amillion dollars, has largely extended and is preparing still further toextend the mail service, and recommends a reduction of postages equalto about 20%. It is practicing upon the great principle which shouldcontrol every branch of our Government of rendering to the public thegreatest good possible with the least possible taxation to the people. 

The scale of postages suggested by the Post Master General recommendsitself, not only by the reduction it proposes, but by the simplicity ofits arrangement, its conformity with the Federal currency, and theimprovement it will introduce into the accounts of the Department andits agents. 

Your particular attention is invited to the subject of mail contractswith railroad companies. The present laws providing for the making ofcontracts are based upon the presumption that competition among bidderswill secure the service at a fair price; but on most of the railroadlines there is no competition in that kind of transportation, andadvertising is therefore useless. No contract can now be made with themexcept such as shall be negotiated before the time of offering orafterwards, and the power of the Post Master General to pay them highprices is practically without limitation. It would be a relief to himand no doubt would conduce to the public interest to prescribe by lawsome equitable basis upon which such contracts shall rest, and restricthim by a fixed rule of allowance. Under a liberal act of that sort hewould undoubtedly be able to secure the services of most of therailroad companies, and the interest of the Department would be thusadvanced. 

The correspondence between the people of the United States and theEuropean nations, and particularly with the British Islands, has becomevery extensive, and requires the interposition of Congress to give itsecurity. No obstacle is perceived to an interchange of mails betweenNew York and Liverpool or other foreign ports, as proposed by the PostMaster General. On the contrary, it promises, by the security it willafford, to facilitate commercial transactions and give rise to anenlarged intercourse among the people of different nations, which cannot but have a happy effect. Through the city of New York most of thecorrespondence between the Canadas and Europe is now carried on, andurgent representations have been received from the head of theprovincial post office asking the interposition of the United States toguard it from the accidents and losses to which it is now subjected. Some legislation appears to be called for as well by our own interestas by comity to the adjoining British provinces. 

The expediency of providing a fire-proof building for the importantbooks and papers of the Post Office Department is worthy ofconsideration. In the present condition of our Treasury it is neithernecessary nor wise to leave essential public interests exposed to somuch danger when they can so readily be made secure. There are weightyconsiderations in the location of a new building for that Department infavor of placing it near the other executive buildings. 

The important subjects of a survey of the coast and the manufacture ofa standard of weights and measures for the different custom houses havebeen in progress for some years under the general direction of theExecutive and the immediate superintendence of a gentleman possessinghigh scientific attainments. At the last session of Congress the makingof a set of weights and measures for each State in the Union was addedto the others by a joint resolution. 

The care and correspondence as to all these subjects have been devolvedon the Treasury Department during the last year. A special report fromthe Secretary of the Treasury will soon be communicated to Congress, which will show what has been accomplished as to the whole, the numberand compensation of the persons now employed in these duties, and theprogress expected to be made during the ensuing year, with a copy ofthe various correspondence deemed necessary to throw light on thesubjects which seem to require additional legislation. 

Claims have been made for retrospective allowances in behalf of thesuperintendent and some of his assistants, which I did not feeljustified in granting. Other claims have been made for large increasesin compensation, which, under the circumstances of the several cases, Ideclined making without the express sanction of Congress. In order toobtain that sanction the subject was at the last session, on mysuggestion and by request of the immediate superintendent, submitted bythe Treasury Department to the Committee on Commerce of the House ofRepresentatives. But no legislative action having taken place, theearly attention of Congress is now invited to the enactment of someexpress and detailed provisions in relation to the various claims madefor the past, and to the compensation and allowances deemed proper forthe future. 

It is further respectfully recommended that, such being theinconvenience of attention to these duties by the Chief Magistrate, andsuch the great pressure of business on the Treasury Department, thegeneral supervision of the coast survey and the completion of theweights and measures, if the works are kept united, should be devolvedon a board of officers organized specially for that purpose, or on theNavy Board attached to the Navy Department. 

All my experience and reflection confirm the conviction I have so oftenexpressed to Congress in favor of an amendment of the Constitutionwhich will prevent in any event the election of the President and VicePresident of the United States devolving on the House ofRepresentatives and the Senate, and I therefore beg leave again tosolicit your attention to the subject. There were various othersuggestions in my last annual message not acted upon, particularly thatrelating to the want of uniformity in the laws of the District ofColumbia, that are deemed worthy of your favorable consideration. 

Before concluding this paper I think it due to the various ExecutiveDepartments to bear testimony to their prosperous condition and to theability and integrity with which they have been conducted. It has beenmy aim to enforce in all of them a vigilant and faithful discharge ofthe public business, and it is gratifying to me to believe that thereis no just cause of complaint from any quarter at the manner in whichthey have fulfilled the objects of their creation. 

Having now finished the observations deemed proper on this the lastoccasion I shall have of communicating with the two Houses of Congressat their meeting, I can not omit an expression of the gratitude whichis due to the great body of my fellow citizens, in whose partiality andindulgence I have found encouragement and support in the many difficultand trying scenes through which it has been my lot to pass during mypublic career. Though deeply sensible that my exertions have not beencrowned with a success corresponding to the degree of favor bestowedupon me, I am sure that they will be considered as having been directedby an earnest desire to promote the good of my country, and I amconsoled by the persuasion that what ever errors have been committedwill find a corrective in the intelligence and patriotism of those whowill succeed us. All that has occurred during my Administration iscalculated to inspire me with increased confidence in the stability ofour institutions; and should I be spared to enter upon that retirementwhich is so suitable to my age and infirm health and so much desired byme in other respects, I shall not cease to invoke that beneficent Beingto whose providence we are already so signally indebted for thecontinuance of His blessings on our beloved country.