[Transcriber's Note: In quoted passages and in the documents in PartII of this e-book, spelling, punctuation, capitalization, hyphenation, and abbreviations have been retained as they appear in the original. In the remainder of the text, obvious printer errors have beencorrected, but archaic spellings (e. G. , "reconnoissance" for"reconnaissance, " "aid" for "aide") have been retained. This book contains a few instances of the letters m and n withmacrons, indicating that the letter is to be doubled. The letter withthe macron is represented here in brackets with an equal sign. Forexample, "co[=m]ittee" stands for "committee"; "ca[=n]on" stands for"cannon. "] THE CAMPAIGN OF 1776 AROUND NEW YORK AND BROOKLYN. INCLUDING A NEW AND CIRCUMSTANTIAL ACCOUNT OF THE BATTLE OF LONG ISLAND AND THE LOSS OF NEW YORK, WITH A _REVIEW OF EVENTS TO THE CLOSE OF THE YEAR_, CONTAINING MAPS, PORTRAITS, AND ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS. BY HENRY P. JOHNSTON. BROOKLYN, N. Y. :PUBLISHED BY THE LONG ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 1878. COPYRIGHT, 1878, BY HENRY P. JOHNSTON, FOR THE SOCIETY. S. W. GREEN, PRINTER AND ELECTROTYPER, 16 and 18 Jacob Street, NEW YORK. [Illustration: NEW YORK and BROOKLYN WITH THEIR ENVIRONS IN 1776. Compiled by H. P. JOHNSTON. Steel Engr. F. Von Egloffstein, N. Y. ] PREFACE. The site now occupied by the two cities of New York and Brooklyn, andover which they continue to spread, is pre-eminently "Revolutionarysoil. " Very few of our historic places are more closely associatedwith the actual scenes of that struggle. As at Boston in 1775, so herein 1776, we had the war at our doors and all about us. In what is nowthe heart of Brooklyn Revolutionary soldiers lay encamped for months, and in the heat of a trying summer surrounded themselves with lines ofworks. What have since been converted into spots of rarebeauty--Greenwood Cemetery and Prospect Park--became, with the groundin their vicinity, a battle-field. New York, which was then taking itsplace as the most flourishing city on the continent, was transformedby the emergency into a fortified military base. Troops quartered inBroad Street and along the North and East rivers, and on the line ofGrand Street permanent camps were established. Forts, redoubts, batteries, and intrenchments encircled the town. The streets werebarricaded, the roads blocked, and efforts made to obstruct thenavigation of both rivers. Where we have stores and warehouses, Washington fixed alarm and picket posts; and at points where costlyresidences stand, men fought, died, and were buried. In 1776 the causehad become general; soldiers gathered here from ten of the originalthirteen States, and the contest assumed serious proportions. It washere around New York and Brooklyn that the War of the Revolution beganin earnest. The record of what occurred in this vicinity at that interestingperiod has much of it been preserved in our standard histories byGordon, Marshall, Irving, Hildreth, Lossing, Bancroft, Carrington, andothers. In the present volume it is given as a single connectedaccount, with many additional particulars which have but recently cometo light. This new material, gathered largely from the descendants ofofficers and soldiers who participated in that campaign, is publishedwith other documents in Part II. Of this work, and is presented as itsprincipal feature. What importance should be attached to it must beleft to the judgment of the reader. The writer himself has made use of these documents in filling gaps andcorrecting errors. Such documents, for example, as the orders issuedby Generals Greene and Sullivan on Long Island, with the originalletters of Generals Parsons, Scott, and other officers, go far towardsclearing up the hitherto doubtful points in regard to operations onthe Brooklyn side. There is not a little, also, that throws light onthe retreat to New York; while material of value has been unearthedrespecting events which terminated in the capture of the city by theBritish. Considerable space has been devoted to the preparations madeby both sides for the campaign, but as the nature of thosepreparations illustrates the very great importance attached to thestruggle that was to come, it may not appear disproportionate. Thenarrative also is continued so as to include the closing incidents ofthe year, without which it would hardly be complete, although theytake us beyond the limits of New York. But for the cheerful and in many cases painstaking co-operation ofthose who are in possession of the documents referred to, or who haveotherwise rendered assistance, the preparation of the work could nothave been possible. The writer finds himself especially underobligations to Miss Harriet E. Henshaw, of Leicester, Mass. ; Miss MaryLittle and Benjamin Hale, Esq. , Newburyport; Charles J. Little, Esq. , Cambridge; Mr. Francis S. Drake, Roxbury; Rev. Dr. I. N. Tarbox andJohn J. Soren, Boston; Prof. George Washington Greene, East Greenwich, R. I. ; Hon. J. M. Addeman, Secretary of State of Rhode Island, and Rev. Dr. Stone, Providence; Hon. Dwight Morris, Secretary of State ofConnecticut; Dr. P. W. Ellsworth and Captain John C. Kinney, Hartford;Miss Mary L. Huntington, Norwich; Benjamin Douglas, Esq. , Middletown;Mr. Henry M. Selden, Haddam Neck; Hon. G. H. Hollister, Bridgeport;Hon. Teunis G. Bergen, Mr. Henry E. Pierrepont, J. Carson Brevoort, Esq. , Rev. Dr. H. M. Scudder, and Mr. Gerrit H. Van Wagenen, Brooklyn;Mr. Henry Onderdonk, Jr. , Jamaica, L. I. ; Frederick H. Wolcott, Esq. , Astoria, L. I. ; Hon. John Jay, Charles I. Bushnell, Esq. , Miss Troup, Mrs. Kernochan, Prof. And Mrs. O. P. Hubbard, Gen. Alex. S. Webb, Rev. A. A. Reinke, New York City; Mr. William Kelby, New York HistoricalSociety; Prof. Asa Bird Gardner, West Point; Hon. W. S. Stryker, Adjutant-General, Trenton, N. J. ; Richard Randolph Parry, Esq. , Hon. Lewis A. Scott, and Mr. J. Jordan, Philadelphia; Hon. John B. Linn, Harrisburg; Mrs. S. B. Rogers and Mr. D. M. Stauffler, Lancaster; Dr. Dalrymple, Maryland Historical Society, Baltimore; Hon. Cæsar A. Rodney, J. R. Walter, and W. S. Boyd, Wilmington, Del. ; Oswald Tilghman, Esq. , Easton, Md. ; Hon. Edward McPherson, Rev. Dr. John Chester, andLieutenant-Colonel T. Lincoln Casey, Washington; President Andrews andMr. Holden, Librarian, Marietta College; and Mr. Henry E. Parsons andEdward Welles, Ashtabula, Ohio. The cordial and constant encouragement extended by the Rev. Dr. Richard S. Storrs, President of the Long Island Historical Society, and the interest taken in the work by Hon. Henry C. Murphy, BenjaminD. Silliman, Esq. , and the Librarian, Mr. George Hannah, aregratefully acknowledged. NEW YORK CITY, June, 1878. CONTENTS. PART I. PAGE CHAPTER I. SIGNIFICANCE OF THE CAMPAIGN--PLANS AND PREPARATIONS 13 CHAPTER II. FORTIFYING NEW YORK AND BROOKLYN 35 CHAPTER III. THE TWO ARMIES 105 CHAPTER IV. THE BATTLE OF LONG ISLAND 139 CHAPTER V. RETREAT TO NEW YORK 207 CHAPTER VI. LOSS OF NEW YORK--KIP'S BAY AFFAIR--BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS 225 CHAPTER VII. WHITE PLAINS--FORT WASHINGTON 263 CHAPTER VIII. TRENTON--PRINCETON--CLOSE OF THE CAMPAIGN 287 PART II. LIST OF DOCUMENTS: No. 1. General Greene's Orders--Camp on Long Island 5 " 2. General Sullivan's Orders--Camp on Long Island 27 " 3. General Orders 30 " 4. Washington to the Massachusetts Assembly 32 " 5. General Parsons to John Adams 33 " 6. General Scott to John Jay 36 " 7. Colonel Joseph Trumbull to his Brother 40 " 8. Colonel Trumbull to his Father 41 " 9. Colonel Moses Little to his Son 42 " 10. Lieutenant-Colonel Henshaw to his Wife 44 " 11. Deposition by Lieutenant-Colonel Henshaw 47 " 12. Colonel Edward Hand to his Wife 48 " 13. Major Edward Burd to Judge Yeates 48 " 14. Lieutenant Jasper Ewing to Judge Yeates 49 " 15. John Ewing to Judge Yeates 50 " 16. Colonel Haslet to Cæsar Rodney 51 " 17. Colonel G. S. Silliman to his Wife 52 " 18. Colonel Silliman to Rev. Mr. Fish 57 " 19. Account of the Battle of Long Island 58 " 20. Journal of Colonel Samuel Miles 60 " 21. Lieutenant-Colonel John Brodhead to ---- 63 " 22. Colonel William Douglas to his Wife 66 " 23. General Woodhull to the New York Convention 73 " 24. General Washington to Abraham Yates 74 " 25. Colonel Hitchcock to Colonel Little 75 " 26. Major Tallmadge's Account of the Battles of Long Island and White Plains 77 " 27. Account of Events by Private Martin 81 " 28. Captain Joshua Huntington to ---- 84 " 29. Captain Tench Tilghman to his Father 85 " 30. Captain John Gooch to Thomas Fayerweather 88 " 31. Account of the Retreat from New York and Affair of Harlem Heights, by Colonel David Humphreys 89 " 32. Testimony Respecting the Retreat from New York 92 " 33. Major Baurmeister's Narrative 95 " 34. Colonel Chester to Joseph Webb 98 " 35. Colonel Glover to his Mother 99 " 36. General Greene to Colonel Knox 100 " 37. Diary of Rev. Mr. Shewkirk, Moravian Pastor, New York 101 " 38. Major Fish to Richard Varick 127 " 39. Surgeon Eustis to Dr. Townsend 129 " 40. Captain Nathan Hale to his Brother 131 " 41. Extract from a Letter from New York 132 " 42. Extracts from the _London Chronicle_ 133 " 43. Extract from the Memoirs of Colonel Rufus Putnam 136 " 44. Scattering Orders by Generals Lee, Spencer, Greene, and Nixon 141 " 45. General Lee to Colonel Chester 145 " 46. Captain Bradford's Account of the Capture of General Lee 146 " 47. General Oliver Wolcott to his Wife 147 " 48. Captain William Hull to Andrew Adams 151 " 49. Colonel Knox to his Wife 152 " 50. Colonel Haslet to Cæsar Rodney 156 " 51. Journal of Captain Thomas Rodney 158 " 52. Position of the British at the Close of the Campaign 162 " 53. Narrative of Lieutenant Jabez Fitch 167 " 54. Extract from the Journal of Lieutenant William McPherson 168 " 55. Deposition of Private Foster 169 " 56. Letters from Captain Randolph, of New Jersey 170 " 57. Extract from the Journal of Captain Morris 172 " 58. British Prisoners Taken on Long Island 174 " 59. A Return of the Prisoners Taken in the Campaign 175 " 60. List of American Officers Taken Prisoners at the Battle of Long Island 176 " 61. List of American Non-Commissioned Officers and Soldiers Taken Prisoners, Killed, or Missing, at the Battle of Long Island 180 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES 187 THE MAPS 193 THE PORTRAITS 195 INDEX 197 LIST OF MAPS. 1. NEW YORK, BROOKLYN, AND ENVIRONS IN 1776. 2. PLAN OF THE BATTLE OF LONG ISLAND AND THE BROOKLYN DEFENCES. 3. PRESIDENT STILES' SKETCH OF THE BROOKLYN WORKS. 4. EWING'S DRAUGHT OF THE LONG ISLAND ENGAGEMENT. 5. MAP OF NEW YORK CITY AND OF MANHATTAN ISLAND, WITH THE AMERICANDEFENCES. 6. FIELD OF THE HARLEM HEIGHTS "AFFAIR. " PORTRAITS. 1. JOHN LASHER, COLONEL FIRST NEW YORK CITY BATTALION. 2. EDWARD HAND, COLONEL FIRST CONTINENTAL REGIMENT, PENNSYLVANIA. 3. JOHN GLOVER, COLONEL FOURTEENTH CONTINENTAL REGIMENT, MASSACHUSETTS. 4. JEDEDIAH HUNTINGTON, COLONEL SEVENTEENTH CONTINENTAL REGIMENT, CONNECTICUT. PART I. THE CAMPAIGN. CHAPTER I. SIGNIFICANCE OF THE CAMPAIGN--PLANS AND PREPARATIONS. "Our affairs are hastening fast to a crisis; and the approachingcampaign will, in all probability, determine forever the fate ofAmerica. " So wrote John Hancock, President of Congress, June 4th, 1776, to thegovernors and conventions of the Eastern and Middle colonies, as, inthe name of that body, he reminded them of the gravity of the struggleon which they had entered, and urged the necessity of increasing theirexertions for the common defence. That this was no undue alarm, published for effect, but a well-grounded and urgent warning to thecountry, is confirmed by the situation at the time and the whole trainof events that followed. The campaign of 1776 did indeed prove to be acrisis, a turning-point, in the fortunes of the Revolution. It is notinvesting it with an exaggerated importance, to claim that it was thedecisive period of the war; that, whatever anxieties and fears weresubsequently experienced, this was the year in which the greatestdangers were encountered and passed. "Should the united colonies beable to keep their ground this campaign, " continued Hancock, "I amunder no apprehensions on account of any future one. " "We expect avery bloody summer in New York and Canada, " wrote Washington to hisbrother John Augustine, in May; and repeatedly, through the days ofpreparation, he represented to his troops what vital interests were atstake and how much was to depend upon their discipline and courage inthe field. But let the significance of the campaign be measured by the recorditself, to which the following pages are devoted. It will be found tohave been the year in which Great Britain made her most strenuousefforts to suppress the colonial revolt, and in which both sidesmustered the largest forces raised during the war; the year in whichthe issues of the contest were clearly defined and America firstfought for independence; a year, for the most part, of defeats andlosses for the colonists, and when their faith and resolution were putto the severest test; but a year, also, which ended with a broad rayof hope, and whose hard experiences opened the road to final success. It was the year from which we date our national existence. A period sointeresting and, in a certain sense, momentous is deserving ofillustration with every fact and detail that can be gathered. * * * * * What was the occasion or necessity for this campaign; what the plansand preparations made for it both by the mother country and thecolonies? The opening incidents of the Revolution, to which these questionsrefer us, are a familiar chapter in its history. On the morning of the19th of April, 1775, an expedition of British regulars, moving outfrom Boston, came upon a company of provincials hastily forming onLexington Common, twelve miles distant. The attitude of thesecountrymen represented the last step to which they had been driven bythe aggressive acts of the home Parliament. Up to this moment thecontroversy over colonial rights and privileges had been confined, from the days of the Stamp Act, to argument, protest, petition, andlegislative proceedings; but these failing to convince or conciliateeither party, it only remained for Great Britain to exercise herauthority in the case with force. The expedition in question had been organized for the purpose ofseizing the military stores belonging to the Massachusetts Colony, then collected at Concord, and which the king's authorities regardedas too dangerous material to be in the hands of the people at thatstage of the crisis. The provincials, on the other hand, watched themjealously. King and Parliament might question their rights, block uptheir port, ruin their trade, proscribe their leaders, and they couldbear all without offering open resistance. But the attempt to deprivethem of the means of self-defence at a time when the current ofaffairs clearly indicated that, sooner or later, they would becompelled to defend themselves, was an act to which they would notsubmit, as already they had shown on more than one occasion. To noother right did the colonist cling more tenaciously at this juncturethan to his right to his powder. The men at Lexington, therefore, drewup on their village grounds, not defiantly, but in obedience to themost natural impulse. Their position was a logical one. To haveremained quietly in their homes would have been a stultification oftheir whole record from the beginning of the troubles; stand theymust, some time and somewhere. Under the circumstances, a collisionbetween the king's troops and the provincials that morning wasinevitable. The commander of the former, charged with orders todisperse all "rebels, " made the sharp demand upon the Lexingtoncompany instantly to lay down their arms. A moment's confusion anddelay--then scattering shots--then a full volley from theregulars--and ten men fell dead and wounded upon the green. Here was ashock, the ultimate consequences of which few of the participants inthe scene could have forecast; but it was the alarm-gun of theRevolution. Events followed rapidly. The march of the British to Concord, thedestruction of the stores, the skirmish at the bridge, and, later inthe day, the famous road-fight kept up by the farmers down toCharlestown, ending in the signal demoralization and defeat of theexpedition, combined with the Lexington episode to make the 19th ofApril an historic date. The rapid spread of the news, the excitementin New England, the uprising of the militia and their hurried march toBoston to resist any further excursions of the regulars, were theimmediate consequence of this collision. Nor was the alarm confined to the Eastern colonies, then chieflyaffected. A courier delivered the news in New York three days later, on Sunday noon, and the liberty party at once seized the publicmilitary stores, and prevented vessels loaded with supplies for theBritish in Boston from leaving port. Soon came fuller accounts of theexpedition and its rout. Expresses carried them southward, and theircourse can be followed for nearly a thousand miles along the coast. Onthe 23d and 24th they passed through Connecticut, where at Wallingfordthe dispatches quaintly describe the turning out of the militiamen:"The country beyond here are all gone. " They reached New York at twoo'clock on the 25th, and Isaac Low countersigns. Relays taking them upin New Jersey, report at Princeton on the 26th, at "3. 30 A. M. " Theyare at Philadelphia at noon, and "forwarded at the same time. " Wefind them at New Castle, Delaware, at nine in the evening; atBaltimore at ten on the following night; at Alexandria, Virginia, atsunset on the 29th; at Williamsburg, May 2d; and at Edenton, NorthCarolina, on the 4th, with directions to the next Committee of Safety:"Disperse the material passages [of the accounts] through all yourparts. " Down through the deep pine regions, stopping at Bath andNewbern, ride the horsemen, reaching Wilmington at 4 P. M. On the 8th. "Forward it by night and day, " say the committee. At Brunswick at ninethe indorsement is entered: "Pray don't neglect a moment inforwarding. " At Georgetown, South Carolina, where the dispatchesarrive at 6. 30 P. M. On the 10th, the committee address a note to theirCharleston brethren: "We send you by express a letter and newspaperswith momentous intelligence this instant arrived. " The news reachingSavannah, a party of citizens immediately took possession of thegovernment powder. The wave of excitement which follows the signal of a coming strugglewas thus borne by its own force throughout the length of the colonies. And from the coast the intelligence spread inland as far as settlershad found their way. In distant Westmoreland County, Pennsylvania, menheard it, and began to organize and drill. At Charlotte, NorthCarolina, they sounded the first note for independence. From manypoints brave and sympathetic words were sent to the people ofMassachusetts Bay, and in all quarters people discussed the probableeffect of the startling turn matters had taken in that colony. Thelikelihood of a general rupture with the mother country now came to beseriously entertained. Meanwhile the situation to the eastward assumed more and more amilitary aspect. On the 10th of May occurred the surprise andcapture, by Ethan Allen and his party, of the important post ofTiconderoga, where during the summer the provincials organized a forceto march upon and, if possible, secure the Canadas. The ContinentalCongress at Philadelphia, after resolving that the issue had beenforced upon them by Great Britain, voted to prepare for self-defence. They adopted the New England troops, gathered around Boston, as aContinental force, and appointed Washington to the chief command. Thenon the 17th of June Bunker Hill was fought, that first regular actionof the war, with its far-reaching moral effect; and following it camethe siege of Boston, or the hemming in of the British by theAmericans, until the former were finally compelled to evacuate thecity. * * * * * It is here in these culminating events of the spring and summer of1775 that we find the occasion for the preparations made by GreatBritain for the campaign of 1776. Little appreciating the genius ofthe colonists, underrating their resources and capacity forresistance, mistaking also their motives, King George and his partyimagined that on the first display of England's power all disturbanceand attempts at rebellion across the sea would instantly cease. Butthe sudden transition from peace to war, and the complete mastery ofthe situation which the colonists appeared to hold, convinced the homegovernment that "the American business" was no trifling trouble, to bereadily settled by a few British regiments. As the season advanced, they began to realize the fact that General Gage, and then Howesucceeding him, with their force of ten thousand choice troops, werehelplessly pent up in Boston; that Montreal and Quebec werethreatened; that colonists in the undisturbed sections were arming;and that Congress was supplanting the authority of Parliament. A morerigorous treatment of the revolt had become necessary; and as the timehad passed to effect any thing on a grand scale during the presentyear, measures were proposed to crush all opposition in the nextcampaign. Follow, briefly, the course of the British Government atthis crisis. Parliament convened on the 26th day of October. The king's speech, with which it opened, was necessarily devoted to the Americanquestion, and it declared his policy clearly and boldly. Hisrebellious subjects must be brought to terms. "They have raisedtroops, " he said, "and are collecting a naval force; they have seizedthe public revenue, and assumed to themselves legislative, executive, and judicial powers, which they already exercise, in the mostarbitrary manner, over the persons and properties of their fellowsubjects: and although many of these unhappy people may still retaintheir loyalty, and may be too wise not to see the fatal consequence ofthis usurpation and wish to resist it, yet the torrent of violence hasbeen strong enough to compel their acquiescence, till a sufficientforce shall appear to support them. The authors and promoters of thisdesperate conspiracy have, in the conduct of it, derived greatadvantage from the difference of our intentions and theirs. They meantonly to amuse by vague expressions of attachment to the parent state, and the strongest protestations of loyalty to me, whilst they werepreparing for a general revolt. On our part, though it was declared inyour last session that a rebellion existed within the province of theMassachusetts' Bay, yet even that province we wished rather to reclaimthan to subdue. . . . The rebellious war now levied is become moregeneral, and is manifestly carried on for the purpose of establishingan independent empire. I need not dwell upon the fatal effects of thesuccess of such a plan. . . . It is now become the part of wisdom, and(in its effects) of clemency, to put a speedy end to these disorders, by the most decisive exertions. For this purpose, I have increased mynaval establishment, and greatly augmented my land forces, but in sucha manner as may be the least burthensome to my kingdoms. I have alsothe satisfaction to inform you, that I have received the most friendlyoffers of foreign assistance, and if I shall make any treaties inconsequence thereof, they shall be laid before you. " A stranger in Parliament, knowing nothing of the merits of thecontroversy, would have assumed from the tone of this speech that thehome government had been grossly wronged by the American colonists, orat least a powerful faction among them, and that their suppression wasa matter of national honor as well as necessity. But the speech wasinexcusably unjust to the colonists. The charge of design anddouble-dealing could not be laid against them, for the ground of theirgrievances had been the same from the outset, and their conductconsistent with single motives; and if independence had been mentionedat all as yet, it was only as an ulterior resort, and not as an aim orambition. The king and the Ministry, on the other hand, were wedded tostrict notions of authority in the central government, and measured acitizen's fidelity by the readiness with which he submitted to itspolicy and legislation. Protests and discussion about "charters" and"liberties" were distasteful to them, and whoever disputed Parliamentin any case was denounced as strong-headed and factious. The king'sspeech, therefore, was no more than what was expected from him. Itreflected the sentiments of the ruling party. As usual, motions were made in both houses that an humble address inreply be presented to his Majesty, professing loyalty to his person, and supporting his views and measures. The mover in the Commons wasThomas Ackland, who, in the course of his speech at the time, stronglyurged the policy of coercion, and emphasized his approval of it bydeclaring that it would have been better for his country that Americahad never been known than that "a great consolidated western empire"should exist independent of Britain. Lyttleton, who seconded themotion, was equally uncompromising. He objected to making theAmericans any further conciliatory offers, and insisted that theyought to be conquered first before mercy was shown them. The issue thus fairly stated by and for the government immediatelyroused the old opposition, that "ardent and powerful opposition, " asGibbon, who sat in the Commons, describes it; and again the Houseechoed to attack and invective. Burke, Fox, Conway, Barré, Dunning, and others, who on former occasions had cheered America with theirstout defence of her rights, were present at this session to resistany further attempt to impair them. Of the leading spirits, Chatham, now disabled from public service, alone was absent. Lord John Cavendish led the way on this side, by moving a substitutefor Ackland's address which breathed a more moderate spirit, and ineffect suggested to his Majesty that the House review the whole of thelate proceedings in the colonies, and apply, in its own way, the mosteffectual means of restoring order and confidence there. Of coursethis meant concession to America, and it became the signal for theopening of an impassioned debate. Wilkes, Lord Mayor of London, pouredout a torrent of remonstrances against the conduct of the Ministry, who had precipitated the nation into "an unjust, ruinous, felonious, and murderous war. " Sir Adam Fergusson, speaking less vehemently andwith more show of sense, defended the government. Whatever causes mayhave brought on the troubles, the present concern with him was how totreat them as they then existed. There was but one choice, in hisestimation--either to support the authority of Great Britain withvigor, or abandon America altogether. And who, he asked, would be boldenough to advise abandonment? The employment of force, therefore, wasthe only alternative; and, said the speaker, prudence and humanityrequired that the army sent out should be such a one as would carryits point and override opposition in every quarter--not merely beatthe colonists, but "deprive them of all idea of resistance. " Gov. Johnstone, rising in reply, reviewed the old questions at length, andin the course of his speech took occasion to eulogize the bravery ofthe provincials at Bunker Hill. It was this engagement, more than anyincident of the war thus far, that had shown the determination of the"rebels" to fight for their rights; and their friends in Parliamentpresented it as a foretaste of what was to come, if England persistedin extreme measures. Johnstone besought the House not to wreak itsvengeance upon such men as fought that day; for their courage wasdeserving, rather, of admiration, and their conduct of forgiveness. Honorable Temple Lutrell followed with an attack upon the "evilcounsellors who had so long poisoned the ear of the Sovereign. "Conway, who on this occasion spoke with his old fire, and held theclose attention of the House, called for more information as to thecondition of affairs in the colonies, and at the same time rejectedthe idea of reducing them to submission by force. Barré enteredminutely into the particulars and results of the campaign since the19th of April, as being little to England's credit, and urged theMinistry to embrace the present opportunity for an accommodation withAmerica, or that whole country would be lost to them forever. Burke, in the same vein, represented the impolicy of carrying on the war, andadvised the government to meet the colonists with a friendlycountenance, and no longer allow Great Britain to appear like "aporcupine, armed all over with acts of Parliament oppressive to tradeand America. " Fox spoke of Lord North as "a blundering pilot, " who hadbrought the nation into its present dilemma. Neither Lord Chatham northe King of Prussia, not even Alexander the Great, he declared, evergained more in one campaign than the noble lord had lost--he had lostan entire continent. While not justifying all the proceedings of thecolonists, he called upon the Administration to place America whereshe stood in 1763, and to repeal every act passed since that timewhich affected either her freedom or her commerce. Wedderburne andDunning, the ablest lawyers in the House, took opposite sides. Theformer, as Solicitor-General, threw the weight of his opinion in favorof rigorous measures, and hoped that an army of not less than sixtythousand men would be sent to enforce Parliamentary authority. Dunning, his predecessor in office, questioned the legality of theking's preparations for war without the previous consent of theCommons. Then, later in the debate, rose Lord North, the principalfigure in the Ministry, and whom the Opposition held mainlyresponsible for the colonial troubles, and defended both himself andthe king's address. Speaking forcibly and to the point, he informedthe House that, in a word, the measures intended by the governmentwere to send a powerful sea and land armament against the colonists, and at the same time to proffer terms of mercy upon a propersubmission. "This, " said the Minister, "will show we are in earnest, that we are prepared to punish, but are nevertheless ready toforgive; and this is, in my opinion, the most likely means ofproducing an honorable reconciliation. " But all the eloquence, reasoning and appeal of the Opposition failedto have any more influence now than in the earlier stages of thecontroversy, and it again found itself in a hopeless minority. Upon adivision of the House, the king was supported by a vote of 278 to 110. The address presented to him closed with the words: "We hope and trustthat we shall, by the blessing of God, put such strength and forceinto your Majesty's hands, as may soon defeat and suppress thisrebellion, and enable your Majesty to accomplish your gracious wish ofre-establishing order, tranquillity, and happiness through all partsof your United Empire. " In the House of Lords, where Camden, Shelburne, Rockingham, and their compeers stood between America andthe Ministry, the address was adopted by a vote of 69 to 33. [1] [Footnote 1: Outside of Parliament, all shades of opinion foundexpression through the papers, pamphlets, and private correspondence. Hume, the historian, wrote, October 27th, 1775: "I am an American inmy principles, and wish we could let them alone, to govern ormisgovern themselves as they think proper. The affair is of noconsequence, or of little consequence to us. " But he wanted those"insolent rascals in London and Middlesex" punished for incitingopposition at home. This would be more to the point than "mauling thepoor infatuated Americans in the other hemisphere. " William Strahan, the eminent printer, replied to Hume: "I differ from you _totocoelo_ with regard to America. I am entirely for coercive methodswith those obstinate madmen. " Dr. Robertson, author of _The History ofAmerica_, wrote: "If our leaders do not exert the power of the BritishEmpire in its full force, the struggle will be long, dubious, anddisgraceful. We are past the hour of lenitives and half exertions. "Early in 1776, Dr. Richard Price, the Dissenting preacher, issued hisfamous pamphlet on the _Nature of Civil Liberty, the Principles ofGovernment, and the Justice and Policy of the War_, which had a greatrun. Taking sides with the colonists, he said: "It is madness toresolve to butcher them. Freemen are not to be governed by force, ordragooned into compliance. If capable of bearing to be so treated, itis a disgrace to be connected with them. "] This powerful endorsement of the king's policy by Parliament, however, cannot be taken as representing the sense of the nation at large. Itmay be questioned whether even a bare majority of the English peoplewere ready to go to the lengths proposed in his Majesty's address. TheMinistry, it is true, pointed to the numerous ratifying "addresses"that flowed in, pledging the support of towns and cities for theprosecution of the war. Some were sent from unexpected quarters. Tothe surprise of both sides and the particular satisfaction of theking, both Manchester and Sheffield, places supposed to be American insentiment, came forward with resolutions of confidence and approval;and in ministerial circles it was made to appear that substantiallyall England was for coercion. But this claim was unfounded. As theking predicted, the loyal addresses provoked opposition addresses. Edinburgh and Glasgow, despite the efforts of their members, refusedto address. Lynn was said to have addressed, but its members deniedthe assertion, and claimed that the war was unpopular in that town. The paper from Great Yarmouth was very thinly signed, while Bristol, Glasgow, Liverpool, Manchester, Birmingham, Wolverhampton, Dudley, andother places sent in counter-petitions against the war. The justicesof Middlesex unanimously voted that it was expedient to reduce thecolonies to a proper sense of their duty; but at a meeting of thefreeholders of the same county, held at Mile-end, to instruct theirmembers in Parliament, little unanimity prevailed, "much clamorarose, " a protest was entered against the proposed resolutions, andonly one of the sheriffs consented to sign them all. London, as thecountry well knew, sympathized largely with America, but in a mannerwhich nullified her influence elsewhere. Her populace was noisy andthreatening; Wilkes, her Lord Mayor, was hated at court; her solid menkept to business. "Are the London merchants, " wrote the king to LordNorth, [2] "so thoroughly absorbed in their private interests not tofeel what they owe to the constitution which has enriched them, thatthey do not either show their willingness to support, either by anaddress, or, what I should like better, a subscription, to furnishmany comforts to the army in America?" An address from this quarter, signed by "respectable names, " he thought might have a good effect, and one was presented on October 11th, with 941 signatures; but it wasentirely neutralized by the presentation, three days before, ofanother address more numerously signed by "gentlemen, merchants, andtraders of London, " in which the measures of government werecondemned. When the point was made in the Commons that the war was apopular measure in England, Lutrell promptly replied that he had mademany a journey through the interior of the country during the summerseason, and had conversed with "a multitude of persons widelydifferent in station and description, " only to find that the masseswere in sympathy with the colonists. The division of sentiment wasprobably correctly represented by Lord Camden early in the year, inhis observation that the landed interest was almost whollyanti-American, while the merchants, tradesmen, and the common peoplewere generally opposed to a war. [3] [Footnote 2: "Correspondence with Lord North. " Donne. ] [Footnote 3: Upon this point Dr. Price said: "Let it be granted, _though probably far from true_, that the _majority_ of the kingdomfavor the present measures. No good argument could be drawn fromthence against receding. "] Having voted to push the war in earnest, Parliament proceeded tosupply the sinews. On November 3d, Lord Barrington brought in the armyestimates for 1776. Fifty-five thousand men, he reported, was theforce necessary and intended to be raised for the purposes of thenation, the ordinary expense of maintaining which would be somethingover £1, 300, 000. Of these troops, twenty thousand would be retainedto garrison Great Britain, ten thousand for the West Indies, Gibraltar, Minorca and the coast of Africa, while the actual forcedestined for America was to be increased to thirty-four battalions, each of 811 men, including two regiments of light horse, amounting, inthe aggregate, to upwards of twenty-five thousand men. Barrington, atthe same time, frankly acknowledged to the House that these figuresshowed well only on paper, as none of the regiments for America werecomplete, and, what was a still more unwelcome admission, that greatdifficulty was experienced in enlisting new recruits. Nothing, hesaid, had been left untried to secure them. The bounty had been raisedand the standard lowered, and yet men were not forthcoming. Anticipating this dearth, he had warned the king of it as early asJuly, when the latter first determined to increase the army. "I wish, sir, most cordially, " wrote this faithful secretary, "that the forceintended for North America may be raised in time to be sent thithernext spring; but I not only fear, but am confident, the proposedaugmentation cannot possibly be raised, and ought not to be dependedon. " Barrington was compelled to give an explanation of this state ofthings, for the point had been made in and out of Parliament that fewrecruits could be had in England, because the particular service wasodious to the people in general. For the government to admit thiswould have been clearly fatal; and Barrington argued, per contra, thatthe scarcity of soldiers was to be traced to other and concurrentcauses. The great influx of real and nominal wealth of recent years, the consequent luxury of the times, the very flourishing state ofcommerce and the manufactures, and the increased employment thusfurnished to the lower classes, all contributed to keep men out of thearmy. Above all, it was represented that the true and natural causewas an actual lack of men, which was due chiefly to the late increaseof the militia, who could not be called upon to serve except inextreme cases, and who were not available for the regular force. Barrington, a veteran in official service, true to the king, andjustifying the war--though not at all clear as to the right of taxingthe colonies--no doubt expressed his honest convictions in making thisexplanatory speech to the House. There was much, also, that was truein his words; but, whatever the absolute cause, the fact did not then, and cannot now escape notice, that in preparing to uphold theauthority of Parliament, and preserve the integrity of her empire inAmerica, Great Britain, in 1775, found it impossible to induce asufficient number of her own subjects to take up arms in her behalf. It remained, accordingly, to seek foreign aid. Europe must furnishEngland with troops, or the war must stop. The custom of employingmercenaries was ancient, and universally exercised on the Continent. Great Britain herself had frequently taken foreign battalions into herpay, but these were to fight a foreign enemy. It would be a thing newin her history to engage them to suppress fellow-Englishmen. But theking regarded war as war, and rebellion a heinous offence; and thecharacter of the troops serving for him in this case became asecondary matter. A more serious question was where to get them. Noassistance could be expected from France. Holland declined to lendtroops to conquer men who were standing out for their rights on theirown soil. In Prussia, Frederick the Great expressed the opinion thatit was at least problematical whether America could be conquered, itbeing difficult to govern men by force at such a distance. "If youintend conciliation, " he said in conversation to a party ofEnglishmen, "some of your measures are too rough; and if subjection, too gentle. In short, I do not understand these matters; I have nocolonies. I hope you will extricate yourselves advantageously, but Iown the affair seems rather perplexing. "[4] [Footnote 4: "A View of Society and Manners in France, Switzerland, and Germany. " By John Moore, M. D. Lond. , 1786. Vol. V. , Letter 75. ] Of all the European powers, Russia and the German principalities alonepresented a possible field of encouragement. [5] To the former, KingGeorge looked first; for England's friendly attitude had been of thegreatest advantage to Russia in her campaigns against Turkey. Theking, therefore, at an early date, gave directions that Gunning, theBritish Minister at Moscow, should approach the Empress Catherine onthe subject of lending aid; and, on the proper occasion, Gunning heldan interview with Panin, the Russian Prime Minister. Catherinepromptly returned what appeared to be a very favorable reply. To useGunning's own words communicating Russia's answer: "The empress hadordered him (Panin) to give the strongest assurances, and to expressthem in the strongest terms, of her entire readiness on this and allother occasions to give his Majesty every assistance he could desire, in whatever mode or manner he might think proper. She embraced withsatisfaction this occasion of testifying her gratitude to the king andnation for the important services she had received in the latewar--favors she the more valued and should not forget as they werespontaneously bestowed. . . . We were as fully entitled to every succorfrom her as if the strongest treaties subsisted. "[6] [Footnote 5: Respecting sentiment in Europe on American affairs, theEnglish traveller Moore wrote as follows from Vienna in 1775: "Ourdisputes with the colonies have been a prevailing topic ofconversation wherever we have been since we left England. The warmthwith which this subject is handled increases every day. At present theinhabitants of the Continent seem as impatient as those of GreatBritain for news from the other side of the Atlantic; but with thisdifference, that here they are all of one mind--all praying forsuccess to the Americans, and rejoicing in every piece of bad fortunewhich happens to our army. "--_Moore's View_, etc. Letter 96. ] [Footnote 6: "History of England from the Accession of George III. To1783. " By J. Adolphus. Vol. II. , p. 326. ] Greatly elated by this unequivocal tender of aid, King George wrote tothe empress in his own hand, thanking her for the proffer; and Gunningat the same time was instructed to ask for twenty thousand Russians, and enter into a treaty formally engaging their services. If he couldnot secure twenty thousand, he was to get all he could. But Gunning'snegotiations were to fail completely. To his surprise and chagrin, when he opened the subject of hiring Russian troops, the empress andPanin answered with dignity that it was impossible to accommodate him;that Russia's relations with Sweden, Poland, and Turkey wereunsettled, and that it was beneath her station to interfere in adomestic rebellion which no foreign Power had recognized. This suddenchange in Catherine's attitude, which without doubt was the result ofcourt intrigue, [7] filled the English king with mortification anddisappointment, and compelled him to seek assistance where he finallyobtained it--in the petty states of the "Hessian" princes. [Footnote 7: Two views have been expressed in regard to this. TheEnglish historian Adolphus charges Frederick of Prussia and secretFrench agents with having changed Catherine's mind, and he givesapparently good authority for the statement. The secret seems to havebeen known in English circles very soon after Catherine's refusal. OnNovember 10th Shelburne said in the House of Lords: "There are Powersin Europe who will not suffer such a body of Russians to betransported to America. I speak from information. The Ministers knowwhat I mean. Some power has already interfered to stop the success ofthe Russian negotiation. " Mr. Bancroft, on the other hand, concludes(Vol. V. , Chap. L. , Rev. Ed. ) that "no foreign influence whatever, noteven that of the King of Prussia, had any share in determining theempress;" and Vergennes is quoted as saying that he could notreconcile Catherine's "elevation of soul with the dishonorable idea oftrafficking in the blood of her subjects. " But since Catherine, fouryears later, in 1779, proposed to offer to give England effectiveassistance in America in order to be assured of her aid in returnagainst the Turks, it may be questioned how far "elevation of soul"prompted the decision in 1775. (See Eaton's "Turkish Empire, " p. 409. )In view of England's relations with most of the Continental Powers atthat time, Shelburne and Adolphus have probably given the correctexplanation of the matter. ] Success in this direction compensated in part for the Russian failure. What the British agent, Colonel Faucett, was able to accomplish, whatbargains were struck to obtain troops, how much levy money was to bepaid per man, and how much more if he never returned, is all anotorious record. From the Landgrave of Hesse-Cassel, Faucett hiredtwelve thousand infantry; from the Duke of Brunswick, three thousandnine hundred and a small body of cavalry; and from the reigning Countof Hanau, a corps six hundred and sixty strong. These constituted the"foreign troops" which England sent to America with her own soldiersfor the campaign of 1776. The plans for the campaign were laid out on a scale corresponding withthe preparations. When Sir William Howe was sent out to reinforceGeneral Gage at Boston, in the spring of 1775, it was assumed by theMinistry that operations would be confined to that quarter, and thatif Massachusetts were once subdued there would be nothing to fearelsewhere. But the continued siege of Boston changed the militarystatus. Howe was completely locked in, and could effect nothing. Thenecessity of transferring the seat of war to a larger field becameapparent after Bunker Hill, and military plans were broached anddiscussed in the Cabinet, in the army, and in Parliament. LordBarrington, who well knew that men enough could not be had fromEngland to conquer the colonies, advocated operations by sea. Aneffective blockade of the entire American coast, depriving thecolonists of their trade, might, in his view, bring them to terms. Mr. Innes, in the House, proposed securing a strong foothold in the south, below the Delaware, and shutting up the northern ports with the fleet. But the basis of the plan adopted appears to have been that suggestedby Burgoyne at Boston in the summer of 1775, and by Howe in January, 1776. "If the continent, " wrote the former to Lord Rochfort, Secretaryof State for the Colonies, "is to be subdued by arms, his Majesty'scouncils will find, I am persuaded, the proper expedients; but I speakconfidently as a soldier, because I speak the sentiments of those whoknow America best, that you can have no prospect of bringing the warto a speedy conclusion with any force that Great Britain and Irelandcan supply. A large army of foreign troops such as might be hired, tobegin their operations up the Hudson River; another army, composedpartly of old disciplined troops and partly of Canadians, to act fromCanada; a large levy of Indians, and a supply of arms for the blacksto awe the southern provinces, conjointly with detachments ofregulars; and a numerous fleet to sweep the whole coast, mightpossibly do the business in one campaign. "[8] To Lord Dartmouth, Howerepresented that with an army of twenty thousand men, twelve thousandof whom should hold New York, six thousand land on Rhode Island, andtwo thousand protect Halifax, with a separate force at Quebec, offensive operations could be pushed so as to put "a very differentaspect" on the situation by the close of another year. [Footnote 8: _Fonblanque's Life of Burgoyne_, p. 152. ] The plan as finally arranged was a modification of these two views. Itwas decided that Howe should occupy New York City with the main bodyof the army, and secure that important base; while Carleton, withBurgoyne as second in command, should move down from Canada toTiconderoga and Albany. By concert of action on the part of theseforces, New England could be effectually cut off from co-operationwith the lower colonies, and the unity of their movements broken up. It was proposed at the same time to send an expedition under LordCornwallis and Admiral Parker, to obtain a footing in Virginia oreither of the Carolinas, and encourage the loyal element in the Southto organize, and counteract the revolt in that quarter. By carryingout this grand strategy, King George and his advisers confidentlyexpected to end all resistance in America at one blow. Thus Great Britain, instead of attempting to recover her authorityover the colonists by a candid recognition of privileges which theyclaimed as Englishmen, resolved in 1775 to enforce it. The governmentwent to war, with the nation's wealth and influence at its back, butwith only half its popular sympathies and moral support. Parliamentrefused to listen to the appeals of its ablest members to try thevirtues of concession and conciliation. A heavy war budget was voted, the Continent of Europe was ransacked for troops which could not beenlisted in England, and every effort made to insure the completesubmission of the colonies in 1776. * * * * * How America prepared to meet the coming storm is properly the subjectof the succeeding chapter of this work. But we find her in no positionin 1775 to assume the character of a public enemy towards the mothercountry. She still claimed to be a petitioner to the king for theredress of grievances. If she had taken up arms, it was simply inself-defence, and these she was ready to lay down the moment herrights were acknowledged. A revolution, involving separation fromEngland, was not thought of by the mass of the American people at thistime. The most they hoped for was, that by offering a stout resistanceto an enforcement of the ministerial policy they could eventuallycompel a change in that policy, and enjoy all that they demanded underthe British constitution. Towards the close of the year, however, whenthe intelligence came that the king had ignored the last petition fromCongress, and had proposed extreme war measures, the colonists feltthat serious work was before them. Independence now began to be moregenerally discussed; Washington's troops were re-enlisted for servicethrough the following year, and Congress took further steps for thecommon defence. Future military operations were necessarily dependent on the plans tobe developed by the British. But as the siege of Boston progressed, itbecame obvious that that point at least could not be made a base forthe ensuing campaign. No other was more likely to be selected by theenemy than New York; and to New York the war finally came. The topography of this new region, the transfer to it of the twoarmies, and the preparations made for its defence by the Americans, next claim attention. CHAPTER II. FORTIFYING NEW YORK AND BROOKLYN. New York City, in 1776, lay at the end of Manhattan Island, in shapesomewhat like an arrow-head, with its point turned towards the sea andits barbs extended at uneven lengths along the East and Hudson rivers. It occupied no more space than is now included within the five lowerand smallest of its twenty-four wards. Excepting a limited districtlaid out on the east side, in part as far as Grand street, the entiretown stood below the line of the present Chambers street, and coveredan area less than one mile square. Then, as now, Broadway was itsprincipal thoroughfare. Shaded with rows of trees, and lined mainlywith residences, churches, and public-houses, it stretched somethingmore than a mile to the grounds of the old City Hospital, near Duanestreet. Its starting-point was the Battery at the end of the island, but not the Battery of to-day; for, under the system of "harborencroachments, " the latter has more than trebled in size, and ischanged both in its shape and its uses. The city defences at that timeoccupied the site. Here at the foot of Broadway old Fort George hadbeen erected upon the base of the older Fort Amsterdam, to guard theentrance to the rivers, and with its outworks was the only protectionagainst an attack by sea. It was a square bastioned affair, with wallsof stone, each face eighty feet in length, and within it stoodmagazines, barracks, and, until destroyed by fire, the mansion of thecolonial governors. For additional security, about the time of theFrench war, an extensive stone battery, with merlons of cedar joists, had been built just below the fort along the water's edge, enclosingthe point from river to river, and pierced for ninety-one pieces ofcannon. [9] [Footnote 9: The site of Fort George is now covered in part by thebuildings at the west corner of the Bowling Green block, where thesteamship companies have their offices. South and west of this pointthe Battery is almost entirely made-land. (Compare Ratzer's map of1767 with the maps recently compiled by the New York Dock Department. )As to other old defences of the city, Wm. Smith, the historian, writing about 1766, says: "During the late war a line of palisadoeswas run from Hudson's to the East River, at the other end of the city[near the line of Chambers street], with block-houses at smalldistances. The greater part of these still remain as a monument of ourfolly, which cost the province about £8000. "] At this period, the city represented a growth of one hundred and sixtyyears. Give it a population of twenty-five thousand souls[10]--morerather than less--and line its streets with four thousand buildings, and we have its census statistics approximately. The linearcharacteristics of the old town are still sharply preserved. Upon thewest side, the principal streets running to the North River--Chambers, Warren, Murray, Barclay, Vesey, Dey, and Cortlandt--retain their namesand location; but the water-line was then marked by Greenwich street. The present crowded section to the west of it, including Washingtonand West streets and the docks, is built on new ground, made withinthe century. Behind Trinity Church, and as far down as the Battery, the shore rose to a very considerable bluff. Necessarily, much thegreater part of the city then lay east of Broadway. The irregularstreets to be found on this side are relics of both the Dutch andEnglish foundation; of their buildings, however, as they stood in1776, scarcely one remains at the present time. New streets have beenbuilt on the East River as well as on the North, materially changingthe water boundary of this part of the island. Front and South streetshad no existence at that date. On the line of Wall street, the cityhas nearly doubled in width since the Revolution. [Footnote 10: The last census before the Revolution was taken in 1771, when the population of the city and county of New York was returned at21, 863. (Doc. Hist. Of N. Y. , Vol. I. ) At the time of the war alarm, in1775, this total must have risen to full 25, 000. Philadelphia'spopulation was somewhat larger; Boston's, less. ] Before its contraction, and in view of its convenience and protectionfrom storms, the East River was the harbor proper of New York. Most ofthe docks were on that side, and just above Catherine street lay theship-yards, where at times, in colonial days, an eight-hundred-tonWest Indiaman might be seen upon the stocks. What is now the City Hall Park was called in 1776 "the Fields, " or"The Common. " The site of the City Hall was occupied by the House ofCorrection; the present Hall of Records was the town jail, and thestructure then on a line with them at the corner of Broadway was the"Bridewell. " The City Hall of that day stood in Wall street, on thesite of the present Custom-House, and King's, now Columbia, College inthe square bounded by Murray, Barclay, Church, and West Broadway. Queen, now Pearl, was the principal business street; fashion was to befound in the vicinity of the Battery, and Broad and Dock streets; theVauxhall Gardens were at the foot of Reade; and to pass out of town, one would have to turn off Broadway into Chatham street, whichextended through Park Row, and keep on to the Bowery. John Adams has left us a brief description of New York, as he saw itwhen passing through to the first Congress at Philadelphia in 1774, incompany with Cushing, Paine, and Samuel Adams. His diary runs: "_Saturday, Aug. 20. _--Lodged at Cock's, at Kingsbridge, a prettyplace. . . . Breakfasted at Day's [127th street], and arrived in the cityof New York at ten o'clock, at Hull's, a tavern, the sign the Bunch ofGrapes. We rode by several very elegant country-seats before we cameto the city. . . . After dinner, Mr. McDougall and Mr. Platt came, andwalked with us to every part of the city. First we went to the fort, where we saw the ruins of that magnificent building, the Governor'shouse [burned Dec. 29, 1773]. From the Parade, before the fort, youhave a fine prospect of Hudson River, and of the East River, or theSound, and of the harbor; of Long Island, beyond the Sound River, andof New Jersey beyond Hudson's River. The walk round this fort is verypleasant, though the fortifications are not strong. Between the fortand the city is a beautiful ellipsis of land [Bowling Green], railedin with solid iron, in the centre of which is a statue of his majestyon horseback, very large, of solid lead gilded with gold, standing ona pedestal of marble, very high. We then walked up the Broad Way, afine street, very wide, and in a right line from one end to the otherof the city. In this route we saw the old Church and the new Church[Trinity]. The new is a very magnificent building--cost twentythousand pounds, York currency. The prison is a large and a handsomestone building; there are two sets of barracks. We saw the New YorkCollege, which is also a large stone building. A new hospital isbuilding, of stone. We then walked down to a shipyard. Then we walkedround through another street, which is the principal street ofbusiness. Saw the several markets. After this we went to thecoffee-house, which was full of gentlemen; read the newspapers, etc. . . . The streets of this town are vastly more regular and elegantthan those in Boston, and the houses are more grand, as well as neat. They are almost all painted, brick buildings and all. " Other glimpses we get from English sources. The traveler Smyth, whilevisiting this city during the British occupation, has this to say:[11]"Nothing can be more delightful than the situation of New York, commanding a variety of the most charming prospects that can beconceived. It is built chiefly upon the East River, which is the bestand safest harbour, and is only something more than half a mile wide. The North River is better than two miles over to Powles Hook, which isa strong work opposite to New York, but is exposed to the driving ofthe ice in winter, whereby ships are prevented from lying thereinduring that season of the year. The land on the North River side ishigh and bold, but on the East River it gradually descends in abeautiful declivity to the water's edge. . . . Amongst the multitude ofelegant seats upon this island, there are three or four uncommonlybeautiful, viz. , Governor Elliot's, Judge Jones's, Squire Morris's, and Mr. Bateman's. And opposite, upon the Continent, just aboveHell-gates, there is a villa named Morrisania, which is inferior to noplace in the world for the beauties, grandeur, and extent ofperspective, and the elegance of its situation. " Eddis, who had beencompelled to leave Maryland on account of his loyal sentiments, washardly less impressed with the city's appearance when he stopped hereon his way to England in 1777. "The capital of this province, " hewrote, August 16th, "is situated on the southern extremity of theisland; on one side runs the North, and on the other the East River, on the latter of which, on account of the harbour, the city isprincipally built. In several streets, trees are regularly planted, which afford a grateful shelter during the intense heat of the summer. The buildings are generally of brick, and many are erected in a styleof elegance. . . . Previous to the commencement of this unhappy war, NewYork was a flourishing, populous, and beautiful town. . . . Notwithstanding the late devastation [fire of 1776], there are stillmany elegant edifices remaining, which would reflect credit on anymetropolis in Europe. "[12] [Footnote 11: "A Tour in the United States, " etc. By J. F. D. Smyth. London, 1784. ] [Footnote 12: "Letters from America, 1769-1777. " By Wm. Eddis. London. ] Beyond the limits of the city, Manhattan Island retained much of itsprimitive appearance. Roads, farms, country-seats, interspersed it, but not thickly; and as yet the salient features were hills, marshes, patches of rocky land, streams, and woods. Just upon the outskirts, midway between the rivers, at about the corner of Grand and CentreStreets, the ground rose to a commanding elevation on the farm ofWilliam Bayard, which overlooked the city and the island above adistance of more than three miles. Further east, a little north of theintersection of Grand and Division Streets, stood another hill, somewhat lower, where Judge Jones lived, from which opened anextensive view of the East River and harbor. On the west side, on thisline, the surface sank from Bayard's mount into a spreading marsh asfar as the Hudson, and over which now run portions of Canal and Grandand their cross streets. Where we have the Tombs and surroundingblocks, stood the "Fresh Water" lake or "Collect, " several fathomsdeep, with high sloping banks on the north and west, and on whosesurface were made the earliest experiments in steam navigation in1796. One nearly central highway, known as the King's Bridge or Post Road, ran the entire length of the island. Where it left the city at ChathamSquare, it was properly the Bowerie or Bowery Lane. Continuing alongthe present street by this name, it fell off into the line of FourthAvenue as far as Fourteenth Street, crossed Union Square diagonally toBroadway, and kept the course of the latter to Madison Square atTwenty-third Street. Crossing this square, also diagonally, the roadstretched along between Fourth and Second Avenues to Fifty-thirdStreet, passed east of Second Avenue, and then turning westerlyentered Central Park at Ninety-second Street. Leaving the Park at ahollow in the hills known as "McGowan's Pass, " just above the house ofAndrew McGowan, on the line of One Hundred and Seventh Street, west ofFifth Avenue, it followed Harlem Lane to the end of the island. Here, on the other side of King's Bridge, then "a small wooden bridge, "[13]the highway diverged easterly to New England and northerly to Albany. [Footnote 13: "King's Bridge, which joins the northern extremity ofthis island to the continent, is only a small wooden bridge, and thecountry around is mountainous, rocky, broken, and disagreeable, butvery strong. "--_Smyth's Tour, etc. _, vol. Ii. , p. 376. ] This portion of the island above the city was known as its "Out-ward, "and had been divided at an early date into three divisions, under thenames of the Bowery, Harlem, and Bloomingdale divisions. Eachcontained points of settlement. The Bowery section included that partof the city laid out near Fresh Water Pond and around Chatham Squarebelow Grand Street, and the stretch of country above beyond the lineof Twenty-third Street. In this division were to be found some of thenotable residences and country-seats of that day. James De Lancey'slarge estate extended from the Bowery to the East River, and fromDivision nearly to the line of Houston Street. The Rutgers' Mansionstood attractively on the slopes of the river bank about the line ofMontgomery Street, and above De Lancey's, on the Bowery, were the DePeysters, Dyckmans, and Stuyvesants. The Harlem division of the Out-ward, with which are associated some ofthe most interesting events of 1776, included what is now known asHarlem, with the island above it as far as King's Bridge. Dutchfarmers had settled here a hundred years before the Revolution. Asearly as 1658, the Director-General and Council of New Netherland gavenotice that "for the further promotion of Agriculture, for thesecurity of this Island, and the cattle pasturing thereon, as well asfor the greater recreation and amusement of this city of Amsterdam inNew Netherland, they have resolved to form a New Village or Settlementat the end of the Island, and about the lands of Jochem Pietersen, deceased, and those which adjoin thereto. " The first settlers were toreceive lots to cultivate, be furnished with a guard of soldiers, andallowed a ferry across the Harlem River, for "the better and greaterpromotion of neighborly correspondence with the English of theNorth. "[14] In 1776, the division was interspersed with houses andfields, especially in the stretch of plains or flat land just aboveOne Hundred and Tenth Street, and from the East River to the line ofNinth Avenue. The church and centre of the village were on the eastside, in the vicinity of One Hundred and Twenty-fifth Street, and theold road by which they were reached from the city branched off fromthe main highway at McGowan's Pass. [Footnote 14: _Laws and Ordinances of New Netherlands. _] Bloomingdale was a scattered settlement, containing nearly all thehouses to be found along the Bloomingdale Road, but the name appearsto have identified principally the upper section beyond FiftiethStreet. Here lived the Apthorpes at Ninety-second Street; theStrikers, Joneses, and Hogelands above; and, lower down, theSomerindykes and Harsens. As fixed by law, at that time, this roadstarted from the King's Bridge Road, at the house of John Horn, nowthe corner of Twenty-third Street and Fifth Avenue, and followed theline of the present Broadway and the recent Bloomingdale Road to thefarm of Adrian Hogeland, at One Hundred and Eighth Street. [15] Nearlyon a line with Hogeland, but considerably east of him, lived BenjaminVandewater; and these two were the most northerly residents in thedivision. [Footnote 15: The caption to the act in the case passed 1751, andremaining unchanged in 1773, reads: "_An Act for mending and keepingin Repair the publick Road or Highway, from the House of John Horne, in the Bowry Division of the Out-ward of the City of New York, throughthe Bloomendale Division in the said ward, to the house of AdrianHoogelandt. _"] Still another suburb of the city was the village of Greenwich, overlooking the Hudson on the west side, in the vicinity of FourteenthStreet, to which the Greenwich Road, now Greenwich Street, led alongthe river bank in nearly a straight line. The road above continuedfurther east about as far as Forty-fifth Street, and there connected, by a lane running south-westerly, with the Bloomingdale Road atForty-third Street. Among the country-seats in this village were thoseof the Jeaunceys, Bayards, and Clarkes; and above, at Thirty-thirdStreet and Ninth Avenue, stood the ample and conspicuous residence ofJohn Morin Scott, one of the leading lawyers of the city, and apowerful supporter of the American cause. Across the East River, the "Sister City" of Brooklyn in 1776 was asyet invisible from New York. A clump of low buildings at the oldferry, and an occasional manor-seat, were the only signs of lifeapparent on that side. Columbia Heights, whose modern blocks and rowof wharves and bonded stores suggest commercial activity alone, caughtthe eye a century ago as "a noble bluff, " crowned with fields andwoods, and meeting the water at its base with a shining beach. Theparish or village proper was the merest cluster of houses, nestled inthe vicinity of the old Dutch church, which stood in the middle of theroad a little below Bridge Street. The road was the King's highway, and it ran from Fulton Ferry--where we have had a ferry for twohundred and forty years at least--along the line of Fulton Street, andon through Jamaica to the eastern end of Long Island. Besides thesettlements that had grown up at these two points--the church and theferry, which were nearly a mile and a half apart--a village centre wasto be found at Bedford, further up the highway, another in thevicinity of the Wallabout, and still another, called Gowanus, alongthe branch road skirting the bay. These all stood within the presentmunicipal limits of Brooklyn. As it had been for more than a century before, the population on theLong Island side was largely Dutch at the time of the Revolution. Thefirst-comers, in 1636 and after, introduced themselves to the soil andthe red man as the Van Schows, the Cornelissens, the Manjes, and thelike--good Walloon patronimics--and the Dutch heritage is stillpreserved in the names of old families, and even more permanently inthe name of the place itself; for the word Brooklyn is but the Englishcorruption of Breukelen, the ancient Holland village[16] of which ourmodern city appears to have been the namesake. Smyth, the Englishtraveler, makes the general statement towards the close of theRevolution, that two thirds of the inhabitants of Long Island, especially those on the west end, were of Dutch extraction, whocontinued "to make use of their customs and language in preference toEnglish, " which, however, they also understood. "The people of King'sCounty [Brooklyn], " he says, "are almost entirely Dutch. In Queen'sCounty, four fifths of the people are so likewise, but the otherfifth, and all Suffolk County, are English as they call themselves, being from English ancestors, and using no other language. " MajorBaurmeister, one of the officers of the Hessian division whichparticipated in the battle of Long Island, leaves us something morethan statistics in the case. He appears to have noted every thing withlively appreciation. To a friend in Germany, for instance, we find himwriting as follows: "The happiness of the inhabitants, whose ancestorswere all Dutch, must have been great; genuine kindness and realabundance is everywhere; any thing worthless or going to ruin isnowhere to be perceived. The inhabited regions resemble theWestphalian peasant districts; upon separate farms the finest housesare built, which are planned and completed in the most elegantfashion. The furniture in them is in the best taste, nothing likewhich is to be seen with us, and besides so clean and neat, thataltogether it surpasses every description. The female sex isuniversally beautiful and delicately reared, and is finely dressed inthe latest European fashion, particularly in India laces, white cottonand silk gauzes; not one of these women but would consider driving adouble team the easiest of work. They drive and ride out alone, havingonly a negro riding behind to accompany them. Near everydwelling-house negroes (their slaves) are settled, who cultivate themost fertile land, pasture the cattle, and do all the menialwork. "[17] That the English element, however, had crept in to aconsiderable extent around Brooklyn at this time, is a matter ofrecord. [Footnote 16: The Hon. Henry C. Murphy, who visited this place in1859, says of it: "The town lies in the midst of a marshy district, and hence its name; for Breukelen--pronounced Brurkeler--means marshland. " "There are some curious points of coincidence, " continues Mr. Murphy, "both as regards the name and situation of the Dutch Breukelenand our Brooklyn. The name with us was originally applied exclusivelyto the hamlet which grew up along the main road now embraced withinFulton Avenue, and between Smith Street and Jackson Street; and wemust, therefore, not confound it with the settlements at theWaalebought, Gowanus, and the Ferry, now Fulton Ferry, which wereentirely distinct, and were not embraced within the general name ofBrooklyn, until after the organization of the township of that name bythe British Colonial Government. Those of our citizens who rememberthe lands on Fulton Avenue near Nevins Street and De Kalb Avenuebefore the changes which were produced by the filling-in of thosestreets, will recollect that their original character was marshy andspringy, being in fact the bed of the valley which received the drainof the hills extending on either side of it from the Waalebought toGowanus Bay. This would lead to the conclusion that the name was givenon account of the locality; but though we have very imperfect accountsas to who were the first settlers of Brooklyn proper, still, reasoningfrom analogy in the cases of New Utrecht and New Amersfoort, we cannotprobably err in supposing that Brooklyn owes its name to thecircumstance that its first settlers wished to preserve in it amemento of their homes in Fatherland. After the English conquest, there was a continual struggle between the Dutch and Englishorthography. . . . Thus it is spelled Breucklyn, Breuckland, Brucklyn, Broucklyn, Brookland, Brookline, and several other ways. At the end ofthe last century it settled down into the present Brooklyn. In thisform it still retains sufficiently its original signification of the_marsh_ or _brook land_. "--_Stiles' History of Brooklyn_, vol. I. , App. 4. ] [Footnote 17: Part II. , Document 33. On the other hand, some laterEnglish descriptions are not as pleasant; but the wretchedness thewriters saw during the war was what the war had caused. ] The topography of this section of Long Island was peculiar, presentingstrong contrasts of high and low land. Originally, and indeed withinthe memory of citizens still living, that part of Brooklyn lyingsouth and west of the line of Nevins Street was practically apeninsula, with the Wallabout Bay or present Navy Yard on one side ofthe neck, and on the other, a mile across, the extensive Gowanus creekand marsh, over which now run Second, Third, and Fourth Avenues. Thecreek set in from the bay where the Gowanus Canal is retained, andrendered the marsh impassable at high-water as far as the line ofBaltic Street. Blocks of buildings now stand on the site of mills thatwere once worked by the ebb and flow of the tides. The lower part ofwhat is known as South Brooklyn was largely swamp land in 1776. Herethe peninsula terminated in a nearly isolated triangular piece ofground jutting out into the harbor, called Red Hook, which figuredprominently in the military operations. From this projection to thefurthest point on the Wallabout was a distance of three miles, and thescenery along the bank presented a varied and attractive appearance tothe resident of New York. The "heights" rose conspicuously in all thebeauty of their natural outline; lower down the shore might be seen aquaint Dutch mill or two; on the bluffs opposite the Battery, themansions of Philip and Robert Livingston were prominent; and not farfrom where the archway crosses Montague Street stood the Remsen and, nearer the ferry, the Colden and Middagh residences. From every pointof view the perspective was rural and inviting. [18] [Footnote 18: In describing some of the characteristic features ofLong Island, Smyth, the traveler already quoted, mentions what seemedto him "two very extraordinary places. " "The first, " he says, "is avery dangerous and dreadful strait or passage, called _Hell-Gates_, between the East River and the Sound; where the two tides meetingcause a horrible whirlpool, the vortex of which is called the Pot, anddrawing in and swallowing up every thing that approaches near it, dashes them to pieces upon the rocks at the bottom. . . . Before the latewar, a top-sail vessel was seldom ever known to pass throughHell-Gates; but since the commencement of it, fleets of transports, with frigates for their convoy, have frequently ventured andaccomplished it; the Niger, indeed, a very fine frigate of thirty-twoguns, generally struck on some hidden rock, every time she attemptedthis passage. But what is still more extraordinary, that daringveteran, Sir James Wallace, to the astonishment of every person whoever saw or heard of it, carried his Majesty's ship, the Experiment, of fifty guns, safe through Hell-Gates, from the east end of the Soundto New York; when the French fleet under D'Estaing lay off Sandy Hook, and blocked up the harbor and city of New York, some ships of the linebeing also sent by D'Estaing round the east end of Long Island tocruise in the Sound for the same purpose, so that the Experiment mustinevitably have fallen into their hands, had it not been for this boldand successful attempt of her gallant commander. " The other spot wasHempstead Plains, which presented the "singular phenomenon, " forAmerica, of having no trees. ] Vastly changed to-day is all this region, which was now to bedisturbed by the din and havoc of war. Its picturesqueness long sincedisappeared. Upon Manhattan Island, the city's push "uptown"-ward hasbeen like the cut of a drawing knife, a remorseless process oflevelling and "filling-in. " Forty times in population and twenty inarea has it expanded beyond the growth of 1776. Brooklyn is a newcreation. Would its phlegmatic denizen of colonial times recognize thesite of his farms or his mills? Even the good Whig ferryman, Waldron, might be at a loss to make out his bearings, for the green banks ofthe East River have vanished, and its points become confused. Theextent of its contraction he could learn from the builders of thebridge, who have set the New York pier eight hundred feet out from thehigh-water mark of 1776, and the Brooklyn pier two hundred or more, narrowing the stream at that point to a strait of but sixteen hundredfeet in width. * * * * * The first active steps looking to the occupation of New York weretaken by the Americans early in January of this year. Reports hadreached Washington's headquarters that the British were fitting outan expedition by sea, whose destination was kept a profound secret. InBoston, rumors were afloat that it was bound for Halifax or RhodeIsland. In reality it was the expedition with which Sir Henry Clintonwas to sail to North Carolina, and there meet Cornwallis, fromEngland, to carry out the southern diversion. Ignorant of the Britishplans, and suspecting that Clinton might suddenly appear at New York, Washington on the 4th of January called the attention of Congress tothe movement, and suggested that it would be "consistent withprudence" to have some New Jersey troops thrown into the city toprevent the "almost irremediable" evil which would follow itsoccupation by the enemy. Two days later, General Charles Lee, holdingrank in the American army next to Washington, pressed a plan of hisown, to the effect that he be sent himself by the commander-in-chiefto secure New York, and that the troops for the purpose (there beingnone to spare from the force around Boston) be hastily raised inConnecticut. This was approved at headquarters, and on the 8th inst. Lee received instructions as follows: "Having undoubted intelligence of the fitting out of a fleet at Boston, and of the embarkation of troops from thence, which, from the season of the year and other circumstances, must be destined for a southern expedition; and having such information as I can rely on, that the inhabitants, or a great part of them, on Long Island in the colony of New York, are not only inimical to the rights and liberties of America, but by their conduct and public professions have discovered a disposition to aid and assist in the reduction of that colony to ministerial tyranny; and as it is a matter of the utmost importance to prevent the enemy from taking possession of the City of New York and the North River, as they will thereby command the country, and the communication with Canada--it is of too much consequence to hazard such a post at so alarming a crisis. . . . "You will therefore, with such volunteers as are willing to join you, and can be expeditiously raised, repair to the City of New York, and calling upon the commanding officer of the forces of New Jersey for such assistance as he can afford, and you shall require, you are to put that city into the best posture of defence which the season and circumstances will admit, disarming all such persons upon Long Island and elsewhere (and if necessary otherwise securing them), whose conduct and declarations have rendered them justly suspected of designs unfriendly to the views of Congress. . . . I am persuaded I need not recommend dispatch in the prosecution of this business. The importance of it alone is a sufficient incitement. "[19] [Footnote 19: Washington had some misgivings as to his authority toassume military control of New York, and he sought the advice of JohnAdams, who was then at Watertown. The latter replied withouthesitation that under his commission as commander-in-chief he had fullauthority. To President Hancock, Washington wrote: "I hope theCongress will approve of my conduct in sending General Lee upon thisexpedition. I am sure I mean it well, as experience teaches us that itis much easier to prevent an enemy from posting themselves, than it isto dislodge them after they have got possession. "] Washington wrote at the same time to Governor Trumbull, ofConnecticut, Colonel Lord Stirling, of New Jersey, and the New YorkCommittee of Safety, urging them to give Gen. Lee all the assistancein their power. Lee, who had been an officer in the British army, serving at one timeunder Burgoyne in Portugal, had already established a reputation forhimself in Washington's camp as a military authority, and enjoyed thefull confidence of the commander-in-chief, despite certaineccentricities of manner and an over-confidence in his own judgmentand experience. The defects and weaknesses of his character, whicheventually brought him into disgrace as a soldier, were not as yetdisplayed or understood. At the present time he was eager to be ofessential service to the colonies, and he entered into the New Yorkproject with spirit. In Connecticut the governor promptly seconded hisefforts, by calling out two regiments of volunteers to serve for sixweeks under the general, and appointed Colonels David Waterbury, ofStamford, and Andrew Ward, of Guilford, to their command. By the 20th, Lee found himself ready to proceed; but while on his way, nearStamford, he received a communication from the Committee of Safety atNew York, representing that the rumors of his coming had created greatalarm in the city, and earnestly requesting him to halt his troops onthe Connecticut border, until his object were better known to thecommittee. Here was something of a dilemma, and it may be asked how itshould have arisen. Why, indeed, was it necessary to organize a forceoutside of New York to secure it? Was not this the time for the cityto prepare for her defence, and welcome assistance from whateverquarter offered? The answer is to be found in the exceptionalpolitical temperament of New York at this time. Her populationcontained a large and powerful loyalist element, which hoped, with theassistance of the three or four British men-of-war then in the harbor, to be able to give the place, at the proper moment, into the hands ofthe king's troops. Only a short time before, Governor Tryon hadinformed Howe that it only needed the presence of a small force tosecure it, and develop a strong loyal support among the inhabitants ofboth the city and colony. The patriotic party had abated none of itszeal, but it recognized the danger of precipitating matters, andaccordingly pursued what appeared to colonists elsewhere to be atemporizing and timid policy, but which proved the wisest course inthe end. The city was at the mercy of the men-of-war. Any attempt toseize it could be answered with a bombardment. The situation requiredprudent management; above all, it required delay on the part of theAmericans until they were ready for a decisive step. That theCommittee of Safety was thoroughly true to the country, no one candoubt a moment after reading their daily proceedings. In their letterto Lee they say: "This committee and the Congress whose place we fillin their recess, are, we flatter ourselves, as unanimously zealous inthe cause of America as any representative body on the continent: sotruly zealous, that both the one and the other will cheerfully devotethis city to sacrifice for advancing that great and important cause. "But knowing the state of affairs in their midst better than others, they urged caution instead of haste in bringing the war to New York. In this case, they informed Lee that no works had been erected in thecity, that they had but little powder, that they were sending outships for more without molestation from the men-of-war, their objectbeing kept secret, and that a general alarm then in the dead ofwinter, driving women and children into the country, would work greatdistress. "For these reasons, " continue the committee, "we conceivethat a just regard to the public cause, and our duty to take a prudentcare of this city, dictate the impropriety of provoking hostilities atpresent, and the necessity of saving appearances with the ships of wartill at least the month of March. Though we have been unfortunate inour disappointments with respect to some of our adventures, yet beassured, sir, we have not been idle. Our intrenching tools are almostcompleted to a sufficient number; we are forming a magazine ofprovisions for five thousand men for a month in a place of safety, andat a convenient distance from this city; we have provided ourselveswith six good brass field-pieces; have directed carriages to be madefor our other artillery, and are raising a company of artillery forthe defence of the colony on the Continental establishment. Thesethings, when accomplished, with other smaller matters, and with thearrival of some gunpowder, the prospect of which is not unpromising, will enable us to face our enemies with some countenance. " Lee, withdue consideration, replied to the committee that he should comply withtheir request about the troops, and do nothing that could endanger thecity. It was not until the 4th of February that the general entered NewYork. On the same day Clinton arrived in the harbor from Boston, withhis southern expedition, but only to make a brief stay. The coming ofthese officers threw the city into great excitement. Many of theinhabitants expected an immediate collision, and began to leave theplace. One Garish Harsin, writing from New York to William Radclift atRhyn Beck, sums up in a single sentence the effect of the harbornews:[20] "It is impossible to describe the confusion the place was inon account of the regulars being come. " And when rumors magnifiedClinton's two or three transports into a British fleet of nineteensail, Harsin informs his friend that the people were taking themselvesout of town "as if it were the Last Day. " Pastor Shewkirk, of theMoravian Church, in his interesting diary[21] of passing events, tellsus that "the inhabitants began now to move away in a surprisingmanner, " and that "the whole aspect of things grew frightful, andincreased so from day to day. " To add to the discomfort and sufferingof the people, the weather was very cold, and the rivers full of ice. [Footnote 20: "New York in the Revolution. " Published by the New YorkMercantile Library Association. ] [Footnote 21: Part II. , Document 37. ] The Committee of Safety, in their anxiety as to the effect of Lee'soccupation of the city, had already written to the ContinentalCongress on the subject, and that body at once sent up a committee, consisting of Messrs. Harrison, Lynch, and Allen, to advise with Leeand the New York Committee. The latter accepted the situation, consented to the entry of the troops into town, and at a conferencewith Lee and the Congress Committee on the 6th, agreed to theimmediate prosecution of defensive measures. Upon his arrival, the general sent his engineer, Captain WilliamSmith, "an excellent, intelligent, active officer, " to survey andreport upon the salient points of the position, especially around HellGate and on Long Island. Lee and Stirling also went over the groundseveral times. As a result of these inspections, the general becameconvinced that to attempt a complete defence of the city would beimpracticable, because the ample sea-room afforded by the harbor andrivers gave the enemy every advantage, enabling them, with theirpowerful fleet, to threaten an attack in front and flank. Lee saw thisat once, and reported his views to Washington, February 19th. "What todo with the city, " he wrote, "I own, puzzles me. It is so encircledwith deep navigable waters, that whoever commands the sea must commandthe town;" and to the New York Committee he said that it would beimpossible to make the place absolutely secure. In view of this, heproposed to construct a system of defences that should have analternative object, namely, that in case they should prove inadequatefor the city's protection, they should at least be sufficient toprevent the enemy from securing a permanent foothold in it. Under this plan, the line of the East River required the principalattention, as here it seemed possible to offer the best resistance toBritish attempts upon the city. First, to cut off the enemy'scommunication between the Sound and the river, it was proposed toblockade the passage at Hell Gate by a fort on Horn's Hook, at thefoot of East Eighty-eighth Street, as well as by works opposite, onthe present Hallet's Point. A further object of these forts was tosecure safe transit between Long Island and New York. In the nextplace, batteries were planned for both sides of the river at itsentrance into the harbor, where the city was chiefly exposed. On theNew York side, a battery was located at the foot of Catherine Streetat the intersection of Cherry, and where the river was narrowest. Thiswas called Waterbury's Battery. To cover its fire a stronger work wasordered to be built on Rutgers' "first hill, " just above, which wasnamed Badlam's Redoubt, after Captain Badlam, then acting as Lee'schief artillery officer. Lower down a battery was sunk in a cellar onTen Eyck's wharf, Coenties Slip, a short distance below Wall Street, and called Coenties Battery. These three, with part of the GrandBattery and Fort George, included all the works planned by Lee toguard the East River from the New York side. In connection with these, works were laid out on the bank opposite onLong Island, the importance of which was apparent. Not only was thesite well adapted for guns to sweep the channel and prevent theenemy's ships from remaining in the river long enough to do the cityserious damage, but it also commanded the city, so as to make ituntenable by the British should they succeed in occupying it. Thisbluff, "Columbia Heights, " was in fact the key to the entiresituation. Lee considered its possession and security of "greaterimportance" than New York; and to hold it he proposed establishingthere an intrenched camp[22] for three or four thousand men, fortified by "a chain of redoubts mutually supporting each other. " Ofthese redoubts, one was located on the edge of the bluff opposite theCoenties Battery, and stood on the line of Columbia Street, at aboutthe foot of the present Clark Street. This came to be known as FortStirling. In its rear, near the corner of Henry and Pierrepontstreets, it was proposed to erect a large citadel; but this, althoughbegun, was never completed. [23] Lee's scheme of defence did notinclude the fortifying of either Red Hook or Governor's Island. [Footnote 22: Lee wrote to Washington, February 19th: "I wait for somemore force to prepare a post or retrenched encampment on Long Island, opposite to the city, for 3000 men. This is, I think, a capitalobject; for, should the enemy take possession of New York, when LongIsland is in our hands, they will find it almost impossible tosubsist. "] [Footnote 23: The location and strength of Fort Stirling, the citadel, and the other works on Long Island, are noted more in detail furtheralong in this chapter. ] The East River thus provided for, attention was paid to the city andthe North River side. Lee examined Fort George and the Grand Battery, but gave it as his opinion that neither of them could be held underthe concentrated fire of large ships. He advised, accordingly, thatthe northern face of the fort be torn down, and a traverse builtacross Broadway above it at the Bowling Green, from which the interiorof the work could be raked, should the enemy attempt to land and holdit. As the North River was "so extremely wide and deep, " the generalregarded the obstruction of its passage to the ships as out of thequestion. Batteries, however, could be erected at various points alongthe west side where it rose to a ridge, and the power of the ships toinjure the town very considerably diminished. All the streets leadingup from the water were ordered to be barricaded to prevent the enemyfrom coming up on the flanks; forts were to be erected on Jones', Bayard's, and Lispenard's hills, north of the town, covering theapproach by land from that direction; the roads obstructed toartillery; and redoubts, redans, and flêches thrown up at defensiblepoints throughout the entire island, as far as King's Bridge. [24] "Imust observe, " said Lee to the Committee of Safety, "that New York, from its circumstances, can with difficulty be made a regular tenablefortification; but it may be made a most advantageous field ofbattle--so advantageous, indeed, that, if our people behave withcommon spirit, and the commanders are men of discretion, it must costthe enemy many thousands of men to get possession of it. " [Footnote 24: "_Feb. 23d, 1776. _--. . . General Lee is taking everynecessary step to fortify and defend this city. The men-of-war aregone out of our harbor; the Phoenix is at the Hook; the Asia laysnear Beedlow's Island; so that we are now in a state of perfect peaceand security, was it not for our apprehensions of future danger. Tosee the vast number of houses shut up, one would think the city almostevacuated. Women and children are scarcely to be seen in the streets. Troops are daily coming in; they break open and quarter themselves inany houses they find shut up. Necessity knows no law. "--_Letter fromF. Rhinelander. "Life of Peter Van Schaack. _"] To construct these extensive works Lee could muster, two weeks afterhis arrival, but seventeen hundred men. Waterbury's Connecticutregiment was first on the ground; the First New Jersey Continentals, as yet incomplete, under Colonel the Earl of Stirling, soon followed;and from Westchester County, New York, came two hundred minute-menunder Colonel Samuel Drake. Dutchess County sent down ColonelsSwartwout and Van Ness with about three hundred more; and on the 24thColonel Ward arrived with his Connecticut regiment, six hundredstrong, which had rendezvoused at Fairfield. Stirling's regiment wasquartered principally in the lower barracks at the Battery;Waterbury's at the upper, on the site of the new Court House; Ward'swas sent to Long Island; and Drake's minute-men were posted at Horn'sHook, opposite Hell Gate, where they began work on the first batterymarked out for the defence of New York City during the Revolution. [Illustration: [signature: John Lasher] COLONEL FIRST NEW YORK CITY BATTALION 1775-1776. Steel Engr. F. Von Egloffstein N. Y. ] But Lee's stay at this point was to be brief. The Continental Congressappointed him to the command of the newly created Department of theSouth, and on the 7th of March he left New York in charge of LordStirling, who, a month before, had been promoted by Congress to therank of brigadier-general. This officer's energy was conspicuous. Hispredecessor had already found him "a great acquisition, " and he pushedon the defences of the city as rapidly as his resources would permit. The force under his immediate command, according to the returns of the13th, amounted to a total of two thousand four hundred and twenty-twoofficers and men, [25] besides the city independent companies underColonels John Lasher and William Heyer, and local militia, [26] whoswelled the number to about four thousand. On the 14th, Washingtonwrote to Stirling that the enemy appeared to be on the point ofevacuating Boston, and that it was more than probable they would sailsouthward. "I am of opinion, " he wrote, "that New York is their placeof destination. It is an object worthy of their attention, and it isthe place that we must use every endeavor to keep from them. For, should they get that town, and the command of the North River, theycan stop the intercourse between the Northern and Southerncolonies, upon which depends the safety of America. My feelings uponthis subject are so strong, that I would not wish to give the enemy achance of succeeding at your place. . . . The plan of defence formed byGeneral Lee is, from what little I know of the place, a very judiciousone. I hope, nay, I dare say, it is carrying into execution withspirit and industry. You may judge of the enemy's keeping so longpossession of the town of Boston against an army superior in numbers, and animated with the noble spirit of liberty; I say, you may judge bythat how much easier it is to keep an enemy from forming a lodgment ina place, than it will be to dispossess them when they get themselvesfortified. " Stirling immediately sent urgent appeals for troops inevery direction. He ordered over the Third New Jersey ContinentalRegiment under Colonel Dayton, and wrote for three hundred picked menfrom each of the six nearest counties of that State. Ward's andWaterbury's regiments, which were impatient to return home to attendto their spring farming, were many of them induced to remain two weeksbeyond their term of enlistment until Governor Trumbull could supplytheir places with troops under Colonels Silliman and Talcott. Congressalso ordered forward five or six Pennsylvania regiments. Meanwhile theNew York Committee of Safety co-operated zealously with the militaryauthorities. [27] At Stirling's request they voted to call out all themale inhabitants of the city, black and white, capable of doing"fatigue duty, " to work on the fortifications--the blacks to workevery day, the whites every other day;[28] and the same orders wereconveyed to the committee of King's County, where the inhabitants weredirected to report to Colonel Ward, with spades, hoes and pickaxes. Totroops needing quarters the committee turned over the empty houses inthe city, or those that were "least liable to be injured;" coarsesheets were ordered for the straw beds in the barracks; the upperstory of the "Bridewell" was converted into a laboratory or armory forrepairing guns and making cartridges; and all necessary detailsprovided for as far as possible. In case of an alarm, the troops wereto parade immediately at the Battery, in the Common, and in front ofTrinity Church. To annoy expected British men-of-war, the committeedespatched Major William Malcolm, of the Second city battalion, todismantle the Sandy Hook Light, which the major effected in a thoroughmanner, breaking what glasses he could not move, and carrying off theoil. On Long Island, a guard of King's County troopers was posted atthe Narrows, and another at Rockaway, to report the approach of ships;and in the city, cannon were mounted in the batteries as fast as theywere completed. On the 20th, Stirling could report that everybodyturned to "with great spirit and industry, " and that the work went on"amazingly well. " [Footnote 25: Privates present fit for duty: Stirling's regiment, 407;Waterbury's, 457; Ward's, 489; Drake's, 104; Swartwout's, 186; VanNess', 110; Captain Ledyard's company, N. Y. , 64. ] [Footnote 26: In the chapter on "The Two Armies, " some further accountis given of the troops furnished during the campaign by New York andthe Brooklyn villages. ] [Footnote 27: The committee humored Governor Tryon, however, with afew civilities as late as April 4th, when they provided his fleet with"the following articles, viz. : 1300 lbs. Beef for the 'Asia'; 1000lbs. Beef for the 'Phoenix, ' with 18_s. _ worth vegetables; 2 qrs. Beef, 1 doz. Dishes, 2 doz. Plates, 1 doz. Spoons, 2 mugs, 2 barrelsale, for the packet; 6 barrels of beer, 2 quarters of beef for thegovernor's ship, 'Duchess of Gordon. '"--_Journal of the ProvincialCongress. _] [Footnote 28: Stirling's orders, March 13th, 1776: "It is intended toemploy one half of the inhabitants every other day, changing, at theworks for the defence of this city; and the whole of the slaves everyday, until this place is put in a proper posture of defence. The TownMajor is immediately to disperse these orders. "--_Force_, 4th series, vol. V. , p. 219. The citizens were divided off into reliefs or "beats. " In the "N. Y. Hist. Manuscripts, " vol. I. , p. 267, may be found the "Amount ofofficers and Privates of ye 22d Beat at work 17 March"--59 menunder Captain Benj. Egbert. Negroes belonging to the 22d Beat--"Pomp, Cæsar, Peter, Sam, Jo, Cubitt, Simms, John, Cato, " etc. , 11 in all. ] On the same date Brigadier-General Thompson, of Pennsylvania, reportedat New York, and held the command until the arrival, a few days later, of Brigadier-General Heath, of Massachusetts, who in turn wasrelieved, April 4th, by Major-General Putnam. * * * * * Affairs at Boston now reached a crisis. The siege, which theprovincial troops had so successfully maintained for ten months, terminated to their own unbounded credit and the secret mortificationof the enemy. On the 17th of March the city was evacuated by theBritish, and immediately occupied by the Americans--an event that hadbeen foreseen and provided for at a council of war held on the 13th, at General Ward's headquarters in Roxbury. The commander-in-chiefthere stated that every indication pointed to an early departure ofthe enemy from Boston, with the probability that they were destinedfor New York, and he questioned whether it was not advisable to send apart of the army to that point without delay. The council coincided inthis opinion, and on the following day the rifle regiment underLieutenant-Colonel Hand, and the three companies of Virginia riflemen, under Captain Stephenson, were put on the march southward. These werefollowed on the 18th by five regiments under Brigadier-General Heath, who had been ordered to march by way of Providence, Norwich, NewLondon, and the Sound. As the enemy's transports lingered aroundBoston for several days, no more troops were sent southward until the29th, when six regiments were ordered on, under Brigadier-GeneralSullivan. On the same date Major-General Putnam received orders toproceed to New York, assume command, and continue the work offortifying the city upon the plan adopted by General Lee. On the 1stof April, Brigadier-General Greene's brigade moved in the samedirection, and was followed in a day or two by General Spencer's. Fiveregiments remained at Boston, under Major-General Ward. Waiting until all the troops were on the march, Washington, on April4th, himself set out from Cambridge for New York. Crowned with hisfirst honors as the deliverer of Boston, he was greeted on his routewith respectful admiration and enthusiasm. He had come to New Englandcomparatively unknown--"a Mr. Washington, of Virginia;" he left itsecure in the affections and pride of its people. Expecting him atProvidence the next day, the 5th, General Greene, who had been delayedat that place, ordered two regiments of his brigade--Hitchcock's RhodeIsland and Little's Massachusetts--to appear in their best form andescort the general into the city. The minuteness of Greene'sdirections on the occasion furnishes us with the material for apicture of the personal appearance of the early Continental soldierwhen on parade. As preserved among the papers of the Massachusettscolonel, the order runs as follows: "_Providence April 4, 1776. _--Colo. Hitchcock's and Colo. Little's regiments are to turn out to-morrow morning to escort his Excellency into town, to parade at 8 o'clock, both officers & men dressed in uniform, & none to turn out except those dressed in uniform, & those of the non-commissioned officers & soldiers that turn out to be washed, both face & hands, clean, their beards shaved, their hair combed & powdered, & their arms cleaned. The General hopes that both officers & soldiers will exert themselves for the honour of the regiment & brigade to which they belong. He wishes to pay the honours to the Commander in Chief in as decent & respectable a manner as possible. "[29] [Footnote 29: MS. Order Book of Colonel Moses Little. ] Governor Cooke, of Rhode Island, was not less attentive, and inaddition to calling out "the several companies of cadets, ofgrenadiers, and light infantry" in Providence to meet thecommander-in-chief, he had a house prepared for his reception and theaccommodation of his suite, which, besides his officers, included LadyWashington and Mr. And Mrs. Custis. [30] Passing on to New London, where he hurried the embarkation of the troops, Washington kept onalong the shore road, reached New Haven on the 11th, and on the 13tharrived at the city of New York. Putnam had come ten days earlier. Owing to insufficient transportation and slow sailing on the Sound, itwas April 24th before the last of the soldiers reported on the ground. [Footnote 30: R. I. Hist. Coll. Vol. VI. ] * * * * * The new military base in this vicinity was thus fairly established, and the commander-in-chief, after personally inspecting the position, urged on the work of defence. As the regiments on their arrival hadbeen quartered at haphazard in the city, he first arranged the armyinto five brigades, with the view of putting them into suitable andpermanent camps. To the command of these he assigned Heath, Spencer, Sullivan, Greene, and Stirling, in the order of their rank. Thetwenty-five battalions which made up the force at this date numberedtogether not quite ten thousand men. But hardly were the orders for this new arrangement issued beforeevents required its modification. Our affairs proving to be in a badway in the direction of Canada, it became necessary to despatchGeneral Sullivan with six regiments to the northward, and on the 29thof April the troops in New York were formed anew into four brigades, and assigned to their respective camps. Heath's first brigade wasposted on the Hudson, just without the city above the Canal Streetmarsh and about Richmond Hill; Spencer's second, on the East River, around the Rutgers' farm and Jones' Hill; and Stirling's fourth, inthe centre, near Bayard's Hill and the Bowery Road; while Greene'sthird brigade was assigned to "the ground marked out upon LongIsland. " But one work now lay before these soldiers, namely, to putNew York and its vicinity in a complete state of defence in theshortest possible time. Howe and his Boston army, it was now known, had gone to Halifax instead of sailing for New York; but he couldstill reach, and, with reinforcements from England, attack the citybefore the Americans were ready to receive him. The situation, accordingly, admitted of no delays, and digging was made the order ofthe day. No one could have anticipated, however, that preparationswere to be continued full four months longer before active campaigningopened. This interval of fortifying is not without its interest; and we maycross, first, with Greene to Long Island, to note what further wasdone towards securing that "capital" point in the general system ofdefence. * * * * * From the orders of April 24th and 25th it would appear that it wasWashington's original intention to give the Brooklyn command, not toGreene, but to Sullivan. The latter was assigned to the Third Brigadebefore going to Canada, and on the 25th the encampment of this brigadewas ordered to be marked out "upon Long Island. " The fact thatSullivan was senior to Greene in rank, and was entitled, as betweenthe two, to the honor and responsibility of the separate command, wasdoubtless the ground of his assignment in this case. But a greaterresponsibility was reserved for Sullivan in Canada, and Greene wassent to Long Island. Owing to bad weather, it was the 3d or 4th ofMay before the latter crossed with troops. He took with him his oldbrigade, consisting of Colonel Edward Hand's Pennsylvania Riflemen, his two favorite Rhode Island regiments under Colonels James MitchellVarnum and Daniel Hitchcock, and Colonel Moses Little's regiment fromMassachusetts. These ranked as the First, Ninth, Eleventh, and Twelfthof the Continental Establishment, and were as well armed and under asgood discipline as any troops in Washington's army. Hand's regiment, numbering four hundred and seventy officers and men, was already onLong Island, having come from Boston in advance of the brigades, andwas engaged in scouting and patrol duty at the Narrows and along thecoast. Varnum's, Hitchcock's, and Little's, having an average strengthof three hundred and eighty each, were the only troops aroundBrooklyn. [31] The Long Island militia were not as yet in the field, and the small company of Brooklyn troopers under Captain Waldron andLieutenant Boerum, which had patrolled the coast during the earlyspring, do not appear on duty again until late in the season. [Footnote 31: Ward's, we have seen, was the first regiment stationedon Long Island. It was there from February 24th until about the end ofMarch. The _N. Y. Packet_ of February 29th, 1776, says: "Saturday lastCol. Ward's regiment arrived here from Connecticut, and embarked inboats and landed on Nassau [Long] Island. " Lee gave orders that aPennsylvania battalion, supposed to be on its way to New York, shouldencamp from the Wallabout to Gowanus, but no Pennsylvania troops areincluded in Stirling's return, and certainly none were on Long Islanduntil Hand's riflemen came from Boston. It is probable that ColonelChas. Webb's Connecticut Continentals relieved Ward, as Captain Halewrites that it had been there three weeks, sometime before May 20th. Greene's brigade were the next troops to cross over. ] It now remained for these regiments to go on fortifying thewater-front of this site to keep the ships out of the river, and, inaddition, to secure themselves against an attack by land. What Lee'splan was in reference to Columbia Heights has already been seen. Herehe proposed to establish a camp with Fort Stirling and the Citadelamong its defences, the former of which had been nearly completed andthe latter begun by Ward's regiment and the inhabitants. Inconsequence, however, of a move made by General Putnam soon after hisarrival, it had evidently become necessary to enlarge this plan. Governor's Island, just off the edge of which were moored the Britishmen-of-war, had not been occupied by either Lee or Stirling; but itlay within cannon-shot of the Battery and Columbia Heights, and anenemy once lodged there could work us mischief. General Putnam noticedits position, and he had not been here three days before he wrote, April 7th, to the President of Congress: "After getting the works [inNew York] in such forwardness as will be prudent to leave, I proposeimmediately to take possession of Governor's Island, which I think avery important post. Should the enemy arrive here, and get post there, it will not be possible to save the city, nor could we dislodge themwithout great loss. "[32] On the very next night he carried out hisproposal, as appears from the following account of the manoeuvrepreserved among the papers of Colonel G. Selleck Silliman, ofFairfield, Connecticut, who had recently come down to relieve thetroops under Ward and Waterbury: [Footnote 32: _Force_, Fourth Series, vol. V. , p. 811. ] "_Tuesday Morning, 9th April. _--Last Evening Draughts were made from aNumber of Regiments here, mine among the Rest, to the Amount of 1, 000Men. With these and a proper Number of Officers Genl Putnam atCandle lighting embarked on Board of a Number of Vessels with a largeNumber of intrenching Tools and went directly on the Island a littlebelow the City called Nutten [Governor's] Island where they have beenintrenching all Night and are now at work, and have got a good BreastWork there raised which will cover them from the fire of the Ships;and it is directly in the Way of the Ship coming up to the Town. TheAsia has fallen down out of Gun Shot from this Place and it deprivesthe Ships of the only Watering Place they have here without going downtoward the Hook. "[33] There was something of the Bunker Hill flavorabout this move, and it was Prescott's Bunker Hill regiment that wasfirst stationed[34] on the Island, which subsequently became one ofthe strongest posts of the position. At the same time another partyoccupied Red Hook, [35] on Long Island, which commanded the channelbetween the Hook and Governor's Island. [Footnote 33: MS. Letter from Colonel Silliman to his wife, inpossession of Mrs. O. P. Hubbard, New York City. ] [Footnote 34: General Orders, April 16th, 1776: . . . "ColonelPrescott's Regiment is to encamp on Governour's Island as soon as theweather clears. They are to give every assistance in their power tothe works erecting thereon. ". . . ] [Footnote 35: "Monday night 1000 Continental troops stationed herewent over and took possession of Governor's Island and began tofortify it; the same night a regiment went over to Red Hook andfortified that place likewise. " _New York Packet, April 11, 1776. _] The occupation by Putnam of these two points, which was clearlynecessary for a more effective defence of the East River, required, orat least resulted in, the modification of Lee's plan, and the adoptionof a new line on Long Island. It was now decided to hold the Brooklynpeninsula with a chain of works thrown up across the neck fromWallabout Bay to the Gowanus Marsh; and it was in this vicinity thatthe encampment for Greene's brigade was marked out by Mifflin, thequartermaster-general, and afterwards approved by Washington. [36] Bythe fortunate recovery of the daily orders issued by General Greene onLong Island, and also of original sketches of the site, it has becomepossible to fix the location of this line and the names of the workswith almost entire accuracy. [Footnote 36: General Orders, April 25th, 1776: "The encampment of theThird Brigade to be marked out in like manner, upon Long Island, onSaturday morning. The chief engineers, with the quartermasters, etc. , from each regiment, to assist the quartermaster-general in thatservice. As soon as the general has approved of the encampments markedout, the troops will be ordered to encamp. . . . "] To defend the approach between the bay and marsh, the engineers laidout three principal forts and two redoubts, with breastworksconnecting them. The site occupied was a favorable one. On the leftrose the high ground, now known as Fort Greene Place or WashingtonPark, one hundred feet above the sea-level; and on the right, betweenthe main road and the marsh, were lower elevations on lands then ownedby Rutgert Van Brunt and Johannes Debevoise. The flanks were thus welladapted for defence, and they were near enough each other to commandthe ground between them. Two of the works were erected on the right ofthe road, and received the names of Fort Greene and Fort Box; threewere on the left, and were known as the Oblong Redoubt, Fort Putnam, and the redoubt "on its left. " In view of the fact that localhistorians heretofore have put but three fortifications on this line, where, it is now well established, there were five, a more particulardescription of them becomes necessary. Extending from right to left, they were laid out as follows:[37] [Footnote 37: Consult map accompanying this work, entitled "Plan ofthe Battle of Long Island, and of the Brooklyn Defences in 1776;" alsothe note in regard to it under the title "Maps, " in Part II. ] FORT BOX. --It has been supposed that the fort by this name occupied anindependent site south-west of the main line, with the object ofdefending Gowanus Creek where it was crossed by a mill-dam. That itstood, however, on the right of the line is beyond question. Thus theletter of a spectator of the battle[38] says: "Our lines fronted theeast. On the left, near the lowest part of the above-described bay[Wallabout], was Fort Putnam, near the middle Fort Greene, and towardsthe creek Fort Box. " In his order of June 1st, General Greene directsfive companies to take post "upon the right in Fort Box;" and onAugust 16th a fatigue party is detailed "to form the necessary linesfrom Fort Box to Fort Putnam, " clearly indicating that the two were onthe same continuous line. To confirm the correctness of this locality, we have the fort and its name distinctly indicated on the outline mapsketched by President Stiles, of Yale College, in his Diary ofRevolutionary Events. By reference to the fac-simile of the sketchhere presented, it will be seen that although there are errors in thedrawing, the relative position of the principal works is preserved, and the site of Fort Box finally determined. It stands nearest GowanusCreek, and on the right of the other forts. The work appears to havebeen of a diamond shape, and was situated on or near the line ofPacific Street, a short distance above Bond. [39] [Footnote 38: "Memoirs of the Long Island Historical Society, " vol. Ii. , p. 494. "Battle of Long Island. " By Thomas W. Field. ] [Footnote 39: As the British demolished all the Brooklyn works verysoon after their capture, it would be difficult to fix the exact siteof some of them, but for data which have been preserved. That theywere destroyed is certain. Baurmeister, the Hessian major, states thatHowe directed the Hessian division to level the "Brocklands-Leinen, "but recalled the order when General De Heister represented that "thiscould not be done by soldiers without compensation, especially as itwould be the work of four weeks. " According to tradition, theinhabitants levelled them by Howe's orders. General Robertsontestified in 1779 that "there were no vestiges of the lines soon afterthey were taken. " Cornwallis on the same occasion said that, beingdetached to Newtown after the battle, he had "no opportunity of goingto Brooklyn till the lines were nearly demolished. " But with theassistance of Lieutenant Ratzer's accurate topographical map of NewYork and Brooklyn of 1766-7, the Hessian map published in vol. Ii. Ofthe Society's _Memoirs_, the plan of the lines thrown up in the 1812war, and other documents, the forts of 1776 can readily be located. Ratzer's map shows all the elevations where works would naturally beput; and the Hessian map, which is a reduction of Ratzer's, adds theworks. The accuracy of the latter, which heretofore could not beproved, is now established by the fact that the position of the fortscorresponds to the location assigned them relatively in Greene'sorders. There can be little doubt that this map was made from actualsurveys soon after the battle, and that the shape as well as the siteof the works and lines is preserved in it. Another guide is the 1812line as marked out by Lieutenant Gadsden, of the Engineer Corps. Acopy of the original plan of this line, furnished by the WarDepartment, shows a close correspondence with the Hessian draft. Thesame points are fortified in each case. Fort "Fireman" of 1812occupies the site, or very nearly the site, of Fort Box; Fort"Masonic, " that of Fort Greene; Redoubt "Cummings, " that of the OblongRedoubt; and "Fort Greene, " that of Fort Putnam. The site of the"redoubt on the left" was inclosed, in 1812, in the outer intrenchmentwhich was carried around the brow of the hill. Although the Britishobliterated all marks of the Brooklyn defences of 1776, we thus findnature and the records enabling us to re-establish them to-day. ] [Illustration: SKETCH OF THE BROOKLYN WORKS IN 1776. FACSIMILE FROM THE STILES DIARY Yale College Library. _"From one who was stationed at Red Hook all last Summer together witha Map of the ground, I learn our Fortifications there were as I heredraw them out on the Peninsula around Brooklyn Church. " Dr. Stiles, March 21, 1777. _ _J. Bien Photo. Lith. N. Y. _] As to its name, we must assume that it was called Fort Box in honor ofMajor Daniel Box, Greene's brigade-major (an office corresponding tothe present assistant adjutant-general), whose services were thenhighly appreciated. Box first appears as an old British soldier, whohad been wounded in the French war, and afterwards as an organizer anddrill-master of Independent companies in Rhode Island, whichsubsequently furnished many fine officers to the Continental army. [40]In a letter to Colonel Pickering in 1779, Greene speaks of him inflattering terms, as having been invaluable in the earlier years ofthe war. That he was something of an engineer, as well as anexcellent brigade-major, is evident from the fact that he assisted inmarking out the lines around Boston in 1775, and later superintendedthe construction of Fort Lee, on the Jersey side. No doubt he had muchto say about the building of the Brooklyn lines, and of the work inparticular which bore his name. [Footnote 40: MS. Letter of General Greene to Colonel Pickering, August 24, 1779, in possession of Prof. Geo. Washington Greene, EastGreenwich, L. I. ] FORT GREENE. --About three hundred yards to the left of Fort Box, ashort distance above Bond Street, between State and Schermerhorn, stood Fort Greene, star-shaped, mounting six guns, and provided with awell and magazines. Colonel Little, its commander, describes it as thelargest of the works on Long Island; and this statement iscorroborated by the fact that its garrison consisted of an entireregiment, which was not the case with the other forts, and that it wasprovided with nearly double the number of pikes. It occupied animportant position on one of the small hills near the centre of thatpart of the line lying south-west of Washington Park, and its gunscommanded the approach by the Jamaica highway. Being the principalwork on the line, the engineers, or possibly Little's regiment, namedit after their brigade commander. OBLONG REDOUBT. --Still further to the left, and on the other side ofthe road, a small circular redoubt, called the "Oblong Redoubt, " wasthrown up on what was then a piece of rising ground at the corner ofDe Kalb and Hudson avenues. The reason of its name is not apparent. Greene's orders refer to it as the "Oblong Square" and the "OblongRedoubt. " Major Richard Thorne, of Colonel Remsen's Long Islandmilitia, speaks of being on guard at "Fort Oblong" all night a shorttime before the battle. [41] This redoubt had very nearly directcommand of the road, and in connection with Fort Greene was dependedupon to defend the centre of the line. [Footnote 41: "_Force_, " Fifth Series, vol. Ii. , p. 202. ] FORT PUTNAM. --From the Oblong Redoubt, the line ascendednorth-easterly to the top of the hill included in Washington Park, where the fourth in the chain of works was erected. This was FortPutnam. Star-shaped like Fort Greene, it was somewhat smaller than thelatter, and mounted four or five garrison guns. Its strong naturalposition, however, made it the salient point of the line, and itbecame, as will be seen, the main object of attack by the Britishduring and after the battle. [42] The fort may have taken its name, asusually supposed, from Major-General Israel Putnam; but it isaltogether more probable that it was named after Colonel Rufus Putnam, the chief engineer, who marked out many of the works on Long Island aswell as in New York, and who must have frequently crossed to givedirections in their construction. [Footnote 42: Mr. Field states that the site of Fort Putnam wasunfortunately overlooked by the high ground east of it, Greene and hisengineers probably not noticing the fact until after the woods werecut down. The official surveys of the ground, made before it waslevelled, show no such commanding elevation, the Fort Putnam Hillbeing as high as any _within range_; nor can we credit Greene or hisofficers with fortifying a point which was untenable, or with notobserving that it was untenable. As the engineers of 1812 occupied thesame site, it could be safely concluded, were no surveys preserved, that it was entirely defensible. ] REDOUBT ON THE LEFT. --At the eastern termination of the hill, a shortdistance from Fort Putnam, and on a lower grade, stood the last of theworks, which is identified in the orders and letters of the day as the"redoubt on the left. " It was a small affair, and occupied a point atabout the middle of the present Cumberland Street, nearly midwaybetween Willoughby and Myrtle avenues; but in 1776 the site was twentyfeet higher, and appeared as a well-defined spur extending out fromFort Putnam. As it was commanded by the latter, its capture by theenemy would bring them no advantage, while as an American defence itcould materially assist in protecting the left. Between these five works a line of connecting intrenchments was laidout, while on the right it was to be continued from Fort Box to themarsh, and on the left from the Fort Putnam Hill, "in a straightline, " to the swamp at the edge of Wallabout Bay. Anticipating theirconstruction, we may say that each work became a completefortification in itself, being surrounded with a wide ditch, providedwith a sally-port, its sides lined with sharpened stakes, the garrisonarmed with spears to repel storming parties, and the work suppliedwith water and provisions to withstand a siege if necessary. Thegreater part of the line was picketed with abattis, and the woods cutdown to give full sweep to the fire of the guns. As every thingdepended upon holding this front, the necessity of making it as strongas possible was fully realized, and at the time of the engagement inAugust it was considered a sufficient barrier to the enemy'sadvance. [43] [Footnote 43: Some important and interesting information relative tothe main line at Brooklyn was brought out in 1779 at the examinationof Captain John Montressor, before the Parliamentary Committee whichinvestigated Howe's conduct of the war. Montressor was a British armyengineer, acting as Howe's aid on Long Island. Being one of thegeneral's witnesses, he naturally made out the American position asstrong as possible, but the main facts of his testimony are to beaccepted. The examination was in part as follows: "_Q. _ Can you give a particular account of the state of those[Brooklyn] lines? _A. _ Yes--the lines were constructed from Wallabout Bay, on one sideto a swamp that intersects the land between the main land and ReadHook, which terminates the lines. The lines were about a mile and ahalf in extent, including the angles, cannon proof, with a chain offive redoubts, or rather fortresses, with ditches, as had also thelines that formed the intervals, raised on the parapet and thecounterscarp, and the whole surrounded with the most formidableabbaties. _Q. _ Were those lines finished on every part, from the swamp formed bythe Wallabout on the left, to the swamp on the right? _A. _ Yes. _Q. _ Do you know the particulars of the left part of the line towardsthe Wallabout? Have you any reason for knowing that? _A. _ The line runs straight from the rising ground where Fort Putnamwas constructed, in a straight line to the swamp that terminatesitself at the bottom of Wallabout Bay. _Q. _ Was there a possibility of a single man's passing round the leftpart of the line? _A. _ There was not. After entering the lines, Sir William Howe, on theenemy's evacuating, followed the road to the point, to examine and seeif he could get out at that part, which he could not do, and we wereobliged to return and go out of a sally port of the lines. . . . _Q. _ Can you say of your own knowledge, that the right redoubt of thelines at Brooklyn had an abattis before it? _A. _ I have already said that the whole had an abattis before it. [He produces an actual survey of the lines. ]. . . _Q. _ If any one of these redoubts were taken, did not they flank theline in such a manner to the right and left that the enemy could notremain in the lines? _A. _ I have already said, that they could not be taken by assault, butby approaches, as they were rather fortresses than redoubts. "--_A Viewof the Evidence Relative to the Conduct of the American War under SirWilliam Howe_, etc. ; second edition; London, 1779. _Manual of theCorporation of the City of New York_, 1870, p. 884. The maps in the early London editions of Gordon's and Stedman'shistories of the war, each put _five_ fortifications on the line fromthe Wallabout to Gowanus Creek. ] FORT COBBLE HILL. --Passing to the remaining works on Long Island, wefind a redoubt on the crest of a cone-shaped hill, which stood alonenear the intersection of the present Court and Atlantic streets, andwhich was known by the Dutch inhabitants as _Punkiesberg_. As it doesnot appear to have been called Cobble Hill before this date, thereasonable inference may be drawn that it was so named by Greene'stroops because of its close resemblance to the Cobble Hill whichformed one of the fortified points in the siege of Boston, but a shortdistance from Winter Hill, where Greene's brigade was posted. In theorders of the day, the redoubt is known as "Smith's barbette, "Captain William Smith, the engineer whom Lee brought with him, havingit in charge. The work mounted four guns, and, from its centralinterior position, could have prevented the enemy from securing afoothold on the peninsula in the rear or flank of the main line incase they effected a landing back of Red Hook or crossed Gowanus Creekabove. This hill was long since cut away. [44] [Footnote 44: One of Greene's orders refers to this fort as follows:"_Camp on Long Island, July 19, 1776. _--The works on Cobble Hill beinggreatly retarded for want of men to lay turf, few being acquaintedwith that service, all those in Colonel Hitchcock's and ColonelLittle's regiments, that understand that business, are desired tovoluntarily turn out every day, and they shall be excused from allother duty, and allowed one half a pint of rum a day. " Two guns firedfrom Cobble Hill were to be the signal that the enemy had landed onLong Island. ] REDOUBT AT THE MILL. --Near the corner of the present Degraw and Bondstreets, a small battery or breastwork, in the form of a right angle, mounting one gun, was thrown up to cover the narrow passage over amill-dam which here crossed Gowanus Creek. It stood at the extremityof a long low sand-hill, and the dam connected this point with atongue of land on the opposite side, on which two mills were built, known as the upper or yellow, and lower mills. The upper mill wasimmediately opposite the redoubt, and it was here that the Port Roadcame down to the edge of the creek. RED HOOK--FORT DEFIANCE. --This work, already referred to, wasoriginally a single water battery, mounting four eighteen-pounders, _en barbette_, to prevent the passage of ships east of Governor'sIsland, as well as to keep the enemy from landing at the southernextremity of the peninsula. Washington speaks of it in May as being "asmall, but exceedingly strong" fort. Lieutenant Samuel Shaw, of Knox'sartillery, who was stationed there most of the summer, states that itwas named "Fort Defiance, " and subsequently strengthened by additionalworks, which, from the Hessian map and the Stiles draft, appear tohave consisted of a second and larger redoubt connected with the firstby an intrenchment or inclosed way. [45] On the 5th of July, Greenewrote to Washington that he regarded Red Hook as "a post of vastimportance, " and proposed stationing a considerable force therepermanently, as in that case the commanding officer would be "moreindustrious to have every thing in readiness, and obstinate indefence" when the attack came; and on the 8th we find the order for"Col. Varnum's regiment to remove their encampment to Red Hook, and dothe duty of that post. " [Footnote 45: "Our fort [Defiance] is much strengthened by new worksand more troops, and it is in so good a posture of defence, that itwould be almost impossible to take it either by attack or surprise. Toguard against the latter, each man is every other night onduty. "--_Memoir of Samuel Shaw_, p. 17. ] FORT STIRLING. --The first work laid out on Long Island, as we haveseen, was Fort Stirling, which, in connection with batteries on theNew York side, was designed to command the East River channel. Itsexact site has been a point of dispute. Several writers and oldinhabitants associate the name with the remains of a largefortification which stood at the corner of Henry and Pierrepontstreets as late as 1836. It is clear, however, that this was a workerected by the British during the latter part of the Revolution. General Robertson, acting as Governor of New York in 1780, wrote toLord Germaine, May 18th, that, among other works thrown up to make NewYork more secure against an attack by the Americans, "a large squarefort is built at Brooklyn Heights. "[46] The traveller Smyth, writingin the same year, says, "The town [New York] is entirely commanded bya considerable eminence in Long Island, directly opposite to it, namedBrookland Heights, on which a strong regular fort with four bastionshas lately been erected by the British troops. " This exactly describesthe work in question. [47] The corner of Henry and Pierrepont streets, moreover, being a thousand feet back from the river's edge, could nothave been selected at that time as the site for a strictly waterbattery intended for effective resistance. The fort must be looked fornearer the edge of the bluff, and there we find it. Both the Stilesand the Hessian maps place it directly on the bank of the river--thelatter, a little north of what was then known as the Bamper House, orat about the intersection of Clark and Columbia streets. [48] [Footnote 46: _Documents, Col. Hist. Of New York_, vol. Viii. , p. 792. ] [Footnote 47: The recollections and incidents preserved by Stiles andFurman go to show that this was not an American-built fort. --_Stiles'Brooklyn_, vol. I. , pp. 314, 315. ] [Footnote 48: A return of the batteries around New York, March 24th, describes Fort Stirling as opposite the "Fly Market" in Maiden Lane[_Force_, Fourth Series, vol. V. , p. 480]. Clark, Pineapple, andOrange streets, Brooklyn, can all be called "opposite" Maiden Lane inNew York. The Hessian map puts the fort nearest the line of Clark. ] The fort was a strong inclosed work, mounting eight guns. Ward's menbroke ground for it about the 1st of March, and continued digging, astheir major, Douglas, writes, through "cold, tedious weather, " untilother troops took their place. [49] [Footnote 49: The work, which was to be known as the _Citadel_, was inall probability the "redoubte commencé, " or unfinished fort, indicatedon the Hessian map in the rear and to the south of Fort Stirling. Thesite corresponds with that of the British fort of 1780, corner ofHenry and Pierrepont streets, which was then, as it still is, thehighest point on Brooklyn Heights, and hence the natural position fora citadel or commanding fortification. Stirling, in his letter to thePresident of Congress of March 14, says: "The work [Fort Stirling]first begun on Long Island opposite to this city is almost completed, and the cannon carried over. The grand citadel there will be markedout to-morrow, and will be begun by the inhabitants of King's Countyand Colonel Ward's Regiment. " The list of batteries, March 24th, contains a note to the effect thata citadel covering five acres, called the _Congress_, was to be builtin the rear of Fort Stirling. Major Fish writes, April 9th: "There are_two_ fortifications on Long Island opposite this city, to command theshipping. " One of these was Fort Stirling--the other, undoubtedly, thecitadel then in process of construction. The latter, though not in asfavorable a position for the purpose as the former, could still fireon ships entering the river. The position of these two works, taken in connection with Lee's planof forming an intrenched camp on Long Island, fortified with a chainof redoubts, which, according to one of his letters, were to be threein number, indicates quite clearly that this general intended to holdsimply the heights along the river. The facts fail to bear out thesupposition that the lines, as finally adopted on Long Island, were ofLee's planning. Work on the citadel was probably discontinued, becausehis plan was so much enlarged as to make that fortificationunavailable. ] * * * * * Greene's soldiers, whose experience around Boston had made themveterans, at least in the use of the spade, now went to work to throwup these lines. He reminded them early of the importance of the post, and the necessity of preparation and vigilance. "As the security ofNew York greatly dependeth on this _pass_, " runs his order of May 5th, "while these works are constructing, the general hopes the troops willcarefully forward the same as fast as possible;" and this he followedup with the caution that if any soldier left his work without liberty, he should do fatigue duty for a whole week. Orders from headquartersin New York at the same time directed General Greene to report "allextraordinaries" to the commander-in-chief; the officers at Red Hookand Governor's Island to do the same; and the officer commanding theriflemen on Long Island to "constantly report all extraordinaries toGeneral Greene. " Although no enemy had yet appeared, every regiment inthe army was ordered to mount a picket every evening, to lie on theirarms, and be ready to turn out at a moment's notice. It is possible to follow the troops on Long Island in their routine ofcamp life all through the tedious summer they were to spend on thisground. Digging was the main thing at first, and they had so much ofthis that the officers complained of their inability to keep the menin clothes, they wore them out so fast, and they made themselves sobegrimed with dirt at the trenches, that the allowance of soap wouldnot clean them; all which moved Greene to write to Washington that itwould be no more than "a piece of justice to the troops" to allow thema double quantity of soap. Their encampment, in the rear of the lines, appears to have been a pleasant one. The soldiers lived in bell-shapedtents with board floors, and varied their regulation fare with theproduce of the Dutch farms; with the permission of theirfield-officers they could occasionally cross on a visit to the city. Their general, however, held them closely to duty, and we find inthese early orders the beginnings of that strictness whichsubsequently made him known, with his other soldierly qualities, as athorough disciplinarian. No enemy being near them, the men, when puton guard, perhaps relaxed even ordinary vigilance; but they were soonbrought up sharply by the general, with the direction that every partof camp duty must be done with as much exactness as if the Britishwere in their front, for bad habits once contracted, they are told, "are difficult to get over, and doing duty in a slovenly manner isboth disgraceful and dangerous to officers and men. " They were sure ofbeing watched, too, by Lieutenant-Colonel Cornell, of Hitchcock'sregiment, whose habit of reprimanding the men for every neglect hadwon for him the title of "Old Snarl" throughout the camp;[50] but hissubsequent promotion to offices of responsibility showed that in otherquarters his particular qualities were appreciated. As the warmseason came on, Greene cautioned his soldiers about their health. The"colormen" were to keep the camps clean, and look after the hospitals. Many soldiers being down with fever in July, the general recommends"the strictest attention to the cookery, and that broiling and fryingmeat, so destructive to health, be prohibited;" going into the waterin the heat of the day is also forbidden. A neglect of these mattersat this critical season, Greene continues, "may be attended withdreadful consequences. " [Footnote 50: _Letter from General Greene written at Fort Lee. Mrs. Williams' Life of Olney. _] Occasionally it was found necessary to give the soldiers a sharpreproof for insulting the inhabitants or trespassing on theirproperty. When the complaint was brought to Greene that some of hismen had been stealing watermelons, he promptly issued an order thatsuch practices must be punished. "A few unprincipled rascals, " hesaid, "may ruin the reputation of a whole corps of virtuous men;" andon another occasion he called upon the soldiers to behave themselves"with that decency and respect that became the character of troopsfighting for the preservation of the rights and liberties of America. "Perhaps the offenders found an excuse for their conduct in the Torycharacter of the complainants; but Greene, though no friend himself tosuch people, could never accept this as a provocation to justify abreach of military discipline. The Tory element in the population required other and sternertreatment. [51] It had developed to such an extent in Kings and Queenscounties as to require its suppression by the civil and military powercombined. The refusal of the majority of the voters in Queens to senddelegates to the New York Provincial Convention in 1775 indicated notonly a confidence on their part that the Home Government would succeedin crushing the rebellion, but a secret intention as well to give theBritish troops upon their arrival all the aid and comfort in theirpower. As they provided themselves with arms and the British fleetwith provisions, the Continental Congress took up the matter, orderedthe arrest of the leaders, and dispatched Colonel Heard, of NewJersey, with a regiment of militia to execute the business. Arrestswere made, but the complete suppression of the loyalists here wasnever effected. [Footnote 51: A history of the Tories on Long Island and in NewYork--the trouble they gave in the present campaign, and the measurestaken for their suppression--properly forms a subject by itself. Thescope of the present work admits of but brief allusions to them. However honest this class of the population may have been in takingsides with the British, and whatever sympathy may be expressed forthem in their trials, losses, and enforced dispersion during and atthe end of the war, there was obviously no course left to theAmericans, then in the midst of a deadly struggle, but to treat themas a dangerous and obstructive set. The New York Provincial Congress, in the fall of the year and later, dealt with them unsparingly; and noman wished to see the element rooted out more than John Jay--a fact tobe borne in mind by those who condemn Lee and other American officersfor attempting to banish the Long Island Tories, as a militaryprecaution, in the early part of the year. ] While Lee was in command he saw no solution of the problem other thanto remove the entire Tory population to some other quarter where theycould do less mischief in the event of active operations; butCongress, to the regret of Washington, could not sanction so radical amethod. Greene did his best to root out this element, but we mayimagine that it was uncongenial work, and that he took far moreinterest in the progress of his redoubts than in chasing suspectedpersons on the island. [52] [Footnote 52: What General Greene thought of the Tories, and whattreatment he proposed in certain cases, appears from a report on thesubject signed by Generals Heath, Spencer, Greene, and Stirling, andsubmitted to Washington towards the close of June: "With regard to thedisaffected inhabitants who have lately been apprehended, " say theseofficers, "we think that the method at present adopted by the CountyCommittee, of discharging them on their giving bonds as a security fortheir good behavior, is very improper and ineffectual, and thereforerecommend it to your Excellency to apply to the Congress of thisprovince to take some more effectual method of securing the goodbehavior of those people, and in the mean time that your Excellencywill order the officers in whose custody they are to discharge no moreof them until the sense of the Congress be had thereon. "--_Journals ofthe N. Y. Prov. Congress_, vol. Ii. On this subject Colonel Huntington wrote to Governor Trumbull, June6th, as follows: "Long Island has the greatest proportion of Tories, both of its own growth and of adventitious ones, of any part of thiscolony; from whence some conjecture that the attack is to be made bythat way. It is more likely to be so than not. Notwithstanding thevigilance of our outposts, we are sure there is frequent intercoursebetween the Asia and the shore, and that they have been supplied withfresh meat. New guards have lately been set in suspected places, whichI hope will prevent any further communication. "--_Force_, 4th Series, vol. Vi. , p. 725. ] By the 1st of June the works around Brooklyn appear to have so farprogressed as to admit of the mounting of some of the cannon, and onthe evening of that date the troops were ordered to parade with armsand man the lines. On the 17th the general assigned them to permanentpositions as follows: "Colonel Varnum's regiment is to take Fort Box and the Oblong Redoubt for their alarm-posts--Fort Box, six companies; Oblong Redoubt, two companies. Captain Wolverton's Independent Company[53] to join those in the redoubt, and to receive orders from Colonel Varnum. Colonel Hitchcock's regiment to take Fort Putnam and the fort or redoubt on the left of it for their alarm-posts. Colonel Little's regiment to take Fort Greene for their alarm-posts. " [Footnote 53: This was a company of New Jersey Minute-men from EssexCounty, which had been sent over to Long Island on May 17th. ] To impress his soldiers with his own sense of the great importance ofthe Long Island front, Greene added the determined words: "In case ofan attack, _all these posts are to be defended to the lastextremity_. " And Colonel Little, who had proved his fitness to commandthe post assigned him by his cool and soldierly conduct at BunkerHill, quietly resolved that if the enemy assaulted Fort Greene itshould never be surrendered while he was alive. [54] [Footnote 54: Colonel Little to his son. Doc. No. 9. ] Guards were now stationed at the forts and greater vigilance enjoinedabout the camp. Even as early as May 25th, when the works were stillfar from complete, the orders were strict that none but a generalofficer should be admitted to them without special leave. The lineswere to be manned every morning "between day and sunrise, " and thetroops exercised at parapet firing. The orders of July 1st directedthe commanding officers of the regiments "to make a line round each ofthe forts and fortifications for the troops to begin a fire on theenemy if they attempt to storm the works, and the troops are to betold not to fire sooner than the enemy's arrival at these lines, unless commanded. The line should be about eighty yards from theparapet. " The officers of the guards were to be accountable for everything in the forts, but particularly for the rum lodged there for theuse of the men in time of action. Provisions also were to be suppliedto each alarm-post "in case of siege, " and the water-casks keptconstantly full of fresh water. To assure the effectiveness of themeans of defence, one hundred spears were to be placed in Fort Greene, thirty in the works to the right, twenty in the Oblong Redoubt, fiftyin Fort Putnam, and twenty to the left of it. And so the work went on under Greene's eye, and by the middle ofsummer his troops[55] had inclosed themselves on the Brooklynpeninsula, with lines which, though unfinished, were still of veryrespectable strength. [Footnote 55: It is a somewhat singular fact, indicating perhaps thescantiness of our material heretofore, that none of the local accountsof operations on Long Island mention either Hitchcock's, Varnum's, orLittle's regiments in any connection, whereas these, with Hand's, formed the permanent garrison on that side and threw up the greaterpart of the works. ] * * * * * Recrossing the river to New York, we find the other brigades there atwork as uninterruptedly as Greene's on Long Island. The manywell-known "general orders" issued by the commander-in-chief duringthis season testify to the great amount of fatigue duty performed bythe troops. Washington regretted that the necessity for it left solittle opportunity for drilling and he urged his officers to make themost of what time they had for this purpose. But his chief anxiety wasto have the defences pushed on, and by the middle of June theprincipal works were completed or well under way. The location andnames of these are indicated in the orders and maps of the day. [56]Beginning on the North River side and continuing around the city, theywere as follows: [Footnote 56: In locating the works in New York City, the writerfollows the list of batteries reported March 24th, 1776 (Force, 4thSeries, vol. V. , p. 480); Putnam's order of May 22d, naming theseveral works; Knox's artillery returns of June 10th, giving thenumber of guns in each; and Hills' map of the fortifications, drawn atthe close of the war. The first list shows the works as they stood atabout the time the Boston troops came down, and which Lee had planned. There are alterations and additions in Putnam's and Knox's lists, which are to be followed where they differ from the list of March24th. Although many other works were erected, no names appear to havebeen attached to them, those only being designated which occupied themost important points and were provided with guns and garrisons. The Hills map is indispensable in this connection. John Hills, formerly a British engineer, surveyed the city and island of New Yorkas far as Thirty-fourth Street in 1782, and in 1785 made a careful mapof the same, which John Lozier, Esq. , presented to the Common Councilin 1847. This is still preserved, and is consulted at times forofficial purposes. In addition to giving all the streets, blocks, docks, and squares, Hills added all the works thrown up in and aroundthe city during the Revolution, giving their exact location and shape. Part of the lines have a confused appearance, but they become clear onreferring to the following memorandum on the map: "All the workscolored yellow were erected by the Forces of the United States in1776. Those works colored Orange were erected by Do and repaired bythe British Forces. Those works colored Green were erected by theBritish Forces during the War. " In the map of New York accompanyingthe present work, Hills' "yellow" line has been followed, showing allthe American forts. Their location corresponds precisely with thatwhich Putnam gives, so far as he names them; and by projecting thepresent streets over Hills' plan, it is possible to ascertain wherethey stood in the plan of our modern city. ] GRENADIER BATTERY. --This was a "beautiful" circular battery, situatedon the bank of the North River where it ran out into a well-definedbluff, at the corner of the present Washington and Harrison streets. Captain Abraham Van Dyck's Grenadier Company of New York CityIndependents built it while Lee and Stirling were in command, andreceived the thanks of Washington in general orders for the skilfulmanner in which they had executed their work. The fort mounted twotwelve-pounders and two mortars. The grenadier company was organizedby Stirling a few years before, when he lived in New York, and hewatched the construction of the battery with considerable pride. The_Pennsylvania Gazette_ of May 8th, 1776, contains a letter fromCaptain Van Dyck to Stirling, informing him of the completion of thework, and desiring "the approbation of their former captain. " Stirlingreplied that he had frequently admired the battery, and reflected with"real satisfaction" on the hour when he formed the company. JERSEY BATTERY. --A short distance below, on the line of Reade Street, just west of Greenwich, stood the Jersey Battery--a five-sided work, mounting two twelve and three thirty-two pounders. A line ofintrenchments connected these two batteries, and, extending beyond oneither side, made the position a particularly strong one. Their gunshad the range of the bank up and down the river, and could enfilade anenemy attempting to land in that vicinity. McDOUGALL'S AND THE OYSTER BATTERY. --The works next below on theHudson consisted of two batteries situated on the high ground in therear and to the south of Trinity Church. The one on the bluff near thechurch, or on the line of the present Rector Street, a little east ofGreenwich, was known under Stirling as McDougall's Battery; but thisname does not appear in the return of June 10th, and in its place inthe order of the works we have the "Oyster" Battery. It is possiblethat this was the work a little south of McDougall's, at theintersection of the present Morris and Greenwich streets. Its locationis described by Putnam in May as "behind General Washington'shead-quarters. "[57] It mounted two thirty-two-pounders and threetwelve-pounders. In March, McDougall's Battery was provided with sixguns. [Footnote 57: WASHINGTON'S HEADQUARTERS IN NEW YORK. --This referencecreates some uncertainty as to the particular house occupied byWashington in New York during the first part of the campaign. If thesite of the Oyster Battery were known exactly the house could beidentified. On the other hand, if headquarters, as generally supposed, were at the Kennedy Mansion, No. 1 Broadway, then the battery shouldhave stood still lower down, at the corner of Battery Place andGreenwich Street; but the Grand Battery terminated there, and Hills'map shows no distinct battery at that point. Mr. Lossing states("Field Book of the Rev. , " vol. Ii. , p. 594, n. ) that Washington, onhis first arrival in the city, took up his quarters at 180 Pearl, opposite Cedar Street, his informant being a survivor of theRevolution, and that, on his return from a visit to Philadelphia, June6th, he went to the Kennedy House. That Washington, however, spent thegreater part of the summer at the "Mortier House, " on Richmond Hill, is well known. He was there on June 22d and probably much earlier, asappears in _Force_, 4th Series, vol. Vi. , p. 1157, where one Corbie isdescribed as keeping a tavern "to the south-east of GeneralWashington's house, to the westward of Bayard's woods, and north ofLispenard's meadows. " The house referred to was the Mortier. From Mr. Lossing's informant, and the reference in the orders of August 8th, which speaks of the "old head-quarters on the Broadway, " we mayconclude that Washington first put up at 180 Pearl Street; that if hethen went to the Kennedy House at all, it was but for a short time;that it is more likely, from the position of the batteries, that thehouse he did occupy was one of the two or three next above it; andthat in June he moved his quarters to the Mortier House, where heremained until September 14th, when he went to the Morris Mansion atHarlem Heights. The Kennedy House was Colonel Knox's artilleryheadquarters during part if not all of the time, his wife being withhim there up to July 12th. (_Drake's Life of Knox. _)] FORT GEORGE AND THE GRAND BATTERY. --These works at the lower end ofthe city had been pronounced almost useless by Lee, but as it was ofcourse necessary to include that point in the system of defence theywere repaired and greatly strengthened under Washington. In FortGeorge were mounted two twelve-pounders and four thirty-two-pounders. The walls of the Grand Battery were banked up from within, and mountedthirteen thirty-two-pounders, one twenty-four-pounder, threeeighteen-pounders, two twelve-pounders, one thirteen-inch brassmortar, two eight-inch and one ten-inch iron mortars. WHITEHALL BATTERY. --A small work on the Whitehall dock on the EastRiver, and practically a continuation of the Grand Battery. It carriedtwo thirty-two-pounders. WATERBURY'S BATTERY. --On the dock at the north-east angle of Catherineand Cherry streets, mounting, in June, two twelve-pounders. BADLAM'S REDOUBT. --On the hill above, south of Market and betweenMadison and Monroe streets. It mounted seven guns in March, butappears not to have been occupied later in the season. SPENCER'S REDOUBT. --This was either the horseshoe redoubt at theintersection of Monroe and Rutgers streets, or the larger star redoubtbetween Clinton and Montgomery, east of Henry Street. [58] It mountedtwo twelve-pounders and four field-pieces. [Footnote 58: Spencer's Brigade probably built both works, as it wasstationed in the vicinity of both. Colonel John Trumbull, who was thenSpencer's brigade major, and afterwards in the Canada army, says inthe "Reminiscences" of his own time: "The brigade to which I wasattached was encamped on the (then) beautiful high ground whichsurrounded Colonel Rutgers' seat near Corlear's Hook. "] JONES' HILL. --From Spencer's Redoubt a line of intrenchments extendedaround along the crest of the high land above Corlear's Hook to acircular battery on the northern slope of Jones' Hill, a little northof the intersection of Broome and Pitt streets, and was pierced foreight guns. During Stirling's command it was proposed to call thisfortification "Washington, " but it was known subsequently simply asJones' Hill. From this battery the works continued along the line ofGrand Street to the Bowery, and included two more circularbatteries--one on Grand at the corner of Norfolk Street, and the othernear the corner of Grand and Eldridge streets. BAYARD'S HILL REDOUBT. --Upon this commanding site, west of the Bowery, where Grand and Mulberry streets intersect, was erected a powerfulirregular heptagonal redoubt, mounting eight nine-pounders, four threepounders, and six royal and cohorn mortars. It had the range of thecity on one side and the approach by the Bowery on the other. Lasher'sNew York Independent companies first broke ground for it about the 1stof March, and continued digging there as well as on the redoubt aroundthe hospital until May 16th, when they were relieved, withWashington's "thanks for their masterly manner of executing the workon Bayard's Hill. "[59] In the March return this battery is called the"Independent Battery, " and it also received the name of "Bunker Hill, "which was retained by the British during their occupation; but itsproper name as an American fort was "Bayard's Hill Redoubt, " thishaving been given to it officially in general orders; and it was socalled in letters and orders repeatedly through the summer. [Footnote 59: _Force_, 4th Series, vol. V. , p. 492. Compare, also, Documents 38 and 41. ] THOMPSON'S BATTERY. --This was the name given to the work thrown up atHorn's Hook by Colonel Drake's Westchester minute-men soon after Lee'sarrival. It mounted eight pieces. [60] [Footnote 60: This work stood at the foot of East Eighty-eighthStreet. See Document 41. Some ten years after the war, ArchibaldGracie occupied this site, and it became known as Gracie's Point. Thewriter of a city guide-book in 1807, referring to Mr. Gracie, says:"His superb house and gardens stand upon the very spot called_Hornshook_, upon which a fort erected by the Americans in 1776 stoodtill about the year 1794, when the present proprietor caused theremains of the military works to be levelled, at great expense, anderected on their rocky base his present elegant mansion andappurtenances. "--_The Picture of New York, etc. , 1807, New York. _] GOVERNOR'S ISLAND. --The forts erected on this island were among thestrongest around New York. According to a letter from Colonel Prescottof July 3d, they consisted of a citadel with outworks, and weregarrisoned during the latter part of the summer by Prescott's andNixon's regiments. The works mounted in June four thirty-two and foureighteen pounders. PAULUS OR POWLE'S HOOK. --The point of land on the New Jersey side, opposite the city, and which is now the site in part of Jersey City. Works were commenced here about May 20th, and in June they mountedthree thirty-two-pounders, three twelve-pounders, and twothree-pounder field-pieces. [61] [Footnote 61: The fortifications erected at the upper part of theisland are noticed in Chapter V. Mr. Lossing, it should be said, givesa very full list of the Revolutionary works in and around New York("Field Book of the Rev. , " vol. Ii. , p. 593), from which the list asgiven here, based on Hills' map, differs in several particulars. ] In addition to these, several other redoubts were erected north of thetown, in which no cannon were mounted, and which had no names. Theywere probably thrown up to be ready for occupation in case the enemysucceeded in landing above the city. There was a circular battery atthe corner of Broome and Forsyth streets; another in the middle ofBroadway, opposite White Street; another, of octagonal shape, near thecorner of Spring and Mercer streets; a half-moon battery above this, between Prince and Spring, on the line of Thompson Street; another onthe northwesterly continuation of Richmond Hill, at McDougall andHouston streets; and still another on the river-bank, near thejunction of Christopher and Greenwich streets. The hospital on DuaneStreet was strongly fortified, and breastworks were thrown up atnumerous points between and around the forts. On June 10th the entirenumber of guns fit for service in and around New York was one hundredand twenty-one, thirty-three of which were held as a reserve for fieldservice, "to be run where the enemy shall make their greatestefforts. " The mortars were nineteen in number. As for barricades, the city was full of them. Some were built ofmahogany logs taken from West India cargoes. Not a street leading tothe water on either side that was not obstructed in this manner; sothat, had the enemy been able to gain a footing in the city under thefire of their ships, they would still have found it, to use Lee'sexpression, "a disputable field of battle. " The City Hall Park wasalmost entirely inclosed. There was a barrier across Broadway in frontof St. Paul's Church, another at the head of Vesey Street, and othersat the head of Barclay, Murray, and Warren. On the Park Row or ChathamStreet side a barricade stretched across Beekman Street; another, inthe shape of a right angle, stood in Printing House Square, one faceopposite Spruce Street, the other looking across the Presbyterianchurchyard and Nassau Street;[62] another ran across FrankfortStreet; another at the entrance of Centre Street; and still anothernear it, facing Chatham Street. [Footnote 62: One side of this barricade ran in front of the _Times_, and the other in front of the _Tribune_ building. ] Another element in the defence was a motley little fleet, made up ofschooners, sloops, row-galleys, and whale-boats, and placed under thecommand of Lieutenant-Colonel Benjamin Tupper, [63] who haddistinguished himself by a naval exploit or two in Boston Harborduring the siege. Crews were drafted from the regiments and assignedto the various craft, whose particular mission was to scour the watersalong the New Jersey and Long Island coast, to watch for the Britishfleets, and prevent communication between the Tories and the enemy'sships already lying in the harbor. Tupper, as commodore, appears firstin the sloop Hester as his flag-ship, and later in the season in theLady Washington, while among his fleet were to be found the Spitfire, General Putnam, Shark, and Whiting. The gallant commodore's earliestcruises were made within the Narrows, along the Staten Island shore, and as far down as Sandy Hook, where he attempted the feat ofdestroying the light-house. But he found this structure, which theenemy had occupied since Major Malcom dismantled it in March, a hardpiece of masonry to reduce. He attacked it confidently, June 21st, after demanding its surrender, but retired when he found that anhour's bombardment made no impression upon its walls. [64] He kept agood lookout along these waters, gathered information from deserters, and when reporting on one occasion that the enemy's fleet were shortof provisions and the men reduced to half allowance, he added, withunction, "May God increase their wants!" A little later we meet againwith the adventuresome Tupper and his flotilla. [Footnote 63: This officer was Lieutenant-Colonel of Jonathan Ward'sMassachusetts Regiment, and subsequently became colonel in theMassachusetts Continental Line. ] [Footnote 64: _Force_, 4th Series, vol. Vi. , p. 1011. ] As the soldiers went on with their exacting duties, the monotony ofthe routine was now and then relieved by some diversion or excitement. One day there is "Tory-riding"[65] in the city, in which citizensappear to have figured principally. Then the whole camp is startled bythe report that a "most accursed scheme" had come to light, just "onthe verge of execution, " by which Washington and all his generals wereto have been murdered, the magazines blown up, and the cannon spikedby hired miscreants in the army at the moment the enemy made theirgrand attack upon the city. [66] Again, on the 9th of July, thebrigades are all drawn up on their respective parade-grounds, listento the reading for the first time of the Declaration of Independence, and receive it, as Heath tells us, "with loud huzzas;" and, finally, to celebrate the event, a crowd of citizens, "Liberty Boys, " andsoldiers collect that evening at Bowling Green and pull down thegilded statue of King George, which is then trundled to OliverWolcott's residence at Litchfield, Ct. , for patriotic ladies toconvert into bullets for the American soldiers. [67] [Footnote 65: "_Thursday, 13th June. _--Here in town very unhappy andshocking scenes were exhibited. On Munday night some men called Torieswere carried and hauled about through the streets, with candles forcedto be held by them, or pushed in their faces, and their heads burned;but on Wednesday, in the open day, the scene was by far worse;several, and among them gentlemen, were carried on rails; somestripped naked and dreadfully abused. Some of the generals, andespecially Pudnam and their forces, had enough to do to quell theriot, and make the mob disperse. "--_Pastor Shewkirk's Diary, Doc. 37. _] [Footnote 66: The particulars of this plot need hardly be repeated;indeed, they were never fully known. It was discovered that an attempthad been made to enlist American soldiers into the king's service, whoat the proper time should assist the enemy in their plans. They wereto spike cannon, blow up magazines, and, as at first reported, assassinate our generals; but the latter design seems not to have beenproved, though universally believed. Governor Tryon and MayorMatthews, of the city, were suspected of furthering the plot andfurnishing the funds. Matthews was arrested at Flatbush by a party ofofficers under Colonel Varnum, but the evidence against him wasinsufficient. Among the soldiers implicated was Thomas Hickey, ofWashington's guard, who was tried by court-martial, found guilty ofsedition, mutiny, and correspondence with the enemy, and executed inthe presence of the army on June 28th. Something of the feelingexcited by the discovery of the plot is exhibited in the letter fromSurgeon Eustis of Colonel Knox's regiment (_Document_ 39). This isbetter known as the "Hickey Plot. "] [Footnote 67: The following memorandum, preserved among GovernorWolcott's papers, is of interest in this connection: "An Equestrian Statue of George the Third of Great Britain was erectedin the City of New York on the Bowling Green at the lower end ofBroadway. Most of the materials were _lead_ but richly _gilded_ toresemble gold. At the beginning of the Revolution this statue wasoverthrown. Lead being then scarce and dear, the statue was broken inpieces and the metal transported to Litchfield a place of safety. Theladies of this village converted the Lead into Cartridges for theArmy, of which the following is an account. O. W. Mrs. Marvin, Cartridges 6, 058Ruth Marvin, " 11, 592Laura Wolcott, " 8, 378Mary Ann Wolcott, " 10, 790Frederick " " 936Mrs. Beach, " 1, 802Made by sundry persons " 2, 182Gave Litchfield Militia on alarm, 50Let the Regiment of Col. Wigglesworth have 300 ------ 42, 088 Cartridges. "] * * * * * But now occurred a much more stirring and important event to engagethe attention of the army, and this was the arrival of the enemy. Itwas full time for them to make their appearance. Nearly three monthsand a half had elapsed since the evacuation of Boston; the spring anda whole month of summer had gone; the best season for active movementswas passing rapidly; and unless the British began operations soon, all hope of conquering America "in one campaign" would have to beabandoned. Rumors of their coming took definite shape in the last weekof June, when word reached camp that an American privateer hadcaptured a British transport with more than two hundred Highlanders asprisoners. On the 25th and 26th three or four large ships arrived offSandy Hook, one of which proved to be the Greyhound, with Sir WilliamHowe on board; on the 29th a fleet of forty-five sail anchored off thesame point, and four days later the number had increased to onehundred and thirty. [68] This was the fleet from Halifax with Howe'sBoston veterans. Preparations were made to land them on the LongIsland coast near the Narrows; but on being informed that theAmericans were posted on a ridge of hills not far distant, Howedisembarked his troops opposite on Staten Island, [69] and there wentinto camp to wait the arrival of the reinforcements from England underAdmiral Howe. The middle of July saw these also encamped on theisland, with the fleet increased to nearly three hundred transportsand ships of war. On the 1st of August there was an unexpected arrivalin the shape of the discomfited expedition under Generals Clinton andCornwallis, that was to gain a foothold in the South;[70] and last ofall, on the 12th of August came the British Guards and De Heister'sHessians, after a tedious voyage of thirteen weeks from Spithead, completing Howe's force, and swelling the fleet in the Narrows to morethan four hundred ships. England had never before this sent from hershores a more powerful military and naval armament upon foreignservice. [Footnote 68: "For two or three days past three or four ships havebeen dropping in, and I just now received an express from an officerappointed to keep a lookout on Staten Island, that forty-five arrivedat the Hook to-day--some say more; and I suppose the whole fleet willbe in within a day or two. "--_Washington to Hancock, June 29th. _] [Footnote 69: Extract of a letter from an officer in the Thirty-fifthRegiment at Staten Island, July 9th, 1776: "Our army consisted of 6155effectives, on our embarkation at Halifax; they are now all safelanded here, and our head-quarters are at your late old friend, WillHick's Mansion house. "--_London Chronicle. _] [Footnote 70: The expedition sailed from Cork for the Cape River inNorth Carolina, where Clinton joined it. It was expected that theloyalists in the State would rise in sufficient numbers to give theexpeditionary corps substantial aid; but not over eighteen hundredwere mustered, and these under General McDonald were completelydefeated by the North Carolina Militia under Colonels Caswell andLillington at Moore's Creek Bridge on the 27th of February. Theexpedition then moved against Charleston, S. C. , and there met with thefamous repulse from Colonel Moultrie off Charleston Harbor on the 28thof June. Clinton and Cornwallis after this could do nothing but joinHowe at New York. ] The arrival of the enemy hastened Washington's preparations. Thetroops which Congress had called out to reinforce his army were comingin too slowly, and expresses were sent to governors, assemblies, andcommittees of safety, announcing the appearance of the enemy, andurging in the most pressing terms the instant march of thereinforcements to New York. To his soldiers with him thecommander-in-chief issued both warning and inspiring orders. On the 2dof July, a few days after Howe arrived, he reminded them that the timewas at hand which would probably determine whether Americans were tobe freemen or slaves. "The fate of unborn millions, " he said, "willnow depend, under God, on the courage and conduct of this army. Ourcruel and unrelenting enemy leaves us no choice but a brave resistanceor the most abject submission. This is all we can expect. We have, therefore, to resolve to conquer or die. Our country's honor callsupon us for a vigorous and manly exertion, and if we now shamefullyfail we shall become infamous to the whole world. Let us, therefore, rely upon the goodness of the cause and the aid of the Supreme Being, in whose hands victory is, to animate and encourage us to great andnoble actions. The eyes of all our countrymen are now upon us, and weshall have their blessings and praises, if happily we are theinstruments of saving them from the tyranny meditated against them. . . . Any officer or soldier, or any particular corps, distinguishingthemselves by any acts of bravery and courage, will assuredly meetwith notice and rewards; and, on the other hand, those who behave illwill as certainly be exposed and punished: the general being resolved, as well for the honor and safety of the country as of the army, toshow no favor to such as refuse or neglect their duty at so importanta crisis. " The digging still went on; the troops were ordered to keep their armsin condition for immediate use; the officers cautioned to look afterthe health of their men, as the season was excessively warm andsickly; and every attention to necessary details enjoined. * * * * * In addition to their military and naval commands, the two Howes wereinvested by their government with extraordinary powers as civilcommissioners. They were authorized to issue pardons, and to open upthe question of reconciliation and a peaceable settlement of thetroubles; but their first advances in a civil capacity completelyfailed, though not without furnishing an entertaining episode. On the14th of July they dispatched an officer in a barge with acommunication for General Washington. The barge was detained by one ofCommodore Tupper's boats in the harbor until Washington's pleasure inregard to it could be known. Suspecting, by previous experience atBoston, that Howe would not recognize his military title, Washingtonconsulted a few of his officers in the matter, and it was theunanimous opinion that should the communication be addressed to him asa private individual it could not, with propriety, be received. Colonel Reed, the adjutant-general, and Colonel Knox immediately wentdown the bay and met the British officer. The latter, with hat inhand, bowed politely and said to Colonel Reed, "I have a letter fromLord Howe to Mr. Washington. " "Sir, " replied Reed, "we have no personin our army with that address. " "But will you look at the address?"continued the officer, at the same time taking out of his pocket aletter marked "GEORGE WASHINGTON, ESQ. , NEW YORK. HOWE. " "No, sir, " said Reed, "I cannot receive that letter. " "I am verysorry, " returned the officer, "and so will be Lord Howe, that anyerror in the superscription should prevent the letter being receivedby _General Washington_. " "Why, sir, " replied Reed, whose instructionswere positive not to accept such a communication, "I must obeyorders;" and the officer, finding it useless to press the matter, could only repeat the sentiment, "Oh! yes, sir, you must obey orders, to be sure. " Then, after exchanging letters from prisoners, theofficers saluted and separated. The British barge had gone but a shortdistance when it quickly put about, and the officer asked by whatparticular title Washington chose to be addressed. Colonel Reedreplied, "You are sensible, sir, of the rank of General Washington inour army. " "Yes, sir, we are, " said the officer; "I am sure my LordHowe will lament exceedingly this affair, as the letter is quite of acivil nature, and not of a military one. He laments exceedingly thathe was not here a little sooner. " Reed and Knox supposed this to be anallusion to the Declaration of Independence, but making no reply, theyagain bowed, and parted, as Knox says, "in the most genteel termsimaginable. "[71] [Footnote 71: _Colonel Knox to his wife. _--_Drake's Life of Gen. Knox_, p. 131. ] But Howe was unwilling to have the matter dropped in this fashion, andon the 20th he sent his adjutant-general, Lieutenant-ColonelPatterson, to hold an interview with Washington in person, ifpossible, and urge him to receive the letter and also to treat aboutthe exchange of prisoners. Patterson landed at the Battery, and wasconducted to Colonel Knox's quarters at the Kennedy House, without theusual formality of having his eyes blindfolded. Washington, "veryhandsomely dressed"[72] and making "a most elegant appearance, "received him with his suite, and listened attentively while Patterson, interspersing his words at every other breath with "May it please yourExcellency, " explained the address on the letter by saying that theetc. Etc. Appended meant every thing. "And, indeed, it might mean anything, " replied Washington, as Patterson then proceeded to say, amongother things, that the benevolence of the king had induced him toappoint General and Admiral Howe his commissioners to accommodate theunhappy disputes; that it would give them great pleasure to effectsuch an accommodation, and that he (Colonel Patterson) wished to havethat visit considered as preliminary to so desirable an object. Washington replied that he himself was not vested with any authorityin the case; that it did not appear that Lord Howe could do more thangrant pardons, and that those who had committed no fault wanted nopardons, as they were simply defending what they deemed theirindisputable rights. [73] Further conversation followed, whenPatterson, rising to leave, asked, "Has your Excellency no particularcommands with which you would please to honor me to Lord and GeneralHowe?" "Nothing, " replied Washington, "but my particular complimentsto both;" and, declining to partake of a collation prepared for theoccasion, the British adjutant-general took his departure. Again theking's "commissioners" had failed, and Washington had preserved thedignity of the young nation and his own self-respect as the commanderof its armies. [Footnote 72: "General Washington was very handsomely dressed, andmade a most elegant appearance. Colonel Patterson appeared awe-struck, as if he was before something supernatural. Indeed, I don't wonder atit. He was before a very great man, indeed. "--_Ibid. _ p. 132. ] [Footnote 73: Memorandum of an interview between General Washingtonand Colonel Patterson. --_Sparks' Washington_, vol. Iv. , p. 510. ] An incident, of greater moment as a military affair, and whichdisturbed Washington as much as the Patterson interview must havediverted him, was the easy passage, on the 12th of July, of two of theBritish men-of-war, the Rose and Phoenix, past all the batteries, unharmed, up the North River. Taking advantage of a brisk breeze andrunning tide, the ships with their tenders sailed rapidly up from theNarrows, and to avoid the fire of the batteries as much as possiblekept near the Jersey shore. The American artillerists opened upon themwith all their guns along the river, but could do them no seriousdamage, while by accident, in their haste to load the pieces, six oftheir own gunners were killed. The ships sent many shots into thecity, some crashing through houses but doing no other injury, whilethe roar of the cannon frightened the citizens who had not alreadymoved away, and caused more to go. [74] At the upper end of theisland, around Fort Washington, where the batteries and riverobstructions were as yet incomplete, the ships suffered still lessharm, and sailing by, anchored safely in the broad Tappan Bay above. Their object was to cut off the supplies which came down the river toWashington's army, and, as supposed, to encourage the loyalists in theupper counties and supply them with arms. Washington acknowledged thatthe event showed the weakness and inadequacy of the North River lineof defences, and reported to Congress that it developed a possibleplan of attack by the British upon his rear. Measures were taken toannoy if not destroy the ships, and, on the 3d of August, CommodoreTupper, with four of his sloops and schooners, boldly attacked theenemy, but though, as Washington wrote, "our officers and men, duringthe whole affair, behaved with great spirit and bravery, " neither sidesustained serious damage. On the night of the 16th two fire-rafts weredirected against the ships, which were successful so far as to destroyone of the tenders; and on the 18th the enemy weighed anchor andreturned to the Narrows as readily as they came up. [Footnote 74: On August 17th Washington requested the New YorkConvention to remove the women, children, and infirm persons, as thecity was likely soon to be "the scene of a bloody conflict. " He statedthat when the Rose and Phoenix sailed past, "the shrieks and criesof these poor creatures, running every way with their children, wastruly distressing. " Pastor Shewkirk says: "This affair caused a greatfright in the city. Women and children, and some with their bundles, came from the lower parts and walked to the Bowery, which was linedwith people. "] It was now apparent that the great struggle between the two armiescould be postponed no longer, and no day after the arrival of theHessians passed that the British attack was not looked for. The ordersof August 8th cautioned the men to be at their quarters, "especiallyearly in the morning or upon the tide of flood, " when the enemy'sfleet might be expected, and every preparation was made to resist thelanding of the British at any point upon Manhattan Island. [75] [Footnote 75: Captain Nathan Hale, the "Martyr-spy, " says in a letterof the 20th of August: "Our situation has been such this fortnight ormore as scarce to admit of writing. We have daily expected anaction--by which means, if any one was going, and we had letterswritten, orders were so strict for our tarrying in camp, that we couldrarely get leave to go and deliver them. For about six or eight daysthe enemy have been expected hourly, whenever the wind and tide in theleast favored. "--_Document_ 40. ] Upon Long Island General Greene and his men were still at work on thedefences, and, since the arrival of the enemy, doubly vigilant. Hand'sriflemen kept close watch at the Narrows and reported every suspiciousmovement of the fleet. Word was brought in on the 9th that a largenumber of regulars were drawn up at the Staten Island ferry, andGreene immediately sent around the order for "no officer or soldier tostir from his quarters, that we may be ready to march at a moment'swarning, if necessary. " Upon another alarm, when probably he himselfwas indisposed, he directed Colonel Little, the senior regimentalofficer present, to superintend the disposition of the troops. Hishastily written letter, penned apparently not long after midnight, runs as follows: THURSDAY MORNING [August 8 or 15?] DEAR SIR--By Express from Col Hand and from Red Hook, and from on board the Sloop at Governor's Island it is very evident there was a General Imbarcation of the Troops last evening from Statten Island--doubtless they'l make a dessent this morning. Youl please to order all the troops fit for duty to be at their Alarm posts near an hour sooner than is common--let their flints arms and ammunition be examined and everything held in readiness to defend the works or go upon a detachment. A few minutes past received an Express from Head Quarters. Youl acquaint the Commanding officers of Col Hitchcock's Regiment and Col Forman's Regiment of this, and direct them to observe the same orders, also the Artillery officers. I am ys, N. GREENE. [Addressed to Col. Little. ][76] [Footnote 76: Original in possession of Chas. J. Little, Esq. , Cambridge, Mass. ] Greene had been promoted to the rank of major-general on the 9th, andhis old brigade on Long Island given to Brigadier-General John Nixon, of Massachusetts, who was promoted from a colonelcy at the same time. A new arrangement of the army was effected, and Brigadier-GeneralHeard's brigade of five New Jersey regiments was ordered to LongIsland to reinforce Greene. His division, now consisting of these twobrigades--Nixon's and Heard's--numbered, August 15th, two thousandnine hundred men fit for duty. Parts of two Long Island militiaregiments under Colonels Smith and Remsen which joined him about thisdate, and Colonel Gay's Connecticut levies, who had been on that sidesince the 1st of August, increased this number to something overthirty-five hundred. But Greene was not to be a participator in the approaching scenes. Theprevailing fever which had prostrated so many officers and men seizedhim with all but a fatal hold, and he was obliged to relinquish hiscommand. He clung to it, however, to the last moment in hopes of achange for the better. "I am very sorry, " he wrote to Washington onthe 15th, "that I am under the necessity of acquainting you that I amconfined to my bed with a raging fever. The critical situation ofaffairs makes me the more anxious, but I hope, through the assistanceof Providence, to be able to ride before the presence of the enemy maymake it absolutely necessary;" and he assured the commander-in-chiefthat his men appeared to be "in exceeding good spirits, " and would nodoubt be able to render a very good account of the enemy should theyland on Long Island. On the 16th there was no change for the better inhis condition, but on the contrary Livingston, his aid, reported thathe had "a very bad night of it;" and in a day or two he was removed toNew York, to the house of John Inglis now the intersection of NinthStreet and Broadway where with rest and care he slowly passed thecrisis of his illness. [77] [Footnote 77: _Greene's Life of Greene_, vol. I. ] On the 20th Washington gave orders to General Sullivan, who hadrecently returned from Canada, to take the command upon Long Island, until General Greene's state of health should permit him to resumeit. [78] [Footnote 78: _General Orders, August 20, 1776. _--. . . "GeneralSullivan is to take command upon Long Island till General Greene'sstate of health will permit him to resume it, and Brigadier LordStirling is to take charge of General Sullivan's division till hereturns to it again. "] CHAPTER III. THE TWO ARMIES. Right here, before entering upon the details of the coming struggle, we may delay a moment to glance at the two armies as they lay in theiropposite camps waiting to engage in the serious business before them. What was their composition and organization, what their strength, whotheir officers and leaders? In the case of the American troopsparticularly may these questions be asked, because to them and theirservices the country has long acknowledged its obligations, and so farbound itself to perpetuate their memory. Who were the men who stoodwith Washington in this first and critical year of our nationallife--who came to this vicinity to fight on strange ground for acommon cause? We are called upon to remember them, not as soldierssimply, but as public-spirited citizens arming to secure themselves intheir privileges, or perhaps as ancestors who had a thought for thepeace and happiness of present generations. The original army of the Revolution was that ardent though disjointedbody of provincials which gathered around Boston immediately after theLexington alarm, and came nominally under the command of GeneralArtemas Ward, of Massachusetts. As a military corps it entirely lackedcohesion, as the troops from New Hampshire, Rhode Island, andConnecticut were under independent control, and yielded to GeneralWard's authority only by patriotic consent. The appointment ofWashington as commander-in-chief of all the American forces relievedthis difficulty, and the adoption by Congress of the Boston troops asa Continental army, under the orders and in the pay of Congress, gavethat army more of a military character. But the terms of enlistmentwere short, and it became necessary to reorganize the entire body bynew enlistments for a year's service from the 1st of January, 1776. This force thus recruited was the nucleus of the army which Washingtonmustered at New York in the present campaign. It consisted oftwenty-seven battalions, or "regiments of foot, " as they were styled, each divided into eight companies, and having a maximum strength ofabout six hundred and forty officers and men. With the exception ofthe First Regiment, or Pennsylvania Riflemen, all were from the NewEngland States; and, as already stated, twenty-one of them, after theevacuation of Boston, marched to New York under the command ofGenerals Heath, Spencer, Sullivan, and Greene. This force, diminished by the regiments sent to Canada, was quiteinadequate for the purposes of the campaign, and on the 1st of JuneCongress issued a call for large reinforcements both for the New Yorkarmy and that on the Canada border. For the former thirteen thousandeight hundred troops were voted necessary, and for the latter sixthousand, while in addition it was resolved to establish a "flyingcamp" of ten thousand men, who could be sent wherever needed. Thequota Massachusetts was to furnish for New York was two thousand;Connecticut, five thousand five hundred; New York, three thousand; andNew Jersey, three thousand three hundred. For the flying camp, Pennsylvania was to recruit six thousand; Delaware, six hundred; andMaryland, three thousand four hundred. All these men were to bemilitia or State troops, but to serve under the orders of Congress andin its pay until at least the 1st of December following. The necessity of these calls was impressed upon the country by urgentletters from the President and members of Congress and the leaders ofthe day. "The militia of the United Colonies, " wrote Hancock, "are abody of troops that may be depended upon. To their virtue, theirdelegates in Congress now make the most solemn appeal. They are calledupon to say whether they will live slaves or die freemen. " To thegovernors and State assemblies he added: "On your exertions at thiscritical period, together with those of the other colonies in thecommon cause, the salvation of America now evidently depends. . . . Exert, therefore, every nerve to distinguish yourselves. Quicken yourpreparations, and stimulate the good people of your government, andthere is no danger, notwithstanding the mighty armament with which weare threatened, but you will be able to lead them to victory, toliberty, and to happiness. " But the reinforcements came forwardslowly, and it was not until the enemy had actually arrived that thepeculiar dangers of the situation were appreciated and the militiamenhurried to Washington's assistance at his own pressing call for them. By the 27th of August, his army, which on July 13th numbered a littleover ten thousand men fit for duty, had been increased in theaggregate to twenty-eight thousand; but so many were on the sick listduring this month, that he could muster not quite twenty thousandeffectives, officers and men, at the opening of active operations. To this force the State of New York contributed thirteen regiments. Ofher Continental battalions then in the service, three were in theNorthern department under Schuyler, part of another in the Highlands, and two, commanded by Colonels Alexander McDougall and RudolphRitzema, here with Washington, both of which were largely recruitedfrom New York City. McDougall, colonel of the first battalion, hadidentified himself early with the liberty party in the city, became amember of the Provincial Congress, and by his zealous and energeticefforts in both his civil and military capacity contributed muchtowards preserving the honor and interests of the colony in thepresent crisis. In August he was promoted to the rank ofbrigadier-general in the Continental army, and rose to the grade ofmajor-general before the close of the war. Nine of the other regimentsfrom this State, chiefly militia, formed two brigades underBrigadier-Generals John Morin Scott and George Clinton. In Scott'scommand were two battalions which were credited to and represented thecity distinctively. The oldest and largest was the "First IndependentBattalion, " commanded by Colonel John Lasher, remembered as one of thesubstantial citizens of the place. A man of property and influence, with a taste for military affairs and evidently popular, he had beenelected colonel of the Independent Companies during the colonialrégime, and now, with most of his officers and men, had taken up theContinental cause. [79] The battalion was a favorite corps, composed ofyoung men of respectability and wealth, and when on parade wasdoubtless the attraction of the city. Its companies bore separatenames, and the uniform of each had some distinguishing feature. Therewere the "Prussian Blues, " under Captain James Alner; the "OswegoRangers, " under Captain John J. Roosevelt; the "Rangers, " underCaptain James Abeel; the "Fusileers, " under Captain Henry G. Livingston; the "Hearts of Oak, " under Captain John Berrian; the"Grenadiers, " under Captain Abraham Van Dyck; the "Light Infantry, "under Captain William W. Gilbert; the "Sportsmen, " under CaptainAbraham A. Van Wyck; the "German Fusileers, " under Captain WilliamLeonard; the "Light Horse, " under Captain Abraham P. Lott; and the"Artillery, " under Captain Samuel Tudor. As reorganized in the summerof 1776, the regiment had for its field officers Colonel John Lasher, Lieutenant-Colonel Andrew Stockholm, and Major James Abeel. The SecondNew York City Battalion was originally commanded by Colonel WilliamHeyer, and among its companies were the "Brown Buffs, " "Rifles, ""Grenadiers, " "Hussars, " and "Scotsmen, " the latter of whom werecommanded by Captain Robert Smith, of New York, who, after doing goodservice at various times during the war, settled in Philadelphia, where for nearly half a century after he filled offices of public andprivate trust. [80] In 1776, in the reappointment of field officers, William Malcom, formerly first major, became colonel; IsaacStoutenburgh, lieutenant-colonel; and James Alner, major. [81] The tworemaining regiments of Scott's brigade were commanded by ColonelSamuel Drake, of Westchester, and Colonel Cornelius Humphrey, ofDutchess County. Scott himself was a man of the highest public spirit. A history of the progress of the revolutionary sentiment in the Colonyof New York would be incomplete without a record of his career. Anable lawyer and speaker, he early resisted the pretentions andarbitrary policy of the home government, and when war becameinevitable, he spared no energy to provide for the crisis. In 1775 and1776 he was one of the most active and useful members of theProvincial Congress and the Committee of Safety. "Nothing from theother side of the water, " he wrote to a friend in November, 1775, "buta fearful looking for of wrath. But let us be prepared for the worst. Who can prize life without liberty? It is a bauble only fit to bethrown away. " He served through the present campaign, and thencontinued in the public service as Secretary of the State of New Yorkand afterwards member of the Continental Congress. [Footnote 79: In a letter to Peter Van Schaack, dated New York, February 23d, 1776, Fred. Rhinelander says: "We are going to raise anew battalion; Colonel Lasher and Gouverneur Morris are candidates forthe command. As both the gentlemen have great merit, it is hard totell which will succeed. " The reference here is probably to a planformed by private citizens in New York to raise a battalion of fifteenhundred men for nine months, on condition that the projectors couldappoint the officers. This being refused by the Provincial Congressthe plan was abandoned. --_Life of G. Morris_, vol. I. P. 89, n. ] [Footnote 80: See Biographical Sketches, Part II. ] [Footnote 81: The New York Congress voted that the City and County ofNew York should furnish twelve hundred men as their quota of the threethousand recently called for, and these were to consist of "the twoindependent battalions. " They were composed of ten companies each, which, however, never reached their maximum strength. In SeptemberLasher's total was 510; Malcom's, 297. ] Two other acquisitions to the army in this campaign were the brothersJames and George Clinton, of Ulster County, N. Y. , both destined to beprominent characters in the Revolution. James Clinton, as colonel ofone of the Continental regiments, superintended the construction offortifications in the Highlands, and in August was promoted to therank of brigadier-general in the Continental service. George wasmember of Congress, and after voting for the Declaration ofIndependence returned to command a militia brigade which the Statecalled out during the summer, and which joined Washington's army justbefore the battle of Long Island. These troops were commanded byColonel Levi Paulding, of Ulster County; Colonels Morris Graham andJames Swartwout, of Dutchess; Colonel Isaac Nichol, of Orange; andColonel Thomas Thomas, of Westchester. Before this, in November, 1775, an attempt was made to raise three regiments of militia in New YorkCity to be commanded respectively by Henry Remsen, John Jay, andAbraham P. Lott; but the enlistment of men into other corps made itimpossible to organize them. [82] In this campaign, too, we first meetwith young officers from this State who subsequently rose todistinction in the service. Here Alexander Hamilton appears; and weread that upon the certificate of Captain Stephen Badlam, that he hadexamined Hamilton and found him qualified for a command, the New YorkConvention appointed him, March 14th, Captain of the "ProvincialCompany of Artillery of the Colony. " Among others were Lieutenant-ColonelHenry B. Livingston, Majors Nicholas Fish and Richard Platt, and HughHughes, teacher of a classical school, who, as assistantQuartermaster-General, rendered, at least on one occasion, a mostimportant service to the army. [Footnote 82: Lewis Morris, one of the Signers of the Declaration, wasappointed brigadier-general of the Westchester County militia, but heremained in Congress until later in the fall, when he took the fieldfor a short time with New York militia in the Highlands. ] Long Island was represented in the New York quota by two regiments ofmilitia and two small companies of "troop. " The Suffolk Countyregiment, at the eastern end, was commanded by Colonel Josiah Smith, of South Haven parish, and that from King's County by Colonel RutgertVan Brunt. But the militia, especially in disaffected Kings and Queenscounties, could be mustered, as volunteers, with difficulty; and earlyin August the New York Provincial Congress ordered a draft to be madefrom these counties, and the troops so raised to be commanded byColonel Jeronimus Remsen, of Queens, with Nicholas Cowenhoven, ofKings, for lieutenant-colonel, and Richard Thorne, of Queens, formajor. Colonel Smith's lieutenant-colonel at this time was John Sands, and his major, Abraham Remsen. The two regiments--Smith's andRemsen's--did not report to Greene until August 15th and after, andmustered together probably less than five hundred men. The troopers, not over fifty in all, were a few horsemen from Brooklyn under CaptainAdolph Waldron and Lieutenant William Boerum; and others, representingKing's County, under Captain Lambert Suydam. About the middle ofAugust, Nathaniel Woodhull, of Mastic, brigadier-general of the LongIsland militia, and now President of the State Convention, droppinghis civil functions, repaired to the Island to render whatever aid thesituation might demand. A man of the purest motives and capable ofdoing good service, an unhappy, although a soldier's fate, awaitedhim. New Jersey at the outbreak of the war met an obstacle to heartyco-operation with the other colonies in the conduct of WilliamFranklin, her royal governor. Little sympathy had he with therevolutionary movement, and his influence was powerful in keeping menout of it, until the aroused State legislature ordered his arrest. InWilliam Livingston, her new governor, New Jersey found a patriot andcivil leader of the right stamp for the emergency. Part of the year heacted in a military capacity, and directed the movements of themilitia in the vicinity of Amboy and Elizabeth. As the Tory elementwas very considerable here, the State found the same difficultyexperienced by New York in raising troops for the army; but shefurnished a good proportion. Her three Continental regiments underColonels Dayton, Maxwell, and Winds, were in the Canada army duringthe present campaign. In the spring and summer the State sent severaldetachments of militia, under Lieutenant-Colonels Ward and Cadmus andother officers, to assist in fortifying New York. In answer to thelast call of Congress, the legislature voted to raise a brigade offive battalions, to be known as "new levies, " to serve until December1st, and to each man that would enlist a bounty of three pounds wasoffered. The command of the brigade was given to Colonel NathanielHeard, of Woodbridge, now promoted to a State brigadier. The colonelswere Philip Van Cortland, whose regiment was recruited in Bergen, Essex, and Burlington counties; David Forman, with four companies fromMiddlesex and four from Monmouth; Ephraim Martin, with four fromMorris and four from Sussex; Philip Johnston, with three from Somersetand five from Hunterdon; and Silas Newcomb, with men from Salem, Gloucester, Burlington, and Cumberland. In September the commandnumbered seventeen hundred and sixty-two enlisted men, and one hundredand sixty officers. [83] We shall find these troops figuring in themovements on Long Island. [Footnote 83: _List of the Officers and Men from New Jersey who servedin the Revolution. _ By Adjutant-General W. S. Stryker. ] Pennsylvania was well represented in this campaign. Her troopsparticipated in nearly every engagement, and had the opportunity inmore than one instance of acquitting themselves with honor. Besidesher large body of "associators, " or home guards, many of whom marchedinto New Jersey, the State sent four Continental regiments underColonels Wayne, St. Clair, Irvine, and De Haas, to Canada, and eightother battalions, three of them Continental, to the army at New York. Of these, the oldest was commanded by Colonel Edward Hand, ofLancaster. It was the first of the Continental establishment, where itwas known as the "rifle" corps. Enlisting in 1775, under ColonelThompson, it joined the army at the siege of Boston, re-enlisted forthe war under Colonel Hand in 1776, and fought all along the Continentfrom Massachusetts to South Carolina, not disbanding until the peacewas signed in 1783. Hand himself, a native of Ireland, and, like manyothers in the service, a physician by profession, had served in theBritish army, was recognized as a superior officer, and we find himclosing his career as Washington's adjutant-general and personalfriend. The two other regiments, raised on the Continental basis, werecommanded by Colonels Robert Magaw, formerly major of Thompson'sregiment, and John Shee, of Philadelphia. The remaining battalionswere distinctively State troops, and formed part of the State's quotafor the Flying Camp. Colonel Samuel Miles, subsequently mayor ofPhiladelphia, commanded what was known as the First Regiment ofRiflemen. Unlike any other corps, it was divided into two battalions, which on their enlistment in March aggregated five hundred men each. The lieutenant-colonel of the first was Piper; of the second, JohnBrodhead. The majors were Paton and Williams. Another corps was knownas the First Regiment of Pennsylvania Musketry, under Colonel SamuelJohn Atlee, of Lancaster County, originally five hundred strong, andrecruited in Chester and the Piquea Valley. Atlee had been a soldierin his youth in the frontier service, afterwards studied law, and in1775 was active in drilling companies for the war. Mercer, who knew agood soldier when he met him, wrote to Washington that Atlee wasworthy his regard as an officer of "experience and attention, " and hisfine conduct on Long Island proved his title to this word ofcommendation from his superior. How much of a man and soldier he hadin his lieutenant-colonel, Caleb Parry, the events of August 27th willbear witness. The three other battalions were incomplete. Two werecomposed of Berks County militia, under Lieutenant-Colonels NicholasLutz and Peter Kachlein. Lutz's major was Edward Burd, and theircolonel was Henry Haller, of Reading, who did not join the army untilafter the opening of the campaign. Another detachment consisted ofpart of Colonel James Cunningham's Lancaster County militiamen, underMajor William Hay. [Illustration: [signature: Edw. Hand] COLONEL FIRST REGIMENT OF FOOT (PENN RIFLEMEN). BRIGADIER GENERAL 1777 Steel Engr. F. Von Egloffstein N. Y. ] Delaware furnished more than her proportion to the flying camp. The"Lower Counties, " as this little State had been known in colonialtimes, had shown no haste to break with the mother country. Her peoplewere chiefly farmers of a peaceable disposition, who used herbs fortea and felt no weight of oppression. But Delaware had herpublic-spirited men, who, when the crisis came, felt that the"counties" must take their place by the side of the colonies in thepending conflict. Among these were Thomas MacKean and Cæsar Rodney. Rodney's right-hand man in his patriotic efforts was John Haslet, bornin Ireland, once a Presbyterian minister, now a physician in Dover, "tall, athletic, of generous and ardent feelings. " The news of theadoption of the Declaration of Independence Haslet celebrated with "aturtle feast;" and he did more. Already he had begun to raise aregiment for the field, and five weeks before the opening battle itleft Dover eight hundred strong, composed of some of the best bloodand sinew Delaware had to offer. [84] [Footnote 84: _Delaware's Revolutionary Soldiers. _ By William G. Whiteley, Esq. , 1875. ] Maryland raised as her contingent for this campaign four regiments andseven independent companies; but of these, Smallwood's battalionand four of the companies alone had joined the army when hostilitiescommenced. Though forming part of the State's quota for the flyingcamp, this was far from being a hastily-collected force. It standsupon record that while Massachusetts was preparing for the contest inthe earlier days, there were men along the Chesapeake and the Potomacwho took the alarm with their northern brethren. Mordecai Gist, Esq. , of "Baltimore town, " was among the first to snuff the coming storm, and the first to act, for he tells us that as early as December, 1774, at the expense of his time and hazard of his business, he organized "acompany composed of men of honor, family, and fortune, " to be readyfor any emergency. The Lexington news, four months later, found thebest part of Maryland ready to arm. In Baltimore, William Buchanan, lieutenant of the county, collected a body of the older citizens forhome defence, while their unmarried sons and others organizedthemselves into two more companies, donned "an excellent scarletuniform, " and chose Gist for their leader. When the State called fortroops at large many of these young men responded, and in the springof 1776 made up three companies, which, with six other companies thatgathered at Annapolis from the surrounding country, formed the firstMaryland battalion of "State regulars. " William Smallwood, living onthe banks of the Potomac, in Charles County, was chosen colonel;Francis Ware, lieutenant-colonel; and Mordecai Gist, first major. Onthe day it left for the field, July 10th, it numbered, inclusive ofCaptain Edward Veazey's large independent company from the EasternShore, seven hundred and fifty men. The State sent no better materialinto the service. Without cares, patriotic, well drilled, well led, priding themselves in their soldierly appearance, both officers andmen were a notable and much needed acquisition to Washington's army. Men from Virginia, too, were to take an active part in this campaign, but not until after it had opened. The State had nine regimentsorganized for service, five of which, under Colonels Weedon, Reed, Scott, Elliott and Buckner, joined the army during the fall. Therewere several Virginia officers on the ground, however, as early asJuly and August, one of whom was a host in himself. This was GeneralHugh Mercer, who had been a surgeon in the Pretender's army on thefield of Culloden; who afterward coming to America figured as avolunteer in Braddock's defeat, and then settled down to practice as aphysician in Fredericksburg. Appointed a Continental Brigadier, Washington intrusted him with the important command of the New Jerseyfront, where he kept a constant watch along the shore opposite StatenIsland. He had at various times from three to six thousand troopsunder him, composed of Pennsylvania and New Jersey home guards andmilitia, but which were never enrolled as a part of Washington'sarmy. [85] [Footnote 85: Durkee's Continentals garrisoned Powle's Hook, andBradley's Connecticut regiment was at Bergen, both being returned onWashington's rolls, but otherwise under Mercer's orders. ] From New England, as we have seen, came the troops sent on from Bostonby Washington, which formed the nucleus or basis of the force gatheredat New York. These were all Continental or established regiments, andwere reinforced from this section during the summer by militia andState troops. Massachusetts furnished the Continental battalions commanded byColonels William Prescott, of Pepperell; John Glover, of Marblehead;Moses Little, of Newburyport; John Nixon, of Framingham; JonathanWard, of Southboro; Israel Hutchinson, of Salem; Ebenezer Learned, ofOxford; Loammi Baldwin, of Woburn; John Bailey, of Hanover; PaulDudley Sargent, of Gloucester, and Joseph Read. In August, Brigadier-General John Fellows, of Sheffield, brought down threeregiments of militia under Colonels Jonathan Holman, of WorcesterCounty, Jonathan Smith, of Berkshire, and Simeon Cary, with men fromPlymouth and Bristol counties. The State also sent the only artilleryregiment[86] then in the service, under Colonel Henry Knox, of Boston. [Footnote 86: At New York, the artillery was increased by CaptainAlexander Hamilton's company, and soldiers were detached from theseveral regiments to act as gunners in consequence of Knox's inabilityto furnish enough from his own regiment to man all the points. ] Many of these officers named had already made something of a recordfor themselves. Prescott will be forever associated with Bunker Hill. With him there were Nixon, who was severely wounded, Ward, Little, Sargent, and not a few of the officers and men who were here in thepresent campaign. Many of them were representative citizens. Little, of Newburyport, whose name we have seen associated with the defencesof Long Island, had been surveyor of the king's lands, owned largetracts in his own right, and was widely known as a man of characterand influence. As an officer he was distinguished for his judgment andgreat self-possession in the field. His lieutenant-colonel, WilliamHenshaw, of Leicester, belonged to the line of Henshaws whose ancestorhad fallen in the English Revolution in defence of popular rights andprivileges. A man of the old type, with cocked hat and provincialdress, modest and brave, he writes home to his wife one day that hefinds it difficult to stop profanity among the troops; another day hehopes his children are improving in all the graces; and then he isheard of in the heat of some engagement. He was the firstadjutant-general of the provincial army around Boston in 1775, andserved in that capacity with the rank of colonel until relieved byGeneral Gates. The services rendered by Colonel and afterwards GeneralGlover in this as well as in other campaigns is a well-known record. Learned and Nixon became Continental brigadiers. Shepherd, Brooks, Jackson, Winthrop Sargent, and many other officers from this State, distinguished themselves in the later years of the Revolution. Butperhaps no man proved his worth more in this campaign than ColonelRufus Putnam, of Brookfield, Washington's chief engineer. He succeededColonel Gridley at Boston; and at New York, where engineering skill ofa high order was demanded in the planning and construction of theworks, he showed himself equal to the occasion. That Washington put ahigh estimate on his services, appears from more than one of hisletters. [87] [Footnote 87: Document 43, Part II. , contains interesting andimportant extracts from Colonel Putnam's Journal, now published forthe first time. ] Rhode Island at this time had two regiments in the field. In 1775 theywere around Boston; in 1776 they were here again with thearmy--Varnum's Ninth and Hitchcock's Eleventh Continentals. A thirdregiment from this State, under Colonel Lippett, did not join the armyuntil September. Varnum and Hitchcock were rising young lawyers ofProvidence, the former a graduate of Brown University, the latter ofYale. Hitchcock's lieutenant-colonel was Ezekiel Cornell, of Scituate, who subsequently served in Congress and became commissary-general ofthe army. Greene, Varnum, Hitchcock, and Cornell were among thoseRhode Islanders who early resisted the pretensions of the BritishMinistry. In the discipline and soldierly bearing of these tworegiments Greene took special pride, and not a few of their officerssubsequently earned an honorable reputation. Varnum was created abrigadier; Hitchcock, as will be seen, closed his career as asacrifice to the cause; Colonels Crary and Angell and the Olneysserved with the highest credit; and the men of the regiments, many ofthem, fought through the war to the Yorktown surrender. In proportion to her population, no State contributed more men to thearmy in 1776 than Connecticut, nor were all ranks of society morefully represented. Fortunately the State had in Trumbull, itsgovernor, just the executive officer which the times demanded. A manof character and ability, greatly respected, prompt, zealous, ardentin the cause, his words and calls upon the people were seldomunheeded; and the people were generally as patriotic as theirgovernor. In the present crisis Connecticut sent to New York sixContinental battalions, seven of "new levies, " and twelve of militia. Her Continentals were commanded by Colonels Samuel Holden Parsons, [88]of Lyme; Jedediah Huntington, of Lebanon; Samuel Wyllys, of Hartford;Charles Webb, of Stamford; John Durkee, of Bean Hill, near Norwich;and Andrew Ward, [89] of Guilford. The "levies" were the troops raisedin answer to the last call of Congress, and were commanded by ColonelsGold Selleck Silliman, of Fairfield; Phillip Burr Bradley, ofRidgefield; William Douglas, of Northford; Fisher Gay, of Farmington;Samuel Selden, of Hadlyme; John Chester, of Wethersfield; and ComfortSage, of Middletown. Among these names will be recognized many whichrepresented some of the oldest and best families in the State. Wyllyswas a descendant of one of the founders of Hartford. His father heldthe office of Secretary of State for sixty-one years; his grandfatherhad held it before that, and after the Revolution the honor fell tothe colonel himself. The three held the office in succession forninety-eight years. Three members of this family, which is nowextinct, were in the army during this campaign, and two served withhonor through the war. From Lebanon came Colonel Jedediah Huntingtonand his two brothers, Captains Joshua and Ebenezer. They were sons ofJabez Huntington, who like Trumbull was a type of the patrioticcitizen of the Revolution. Although his business and property, as aWest India merchant, would be greatly endangered if not ruined by thewar, he and his family cheerfully ignored their personal interests intheir devotion to the common cause. The three brothers and theirbrother-in-law, Colonel John Chester, served through the presentcampaign as they had in the previous one, and two of them, Jedediahand Ebenezer, fought to the end of the struggle. Parsons, whosubsequently rose to the rank of a Continental major-general, Wyllysand Webb, were among those who pledged their individual credit tocarry out the successful enterprise against Ticonderoga in 1775. Inhis section of the State few men were more influential than ColonelSilliman, of Fairfield, where, before the war, he had held the officeof king's attorney. After the present campaign, in the course of whichhe was more than once engaged with the enemy, he was appointed a Statebrigadier, rendered further service during the British forays intoConnecticut, and marched with troops to the Hudson Highlands uponBurgoyne's approach from Canada. Colonel Douglas, of Northford, engaged heart and hand in the struggle. Joining Montgomery's commandin 1775, he served in the flotilla on Lake Champlain, and wassubsequently appointed commodore by Congress; but accepting acolonelcy of Connecticut levies he marched to New York in 1776, afterfirst advancing the funds to equip his regiment. With Silliman heenjoyed the confidence and good opinion of the commander-in-chief, andboth were appointed to command regiments to be raised for theConnecticut Continental Line. Another of those citizen-soldiers whocame from the substantial element in the population was ColonelSelden. A descendant of the Seldens who were among the first settlersin the Connecticut Valley, fifty years of age, possessing a largeestate, incapacitated for severe military duty, the father of twelvechildren, he nevertheless answered the governor's call for troops, andjoined the army at New York, from which he was destined not to return. Durkee, Knowlton, Hull, Sherman, Grosvenor, Bradley, afterwards aContinental colonel, and many others, were men from Connecticut, whogave the country their best services. The militia regiments from thisState turned out at the governor's call upon the arrival of the enemy. Of the fourteen he designated to march, twelve reported at New Yorkbefore August 27th, each averaging three hundred and fifty men, withOliver Wolcott as their brigadier-general, [90] than whom no man inConnecticut had done more to further the public interests of both theState and the nation. Signing the Declaration in 1776, he was to befound in the following year fighting Burgoyne in the field, andafterwards constantly active in a military or civil capacity until thesuccess of the cause was assured. [Footnote 88: On his promotion to a brigadier-generalship in August, Parsons was succeeded by his lieutenant-colonel, John Tyler. ] [Footnote 89: This was the same officer who came down with Lee in thespring. When his regiment returned home he was put in command ofanother raised on the continental basis. He joined the army in August, but did not cross to Long Island. ] [Footnote 90: The original letter from Trumbull to Wolcott, among thelatter's papers, informing him of his appointment, states that thefourteen regiments had been called out upon "the most pressingapplication of General Washington. " The governor adds: "Having formedraised expectations of your disposition and ability to serve yourcountry in this most important crisis, on which the fate of Americaseems so much to depend, I trust you will cheerfully undertake theservice, " etc. General Wolcott proceeded at once to New York, and waswith the militia in the city during the fighting on Long Island, andfor some time after. As to the number of the regiments that came down, see Colonel Douglas' letter of August 23d (Document 22), where he saystwelve were on the parade the day before. ] * * * * * Pass these men in review, and we have before us not a small proportionof those "fathers" of the Revolution, to whose exertions andsacrifices America owes her independence. It was a crude, unmilitaryhost, strong only as a body of volunteers determined to resist aninvasion of their soil. Here and there was an officer or soldier whohad served in previous wars, but the great mass knew nothing of war. The Continental or established regiments formed much less than halfthe army, and some of these were without experience or discipline;very few had been tested under fire. As to arms, they carried allsorts--old flint-locks, fowling-pieces, rifles, and occasionally goodEnglish muskets captured by privateers from the enemy's transports. Not all had bayonets or equipments. Uniforms were the exception; evenmany of the Continentals were dressed in citizens' clothes. [91] Themilitiamen, hurriedly leaving their farms and affairs, came down inhomespun, while some of the State troops raised earlier in the springappeared in marked contrast to them, both in dress and discipline. Smallwood's Marylanders attracted attention with their showy scarletand buff coats. The Delawares, with their blue uniform, were so nearlylike the Hessians as to be mistaken for them in the field. Miles'Pennsylvanians wore black hunting shirts; and Lasher's New Yorkbattalion perhaps appeared, in the various uniforms of gray, blue andgreen worn by the independent companies. The general and regimentalofficers in the army were distinguished by different-colored cockadesand sashes. For regimental colors, each battalion appears to havecarried those of its own design. One of the flags captured by theHessians on Long Island was reported by a Hessian officer to have beena red damask standard, bearing the word "Liberty" in its centre. Colonel Joseph Read's Massachusetts Continentals carried a flag with alight buff ground, on which there was the device of a pine-tree andIndian-corn, emblematical of New-England fields. Two officers wererepresented in the uniform of the regiment, one of whom, with bloodstreaming from a wound in his breast, pointed to children under thepine, with the words, "For posterity I bleed. "[92] [Footnote 91: When it was proposed to put the Boston army on the newContinental basis on January 1st, 1776, Washington evidently hoped tohave it all uniformed. Thus his orders of December 11th, 1775, read:"As uniformity and decency in dress are essentially necessary in theappearance and regularity of an army, his Excellency recommends itearnestly to the officers to put themselves in a proper uniform. . . . The general by no means recommends or desires officers to run intocostly or expensive regimentals; no matter how plain or coarse, sothat they are but uniform in their color, cut, and fashion. Theofficers belonging to those regiments whose uniforms are not yet fixedupon had better delay making their regimentals until they are. " Theorders of January 5th, 1776, say: "The regimentals, which have beenmade up, and drawn for, may be delivered to the respective Colonels, by the Quartermaster-General, to the order of those Colonels, who drewthem at such prices as they have cost the continent, which is muchcheaper than could otherwise be obtained. As nothing adds more to theappearance of a man than dress, and a proper degree of cleanliness inhis person, the General hopes and expects that each regiment willcontend for the most soldierlike appearance. " These "regimentals" wereof a brown color. That Little's and Hitchcock's men, or most of them, were in uniform when they came to New York, appears from GeneralGreene's Providence order of April 4th (_ante_, p. 62). A descriptionof the colors of Colonel Joseph Read's Massachusetts Continentalregiment refers to the "uniform of the regiment;" so doubtless most ofthe Boston army was in uniform. But whether they were kept suppliedwith uniforms may be doubted. The men wore out their clothes fastwhile throwing up the works, and Washington speaks of the "difficultyand expense" of providing new ones. (Orders, July 24th, 1776. ) At thisdate he does not insist on uniforms, but recommends the adoption ofthe hunting shirt and breeches as a cheap and convenient dress, and asone which might have its terrors for the enemy, who imagined thatevery rebel so dressed was "a complete marksman. " A valuable articleon "The Uniforms of the American Army" may be found in the _Magazineof American History_, for August, 1877, by Professor Asa Bird Gardner, of the West Point Military Academy. ] [Footnote 92: _Force_, 5th Series, vol. Ii. , p. 244. ] Had this force acquired the discipline and been hardened by theservice which made Washington's troops later in the war a most trustyand effective body, the campaign of 1776 would have shown anotherrecord. But not the less are we to respect it, with all its failingsand defeats. If not all the men were "patriots;" if some lost faith inthe cause; if others deserted it entirely and joined the enemy; ifsome entered the army from mercenary motives and proved cravens in thefield; if still others who were honest enough in their intentions werefound to be wretched material for the making of good soldiers--thiswas only the common experience of all popular struggles. As a body, itfairly represented the colonists in arms; and as an army, it did itsshare in bringing about the final grand result. * * * * * To recapitulate: Washington's army, at the opening of the campaign onAugust 27th, consisted of seventy-one regiments or parts of regiments, twenty-five of which were Continental, aggregating in round numberstwenty-eight thousand five hundred officers and men. Of these, Massachusetts furnished seven thousand three hundred; Rhode Island, eight hundred; Connecticut, nine thousand seven hundred; New York, four thousand five hundred; New Jersey, one thousand five hundred;Pennsylvania, three thousand one hundred; Delaware, eight hundred; andMaryland, nine hundred. Between eight and nine thousand were on thesick-list or not available for duty, leaving on the rolls not far fromnineteen thousand effectives, most of them levies and militia, on theday of the battle of Long Island. [93] As officered and brigaded atthis date the army stood as follows: [Footnote 93: The last official return of the army before the battle, published in _Force's Archives_, bears date of August 3d; the nextabout September 12th. The latter is the proper basis for making anestimate of the numbers for August 27th, as it includes all theregiments except Haslet's known to be then present, and no more. OnSeptember 12th the total of rank and file on the rolls, not includingthe absent sick, was 24, 100. To these add 1800 commissioned officersand 2500 sergeants, drums and fifes, and the total strength is 28, 400. On the same date, rank and file, _fit for duty_, numbered 14, 700. Addto these 1000 lost on Long Island and 3500 officers, sergeants, drumsand fifes fit for duty, and we have, all told, between 19, 000 and20, 000 effectives on August 27th; and these figures correspond withWashington's statement of September 2d: "Our number of men at presentfit for duty is under 20, 000. " The army suffered greatly from sicknessduring August and September. General Heath writes in his _Memoirs_, under date of August 8th: "The number of sick amounted to near 10, 000;nor was it possible to find proper hospitals or proper necessaries forthem. In almost every farm, stable, shed, and even under the fencesand bushes, were the sick to be seen, whose countenances were but anindex of the dejection of spirit and the distress they endured. " Onthe 4th of August, Colonel Parsons wrote to Colonel Little: "My Doctorand Mate are sick. I have near Two Hundred men sick in Camp; myneighbours are in very little better state. " And he asks Little toconsent to his surgeon's mate remaining with him until his ownsurgeons were better. [MS. Letter in possession of Charles J. Little, Esq. ]] GEORGE WASHINGTON, COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF. AIDES-DE-CAMP. _Colonel_ William Grayson, of Virginia; _Lieutenant-Colonel_ RichardCary, Jr. , of Massachusetts; _Lieutenant-Colonel_ Samuel B. Webb, ofConnecticut; _Lieutenant_ Tench Tilghman, of Pennsylvania. SECRETARY. _Lieutenant-Colonel_ Robert Hanson Harrison, of Virginia. ADJUTANT-GENERAL. _Colonel_ Joseph Reed, of Philadelphia. QUARTERMASTER-GENERAL. _Colonel_ Stephen Moylan, of Pennsylvania. COMMISSARY-GENERAL. _Colonel_ Joseph Trumbull, of Connecticut. PAYMASTER-GENERAL. _Colonel_ William Palfrey, of Massachusetts. MUSTER-MASTER-GENERAL. _Colonel_ Gunning Bedford, of Pennsylvania. DIRECTOR OF THE GENERAL HOSPITAL. _Doctor_ John Morgan, of Pennsylvania. CHIEF ENGINEER. _Colonel_ Rufus Putnam, of Massachusetts. PUTNAM'S DIVISION. MAJOR-GENERAL ISRAEL PUTNAM. AIDES-DE-CAMP. Major Aaron Burr, Major ----. CLINTON'S BRIGADE. BRIGADIER-GENERAL JAMES CLINTON. [94] Brigade-Major, David Henly. Colonel Joseph Read, Massachusetts 505[95] " Ebenezer Learned, " 521 " John Bailey, " 503 " Loammi Baldwin, " 468 [Footnote 94: General Clinton being absent all summer in theHighlands, the brigade was commanded first by Colonel Read, andafterwards by Colonel Glover. ] [Footnote 95: The figures given here represent the total number ofenlisted men on the rolls on September 12, absent sick included. Inthe case of some of the regiments, especially from the flying camp, under Lutz, Kachlein, and others, only an estimate can be formed. Thestrength of these is noted in connection with the losses on LongIsland in the next chapter. The Connecticut militia regiments arecredited with 350 men each, as Washington gives the figures. ] SCOTT'S BRIGADE. BRIGADIER-GENERAL JOHN MORIN SCOTT. Brigade-Major, Nicholas Fish. Colonel John Lasher, New York 510 " William Malcom, " 297 " Samuel Drake, " 459 " Cornelius Humphrey, " 261 FELLOWS' BRIGADE. BRIGADIER-GENERAL JOHN FELLOWS. Brigade-Major, Mark Hopkins. Colonel Jonathan Holman, Massachusetts 606 " Simeon Cary, " 569 " Jonathan Smith, " 551 " John Glover, [96] " 365 [Footnote 96: Glover's regiment did not join the army at New Yorkuntil August. It was assigned on the 12th to Stirling's brigade, andon the 15th to Fellows'. ] HEATH'S DIVISION. MAJOR-GENERAL WILLIAM HEATH. AIDES-DE-CAMP. Major Thomas Henly, Major Israel Keith. MIFFLIN'S BRIGADE. BRIGADIER-GENERAL THOMAS MIFFLIN. Brigade-Major, Jonathan Mifflin. Colonel Robert Magaw, Pennsylvania 480 " John Shee, " 496 " Israel Hutchinson, Massachusetts 513 " Paul Dudley Sargent, [97] " 527 " Andrew Ward, Connecticut 437 [Footnote 97: Sargent's and Ward's reported on the ground in August. They were _probably_ in Mifflin's brigade. ] CLINTON'S BRIGADE. BRIGADIER-GENERAL GEORGE CLINTON. Brigade-Major, Albert Pawling. Colonel Isaac Nichol, New York 289 " Thomas Thomas, " 354 " James Swartwout, " 364 " Levi Paulding, " 368 " Morris Graham, " 437 SPENCER'S DIVISION. MAJOR-GENERAL JOSEPH SPENCER. AIDES-DE-CAMP. Major William Peck, Major Charles Whiting. PARSONS' BRIGADE. BRIGADIER-GENERAL SAMUEL HOLDEN PARSONS. Brigade-Major, Thomas Dyer. Colonel Jedediah Huntington, Connecticut 348 " Samuel Wyllys, " 530 " John Durkee, " 520 " John Tyler, " 569 " Jonathan Ward, Massachusetts 502 WADSWORTH'S BRIGADE. BRIGADIER-GENERAL JAMES WADSWORTH. Brigade-Major, John Palsgrave Wyllys. Colonel Gold Selleck Silliman, Connecticut 415 " Fisher Gay, " 449 " Comfort Sage, " 482 " Samuel Selden, " 464 " William Douglas, " 506 " John Chester, " 535 " Phillip Burr Bradley, " 569 SULLIVAN'S DIVISION. MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN. AIDES-DE-CAMP. Major Alexander Scammell, Major Lewis Morris, Jr. STIRLING'S BRIGADE. BRIGADIER-GENERAL LORD STIRLING. Brigade-Major, W. S. Livingston. Colonel William Smallwood, Maryland 600 " John Haslet, Delaware 750 " Samuel Miles, Pennsylvania 650 " Samuel John Atlee, " 300Lieutenant-Colonel Nicholas Lutz, " 200 " " Peter Kachlein, " 200Major Hay, " 200 McDOUGALL'S BRIGADE. BRIGADIER-GENERAL ALEXANDER McDOUGALL. Brigade-Major, Richard Platt. Late McDougall's, New York 428Colonel Rudolph Ritzema, New York 434 " Charles Webb, Connecticut 542 " Jonathan Brewer (Artificers) 584 GREENE'S DIVISION. MAJOR-GENERAL NATHANIEL GREENE. AIDES-DE-CAMP. Major William Blodgett, Major William S. Livingston. NIXON'S BRIGADE. BRIGADIER-GENERAL JOHN NIXON. Brigade-Major, Daniel Box. Colonel Edward Hand, Pennsylvania 288 " James Mitchell Varnum, Rhode Island 391 " Daniel Hitchcock, " 368 " Late Nixon's, Massachusetts 419 " William Prescott, " 399 " Moses Little, " 453 HEARD'S BRIGADE. BRIGADIER-GENERAL NATHANIEL HEARD. Brigade-Major, Peter Gordon. Colonel David Forman, New Jersey 372 " Phillip Johnston, " 235 " Ephraim Martin, " 382 " Silas Newcomb, " 336 " Phillip Van Cortlandt, " 269 CONNECTICUT MILITIA. BRIGADIER-GENERAL OLIVER WOLCOTT. Colonel Thompson, Connecticut 350 " Hinman, " " " Pettibone, " " " Cooke, " " " Talcott, " " " Chapman, " " " Baldwin, " "Lieutenant-Colonel Mead, " " " " Lewis, " " " " Pitkin, " "Major Strong, " " " Newberry, " " LONG ISLAND MILITIA. BRIGADIER-GENERAL NATHANIEL WOODHULL. [98] Brigade-Major, Jonathan Lawrence. Colonel Josiah Smith, Long Island 250 " Jeronimus Remsen, " 200 [Footnote 98: These regiments were nominally under General Woodhull, but actually under Greene and Sullivan. At the time of the battle ofthe 27th both were doing duty with Nixon's brigade. (Sullivan'sorders, August 25th. _Document_ 2. ) Their strength can only beestimated, but it is probably correct to say that together they wereless than five hundred strong. ] ARTILLERY. Colonel Henry Knox, Massachusetts 406 As appears from a document among the papers of General Knox, theencampments and posts of these brigades, before the advance of theenemy, were fixed as follows: Scott's, in the city; Wadsworth's, alongthe East River, in the city; Parsons', from the ship-yards on theEast River to Jones' Hill, and including one of the redoubts to thewest of it; Stirling's and McDougall's, still further west as areserve near Bayard's Hill; Fellows', on the Hudson, from Greenwichdown to the "Glass House, " about half-way to Canal Street; and JamesClinton's, from that point down to the "Furnace, " opposite theGrenadier Battery. These brigades, forming Putnam's, Spencer's, andSullivan's divisions, with the Connecticut militia, were retainedwithin the city and its immediate vicinity. Of Heath's division, Mifflin's brigade was posted at Fort Washington, at the upper end ofthe island, and George Clinton's at King's Bridge. Greene'sdivision--Nixon's and Heard's brigades--with the exception ofPrescott's regiment and Nixon's, now under his brother, Lieutenant-Colonel Thomas Nixon, which were on Governor's Island, occupied the Long Island front. [99] [Footnote 99: See Appendix to Drake's _Life of General Knox_. ] * * * * * A far more perfect and formidable army was that which lay encamped onStaten Island, seven miles down the bay. It was the best officered, disciplined, and equipped that Great Britain could then have musteredfor any service. The fact that she found it difficult to raise newtroops to conquer America only made it necessary to send forward allher available old soldiers. The greater part of Howe's army, accordingly, consisted of experienced regulars. He had with himtwenty-seven regiments of the line, four battalions of light infantryand four of grenadiers, two battalions of the king's guards, threebrigades of artillery, and a regiment of light dragoons, numbering inthe aggregate about twenty-three thousand officers and men. The sixthousand or more that came from Halifax were the Boston "veterans. "These had been joined by regiments from the West Indies; and among thereinforcements from Britain were troops that had garrisoned Gibraltarand posts in Ireland and England, with men from Scotland who had won aname in the Seven Years' War. [100] Howe's generals were men who showedtheir fitness to command by their subsequent conduct during the war. Next to the commander-in-chief ranked Lieutenant-Generals Clinton, Percy, and Cornwallis; Major-Generals Mathews, Robertson, Pigot, Grant, Jones, Vaughan, and Agnew; and Brigadier-Generals Leslie, Cleveland, Smith, and Erskine. [Footnote 100: The "Highlander" regiments were the Forty-second andSeventy-first. In _Stewart's Highlanders_, vol. I. , p. 354, as quotedin the _Memoir of General Graham_, the following passage appears: "Onthe 10th April, 1776, the Forty-second Regiment being reviewed by SirAdolphus Oughton, was reported complete, and so unexceptionable thatnone were rejected. Hostilities having commenced in America, everyexertion was made to teach the recruits the use of the firelock, forwhich purpose they were drilled even by candle-light. New arms andaccoutrements were supplied to the men; and the colonel of theregiment, at his own expense, supplied _broadswords and pistols_. . . . The pistols were of the old Highland fashion, with iron stocks. Thesebeing considered unnecessary except in the field, were not intended, like the swords, to be worn by the men in quarters. When the regimenttook the field on Staten and Long Island, it was said that thebroadswords retarded the men by getting entangled in the brushwood andthey were therefore taken from them and sent on board thetransports. "] The Hessians or "foreigners" formed more than one fourth of theenemy's strength. They numbered eight thousand officers and men, which, added to the distinctively British force, raised Howe's totalto over thirty-one thousand. His total of effectives on the 27th ofAugust was something more than twenty-four thousand. [101] [Footnote 101: General Clinton, quoting from Howe's returns on thisdate, says he had "24, 464 effectives fit for duty; a total of 26, 980, officers not included, who, when added, amount to 31, 625 men. " SeeGeneral Carrington's _Battles of the Revolution_, p. 199. To theBritish force should be added two or three companies of New Yorkloyalists. ] Drawn up in complete array upon the field this army would haveconfronted Washington's in the following order:[102] [Footnote 102: The list that follows is copied from what appears tohave been the roster-book of Adjutant Gilfillan of the Fifty-fifthRegiment. The book was captured by Captain Nathaniel Fitz Randolph, ofNew Jersey (see _Document_ 56), and is now in the possession ofCaptain John C. Kinney, of Hartford, a great-grandson of the latter. There is no date attached to the "Order of Battle, " but from the fewdates that follow it was probably made out in the first part ofAugust, 1776. The list gives the full British strength, and isinteresting as naming the majors of brigade, represented by theabbreviation M. B. ] ORDER OF BATTLE FOR THE BRITISH. [SIR WILLIAM HOWE. ] COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF. LIEUT GENLL CLINTON. BRIGADIER GENLL LESSLIE. 2d Batn Lt. Infty. 3d Brigade[103] Lt. Infty. 1st Batn Lt. Infty. [Footnote 103: An error, evidently, for Battalion. ] Major of Brigade Lewis. BRIGADIER GENLL CLEVELAND. 2nd Brig. Of Art'lly. 3d Brigade of Art. 1st Brigade of Art. Major of Brigade Farrington. FIRST LINE. [Transcriber's Note: The following table has been split into two partsfor readability. ] M. G. Pigot. M. G. Agnew. Cavalry. 5th, 35th, 49th, 28th. 23d, 57th, 64th, 44th. 2d Brigade. 6th Brigade. M. B. Disney. M. B. Leslie. B. G. Smith. M. G. Robertson. M. G. Mathews. Cavalry. 43d, 63d, 54th, 23d. 15th, 45th, 27th, 4th. Guards. 5th Brigade. 1 Brigade. 2 Battalions. M. B. McKenzie. M. B. Smith. SECOND LINE. LIEUT GENLL. EARL PERCY. M. G. Grant. B. G. Erskine. M. G. Jones. 17th, 46th, 55th, 40th. 71st Regiment. 37th, 52d, 38th, 10th. 4th Brigade. 3 Battalions. 3d Brigade. M. B. Brown. M. B. Erskine. M. B. Baker. CORPS DE RESERVE. LIEUT GENLL EARL CORNWALLIS. Major Genll Vaughan. 2 B. Grendrs 4th B. Grendrs 3 Batt. Grendrs 1st Battln Grendrs 42 Regmt. 33d Regt. HESSIAN DIVISION. [104] [Footnote 104: The arrangement of the Hessian troops, as here given, is compiled from Von Elking's work, Baurmeister's Narrative, and theHessian map in vol. Ii. Of the Long Island Historical Society's_Memoirs_. ] LIEUT-GENERAL DE HEISTER. MIRBACH'S BRIGADE. MAJOR GENERAL VON MIRBACH. REGIMENTS. Kniphausen. Rall. Lossberg. STIRN'S BRIGADE. MAJOR-GENERAL VON STIRN. REGIMENTS. Donop. Mirbach. Hereditary Prince. DONOP'S BRIGADE. COLONEL VON DONOP. GRENADIERS. Block. Minegerode. Lisingen. YAGERS. LOSSBERG'S BRIGADE. COLONEL VON LOSSBERG. REGIMENTS. Von Ditfurth. Von Trumbach. * * * * * When and where, now, will these two armies meet? Or rather, thequestion was narrowed down to this: When and where will the Britishattack? With Washington there was no choice left but to maintain astrictly defensive attitude. The command which the enemy had of thewaters was alone sufficient to make their encampment on Staten Islandperfectly secure. As to assuming the offensive, Washington wrote tohis brother, John Augustine, on July 22d: "Our situation at present, both in regard to men and other matters, is such as not to make itadvisable to attempt any thing against them, surrounded as they are bywater and covered with ships, lest a miscarriage should be productiveof unhappy and fatal consequences. It is provoking, nevertheless, tohave them so near, without being able to give them any disturbance. "Earlier in the season an expedition had been organized under Mercer, in which Knowlton was to take an active part, to attack the enemy'soutposts on Staten Island from the Jersey shore, but the weather twiceinterfered with the plan. All that the Americans hoped to do was tohold their own at and around New York. Washington tells us that hefully expected to be able to defend the city. [105] Even the passage ofthe Rose and Phoenix did not shake his faith. None of his letterswritten during the summer disclose any such misgivings as Leeexpressed, respecting the possibility of maintaining this base, and inattempting to hold it he followed out his own best military judgment. [Footnote 105: "Till of late I had no doubt in my own mind ofdefending this place. "--_Washington to Congress_, September 2d, 1776. ] What occasioned the principal anxiety in the mind of thecommander-in-chief was the number of points at which the British couldmake an attack and their distance from one another. They could advanceinto New Jersey from Staten Island; they could make a direct attackupon the city with their fleet, while the transports sailed up theHudson and the troops effected a landing in his rear; they could crossto Long Island and fall upon Greene in force; or they could makelandings at different points as feints, and then concentrate morerapidly than Washington, as their water carriage would enable them todo, and strike where he was weakest. [106] [Footnote 106: "Before the landing of the enemy in Long Island, thepoint of attack could not be known, nor any satisfactory judgmentformed of their intentions. It might be on Long Island, on Bergen, ordirectly on the city. "--_Washington to Congress_, September 9th, 1776. ] The summer and the campaign season were passing, and still theuncertainty was protracted--when and where will the enemy attack? CHAPTER IV. THE BATTLE OF LONG ISLAND. At length, upon the twenty-second of August, after days of expectationand suspense in the American camp, the British moved forward. Thoroughly informed of Washington's position, the strength of hisarmy, and the condition of his lines at every point, [107] Lord Howematured his plan of action deliberately, and decided to advance by wayof Long Island. An attack from this quarter promised the speediestsuccess and at the least cost, for, should he be able to force thedefences of Brooklyn, New York would be at his mercy; or, failing inthis, he could threaten Washington's flank from Hell Gate or beyond, where part of the fleet had been sent through the Sound, and by a pushinto Westchester County compel the evacuation of the city. Preparations were accordingly made to transport the troops from StatenIsland across to the Long Island coast and debark them at GravesendBay, a mile to the eastward of the Narrows. A thunder-storm of greatviolence on the previous evening, which had fallen with fatal effecton more than one of Washington's soldiers, threatened to delay themovement, but a still atmosphere followed, and the morning of the 22dbroke favorably. [108] At dawn the three frigates Phoenix, Greyhoundand Rose, with the bomb-ketches Thunder and Carcass, took theirstations close into the Bay as covering ships for the landing, whileSir George Collier placed the Rainbow within the Narrows, opposite DeNyse's Ferry, now Fort Hamilton, to silence a battery supposed to beat that point. Upon the Staten Island shore fifteen thousand Britishand Hessian troops, fully equipped, and forty pieces of artillery hadbeen drawn up during the day and evening before, and a part of themembarked upon transports lying near at anchor. At the beach weremoored seventy-five flat-boats, eleven batteaux, and two galleys, built expressly for the present service, and manned by sailors fromthe ships of war, which, with the rest of the naval armament, wereplaced under the direction of Commodore Hotham. [Footnote 107: The Tories gave Howe all the information he needed. OneGilbert Forbes testified at the "Hickey Plot" examination that aSergeant Graham, formerly of the Royal Artillery, had told him that he(the sergeant), at the request of Governor Tryon, had surveyed theworks around the city and on Long Island, and had concerted a plan ofattack, which he gave to the governor (_Force_, 4th Series, vol. Vi. , p. 1178). On his arrival at Staten Island, Howe wrote to Germaine, July 7th: "I met with Governor Tryon, on board of ship at the Hook, and many gentlemen, fast friends to government, attending him, fromwhom I have had the fullest information of the state of the rebels, who are numerous, and very advantageously posted, with strongintrenchments, both upon Long Island and that of New York, with morethan one hundred pieces of cannon for the defence of the town towardsthe sea, " etc. --_Force_, 5th Series, vol. I. , p. 105. ] [Footnote 108: This storm, which is mentioned by Colonel Douglas, Captain Hale, Chaplain Benedict, and others, hung over the city fromseven to ten in the evening, and is described by Pastor Shewkirk asbeing more terrible than that which "struck into Trinity Church"twenty years before. Captain Van Wyck and two lieutenants ofMcDougall's regiment and a Connecticut soldier were killed by thelightning. ] As soon as the covering frigates were in position, the brigade oflight infantry and the reserves of grenadiers and foot, forming anadvance corps four thousand strong and headed by Sir Henry Clinton andLord Cornwallis, entered the flotilla and were rowed in ten divisionsto the Gravesend landing, where they formed upon the plain withoutopposition. [109] Then followed the remaining troops from thetransports, and before noon the fifteen thousand, with guns andbaggage, had been safely transferred to Long Island. All who witnessedthis naval spectacle that morning were the enemy themselves, a fewDutch farmers in the vicinity, and the pickets of Hand's riflemen, whoat once reported the movement at camp. [Footnote 109: The landing-place was at the present village of Bath. No opposition by the Americans would have availed and none wasattempted. Washington wrote to Hancock, August 20th: "Nor will it bepossible to prevent their landing on the island, as its great extentaffords a variety of places favorable for that purpose, and the wholeof our works on it are at the end opposite to the city. However, weshall attempt to harass them as much as possible, which will be allthat we can do. " To the same effect Colonel Reed's letter of August23d: "As there were so many landing-places, and the people of theisland generally so treacherous, we never expected to prevent thelanding. " General Parsons says (_Document_ 5): "The landing of thetroops could not be prevented at the distance of six or seven milesfrom our lines, in a plain under the cannon of the ships, just withinthe shore. " An American battery had gone down to De Nyse's, earlier inthe summer, to annoy the Asia, but there was none there at this date. The particulars of the debarkation and of subsequent movements of theenemy appear in the reports and letters of the two Howes and SirGeorge Collier. (_Force_, 5th Series, vol. I. , pp. 1255-6; and _NavalChronicle_, 1841. )] The landing successfully effected, Cornwallis was immediately detachedwith the reserves, Donop's corps of chasseurs and grenadiers, and sixfield-pieces, to occupy the village of Flatbush, but with orders notto attempt the "pass" beyond, if he found it held by the rebels; andthe main force encamped nearer the coast, from the Narrows toFlatlands. As Cornwallis advanced, Colonel Hand and his two hundredriflemen hurried down from their outpost camp above Utrecht, and, keeping close to the enemy's front, marched part of the way "alongsideof them, in the edge of the woods, " but avoided an open fight in thefield with superior numbers. [110] Captain Hamilton and twenty men ofthe battalion fell back on the road in advance, burning grain andstacks of hay, and killing cattle, which, says Lieutenant-ColonelChambers, he did "very cleverly. " Among the inhabitants along thecoast, confusion, excitement, and distress prevailed, [111] and manymoved off their goods in great haste to find refuge in the Americanlines or farther east on the island; while others remained to welcomethe enemy, for whose success they had been secretly praying from theoutset. [Footnote 110: "On the morning of the 22d of August there were ninethousand British troops on New Utrecht plains. The guard alarmed oursmall camp, and we assembled at the flagstaff. We marched our forces, about two hundred in number, to New Utrecht, to watch the movements ofthe enemy. When we came on the hill we discovered a party of themadvancing toward us. We prepared to give them a warm reception, whenan imprudent fellow fired, and they immediately halted and turnedtoward Flatbush. The main body also moved along the great road towardthe same place. "--Lieutenant-Colonel Chambers, of Hand's riflemen, tohis Wife, September 3d, 1776. _Chambersburg in the Colony and theRevolution. _] [Footnote 111: _Strong's History of Flatbush. _] The section of Long Island which the enemy now occupied was a broadlow plain, stretching northward from the coast from four to six miles, and eastward a still further distance. Scattered over its levelsurface were four villages, surrounded with farms. Nearest to theNarrows, and nearly a mile from the coast, stood New Utrecht; anothermile south-east of this was Gravesend; north-east from Gravesend, nearly three miles, the road led through Flatlands, and directly northfrom Flatlands, and about half-way to Brooklyn Church, lay Flatbush. Between this plain and the Brooklyn lines ran a ridge of hills, whichextended from New York Bay midway through the island to its easternextremity. The ridge varied in height from one hundred to one hundredand fifty feet above the sea, and from the plain it rose somewhatabruptly from forty to eighty feet, but fell off more gradually in itsdescent on the other side. Its entire surface was covered with a densegrowth of woods and thickets, and to an enemy advancing from below itpresented a continuous barrier, a huge natural abattis, impassable toartillery, where with proportionate numbers a successful defence couldbe sustained. The roads across the ridge passed through its natural depressions, ofwhich there were four within a distance of six miles from the harbor. The main highway, or Jamaica Road--that which led up from BrooklynFerry--after passing through Bedford, kept on still north of thehills, and crossed them at the "Jamaica Pass, " about four miles fromthe fortified line. From this branched three roads leading to thevillages in the plain. The most direct was that to Flatbush, which cutthrough the ridge a mile and a half from the works. Three quarters ofa mile to the left, towards the Jamaica Pass, a road from Bedford ledalso to Flatbush; and near the coast ran the Gowanus Road to theNarrows. Where the Red Lion Tavern stood on this road, about threemiles from Brooklyn Church, a narrow lane, known as the Martense Lane, now marking the southern boundary of Greenwood Cemetery, diverged tothe left through a hollow in the ridge and connected with roads on theplain. To clearly understand succeeding movements on Long Island, itis necessary to have in mind the relative situation of these severalroutes and passes. When word of the enemy's landing reached Sullivan and Washington thetroops were immediately put under arms. The commander-in-chief hadalready been prepared for the intelligence by a dispatch from GovernorLivingston, of New Jersey, the night before, to the effect that he hadcertain information from the British camp that they were thenembarking troops and would move to the attack on the followingday. [112] As the report came in that the enemy intended to march atonce upon Sullivan, Washington promptly sent him a reinforcement ofsix regiments, which included Miles' and Atlee's from Stirling'sbrigade, Chester's and Silliman's from Wadsworth's, and probablyLasher's and Drake's from Scott's, numbering together some eighteenhundred men. They crossed with light spirits, and were marched toalarm-posts. Miles' two battalions went on to the Bedford Pass;Silliman was ordered down into "a woody hill near Red Hook, to preventany more troops from landing thereabout. "[113] Hand's riflemen, supported by one of the Eastern regiments, watched and annoyed theHessians under Donop at Flatbush, and detachments were sent to guardthe lower roads near the Red Lion. [114] Within the Brooklyn lines thetroops stood to their alarm-posts. Colonel Little, expecting that"morning would bring us to battle, " and remembering his promise todefend Fort Greene to the last extremity, enclosed his will to hisson, and directed him in a certain event to take proper charge athome. [Footnote 112: Livingston sent a spy to Staten Island on the night ofthe 20th, who brought word that the British were embarking, and wouldattack on Long Island and up the North River. Washington received theinformation during the storm on the following evening, and immediatelysent word to Heath at King's Bridge that the enemy were upon "thepoint of striking the long-expected stroke. " The next morning, the22d, he wrote again instructing Heath to pick out "eight hundred or athousand, light, active men, and good marksmen, " ready to move rapidlywherever they were most needed; and he promised to send him someartillery, "if, " he continues, "we have not other employment uponhand, which General Putnam, who is this instant come in, seems tothink we assuredly shall, this day, as there is a considerableembarkation on board of the enemy's boats. " (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll. _, volume for 1878. The Heath correspondence. ) On the same dateWashington wrote to Hancock: "The falling down of several shipsyesterday evening to the Narrows, crowded with men, those succeeded bymany more this morning, and a great number of boats parading aroundthem, as I was just now informed, with troops, are all circumstancesindicating an attack, and it is not improbable it will be made to-day. It could not have happened last night, by reason of a most violentgust. " (_Force_, 5th Series, vol. I. , p. 1110). On the 21st, ColonelHand at the Narrows reported three times to General Nixon that theBritish transports were filling with men and moving down, and thereports were sent to Washington. These facts show how closely theenemy were watched. The embarkation was known at headquarters early onthe morning of the 22d, before the landing was made on Long Island. ] [Footnote 113: Washington wrote to Heath the next day: "Our firstaccounts were that they intended by a forced march to surprise GeneralSullivan's lines, who commands during the illness of General Greene;whereupon I immediately reinforced that post with six regiments. "Miles, Silliman, and Chester's adjutant, Tallmadge, state that theirregiments were among the first to cross after the enemy landed. Sullivan's orders of the 25th and other records seem to indicate thatAtlee's, Lasher's, and Drake's were the other three battalions sentover at the same time. ] [Footnote 114: See Sullivan's orders, Silliman's letters, Miles'Journal (Part II. ), and Chambers' letter. [Transcriber's Note: Themarker in the text for this footnote is missing in the original. ]] The morning of the 23d, however, brought no battle, nor did the enemyattempt any advance for three days. Washington made Sullivan an earlyvisit, saw the situation there for himself, and during the day issuedanother of his fervent orders to the army. He formally announced thelanding of the British, and again reminded his troops that the momentwas approaching on which their honor and success and the safety of thecountry depended. "Remember, officers and soldiers, " he said, "thatyou are freemen, fighting for the blessings of liberty; that slaverywill be your portion, and that of your posterity, if you do not acquityourselves like men. Remember how your courage and spirit have beendespised and traduced by your cruel invaders; though they have foundby dear experience at Boston, Charleston, and other places what a fewbrave men, contending in their own land and in the best of causes, cando against base hirelings and mercenaries. " He urged them, too, to becool, but determined; not to fire at a distance, but wait for the wordfrom their officers; and gave express orders that if any manattempted to skulk, lie down, or retreat, he must be instantly shotdown as an example. Those who should distinguish themselves forgallantry and good conduct were assured that they might depend uponbeing honorably noticed and suitably rewarded. Strict orders as toother matters were also issued. The commissary-general was to havefive days' baked bread on hand for distribution; the men were to haveconstantly ready with them two days' hard bread and pork, and theofficers were to see not only that they had it, but kept it. Theofficers of the newly arrived militiamen were instructed also to seethat the cartridges fitted their soldiers' muskets, and that each manhad twenty-four rounds and two flints. On the Long Island front, Sullivan was alert, and kept his division inreadiness for the attack, which was now hourly expected. He orderedhis command that afternoon, the 23d, to prepare two days' provisionsand turn out the next morning at three o'clock. For the night, heassigned Hitchcock's and Little's regiments to guard the FlatbushPass, Johnston's and Martin's to the coast road, and Remsen's LongIsland militia to support Miles on the Bedford Road. They were all tobe at their posts at six o'clock, and the regiments they relieved wereto return to their encampments and, like the rest, "get two days'provisions dressed, and be ready for action. " Meanwhile some brisk skirmishing occurred in front of Flatbush. In theafternoon of this day, the enemy, as Sullivan reported, formed, andattempted to pass the road by Bedford, but meeting a warm receptionfrom the riflemen, some "musketry" sent to their support, and two orthree of our field pieces, they fell back. "Our men, " wrote Sullivanto Washington, "followed them to the house of Judge Lefferts (where anumber of them had taken lodgings), drove them out, and burnt thehouse and a number of other buildings contiguous. They think theykilled a number; and, as evidence of it, they produced three officers'hangers, a carbine, and one dead body, with a considerable sum ofmoney in pocket. I have ordered a party out for prisonersto-night. "[115] The enemy returned in force, and the Americanskirmishers, having but two wounded, withdrew to the hills; but theirconduct in the affair was so highly appreciated by Sullivan, that heissued a congratulatory order in the following terms: "The general returns his thanks to the brave officers and soldierswho, with so much spirit and intrepidity, repulsed the enemy anddefeated their designs of taking possession of the woods near ourlines. He is now convinced that the troops he has the honor to commandwill not, in point of bravery, yield to any troops in the universe. The cheerfulness with which they do their duty, and the patience withwhich they undergo fatigue, evince exalted sentiments of freedom andlove of country, and gives him most satisfactory evidence that whencalled upon they will prove themselves worthy of that freedom forwhich they are now contending. "[116] [Footnote 115: Referring evidently to this skirmish, Lieutenant-Colonel Chambers says: "Strong guards were maintained allday on the flanks of the enemy, and our regiment and the Hessianyagers kept up a severe firing, with a loss of but two wounded on ourside. We laid a few Hessians low, and made them retreat out ofFlatbush. Our people went into the town and brought the goods out ofthe burning houses. The enemy liked to have lost their field-pieces. Captain Steel acted bravely. We would certainly have had the cannonhad it not been for some foolish person calling retreat. The main bodyof the foe returned to town, and when our lads came back they told oftheir exploits. "] [Footnote 116: Little's Order Book, _Document_ 2. But it seems thatRemsen's Long Island militiamen were seized by a panic, either duringthis skirmish or at a later hour, on the Bedford Road, and ran fromtheir posts. Sullivan rebuked them sharply in his orders of the 24th(_Document_ 2), and confined them thereafter to "fatigue" duty. Thisproved to be only the first of several militia panics experienced inthis campaign. ] On the 24th, Washington was still in doubt as to the intentions of theenemy. Reports represented their numbers on Long Island at not morethan eight thousand, whereas they were double this estimate; and itwas suspected at headquarters that their landing might only be a feintto draw off our troops to that side, while the real attack should bemade on New York. But the imprudence of running any risks on theBrooklyn side was obvious, and Washington sent over a furtherreinforcement of four regiments, which appear to have been Wyllys's, Huntington's, and Tyler's of Parsons' brigade (his entire command wasthere on the next day) together with the Pennsylvania detachmentsunder Lieutenant-Colonel Lutz and Major Hay. On this dateBrigadier-General Lord Stirling crossed over, where more than half hisbrigade had preceded him; and Brigadier-General John Nixon, whose namenow first appears in connection with the operations on Long Island, was detailed as field officer of the day, with orders to take commandof the outer line and post his men "in the edge of the woods next theenemy. "[117] [Footnote 117: Sullivan's Orders, August 24th. _Document_ 2. ] But the principal event of the 24th was the change made in the chiefcommand on Long Island. Sullivan was superseded by Putnam. There werenow on that side the whole of Nixon's and Heard's brigades (the tworegiments on Governor's Island excepted), the larger part ofStirling's and Parson's, and half of Scott's and Wadsworth's. As thisroster included one third of the army's effective force, the commandcould properly be assigned to Putnam as the senior major-generalpresent; but it does not appear that the question of his rank enteredinto the reasons for the change. In a letter to Governor Livingstonfrom Colonel Reed, the adjutant-general, dated August 30th, 1776, thestatement is made that Washington, "finding a great force going toLong Island, sent over Putnam;" leaving the inference to be drawnthat, apart from his rank, Putnam was considered the proper officer, or an officer competent, to command such a force. Reed states furtherthat some movements had been made on Long Island of which thecommander-in-chief did not entirely approve, and this also called fora change. Sullivan, too, was wholly unacquainted with the ground;although, as to this, Putnam's knowledge of it was not extensive, ashe had been over it only "occasionally. " That Sullivan was a brave, zealous, and active officer, his military career abundantly proves. Appointed a brigadier-general from New Hampshire, he commanded abrigade under Lee throughout the Boston siege, and had been sent, asalready stated, in the spring of this year to help repair themisfortunes attending our force on the Canada border; but success wasnot to be met with there, and Sullivan, finding Gates promoted to thechief command in that quarter, returned, after visiting Congress, tothe New York army. Like most of our general officers at that date, heas yet lacked military experience, especially in an independentcapacity, for which his ambition to succeed was not a sufficientequivalent. How far Putnam was more competent to assume the command onLong Island, is a point which the issue there, at least, did notdetermine. His record before this was all in his favor. A veteran ofthe old war, a man of known personal courage, blunt, honest, practical, and devoted to the American cause, he had the confidenceof at least the older part of the army, with which he had beenidentified from the beginning of the struggle. As he had never beentried in a separate department, Washington could not say how he wouldmanage it, but he could say, from his experience with him at Boston, that Putnam was "a most valuable man and fine executive officer, "[118]and such he continued to prove himself through the present campaign. He seconded Washington heartily and efficiently in all his plans andpreparations, and when he was sent to Long Island the commander-in-chiefhad reason to feel that whatever directions he might give as tooperations there, Putnam would follow them out to the letter. But ifPutnam took the general command across the river, Sullivan continuedin active subordinate control, as second in command. [119] [Footnote 118: Washington to Congress, January 30th, 1776. ] [Footnote 119: In regard to the change in the command, theadjutant-general's statement in full is this: "On General Greene'sbeing sick, Sullivan took the command, who was wholly unacquaintedwith the ground or country. Some movements being made which thegeneral did not approve entirely, and finding a great force going toLong Island, he sent over Putnam, who had been over occasionally; thisgave some disgust, so that Putnam was directed to soothe and soften asmuch as possible. " (_Sedgwick's Life of Livingston_, p. 201. ) Whatmovements were referred to, unless it was the random firing of theskirmishers and the burning of houses at Flatbush by some of our men, or how Putnam was to reconcile Sullivan to the change, as he wasdirected (this evidently being the meaning of Reed's last phrase), does not appear. From subsequent occurrences, the inference isjustified that Putnam did not disturb Sullivan's arrangements, butleft the disposition of the troops to him. What Sullivan himself saysis given in a note further along in the chapter. That Putnam went overon the 24th, and in the forenoon, is evident from a letter from Reedto his wife of that date, in which he says: "While I am writing, thereis a heavy firing and clouds of smoke rising from the wood [on LongIsland]. General Putnam was made happy by obtaining leave to goover--the brave old man was quite miserable at being kept here. "(_Reed's Life of Reed. _) This firing, as Washington wrote to Schuyleron the same date, occurred in the morning. Putnam had been engagedduring the summer, principally, in looking after the defences in thecity and the river obstructions. He had charge, also, of the watertransportation, boats, pettiaugers, etc. His division was in the cityor close to it. Had the enemy, accordingly, attacked the citydirectly, it would have fallen largely to Putnam to conduct thedefence; and this is doubtless the reason why, as Reed says, he was"kept here. " But as it now seemed certain that the British wereconcentrating on Long Island, he evidently wished to be with thetroops there, where that morning there was "a heavy firing" going on, and obtained leave to cross. Finding a change desirable, Washington, probably at the same time, gave Putnam the command and "sent" himover. ] On the 25th, Putnam received written instructions from Washington. Hewas directed to form a proper line of defence around his encampmentand works on the most advantageous ground; to have a brigadier of theday constantly upon the lines that he might be on the spot to command;to have field-officers go the rounds and report the situation of theguards; to have the guards particularly instructed in their duty; andto compel all the men on duty to remain at their camps or quarters andbe ready to turn out at a moment's warning. The wood next to Red Hookbordering Gowanus Creek was to be well attended to, and the woodselsewhere secured by abattis, if necessary, to make the enemy'sprogress as difficult as possible. The militia, or troops which wereleast disciplined and had seen the least service, were to man theinterior lines, while the best men were "at all hazards" to preventthe enemy's passing the woods and approaching the works. Hedisapproved also of the unmeaning picket firing and the burning ofhouses, and warned the general finally that when the attack came itwas certain to be "sudden and violent. "[120] [Footnote 120: Mr. Davis, in his Life of Aaron Burr, who was Putnam'said at this time, states that after crossing to Long Island and makingthe round of the outposts, he (Burr) urged his general to beat up theenemy's camp, but that Putnam declined, on the ground that his ordersrequired him to remain strictly on the defensive. ] For brigadier for the day, General Lord Stirling was assigned to dutyon this date. [121] [Footnote 121: Sullivan's Orders, August 25th. _Document_ 2. ] In the skirmishing that continued from the 24th to the 26th theAmericans showed skill and bravery, although at times indulging indesultory firing. The riflemen, supported by field-pieces, madeoccasioned dashes upon the enemy and picked off their men with almostno loss to themselves. Among the troops on picket near Flatbush, onthe 25th, were Colonel Silliman and his Connecticut battalion; andfrom the colonel, who wrote from there, on a drum-head, to his wife, we get a glimpse of the situation at that point during his tour ofduty. "I am now posted, " he says, "within about half a mile from theRegulars with my Regt. Under the covert of a woody hill to stop theirpassage into the country. There are a number of Regts. Posted allaround the town within about the same distance and for the samepurpose. The Regulars keep up an almost constant fire from theirCannon and Mortars at some or other of us, but neither shott nor shellhas come near my Regt. As yet and they are at too great a distance tofire muskets at. I have a scouting party going out now to see if theycan't pick up some or get something from them. . . . They have wounded inall of our men in 3 days skirmish about 8 or 9, one or two mortally, which is not half the number that we have killed for them besideswounded. " On the 26th a considerable party with artillery attacked theHessians and drove them in, killing several men belonging to the VonLossberg regiment, which later in the day advanced in turn andcompelled our skirmishers to fall back. In this affair Colonel EphraimMartin, of New Jersey, was severely wounded. On the morning of the 26th, Washington again crossed to Long Island, where he remained until night. The records are quite silent as to howhe passed the most of his time, but judging from his letter toCongress of this date, in which he expressed his belief that the enemyhad landed nearly all their force on that side, and that it was therethey would make their "grand push, " it was doubtless a busy, watchful, and anxious day with him. To suppose that he did not inform himself ofall the preparations made to meet the enemy, that he did not know whatnumber of men were posted on the hills and at what points, that he didnot study the several modes and directions of attack possible for theenemy to adopt, and that he did not himself give personal directions, would be to charge that at the most important moment of the campaignhe failed to exercise that care and attention to detail which heexercised on so many occasions both before and after. Indeed, althoughPutnam and Sullivan were in immediate command on Long Island, Washington never shifted the final responsibility from his ownshoulders, and as a matter of fact was probably as well acquaintedwith the ground as either of these generals. Towards evening, incompany with Putnam, Sullivan, and other officers, he rode down to theoutposts near Flatbush and examined the position of the enemy. Howlong he remained, or what information he was able to gather, does notappear; but both the other generals, Putnam and Sullivan, made adetour of the pickets either at this time or at an earlier hour in theday, visited Miles and Brodhead on the extreme left, took theiropinion as to the movements and intentions of the British, so far asone could be formed by them, and then rode off to the right "toreconnoitre the enemies lines. "[122] [Footnote 122: Several writers, Mr. Sparks among them, make thestatement that neither Washington nor Putnam went outside of theBrooklyn lines. It would be impossible to credit this without absoluteproof of the fact. Washington always reconnoitred the position of theenemy whenever they were near each other; in the last scenes of thewar at Yorktown he was among the first at the outposts examining theBritish works. Undoubtedly he rode out to the Flatbush Pass on the26th, as stated by the writer of the letter to the _South CarolinaGazette_ (Document 19), who says: "The evening preceding the action, General Washington, with a number of general officers, went down toview the motions of the enemy, who were encamped at Flatbush. " Aletter from a survivor of the Revolution, present on Long Island, published in a newspaper several years since, well authenticated, andpreserved in one of Mr. Onderdonk's scrap-books in the Astor Library, New York, confirms this statement. The soldier recollects that he sawWashington and others looking at the enemy with their glasses. ] On this day also, the 26th, additional regiments were sent over. Twoof these were the remainder of Stirling's brigade--Haslet's Delawarebattalion, the largest in the army, as we have seen, and Smallwood'sMarylanders, one of the choicest and best equipped. Either on this orone of the two previous days, Lieutenant-Colonel Kachlein's incompletebattalion of Pennsylvania riflemen, with two or three independentcompanies from Maryland, crossed; and among the last to go over wereone hundred picked men, the nucleus of the "Rangers, " from Durkee'sConnecticut Continentals at Bergen, with Lieutenant-Colonel ThomasKnowlton at their head. [123] These additions raised the force on LongIsland on the night of the 26th to a total of about seven thousand menfit for duty. [124] [Footnote 123: Statement of Colonel Thomas Grosvenor to the late DavidP. Hall, Esq. , of New York, who knew Grosvenor well, and preservedmany facts in writing in regard to his military career. Knowlton'scaptains were Grosvenor and Stephen Brown, of Pomfret, Conn. Thedetachment was on duty at the outposts on the night of the 26th. Thesoldier whose letter is referred to in the note preceding this was oneof the "Rangers, " and he states that their number was about onehundred. That Smallwood's and Haslet's regiments crossed on the 26th, we have from Smallwood himself. --_Force_, 5th Series, vol. Ii. , p. 1011. ] [Footnote 124: The regiments were Little's and Ward's, fromMassachusetts; Varnum's and Hitchcock's, from Rhode Island;Huntington's, Wyllys's, Tyler's, Chester's, Silliman's, and Gay's, andKnowlton's "Rangers, " from Connecticut; Lasher's and Drake's, from NewYork; Smith's and Remsen's, from Long Island; Martin's, Forman's, Johnston's, Newcomb's, and Cortland's, from New Jersey; Hand's, Miles', Atlee's, Lutz's, Kachlein's, and Hay's, detachment fromPennsylvania; Haslet's, from Delaware; and Smallwood's, from Maryland. Among other artillery officers on that side were Captains Newell andTreadwell, Captain-Lieutenants John Johnston and Benajah Carpenter;Lieutenants Lillie and "Cadet" John Callender. This list is believedto include all the battalions and detachments on Long Island at thetime the British attacked. ] Following in turn after Nixon and Stirling, Brigadier-General Parsonswas detailed as field officer of the day[125] for the next twenty-fourhours--the day of the engagement. [Footnote 125: Parson's own statement, letter of October 5th: "On theday of the surprise I was on duty. "--_Document_ 5. ] * * * * * At about the time that Washington started to return to hisheadquarters at New York, on this evening, Sir William Howe began toset his columns in motion for the attack, and on the next morning, atthe passes in the hills and along their inner slopes, was fought whatis known in our Revolutionary history as the battle of Long Island. * * * * * Fortunately, a point so essential to the comprehension of the progressof any engagement, the position of both armies on Long Island, justbefore the attack, is now known nearly to the last detail. The recordhere is clear and satisfactory. On the night of the 26th, the variousregiments and detachments on guard at the American outposts numberednot far from twenty-eight hundred men. At the important Flatbush Pass, supporting the two or three gun battery there, and with strong picketsthrown out to the edge of the woods nearest the enemy, were postedHitchcock's and Little's Continental regiments, and Johnston's NewJersey battalion, the two former being commanded by theirlieutenant-colonels, Cornell and Henshaw. To this point, also, Knowlton and his rangers appear to have been sent. The battery orredoubt here stood about where the Flatbush and narrow Port Roadunited, and was apparently no more than a plain breastwork, withfelled trees in front of it, thrown up across the road, and perhapsextending to the rising ground on the left. [126] At the coast road, around and beyond the Red Lion, the guards consisted of Hand'sriflemen, half of Atlee's musketry, detachments of New York troops, and part of Lutz's Pennsylvanians under Major Burd. At the BedfordPass, to the left of the Flatbush Road, were stationed Colonel SamuelWyllys's Connecticut Continentals, and Colonel Chester's regiment fromthe same State, under Lieutenant-Colonel Solomon Wills, of Tolland, who had seen service in the French war and at Havana. Still further tothe left, Colonel Miles was now encamped a short distance beyond, inthe woods. Between these several passes, sentinels were stationed atintervals along the crest of the ridge, to keep communication openfrom one end of the line to the other. [127] [Footnote 126: The site of this breastwork is now within the limits ofProspect Park, and it stood across what is known as "Battle Pass. " Dr. Stiles in his History of Brooklyn, and Mr. Field in vol. Ii. Of theL. I. Hist. Society's _Memoirs_, put a well-constructed redoubt at thispoint on a hill-top to the left of the road. The account in the _SouthCarolina Gazette_ says that the Flatbush Pass guards were posted "neara mile from the parting of the road [_i. E. _, a mile from where theFlatbush Road branched from the Jamaica Road] where an _abattis_ wasformed across the road, and a breastwork thrown up and defended by twopieces of cannon. " In the original sketch of the "engagement, " made byJohn Ewing, who was Hand's brother-in-law, and with him on the spot, there is this reference: "F. Where a considerable Number of our peoplewere stationed with several Field-pieces & Breast-works made withTrees felled across the Road to defend themselves when attacked. "(_Document_ 15. ) Colonel Miles speaks of "a small redoubt in front ofthe village [Flatbush]" (_Document_ 20. ) The breastwork across theroad was doubtless the principal defence here, and this was merelytemporary. ] [Footnote 127: The number of men at each of the three passes was abouteight hundred, and on the left of these were Miles' two battalions, with perhaps five hundred men on duty. Sullivan's orders of August25th give the detail which was to mount for picket on the followingmorning. This detail, therefore, was the one on duty on the night ofthe 26th. The order runs: "Eight hundred [men] properly officered torelieve the troops on Bedford Road to-morrow morning, six fieldofficers to attend with this party. The same number to relieve thoseon Bush [Flatbush] Road, and an equal number those stationed towardsthe Narrows. A picket of three hundred men under the command of aField Officer, six Captains, twelve subalterns to be posted at thewood on the west side of the creek every night till further orders. "(See also _Documents_ 5, 18, 19. ) That Miles was on the extreme left, we well know; that Wyllys was at the Bedford Pass, appears from bothMiles' and Brodhead's accounts; that Chester's regiment was with him, appears from an extract quoted below--Chester's lieutenant-colonelbeing Solomon Wills; that Johnston was at the Flatbush Pass, appearsfrom the same and other authorities; that Henshaw with Little'sregiment was there, he himself states; that Cornell was also therewith Hitchcock's Rhode Islanders, appears from Captain Olney'snarrative as given in _Mrs. Williams' Life of Olney_, and from thelists of prisoners; that Hand was at the lower road, until relieved, and Major Burd also, the major himself and Ewing's sketch both state;the New York detachment there was probably a part of Lasher'sregiment. The extract referred to is from the _Connecticut Courant_, containing a letter from an officer engaged in the battle, which says:"The night before August 27th, on the west road, were posted ColonelHand's regiment, a detachment from Pennsylvania and New York; nexteast were posted Colonel Johnson, of Jersey, and Lieutenant-ColonelHenshaw, of Massachusetts; next east were posted Colonel Wyllys andLieutenant-Colonel Wills, of Connecticut. East of all these ColonelMiles, of Pennsylvania, was posted towards Jamaica, to watch themotion of the enemy and give intelligence. "] As far, then, to the left as Miles' position the hills were as wellguarded as seemed possible with the limited force that could bespared, and at the passes themselves a stout resistance could havebeen offered. But it was still an attenuated line, more than fourmiles long, not parallel but oblique to the line of works at Brooklyn, and distant from it not less than one and a half, and at the farthestposts nearly three miles. Should the enemy pierce it at any one point, an immediate retreat would have been necessary from every other. Theline could have been defended with confidence only on the suppositionthat the British would not venture to penetrate the thick woods, butadvance along the roads through the passes. It will be noticed that in this disposition no provision was made forholding the fourth or Jamaica Pass far over to the left. That theenemy could approach or make a diversion by that route, must have beenwell understood. But the posting of a permanent guard there wouldobviously have been attended with hazard, for the distance from thelines to this pass was four miles, and from the Bedford Pass two milesand a half through the woods. The position was thus extremelyisolated, if the troops stationed there were expected to make thefortified line their point of retreat. None were stationed thereduring the five days since the British landed, and it nowhere appearsthat any were intended or ordered to be so stationed by eitherSullivan, Putnam, or the commander-in-chief. There was but oneeffective way of preventing surprise from that quarter, and that wasto have squads of cavalry or troops constantly patrolling the road, who on the appearance of an enemy could carry the word immediately andrapidly to the outposts and the camp. But in all Washington's armythere was not a single company of horsemen, except the few Long Islandtroopers from Kings and Queens counties, and these were now engagedmiles away in driving off stock out of reach of the enemy. The duty, accordingly, of looking after the open left flank fell, in part, uponColonel Miles' two battalions. Lieutenant-Colonel Brodhead leaves iton record that it was "hard duty. " The regiment sent out scoutingparties every day a distance of four or five miles; one hundred menwere mounted for guard daily, and thirty more with a lieutenant werekept on duty on the left, evidently in the direction of the JamaicaRoad. General Parsons reports that "in the wood was placed ColonelMiles with his Battalion to watch the motion of the Enemy on thatpart, with orders to keep a party constantly reconnoitering to andacross the Jamaica road. " Should he discover the enemy at any time, it would have been expected of him to report the fact at once, opposethem vigorously, and retreat obstinately in order to give time for theother detachments to govern their movements accordingly. One other circumstance is to be noticed in regard to this JamaicaPass. General Sullivan, subsequently referring to his connection withthis battle, claimed that while he was in sole command he paidhorsemen out of his own purse to patrol the road, and that hepredicted the approach of the enemy by that road. Whatever inferencesmay be drawn from this is not now to the point; but we have the factthat upon the evening of the 26th he exercised the same authority hehad exercised in making other details, and sent out a special patrolof five commissioned officers to watch the Jamaica Pass. Three ofthese officers belonged to Colonel Lasher's New York Citybattalion--Adjutant Jeronimus Hoogland and Lieutenants Robert Troupand Edward Dunscomb; and the other two were Lieutenant Gerrit VanWagenen, a detached officer of McDougall's old regiment, and aLieutenant Gilliland, who with Van Wagenen had crossed to Long Island, as a volunteer. What part this patrol played in the incidents of thefollowing morning will presently appear. Thus on the night of the 26th the American outposts stretched alongthe hills from the harbor to the Jamaica Pass, with unguardedintervals, a distance of more than six miles, while in the plainsbelow lay the enemy, nearly ten times their number, ready to fall uponthem with "a sudden and violent" shock. During the night one changewas made in the picket guard. Colonel Hand's riflemen, who had been onalmost constant duty since the arrival of the British, were relievedat two o'clock in the morning by a detachment from the flying camp, which may have been a part of Hay's and Kachlein's men, and returningto the lines, dropped down to sleep. [128] [Footnote 128: Hand's letter of August 27th: "I escaped my part bybeing relieved at 2 o'clock this morning. " (Document 12. ) See JohnEwing's letter and sketch. ] * * * * * If we leave our outposts now upon the hills and pass into the enemy'scamp on the plain below, we shall find them on the eve of carrying outa great plan of attack. The four days since the 22d had been given topreparation. On the 25th, Lieutenant-General De Heister crossed fromStaten Island with the two Hessian brigades of Von Stirn and VonMirbach, leaving behind Von Lossberg's brigade, with some detachmentsand recruits, for the security of that island. With this addition, Howe's force on Long Island was swelled to a total of about twenty-onethousand officers and men, fit for duty and in the best condition foractive service. [129] As disposed on the 26th, the army lay with theHessians and the reserves under Cornwallis at Flatbush, the main bodyunder Clinton and Percy massed at Flatlands, and Grant's division ofthe fourth and sixth brigades nearer the Narrows. [Footnote 129: Extract from a British officer's letter dated, _StattonIsland, August 4, 1776_: . . . "We are now in expectation of attackingthe fellows very soon, and if I may be allowed to judge, there neverwas an army in better spirits nor in better health, two very importantthings for our present business. "--_Hist. Mag. _, vol. V. , p. 69. ] Outnumbering the Americans three to one on the island, Howe could layhis plans with assurance of almost absolute success. He proposed toadvance upon the "rebels" in three columns. Grant was ordered to moveup from the Narrows along the lower road, and De Heister was to engagethe attention of the Americans at the Flatbush Pass, while Clinton, Percy, and Cornwallis, with Howe himself, were to conduct the mainbody as a flanking force around the American left by way of theJamaica Pass. A previous reconnoissance made by Clinton and Erskine, and information gathered from the Tories, showed the practicability ofthis latter movement. [130] Grant and De Heister were simply to make ashow of an attack until they were assured by the sound of the firingthat the flanking column had accomplished its design, when theirdemonstrations were to be turned into serious fighting. It wasexpected that by this plan the Americans stationed at the hills andpasses would be entirely enveloped and thoroughly beaten if notcaptured in a body. With what nice precision this piece of strategywas executed, events will show. [Footnote 130: Stedman, the British historian, who served as anofficer under Howe, says: "Sir Henry Clinton and Sir William Erskine, having reconnoitred the position of the enemy, saw that it would notbe a difficult matter to turn their left flank, which would eitheroblige them to risk an engagement or to retire under manifestdisadvantage. This intelligence being communicated to Sir WilliamHowe, he consented to make the attempt. "] * * * * * The first collision was ominous. Grant's advance-guard, marching upfrom the Narrows, struck the American pickets in the vicinity of theRed Lion about two o'clock on the morning of the 27th. Whether becausethey were all new troops, a part of whom had but just come upon theground, and were alarmed by the night attack, or because they weresurprised at their posts and put in danger of capture, or whatever thereason, our picket guard at that point retreated before the enemywithout checking their march. There was hardly more than an exchangeof fire with Major Burd's detachment, as the major himself writes, andin the confusion or darkness he, with many others probably, was takenprisoner. This was an unfortunate beginning, so far as our men hadabandoned one of the very posts which it had been proposed to hold;but otherwise, there being other positions available, it was notnecessarily fatal to the plan of defending the hills. [131] [Footnote 131: Hardly more than a general statement can be made inregard to the attack on the pickets at the lower road. A part of themwatched Martense Lane, where, it would appear from Ewing's sketch, Hand's riflemen were posted before being relieved. Major Burd'sdetachment, on the same authority, was probably on the direct road tothe Narrows, both parties communicating with each other at the RedLion Tavern, which stood near the fork of the roads. Grant's maincolumn advanced by the Narrows Road, and possibly a party of the enemycame through the Martense Lane at about the same time. The skirmishMajor Burd speaks of occurred in the vicinity of Thirty-eighth andFortieth streets, on the Narrows Road, where former residents used tosay the Americans had a picket guard stationed. When the enemy came upfiring took place and some men were killed; and this firing "was thefirst in the neighborhood. " The pickets retreated, though GeneralParsons was misinformed when he wrote that they did so "without firinga gun. " There was firing, but no stand made. ] Word of the attack was quickly carried to General Parsons at hisquarters and to General Putnam in camp. Parsons, as the brigadier onduty, rode at once to the spot, and found "by fair daylight" not onlythat the guards had "fled, " but that the enemy were through the woodsand already on this side of the main hills. Hastily collecting sometwenty of the scattered pickets, he made a show of resistance, whichtemporarily halted the enemy's column. [132] At the same time Putnam, whose instructions were to hold the outposts "at all hazards" with hisbest men, called up Stirling and directed him in person to take thetwo regiments nearest at hand and march down to meet the enemy. [133]Stirling promptly turned out Haslet's and Smallwood's battalions andmarched down. Colonel Atlee, who was also ordered forward, was on theroad before him, with that part of his regiment, about one hundred andtwenty men, not already on picket; and Huntington's ConnecticutContinentals, under Lieutenant-Colonel Clark (Huntington himself beingsick), [134] and Kachlein's Pennsylvania riflemen were soon afterstarted in the same direction. Meanwhile, within the lines, thealarm-guns were fired, the whole camp roused, and the troops drawn upat the forts and breastworks. Hand's riflemen, who had but just laindown, "almost dead with fatigue, " were turned out to take post in FortPutnam and the redoubt on its left. [135] [Footnote 132: _Parsons' Letters. _ Part II. , Document 5. ] [Footnote 133: _Stirling to Washington, Aug. 29th:_ "About threeo'clock on the morning of the 27th I was called up, and informed byGeneral Putnam that the enemy were advancing, " etc. --_Force_, 5thSeries, vol. I. , p. 1245. ] [Footnote 134: "Col. Huntington is unwell, but I hope getting a littlebetter. He has a slow fever. Maj. Dyer is also unwell with a slowfever. Gen'l Greene has been very sick but is better. Genls. Putnam, Sullivan, Lord Sterling, Nixon, Parsons, & Heard are on Long Islandand a strong part of our army. "--_Letter from Col. Trumbull, Aug. 27th, 1776. _ _Document_ 7. ] [Footnote 135: See references on Ewing's sketch, Document 15: "H. FortPutnam where part of Colo. Hand's men commanded by Lieut C. [Lieutenant-Colonel] Chambers were detached from the Regt. To man thefort. --I. A small upper Fort where [I] was with the Colo the Day ofthe Engagement. " Lieutenant-Colonel Chambers says: "We had just got tothe fort, and I had only laid down, when the alarm-guns were fired. Wewere compelled to turn out to the lines, and as soon as it was lightsaw our men and theirs engaged with field-pieces. " Nearly all theaccounts put Hand and his battalion at the Flatbush Pass during thebattle on the 27th. This, as we now find, is an error. The battalionwas worn out by its continued and effective skirmishing since thelanding of the enemy, and required rest; but of this it was to getvery little, even within the lines. ] When Stirling reached a point within half a mile of the Red Lion hefound, as Parsons had before him, that the enemy had met with littleopposition or delay at the outposts on that road, and were now on thefull march towards the Brooklyn lines. As there were still goodpositions which he could occupy, he immediately made a disposition ofhis force to offer resistance. The road here ran in a winding coursealong the line of the present Third Avenue, but a short distance fromthe bay, with here and there a dwelling which together constituted theGowanus village or settlement. Where the present Twenty-third Streetintersects the avenue there was a small bridge on the old road whichcrossed a ditch or creek setting up from the bay to a low and marshypiece of ground on the left, looking south; and just the other side ofthe bridge, the land rose to quite a bluff at the water's edge, whichwas known among the Dutch villagers as "Blockje's Bergh. " From thebluff the low hill fell gradually to the marsh or morass justmentioned, the road continuing along between them. [136] Right here, therefore, the approach by the road was narrow, and at the corner ofTwenty-third Street was confined to the crossing at the bridge. [Footnote 136: The writer is indebted to the Hon. Teunis G. Bergen, ofBay Ridge, L. I. , for an accurate description and sketch of the GowanusRoad, as it lay at the time of the battle. His survey is followed inthe "Map of the Brooklyn Defences, " etc. , Title, Maps. Part II. ] [Illustration: [signature: Jed Huntington] COLONEL SEVENTEENTH REGIMENT OF FOOT (CONN. ) BRIGADIER GENERAL 1777. Steel Engr. F. Von Egloffstein N. Y. ] According to his own account, and from our present knowledge of thetopography, Stirling evidently came to a halt on or just this side of"Blockje's Bergh. " Seeing the British not far in his front, and takingin the situation at a glance, he ordered Atlee to post his men on theleft of the road and wait the enemy's coming up, while he himselfretired with Smallwood's and Haslet's to form line on a piece of "veryadvantageous ground" further back. Atlee reports this preliminary moveas follows: "I received orders from Lord Stirling to advance with mybattalion and oppose the enemy's passing a morass or swamp at the footof a fine rising ground, upon which they were first discovered, andthereby give time to our brigade to form upon the heights. This orderI immediately obeyed, notwithstanding we must be exposed without anykind of cover to the great fire of the enemy's musketry andfield-pieces, charged with round and grapeshot, and finely situatedupon the eminence above mentioned, having entire command of the groundI was ordered to occupy. My battalion, although new and never beforehaving the opportunity of facing an enemy, sustained their fire untilthe brigade had formed; but finding we could not possibly preventtheir crossing the swamp, I ordered my detachment to file off to theleft and take post in a wood upon the left of the brigade. "[137]General Parsons says: "We took possession of a hill about two milesfrom camp, and detached Colonel Atlee to meet them further on theroad; in about sixty rods he drew up and received the enemy's fire andgave them a well-directed fire from his regiment, which did greatexecution, and then retreated to the hill. " [Footnote 137: _Atlee's Journal. _ _Force_, 5th Series, vol. I. , p. 1251. ] This advantageous site, where Stirling had now drawn up his brigade todispute Grant's progress, was the crest of the slope which rosenortherly from the marsh and low ground around "Blockje's Bergh, " andwhich to-day is represented by about the line of TwentiethStreet. [138] Here was an elevation or ridge favorable for defence, and here Stirling proposed to make a stand. On the right, next to theroad, he posted Smallwood's battalion, under Major Gist; further alongup the hillside were the Delawares, under Major MacDonough;[139] andon their left, in the woods above, Atlee's men formed after fallingback from their attempt to stop the enemy. [Footnote 138: Probably the earliest of modern attempts to identifythe site where Stirling formed his line was that made in 1839 by Maj. D. B. Douglass, formerly of the United States Army. Greenwood Cemetery, says Mr. Cleveland in his history of _Greenwood_, owes its presentbeautiful appearance largely to this officer's "energy and taste, "Douglass having been one of the first surveyors of the ground. Helocated Stirling's position on what was then known as Wyckoff's hill, between Eighteenth and Twentieth streets; and tradition and all theoriginal documents confirm this selection. This was a lower elevationin the general slope from the main ridge towards the bay. Stirlingsimply drew his men up in a straight line from the road towards thehill-tops, and beyond him on the same line or more in advance, wasParsons. The map in Sparks' _Washington_ putting Stirling down nearthe Narrows is erroneous. ] [Footnote 139: The colonels and lieutenant-colonels of both theseregiments were detained at New York as members of the court-martialwhich tried Lieutenant-colonel Zedwitz, of MacDougall's regiment, charged with treasonable correspondence with the enemy. They joinedtheir regiments after the battle. ] When Kachlein's[140] riflemen came up, the general stationed part ofthem along hedges near the foot of the hill in front of theMarylanders, and part in front of the woods near Atlee. The line hadhardly been formed before it was observed that the enemy threatened tooverlap it on the left, and Parsons was accordingly ordered to takeAtlee's and Huntington's regiments and move still further into thewoods to defeat the designs on that flank. [Footnote 140: This name appears in other accounts as Kichline orKeichline. It is properly Kachlein, being so spelled by other membersof this officer's family. ] Finding Stirling thus thrown across their path, the British also drewup in line and disposed their force as if intending to attack him atonce. About opposite to the Marylanders, possibly on Blockje's Bergh, Grant posted the sixth brigade in two lines, while the fourth brigadewas extended in a single line from the low ground to the top of thehills in Greenwood Cemetery. Here, then, was a regular battle formation--Grant and Stirlingopposing each other--and we may regard it with interest not only asthe only line of battle preserved, on the American side at least, during this day's struggle, but as being the first instance in theRevolution where we met the British in the open field. Before this ithad been fighting under different conditions--the regulars mowed downat Bunker Hill, Montgomery attempting to storm Quebec, or Moultriebravely holding a fort against a fleet; now the soldiers on eitherside stood face to face, and the opportunity seemed at hand to fairlytest their native courage. Greatly disproportionate, however, was thestrength of these two lines. Stirling's, all told, contained not morethan sixteen hundred men; while Grant's, which besides the twobrigades included the Forty-second Highlanders and two companies ofAmerican loyalists, was little less than seven thousand strong. But ifwe find here a threatening attitude, let us not expect any desperatefighting. It was not Grant's object to bring on an engagement at thisearly hour, now seven o'clock in the morning, for he wished to keepStirling where he was until the other movements of the day weredeveloped. He contented himself with appearing to be on the point ofattack, and Stirling could do no more than prepare for a stubborndefence of his ground. The first move of the British was to send forward a small body oflight troops from their left, which advanced to within one hundred andfifty yards of Stirling's right. This would bring them not far fromthe little bridge on the road, where, from behind hedges andapple-trees, they opened fire on our advanced riflemen, who repliedwith spirit. In the mean time, Stirling was reinforced by a two-gun battery fromKnox's artillery, under Captain-Lieutenant Benajah Carpenter, ofProvidence, R. I. , which was at once placed on the hillside to commandthe road, and, according to Stirling, "the only approach for somehundred yards, " which must have been that part of the road runningover the bridge. The skirmishing was kept up at a lively rate forabout two hours, and occasionally, it would appear, our entire lineengaged in the fire. Of the particular incidents which occurred atthis point we have almost nothing; but perhaps, from one or two merereferences that have been preserved, the whole scene can be imagined. "The enemy, " writes one of the Maryland soldiers, "advanced towardsus, upon which Lord Stirling, who commanded, drew up in a line andoffered them battle in true English taste. The British then advancedwithin about 200 yards of us, and began a heavy fire from their cannonand mortars, for both the Balls and Shells flew very fast, now andthen taking off a head. Our men stood it amazingly well; not even oneof them shewed a Disposition to shrink. Our orders were not to fireuntil the Enemy came within fifty yards of us, but when they perceivedwe stood their fire so cooly and resolutely they declined coming anynearer, altho' treble our number. "[141] Colonel Haslet, although notwith his regiment, reported to his friend Cæsar Rodney that "theDelawares drew up on the side of a hill, and stood upwards of fourhours, with a firm, determined countenance, in close array, theircolors flying, the enemy's artillery playing on them all the while, not daring to advance and attack them;"[142] and his ensign, Stephens, pointed with pride to the standard "torn with shot" while held in hishands. [Footnote 141: _Extracts from the Stiles Diary_ in vol. Ii. , p. 488, of the Long Island Historical Society's _Memoirs_. ] [Footnote 142: _Haslet to Rodney. _ _Force_, 5th Series, vol. Ii. , p. 881. ] Galled perhaps by the fire of Carpenter's battery, the British lighttroops retired to their main line, and the firing from this time wascontinued chiefly by the artillery. On their left they advanced onehowitzer to within three hundred yards of Stirling's right, and infront of his left they opened with another piece at a distance of sixhundred yards, and until about eleven o'clock the cannonading wasvigorously sustained. Here was an engagement begun, and for four hoursStirling's men were encouraged with the belief that they were holdingback the invaders. Their general inspired them with his own resolutionand bravery, both by word and example; and their good conduct in thistheir first experience under fire, exposed without cover to cannon andmusket shot, indicated that Grant could not have pushed them backwithout suffering severely. The casualties had not been large, but thenerves of the men were none the less tested by the ordeal. Among theMarylanders, Captain Edward Veazey, who commanded one of theindependent companies, doing duty with Smallwood's regiment, fell"early in the engagement;" and either here, or on the retreat at alater hour, also fell Captain Carpenter, whose battery had been doinggood work on Stirling's line. Of the Delawares, Major MacDonough andLieutenants Anderson and Course were slightly wounded. Accounts agreethat few of the men in either Smallwood's, Haslet's, or Kachlein'sbattalions were killed or wounded while holding this position. The three regiments immediately under Stirling thus not only appearedto be doing well, but had actually proved themselves the best ofsoldiers, both by keeping an unwavering line when the British lighttroops advanced, as if to be followed by the main column, and inmaintaining their ranks and discipline when subjected to thesubsequent fire of the artillery. Nor were these the only men who did themselves credit. That littleparty composed of Atlee's and Huntington's battalions, under GeneralParsons, which had gone into the woods to protect Stirling's left, must not be forgotten. Our published accounts heretofore fail toparticularize the service it did; but it was of no small account, asParson's and Atlee's independent testimony and the returns of theBritish losses clearly show. The party, not much over three hundredstrong, filed off to the left, and soon came in sight of "a hill ofclear ground" about three hundred yards distant, which was judged tobe the proper situation from which to watch the enemy. [143] Thedirection Parsons' men took, the distances mentioned, and the factthat tradition associates the site with part of the fighting on thatday, can leave no doubt but that the hill referred to here was one ofthe two or three distinct elevations in the north-western section ofGreenwood Cemetery, and to one of which has since been given thecommemorative title of "Battle Hill. " A spot fitly named, for aroundit some brave work was done! As the detachment neared the hill, theBritish flanking troops were also observed to be marching to seize it. Atlee seeing this hurried his men to reach it first, but the enemywere there before him and poured a volley into his battalion. Fortunately, not being well aimed, this did trifling damage, but underthe shock a part of his men, with two companies from the Delawareregiment, which had been ordered to join them, wavered. Rallying themost of them, Atlee soon ordered an advance up the hill, telling themen at the same time "to preserve their fire and aim aright;" and theyall pushed forward with so much resolution, and apparently with suchan effective discharge of their pieces, that the enemy fell back, leaving behind them twelve killed and a lieutenant and four privateswounded. In this encounter Atlee lost his "worthy friend" andlieutenant-colonel, Caleb Parry, who fell dead upon the field withouta groan, while cheering on the battalion. Ordering four soldiers totake the remains of "the hero" back into the Brooklyn lines, Atleehalted his "brave fellows" on the hill, and all Parsons' command heretook post to await the further movements of the British on this flank. The force they had met and repulsed consisted of the Twenty-third andForty-fourth and a part of the Seventeenth regiments, by whom theywere soon to be attacked again. In half an hour after the first affairthe enemy formed for another effort to seize the hill, but againAtlee's and Huntington's men opened upon them, and for a second timecompelled their retreat, with the loss of Lieutenant-Colonel Grant, abrave and valued field-officer of the Fortieth Regiment, whose fallgave ground for the report, credited for some days after in theAmerican army, that Major-General Grant, the division commander, wasamong the enemy's killed in the battle of Long Island. Parsons' men bythis time had fired away all their ammunition (Atlee says that hisbattalion, at least, had entirely emptied their cartridge-boxes), andhad used what charges could be got from the enemy's dead and wounded, when Huntington's ammunition cart "very luckily" came on the ground, and the men were re-supplied for still a third attack, which wasthreatened with the assistance of the Forty-second Highlanders; butthe British this time kept a safe distance, and Parsons and Atleeremained on the hill, where they collected the enemy's dead and placedtheir wounded under the shelter of the trees. Thus bravely andeffectively had this small body of Americans protected Stirling'sflank and dealt the enemy the severest blows they suffered at any onepoint during the day, and this, as in the case of Stirling's men, withbut small loss to themselves. From behind fences and trees, and, iftradition is correct, from the tops of trees as well, and from openground on the hill, they kept up their destructive fire andsuccessfully accomplished what they had been called upon to do. [144]That the British did not intend at this hour to drive Parsons andAtlee from their post is no detraction from the spirited fight made bythese officers and their men, who knew nothing of the enemy'sintentions, and who actually won the field from the troops they met. All along this front, from Stirling holding the road on the right toParsons holding the left, with a long gap between them, the fightingthus far had resulted most favorably to the American side. The mainline, as already stated, had lost not more than two officers killedand three or four wounded, with a small number of men; while Parsonsand Atlee both report that in addition to the death of Lieutenant-ColonelParry they lost only one or two men wounded. But, on the part of theBritish, Grant's two brigades, with the Forty-second Highlanders andthe two companies of New York loyalists, lost, according to Howe'sofficial report, two officers killed and four wounded, and among themen twenty-five killed and ninety-nine wounded. The four regimentsalone which at different times encountered Parsons--the Seventeenth, Twenty-third, Forty-fourth, and Forty-second--lost in the aggregateeighty-six officers and men killed and wounded. [Footnote 143: _Atlee's Journal. _ _Force_, 5th Series, vol. I. , p. 1251. ] [Footnote 144: Parsons' reference to this affair at or near "BattleHill" in Greenwood is as follows: "I was ordered with Col. Atlee andpart of his Reg't, and Lt. Col. Clark with Col. Huntington's Reg't tocover the left flank of our main body. This we executed though ournumber did at no time exceed 300 men and we were attacked threeseveral times by two regiments, ye 44th and 23d and repulsedthem in every attack with considerable loss. The number of dead we hadcollected together and the heap the enemy had made we supposedamounted to about 60. We had 12 or 14 wounded prisoners who we causedto be dressed and their wounds put in the best state our situationwould admit. "--_Document_ 5. See Colonel Atlee's journal in _Force's Archives_ for a full accountof the part his battalion took in this fighting. ] * * * * * While, now, Stirling and Parsons seemed to be effectually blocking theadvance of the British by the lower road and the Greenwood hills, whatwas the situation at the other passes? Up to eight o'clock, some five hours after Grant's appearance at theRed Lion, no determined attack had been reported from either theFlatbush or Bedford roads. The Hessians had made some show ofadvancing from Flatbush at an early hour, but they had not as yetdriven in our pickets, although approaching near enough for the gunsat the breastwork on the road to fire upon them. No word had come fromMiles; nothing had been heard from the patrol of officers at theJamaica Pass. Whatever tactics the enemy were pursuing, it was evidentthat at this hour they had not developed indications of a simultaneousadvance "all along the line. " Were they making their principal pushagainst Stirling? Were they waiting for the fleet to work its way upto co-operate? or would they still attempt to force the passes and thehills at all points and overcome the American outguards by sheerweight of numbers? Whatever theory our generals may have entertainedat this time as to the intentions of the British--a point which wehave no means of determining--it is certain that at about half-pasteight or nine o'clock Major-General Sullivan rode out from theBrooklyn lines to the Flatbush Pass, with the evident purpose ofexamining the situation at that and other points, and of obtaining thelatest information respecting the enemy's movements. We have thissubstantially from his own pen: "I went, " he says, "to the hill nearFlatbush to reconnoitre the enemy. "[145] Nothing more natural, andnothing more necessary; the situation at that hour required that someresponsible general officer should be in this vicinity to direct thedisposition of the troops the moment the enemy uncovered their plan. Stirling on the lower road had his hands full, and it became someone's duty to see that he was not put in danger by any possible mishapelsewhere on the hills. Sullivan, therefore, the second in command, went out to "examine" and to "reconnoitre. " He had been out theevening before, making the rounds with Putnam; to him Miles hadreported the situation of affairs on the extreme left; and it was byhis general orders that the last detail of guards had been made foreach of the passes. He was accordingly familiar with the plan of theouter defence, and upon reaching the Flatbush Pass, where, as Milesstates, he took his station at the redoubt or barricade on the road, he seems to have given certain directions on the strength of theinformation he had obtained. If we may credit the writer of one of theletters published at the time, the general was told that the mainbody of the enemy were advancing by the lower road, "whereupon heordered another battalion to the assistance of Lord Stirling, keeping800 men to guard the pass. "[146] It is not difficult to accept this asa correct statement of what actually occurred, because it is what weshould expect would have taken place under the circumstances. ThatSullivan took out any additional troops with him when he went to thepass does not appear, but doubtless some were sent there. But as tothis Flatbush Pass, the most that can be said with any degree ofcertainty is, that at about nine o'clock in the morning the Hessiansstill remained comparatively quiet at the foot of the hills below;that our guards and pickets stood at their different posts, not inregular line, but detached on either side of the road, the commanderof each party governing himself as necessity required; that they wereexpected to hold that point stubbornly, if for no other purpose nowthan to secure Stirling's line of retreat; and that if attacked theywere to be reinforced. At the hour Sullivan reached the pass thesituation at all points appeared to be satisfactory. [Footnote 145: Most of our writers are led into the error of supposingthat Sullivan was already at the Flatbush Pass, and that when he wentto reconnoitre he started from this point. The general says: "I wentto the Hill near Flatbush to reconnoitre the enemy, and with a picketof four hundred men was surrounded by the enemy, " etc. He went to thehill--where from? The main camp, necessarily. We already had ourpickets well out in front, and had Sullivan gone beyond these he wouldhave come upon the Hessians. Besides his position fully overlookedFlatbush, and no reconnoissance was necessary. Miles states that thegeneral remained at the redoubt. The quotation above means no morethan that Sullivan went out from the Brooklyn lines, and afterwardswas surrounded and fought with four hundred of the guard who werethere at the Pass with him. ] [Footnote 146: _Document_ 19. ] * * * * * But little did the Americans suspect that at the very moment theirdefence seemed well arranged and their outguards vigilant they werealready in the web which the enemy had been silently weaving aroundthem during the night. That flanking column! Skilfully had it playedits part in the British plans, and with crushing weight was it now tofall upon our outpost guards, who felt themselves secure along thehills and in the woods. Cross again into the opposite camp and followthe approach of this unlooked-for danger. First, Lord Howe withdrewCornwallis from Flatbush to Flatlands towards evening on the 26th, and at nine o'clock at night set this flanking corps in motion. SirHenry Clinton commanded the van, which consisted of the light dragoonsand the brigade of light infantry. Cornwallis and the reserveimmediately followed; and after him marched the First Brigade and theSeventy-first Regiment, with fourteen pieces of field artillery. Thesetroops formed the advance corps, and were followed at a properinterval by Lord Percy and Howe himself, with the Second, Third, andFifth brigades, the guards, and ten guns. The Forty-ninth Regiment, with four twelve-pounders, and the baggage with a separate guard, brought up the rear. All told, this column was hardly less than tenthousand strong. With three Flatbush Tories acting as guides, it tookup the march and headed, as Howe reports, "across the country throughthe new lots" towards the Jamaica Pass, moving slowly and cautiouslyalong the road from Flatlands until it reached Shoemaker's Bridge, which crossed a creek emptying into Jamaica Bay, when the columnstruck over the fields to the Jamaica Road, where it came to a halt inthe open lots a short distance south-east of the pass, and directly infront of Howard's Halfway House. [147] [Footnote 147: Consult map of the battle-field, Part II. ] Here now occurred one of those incidents which, though insignificantin themselves, sometimes become fatalities that turn the scale ofbattle. The five American officers whom General Sullivan had sent outthe evening before to patrol this pass had stationed themselves atthis time, now between two and three o'clock on the morning of the27th, a short distance east of Howard's house, apparently waiting forsounds of the enemy on the line of the road. Evidently they had nothought of his approach "across lots" from the direction of Flatlands, or they could not have left the pass unwatched by one or more of theparty. For most of them, this was the first tour of military duty ofso responsible a nature, and whatever mistakes they made may bereferred to their inexperience or ignorance of the relative situationof the roads in that vicinity. Who had charge of the party does notappear. So far as known, only one of them, Lieutenant Van Wagenen, hadseen any considerable service; but although something of a veteran, having entered the army in 1775 and charged with Montgomery uponQuebec, he could have known nothing of the country he was nowpatrolling. Lieutenants Troup and Dunscomb were young Columbia Collegegraduates of two years' standing, who had eagerly taken up the causeof the colonists in the midst of adverse associations. Gilliland mayhave once been an officer in McDougall's regiment, and Hoogland wasadjutant of Colonel Lasher's battalion. Had these officers, whowithout doubt were all mounted, been patrolling at the pass or nearerthe lines, the events of the 27th might have worn a far differentaspect. As it was, the British by coming into the road at Howard's hadput themselves in the rear of the patrol, and its capture was quicklyeffected. Captain William Glanville Evelyn, "a gallant officer" of theFourth Infantry, or King's Own, and a descendant of the eminent JohnEvelyn, of England, led the British advance this night, and it fell tohis fortune to surround and capture all five American officers andsend them immediately to Clinton, who commanded the leading column. Here was a blow inflicted upon us by the British, the real importanceof which they themselves even were ignorant of, for they had madeprisoners of the only patrol that was watching the Jamaica route fromthe pass down to the very lines themselves! Clinton "interrogated" the prisoners upon the spot, and ascertainedfrom them that the pass had not been occupied by the Americans. Hethen attempted to obtain information of the position at Brooklyn andthe number of troops now there, by pressing the officers withquestions, when Dunscomb, indignant at the advantage he was taking oftheir situation, replied to Clinton that "under other circumstances hewould not dare insult them in that manner. " For this the younglieutenant was called "an impudent rebel, " and the British officersthreatened to have him hanged. Dunscomb's courage was equal to theoccasion, and, scouting the threat, declared that Washington wouldhang man for man in return, and that as for himself he should giveClinton no further information. But stoutly as Dunscomb and hisfellows maintained their rights and honor as prisoners, their capturewas one of the fatal turns that brought misfortune to the Americanarmy. [148] [Footnote 148: Hardly one of our modern accounts refers to this patrolor its capture. The incident, however, affected the situation gravely. Howe mentions it in his report as follows: "General Clinton beingarrived within half a mile of the pass about two hours beforedaybreak, halted, and settled his disposition for the attack. One ofhis patrols falling in with a patrol of the enemy's officers tookthem; and the General learning from their information that the Rebelshad not occupied the pass, detached a battalion of Light Infantry tosecure it. " Gordon says this: "One of his [Clinton's] patrols falls inwith a patrol of American officers on horseback, who are trepanned andmade prisoners. " The letter in the _South Carolina Gazette_(_Document_ 19) is to similar effect: "Five officers were also sentout on horseback to patrol the last-mentioned road and that leading toJamaica, . . . And were all made prisoners. " Still stronger is thetestimony of a letter to be found in the _Autobiography andCorrespondence of Mary Granville, Mrs. Delany, with InterestingReminiscences of George III. And Queen Charlotte, &c. , London, 1862_. "The Hon. Mrs. Boscawen to Mrs. Delany. --_Glan Villa_, 17th Oct. 1776. . . . To compleat the prosperity of my journey I found on my returnto ye inn the most delightful news of our success on Long Island sothat I had a most agreeable supper and drank health to the noblebrothers [the two Howes]. We have had a letter from Capt. Evelyn fromthe field of battle; he was in ye brigade of light infantry, andtook 5 officers prisoners who were sent to observe our motions. Hementions Dr. Boscawen's son being well, for whom we were in greatcare, being the only child. O! to compleat this by good news from N. York and then peace!" We know who these officers were from severalsources, the most authoritative and important being the documents leftby one of the party himself, Lieutenant Van Wagenen, and now in thepossession of his grandson, Mr. Gerret H. Van Wagenen, of Brooklyn. This officer had been sent down to Philadelphia in charge of prisonersfrom Canada. At this point his deposition states that "on his returnto New York he found the enemy landing upon Long Island, and being asupernumerary he went to Long Island and offered his services to Gen'lSullivan, who requested him, and four other officers, namely, RobertTroup, Edward Dunscomb, William Guilderland and Jeromus Hooghland, togo and reconnoitre the enemy, who were observed to be in motion, andin the various advances on the enemy, fell in with a body of horse andinfantry by whom he and his little party were made prisoners, andcontinued a Prisoner for about twenty-two months. " Respecting thequestioning of the officers by Clinton, there is good authority. Lieutenants Troup and Dunscomb, who afterwards rose to the rank ofLieutenant-colonel and Captain respectively, have daughters stillliving in New York, and from their own recollections and from papersin their possession, the account given in the text is collated. At thetime of Captain Dunscomb's death one or more letters were published byfriends who had the particulars of the incident directly from him. (See biographical sketches of these officers, Part II. ) The sendingout of officers on such duty as was required this night, was notunusual. The British scouts who preceded the expedition to Lexingtonin 1775 were officers in disguise. Similar instances during the warcould be recalled as at Brandywine. Mr. Henry Onderdonk, Jr. , ofJamaica, states, in his carefully compiled and valuable collection of_Revolutionary Incidents on Long Island_, that the patrol was capturedunder a tree east of Howard's House. ] Upon learning that the pass was unguarded, Clinton, as Howe reports, ordered one of the light infantry battalions to occupy it, and soonafter the main column followed. It would appear, however, that hestill moved cautiously, and that the battalion, or the troops thatfollowed, avoided a direct approach, and reached the Jamaica Road onthe other side of the pass by a roundabout lane known as the RockawayPath. The innkeeper Howard was waked up, and with his son compelledto guide the British around to the road, where it was discovered, asthe patrol had stated, that the pass was unguarded. When the wholeforce had marched through to the other side it was halted for a brief"rest and refreshment, " and then continued down the road to Bedford, where the van, consisting of dragoons and light infantry, arrivedabout half-past eight o'clock in the morning. So this flanking corpshad succeeded in making a slow, difficult, and circuitous march ofsome nine miles from Flatlands during the night, and had placed itselfdirectly in the rear of the left of the American outposts, before itsapproach was known in the Brooklyn camp. It was now nearer the linesthan were our picket guards at either of the outposts on the hills, and by a swift advance down the Jamaica Road and along the GowanusRoad to its intersection with the Port Road, it could have interposeditself across every avenue of retreat from the hills to the lines. Itwas Howe's plan to cut off the American retreat entirely, but whilesuccessful in reaching our rear he fortunately failed to reap thefullest advantage of his move. The loss he was now able to inflictupon us was hardly a third of what might have been possible. But forthe Americans it was more than enough. From this point followed trialand disaster. The day, which had opened so promisingly on the lowerroad, had already, at early dawn, been lost to them at the JamaicaPass. What next happened after the British reached Bedford? What, in thefirst place, had Miles been about in the woods on the extreme leftthat the enemy should gain his rear before he knew it? Fortunately wehave the colonel himself and his lieutenant-colonel, Brodhead, to tellus much if they do not explain all. Miles then puts it on record that, on the day before the engagement, General Sullivan came to his camp, to whom he reported his belief that when the enemy moved they wouldfall into the Jamaica Road, and he hoped there were troops there towatch them. On the following morning, at about seven o'clock, firingbegan at the redoubt on the Flatbush Road, and he immediately marchedin that direction, but was stopped by Colonel Wyllys at the BedfordPass, who informed him that he could not pass on, as they were todefend the Bedford Road. "Colonel Wyllys bearing a Continental, and Ia State commission, " says Miles, "he was considered a senior officer, and I was obliged to submit; but I told him I was convinced the mainbody of the enemy would take the Jamaica Road, that there was noprobability of their coming along the road he was then guarding, andif he would not let me proceed to where the firing was, I would returnand endeavor to get into the Jamaica Road before General Howe. To thishe consented, and I immediately made a retrograde march, and aftermarching nearly two miles, the whole distance through woods, I arrivedwithin sight of the Jamaica Road, and to my great mortification I sawthe main body of the enemy in full march between me and our lines, andthe baggage guard just coming into the road. " Had Miles been surprised? This is one of the problems of the battle. For four days he had been on the watch on this flank, and now theBritish were in his rear! Would he have made that "retrograde" marchthis morning, when the strictest attention to one's particular orderswas necessary, unless he had known that there were no troops on theJamaica Road, and unless it was a part of his duty to reconnoitre inthat direction? But he was now making a stout effort to find and fightHowe, and before charging him with a blunder let us follow the battleto its close. One of Miles' soldiers hurried into camp and reported to Putnam thatinfantry and cavalry were marching down from the Jamaica Pass;[149]but all too late, for right upon the heels of the information came theenemy! They pushed down the road from Bedford, and across the country, to attack the American outguards in the rear, while the Hessians wereto come up in front. So, if we glance over the field again at abouthalf-past nine or ten o'clock on this eventful morning, we find thewhole aspect changed, and our entire force on the hills apparentlycaught in a trap. Stirling was still facing Grant upon the right, buthis rear was in danger; while Sullivan and the picket guards at theother passes were wedged in between the two powerful columns underHowe and De Heister. What now was done? Who escaped? [Footnote 149: _Force_, 5th Series, vol. I. , p. 1195. ] Evidently Miles, way out in the woods on the left, had the leastprospect of getting back to the Brooklyn lines. When he found theBritish on the road between him and camp he first proposed to attacktheir baggage guard and cut his way through to the Sound, but onconsulting his officers (his first battalion alone being with him) heturned about, determined to attempt a retreat to camp. It wasimpossible for him to succeed, for he had a march of full three milesto make; and after encountering the enemy once or twice in the woods, he, with many of his men, was compelled to surrender. Brodhead, whilemarching through the woods in Indian file to join him, was alsoattacked and his men dispersed, though most of them, with thelieutenant-colonel himself, escaped to the lines. The rout wasspeedily communicated to the guards at the two remaining points. Atthe Bedford Pass the detachments under Colonel Wyllys andLieutenant-Colonel Wills appear to have realized their danger aboutthe time the British reached Bedford village. Finding Miles' troopsbroken up and flying, they too, through fear of being intercepted, took up the retreat. Finally, at the Flatbush Pass--the last point inthe outpost line to be attacked--the peril was still greater, for nowthe Hessians were moving up in front. Here, as we have seen, GeneralSullivan had just arrived to examine the situation. He had not long towait, however, before the nature of that situation fully dawned uponhim and the troops at the pass. While watching the Hessians atFlatbush they suddenly hear the rattle of musketry on the left oftheir rear, where British light infantry and dragoons are beginning tochase and fire upon Miles, Brodhead, and Wyllys, and their brokendetachments. The Flatbush Pass was a point to be held, for it was thecentre of the outpost line, and retreat therefrom would endangerStirling; but Sullivan and his men must act promptly if they would dono more even than save themselves, for the enemy by this time are muchnearer the Brooklyn lines than they. Just what occurred at thisjuncture the records fail to tell us clearly. Did Sullivan, as oneletter states, immediately send word to Stirling to retreat?[150]This would have been the first and natural step. Whoever thecommanding officer might be at the Flatbush Pass, it was for him towatch the situation at the outpost line and give orders to the rightand left. All depended on what was done at that pass. If the guardsthere gave way all the others must give way instantly. Whether theword, therefore, reached Stirling or not, we must believe thatSullivan sent it, as he ought to have done, and is reported to havedone. As for the general himself and his party, retreat was the onlyalternative. Leaving the advanced pickets to fall back before theHessians, they turned towards the British in their rear. Very soonthey encountered the light infantry and dragoons, who were nowengaging in the attack with the highest dash and spirit. Reinforced byfour companies of the guards, the latter captured three pieces of ourartillery--the same, doubtless, which had just been playing upon theHessians, but were now turned, in the retreat, upon the British--andwhich our gunners defended "heroically" to the last. Sullivan and hismen fought well, and apparently in separate parties, until nearly allthat had been stationed at the Flatbush Pass succeeded in breaking ormaking their way through to the lines. [Footnote 150: The supposition that Stirling commanded outside of thelines on Long Island is erroneous. He had command of the reserves incamp (Orders of August 25th), and was the proper officer to call uponto reinforce any part of the outer line in case of attack. Sullivansays, "Lord Stirling commanded the main body without the lines;" bywhich is meant that he was with the principal force that went out, ashe was. Until the attack, the general officer of the day was in chargeof the outposts. Sullivan governed himself according to circumstances. He was to be second in command under Putnam within the lines, hewrites; but the situation soon required his presence outside, where hewas also familiar with the dispositions. ] Meanwhile the Hessians appeared. They came up from the Flatbush plainswith drums beating and colors flying. Donop's grenadiers and yagersled, and immediately after them followed the veteran De Heister at thehead of the brigades. Reaching the summit of the ridge, they deployedtheir lines, and putting their sharpshooters in advance, moved rapidlyupon the position which our Flatbush Pass guard had just abandoned. They met with little opposition, for they had nothing before them butour scattered pickets. Soon, however, they fell in with theretreating groups which the British had cut off from the lines and hadpushed back into the hills, and upon these they fell fiercely, and inmany instances cruelly. Where they found a rifleman resisting toolong, they pinned him with their bayonets, and to some of the woundedthey showed no mercy. Most of the prisoners fell into their hands, forthe reason that they had been driven towards the Hessians by theBritish; but otherwise the day afforded no opportunity for fairfighting between these "foreigners" and our troops. [151] [Footnote 151: The Hessians are usually credited with taking aprominent part in this battle, whereas the day was practically decidedbefore they came up. Necessarily our guards at the Flatbush Pass knewthat the British were in their rear as soon or sooner than theHessians knew it. They therefore turned to meet this unexpected enemy. What Olney and Henshaw say settles this point. Olney states thatCornell marched towards the lines on hearing firing in his rear, leaving Olney to reinforce his pickets in front of the Hessians. Henshaw writes that, finding the enemy between him and the lines, andknowing no orders could come to retreat, he marched for camp. Cornelland Henshaw were old officers, knew the ground thoroughly, and saw atonce that they must retreat. No mention is made of the Hessians. Lieutenant Olney was in front of the latter some time before hefollowed after his regiment. Howe reports that it was the _British_who took our guns in that part of the field. If there was any suchsevere fighting at that pass, as Von Elking makes out, would theHessians have lost but two men killed--all that they lost during theday? There are errors of fact in this writer's account. The most thatthe Hessians did was to chase, capture, and sometimes bayonet those ofour soldiers whom the British had already routed. The real fighting ofthe day was done by Howe's English troops, and the very best he had, principally the light infantry, grenadiers, dragoons, andHighlanders. ] Thus all along the hills, from the Flatbush Pass to the extreme left, our outer guards were in full retreat! It was a flight and fight toreach the Brooklyn lines! Ten o'clock--and Miles, Brodhead, Wyllys, Wills, Johnston, Henshaw, and Cornell, with two thousand men, werehurrying through the woods, down the slopes and across the fields, some singly, some in groups, some keeping together in companies, somein battalions, all aiming for one objective--the camp! Here theyfought the light infantry; there they were charged upon by thedragoons; those who were intercepted fell into the hands or upon thebayonets of the Hessians. It was a trying and desperate situation fromwhich there was no relief and for a long time the woods echoed withthe shouts and cries of the contending parties. But upon the whole theloss to the Americans up to this time was not heavy, and couldStirling have been saved, the enemy would have had no great victory toboast of. Full half of Miles' two battalions reached the lines;Wyllys' and Chester's suffered but slightly; Henshaw and Cornellbrought their men in without much loss, and in comparatively goodorder; the greatest blow to the Jerseymen was the death of their bravecolonel, Johnston, their casualties otherwise being light; andKnowlton's hundred rangers just saved themselves from the dragoons, "with the utmost difficulty and on the full run. " The artillerymensuffered more. General Sullivan himself, after showing good courageand avoiding capture until noon, endeavored to conceal himself, butwas found and made prisoner by three Hessian grenadiers. [152] [Footnote 152: During this fighting by the British infantry, Cornwallis and the reserves moved straight down the Jamaica Road. TheThirty-third Regiment and the grenadiers in their pursuit of some ofthe American fugitives approached the fortified lines between FortGreene and Fort Putnam, and showed such eagerness to storm them that, according to Howe's report, it required repeated orders to hold themback. On the part of the Americans, Little reports that the enemy"attempted to force our lines, but soon retreated, being met with asmart fire from our breastworks;" and Little, no doubt, was at FortGreene, an eye-witness. ] * * * * * The day was lost at the left and centre, and it only remains to returnto Stirling on the right. This general stood his ground firmly, thoughthe firing in his rear grew ominously distinct. He refused toretreat, says Scott, for want of orders. If Sullivan sent him orders, as we have assumed on one writer's authority that he did, they failedto reach him. The time had come for the general to act on his ownjudgment, and finding his salvation dependent on an immediate retreat, he fell back from Grant's front between eleven and twelve o'clock, butonly to discover that he too was surrounded. The force which hadanticipated him was Cornwallis with the Seventy-first Regiment and theSecond Grenadiers, and they were holding his line of retreat on theGowanus Road. Stirling, realizing his danger, at once determined uponthe only manoeuvre that promised escape for any of his command. Uponhis left lay the Gowanus marsh and creek, where both were at theirbroadest, and where a crossing had never been attempted. But now theattempt must be made, or every man is lost. Upon the other side of thecreek are the Brooklyn peninsula, the lines, and safety. Stirlingtherefore ordered his men to make their way across as they could, while, to protect them as they forded or swam, he himself took Gistand half the Maryland battalion and proceeded to attack Cornwallis. Against all the misfortunes of the day this piece of resolution andtrue soldiership stands out in noble relief. The Marylanders followedtheir general without flinching, and were soon "warmly engaged" withthe enemy, who had posted themselves at a house--the old "Cortelyou"house--above the upper mills near the intersection of the Port andGowanus roads. They rallied to the attack several times, as Stirlingreports, and seemed on the point of dislodging Cornwallis, whenreinforcements came up, and the British drove back the Marylandersinto a piece of woods. Here, with conspicuous courage anddetermination, they formed again for still another effort to breakthrough. Stirling's example was inspiring. "He encouraged and animatedour young soldiers, " writes Gist, "with almost invincible resolution. "But his handful of brave men had done all that was possible, and intheir last charge they were met by great numbers and forced to retireagain, "with much precipitation and confusion. "[153] They broke upinto small parties and sought escape. Nine only, among whom was MajorGist, succeeded in crossing the creek, the rest having retreated intothe woods. [154] Stirling endeavored to get into the lines between theBritish and Fort Box, or by way of the mill-dam, but finding thisimpossible, he turned, ran through their fire, and eluding pursuitaround a hill, made his way to the Hessian corps and surrenderedhimself to General De Heister. He had sacrificed himself and party asprisoners, but his main object was accomplished. The rest of thecommand was saved! They crossed the marsh and creek with a loss of buttwo or three killed and six or eight drowned. [Footnote 153: The conduct of the Marylanders was soldierly beyondpraise. But some accounts subject them to a singular martyrdom, killing every man of the two hundred and fifty-nine reported missing. As there was but one officer wounded, or at the most one killed andone wounded in the party, according to the official returns, theproportion of men killed was doubtless small. The letter in _Force_, 5th Series, vol. I. , p. 1232, referring to this attack, bears everyevidence of having been written by Gist himself, and it is quoted ashis in the text. In this letter Gist speaks of being surrounded on allsides, and then adds: "The impracticability of forcing through such aformidable body of troops rendered it the height of rashness andimprudence to risk the lives of our remaining party in a thirdattempt, and it became necessary for us to endeavor to effect ourescape in the best manner we possibly could. " This shows that therewere many left to disperse. Their prudence was equal to theircourage. ] [Footnote 154: Before Stirling's fight with Cornwallis took place, themill and little bridge at the further end of the mill-dam acrossGowanus Creek were burned down. Colonel Smallwood charged "a certainColonel Ward" with the act, and claimed that the destruction of thebridge prevented the escape of Stirling and the Marylanders with him. Mr. Bancroft and Mr. Field repeat the charge. But Smallwood iscontradicted both by Stirling and Gist, the former stating that hecould not get by the British on the road full half a mile beyond thebridge, and the latter adding that he was driven back into the woods. The charge had no foundation, the bridge not having been set on fireuntil after the enemy took possession of the road above (see Ewing'ssketch). The "Colonel Ward" was Colonel Jonathan Ward, ofMassachusetts; and the probability is that he and Colonel Tyler, bothof whom lost some men during the day, had been sent out on the PortRoad, but, finding Cornwallis there, retreated, burning mill andbridge to obstruct the latter's possible advance in that quarter. ] It was during this scene in the incidents of the day that Washingtonand his staff came upon the ground. They had remained at New Yorkwatching the fleet, when, finding that no danger was to be apprehendedfrom that quarter, they crossed to Long Island. From the top of one ofthe hills within the lines, possibly Cobble Hill, the Chief witnessedStirling's retreat and fight, and is said there to have beenprofoundly moved as he saw how many brave men he must inevitably lose. Colonel Smallwood, of the Marylanders, who had rejoined his regiment, petitioned for a force to march out and assist Stirling, but thegeneral declined on account of the risks involved. Douglas'sConnecticut levies, just coming up from the ferry, [155] were sent tothe extreme right opposite the mouth of Gowanus Creek, where, withCaptain Thomas' Maryland Independent Company and two pieces ofartillery, they stood ready to prevent pursuit of the retreating partyby the enemy. [Footnote 155: The reinforcements that came over during the forenoon, besides Douglas's regiment, were Sage's and Selden's, which, withDouglas, completed Wadsworth's brigade on that side; Charles Webb's, of McDougall's brigade; and Scott, with Malcom and Humphrey's men, orthe rest of his brigade. ] Last of all, where were Parsons and Atlee? Had they been holding thathill in Greenwood all the morning, with a tenacity worthy of veterans, only to be swallowed up in the defeat and confusion of the day? Suchwas to be their fate. For some unexplained reason, when Stirling fellback, he failed to inform Parsons of his move. Both Parsons and Atleestate that no word reached them to join the general, and that it wasgreatly to their surprise when they found the line, whose flank theyhad been protecting, no longer there. Whatever the mistake, there wasno time to lose, for the enemy were now pressing on this little force, and it must retreat as Stirling had done. But it soon found itselfmore effectually hemmed in than any party in the field. Cornwallis, after driving the Marylanders back, had complete command of the road, and as Parsons and Atlee came along they found it impossible even toreach the marsh. Some escaped, but the greater part turned into thewoods and were all taken. Atlee, with twenty-three men, avoidedcapture until five o'clock in the afternoon; while Parsons, morefortunate, hid in a swamp, having escaped from the action and pursuit"as by a miracle, " and with seven men made his way into our lines atdaylight next morning. [156] [Footnote 156: "Colonel Huntington's and the Maryland regimentsuffered the most. General Parsons says that some of our men foughtthrough the enemy not less than 7 or 8 times that day. He lay outhimself part of the night concealed in a swamp, from whence he madehis escape with 7 men to our lines about break of day the nextmorning. "--_Letter from an Officer, Conn. Journal_, September 18th, 1776. "I came in with 7 men yesterday morning, much fatigued. "--_GeneralParsons_, August 29th, 1776. ] * * * * * The battle was over. It had continued at intervals, at one point oranother, over a range of five miles, from three o'clock in the morninguntil nearly two in the afternoon. Less than five thousand Americansat the passes, including Stirling's command and all others who hadmarched out during the morning, had been swept up or swept back bynearly twenty thousand British and Hessians. For our troops it was atotal defeat. They had been forced to abandon the outer line ofdefence--the very line Washington wished should be held "at allhazards"--and had been driven into the fortified camp on the Brooklynpeninsula. This result would have inevitably come, sooner or later, but no one could have entertained the possibility of its coming inthis sudden and disastrous shape. * * * * * Looking back over the day's work, the cause of the defeat is apparentat once: _We had been completely outflanked and surprised on theJamaica Road. _ Where the responsibility for the surprise should restis another question. Evidently, if that patrol of officers had notbeen captured, but, upon discovering the approach of the enemy, hadcarried the word directly to Miles' camp and to headquarters, theenemy would not have gained the rear of our outposts without warning. Miles and Wyllys could have interposed themselves across their path, and held the ground long enough at least to put our troops at theother points on their guard. The surprise of this patrol, therefore, can alone explain the defeat. But as the officers appear to have beensent out as an additional precaution, the responsibility must beshared by Miles and his regiment, who were the permanent guard on theleft. Brodhead, who wrote eight days after the event, distinctlyasserts that there were no troops beyond them, and that, for want ofvidettes, that flank was left for them to watch. Parsons, as officerof the day, reports that Miles was expected to patrol across theJamaica Road. But to charge the colonel personally with a fatalmistake or neglect is not warranted by the facts. His own patrols andpickets may have failed him. The simple fact appears that thisregiment was put upon our left, that our left was turned, and thebattle lost in consequence. As to the generalship of the day, if theresponsibility falls on any one, it falls first on Sullivan, who sentout the mounted patrol in the first instance, and to whom it belongedto follow up the precautions in that direction. Putnam was in chiefcommand, but nothing can be inferred from contemporary records tofasten neglect or blunder upon him any more than upon Washington, who, when he left the Brooklyn lines on the evening of the 26th, must haveknown precisely what disposition had been made for the night at thehills and passes. And upon Washington certainly the responsibilitycannot rest. [157] [Footnote 157: RESPONSIBILITY FOR THE DEFEAT. --According to some ofour more recent versions of this battle, the disaster is to bereferred to the wilful disobedience, criminal inattention, and totalincapacity of General Putnam. Several writers make the charge sopointedly and upon such an array of fact, that the reader is left towonder how all this should have escaped the notice of thecommander-in-chief at the time, and why Putnam was not immediatelycourt-martialled and dismissed the service, instead of beingcontinued, as he was, in important commands. The charge is the moreserious as it is advanced by so respectable an authority as Mr. Bancroft. Mr. Field, Mr. Dawson, and Dr. Stiles, following the latter, incline strongly in the same direction. Mr. Bancroft first assails Putnam for sending Stirling out to theright when word came in that the enemy were advancing and our picketsflying. This is criticised as "a rash order, " because it sent Stirlingto a position which was "dangerous in the extreme, " with the Gowanusmarsh in his rear. But as to this, it only needs to be said thatPutnam's written instructions from Washington were imperative toprevent the enemy from passing the hills and approaching the works. Itwould have been a clear disregard of Washington's intention had Putnamnot sent Stirling out precisely as he did. The enemy were coming upfrom the Narrows and must be checked "at all hazards. " Furthermore, the position Stirling took up at about Nineteenth Street was actuallysafer than any other on the outpost line. His right could not beturned, for it rested on the bay, and he could see every movement ofthe fleet. His left was well covered by Parsons, and no one could haveimagined his rear in danger with the other outposts guarding it formore than three miles. As a matter of fact, Stirling was nearer thelines than either Miles or Wyllys. Again, it is charged that when Putnam and Sullivan visited the extremeleft on the 26th "the movements of the enemy plainly disclosed that itwas their intention to get into the rear of the Americans by theJamaica Road, " yet nothing was done. The foundation of this isprobably a statement of Brodhead's and another by Miles to the effectthat these generals might have themselves observed that the enemy werepreparing for the Jamaica move. But if the intentions of the latterwere so obvious at that time, it is proper to ask why it was notequally obvious on the next morning that they were actually carryingout their intentions, and why Miles and Brodhead did not so report atan early hour. These officers were rightly impressed with theconviction that the enemy would come by way of Jamaica, but it iscertain that the enemy made no observable move in that direction fromFlatlands, where they had been for three days, until nine o'clock thatnight. So says Howe. It was clearly in the plan of the British to giveour outposts no ground for suspecting a flanking manoeuvre. Theirmovements were far from being "plainly disclosed. " The quotation givenby Mr. Bancroft in this connection, namely, that "Washington's orderto secure the Jamaica Road was not obeyed, " unfortunately appears asoriginal in a "Review of the War" published in 1779 and written bysome irresponsible individual in England, who could neither have knownwhat Washington's orders were, nor whether any attempt was made tocarry them out. A further charge is this: "Early in the morning, Putnam was informedthat infantry and cavalry were advancing on the Jamaica Road. He gaveWashington no notice of the danger; he sent Stirling no order toretreat. " This is doubtless on the authority of a letter in _Force_, 5th Series, vol. I. , p. 1195. But how early was Putnam informed? Thewriter of the letter who brought the word was probably one of Miles'or Brodhead's men, for he tells us that his regiment was dressed inhunting-shirts, and he makes the very important statement that on hisway back to his post he met the enemy! The information came too late, for the British were now marching down towards the lines. Sullivan hadgone to the Flatbush Pass, where he could understand the situationbetter than Putnam, and he was the proper officer to give directionsto the outposts at that moment. The charges made by Mr. Dawson have still less foundation. GeneralPutnam is stated never to have reconnoitred the enemy's position. Brodhead, however, states distinctly that he did. "It is also awell-established fact, " says this writer, "that no general officer wasoutside the lines at Brooklyn on the night of the 26th. " What is theauthority for this? Nixon, Stirling, and Parsons had been successivelyofficers of the day, and presumably did their duty. Parsons, on themorning of the 27th, was on the lower road trying to rally the picketsbefore Stirling appeared with reinforcements. "The mounted patrolswhich General Sullivan had established, as well as the guards at someof the passes established by General Greene, were withdrawn. " The factthat all the passes were well guarded and a special patrol sent out, is a complete answer to this assertion, so far as the night of the26th is concerned. In this light the general conclusion arrived at byMr. Dawson, that "General Putnam paid no attention to the orders ofGeneral Washington, " cannot be sustained. With regard to General Sullivan, it is but just to give his ownexplanation. A year after the battle, he wrote: "I know it has beengenerally reported that I commanded on Long Island when the actionshappened there. This is by no means true; _General Putnam_ had takenthe command from me four days before the action. Lord Stirlingcommanded the main body without the lines; I was to have command underGeneral Putnam within the lines. I was very uneasy about a roadthrough which I had often foretold the enemy would come, but could notpersuade others to be of my opinion. I went to the Hill near Flatbushto reconnoitre the enemy, and, with a piquet of four hundred men, wassurrounded by the enemy, who had advanced by the very road I hadforetold, and which I had paid horsemen fifty dollars for patrollingby night, while I had the command, as I had no foot for the purpose, for which I was never reimbursed, as it was supposed unnecessary. " Inanother letter he adds: "I was so persuaded of the enemy's coming the[Jamaica] route, that I went to examine, and was surrounded by theBritish army, and after a long and severe engagement was madeprisoner. " These letters were written when Sullivan was restless undercharges brought against him in connection with the defeat atBrandywine--charges which were properly dropped, however--and are notconclusive as to the Long Island affair. His statements are no doubtstrictly true, but they in no way affect the main point, namely, didwe or did we not have a patrol out on the Jamaica Road _on the nightof the 26th_? We have seen that there was such a patrol, and probablythe best that had yet been sent out, and sent out, according toLieutenant Van Wagenen, by General Sullivan himself. There are but few references to the question of responsibility incontemporary letters and documents. Gordon blames Sullivan as beingover-confident. Miles and Brodhead leave us to infer that this generalhad much to do with the plan of action, and must be held at least inpart responsible. Sullivan, on the other hand, according to Brodhead, blamed Miles for the defeat, as Parsons did. When these officerswrote, they wrote to defend their own conduct, and their testimony isnecessarily incomplete so far as others are concerned. In brief, the case seems to be this: On the night of the 26th we hadall the roads guarded. On the morning of the 27th Putnam promptlyreinforced the guards on the lower road when the enemy were announced. The arrangements were such that if an attack was made at any of theother points he and Sullivan were to have word of it in ample time. Noword came in time from the left, for the reason that those who were tobring it were captured, or surprised, or failed of their duty. Hencethe disaster. The dispositions on Long Island were quite as completeas those at Brandywine more than a year later, where we sufferednearly a similar surprise and as heavy a loss. Suppose the very smallpatrols sent out by Washington and Sullivan to gain information beforethat battle had been captured, as at Long Island--we should havesustained a greater disaster than at Long Island. Under this state of facts, to charge Putnam with the defeat of the27th, in the terms which some writers have employed, is both unjustand unhistorical. That misfortune is not to be clouded with theadditional reflection, that it was due to the gross neglect andgeneral incapacity of the officer in command. No facts or inferencesjustify the charge. No one hinted it at the time; nor did Washingtonin the least withdraw his confidence from Putnam during the remainderof the campaign. ] What has been said of other defeats may be said with equal truth ofthis one: if it was a disaster, it was not a disgrace. Even thesurprise upon the left discloses no criminal misconduct. In theactual fighting of the day our soldiers stood their ground. Necessarily we suffered heavily in prisoners, but otherwise our losswas inconsiderable. All the light that we have to-day goes toestablish the very important fact, originally credited and reported byWashington himself, but which hardly a single historical writer hassince ventured to repeat, that at the battle of Long Island _theBritish and Hessians suffered a loss in killed and wounded equal tothat inflicted upon the Americans_. [158] Howe reported his totalcasualties at three hundred and sixty-seven officers and soldiers. Onthe side of the Americans the total loss did not exceed one thousand. About eight hundred, including ninety-one officers, were takenprisoners; not more than six officers and about fifty privates werekilled; and less than sixteen officers and one hundred and fiftyprivates wounded. No frightful slaughter of our troops, as sometimespictured, occurred during the action. It was a field where theAmerican soldier, in every fair encounter, proved himself worthy ofthe cause he was fighting for. [Footnote 158: See note at the close of the chapter. ] * * * * * To those who fell in the engagement we may render here a gratefultribute, though something more than this is due. Their services andsacrifices are deserving of remembrance rather by a lasting memorial;for men died here who showed not less of individual worth and heroismthan others who are immortalized on victorious fields. Thus at theFlatbush Road we find Philip Johnston, colonel of the Jerseybattalion, which formed part of the guard there during the night. Hewas the son of the worthy Judge Samuel Johnston, of the town of Sidneyin Hunterdon County. In his youth he had been a student at Princeton, but, dropping his books, he took up the sword for the colonies in theFrench war, from which he returned with honor. The troubles with GreatBritain found him ready again to fight in defence of common rights andhis native soil. Parting from his wife and child with touchingaffection, he took the field with his regiment, and when attacked onLong Island he showed all the qualities which mark the true soldier. Agentleman of high principle, an officer of fine presence, one of thestrongest men in the army, he fought near Sullivan with the greatestbravery until he fell mortally wounded. That August 27th was histhirty-fifth birthday. Equally glorious and regretted was the death of Lieutenant-ColonelCaleb Parry, of Atlee's regiment, which occurred, as already noticed, at an earlier hour and in another part of the field. He too was in theprime of life, and eager to render the country some good service. Arepresentative colonist, descended from an ancient and honorablefamily long seated in North Wales, and a man of polish and culture, hestood ready for any sacrifice demanded of him at this crisis. Parrycame from Chester County, Pennsylvania, leaving a wife and fivechildren, and crossed with his regiment to Long Island four daysbefore the battle. Under what circumstances he fell has been told. Asthey crossed the line of Greenwood Cemetery to take position at ornear "Battle Hill, " the little command was greeted with a suddenthough harmless volley from the enemy. The men shrunk and fell back, but Atlee rallied and Parry cheered them on, and they gained the hill. It was here, while engaged in an officer's highest duty, turning mento the enemy by his own example, that the fatal bullet pierced hisbrow. When some future monument rises from Greenwood to commemoratethe struggle of this day, it can bear no more fitting line among itsinscriptions than this tribute of Brodhead's, "Parry died like ahero. " Captain Edward Veazey, of the Marylanders, belonged to the family ofVeazeys who settled in Cecil County, on the eastern shore of thatState, and who traced their lineage back to the Norman De Veazies ofthe eleventh century. The captain was fifty-five years of age, took upthe colonial cause at the start, raised the Seventh IndependentCompany of Maryland troops, and was among the earliest to fall inStirling's line. Captain Joseph Jewett, of Huntington's Continentals, perhaps defendinghimself to the last, even when escape was impossible, was three timesstabbed with British bayonets after surrendering his sword. Cared forby a humane surgeon, but still lingering in pain, he died on themorning of the 29th, and was buried in the Bennett orchard, nearTwenty-second Street and Third Avenue. He left a family at Lyme, onthe Connecticut, where he lived, and from where he went to join thearmy on the Lexington alarm. A soldier who fought on Long Islandremembers him as "an officer much respected and beloved, of elegantand commanding appearance, and of unquestionable bravery. " The officers and men of the artillery, who fought the six pieces wehad in the action, covered themselves with honor. They were "theflower" of Knox's regiment, picked for a field fight. CaptainCarpenter, of Providence, fell in Stirling's command, leaving a widowto mourn him. Captain John Johnston, of Boston, was desperatelywounded, but recovered under the care of Surgeon Eustis. The recordwhich John Callender, of the same place, made for himself is afamiliar story. To wipe out the stain of an undeserved sentence passedupon him after Bunker Hill, by which he was cashiered, he rejoined theartillery as a private soldier, and then, as a "cadet, " fought hispiece on Long Island until the enemy's bayonets were at his breast. Upon his exchange as prisoner a year later, Washington restored him tohis rank as captain-lieutenant, and he served honorably to the end ofthe war. Harmanus Rutgers, one of the patriotic Rutgers brothers inNew York, serving, it would seem, as a gunner, was struck in thebreast by a cannon-shot, and fell dead at his post. The traditionpreserved in his family is that he was the first man killed in thebattle. Knox, hearing how well his men had done, wrote to his wife: "Ihave met with some loss in my regiment. They fought like heroes andare gone to glory. " Of three others known to have been killed during the day, and whoprobably complete the list of officers, we have no more than the factthat they fell. They were Lieutenant Joseph Jacquet, of Miles' firstbattalion, and Lieutenants David Sloan and Charles Taylor, of thesecond battalion--all apparently from Chester County, Pennsylvania. Hardly more than three or four names of the private soldiers who werekilled have been preserved, owing doubtless to the fact that, if theywere ever known, it was not until long after, when no rolls would showtheir fate. To the roll of the dead must be added also the honored name of GeneralNathaniel Woodhull, of Long Island. On the day after the battle, aparty of British light horse, under Oliver De Lancey, rode out on theJamaica Road and surprised the general at an inn, where withoutprovocation he was cruelly hacked in the head and arm, and carried offa prisoner. He survived until the 20th, when he died at New Utrecht. His loss was greatly regretted, for he was a man of energy andability, and had the success of the Revolutionary cause most ferventlyat heart. [159] [Footnote 159: Mr. Onderdonk, Mr. Thompson, and others have gatheredand published all the known incidents respecting the fate of GeneralWoodhull, which are doubtless familiar to those interested in thehistory of Long Island. See General Scott's brief reference to him in_Document_ 6. ] * * * * * This battle was regarded at the time as one of very great importance, and the result created a deep impression on both sides of the water. In England they had long been waiting for the news, and the kingbecame depressed at the British delay in moving; in addition, thefirst reports, coming by way of France, were unfavorable. But at last, at three o'clock on the morning of October 10th, Major Cuyler, ofHowe's staff, reached the government with the official accounts of thevictory. Immediately, as Walpole tells us, the Court was filled with"an extravagance of joy. " The relief was so great that it wasdisplayed with "the utmost ostentation. " The king at once determinedto send Howe "a red riband;" and Lord Mansfield, who had thrown theweight of his great legal abilities against America, was created anearl. The Mayor and Corporation of York voted an address to hisMajesty "on the victory at Long Island;" at Leeds they rang thebells, lighted windows, fired cannon, and started a huge bonfire whichmade the town "quite luminous;" and at Halifax, Colne, Huddersfield, and many other places, similar rejoicings were held. At LimerickLieutenant-Colonel Campbell ordered the garrison under arms, and firedthree volleys "on account of the success of his Majesty's troops atLong Island;" and, for the same reason, in the evening "a number ofladies and gentlemen were elegantly entertained at dinner by thebishop. " From Paris Silas Deane wrote to Congress: "The want ofinstructions or intelligence or remittances, with the late check onLong Island, has sunk our credit to nothing. " In Amsterdam, the centreof exchange for all Europe, English stocks rose; but the Dutch, withcharacteristic shrewdness, failed to accept "our misfortune" as final, and took the opportunity to sell out. In London Tory circles theyconsidered the American war as practically over, and some began totalk of new schemes of colonial government. As for America, the defeat, coupled with the subsequent retreat, everywhere carried alarm and keen disappointment. Greene speaks of the"panic" in the county. But at the same time many brave voices wereraised to counteract despondency. Parsons, in the army, wrote: "Ithink the trial of that day far from being any discouragement, but ingeneral our men behaved with firmness. " Bartlett, in Congress, sentword home to New Hampshire that he hoped the event would only make ourgenerals more careful in their future operations. "We have lost abattle and a small island, " said Dr. Rush, of Philadelphia, in one ofthe sessions a few days later, "but we have not lost a State. Whythen should we be discouraged? Or why should we be discouraged evenif we had lost a State? If there were but one State left, still thatone should peril all for independence. " "The panic may seize whom itwill, " wrote John Adams; "it shall not seize me. " But the grandestwords inspired by the pervading anxiety were those penned by AbigailAdams, the noble wife of the Massachusetts delegate. "We have had manystories, " she wrote from Braintree, September 9th, "concerningengagements upon Long Island this week, of our lines being forced andof our troops returning to New York. Particulars we have not yetobtained. All we can learn is that we have been unsuccessful there;having many men as prisoners, among whom are Lord Stirling and GeneralSullivan. _But if we should be defeated, I think we shall not beconquered. A people fired, like the Romans, with love of their countryand of liberty, a zeal for the public good, and a noble emulation ofglory, will not be disheartened or dispirited by a succession ofunfortunate events. But, like them, may we learn by defeat the powerof becoming invincible!_" This was the true inspiration of the hour. It was this that sustainedWashington and the strong men of the country through all the darkperiod that followed. The disaster of the 27th was a disciplinaryexperience. It was but the first of a series of blows that were toharden us for future endurance. The event was accepted in this spiritby all who had taken up the cause in earnest; and in this light thememory of the day deserves to be forever celebrated and perpetuated. Here, on Long Island, all was done that could be done, for we had metthe enemy at the sea. Here America made her first stand againstEngland's first great effort to subdue her; and here her resolution tocontinue resistance was first tested and tempered in the fire ofbattle. * * * * * THE LOSSES AT THE BATTLE. --So many widely different estimates have been made as to the extent of the American loss on Long Island, that it becomes a matter of historical interest to fix the actual figures, if possible, beyond dispute. The first official reference to the matter occurs in the letter which Washington directed Colonel Harrison, his secretary, to write to Congress on the evening of the battle. Nothing definite on this point being known at that hour, Harrison, after announcing the attack of the enemy, and the retreat of the troops into the Brooklyn lines, could only make the vague report that the American loss was "pretty considerable. " On Thursday morning, the 29th, at "half after four A. M. , " Washington himself wrote to Hancock that he was still uncertain how far the army had suffered. On Saturday, the 31st, he wrote again, and in this letter gave an estimate in figures. This was the only report he made to Congress in the matter, except indirectly. "Nor have I, " he writes, "been yet able to obtain an exact account of our loss; we suppose it from seven hundred to a thousand killed and taken. " In subsequent public and private letters to his brother, to Governor Trumbull, General Schuyler, and the Massachusetts Assembly, Washington did not vary these figures materially (except to make the estimate closer, about 800), and they stand, therefore, as his official return of the casualties of that day. Sir William Howe's report, on the other hand, presented altogether a different showing. It left no room for doubt as to the extent of the British victory. Dated September 3d, seven days after the affair, it contained all those particulars of events up to that time which a successful general is well aware will be received with special satisfaction by his government. The landing at Gravesend, the occupation of Flatbush, the skilful march of the flanking column, the bravery of the troops, and the complete success of the entire plan of action were mentioned in order; while a detailed statement and estimate of the losses on either side, including a tabulated return of prisoners taken, only fortified the impression that a most damaging defeat had been served upon the Americans. Against Washington's estimate of a total of one thousand or less for his own loss, Howe reported that the enlisted men he captured alone numbered one thousand and six, and that in addition he took ninety-one commissioned officers, of whom three were generals, three colonels, four lieutenant-colonels, three majors, eighteen captains, forty-three lieutenants, eleven ensigns, one adjutant, three surgeons, and two volunteers; and he "computed" that in killed, wounded, and drowned, the Americans lost two thousand two hundred more. On the part of the British, Howe reported five officers and fifty-six men killed, twelve officers and two hundred and fifty-five men wounded, and one officer and thirty men prisoners and missing. The Hessians lost two men killed, three officers and twenty-three men wounded. Howe's total loss, in a word, was made to appear at less than four hundred; Washington's full three thousand three hundred. The apparent exactness of this report has secured it, in general, against close analysis. English historians, almost without exception, quote it as it stands, while there are American writers who respect it so far as to pronounce Washington's report clearly, and even purposely, inaccurate. Thus the most recent English history of this period says: "The Americans fled in confusion, leaving upwards of three thousand killed, wounded, and prisoners, including their three generals of division;" and in a note the writer adds: "Washington's estimate of the loss on both sides was grossly incorrect. In his letter to Congress of the 30th August, giving a very meagre and evasive account of the action, he says that his loss in killed and prisoners was from 700 to 1000; and that he had reason to believe the enemy had suffered still more. This would seem to be a wilful misrepresentation to prevent the public alarm which might have been caused by the knowledge of his real loss; were it not that in a private letter to his brother, three weeks afterwards, he makes a similar statement. General Howe's returns of _prisoners_, and of his own killed and wounded, are precise. " (_History of England during the Reign of George the Third. _ By the Right Hon. William Massey, 1865. ) Among Brooklyn writers, Mr. Field asserts that Washington concealed the actual extent of his loss, and Dr. Stiles accepts the British report as it stands. Marshall puts the American loss at over 1000; Irving, 2000; Lossing, 1650; Field, 2000; Sparks, 1100; Bancroft, 800; Carrington, 970. Stedman, the earliest British historian, gives 2000, while Adolphus, Jesse, and Massey, who cover the reign of George III. , blindly follow Howe and give over 3000 for the American loss. There is but one explanation of this wide discrepancy between the British and American returns, namely: Washington's original estimate at its largest limit--one thousand, killed, wounded, and prisoners--_was almost precisely correct_. Of this there can be no question whatever, the proof being a matter of record. Thus, on the 8th of October, Washington issued the following order: "The General desires the commanding officers of each regiment or corps will give in a list of the names and the officers and men who were killed, taken, or missing in the action of the 27th of August on Long Island and since that period. He desires the returns may be correct, &c. " (_Force_). A large number of these lists are preserved in _Force_, 5th series, vol. Iii. , and from these we obtain the losses of the following regiments: Hitchcock's, total loss, one officer and nine men; Little's, three men; Huntington's, twenty-one officers and one hundred and eighty-six men; Wyllys', one officer and nine men; Tyler, three men; Ward, three men; Chester, twelve men; Gay, four men; Lasher, three officers. Smallwood's lost, according to Gist, twelve officers and two hundred and forty-seven men; Haslet, according to his own letters, two officers and twenty-five men; Johnston's New Jersey, two officers and less than twenty-five men, the rolls before and after the battle showing no greater difference in the strength of the regiment; Miles' two battalions, sixteen officers and about one hundred and sixty men (_Document_ 61); Atlee, eleven officers and seventy-seven men. (_Ibid. _) No official report of the losses in Lutz's, Kachlein's, and Hay's detachments or the artillery can be found, but to give their total casualties at one hundred and fifty officers and men is probably a liberal estimate. Lutz lost six officers (all prisoners); Kachlein not more; Hay, one; the artillery, three. The regiments named in the foregoing list include all from which Howe reported that he took officers prisoners, from which it is safe to conclude that these were all that lost any. No others are mentioned as having been engaged. These figures show in round numbers a total of _one thousand_, and this was our total loss, according to official returns in nearly every case. How many of these, in the next place, were killed and wounded? If we are to credit certain Hessian and British accounts, as well as those of our own local historians, the battle-field on Long Island was a scene of carnage, a pen in which our men were slaughtered without mercy. The confused strife, says one writer, "is too terrible for the imagination to dwell upon. " "An appalling massacre, " says another, "thus closed the combat. " "The forest, " writes a Hessian officer, "was a scene of horror; there were certainly two thousand killed and wounded lying about. " Lord Howe himself, as we have seen, "computed" that the American loss in killed and wounded alone was two thousand three hundred. But a striking commentary on this computation is not only the total omission on his part to mention how many of this very large number he buried on the field, but the important admission he makes that not more than sixty-seven wounded American officers and soldiers fell into his hands! Where were the twenty-two hundred other maimed and fallen rebels? Obviously, and as Howe must have well known, the Americans could carry few if any of their dead with them on their precipitate retreat, nor could any but the slightly hurt of the wounded make their escape. Full two thousand, by this calculation, must have been left upon the field. Who buried them? Were they the victims of the supposed frightful slaughter? Did the British general purposely give an evasive estimate to cover up the inhumanity which would thus have forever stained the glory of his victory? Far from it. That "computation" has no basis to stand upon; but, on the contrary, our loss in killed and wounded was not greater than the enemy's, but most probably less. This statement will bear close examination. On the 19th of September, after he must have been able to satisfy himself as to the extent of the defeat on Long Island, the commander-in-chief wrote to the Massachusetts Assembly that he had lost about eight hundred men, "more than three fourths of which were taken prisoners. " He wrote the same thing to others. So Washington felt authorized to state positively that we lost in killed and wounded that day not over two hundred men and officers. "The enemy's loss in killed, " he added, "we could never ascertain; but have many reasons to believe that it was pretty considerable, and exceeded ours a good deal. " General Parsons, who saw as much of the field as any other officer, wrote to John Adams two days after the battle: "Our loss in killed and wounded is inconsiderable. " General Scott, writing to John Jay, a week later, could say: "What our loss on Long Island was I am not able to estimate. I think from the best accounts we must have killed many of the enemy. " Colonel Douglas wrote, August 31st: "The enemy surrounded a large detachment of our army, took many, killed some and the rest got off. . . . By the best account we killed more of them than they did of us. But they took the most prisoners. " Lieutenant-Colonel Chambers, who was in the way of gathering many particulars from the Pennsylvanians who escaped, says: "Our men behaved as bravely as men ever did; but it is surprising that, with the superiority of numbers, they were not cut to pieces. . . . Our loss is chiefly in prisoners. " Lieutenant-Colonel Brodhead, who had to retreat among the last over the very ground which others have marked out as the scene of the massacre, as the site where "lay nearly one thousand men, slain in the shock of battle, or by subsequent murder" (_Field_)--Brodhead says: "I retreated to the lines, having lost out of the whole battalion, about one hundred men, officers included, which, as they were much scattered, must be chiefly prisoners. . . . No troops could behave better than the Southern, for though they seldom engaged less than five to one, they frequently repulsed the Enemy with great Slaughter, and I am confident that the number of killed and wounded on their side, is greater than on ours, notwithstanding we had to fight them front and rear under every disadvantage. " Colonel Silliman, of Connecticut, who appears to have made particular inquiries in the matter, wrote, September 10th: "I think upon the best information I can get that we are about 1000 men the worse for that action. The Enemy say they have about 800 of them prisoners. We have about 50 of them in the hospital wounded. Of the other 150 'tis said that in the engagement a considerable number of the riflemen deserted and went over to the enemy and some no doubt escaped towards the other end of the Island. On the whole I do not think we had 50 men killed in the action. " (_MS. Letter. _) These are statements made by officers who were present at the battle, and who wrote within a few days of the event. They all, with many others, reach the same conclusion that the enemy suffered in killed and wounded as much if not more than the Americans. Their testimony, moreover, is strengthened by what we know directly and indirectly from the returns and other sources. The loss in officers, of which we have exact figures, is one basis of calculation. Ninety-one, as already stated, were taken prisoners, of whom nine were reported wounded in Howe's return. Among these were General Woodhull, Colonel Johnston, and Captain Jewett, all three mortally wounded, and Captain Bowie and Lieutenant Butler, of the Marylanders; Captain Johnston, of the artillery; Captain Peebles, of Miles', and Lieutenant Makepeace, of Huntington's. [Colonel Johnston is usually mentioned as having been killed on the field. But Howe's return gives one New Jersey colonel prisoner, and Elking's Hessian account states that he was wounded after being made prisoner. ] Among officers known to be wounded, not captured, were Major McDonough, Lieutenants Course and Anderson, of the Delawares; Lieutenant Hughes, of Hitchcock's; and Captain Farmer, of Miles'. Lieutenant Patterson, of Hay's detachment, was either killed or captured (Colonel Cunningham's return). The officers killed were Lieutenant-Colonel Parry, Captain Carpenter, Captain Veazey, and Lieutenants Sloan, Jacquet, and Taylor. Various accounts state that Colonel Rutgers, Lieutenant-Colonel Eppes, Major Abeel (of Lasher's), Captain Fellows, and Lieutenant Moore (of Pennsylvania) were killed, but there is an error in each case, all these officers being reported alive at different dates after the battle. We have, then, twenty-one killed or wounded (six only killed on the field) among the American officers engaged in the action. If, as we have a right to assume, the same proportion held among the enlisted men, our total loss in killed and wounded could not have exceeded two hundred or two hundred and fifty, or more than one hundred less than the enemy's loss. Parsons and Atlee write that they lost but two or three. Miles says that in one of his skirmishes he lost a number of men, but nearly all were made prisoners. Little's regiment lost one killed; Hitchcock's the same. The five companies of Smallwood's battalion that attacked Cornwallis lost but one officer wounded, or at the most one killed and one wounded, and there is no reason to suppose that the men suffered very heavily. The loss among the Delawares was nearly all in prisoners. Lutz had six officers taken, but none killed or wounded; Hay lost one officer, either killed or prisoner. In Kachlein's detachment it is certain that the lieutenant-colonel, major, adjutant, three captains, and three lieutenants were not killed, which leaves little room for casualties in a party of not over four or five companies. So of all the other regiments engaged, they suffered but slightly in killed or wounded. Howe's list of prisoners was undoubtedly swelled by captures among the Long Island militia and citizen Whigs after the battle. He includes General Woodhull and two lieutenants, for instance, who were not taken at the battle but on the day following, and who, as Washington says, were "never arranged" in his army. The reports of the slaughter and massacre of our troops current in the enemy's camp at the time were greatly exaggerated. Some of our men were probably cut down most wantonly in the pursuit through the woods, both by British and Hessians, but the number was small. It is a noticeable and significant fact that the American accounts make no mention of any such wholesale cruelty, and certainly our soldiers would have been the first to call attention to it. That word "massacre" should have no place in any accurate description of the battle. CHAPTER V. THE RETREAT TO NEW YORK. The situation at the Brooklyn lines was relieved on the 29th by thefamous retreat of our army to New York. If Howe had surprised us by anunexpected manoeuvre on the 27th, Washington was now to surprise theBritish with a different manoeuvre, conducted with greater skill. "Afine retreat, " says Jomini, "should meet with a reward equal to thatgiven for a great victory. " History assigns such a reward toWashington at Long Island. This success--the extrication of the army from what was soon felt tobe a dangerous position--was not to be achieved without a previous twodays' experience of great hardship, trial, and despondency on the partof the troops; and unceasing anxiety and watchfulness on the part ofthe commander-in-chief. The night of the 27th had closed cheerlesslyon the devoted Americans. The hills had been wrested from them; manyof their best officers and soldiers were slain or prisoners; beforethem stood the whole British army, flushed with success, and liable atany hour to rush upon their works, and in their rear flowed a deep, wide river. Washington realized the position the moment of the retreat from thepasses, and immediately took measures to guard against furtherdisaster. Satisfied that Howe had his whole force with him, and thatan attack was not to be apprehended at any other point, he orderedforward more troops to replace his losses and strengthen the lines. Mifflin brought down from Harlem Heights the two well-drilledPennsylvania regiments under Colonels Magaw and Shee, with someothers; and Glover's Massachusetts was sent on from Fellows' brigade. These all crossed to Long Island early on the morning of the 28th. Atthe same time, the afternoon of the 27th, Washington sent word toGeneral Mercer in New Jersey to march all the forces under his command"immediately to Powle's Hook";[160] they might be needed in New York, they might be needed on Long Island. By the morning of the 28th, thecommander-in-chief had drawn to the Brooklyn lines all the troops thatcould be spared from other points, and all with which he proposed toresist the British if they attempted to carry his position by storm. He had on that side the largest and best part of his army. The wholeof Greene's division was there, the whole of Spencer's, half ofSullivan's, one third of Putnam's, and a part of Heath's--in all notless than thirty-five regiments or detachments, which numberedtogether something over nine thousand five hundred men fit forduty. [161] [Footnote 160: This order was sent at two o'clock through GeneralWooster, then temporarily in New York, and Mercer received it in theevening near Newark. He sent word at once to the militia at Amboy, Woodbridge, and Elizabethtown to march to Powle's Hook. _Force_, 5thSeries, vol. Ii. ] [Footnote 161: A close analysis of the returns of September 12th, estimating all additions or reductions which should be made since thebattle, shows that this was about the number on Long Island at thisdate and at the time of the retreat. The brigades now there wereNixon's, Heard's, Parson's, Wadsworth's, Stirling's, Scott's, tworegiments of Mifflin's, one at least of McDougall's (Webb's), Glover's, and Fellows', the Long Island militia, artillery, rangers, and several independent companies. We know at what part of the linessome of these troops were posted. Greene's four old regimentsdoubtless occupied the forts. Varnum was at Red Hook; Little at FortGreene; Hitchcock at Fort Putnam, and Hand with him there and in theredoubt on the left. Forman's New Jersey had been at Fort Box. Threeof Scott's battalions were assigned to the centre, where thebreastworks crossed the Jamaica Road. Magaw, Shee, and Glover guardedthe line from Fort Putnam to the Wallabout; Silliman was at the"northern part" of the works, probably on the right of Fort Putnam;Gay's was between Fort Box and the Marsh; Douglas watched the extremeright in the woods at the mouth of Gowanus Creek; and there was a"reserve, " which perhaps included among others the remnants ofStirling's shattered brigade. Encircling them a mile or a mile and ahalf distant in the edge of the woods, lay the British army with tentsalready pitched in many places. North and south of the Jamaica Road, just below Bedford, was Howe's main column; within and west ofProspect Park were the Hessians; and on the right, Grant's divisionbivouacked along the Gowanus Road. ] Had all things been relatively equal, the Americans within the lines, according to military experience, should have been well able to holdthat front. But there was a total inequality of conditions. The enemywere thoroughly equipped, disciplined, and provided for. They were anarmy of professional soldiers, superior to any that could be broughtagainst them the world over. Thus far they had carried everythingbefore them, and were eager to achieve still greater victories. Behindthe Brooklyn works stood a poorly armed, badly officered, and for themost part untrained mass of men, hurriedly gathered into the semblanceof an army. The events of the previous day, moreover, had greatlydepressed their spirits. Not a few of those who had been engaged in orwitnessed the battle were badly demoralized. To make matters worse, the very elements seemed to combine against them. The two days theywere still to remain on the island were days of "extraordinary wet. "It rained almost continuously, and much of the time heavily. No factis better attested than this. August 28th, writes Colonel Little, "weather very rainy;" "29th, very rainy. " Major Tallmadge speaks ofthe fatigue as having been aggravated by the "heavy rain. " "The heavyrain which fell two days and nights without intermission, etc. , " saidthe council which voted to retreat. Pastor Shewkirk in his diary notesthe weather particularly: "Wednesday 28th, " he writes, . . . "in theafternoon we had extraordinary heavy rains and thunder. " The flashesof the cannons were intermixed with flashes of lightning. On the 29th, "in the afternoon, such heavy rain fell again as can hardly beremembered. " To all this deluge our soldiers were exposed with butlittle shelter. Necessity required that they should be at the lines, and constantly on the watch, ready to repel any attempt to storm them. When they lay down in the trenches at brief intervals for rest, theykept their arms from the wet as they could. Cooking was out of thequestion, and the men were compelled to take up with the unaccustomedfare of hard biscuits and raw pork. Their wretched plight is referredto in more than one of the letters of the day. Writes General Scott:"You may judge of our situation, subject to almost incessant rains, without baggage or tents, and almost without victuals or drink, and insome part of the lines the men were standing up to their middles inwater. " Captain Olney puts it on record that "the rain fell in suchtorrents that the water was soon ankle deep in the fort. Yet with allthese inconveniences, and a powerful enemy just without musket-shot, our men could not be kept awake. " Captain Graydon, of Shee'sPennsylvanians, says in his well-known "Memoirs:" "We had no tents toscreen us from the pitiless pelting, nor, if we had them, would ithave comported with the incessant vigilance required to have availedourselves of them, as, in fact, it might be said that we lay upon ourarms during the whole of our stay upon the island. In the article offood we were little better off. " Under the circumstances couldWashington's force have withstood the shock of a determined assault bythe enemy? In spite, however, of weather, hunger, and fatigue, there was many abrave man in the American camp who kept up heart and obeyed all orderswith spirit. One thing is certain, the British were not permitted tosuspect the distressed condition of our army. Our pickets andriflemen, thrown out in front of the works, put on a bold face. On the28th there was skirmishing the greater part of the day, and in theevening, as Washington reports, "it was pretty smart. " Writing fromthe trenches on the 29th, Colonel Silliman says: "Our enemy haveencamped in plain sight of our camp at the distance of about a mileand a half. We have had no general engagement yet, but no day passeswithout some smart and hot skirmishes between different parties, inwhich the success is sometimes one way and sometimes another. We arein constant expectation of a general battle; no one can be here longwithout getting pretty well acquainted with the whistling of cannonand musket shot. " Scarcely any particulars of these encounters[162]are preserved, though one of them, at least, appears to have beenquite an important affair. The enemy had determined to approach thelines by regular siege rather than hazard an assault, and late in theafternoon of the 28th they advanced in some force to break ground forthe first parallel. The point selected was doubtless the high groundbetween Vanderbilt and Clinton avenues, on the line of De Kalb. As towhat occurred we have but the briefest account, and that is from thepen of Colonel Little. "On the morning of the 28th, " he writes, "theenemy were encamped on the heights in front of our encampment. Firingwas kept up on both sides from the right to the left. Firing on bothsides in front of Fort Putnam. About sunset the enemy pushed torecover the ground we had taken (about 100 rods) in front of the fort. The fire was very hot; the enemy gave way, and our people recoveredthe ground. The firing ceased, and our people retired to the fort. Theenemy took possession again, and on the morning of the 30th [29th] hada breastwork there 60 rods long and 150 rods distant from FortPutnam. " It was this move of the British, more than any incident sincethe battle, that determined Washington's future course. [Footnote 162: In vol. Ii. Of the L. I. Hist. Society's "Memoirs, " theauthor, Mr. Field, devotes pages 254-258 to the skirmishing of someConnecticut soldiers on the extreme right on the other side of GowanusCreek, which appears to him to have been rash and foolhardy, andstrangely in contrast with what also appears to him to have been anexhibition of cowardice on their part the day before. The narrativefrom which the incidents are taken (Martin's) shows no such singularinconsistency in the conduct of these men. This was Colonel Douglas'regiment, and, as Martin himself says, it moved promptly under ordersfrom the ferry to the right to cover Stirling's retreat. "Ourofficers, " he writes, "pressed forward towards a creek, where a largeparty of Americans and British were engaged. " They very properly didnot halt to help a company of artillerymen drag their pieces along. The skirmish on the following day was nothing remarkable in its way. It was just such brushes as the men engaged in that Washington, onGraydon's authority, encouraged. The regiment displayed no particularrashness on the 28th, nor any cowardice on the 27th--that is, ifMartin is to be credited. ] During all these trying hours since the defeat on the 27th, the mostconspicuous figure to be seen, now at one point and now at another ofthe threatened lines, was that of the commander-in-chief. Wherever hisinspiring presence seemed necessary, there he was to be found. Hecheered the troops night and day. All that the soldiers endured, heendured. For forty-eight hours, or the whole of the 28th and 29th, hetook no rest whatever, and was hardly once off his horse. As he rodeamong the men in the storm he spoke to some in person, and everywherehe gave directions, while his aids were as tireless as their Chief inassisting him. But circumstanced as the army was, it was inevitable that the questionshould come up: Can the defence of the Brooklyn front be continuedwithout great hazard? It could not have escaped the notice of a singlesoldier on that side, that if, with the river in their rear, the enemyshould succeed in penetrating the lines, or the fleet be able tocommand the crossing, they would all be lost. There was no safety butin retreat; and for twenty-four hours from the morning of the 29th, all the energies of the commander-in-chief were directed towardsmaking the retreat successful. To few incidents of the Revolution does greater interest attach thanto this final scene in the operations on Long Island. The formaldecision to abandon this point was made by a council of war, held latein the day of the 29th, at the house of Phillip Livingston, thenabsent as a member of the Continental Congress at Philadelphia. Themansion made historic by this event stood on the line of Hicks Street, just south of Joralemon. [163] There were present at the council, thecommander-in-chief, Major-Generals Putnam and Spencer, andBrigadier-Generals Mifflin, McDougall, Parsons, Scott, Wadsworth, andFellows. As far as known, Scott alone of these generals has left usany thing in regard to what transpired on the occasion beyond thefinal result. He preserves the interesting fact that when theproposition to retreat was presented it took him by surprise and he assuddenly objected to it, "from an aversion to giving the enemy asingle inch of ground. " It was the soil of his own State. As a memberof the New York Convention and of the Committee of Safety, and now asa general officer, he had spent months in uninterrupted preparationsto defend that soil, and on the first impulse of the moment thethought of yielding any more of it to the invaders was not to beentertained. But he was soon "convinced by unanswerable reasons, " andthe vote of the council was unanimous for retreat. Eight separatereasons were embodied in the decision. _First. _ A defeat had beensustained on the 27th, and the woods lost where it was proposed tomake "a principal stand. " _Second. _ The loss in officers and men hadoccasioned great confusion and discouragement among the troops. _Third. _ The rain had injured the arms and much of the ammunition, andthe soldiers were so worn out, that it was feared that they could notbe kept at the lines by any order. _Fourth. _ The enemy appeared to beendeavoring to get their ships into the East River to cut offcommunication with New York, but the wind as yet had not served them. _Fifth. _ There were no obstructions sunk in the Channel between Longand Governor's Island, and the council was assured by GeneralMcDougall, "from his own nautic experience, " that small ships couldsail up by that channel; the hulks, also, sunk between Governor'sIsland and the Battery were regarded as insufficient obstructions forthat passage. _Sixth. _ Though the lines were fortified by severalstrong redoubts, the breastworks were weak, being "abattised withbrush" only in some places, and the enemy might break through them. _Seventh. _ The divided state of the army made a defence precarious. _Eighth. _ Several British men-of-war had worked their way intoFlushing Bay from the Sound, and with their assistance the enemy couldcross a force to the mainland in Westchester County, and gain theAmerican rear in the vicinity of King's Bridge. In view of theseconsiderations a retreat was considered imperative. [Footnote 163: See _Document_ 6, in which General Scott says: "I wassummoned to a council of war at Mr. Phillip Livingston's house onThursday, 29th ult. , etc. "] This was the official record of the council's action as afterwardstransmitted to Congress. It is not to be inferred, however, thatretreat was not thought of, or that nothing was done to effect ituntil the council met. That Washington had foreseen the necessity ofthe move, that he discussed it with others, and that he had alreadybegun the necessary preparations, is obvious both from the record andfrom all that occurred during the day. The council did no more than tocoincide in his views and confirm his judgment. [164] [Footnote 164: ORIGIN OF THE RETREAT. --Precisely when and whyWashington came to a determination in his own mind to retreat has beenmade the subject of a somewhat nice historical inquiry. Gordon givesone story; Mr. William B. Reed, biographer of Colonel Reed, givesanother; and Mr. Bancroft, General Carrington, and others indulge inmore or less extended criticisms on the point. Gordon's account is themost probable and the best supported. Whatever Washington may have thought of the situation on Long Islandafter the defeat, it is enough to know that he immediately reinforcedhimself there, and that on the 27th and 28th he made no preparationsto withdraw to New York. It far from follows, however, that he hadconcluded to stay and fight it out "on that line" at all hazards. Hewas acting on the defensive, and was necessarily obliged to guidehimself largely by the movements of the enemy. On Long Island, therefore, he could only be on the watch, and, like a prudent general, decide according to circumstances. Up to the morning of the 29th hewas still watching--watching not only the enemy, but his own armyalso. In his letter to Congress, written at "half after 4 o'clockA. M. " of this date, he gives no intimation of a retreat, but ratherleaves that body to infer that he proposed to remain where he was. Hespeaks, for instance, of expecting tents during the day to make thetroops more comfortable. On the same morning Reed wrote: "We hope tobe able to make a good stand, as our lines are pretty strong;" and hedoubtless reflected the views of his Chief at the time. The two particular dangers now to which the army was exposed were thedanger of having its communication with New York cut off by the ships, and the danger of being approached by the enemy in front by siegeoperations, which the army was not prepared to meet. The first dangerhad existed ever since the arrival of the enemy, and had been providedfor. All the batteries on Governor's Island and on both sides of theEast River had been built to guard against it. In addition, ships hadbeen sunk in the channel. Washington accordingly must have thoroughlycanvassed the risks he ran in regard to his communications. _Thesealone had not decided him to retreat. _ On the morning of the 29th, however, he first became aware of the second danger. It was not untilthen that the enemy fully developed their intention of advancing bytrenches. After working all night, as Howe reports, they had thrown upby morning, as Little reports, a parallel sixty rods long and onehundred and fifty rods distant from Fort Putnam. Reed wrote, "They areintrenching at a small distance. " In twenty-four hours at the farthestthey would have come within very close range, and the hazardousalternative would have been forced upon us to attempt to drive themout of their own works. Washington well knew that, in view of thecondition of his men and the great disparity of numbers, this couldnot be done. When, therefore, he became assured of Howe's intentionshe acted promptly--_he determined to retreat_; and this determinationhe reached early on the morning of the 29th. This is substantially the theory which Gordon presents as a fact, andit is most consistent with fact. Gordon's account is this: "Thevictorious army encamped in the front of the American works in theevening; and on the 28th at night broke ground in form about 4 or 500yards distant from a redoubt which covered the left of the Americans. The same day Gen. Mifflin crossed over from New York with 1000 men; atnight he made an offer to Gen. Washington of going the rounds, whichwas accepted. He observed the approaches of the enemy, and theforwardness of their batteries; and was convinced that no time was tobe lost. The next morning he conversed with the General upon thesubject, and said, 'You must either fight or retreat immediately. Whatis your strength?' The General answered, 'Nine thousand. ' The otherreplied, 'It is not sufficient, we must therefore retreat. ' They wereboth agreed as to the calling of a Council of war; and Gen. Mifflinwas to propose a retreat. But as he was to make that proposal, lesthis own character should suffer, he stipulated, that if a retreatshould be agreed upon, he would command the rear; and if an action thevan. " The fact that Mifflin was given the command of the rear on theretreat, and the fact that he sent the order to Heath that morning tosend down all the boats from King's Bridge, lend the highestprobability to Gordon's version of the story. Parsons, who was one ofthe members of the council, mentions this particularly as one of thereasons for withdrawing, namely, that the enemy were "not disposed tostorm our lines, but set down to make regular approaches to us. " Reedalso puts as much stress on this point as any other. Giving thereasons for the retreat to Governor Livingston, he said: "The enemy atthe same time possessed themselves of a piece of ground veryadvantageous and which they had [fortified]. We were therefore reducedto the alternative of retiring to this place or going out with[troops] to drive them off. " Washington, too, is to be quoted. In hisletter to Trumbull, September 6th, he writes: "As the main body of theenemy had encamped not far from our lines, and as I had reason tobelieve they intended to force us from them by regular approaches, which the nature of the ground favoured extremely, and at the sametime meant, by the ships of war, to cut off the communication betweenthe City and Island, and by that means keep our men divided and unableto oppose them anywhere, by the advice of the General officers, on thenight of the 29th, I withdrew our troops from thence without any lossof men and but little baggage. " William B. Reed's account (Reed's Life of Reed) is to the effect, briefly, that a heavy fog settled over Long Island on the 29th, andthat during the day Colonel Reed, Colonel Grayson, and General Mifflinrode to Red Hook inspecting the lines. While at the Hook, "a shift ofwind" cleared the fog from the harbor, enabling the officers to catcha glimpse of the fleet at the Narrows. From certain movements of boatsthey inferred that the ships would sail up with the favorable breezeif it held until the tide turned and the fog cleared off. Theyimmediately hurried to Washington, informed him of the impendingdanger, and induced him to call a council and order a retreat. Mr. Bancroft, however, has shown very thoroughly that this account cannotbe accepted, because the fog did not come up until the morning of the30th, and no change of wind occurred. Colonel Reed himself says in theLivingston letter, written only the next morning, that the enemy'sfleet were attempting every day to get up to town with "the wind_ahead_"--thus directly contradicting his biographer. The Reed accounthas several errors of detail, one being the statement that the RedHook battery had been badly damaged by the guns of the Roebuck on the27th. It would be nearer the truth to say that it was not hit at all. The fleet could do nothing that day; as Admiral Howe reports, theRoebuck was "the only ship that could fetch high enough to thenorthward to exchange _a few random shot_ with the battery on RedHook. " In a word, Washington, after receiving Mifflin's report in regard tothe approaches of the enemy, and probably other reports from Grayson, Reed, and others in regard to the general condition of the troops (forinstance, Colonel Shee's uneasiness, referred to by Graydon), foundthat the moment had come for decision. That decision was to retreatthat night; and during the forenoon, several hours before the councilmet, he issued secret orders for the concentration of boats at theferry, as described in the text. ] The first thing necessary was to provide all the transportationavailable in order to accomplish the retreat in the shortest timepossible after beginning it. There were boats at the Brooklyn ferryand across at New York, but these were too few for the purpose. Accordingly, on the forenoon of the 29th, Washington sent an orderthrough Mifflin to General Heath at King's Bridge to the followingeffect: LONG ISLAND, August 29th, 1776. DEAR GENERAL--We have many battalions from New Jersey which are coming over to relieve others here. You will please therefore to order every flat bottomed boat and other craft at your post, fit for transporting troops, down to New York as soon as possible. They must be manned by some of Colonel Hutchinson's men and sent without the least delay. I write by order of the General. I am Affectionately Yours MIFFLIN. At about the same time, Colonel Trumbull, the commissary-general, wasdirected to carry a verbal order to Assistant Quartermaster Hughes atNew York, "to impress every kind of water craft from Hell Gate on theSound to Spuyten Duyvil Creek that could be kept afloat and that hadeither sails or oars, and have them all in the east harbor of the Cityby dark. "[165] These two orders were carried out with great energy, promptness, and secrecy by all who had any part in their execution. Heath "immediately complied" with what Mifflin had written, and sentdown all his boats under Hutchinson's men from Salem, who, likeGlover's from Marblehead, were, many of them, the best of sailors. Hebrooked the less delay, perhaps, because he saw at once thatWashington's "real intention" was, not to be reinforced from NewJersey, but to retreat from Long Island. [166] Hughes, on his part, wasuntiring, and rendered the greatest service. He would have beenmistaken this day rather for the master of a military school, than forwhat he had been--the master of a classical one. For twenty-two hours, as his biographer tells us, he never dismounted from his horse, butsuperintended the collection of the vessels from all points, and atevening had them ready for their purpose. [167] [Footnote 165: Memorial of Colonel Hugh Hughes. Leake's Life ofGeneral Lamb. ] [Footnote 166: Heath's Memoirs. ] [Footnote 167: There is an interesting letter of Washington'spreserved in the Hughes Memorial, which adds light on this point. Eight years after the event, when Hughes needed some officialcertificate showing his authority to impress all the craft he couldfind, the general replied to him as follows: "My memory is not charged with the particulars of the verbal orderwhich you say was delivered to you through Col. Joseph Trumbull, onthe 27th, August, 1776, 'for impressing all the sloops, boats, andwater craft from Spyhten Duyvel, in the Hudson, to Hell Gate, in theSound. ' I recollect that it was a day which required the utmostexertion, particularly in the Quarter-Master's department, toaccomplish the retreat which was intended, under cover of thesucceeding night; and that no delay or ceremony could be admitted inthe execution of the plan. I have no doubt, therefore, of your havingreceived orders to the effect, and to the extent which you havementioned; and you are at liberty to adduce this in testimony thereof. It will, I presume, supply the place of a more formal certificate, andis more consonant with my recollection of the transactions of thatday. " It appears from this that Washington remembered that the _entireday_ of the 29th was devoted to planning and preparing for theretreat, and this fits the theory advanced in the note on the "Originof the Retreat. " As to the delivery of the orders about boats, it isprobable that Trumbull crossed to New York with Mifflin's letter toHeath and gave it to Hughes to forward. At the same time he gaveHughes his instructions verbally. Hughes received them, says hisbiographer, about noon. He then had eight hours to carry them out, which gave him time to send to Heath and for Heath to comply, while heand his assistants scoured the coast everywhere else for boats, fromHell Gate down. Among other sloops impressed was the Middlesex, Captain Stephen Hogeboom, while on its way to Claverack. "I wasprevented from proceeding, " says the captain, "by Coll Wardsworth andCommissary Hughes who ordered your memorialist over with the sloop toLong Island ferry where she was used to carry off the Troops andstores after the unfortunate retreat, &c. "--_N. Y. Hist. MS. _, vol. I. , p. 620. ] The final withdrawal of the troops from the lines was effected underthe cover of a plausible general order, which was the only one knownto have been issued by the commander-in-chief while on LongIsland. [168] This order now comes to light for the first time, and isimportant as serving to correct the improbable though standard theorythat the regiments were moved from their posts under the impressionthat they were to make a night attack upon the enemy. [169] The orderas actually given was far more rational, and less likely to excitesuspicion as to its true intent. In the first place, the sick, "beingan encumbrance to the army" were directed to be sent to the hospital, their arms and accoutrements taken with them, and from there to beconveyed across to New York and reported to Surgeon-General Morgan. Inthe next place, the order announced that troops under General Mercerwere expected that afternoon from New Jersey, with whom it wasproposed to relieve a proportionate number of the regiments on LongIsland, and "make a change in the situation of them. " In view of thedistressed condition of most of the troops at the lines, the proprietyof such a "change" was obvious; and in all probability Washington didoriginally intend to make the relief. And last, as it was apparentlyundecided what regiments were to be relieved, they were all, or thegreater part of them, directed "to parade with their arms, accoutrements, and knapsacks, at 7 o'clock, at the head of theirencampments and there wait for orders. " On the evening of the 29th, accordingly, we find the troops ready at their camps and the lines tomarch off at a moment's notice, and all prepared for a retreat by themost natural arrangement that could have been devised to conceal thereal design. [170] [Footnote 168: _Document_ 3. "General Orders. Head-Quarters LongIsland, Aug. 29, 1776. Parole, _Sullivan_, Countersign, _Greene_. "--_Col. Douglas' Order Book. _] [Footnote 169: All our principal accounts follow Graydon, who statesthat the order to attack the enemy was given "regimentally. " ColonelHand, in his letter describing the night's incidents (Reed's Life ofReed), makes no allusion to such an order, but on the contrary statesthat he and the other colonels of the covering party were told thatthey were to retreat. An order to attack would have been a poordisguise for a retreat, for every man must have felt its utterrashness and at once suspected some other move. ] [Footnote 170: A letter from Tilghman, Washington's aid, shows thatthe troops received the impression that they were to be relieved. Theretreat, he says, "was conducted with so much Secrecy that neitherSubalterns or privates knew that the whole army was to cross backagain to N. York; they thought only a few regiments were to goback. "--_Document_ 29. ] At dark, the withdrawal began. As one regiment moved away towards theferry another would have its situation "changed" to fill the gap, orextended from right to left. Every move at first was conducted busily, yet quietly and without confusion. Colonel Little, referring to hispart this night, leaves the simple record that the general orderedeach regiment to be paraded on their own parades at seven o'clockP. M. , and wait for orders. "We received orders, " he says, "to strikeour tents and march, with our baggage, to New York. " Colonel Douglaswrites: "I received orders to call in my guard _all_, and marchimmediately with the utmost silence. " Hitchcock's Rhode Islanderscarried their baggage and camp equipage to the boats on theirshoulders "through mud and mire and not a ray of light visible. " Theembarkation was made from the ferry--the present Fulton Ferry--whereGeneral McDougall superintended the movements. Between seven and eighto'clock the boats were manned by Glover's and Hutchinson's men, andthey went to work with sailor-like cheer and despatch. The militia andlevies were the first to cross, though there was some vexing delay ingetting them off. Unluckily, too, about nine o'clock the adverse windand tide and pouring rain began to make the navigation of the riverdifficult. A north-easter sprang up, and Glover's men could do nothingwith the sloops and sail-boats. If the row-boats only were to bedepended upon, all the troops could not be ferried over beforemorning. Discouraged at the prospect, McDougall sent Colonel Grayson, of Washington's staff, to inform the general as to how matters stood, but unable to find him Grayson returned, and McDougall went on withthe embarkation in spite of its difficulties. Most fortunately, however, at eleven o'clock there was another and a favorable change inthe weather. The north-east wind died away, and soon after a gentlebreeze set in from the south-west, of which the sailors took quickadvantage, and the passage was now "direct, easy, and expeditious. "The troops were pushed across as fast as possible in every variety ofcraft--row-boats, flat-boats, whale-boats, pettiaugers, sloops, andsail-boats--some of which were loaded to within three inches of thewater, which was "as smooth as glass. " [Illustration: [signature: J. W. Glover] COLONEL FOURTEENTH REGIMENT OF FOOT (MASS. ) BRIGADIER GENERAL 1777. Steel Engr. F. Von Egloffstein N. Y. ] Meanwhile nearly a fatal blunder occurred at the lines. Early in theevening, a force had been selected, consisting of Hand's, Smallwood's, Haslet's, Shee's, Magaw's, and Chester's regiments, to remain at theworks to the last and cover the retreat. General Mifflin commanded theparty. Smallwood's men were stationed in Fort Putnam, part of Hand'sunder Captain Miller in the redoubt on the left, and the rest at thelines on the right of the main road; and the other regiments nearthem. Brooklyn Church was to be the alarm-post, where the coveringparty was to concentrate in case the enemy attacked during the night. About two o'clock in the morning, Major Scammell, one of Sullivan'saids now serving with Washington, mistook his orders and startedMifflin's entire command for the ferry. All the regiments had left thelines and were marching down the main road, when Washington, whoseemed to be everywhere during the night, met them and exclaimed inastonishment that unless the lines were immediately re-manned "themost disagreeable consequences" might follow, as every thing thenwas in confusion at the ferry. Mifflin's party promptly faced aboutand reoccupied their stations until dawn, when Providence again"interposed in favor of the retreating army. " To have attempted towithdraw in clear daylight would have been a hazardous experiment forthese regiments, but just before dawn a heavy fog began to settle overLong Island, and the covering party was safe. So dense was this"heavenly messenger, " as Gordon happily describes it, that iteffectually hid the American lines from the British pickets. When thefinal order, therefore, came about sunrise for Mifflin's men to retireto the ferry, they were enabled to do so under cover of the fogwithout exciting any suspicion of their movements in the enemy'scamp. [171] "We kept up fires, with outposts stationed, " saysLieutenant-Colonel Chambers, "until all the rest were over. We leftthe lines after it was fair day and then came off. " As our soldierswithdrew they distinctly heard the sound of pickaxe and shovel at theBritish works. [172] Before seven o'clock the entire force had crossedto New York, and among the last to leave was the commander-in-chief. "General Washington, " adds Chambers, "saw the last over himself. " [Footnote 171: Mr. Reed, the biographer, states that the fog rose onthe 29th. Dr. Stiles, in his "History of Brooklyn, " says: "At midnighta dense fog arose, which remained motionless and impenetrable over theisland during the whole of the next day [the 29th]. " "A dense fog, "writes Mr. Field, "hung over the island and river, when the morning ofthe 29th dawned. " Now nothing is more certain than that the fog didnot rise until shortly before dawn of the 30th, full six hours afterthe retreat had begun. The 28th and 29th, as already seen, were daysof rain-storms, not mist, nor fog, but storm, "torrents, " such rain attimes the like of which could "hardly be remembered. " Contemporarywriters who mention the rains say nothing of fog on the 29th, whereasthey do notice its appearance the next morning. Major Tallmadgewrites: "As the dawn of the next day approached, those of us whoremained in the trenches became very anxious for our own safety, andwhen the dawn appeared, there were several regiments still on duty. Atthis time a very dense fog began to rise, and it seemed to settle in apeculiar manner over both encampments. I recollect this peculiarprovidential occurrence perfectly well; and so very dense was theatmosphere that I could scarcely discern a man at six yards'distance. " This officer's regiment was one of the covering party, andhe adds that after leaving the lines by mistake, and receiving ordersto return, "Col. Chester immediately faced to the right about andreturned, where we tarried until the sun had risen, but the fogremained as dense as ever. " "At sunrise a great fog came up, " says aspectator (_Stiles' MS. Diary_). An officer or soldier of eitherShee's or Magaw's regiment, also of the covering party, wrote a fewhours after crossing: "We received orders to quit our station abouttwo o'clock this morning, and had made our retreat almost to the ferrywhen Gen. Washington ordered us back to that part of the lines we werefirst at, which was reckoned to be the most dangerous post. We gotback undiscovered by the enemy, and continued there until daylight. Providentially for us, a great fog arose, which prevented the enemyfrom seeing our retreat from their works which was not more thanmusket shot from us. "--_Force_, 5th Series, vol. I. , p. 1233. So also, Stedman, the British historian, referring to the events of the nightof the 29th-30th, says: "Another remarkable circumstance was, that onLong Island hung a thick fog, which prevented the British troops fromdiscovering the operations of the enemy. " Washington did not, as oftenstated in popular accounts, take advantage of a fog to cover hisretreat. More than half the army was over before the fog appeared; butit protected the covering party, and saved us the loss of considerablebaggage and other material. ] [Footnote 172: An English patrol under Captain Montressor discoveredthe retreat of the Americans very soon after the latter left thelines, and reported the fact at once. But for some unexplained reasonpursuit was delayed until too late. One boat with four stragglers wastaken by the enemy. ] By the army the retreat was welcomed as a great relief, a salvationfrom probable calamity. Not a few appreciated its completeness andsuccess as a strictly military move. "This evacuation, " writes one, "is a masterpiece. " "That grand retreat from the Island which willever reflect honour to our Generals, " says another. "Considering thedifficulties, " is Greene's criticism, "it was the best effectedretreat I ever read or heard of. " "It was executed, " says Scott, "withunexpected success. " But in the country at large it was generallyassociated with the defeat of the 27th, and the skilfulness with whichit was conducted little compensated for the fact that the retreat wasforced upon us. CHAPTER VI. LOSS OF NEW YORK--KIP'S BAY AFFAIR--BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS. Long Island surrendered, could New York be held? Columbia Heights, where Fort Stirling stood, had been regarded by Lee as the "capitalpoint, " the key of the position. Greene called the Brooklyn front "thepass, " on the possession of which depended the security of the city. Both pass and heights were now in the enemy's hands, and New York wasat their mercy. "We are in hourly expectation, " wrote CommissaryTrumbull, September 1st, "that the town will be bombarded. " LieutenantJasper Ewing, of Hand's riflemen, saw that the British could reducethe place to "a heap of ashes" in a day's time. Colonel Douglas lookedfor an immediate cannonade from Fort Stirling, "which, " he says, "Ihave the mortification to think I helped build myself. " But the enemykept their guns quiet, as they wished neither to injure the city nordrive our army away. They contented themselves at first withstretching their troops along the water front from Red Hook to HellGate, Newtown, and Flushing on Long Island, and threatening to land atany point on Manhattan Island from the Battery to Harlem, or beyond onthe Westchester shore. As for Washington, the successful retreat had not in the leastrelieved him from care or anxiety. He had escaped one trap: it was ofthe utmost consequence now to see that he did not fall into another. What he feared most was a sudden move upon his rear in WestchesterCounty, for in that case he would be hopelessly hemmed in on ManhattanIsland. "The enemy, " continued Trumbull on the 1st, "are drawing theirmen to the eastward on Long Island, as if they intended to throw astrong party over on this island, near Hell Gate, so as to get on theback of the city. We are preparing to meet them. " Haslet wrote August31st: "I expect every moment orders to march off to Kingsbridge toprevent the enemy crossing the East River and confining us on anothernook. . . . If they can coop us up in N. York by intrenching from riverto river, horrid will be the consequences from their command of therivers. " General Heath pressed the matter of watching the Westchestercoast, and Washington, concurring with him "as to the probability ofthe enemy's endeavoring to land their forces at Hunt's Point, " aboveHell Gate, wrote him on the 31st: "In order to prevent such an attemptfrom being carried into execution I have sent up General Mifflin withthe troops he brought from your quarters, strengthened byreinforcements. With this assistance I hope you will be able to defeattheir intentions. I beg you will exert yourself to the utmost of yourabilities on this momentous occasion. " Several days passing withoutany demonstration by the enemy, Washington's suspense was onlyprotracted, and on September 5th he wrote again to Heath as follows: "As everything in a manner depends upon obtaining intelligence of the enemy's motions, I do most earnestly entreat you and General Clinton to exert yourselves to accomplish this most desirable end. Leave no stone unturned, nor do not stick at expense to bring this to pass, as I never was more uneasy than on account of my want of knowledge on this score. "Keep, besides this precaution, constant lookouts (with good glasses) on some commanding heights that look well on to the other shore (and especially into the bays, where boats can be concealed), that they may observe, more particularly in the evening, if there be any uncommon movements. Much will depend upon early intelligence, and meeting the enemy before they can intrench. I should much approve of small harassing parties, stealing, as it were, over in the night, as they might keep the enemy alarmed, and more than probably bring off a prisoner, from whom some valuable intelligence may be obtained. "[173] [Footnote 173: "The Heath Correspondence, " Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll. , 1878. ] To add to his burdens, the commander-in-chief found the condition ofhis army growing worse instead of improving. The experiences on LongIsland had disheartened many of the troops, and their escape had notrevived their spirits. [174] The militia became impatient and went homein groups and whole companies, and indeed in such numbers as tomaterially diminish the strength of the army. To restore order andconfidence, Washington exerted himself to the utmost. Tilghman, one ofhis aids, speaks of "the vast hurry of business" in which the generalwas engaged at this time. "He is obliged, " he writes, "to see into, and in a manner fill every department, which is too much for one man. "To Rodney, Haslet wrote: "I fear Genl Washington has too heavy atask, assisted mostly by beardless boys. "[175] But fortunately for thecountry the general's shoulders were broad enough for these greatduties, and his faith and resolution remained unshaken. [Footnote 174: Pastor Shewkirk notes in his diary that immediatelyafter the retreat "a general damp" seemed to spread over the army. "The merry tones on drums and fifes had ceased, and they were hardlyheard for a couple of days. " The wet clothes, accoutrements, and tentswere lying about in front of the houses and in the streets, and everything was in confusion. But this was to be expected. General Scott, referring evidently to expressions heard among his own men, says thatsome declared that they had been "sold out, " and others longed to haveLee back from the South. --_Scott's MS. Letter_, September 6th, 1776. ] [Footnote 175: Washington's aids were most of them quite young men. ] As soon as possible the army was reorganized and stationed to meet thenew phase of the situation. Several changes were made in the brigades, and the whole divided into three grand divisions, under Putnam, Spencer, and Heath. Putnam's, consisting of five brigades, remained inthe city and guarded the East River above as far as Fifteenth Street;Spencer's, of six brigades, took up the line from that point to Horn'sHook and Harlem; and Heath with two brigades watched King's Bridge andthe Westchester shore. Greene had not sufficiently recovered from hisillness, and his old troops, under Nixon and Heard, were temporarilydoing duty with Spencer's command. [176] This disposition was effectedby the 2d of September, and by it our army again occupied an extendedline, endeavoring to protect every point on the east side from thebattery to King's Bridge, or the entire length of the island, adistance of fourteen and a half miles. [Footnote 176: A large number of changes were made in the organizationof the army after the retreat. The Connecticut militia were divided upand formed into brigades with the levies under General Wadsworth, Colonel Silliman, Colonel Douglas, and Colonel Chester. A brigade wasgiven also to Colonel Sargent, of Massachusetts. Putnam's divisionincluded Parsons', Scott's, James Clinton's (Glover's), Fellows', andSilliman's brigades; Spencer's and Greene's divisions includedNixon's, Heard's, McDougall's, Wadsworth's, Douglas', Chester's andSargent's brigades; while Heath had his former brigades, with a changeof some regiments, under Mifflin and George Clinton. ] The question of abandoning New York and all that part of the islandbelow Harlem Heights was, meanwhile, under consideration. The citywould obviously be untenable under a bombardment, and the islandequally so if the British crossed into Westchester County. YetWashington, strangely, we may say, expressed the conviction that hecould hold both provided his troops could be depended upon. [177] Amonghis generals, Greene earnestly opposed any such attempt, and advocatedthe evacuation and destruction of the place. "The City and Island ofNew York, " he wrote to his chief, September 5th, "are no objects forus; we are not to bring them into competition with the generalinterests of America. . . . The sacrifice of the vast property of NewYork and the suburbs, I hope has no influence on your Excellency'smeasures. Remember the King of France. When Charles the Fifth, Emperorof Germany, invaded his Kingdom, he laid whole Provinces waste; and bythat policy he starved and ruined Charles's army, and defeated himwithout fighting a battle. Two-thirds of the property of the City ofNew York and the suburbs belong to the tories. We have no very greatreason to run any considerable risk for its defence. . . . I would giveit as my opinion that a general and speedy retreat is absolutelynecessary, and that the honour and interest of America require it. Iwould burn the city. " John Jay before this also proposed itsdestruction. Scott urged abandonment of the place for sound militaryreasons, though the move would ruin him. Washington, however, on the2d, presented the whole question to Congress. Also convinced by thecondition of the army, that the city must be evacuated, he asked, "Ifwe should be obliged to abandon the town, ought it to stand as winterquarters for the enemy?" Congress voted, in reply, that "it should inno event be damaged, for they had no doubt of being able to recoverit, even though the enemy should obtain possession of it for a time. "On the 7th, a council of war, inferring that Congress wished the placeto be held, decided to retain five thousand troops in the city andconcentrate the rest around and above Harlem; but on the 12th thematter was reconsidered, and a second council voted to evacuate thecity and retire to Harlem Heights. The removal of stores and the sickhad already commenced; and on the 14th, when the enemy appeared to beon the point of crossing from Montressor's, now Randall's, Island tothe mainland, all the teams and wagons that could be found wereimpressed by the quartermasters to remove the remaining stores. In oneday more the removal would have been complete and the troops allwithdrawn to the heights. In the evening of the 14th Washington leftthe city, and established his headquarters at the Morris Mansion, atOne Hundred and Sixty-first Street, overlooking Harlem River and theplains. [178] [Footnote 177: "Till of late I had no doubt in my own mind ofdefending this place, nor should I have yet, if the men would do theirduty, but this I despair of. It is painful, and extremely grating tome, to give such unfavorable accounts; but it would be criminal toconceal the truth at so critical a juncture. "--_Washington toCongress_, September 2d, 1776. ] [Footnote 178: Colonel Reed, the adjutant-general, wrote to his wife, September 14th, from New York: "My baggage is all at King's bridge. Weexpect to remove thither this evening. I mean our headquarters. "--_Reed'sReed. _ Washington, writing of the events of the 15th, says: "I hadgone the night before to the main body of the army which was posted onthe plains and heights of Harlem. " These references fail to confirmthe common statement that Washington made the Murray House onThirty-sixth Street his quarters for a short time after leaving thecity. ] * * * * * The enemy made no advance from Long Island until more than two weeksafter the battle. Howe's preparations were delayed because dependentupon the co-operation of the fleet. On the night of the 3d ofSeptember, the frigate Rose, of thirty-two guns, sailed up the EastRiver convoying thirty boats, and running through the fire of our gunsat the Grand Battery, the ship-yards, and Corlears Hook, anchoredclose into Wallabout Bay, where on the 5th our artillerists "brisklycannonaded" her. After dark on the 12th, thirty-six additional boatspassed our batteries to Bushwick Creek, and the night after forty morefollowed. Then towards sunset on the 14th, the frigates Roebuck, Phoenix, Orpheus, and Carysfort, with six transports, joined theRose without receiving material injury from the heavy fire poured uponthem by our gunners. On the following morning, the 15th, the British moved againstManhattan Island, and in the afternoon New York City fell into theirpossession. What occurred beforehand during the day is known as the"Kip's Bay affair. "[179] [Footnote 179: According to the Hessian major, Baurmeister, the 13thhad been first named as the date for the attack. "On this day, " hewrites, "General Howe wished to land upon the island of New York, because 18 years ago on this day General Wulff [Wolfe] had conqueredat Quebec, but also lost his life. The watchword for this end was'Quebec' and the countersign 'Wulff, ' but the frigates were too latefor this attack as they only sailed out of the fleet at five o'clockon the evening of the 14th. " The sailing up of these ships is described as follows by the Hon. Joshua Babcock, one of the Rhode Island Committee who had come down toconsult with Washington in regard to military matters: "Just afterDinner 3 Frigates and a 40 Gun Ship (as if they meant to attack thecity) sail'd up the East River under a gentle Breeze towardsHell-Gate, & kept up an incessant Fire assisted with the Cannon atGovernrs Island: The Batteries from the City return'd the Ships thelike Salutation: 3 Men agape, idle Spectators had the misfortune ofbeing killed by one Cannon-Ball, the other mischief suffered on ourSide was inconsiderable Saving the making a few Holes in some of theBuildings; one shot struck within 6 Foot of Genl Washington, as Hewas on Horseback riding into the Fort. "--_MS. Letter in R. I. PublicArchives. _ Also in _Force_. Baurmeister preserves the incident that Washington was often to beseen at the East River batteries in New York, and on one occasion"provoked the Hessian artillery Captain Krug [on the Long Island side]to fire off 2 Cannon at him and his suite. " "A third shot too wouldnot have been wanting, if the horses of the enemy had been pleased tostay, " adds the major. ] Kip's Bay was the large cove which then set in from the East River atabout the foot of Thirty-fourth Street. It took its name from the oldKip family, who owned the adjacent estate. From this point breastworkshad been thrown up along the river's bank, wherever a landing could bemade, down as far as Corlears Hook or Grand Street. Five brigades hadbeen distributed at this front to watch the enemy. Silliman's was inthe city; at Corlears Hook was Parsons' brigade, to which Prescott'sMassachusetts men had now been added; beyond, in the vicinity ofFifteenth Street, on the Stuyvesant estate, Scott's New York brigadetook post; above him, at about Twenty-third Street, was Wadsworth'scommand, consisting of Sage's, Selden's, and Gay's Connecticut levies;and further along near Kip's Bay was Colonel Douglas, with his brigadeof three Connecticut militia regiments under Cooke, Pettibone, andTalcott, and his own battalion of levies. [180] Up the river a chain ofsentinels communicated with the troops at Horn's Hook, and every halfhour they passed the watchword to each other, "All is well. " [Footnote 180: We know the position of the troops from the statementsof their officers. Douglas says: "I lay with my brigade a little belowTurtle [Kips] Bay where we hove up lines for more than one mile inlength. Gen'l Wadsworth managed the lines on the right and I on theleft. " Brigade-Major Fish says of Scott's brigade that they were"marched to the lines back of Stuyvesant's, " about the foot ofFifteenth Street. Parsons was below at Corlears Hook as appears from_Document_ 32. Silliman himself says that he was in the city. Consultmap of New York, Part II. , where the position at the time of theBritish attack is given. ] Very early on the morning of the 15th, which was Sunday, the fiveBritish frigates which had anchored under the Long Island shore sailedup and took position close within musket-shot of our lines at Kip'sBay, somewhat to the left of Douglas. This officer immediately movedhis brigade abreast of them. The ships were so near, says Martin, oneof Douglas' soldiers, that he could distinctly read the name of thePhoenix, which was lying "a little quartering. " Meanwhile, on theopposite shore, in Newtown Creek, the British embarked their lightinfantry and reserves, and Donop's grenadiers and yagers, all underClinton and Cornwallis, in eighty-four boats, and drew up in regularorder on the water ready to cross to the New York side. [181] Thesoldier just quoted remembered that they looked like "a large cloverfield in full bloom. " All along the line our soldiers were watchingthese movements with anxious curiosity--that night they would havebeen withdrawn from the position--when suddenly between ten and eleveno'clock the five frigates opened a sweeping fire from their seventy oreighty guns upon the breastworks where Douglas and his brigade weredrawn up. It came like "a peal of thunder, " and the militiamen coulddo nothing but keep well under cover. The enemy fired at them at theirpleasure, from "their tops and everywhere, " until our men soon foundit impossible to stay in that position. "We kept the lines, " saysMartin, "till they were almost levelled upon us, when our officers, seeing we could make no resistance, and no orders coming from anysuperior officer, and that we must soon be entirely exposed to therake of the guns, gave the order to leave. " At the same time theflotilla crossed the river, and getting under cover of the smoke ofthe ships' guns, struck off to the left of Douglas, where the troopseffected a landing without difficulty. Howe says: "The fire of theshipping being so well directed and so incessant, the enemy could notremain in their works, and the descent was made without the leastopposition. " The ordeal the militia were subjected to was somethingwhich in similar circumstances veteran troops have been unable towithstand. [182] Retreating from the lines, Douglas's men scattered tothe rear towards the Post Road, and the enemy who landed and formedrapidly were soon after them. Douglas himself, who was an excellentofficer, was the last to leave, and all but escaped capture. [183]There was no collecting the brigade, however, in any new position inthe field, for the thought of being intercepted had created a panicamong the militia, and they fled in confusion. [Footnote 181: "The first landing was of 84 boats with Englishinfantry and Hessian grenadiers under command of Lieut-GeneralClinton. Commodore Hotham conducted this landing, under cover of 5frigates anchored close before Kaaps [Kip's] Bay above Cron Point, andmaintained a 3 hours cannonade on the enemy's advanced posts in thegreat wood. The signal of the red flag denoted the departure of theboats, the blue on the contrary the stoppage of the passage, and if aretreat should become necessary, a yellow flag would beshown. "--_Baurmeister. _ "Sunday morning at break of day, five shipsweighed anchor and fell in close within a musket shot of our linesquite to the left of me. I then moved my brigade abreast of them. Theylay very quiet until 10 o'clock and by that time they had about 80 oftheir boats from under Long Island shore full with men which containedabout five or six thousand and four transports full ready to come inthe second boats. "--_Col. Douglas. _ Major Fish wrote September 19th that the enemy's ships of war weredrawn up "in line of Battle parallel to the shore, the Troops to theamount of about 4000 being embarked in flat bottom Boats, and theBoats paraded. "--_Hist. Mag. _] [Footnote 182: All accounts agree that it was next to impossible toremain under the fire of the men-of-war. Major Fish says that "aCannonade from the ships began, which far exceeded my Ideas, and whichseemed to infuse a Panic thro' the whole of our Troops, &c. " Sillimanspeaks of the "incessant fire on our lines" with grapeshot as being"so hot" that the militia were compelled to retreat. Douglas'sdescription is as quaint as it is expressive: "They very suddenlybegan as heavy a cannonade perhaps as ever was from no more ships, asthey had nothing to molest them. " Martin thought his head would "gowith the sound. " Lieutenant John Heinrichs, of the Hessian yagers, writes: "Last Sunday we landed under the thundering rattle of 5men-of-war. "] [Footnote 183: The enemy's boats, says Douglas, "got under cover ofthe smoke of the shipping and then struck to the left of my lines inorder to cut me off from a retreat. My left wing gave way which wasformed of the militia. I lay myself on the right wing waiting for theboats until Capt. Prentice came to me and told me, if I meant to savemyself to leave the lines, for that was the orders on the left andthat they had left the lines. I then told my men to make the best oftheir way as I found I had but about ten left with me. They soon movedout and I then made the best of my way out. "--See further in_Documents_, Part II. , p. 71. ] When the cannonade at Kip's Bay began, Washington was four milesdistant, at Harlem. At the first sound of the guns he mounted hishorse and rode with all possible despatch to the scene. At about thesame time, General Parsons, probably by Putnam's order, directedPrescott's, Tyler's, and the remnant of Huntington's regiment, notover eighty strong, to march immediately to the assistance of thetroops where the enemy were landing. [184] Fellows' brigade was alsoordered along for the same purpose. [Footnote 184: _Document_ 32. ] At about the corner of the present Thirty-sixth Street and FourthAvenue stood at that time the residence of Robert Murray, the Quakermerchant, on what was known as "Inclenberg" heights, now Murray Hill. His grounds extended to the Post Road, which there ran along the lineof Lexington Avenue. Just above him a cross-road connected the Postand Bloomingdale roads, which is represented to-day by the line ofForty-second and Forty-third streets. On the south side of thecross-road where it intersected the Post Road was a large corn-fieldadjoining or belonging to Murray's estate. When Washington reachedthis vicinity he found the militia retreating in disorder along boththe cross and the Post roads, and Fellows' brigade just coming on tothe field. The general, with Putnam and others, was then on the risingground in the vicinity of the present Forty-second Street reservoir. In a very short time Parsons and his regiments arrived by theBloomingdale Road, and Washington in person directed them to formalong the line of the Post Road in front of the enemy, who wererapidly advancing from Kip's Bay. "Take the walls!" "Take thecorn-field!" he shouted; and Parsons' men quickly ran to the walls andthe field, but in a confused and disordered manner. Their general didhis best to get them into line on the ground, but found it impossible, they were so dispersed, and, moreover, they were now beginning toretreat. The panic which had seized the Connecticut militia wascommunicated to Fellows' Massachusetts men, who were also militia; andnow it was to sweep up Parsons' Continentals, including Prescott's menof Bunker Hill. The latter brigade had been brought on to the groundin bad shape through the fugitive militiamen, and when the Britishlight infantry appeared they broke and retreated with the rest. To Washington all this confusion and rout seemed wholly unnecessaryand unreasonable, and dashing in among the flying crowds he endeavoredto convince them that there was no danger, and used his utmostexertions to bring them into some order. He was roused to more thanindignation at the sight, and in his letter to Congress on thefollowing day denounced the conduct of these troops as "disgracefuland dastardly. "[185] Putnam, Parsons, Fellows, and others wereequally active in attempting to stop the flight, but it was to nopurpose. "The very demons of fear and disorder, " says Martin, "seemedto take full possession of all and everything on that day. " Nothingremained but to continue the retreat by the Bloomingdale Road toHarlem Heights. [Footnote 185: Washington's account of the panic is as follows: "As soon as I heard the firing, I rode with all possible despatchtowards the place of landing, where to my great surprise andmortification I found the troops that had been posted in the linesretreating with the utmost precipitation and those ordered to supportthem (Parsons' and Fellows' brigades) flying in every direction, andin the greatest confusion, notwithstanding the exertions of theirgenerals to form them. I used every means in my power to rally and toget them into some order; but my attempts were fruitless andineffectual; and on the appearance of a small party of the enemy, notmore than sixty or seventy, their disorder increased, and they ranaway in the greatest confusion, without firing a single shot. " There were several stories current after the affair which cannot betraced to any responsible source. One was that the Commander-in-Chiefwas so "distressed and enraged" at the conduct of the troops that "hedrew his sword and snapped his pistols to check them;" and that one ofhis suite was obliged to seize his horse's reins and take him out ofdanger from the enemy. Another account represents that he threw hishat on the ground and exclaimed whether such were the troops withwhich he was to defend America; another states that he sought "deathrather than life. " Mr. Bancroft has shown how far these statements areto be accepted. ] During these scenes, Wadsworth's and Scott's brigades, which werebelow Douglas on the river lines, saw that their only safety lay, also, in immediate retreat, and falling back, they joined the otherbrigades above, though not without suffering some loss. The partiesnow in the greatest danger were Silliman's brigade and Knox withdetachments of the artillery, who were still in the city three milesbelow. When Putnam, to whose division they belonged, found that nostand could be made at Kip's Bay or Murray's Hill, he galloped downthrough Wadsworth's and Scott's retreating troops, to extricateSilliman and the others. [186] Not a moment's time was to be lost, forshould the British stretch out their troops west of the BloomingdaleRoad to the North River, escape would be impossible. Silliman, meanwhile, had taken post with Knox in and to the right of Bayard'sHill Fort, from the top of which they could see the enemy occupyingthe island above them. At this juncture, Major Aaron Burr, Putnam'said, rode up to the fort with orders to retreat. He was told thatretreat was out of the question. Knox said that he should defend thefort to the last. But Burr, who knew the ground thoroughly, declaredthat he could pilot them safely to the upper end of the island, andSilliman's men set out for the attempt. [187] Putnam also had called inother guards, and the entire force then took to the woods aboveGreenwich, on the west side, and keeping under cover wherever it waspossible, made their way along without opposition. But it proved to bea most trying and hazardous march. The day was "insupportably hot;"more than one soldier died at the spring or brook where he drank; anymoment the enemy, who at some points were not half a mile away, mightbe upon them. Officers rode in advance and to the right to reconnoitreand see that the way was clear. Putnam, Silliman, Burr, and otherswere conspicuous in their exertions. Silliman was "sometimes in thefront, sometimes in the centre, and sometimes in the rear. " The menextended along in the woods for two miles, and the greatestprecautions were necessary to keep them out of sight of the mainroad. [188] Putnam encouraged them continually by flying on his horse, covered with foam, wherever his presence was most necessary. "Withouthis extraordinary exertions, " says Colonel Humphreys, who frequentlysaw Putnam that day, "the guards must have been inevitably lost, andit is probable the entire corps would have been cut in pieces. " Much, too, of the success of the march was due to Burr's skill andknowledge. Near Bloomingdale, the command fell in with a party of theBritish, when Silliman formed three hundred of his men and beat themoff. After making a winding march of at least "twelve miles, " thesegreatly distressed troops finally reached Harlem Heights after dark, to the surprise and relief of the other brigades, who had given themup for lost. [Footnote 186: Hezekiah Munsell, a soldier of Gay's regiment inWadsworth's brigade, says: "We soon reached the main road which ourtroops were travelling, and the first conspicuous person I met wasGen. Putnam. He was making his way towards New York when all weregoing from it. Where he was going I could not conjecture, though Iafterwards learned he was going after a small garrison of men in acrescent fortification which he brought off safe. "--_Hist. Of AncientWindsor_, p. 715. ] [Footnote 187: Affidavits in Davis' "Life of Burr, " vol. I. ] [Footnote 188: The line of Putnam's retreat appears to have been fromBayard's Hill Fort on Grand Street across the country to Monument Lane(now Greenwich Avenue), which led to the obelisk erected in honor ofGeneral Wolf and others at a point on Fifteenth Street, a little westof Eighth Avenue. (See Montressor's Map of New York in 1775, "Valentine's Manual. ") The lane there joined with an irregular roadrunning on the line of Eighth Avenue, known afterwards as the Abingtonor Fitz Roy road, as far as Forty-second or Third Street. TherePutnam, under Burr's guidance probably, pushed through the woods, keeping west of the Bloomingdale Road, and finally taking the latterat some point above Seventieth Street, and so on to Harlem Heights. (See Map of New York, Part II. )] Although skilfully conducted, this escape is to be referred, inreality, to Howe's supineness and the hospitality of Mrs. RobertMurray, at whose house the British generals stopped for rest andrefreshment after driving back our troops. Instead of continuing avigorous pursuit or making any effort to intercept other parties, theyspent a valuable interval at the board of their entertaining hostess, whose American sympathies added flavor and piquancy to theconversation. "Mrs. Murray, " says Dr. Thacher in his military journal, "treated them with cake and wine, and they were induced to tarry twohours or more, Governor Tryon frequently joking her about her Americanfriends. By this happy incident, General Putnam, by continuing hismarch, escaped a rencounter with a greatly superior force, which musthave proved fatal to his whole party. Ten minutes, it is said, wouldhave been sufficient for the enemy to have secured the road at theturn and entirely cut off General Putnam's retreat. It has sincebecome almost a common saying among our officers, that Mrs. Murraysaved this part of the American army. " * * * * * Of the Kip's Bay affair there is but one criticism to be made--it wasan ungovernable panic. Beginning with a retreat from the water-line, it grew into a fright and a run for safer ground. Panics are ofteninexplicable. The best troops as well as the poorest have been knownto fly from the merest shadow of danger. In this case, so far as the_beginning_ of the rout is concerned, probably the militiamen did noworse than Washington's best men would have done. A retreat from theship's fire could not have been avoided, though, with better troops, the subsequent rout could have been checked and the enemy retarded. The incident was especially unfortunate at that time, as it served toincrease existing jealousies between the troops from the differentStates, and so far impair the morale of the army. It excites a smileto-day to read that men from New York, Pennsylvania, and Marylandcharged New Englanders generally with provincialism and cowardice, andthat the charge was resented; but such was the fact. The feelingbetween them grew to such an extent that Washington was obliged toissue orders condemning its indulgence. The Kip's Bay panic offered afavorable opportunity for emphasizing these charges, and theConnecticut and Massachusetts runaways came in for their full share ofuncomplimentary epithets. The Connecticut men were rememberedparticularly, "dastards" and "cowards" being the terms which greetedtheir ears. All this of course could not but be ruinous to thediscipline of the army, and it was an alarming fact to be dealtwith. [189] The men south of New England were not without reason inmaking their harsh criticisms, for many of the New England regiments, the militia in particular, came upon the ground with an inferiormilitary organization. They were miserably officered in many cases, and the men, never expecting to become soldiers as such, wereindifferent to discipline. But in another view the criticisms wereunfair, because the Pennsylvanians and others, in making comparisons, compared their best troops with New England's poorest. As two thirdsof the army were from New England--more than one third fromConnecticut--men from this section were necessarily representedlargely in every duty or piece of fighting, and whenever anymisconduct of a few occurred, it was made to reflect discredit uponthe whole. There was no difference between the better drilled andofficered regiments from the several States, just as there was littledifference between their hastily gathered militia. Thus it may bementioned as a notable and somewhat humorous coincidence that at thevery moment the Connecticut militia were flying from the bombardmentof the ships at Kip's Bay, New Jersey and Pennsylvania militia wereflying with equal haste from the bombardment of other ships at Powle'sHook as they sailed up the North River to Bloomingdale on the samemorning; and that while Reed, Tilghman, Smallwood, and others, weredenouncing the Kip's Bay fugitives in unmeasured terms, the indignantMercer was likewise denouncing the "scandalous" behavior of thefugitives in his own command. [190] [Footnote 189: This jealousy disappeared when the army was reorganizedand the troops became proficient in discipline. The American soldierwas then found to be equal to any that could be brought against him, regardless of the locality from which he hailed. But in the presentcampaign the sectional feeling referred to came near working mischief, especially as it was kept alive by so prominent an officer as ColonelReed, the Adjutant-general. New England officers protested against the"rancor" and "malice" of his assertions, and represented theirinjurious influence to members of Congress. Washington, finding thatthe matter was becoming serious, took the occasion to send a specialinvitation to Colonels Silliman and Douglas to dine with him in thelatter part of September, when he "disavowed and absolutelydisapproved every such piece of conduct" which had been a grievance tothese and other Eastern officers. --_Silliman's MS. Letter. _ See alsoextracts in Gordon's history as to the condition of the army at thistime. ] [Footnote 190: "The militia of Pennsylvania and New Jersey, stationedon Bergen and at Paulus-Hook, have behaved in a scandalous manner, running off from their posts on the first cannonade from the ships ofthe enemy. At all the posts we find it difficult to keep the militiato their duty. " (_Mercer to Washington_, Sept. 17th, 1776. ) "I don'tknow whether the New Engd troops will stand there [at HarlemHeights], but I am sure they will not upon open ground, "etc. --_Tilghman. _ _Document_ 29. ] The events of the 15th naturally and justly roused the wrath of bothWashington and Mercer, and their denunciations become a part of therecord of the time. But in recording them it belongs to those whowrite a century later to explain and qualify. Justice to the men whofigured in these scenes requires that the terms of reproach should notbe perpetuated as a final stigma upon their character as soldiers ofthe Revolution. All military experience proves that troops who haveonce given way in a panic are not therefore or necessarily poortroops; and the experience at Kip's Bay and Powle's Hook was only anillustration in the proof. These men had their revenge. If the recordsof New Jersey and Pennsylvania were to be thoroughly examined, theywould doubtless show that large numbers of Mercer's militia re-enteredthe service and acquitted themselves well. This is certainly true ofmany of the routed crowd whom Washington found it impossible to rallyon Murray's Hill and in Murray's corn-field. Some of those who ranfrom the Light Infantry on the 15th assisted in driving the same LightInfantry on the 16th. Prescott's men a few weeks later successfullydefended a crossing in Westchester County and thwarted the enemy'sdesigns. Not a few of the militia in Douglas's brigade were theidentical men with whom Oliver Wolcott marched up to meet Burgoyne ayear later, and who, under Colonels Cook and Latimer, "threw awaytheir lives" in the decisive action of that campaign, suffering agreater loss than any other two regiments on the field. Fellows, also, was there to co-operate in forcing the British surrender. In Parsons'brigade were young officers and soldiers who formed part of the selectcorps that stormed Stony Point, and among Wadsworth's troops wereothers who, five years later, charged upon the Yorktown redoubt withthe leading American Light Infantry battalion. [191] [Footnote 191: The Major of this battalion (Gimat's) was JohnPalsgrave Wyllys, of Hartford, who, as Wadsworth's Brigade-Major, wastaken prisoner at Kip's Bay. Alexander Hamilton and Brigade-MajorFish, of New York, who were swept along in this retreat, also figuredprominently at Yorktown. Two young ensigns in the Connecticut"levies, " Stephen Betts and James Morris, were captains of LightInfantry in that affair. Lieutenant Stephen Olney, of Rhode Island, who barely escaped capture on Long Island by Cornwallis's grenadiers, led Gimat's battalion as captain, and was severely wounded whileclambering into the redoubt; and there were probably a considerablenumber of others, officers and men, who were chased by this Britishgeneral in the present campaign, who finally had the satisfaction ofcornering him in Virginia in 1781. Scammell, Huntington, Tilghman, Humphreys, and others, could be named. ] * * * * * When Washington found that the enemy had made their principal landingat Thirty-fourth Street, and that a retreat was necessary, he sentback word to have Harlem Heights well secured by the troops there, while at the same time a considerable force under Mifflin marcheddown to the strong ground near McGowan's to cover the escape of troopsthat might take the King's Bridge road. Chester and Sargent evacuatedHorn's Hook and came in with Mifflin. Upon the landing of more troopsat Kip's Bay, Howe sent a column towards McGowan's, and in the eveningthe Light Infantry reached Apthorpe's just after Silliman's retreat. Washington had waited on the Bloomingdale Road until the last, andretired from the Apthorpe Mansion but a short time before the Britishoccupied it. Here at Bloomingdale the enemy encamped their left wingfor the night, while their right occupied Horn's Hook, their outpostsnot being advanced on the left beyond One Hundredth Street. TheAmericans slept on Harlem Heights, not quite a mile and a half abovethem. "That night, " says Humphreys, "our soldiers, excessively fatigued bythe sultry march of the day, their clothes wet by a severe shower ofrain that succeeded towards the evening, their blood chilled by thecold wind that produced a sudden change in the temperature of the air, and their hearts sunk within them by the loss of baggage, artillery, and works, in which they had been taught to put great confidence, layupon their arms, covered only by the clouds of an uncomfortablesky. "[192] [Footnote 192: The American loss in prisoners in the Kip's Bay affairwas seventeen officers and about three hundred and fifty men, nearlyall from Connecticut and New York. A very few were killed and wounded, Major Chapman, of Tyler's regiment, being among the former. The officer of highest rank among the prisoners was Colonel SamuelSelden, of Hadlyme, Conn. , mentioned on page 121. (See biographicalsketches, Part II. ) One of his officers was Captain Eliphalet Holmes, afterwards of the Continental line, a neighbor of the Colonel's. Beinga man of great strength he knocked down two Hessians, who attempted tocapture him, and escaped. ] During the day, meantime, the British occupied the city. After thedeparture of the last troops under Silliman (Knox with others escapingto Powle's Hook by boats) a white flag was displayed on Bayard's HillRedoubt by citizens, and in the afternoon a detachment from the fleetfirst took possession. [193] In the evening a brigade from Howe's forceencamped along the outer line of works. The next forenoon, the 16th, "the first of the English troops came to town, " under GeneralRobertson, and were drawn up in two lines on Broadway. Governor Tryonwas present with officers of rank and a great concourse of people. "Joy and gladness seemed to appear in all countenances;" while thefirst act of the victors was to identify and confiscate every houseowned and deserted by the rebels. "And thus, " says the now happyloyalist pastor Shewkirk, "the city was delivered from those Usurperswho had oppressed it so long. " [Footnote 193: _Baurmeister's Narrative. _ _Shewkirk's Diary. _] * * * * * Fortunately, the demoralizing effect of the panic of the 15th was tobe merely temporary. Indeed, before the details of the affair had timeto circulate through the camps and work further discouragement ordepression, there occurred another encounter with the enemy on thefollowing morning, which neutralized the disgrace of the previous dayand revived the spirits of our army to an astonishing degree. So muchimportance was attached to it at the time as being a greatly neededstimulant for the American soldier that it becomes of interest tofollow its particulars. It has passed into our history as the affairor BATTLE OF HARLEM HEIGHTS. [194] Never for a moment relaxing his watch over the enemy's movements, Washington, before daylight on the morning of the 16th, ordered areconnoitring party out to ascertain the exact position of theBritish. The party consisted of the detachment of "Rangers, "[195] orvolunteers from the New England regiments, which had been organizedfor scouting service since the battle of Long Island, and placed underthe command of Lieutenant-Colonel Thomas Knowlton, of Connecticut. Nobetter man could have been found in the army to head such a corps, forhe had proved his courage at Bunker Hill, and on more than oneoccasion since had shown his capacity for leadership. The detachmentstarted out, not more than one hundred and twenty strong, and passingover to the Bloomingdale heights, marched for the Bloomingdale Road, where the enemy were last seen the night before. [Footnote 194: The centennial anniversary of this battle wascelebrated in 1876, under the auspices of the New York HistoricalSociety. The oration delivered on the occasion by the Hon. John Jayhas been published by the Society, with an appendix containing a largenumber of documents bearing upon the affair, the whole making avaluable contribution to our Revolutionary history. ] [Footnote 195: THE RANGERS. --The small corps known by this nameconsisted, first, as already stated, of about one hundred men ofDurkee's Connecticut Regiment (Twentieth Continentals), who appear tohave accompanied Lieutenant-Colonel Knowlton, of that regiment, whenhe went on any special service. These he took with him to Long Island. After the battle there the Rangers were formally organized as aseparate body, composed of volunteer officers and men from several ofthe New England regiments. These were borne on their respectiveregimental rolls as detached "on command. " For captains, Knowlton hadat least three excellent officers, men from his own region, whom heknew and could trust--Nathan Hale, of Charles Webb's regiment, andStephen Brown and Thomas Grosvenor, of his own. The rolls in _Force_show that there were officers and men in the Rangers from Durkee's, Webb's, Chester's, Wyllys', and Tyler's Connecticut; Ward's andSargent's Massachusetts; and Varnum's Rhode Island. For a time theyreceived orders directly from Washington and then from Putnam, andwere of great service to the army in watching the enemy along theHarlem front. They distinguished themselves on the 16th, and later inthe season, when Colonel Magaw was in command of Fort Washington, hebegged to have the Rangers remain with him, as he declared that theywere the only safe protection to the lines. (Greene to Washington. )They remained and were taken prisoners at the surrender of the fort, November 16th. Though probably not over one hundred and fifty strong, their losses seem to have been heavy. Knowlton fell at Harlem Heights;Major Coburn, who succeeded him, was severely wounded a few weekslater; Captain Nathan Hale was executed as a spy; and Captain Brown, aman as cool as Knowlton, was killed at the defence of Fort Mifflinnear Philadelphia, in 1777, a cannon-ball severing his head from hisbody. Grosvenor served through the war, retiring as Lieutenant-Colonelcommanding the Fifth of the Connecticut line. These facts are gatheredfrom MS. Order Books, documents in _Force_ and _Hist. Mag. _, and fromMS. Letter of the late Judge Oliver Burnham, of Cornwall, Conn. , asoldier in Wyllys' regiment and one of the Rangers, in which he says:"Soon after the retreat from Long Island, Colonel Knowlton was orderedto raise a battalion of troops from the different regiments called theRangers, to reconnoitre along our shores and between the armies. Beinginvited by a favorite officer, I volunteered, and on the day the enemytook New York we were at Harlem and had no share in the events of thatday. "] The ground which Knowlton reconnoitred and which became the scene ofthe action remains to-day unchanged in its principal features. Whatwas then known as Harlem Heights is that section of the island whichrises prominently from the plain west of Eighth Avenue and north ofOne Hundred and Twenty-fifth Street. Its southern face extended froman abrupt point, called "Point of Rocks, " at One Hundred andTwenty-sixth Street, east of Ninth Avenue, northwesterly to theHudson, a distance of three quarters of a mile. At the foot of theseheights lay a vale or "hollow way, " through the centre of which nowruns Manhattan Street, and opposite, at distances varying from aquarter to a third of a mile, rose another line of bluffs and slopesparallel to Harlem Heights. This lower elevation stood mainly in theBloomingdale division of the city's out-ward, and is generally knownto-day as Bloomingdale Heights. In 1776 there were two farms on theseheights, owned and occupied by Adrian Hogeland and BenjaminVandewater, which were partly cultivated, but mainly covered withwoods. The Bloomingdale Road, as stated in a previous chapter, terminated at Hogeland's lands about One Hundred and Eighth or Tenthstreets, and from there a lane or road ran easterly by Vandewater'sand joined the King's Bridge road near One Hundred and TwentiethStreet. East of the Bloomingdale and south of Harlem Heights stretchedthe tract of level land called Harlem Plains. After the retreat of the 15th, Washington's army encamped on HarlemHeights, with their pickets lining the southern slope from Point ofRocks to the Hudson. The British, as we have seen, lay at Bloomingdaleand across the upper part of Central Park to Horn's Hook. An enemy, posted at the lower boundary of Harlem Plains, around McGowan's Pass, where the ground again rises at the northern end of the Park, might beeasily observed from the Point of Rocks, and any advance from thatquarter could be reported at once. Nothing, however, could be seen ofmovements made on the Bloomingdale Road or Heights, and it was in thatdirection that the "Rangers" now proceeded to reconnoitre at dawn onthe 16th. Knowlton, marching under cover of the woods, soon came upon theenemy's pickets, somewhere, it would appear, between Hogeland's andApthorpe's houses on the Bloomingdale Road, more than a mile below theAmerican lines. This was the encampment of the Light Infantry, andtheir Second and Third Battalions, supported by the Forty-secondHighlanders, were immediately pushed forward to drive back this partyof rebels who had dared to attack them on their own ground. Anticipating some such move, Knowlton had already posted his menbehind a stone wall, and when the British advanced he met them with avigorous fire. His men fired eight or nine rounds a piece with goodeffect, when the enemy threatened to turn his flanks, and he ordered aretreat, which was well conducted. In this brief encounter the Rangerslost about ten of their number, and believed that they inflicted muchmore than this loss upon the Infantry. [196] [Footnote 196: The Rangers were thus engaged in a distinct skirmishbefore the main action of the day. Washington wrote to Congress earlyon the 16th: "I have sent some reconnoitring parties to gainintelligence, if possible, of the disposition of the enemy. " A letterin the _Connecticut Gazette_, reprinted in Mr. Jay's documents, andwhich was probably written by Captain Brown, says: "On Monday morningthe General ordered us to go and take the enemy's advanced guard;accordingly we set out just before day and found where they were; atday-brake we were discovered by the enemy, who were 400 strong, and wewere 120. They marched up within six rods of us and there formed togive us Battle, which we were ready for; and Colonel Knowlton gaveorders to fire, which we did, and stood theirs till we perceived theywere getting their flank-guards round us. After giving them eightrounds apiece the Colonel gave orders for retreating, which weperformed very well, without the loss of a man while retreating, though we lost about 10 while in action. " Judge Burnham sayssubstantially the same: "Colonel Knowlton marched close to the enemyas they lay on one of the Harlem Heights, and discharged a few rounds, and then retreated over the hill out of sight of the enemy andconcealed us behind a low stone wall. The Colonel marked a place abouteight or ten rods from the wall, and charged us not to rise or fire agun until the enemy reached that place. The British followed in solidcolumn, and soon were on the ground designated when we gave them ninerounds and retreated. . . . Our number engaged was only about 120. "] At his headquarters in the Morris Mansion, Washington, meantime, waswriting his despatches to Congress. The unwelcome duty fell to him toreport the scenes of the previous day which had so deeply stirred hisindignation. He made a plain statement of the facts, described theretreat from New York, acknowledged the loss of baggage and cannon, and despondently expressed his misgivings as to the soldierlyqualities of a majority of his troops. "We are now, " he wrote, "encamped with the main body of the army on the Heights of Harlem, where I should hope the enemy would meet with a defeat in case of anattack, if the generality of our troops would behave with tolerablebravery. But experience, to my extreme affliction, has convinced methat this is rather to be wished for than expected. However, I trustthat there are many who will act like men, and show themselves worthyof the blessings of freedom. " Not unfounded was this trust, for at thevery time the commander-in-chief was writing the words, the Rangerswere bravely fighting in the Bloomingdale Woods, and many others soonafter, including one of the very regiments which fled from Kip's Baytwenty-four hours before, were likewise to act "like men" and provetheir real worth in the open field. Just as the letters were sent offword came in to headquarters that the enemy had appeared in severallarge bodies upon the plains, and Washington rode down to thepicket-posts to make the necessary dispositions in case of an attack. Adjutant-General Reed and Lieutenant Tilghman, who had also beenwriting private letters describing Sunday's panic, and other membersof the staff, went to the front about the same time. Knowlton's menhad not yet come in, and their fire was distinctly heard from thePoint of Rocks, where the commander-in-chief was now surveying thesituation. Anxious to learn whether the British were approaching inforce on the Bloomingdale Heights, no attack being threatened from theplains, Colonel Reed received permission to go "down to our mostadvanced guard, " namely, to the Rangers, whom he found making amomentary halt on their retreat. The enemy soon came up again inlarge numbers, and the Rangers continued to retire. Colonel Reed, describing his experience at this point, states that the Britishadvanced so rapidly that he had not quitted a house (which may havebeen Vandewater's) five minutes before they were in possession of it. "Finding how things were going, " to use Reed's words, he returned toWashington "to get some support for the brave fellows who had behavedso well. " Knowlton, however, fell back to our lines, and the enemyhalted in their pursuit on the north-east edge of BloomingdaleHeights, opposite the Point of Rocks, where a part of them appeared inopen sight, and "in the most insulting manner" sounded theirbugle-horns as if on a fox chase. "I never felt such a sensationbefore, " says Reed; "it seemed to crown our disgrace. " But the chasewas not yet over. Learning from Knowlton that the British Infantry who had followed himin were about three hundred strong, and knowing that they were somedistance from their main army, Washington determined, if possible, toeffect their capture. Knowlton's men, who had done nobly, were readyfor another brush, and there were troops at hand who could be dependedupon to behave well under any circumstances. The opportunity for abrisk and successful skirmish presented itself, and the generalproposed to improve it. Accordingly he formed the plan of engaging theenemy's attention in their front, while a flanking party shouldattempt to get into their rear and cut off their escape. The troopsthat were stationed nearest to the Point of Rocks at this time appearto have been Nixon's brigade, of Greene's division, Weedon's newlyarrived regiment of Virginians, General Beall's Marylanders, ColonelSargent's eastern brigade, Clinton's and Scott's brigades, and otherregiments belonging to Putnam's and Spencer's divisions. For theflanking detachment, the general selected Knowlton's Rangers, to whomhe added a reinforcement of three of the Virginia companies, about onehundred and twenty men, under Major Andrew Leitch. These were directedto make their way or "steal around" to the rear of the enemy by theirright flank. To make a demonstration against the enemy in their front, while the flanking party effected its object, a detachment ofvolunteers was organized from Nixon's brigade, under Lieutenant-ColonelArchibald Crary, of Varnum's Rhode Islanders, [197] who marched downinto the "hollow way" directly towards the British on the oppositeridge. As Washington hoped, this move had the desired effect. TheBritish, seeing so small a party coming out against them, immediatelyran down the rocky hill into an open field, where they took postbehind some bushes and a rail fence that extended from the hill to thepost road about four hundred yards in front of the Point ofRocks. [198] This field was part of the old Kortwright farm, lyingjust west of the present Harlem Lane, above One Hundred and EighteenthStreet, in which the line of that fence had been established for morethan half a century before this engagement, and where it remained thesame for more than half a century after. It is possible to-day to fixits exact position, for the march of modern improvements has not yetdisturbed the site. [Footnote 197: Captain John Gooch, of Varnum's regiment, wroteSeptember 23d: "On the 16th the enemy advanced and took possession ofa hight on our right flank about half a mile Distance with about 3000[300?] men; a party from our brigade of 150 men, who turned out asvolunteers, under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Crary, of theregmt I belong to, were ordered out if possible to dispossessthem. "--_Document_ 30. ] [Footnote 198: Tilghman's reference to these movements is as follows:"The General rode down to our farthest lines, and when he came nearthem heard a firing, which he was informed was between our scouts andthe outguards of the enemy. When our men [Knowlton's] came in theyinformed the General that there was a party of about 300 behind awoody hill, tho' they only showed a very small party to us. Upon thisthe General laid a plan for attacking them in the rear and cutting offtheir retreat, which was to be effected in the following manner: MajorLeitch, with three companies of Colo Weedon's Virginia regiment, and Colo Knowlton with his Rangers, were to steal round while aparty [Crary's] were to march towards them and seem as if theyintended to attack in front, but not to make any real attack till theysaw our men fairly in their rear. The bait took as to one part; assoon as they saw our party in front the enemy ran down the hill andtook possession of some fences and bushes and began to fire at them, but at too great distance to do much execution, " etc. --_Document_ 29. See also Washington's letter to Congress, Sept. 18th, 1776. ] In order to keep the enemy engaged at that point, Crary's party openedfire at long range, to which the British replied, but not muchexecution was done on either side. Meanwhile Knowlton and Leitch movedout to get in the rear. Colonel Reed accompanied the party, and as hehad been over the ground he undertook the lead, with the Virginians inadvance. It was probably his intention to march down under cover ofthe bushes, cross the Kortwright farm unobserved some little distancebelow the enemy, and reach the top of the Bloomingdale ridge beforethey were discovered. Once there, the British would be effectuallyhemmed in. Unfortunately, however, some "inferior officers, " as itwould appear, gave unauthorized directions to the flanking party; orthe party forming the "feint" in front pushed on too soon, inconsequence of which Leitch and Knowlton made their attack rather onthe British flank than in their rear. [199] The latter now finding aretreat necessary, left the fence and started back up the hill whichthey had descended. Our men quickly followed, Crary in front, Knowltonand Leitch on the left, and with the Virginians leading, joined in thepursuit with splendid spirit and animation. They rushed up the slope, on about the line of One Hundred and Twentieth Street, and, climbingover the rocks, poured in their volleys upon the running LightInfantry. [Footnote 199: It is quite clear that Knowlton and Leitch did not formtwo parties, as some accounts state, one moving against the rightflank of the enemy and the other against the left. They acted as onebody, the Virginians marching in front, having been ordered on to"reinforce" Knowlton. Thus Captain Brown writes that after retreatingthey "sent off for a reinforcement, " which they soon received; andColonel Reed confirms this in his testimony at the court-martial of asoldier who acted a cowardly part in the fight. "On Monday forenoon, "he says, "I left Colonel Knowlton with a design to send him areinforcement. I had accordingly ordered up Major Leitch, and wasgoing up to where the firing was, " etc. (_Force_, 5th Series, vol. Ii. P. 500. ) Reed's letters to his wife show that Leitch and Knowlton fellnear him, within a few minutes of each other, which could not havebeen the case had they been on opposite flanks. The accounts ofTilghman, Marshall, the soldier Martin, and others, leave no doubt asto this point that there was but one flanking party, and that Knowltoncommanded it. ] It was right here, now, just on the crest of the ridge, and when ourgallant advance was turning the tide against the enemy, that wesuffered the loss of those two noble leaders whose memory is linkedwith this day's action. In a very short time after the first rush, Leitch was severely wounded not far from Reed, having received threeballs in his side in as many minutes; and in less than ten minutesafter a bullet pierced Knowlton's body, and he too fell mortallywounded. We can identify the spot where the fall of these braveofficers occurred as on the summit of the Bloomingdale Heights belowOne Hundred and Nineteenth Street, and about half way between the lineof Ninth and Tenth Avenues. The site is included within the limits ofthe proposed "Morningside Park, " which will thus have added to itsnatural attractiveness a never-fading historical association. [200] [Footnote 200: Judge Burnham refers to the flank attack briefly asfollows: "Passing over we met the enemy's right flank which had beenposted out of our sight on lower ground. They fired and killed ColonelKnowlton and nearly all that had reached the top of the height. " Thisreference to the _top of the height_, taken in connection with Reed'sstatement that "our brave fellows mounted up the rocks and attackedthem as they ran in turn, " goes to confirm the selection of the spotwhere Leitch and Knowlton fell. Burnham states that he was within afew feet of the latter when he was shot. ] Leitch was borne to the rear to be tenderly cared for until his deathat a later day. In after years the Government remembered his servicesby granting his widow a generous pension. Knowlton met his fate with asoldier's fortitude and a patriot's devotion. "My poor Colonel, "writes an officer of the Rangers, who without doubt was CaptainStephen Brown, next in rank to Knowlton, "my poor Colonel, in thesecond attack, was shot just by my side. The ball entered the small ofhis back. I took hold of him, asked him if he was badly wounded? Hetold me he was; but says he, 'I do not value my life if we do but getthe day. ' I then ordered two men to carry him off. He desired me byall means to keep up this flank. He seemed as unconcerned and calm astho' nothing had happened to him. " Reed, on whose horse the colonelwas carried to the lines, wrote to his wife on the following day: "Ourloss is also considerable. The Virginia Major (Leitch) who went upfirst with me was wounded with three shot in less than three minutes;but our greatest loss was a brave officer from Connecticut, whose nameand spirit ought to be immortalized--one Colonel Knowlton. I assistedhim off, and when gasping in the agonies of death, all his inquiry wasif we had drove the enemy. " Washington spoke of him in his letters andorders as "a valuable and gallant officer, " who would have been "anhonor to any country. " Meanwhile the Rangers and Virginians kept up their attack under theircaptains, and Washington, finding that the entire party neededsupport, sent forward three of the Maryland Independent companies, under Major Price, and parts of Griffith's and Richardson's MarylandFlying Camp. [201] At the same time, as Washington reports, somedetachments from the Eastern regiments who were nearest the place ofaction, which included most of Nixon's and Sargent's brigades, ColonelDouglas's Connecticut levies, and a few others, were ordered into thefield. Our total force engaged at this time, now about noon, was notfar from eighteen hundred strong, and very soon a considerable battlewas in progress. Besides Reed and other members of Washington's staff, Generals Putnam, Greene, and George Clinton accompanied thedetachments, and encouraged the men by individual examples ofbravery. [202] The troops now "charged the enemy with greatintrepidity, " and drove them from the crest of the heights back in asouth-westerly direction through a piece of woods to a buckwheatfield, about four hundred paces, as General Clinton describes it, fromthe ridge, or just east of the present Bloomingdale Asylum, where theLight Infantry, now reinforced by the Forty-second Highlanders, finally made a stand. The distance the latter troops had advanced andthe sound of the firing had evidently warned Howe, at his headquartersat Apthorpe's, that they needed immediate assistance, and he promptlyordered forward the reserve with two field-pieces, together with theYagers and Linsingen's grenadiers of Donop's corps. The field-piecesand Yagers came into action at the buckwheat field, and here astubborn contest ensued for about an hour and a half. [203] But ourtroops pressed the enemy so hard at this point, and the Highlandersand Yagers having fired away their ammunition, the latter all againfell back, and the Americans pursued them vigorously to an orchard ashort distance below, in the direction of the Bloomingdale Road. Herehad been hard fighting in the open field, and the best British troopswere beaten! At the orchard the result was the same, the enemy makinglittle resistance, their fire "being silenced in a great measure, " andthe chase continued down one of the slight hills on Hogeland's landsand up another, near or quite to the terminus of the BloomingdaleRoad. Beyond this third position our troops were not allowed to followthe enemy, whose main encampment was not far distant. The FifthRegiment of Foot had been trotted up "about three miles without a haltto draw breath, " reaching the ground at the close of the action. Linsingen's grenadiers appeared about the same time, while Block's andMinegerode's men were sent to McGowan's Pass, which had not yet beenoccupied. A large body of the enemy were put under arms, and withintheir camp every preparation was made for a general engagement; butthis, above all things, Washington wished to avoid, and, quite contentwith the brilliant success of his troops thus far, he despatchedLieutenant Tilghman to the front to bring them off. Before turningfrom the field they had won so gloriously, they answered the bugleblast of the morning with a cheer of victory, and marched back in goodorder. [204] [Footnote 201: There appear to have been nine companies of Marylandtroops engaged, three under Major Price, three under Major Mantz, andthree others of Richardson's regiment. Among these were one or morecompanies of Colonel Ewing's as yet incomplete battalion. One of hisofficers, Captain Lowe, was wounded. --_Force_, 5th Series, vol. Ii. P. 1024. Also Capt. Beatty's letter in Mr. Jay's Documents. ] [Footnote 202: Greene wrote at a latter date: "Gen. Putnam and theAdj. Gen. Were in the action and behaved nobly. " "I was in the latterpart, indeed almost the whole of the action. "--_Gen. Geo. Clinton. _(See his two letters in Jay's documents. ) "Gen. Putnam and Gen. Greenecommanded in the Action with about 15 to eighteen hundredmen. "--_Stiles's MS. Diary. _] [Footnote 203: "A very smart action ensued in the true Bush-fightingway in which our Troops behaved in a manner that does them the highesthonor. "--_Letter from Col. Griffith, of Maryland. _ Lossing's_Historical Record_, vol. Ii. , p. 260. ] [Footnote 204: "The General fearing (as we afterwards found) that alarge body was coming up to support them, sent me over to bring ourmen off. They gave a Hurra and left the field in good order. "--_Tilghman'sLetters_, Doc. 29. THE BATTLE-FIELD. --Recently gathered material seems to settle alldoubts as to the several points occupied by the British and Americansduring the action. Where did it begin and where did it end? As to thefirst skirmish, it began near the British encampment at Bloomingdale. Here was Howe's left, and, as Howe reports, Knowlton approached hisadvanced posts under cover of the woods "by way of Vandewater'sHeight. " This was what we call Bloomingdale Heights. The originalproprietor of the greater part of this site was Thomas De Key. Fromhim all or a large part of it passed to Harman Vandewater and AdrianHogeland, as the deeds on record show. In 1784 the property waspurchased by Nicholas De Peyster. The position of Hogeland's andVandewater's houses as given on the accompanying map is taken from oldsurveys which mark the location and give the names. The BloomingdaleRoad at that time stopped at these farms. That part of it above OneHundred and Tenth Street, running through Manhattanville andcontinuing until recently to the King's Bridge Road at One Hundred andForty-sixth Street, did not exist during the Revolution, but wasopened a few years later. (Hoffman's _Est. And Rights of theCorporation of New York_, vol. Ii. ) A lane or road running fromHogeland's by Vandewater's connected the Bloomingdale with the King'sBridge road at One Hundred and Nineteenth Street. Washington himselfgives us the general line. Before the battle of Long Island he orderedHeath to have troops ready to march to New York as soon as called for, and he describes the proper route thus: "There is a road out of theHaerlem flat lands that leads up to the hills, and continues down theNorth River by Bloomingdale, Delancy's, &c. , which road I would havethem march, as they will keep the river in sight, and pass a tolerablelanding-place for troops in the neighborhood of Bloomingdale. " (_HeathCorrespondence_, Mass. Hist. Coll. For 1878. ) From this topography andthe records the position becomes clear: Howe camped aroundBloomingdale with his advance posts along the Bloomingdale Road, perhaps as far as its terminus near Hogeland's. They were last seen inthis vicinity the night before. Knowlton, next morning, marches outfrom Harlem Heights, reconnoitres "by way of Vandewater's, " and comesupon the British posts on and along the line of the Bloomingdale Road. Then he falls back under cover of the woods and over fences towardsthe Point of Rocks, the enemy following him. As to succeeding movements, if we can fix Washington's station and thehill which all agree that the British descended, there is nodifficulty in following them after. Point of Rocks was the extremelimit of Harlem Heights. There were our advanced posts overlooking thecountry south. Washington states that he rode down to "our advancedposts" to direct matters. Where better could he do so than at Point ofRocks? And in a sketch of the field preserved in the Stiles Diary, andreproduced among Mr. Jay's documents, Washington is given just thatstation where an earthwork had been thrown up. To confirm this andalso to locate the next point, we have a letter from Major LewisMorris (Jay documents), in which he says: "Colonel Knowlton's regimentwas attacked by the enemy upon a height a little to the south-west ofDays's Tavern, and after opposing them bravely and being overpoweredby their numbers they were forced to retreat, and the enemy advancedupon the top of the hill opposite to that which lies before Days'sdoor, with a confidence of success, and after rallying their men by abugle horn and resting themselves a little while, they descended thehill, " etc. In one of Christopher Colles's road maps (published in theN. Y. Corporation Manual for 1870, p. 778), Days's tavern is putdirectly opposite Point of Rocks on the King's Bridge Road, whichfixes the hill occupied by the enemy as the north-east bluff ofBloomingdale Heights, or about One Hundred and Twenty-third Street, between Ninth and Tenth avenues. They ran down this bluff to fencesand bushes at the edge of "a clear field. " This was part of theKortwright farm, and the farm lines of 1812 show the same northernboundary that surveys show in 1711. This northerly fence line is givenin the accompanying map, and it will be noticed that it would be thenatural line for the British Infantry to take in opposing Crary'sparty. The soldier Martin speaks of their taking a post and rail fencewith a field in their rear. General George Clinton, who gives a cleardescription of the fighting from this point, also mentions this fieldand fence, but appears to have been mistaken in stating that the enemywere driven back to that position. They ran down the hill and took upthat position. Then, when driven back, they retreated in the generaldirection of their first advance--that is, towards their camp, passingthrough a buckwheat field, and orchard to the Bloomingdale Road, andnot, as generally stated, to the high ground in Central Park east ofEighth Avenue. General Clinton says they fell back from the orchard"across a hollow and up another hill not far distant from their ownlines, " which doubtless refers to undulations on Hogeland's place, andpossibly to the then hilly ground about One Hundred and Seventh Streetand Eleventh Avenue. One of the Hessian accounts states that theYagers who were sent to support the Light Infantry came into "a hotcontest on Hoyland's Hill"--a reference clearly to Hogeland's lands;and this with the fact that the Yagers and Grenadiers afterwardsbivouacked "in the wood not far from Bloomingdale, " and that theBritish "encamped in two lines" at the same place, indicates the pointwhere the action terminated--namely, near Bloomingdale, betweenHogeland's and Apthorpe's. In regard to the beginning of the action, General Clinton, in hisaccount, starts with a locality called "Martje Davits Fly, " andestimates distances from it. This name, more properly "MarritjeDavid's Vly, " strictly described the round piece of meadow at thewestern end of the Hollow Way close to the Hudson. It formed part ofHarlem Cove. Old deeds, acts, and surveys give the name and siteexactly. Clinton speaks of the "Point of Martje David's Fly" as if hehad reference to a point of land in its vicinity, possibly the Pointof Rocks, and from which he gives his distances. The name of the battle appears perhaps most frequently in modernaccounts as that of Harlem _Plains_. Greene and others speak of it asthe action of Harlem _Heights_ or the heights of Harlem. As themovements were directed by Washington from the Heights, and as thefighting was done practically in defence of the Heights, this seems tobe the proper name to adopt. Heath says the fighting took place "onthe Heights west of Harlem Plains, " and Washington, Clinton, andothers make similar references to the high ground, showing that theaffair was not associated with the Plains. ] [Illustration: FIELD of the HARLEM HEIGHTS "AFFAIR" Sept 16, 1776. Topography from RANDALL'S MAP OF NEW YORK and old Surveys. J. Bien Photo. Lith. N. Y. ] This affair, as Washington wrote to Schuyler, "inspirited our troopsprodigiously. " The next day the general most heartily thanked the men"commanded by Major Leitch, who first advanced upon the enemy, and theothers who so resolutely supported them;" and once more he called uponall to act up to the noble cause in which they were engaged. The British loss, according to Howe, was fourteen killed and aboutseventy wounded, but Baurmeister puts it much higher--seventy killedand two hundred wounded. The Americans lost not far from eighty, ofwhom at least twenty-five were killed or mortally wounded. The lossin officers, besides Knowlton and Leitch, included Captain Gleason, ofNixon's Massachusetts, and Lieutenant Noel Allen, of Varnum's RhodeIsland, both of whom were killed. Captain Lowe, of Ewing'sMarylanders, was wounded, also Captain Gooch, of Varnum's, slightly. The heaviest loss fell upon Nixon's and Sargent's brigades, namely:Nixon's regiment, four killed; Varnum's, four; Hitchcock's, four;Sargent's, one; Bailey's, five, and two mortally wounded. ColonelDouglas lost three killed. Among the Marylanders there were twelvewounded and three missing. The loss in the Virginia detachment andthe Rangers does not appear. General Clinton on the next day buriedseventeen of our men on the field, and reported over fifty wounded. Lieutenant-Colonel Henshaw, of Little's regiment, simply writes to hiswife in regard to the action, "I was there, " and adds that our losswas one hundred. He puts the casualties in his brigade alone [Nixon's]at seventy-five. All the troops behaved well. Greene speaks with prideof the conduct of his Rhode Islanders, Varnum's and Hitchcock's. Captain Gooch wrote to a friend enthusiastically, "The New England menhave gained the first Laurells;" while Tilghman wrote with equalenthusiasm, "The Virginia and Maryland troops bear the Palm. " Inreality, palm and laurel belonged to both alike. Knowlton, on the 17th, was buried with the honors of war near the roadon the hill slope, not far from the line of One Hundred andForty-third Street, west of Ninth Avenue. Leitch died on the 1st ofOctober, and is said to have been buried by Knowlton's side, whereMajor Thomas Henly, a Massachusetts officer, killed on Montressor'sIsland on September 23d, was also buried. [205] On the 22d, CaptainNathan Hale, "the martyr-spy, " was executed in New York. FindingWashington anxious to have information of the enemy's numbers anddesigns, Hale volunteered to enter their camp in disguise. Captured atthe last moment as he was on the point of escape, he frankly avowedhis mission, and just before his execution, on the Rutgers farm, hetold the spectators around him that he only regretted he had but onelife to give for his country. The war saw no more courageous orunselfish sacrifice. Few worthier of a monument than he! [Footnote 205: Heath states that Henley was buried by Knowlton's side, and the spot is indicated in the orders of September 24th: "ThomasHenley will be buried this P. M. From the quarters of Maj. David Henleybelow the hill where the redoubt is thrown up on the road. " During theaction of the 16th, troops were throwing up intrenchments across theisland at about One Hundred and Forty-fifth Street. This was the firstand most southerly of the three lines constructed on the Heights. Sauthier's map, the authority in the case, shows this line with abattery across the King's Bridge Road, just at the top of what isknown as Breakneck Hill. It was on the slope of this hill thatKnowlton and Henley were buried. Mr. Lossing puts his grave in one ofthe redoubts on the second line, afterwards included in TrinityCemetery; but that line had not been thrown up when Knowlton died. (Silliman's letter of September 17th, P. M. Part II. , page 55. ) Mr. Jayand others have suggested the erection of a monument to Knowlton andLeitch. No finer site could be found than the spot where they fell inMorningside Park. Respecting Major Henley, spoken of by Washington as "another of ourbest officers, " see Glover's letter, _Document_ 35. ] The battle of the 16th was followed by inactivity on the part of theBritish, and Washington securely established himself on HarlemHeights. The chief excitement was the occurrence of the great fire onthe night of the 21st of September, which broke out near WhitehallSlip, in New York, and destroyed a fourth of the city. In addition toaccounts of the calamity already published and generally familiar, theexperiences of Pastor Shewkirk, as given in his diary in the presentwork, will be read with interest. CHAPTER VII. WHITE PLAINS--FORT WASHINGTON. What now remains to be noticed as coming within the scope of thepresent narrative are those incidents which led to the evacuation ofHarlem Heights by our army, and the subsequent capture of FortWashington, by which the British finally came into the possession ofthe whole of New York Island. The American position at the Heights, strong by nature, was made stillmore so by defensive works. Three lines of intrenchments and redoubtswere thrown across the island between One Hundred and Forty-fifth andOne Hundred and Sixty-second streets; batteries were built aroundKing's Bridge, and at several points on the heights overlooking theHarlem; and on the commanding site on the line of One Hundred andEighty-third Street, two hundred and thirty feet above the Hudson, stood the powerful fortress called Fort Washington. Describing theseworks more in detail, the first of the three lines, that furthestsouth, was the one already referred to on which troops were diggingduring the action of Harlem Heights. It extended along the line of OneHundred and Forty-sixth Street. The second line, which was muchstronger, was laid out a short distance above at One Hundred andFifty-third Street. There were four redoubts in the line. Less thanhalf a mile above, between One Hundred and Sixtieth and One Hundredand Sixty-second streets, and not extending east of Tenth Avenue, orthe old Post Road, was the third line. It mainly commanded thedepression in the heights which is now known as Audubon Park, andincluded no redoubts. In addition to this triple line, there weresingle breastworks and batteries at various points from Point of Rocksnorth, along the ridge. The high and rugged bank of the Harlemoverlooking the present High Bridge was known as Laurel Hill, and atthe northern extremity, at One Hundred and Ninety-second Street, therewas an American battery, which the British afterwards named FortGeorge. On the west side, at One Hundred and Ninety-sixth Street, there was a small battery which became Fort Tryon. On the further sideof Spuyten Duyvil Creek stood Fort Independence, commanding King'sBridge and its approaches. [206] [Footnote 206: The position of the various works at Harlem Heightsappears on Sauthier's plan which seems to have accompanied Howe'sreport of the capture of Fort Washington. Good copies of it may befound in Stedman's history and in the _New York Revolutionary MS. _, vol. I. In 1812, when Randall surveyed the island, many of these workswere still traceable. He gives parts of the second and third lines, Fort Washington and the others above, all of which agree withSauthier's locations. Some of the works remain well preserved to-day. ] Fort Washington was a large, five-sided work with bastions, strong byvirtue of its position, and important as commanding the passage of theHudson in connection with Fort Lee (first named Constitution), opposite, on the summit of the Palisades on the Jersey side. Muchlabor had been expended upon it, and it was generally regarded asimpregnable. The obstructions in the river consisted mainly of a lineof vessels chained together, loaded with stone, and then sunk andanchored just below the surface of the river. It was expected thatthey would resist the passage of the British ships, which would thusbe also brought to a stop under the guns from either shore, and madeto suffer heavily. Both the Continental Congress and the ProvincialCongress of New York had urged that no means or expense should bespared to make the obstructions effectual, in view of the seriousresults that would follow the enemy's possession of the river above. Nearly a month now had elapsed since the retreat of our army to HarlemHeights, and the British had made no further progress. They had in themean time thrown up a series of works across the island in front oftheir main camps at Bloomingdale and McGowan's Pass, which could bedefended by a comparatively small force. On the 9th, however, theyshowed indications of taking the field again by sending two frigatesup the Hudson. In spite of the sunken obstructions, the ships madetheir way through without difficulty. Then, on the morning of the12th, Howe embarked the greater part of his army in boats, and passingthrough Hell Gate, under cover of a fog, landed on Throg's Neck, anarm of the Westchester coast, about six miles above. Percy was left toprotect New York with three brigades. By this move the British generalplaced himself on Washington's flank in Westchester County, andthreatened his communications. But the Neck was a poor selection for alanding-place. [207] It was practically an island, the crossings tothe mainland being a causeway and fords, the opposite approaches ofwhich were fortified by the Americans. Colonel Hand's riflemen hadpulled up the planks on the bridges, and Prescott's Massachusetts wereready behind breastworks to resist any attempt on the part of theenemy to cross. Here the British wasted five days in collecting theirstores, while the Americans kept a sufficient force to meet them atthe causeway and vicinity. Among other regiments which relieved eachother at this point were Nixon's, Varnum's, Malcom's, Graham's, andRitzema's. [Footnote 207: "Frog's Neck and Point is a kind of island; there aretwo passages to the main which are fordable at low water, at both ofwhich we have thrown up works, which will give some annoyance shouldthey attempt to come off by either of these ways. "--_Tilghman toWilliam Duer_, October 13th, 1776. _MS. Letter. _ On hearing that theyhad landed on the Neck, Duer replied from the Convention at Peekskill, on the 15th: "There appears to me an actual fatality attending alltheir measures. One would have naturally imagined from the Traitorsthey have among them, who are capable of giving them the most minutedescription of the Grounds in the county of Westchester, that theywould have landed much farther to the Eastward. Had they pushed theirimaginations to discover the worst place, they could not havesucceeded better than they have done. "--_MS. Letter. _] * * * * * During and for some time before these movements an interestingcorrespondence was carried on between Washington's headquarters and acommittee of the New York Convention, a portion of which may beintroduced in this connection. It gives us a glimpse of the deepinterest and anxiety felt in the Convention in matters affecting theprotection of the State, and the internal difficulties that had to beencountered. The correspondence was conducted mainly betweenLieutenant Tilghman for headquarters and Hon. William Duer for theConvention. [208] Thus, on September 20th, the latter writes toTilghman as follows: [Footnote 208: The Convention's Committee on Correspondence consistedof William Duer, R. R. Livingston, Egbert Benson, and two others. Nearly all of Tilghman's letters to the committee have been publishedeither in Force or in the Proceedings of the N. Y. Provincial Congress. Of Duer's replies, however, but few are in print, the originals beingin the possession of Oswald Tilghman, Esq. , of Easton, Talbot County, Md. , to whom the writer is under obligations for the favor of quotingthe extracts given in the text. (See biographical sketch of ColonelTilghman. )] "I can easily imagine that Genl Howe must be both chagrined and disappointed at the Retreat of our Army from New York. I have no doubt but what he expected fully to have taken them in a net; and he certainly would have succeeded had we pertinaciously persisted in the plan of defending the city. You observe that if the passage of the North River is sufficiently obstructed that our lines will keep the enemy from making any progress in front. This is certainly true; but you must recollect that the Sound is, and must ever be, open; and if they should succeed in landing a Body of Men in Westchester County, they might, by drawing lines to the North River, as effectually hem us in, as if we were in New York. From Sutton's Neck to the North River (if I am not mistaken) is not above twelve miles. " Again on the 2d of October, speaking of the possibility of the enemy'sgetting on our flank or rear, Duer says: "I wish they would delay this attempt till Genl. Lee arrives, or till Mifflin comes from Philada. I am sensible that however great General Washington's abilities and vigilance are, he must stand in need of the assistance of such excellent officers. Is Genl Greene with the Army, or is he still in Jersey? If he could be spared from that quarter his presence, I think, would be of great consequence. I am much mistaken, if he is not possest of that Heaven-born Genius which is necessary to constitute a great General. --I can scarcely describe to you my feelings at this interesting Period--what, with the situation of our enemies in your quarter and the cursed machinations of our Internal Foes, the fate of this State hangs on a single battle of importance. " Again on the 8th: "I am sorry to tell you (for the credit of this State) that the Committee I belong to make daily fresh discoveries of the infernal Practices of our Enemies to excite Insurrections amongst the inhabitants of the State. To-morrow one Company, actually enlisted in the enemy's service, will be marched to Philadelphia, there to be confined in jail, till the establishment of our Courts enables us to hang the Ringleaders. " And on the following day Robert R. Livingston added on this subject: "Tho' we are constantly employed in the detection of treasons, yet plots multiply upon us daily, and we have reason every moment to dread an open rebellion. We have ordered troops to be raised but fear they will be too slow in coming, and that we shall be under the disagreeable necessity of asking a small and temporary aid from the Genl; but we shall defer this till reduced to the last extremity. " When the ships went up the river on the 9th, it was feared they hadtroops on board who might make an attempt on the Highlands, whereuponDuer wrote on the 10th: "In this [attempt] they will undoubtedly be joined by the villains in Westchester and Duchess County; it is therefore of the utmost consequence that a Force should be immediately detached from the main body of our army to occupy these posts. . . . By the Influence and Artifices of the capital tories of this State the majority of Inhabitants in those counties are ripe for a revolt. " But with a stout heart Duer continues: "It is our Duty, however, to struggle against the tide of adversity, and to exert ourselves with vigour adequate to our circumstances. This, as an Individual, I am determined to do in the Capacity in which I am at present acting, and I have no doubt those friends I have in the military line will do the same. We are not to expect to purchase our Liberties at a cheaper rate than other nations have done, or that _our_ soldiers should be Heaven born more than those of other nations. Experience will make us both have and win; and in the end teach Great Britain that in attempting to enslave us she is aiming a dagger at her own vitals. " On the 12th, before he heard of the landing at Throg's Neck, he wroteto Tilghman: "Notwithstanding the enemy had, agreeable to your last advices, sent no vessels up the Sound, depend upon it, they will endeavor to make an attack upon your Flanks by means of Hudson's and the East River. . . . If General Lee is returned from the Southward and arrived at your camp (which I suppose to be the case) I beg my affectionate compliments to him. I wish to Heaven I could come and see you, but I am so embarrassed with the Committee I am engaged in that I have not hardly an hour, much less a few days to spare. This morning we marched off a Company of men, who had been enlisted to join the Battalion to be raised by Major Rogers, to the City of Philadelphia. We have an admirable clue of their abominable conspiracies, and (however late this undertaking has been) I hope by spirit and perseverance we may baffle their wretched Plots of occasioning a revolt in this State. "[209] [Footnote 209: As evidence of the estimation in which Lee was held atthis time, Duer writes on the 15th to Colonel Harrison: "I beg myaffectionate compliments to Genl Lee, whom I sincerely congratulateon his arrival in camp--partly on account of himself as he will haveit in his [power] to reap a fresh Harvest of Laurels, and more onaccount of his Country which looks to him as one of the braveasserters of her dearest rights. "--_MS. Letter. _ Lee had just returned from South Carolina, and was associated by thearmy with the brave defence of Charleston harbor. The honor of thataffair, however, belonged entirely to Moultrie. ] On the 13th, Tilghman wrote to Duer: "When your favor of the 10th came to hand, I was attending his Excellency, who was obliged to ride up to West Chester upon the Alarm of the Enemy's Landing at Frog's Point. . . . From their not moving immediately forward, I imagine they are waiting for their artillery and stores, which must be very considerable if they seriously intend to set down in the country upon our rear. The grounds leading from Frog's Point towards our Post at King's bridge are as defensible as they can be wished. The roads are all lined with stone fences and the adjacent Fields divided off with stone [fences] likewise, which will make it impossible for them to advance their artillery and ammunition waggons by any other Rout than the great roads, and I think if they are well lined with troops, we may make a Considerable Slaughter if not discomfit them totally. Our riflemen have directions to attend particularly to taking down their Horses, which if done, will impede their march effectually. Our troops are in good spirits and seem inclined and determined to dispute every inch of Ground. " On the 15th he wrote to Duer again as follows, after informing himthat the enemy had not moved from the Neck: "From the number of vessels that have been continually passing up the Sound we conclude that they are transporting cannon and stores necessary to enable them to penetrate the country and set down in our rear. To hinder them from effecting this, Genl Lee, who arrived yesterday, has taken the command in that quarter. He will be posted in such a situation with a very considerable number of Light Troops that, let the Enemy advance by what road they will, they cannot elude him; if they march in one great body he can easily draw his Divisions together; if they divide and take different Routs, they will fall in with the different parties. He will have the Flower of the Army with him, as our lines in front are so strong that we can trust them to Troops who would not stand in the field. " Duer, on the 17th, replied: "I expect daily to hear of some grand attempt made by the Enemy. . . . If one half of our army think as much of the Importance of the approaching Contest as you do, I shall entertain no Doubt of our success. May Heaven protect you, and all my Friends who are venturing their Lives in so great and good a cause. " On the same date Tilghman wrote: "I have not time to describe the Disposition of our Army perfectly to you, but you may depend that every step is taken to prevent the enemy from outflanking us and at the same time to secure our Retreat in case of need. The Enemy have made no move from Frog's Point. . . . I don't know how it is, but I believe their design to circumvent us this time will prove as abortive as the former ones. If we can but foil Genl Howe again, I think we knock him up for the Campaign. You ask if Genl Lee is in Health and our people feel bold? I answer both in the affirmative. His appearance among us has not contributed a little to the latter. We are sinking the ships as fast as possible; 200 men are daily employed, but they take an immense quantity of stone for the purpose. " To meet this move upon their flank and rear, the Americans wereobliged to abandon their strong camp at Harlem Heights. On the 16th, while the British were still at Throg's Neck, Washington called acouncil of war, when it was agreed that they could not keep theircommunications open with the back country, if they remained where theywere and the British advanced. At the same it was voted to hold FortWashington. To be ready to counteract the next move of the enemy, apart of the army was stationed at advantageous points in WestchesterCounty, the main camps being extended along the hills west of theBronx River. Both Valentine's Hill and Miles Square were occupied andfortified. On the 18th, Howe left Throg's Neck and transferred his army furthereastward to Pell's Point below New Rochelle. The Light Infantryadvanced from the coast, but were faced by Glover's brigade frombehind stone walls, and made to suffer some loss. [210] Glover and hismen were complimented for their conduct both by Washington and Lee. The enemy again delayed in the vicinity of East Chester and NewRochelle until the 22d. [Footnote 210: In this skirmish Captain Evelyn, the British officerwho captured the patrol of American officers on Long Island, wasmortally wounded, and died soon after, much regretted. He is supposedto have been buried in New York. ] Wishing exact information of the position of the enemy and of thetopography of the country, the commander-in-chief, on the morning ofthe 20th, requested Colonel Reed and Colonel Putnam, his engineer, toundertake a reconnoissance in person. Setting out from King's Bridgewith a foot-guard of twenty men, these officers proceeded to theheights at East Chester, where they saw some of the enemy near thechurch, but could obtain no intelligence. The houses in the vicinitywere deserted. From this point Reed returned to attend to his officeduties, while Putnam, disguising his appearance as an officer bytaking out his cockade, loping his hat, and concealing his sword andpistols under his loose coat, continued on alone in the direction ofWhite Plains. Learning from a woman at a house that the British wereat New Rochelle, he passed on to within three or four miles of WhitePlains, where he met some "friends to the cause" and ascertained thegeneral situation. "I found, " he writes, "that the main body of theBritish lay near New Rochelle, from thence to White Plains about ninemiles, good roads and in general level open country, that at WhitePlains was a large quantity of stores, with only about three hundredmilitia to guard them, that the British had a detachment at Mamaroneckonly six miles from White Plains, and from White Plains only fivemiles to the North River, where lay five or six of the enemies shipsand sloops, tenders, etc. Having made these discoveries, I set out onmy return. " Reporting this information to the commander-in-chief aboutnine o'clock in the evening, Colonel Putnam retired to "refresh"himself and horse, only to receive orders soon after to proceedimmediately to Lord Stirling's brigade, [211] now in Spencer'sdivision, which had already advanced on the road towards White Plains. He reached Stirling at two o'clock that night, and at dawn the generalpushed on to White Plains, arriving there about nine o'clock on themorning of the 21st. Washington himself and Heath's division followedduring the day, and the troops set to work throwing up lines at thatimportant point. By delaying near New Rochelle, Howe had missed hisopportunity. During the night of the 21st, Colonel Haslet, ofStirling's brigade, surprised and captured some thirty men belongingto the partisan Rogers' Scouts, and soon after Colonel Hand with hisnow veteran riflemen proved himself more than a match for an equalparty of yagers encountered near Mamaroneck. In the first of theseskirmishes, Major Greene, a fine Virginia officer, was mortallywounded. [Footnote 211: Stirling, who with Sullivan had recently been exchangedas prisoner, was now in command of Mifflin's brigade, Mifflin beingabsent in Philadelphia. ] Washington concentrated his army at White Plains, completed two linesof works, with his right on the river Bronx, and awaited the advanceof the British. Howe had moved from New Rochelle to Scarsdale, and onthe morning of the 28th marched against the Americans. A mile or morefrom White Plains, on the main road to New York, he fell in withGeneral Spencer's advance parties under Colonels Silliman, Douglas, [212] and Chester, who offered resistance and lost some men, but they were driven back by superior numbers. On the left of theAmerican position, across the Bronx, rose Chatterton's Hill, whichoffered a good site for the better defence of that flank. ColonelPutnam had just arrived on the hill to throw up works when the enemymade their appearance below. [213] According to Haslet, the Delawareswere the first troops to report on this hill, where they took postwith one of General Lincoln's Massachusetts militia regiments, underColonel Brooks, on their right. They were followed immediately byMcDougall's brigade, consisting of what was lately his own battalion, which had no field officers, Ritzema's, Smallwood's, and Webb's. Thetroops formed along the brow of the hill, and stood waiting for theenemy. The two-gun battery brought up at the same time was CaptainAlexander Hamilton's. [Footnote 212: See letters of these officers, _Documents_ 17, 22. AlsoTallmadge's account, _Document_ 26. ] [Footnote 213: "October 29th [28th] the British advanced in front ofour lines at White Plains about 10 o'clock A. M. I had just arrived onChatterton Hill in order to throw up some works when they hove insight; as soon as they discovered us they commenced a severe cannonadebut without any effect of consequence. General McDougal about thistime arriving with his brigade from Burtis's and observing the Britishto be crossing the Bronx below in large bodies in order to attack us, our troops were posted to receive them in a very advantageousposition. The British in their advance were twice repulsed; at length, however, their numbers were increased so that they were able to turnour right flank. We lost many men, but from information afterwardsreceived there was reason to believe they lost many more than we. Therail and stone fence behind which our troops were posted proved asfatal to the British as the rail fence and grass hung on it did atCharlestown the 17th of June 1775. "--_Colonel Rufus Putnam, Document_43. ] The British marched up in brilliant array towards Washington'sposition, but unexpectedly declined to make an attack in front, although the centre was our weakest point. Chatterton's Hill appearedto engage Howe's attention at once, and it became the first object ofcapture. The troops assigned for this purpose were the Second Britishbrigade and Hessians under Donop, Rall, and Lossberg, in all aboutfour thousand men. They crossed the Bronx, under cover of theirartillery, and prepared to ascend the somewhat abrupt face of the hillon the other side. McDougall's men reserved their fire until the enemywere within short range, when they poured a destructive shower ofbullets upon them. The British recoiled, but moved up again to theattack, while Rall came around more on the left, and after a briskfight, in which the militia facing Rall failed to stand their ground, they succeeded in compelling McDougall to retreat. Had the militiaheld their own, the fight might have been another Bunker Hill for theenemy. As it was, Colonel Putnam compared it to that engagement. Infalling back, McDougall suffered some loss, but the whole forceescaped to the right of our lines, with fewer casualties than theyinflicted on the enemy. The latter lost about two hundred and thirty;the Americans something over one hundred and forty. Colonel Smallwoodwas wounded, and lost two of his captains, killed. Ritzema's New YorkContinentals suffered the most, having made a brave fight. Lieutenant-Colonel Samuel B. Webb, of Wethersfield, Ct. , one ofWashington's aids, who had shown his coolness under fire on BunkerHill, was slightly wounded and had a horse shot under him whilecarrying orders. [214] [Footnote 214: Statement of his son, General James Watson Webb, of NewYork. ] This affair on Chatterton's Hill is known as the Battle of WhitePlains. On the side of the Americans, not more than sixteen hundredtroops were engaged, but the action was an important one, as it hadthe effect of changing the direction of future operations. [215] [Footnote 215: The details of the various movements in WestchesterCounty would fill a long and interesting chapter; but in the presentconnection not more than an outline can be attempted. ] On the following day, the 29th, Howe waited for reinforcements. On the30th, the rain postponed an intended attack. On the 31st the weatherproved fine about noon, but the British General "did not think properto put his former intentions in execution. " The next morning, November1st, there was a further excuse for not attacking: Washington duringthe night had fallen back to the almost unassailable heights of NorthCastle, in his rear. Howe was thus again baffled in his attempt tobring the Americans to a decisive engagement, or to surround them, andhe now turned his attention to another line of campaign. Stedman, theBritish historian, probably gives the correct reason why Washingtonwas not followed. The American position, he says, was now "soadvantageous that any attack on them must have proved unsuccessful, for the river Croton stretched along their front, and their rear wasdefended by woods and heights. Convinced that it was part of theenemy's system studiously to avoid an action, and that their knowledgeof the country enabled them to execute this system with advantage, General Howe resolved to cease an ineffectual pursuit, and employhimself in the reduction of King's Bridge and Fort Washington. " Thisaccomplished, he could then push on to Philadelphia and close theyear's operations with the occupation of that place. The capture oftwo cities, the successive defeats inflicted upon the Americans, andthe good prospect of ending the rebellion in the next campaign, wouldbe a brilliant military record with which to gratify the homegovernment. FORT WASHINGTON. Howe broke up his camp near White Plains on November 5th, and marchedwest to the Hudson at Dobb's Ferry. Knyphausen, who had lately arrivedwith a second division of "foreigners, " had already been despatched toKing's Bridge. After various movements and delays, the entire Britishforce also moved on the 12th to the immediate vicinity of the bridge, and dispositions were made to attack and capture Fort Washington. Onthe 15th, Howe sent a summons for the surrender of the fort, in whichhe intimated that a refusal to comply would justify the putting of thegarrison to the sword. The commander of Fort Washington was Colonel Robert Magaw, ofPennsylvania. In addition to his own regiment and Colonel Shee's, nowunder Lieutenant-Colonel Cadwallader, he had with him severaldetachments of troops from the Pennsylvania Flying Camp, underColonels Baxter, Swoope, and others, together with a Maryland riflebattalion, under Colonel Rawlings, whose major was Otho HollandWilliams, an officer distinguished later in the war. The artillerynumbered about one hundred men, under Captain Pierce, and there werealso the "Rangers, " parts of Miles's and Atlee's old regiments, suchas escaped the Long Island defeat, and about two hundred and fiftyfrom Bradley's Connecticut levies, many of whom were to die incaptivity. The whole force under Magaw numbered about twenty-eighthundred officers and men. The ground they were expected to hold wasthat part of Harlem Heights from the first of the three lines alreadydescribed, northward to the end of Laurel Hill on the Harlem, and thehill west on the Hudson, a distance of two miles and a half. At the lower lines at One Hundred and Forty-sixth Street, Cadwallader's men, the Rangers, and some others were posted; at LaurelHill, Colonel Baxter, and west of him, at the northern termination ofthe level summit of the ridge where Fort Washington stood, was ColonelRawlings. Magaw remained at the fort to direct movements during theattack. The outer defences where the troops were stationed were to beheld as long as possible, while the fort and the intrenchmentsimmediately surrounding it were to be the point of retreat. Magawbelieved he could hold the post against almost any force untilDecember, and when the summons for a surrender reached him he returnedthe following spirited reply: "15 NOVEMBER, 1776. "SIR: If I rightly understand the purport of your message from General Howe communicated to Colonel Swoope, this post is to be immediately surrendered or the garrison put to the sword. I rather think it a mistake than a settled resolution in General Howe to act a part so unworthy of himself and the British Nation. But give me leave to assure his Excellency that actuated by the most glorious cause that mankind ever fought in, I am determined to defend this post to the last extremity. "ROB'T MAGAW, Colonel Commanding. "To the Adjutant-General of the British Army. " On the morning of the 16th, the enemy opened the attack from threedirections. [216] The Hessians moved forward from King's Bridge againstRawlings' position, Rall on the right nearest to the Hudson, Knyphausen a short distance to his left nearer the King's Bridge road. Brigadier-General Matthews, supported by Cornwallis, came down theHarlem from the bridge in boats, and landed at the foot of Laurel Hill(One Hundred and Ninety-sixth Street), where Baxter was posted. Theseformed the attacking columns from the north side. On the south sidePercy marched up from Harlem Plains and engaged Cadwallader at thelower lines. [Footnote 216: Consult "Map of New York, " etc. , Part II. ] At about the moment the cannonade began, Washington, Putnam, Greene, and Mercer were putting off from the Jersey shore at Fort Lee to makea final visit to Fort Washington, and determine whether to defend orevacuate the post. When they reached the island they found thethreatened attack in actual progress, and evacuation then was out ofthe question. They saw Percy making his dispositions, and could seenothing to modify on their own side. All they could do was to awaitthe result. "There, " says Greene, "we all stood in a very awkwardsituation. " Had they remained much longer it would have been more thanawkward. Putnam, Greene, and Mercer felt that Washington at leastought not to be exposed in a position which might become dangerous, and they all urged him to return to Fort Lee, while each in turnoffered to stay and conduct the defence. But the chief, who neverwished to hold the fort as an isolated post, foresaw the possible, ifnot the probable, result of the British attack as clearly as hisgenerals, and he advised the return of the entire party. Enteringtheir boat they were rowed back to the Jersey side. [217] [Footnote 217: Read the letter Greene wrote to Knox on the followingday. --_Document_ 36. ] The fighting began under a heavy fire from the enemy's artilleryposted at advantageous points, both on the island and on the east sideof the Harlem River. The several columns pushed forward nearly at thesame time. Rall and Knyphausen encountered the most serious obstacles, and met with the most obstinate resistance. Their course lay throughwoods and underbrush and heavy abattis, felled by the Americans. Asthey approached Rawlings, his men received them with a destructive anddetermined fire, which lasted a long time. Rall's force, including thenewly arrived Waldeckers, fought desperately, and, as Cornwallisafterwards declared, "to the admiration of the entire Britisharmy. "[218] Knyphausen led his men and tore down obstructions with hisown hands. Matthews and Cornwallis climbed up the steep hill, anddrove back Baxter's men; but not before Baxter had fallen whilefighting manfully. Percy, with whose column Lord Howe had taken hisstation, held Cadwallader's attention and made some progress in thatdirection, when Howe ordered a fourth column, consisting of theForty-second Highlanders, under Lieutenant-Colonel Sterling, and twosupporting regiments, to cross Harlem River, and attempt to landbetween Cadwallader and Fort Washington. This movement wassuccessfully conducted under difficulties. The Highlanders rushed upthe steep side of Harlem Heights just below the Morris Mansion, andcaptured over one hundred and fifty of the Americans whom Cadwalladerand Magaw had detached to oppose them. Sterling's force, however, suffered considerably in making the landing. By this attack in flank, Cadwallader could maintain his position no longer, and his entireparty retreated rapidly towards the fort. [Footnote 218: Testimony of Cornwallis before Parliamentary Committeeon Howe's case in 1779. ] Knyphausen and Rall, meanwhile, succeeded in driving back Rawlings, who had made the best resistance during the day, and the former soonreached Fort Washington, where all the Americans had now retreated. The German general at once sent in a summons for surrender, and Magawfinding that the fort was so crowded with his beaten troops, and thatit was impossible to attempt further resistance without greatsacrifice of life, agreed to a capitulation on favorable terms, officers and men to be guaranteed personal safety and allowed toretain private baggage. [219] [Footnote 219: Washington, who with his officers watched the fightingfrom Fort Lee, sent over Captain Gooch to tell Magaw to maintainhimself until night, when an effort would be made to withdraw thegarrison to New Jersey. The captain reached the fort, delivered hismessage, and, running through the fire of the enemy, got to his boatagain and recrossed in safety. ] By this surrender the Americans lost in prisoners two thousand sixhundred and thirty-seven enlisted men and two hundred and twenty-oneofficers, [220] the greater part from Pennsylvania, and nearly half ofthem well-drilled troops. These were the men, with those taken on LongIsland and at Kip's Bay, for whose accommodation the Presbyterian andReformed churches in New York were turned into prisons, and who wereto perish by hundreds by slow starvation and loathsome disease, whichbrutal keepers took little trouble to alleviate. The loss of the enemyin killed and wounded was something over four hundred and fifty, abouttwo thirds of which fell upon the Hessians. The American casualtieswere four officers and fifty privates killed, and not over one hundredwounded. [Footnote 220: Henshaw's copy of return of prisoners. --_Document No. _59. ] * * * * * Upon whom the responsibility for the loss of this post should rest isa question on which divided opinions have been expressed. [221] Greenehad urged the retention of the fort as necessary, both to command thepassage of the river, and because it would be a threatening obstacleto the enemy's future operations. For them to advance into the countrywith such a fortification in their rear would be a hazardous move. These reasons were sound, and, as already stated, when the main armyevacuated Harlem Heights, Washington's council voted to retain FortWashington. But on the 7th of November, some British men-of-war againpassed the obstructions without difficulty, and Washington wrote toGreene on the 8th from White Plains as follows: "SIR: The late passage of the three vessels up the North River (which we have just received advice of) is so plain a proof of the inefficacy of all the obstructions we have thrown into it, that I cannot but think it will fully justify a change in the disposition which has been made. If we cannot prevent vessels passing up, and the enemy are possessed of the surrounding country, what valuable purpose can it answer to attempt to hold a post from which the expected benefit cannot be had? I am therefore inclined to think it will not be prudent to hazard the men and stores at Mount Washington; but as you are on the spot, leave it to you to give such orders as to evacuating Mount Washington as you judge best, and so far revoking the order given to Col. Magaw to defend it to the last. " [Footnote 221: Two weeks before the attack on the fort, Magaw'sadjutant, William Demont, deserted to the enemy. This fact has latelybeen established by the recovery, by Mr. Edward F. De Lancey, of theNew York Historical Society, of Demont's own letter confessing thedesertion. It is dated London, January 16th, 1792, and is in part asfollows: "On the 2d of Nov'r 1776 I Sacrificed all I was Worth in the World tothe Service of my King & Country and joined the then Lord Percy, brought in with me the Plans of Fort Washington, by which Plans thatFortress was taken by his Majesty's Troops the 16 instant, Togetherwith 2700 Prisoners and Stores & Ammunition to the amount of 1800Pound. At the same time, I may with Justice affirm, from my Knowledgeof the Works, I saved the Lives of many of His Majesty'sSubjects--these Sir are facts well-known to every General Officerwhich was there. " Mr. De Lancey makes this letter the text of a detailed and highlyinteresting account of the fall of Fort Washington (published in the_Magazine of American History_, February, 1877), in which the newtheory is advanced that the disaster was due in the first instance toDemont's treason. It is quite probable, as the deserter claimed, thathis information was of some use to the British general in making hisdispositions for the attack, but beyond this the incident could hardlyhave affected the situation on either side. Up to the night precedingthe assault, Howe did not know whether the Americans would remain inthe fort or not. Indeed, he gave them the opportunity to evacuate itby allowing a whole night to intervene between the summons tosurrender and the attack. He could not, therefore, have changed hisplans, as alleged, in the confident expectation of taking a largegarrison prisoners and sending home word of another great victory. Fort Washington was simply in his way, and he would have moved againstit under any circumstances, regardless of Demont and his treachery. ] General Greene on the following day replied that he did not think thegarrison in any danger, and that it could be drawn off at any time. He believed, too, that the stores could be removed at the last moment, in spite of an attack; and again he called attention to the advantageof holding the post as an annoyance to the enemy. No furthercommunications passed on the subject, but Washington rode to theHighlands, and, returning on the Jersey side of the Hudson, reachedGreene's headquarters at Fort Lee on the 14th, to find no steps takento withdraw men or stores from Mount Washington. Had the enemy in themean time invested and captured the fort, it is pertinent to inquirewhether Greene, having been acquainted with the distinct wishes of thecommander-in-chief not to hazard the post, could not have been justlyand properly charged with its loss. Washington's instructions werediscretionary only so far as related to the details or perhaps thetime of the evacuation; and to leave Greene free, he revoked the orderalready given to Magaw to defend the fort to the last. Upon thearrival of Washington at Fort Lee, however, one phase of the questionchanged. By not renewing his instructions to evacuate the mount whenhe found that nothing had been done in the case, or not making theinstructions peremptory, he entirely relieved Greene of the charge ofnon-compliance, which could have been brought against him before. Thecommander-in-chief was now present, and Greene was no longer underinstructions, discretionary or otherwise. Washington accepted thesituation as he now found it, and was reconsidering the propriety of atotal evacuation. Finding Greene, of whose military judgment he had "agood opinion, " strong in favor of holding the post, and othersagreeing with him, among whom evidently were Putnam, Mercer, andMagaw, and knowing that Congress and the country would not easily bereconciled to its abandonment, Washington hesitated for the moment toenforce his own views and opinions. On the 14th and 15th, he stilldelayed a final decision. So says Greene. "His Excellency GeneralWashington, " he writes, "has been with me several days. The evacuationor reinforcement of Fort Washington was under consideration, butfinally nothing concluded on;" and it was not until the morning of the16th, just at the time of the attack, that they all went over to thefort "to determine what was best to be done. " This clearly settles thefact that Greene was not under instructions at the time of thesurrender of the post. But at the same time, upon a review of all the circumstances, it isdifficult to escape the conviction that but for General Greene'searnest opposition to an abandonment of the fort, the disaster wouldnot have occurred. It was an error of judgment, an over-confidence inthe sufficiency of the preparations made for the defence, and a beliefthat if matters came to the worst the garrison could be withdrawn inspite of the enemy. That Greene himself felt that he would be heldlargely accountable for the loss of the post, is evident from his ownexpressions in the letter he wrote to Knox on the next day. "I feelmad, vexed, sick, and sorry, " are his words. "Never did I need theconsoling voice of a friend more than now. Happy should I be to seeyou. This is a most terrible event; its consequences are justly to bedreaded. Pray, what is said upon the occasion?"[222] [Footnote 222: This is what Tilghman said upon the occasion: "The lossof the post is nothing compared to the loss of men and arms, and thedamp it will strike upon the minds of many. We were in a fair way offinishing the campaign with credit to ourselves and I think to thedisgrace of Mr. Howe, and had the General followed his own opinion thegarrison would have been withdrawn immediately upon the enemy'sfalling down from Dobb's Ferry; but Gen'l Greene was positive that ourforces might at any time be drawn off under the guns of Fort Lee. Fatal experience has evinced the contrary. "--_Correspondence inProceedings of the N. Y. Provincial Congress_, vol. Ii. ] There were those who censured Washington for not overruling Greene, but the chief kept his counsels to himself, and it was not untilnearly three years later, in August, 1779, that he gave his version ofthe affair in a private letter to Colonel Reed. In that he franklyadmits that Greene's representations and other reasons caused a"warfare" and "hesitation" in his mind, by which the evacuation wasdelayed until too late. But he indulged in no censures on Greene. Hisconfidence in the latter remained steadfast. The disaster was one ofthose misfortunes which occur in the career of every great general, and become, indeed, a step by which he rises to greatness. Greene, more than any general of the Revolution, learned by experience. Everybattle, whether a defeat or victory, was for him a training-school;and at the close of the war we find him ranking hardly second to thecommander-in-chief, in military talents, and enjoying nearly an equalreputation for his achievements. * * * * * This disaster at Fort Washington, the heaviest suffered by theAmericans during the entire war, closed the campaign in the vicinityof New York. All the western part of Long Island, New York City, andall Manhattan Island, had fallen into the possession of the British, and their fleet came into undisturbed control of the Hudson, the EastRiver, and the waters of the Sound. Every thing that Washington andhis soldiers had sought to secure and defend was wrested from theirhands. Their losses too, in men and material, were almostirreparable. Much the greater part of their artillery had beencaptured--two hundred and eighteen pieces of all calibres, accordingto the enemy's report. Three hundred and twenty-nine officers and fourthousand one hundred men had been taken prisoners; nearly six hundredhad been killed or wounded; and numbers had been swept off by disease. The enemy suffered more heavily, except in prisoners and cannon, inwhich their loss was nothing; but they had recovered territory, wonvictories, and they were now to find before them only a flying anddissolving body of rebels. The situation at this point presented a gloomy prospect for America. But had the cause been then surrendered, we could still contemplatethis struggle around New York and Brooklyn with respect, as a nobleeffort to gain an end worth fighting for. As success, however, wasfinally achieved, and achieved through the experience of these events, they challenge our deepest interest. CHAPTER VIII. TRENTON--PRINCETON--CLOSE OF THE CAMPAIGN. To appreciate the full significance of what has been described in thepreceding pages, follow the campaign in outline to its closing scenes. Thus far the American army had met with nothing but defeat, retreat, sacrifice, hardship, and discouragement. First came the months ofpreparation, with England straining every nerve to conquer thecolonies; then the first and disastrous collision on Long Island, onwhich so much depended; then the retreat, the loss of New York, thewithdrawal to White Plains, and a battle which was not a victory forthe Americans; and, finally, the heavy blow struck in the fall of FortWashington. Much had been endured and learned alike by general andprivate soldier during these gloomy months, and both were now destinedto profit by the trial. All this faith and patience had its legitimatereward, as we shall find if we now place ourselves in the last days ofthe year upon the banks of the Delaware. What had occurred in the mean time was the evacuation of Fort Lee, ahasty retreat through New Jersey, the dwindling away of the army, theadvance of the British towards Philadelphia, the removal of Congressto Baltimore, and an increase of despondency throughout thecountry. [223] Washington with the remnants of his army had taken poston the right bank of the Delaware, and, still strong in hope, wascalling for militia to come to his assistance. At the same time hewatched the opportunity to inflict upon the enemy some happycounter-stroke that might temporarily raise the spirits of hissoldiers and the people. The opportunity came. The British delayedcrossing the Delaware, and divided their force among different poststhroughout New Jersey. At Trenton they stationed Colonel Rall with abody twelve hundred strong, composed chiefly of Hessians. This was theRall who marched up with De Heister on Long Island, and figured in thecapture of prisoners, who afterwards turned our right on Chatterton'sHill, at White Plains, and whose attack on Rawlings at Fort Washingtonwas the brilliant feature of that day. He was every inch a soldier, except in possessing that reserve of caution which every commander isbound to exercise in the presence of an enemy, however remote theprobability of an attack. Rall despised Washington's troops, and wouldthrow up no intrenchments around Trenton. [Footnote 223: After the battle of White Plains, Howe, we have seen, moved against Fort Washington. On the other hand, Washington, supposing that Howe would aim next for Philadelphia, prepared to crosspart of his force into Jersey and endeavor to protect that city. Heproposed to continue the policy of "wasting" the campaign. Heath wasleft to look after the Highlands; Lee with another force remained atNorthcastle, and Connecticut troops were posted at Saw Pits and theborders of that State. Washington took with him Putnam, Greene, Stirling, and Mercer, with less than four thousand men, and fell backbefore the British through Brunswick, Princeton, and Trenton. He wroteseveral times to Lee to join him, but Lee was full of excuses andutterly failed Washington at this crisis. While marching in no hasteby a westerly route through Jersey, Lee was surprised at his quartersat Baskingridge on the morning of December 13th, and made prisoner byLieutenant-Colonel Harcourt and a party of dragoons. (The account ofthe capture by Captain Bradford, Lee's aid, not heretofore published, is given in _Document_ 46. In Wilkinson's _Memoirs_ there is anotheraccount. ) Sullivan then took command of Lee's troops and joinedWashington, who at Trenton had crossed to the Pennsylvania side of theDelaware, removing all boats to delay the enemy, and had halted incamp a few miles above. ] Washington resolved to make a sudden dash upon this Hessian. Asurprise, an irresistible attack, the capture of a post with athousand men, might work wonders in their moral effect. The soldierswith him were trusty men, twenty-four hundred of whom he proposed tolead himself on this enterprise. Many of the regiments we have alreadybecome familiar with, and their leaders are men who have led them fromthe first. Here are Greene, Sullivan, Stirling, Mercer, Glover, andSargent, for division and brigade commanders; and with them we meetnew officers--Brigadier-Generals Adam Stephen, of Virginia; Arthur St. Clair, of Pennsylvania, and De Fermoy, a French officer, latelycommissioned by Congress. Here also are Hand's battalion, parts ofSmallwood's and Haslet's, Knox and his artillerymen, Durkee's, CharlesWebb's, Ward's, and parts of Chester's and Bradley's, fromConnecticut; Sargent's, Glover's, Hutchinson's, Baldwin's, Shepherd's, Bailey's, and Paterson's, of Massachusetts; Stark's, Poor's, andReed's, from New Hampshire, who, with Paterson's, have just arrived incamp from Ticonderoga; the remnants of McDougall's and Ritzema's NewYork Continentals, and Weedon's, Scott's, Elliot's, Buckner's, andReed's Virginians. How depleted are these battalions, many of themless than a hundred strong! Washington's plan included a simultaneous move from several points. The body he was to lead was concentrated, on the night of December24th, at McConkey's Ferry, nine miles above Trenton. The troops wereto cross at night, reach the town at dawn, and take its garrison bysurprise. Lower down were two other bodies of troops. About oppositeTrenton, General Ewing was posted with Pennsylvania militia andNixon's Continental brigade, now commanded by Colonel DanielHitchcock, of Rhode Island. At Bristol, General Cadwallader commandedstill another corps of Pennsylvanians, including many young men fromthe best families in Philadelphia. Ewing and Cadwallader were to crossand intercept the retreat of the Hessians from Trenton, or preventDonop at Burlington from affording relief. Putnam was to make ademonstration from Philadelphia. To his own force Washington issued minute and stringent orders. Thetroops he divided into two divisions, giving Sullivan the first, andGreene the second. Sullivan's brigades were Glover's, Sargent's, andSt. Clair's; Greene's were Stephen's, Mercer's, and Stirling's. DeFermoy was to follow in Greene's rear with Hand's riflemen andHausegger's German battalion from Pennsylvania. To each brigade wereattached from two to four pieces of artillery, eighteen guns in all, under Knox. Greene's division was to cross first, Stephen's inadvance, provided with spikes and hammers to spike the enemy's guns, and with ropes to drag them off if that proved feasible. After thecrossing, Captain Washington, of the Third Virginia, was to proceedwith a guard on the road towards Trenton, and halt and detain any onewho might be passing in either direction. Three miles from the ferrythe road branched, making two lines of approach to the town. Greene'sdivision was to take the upper road; Sullivan's the lower one near theriver. Stirling's and St. Clair's brigades were to act as reserves fortheir respective columns, and in case of necessity were to formseparately or join forces, as the emergency required. The officersset their watches by Washington's. Profound silence was enjoined. Nota man to leave the ranks, read the orders, _under penalty ofdeath_. [224] [Footnote 224: Order of march to Trenton. --_Drake's Life of Knox. _] The night of the 24th brought storm, snow, and sleet. Ewing andCadwallader could do nothing on account of the ice in the river. ButWashington was determined on the attempt. He called upon Glover's mento man the boats; and these amphibious soldiers, who had transportedthe army on the retreat from Long Island, were ready again to strainevery nerve for the plans of their chief. It was a long, tedious nightas they pushed across the Delaware, through ice and chilling spray, and it was not until four o'clock in the morning that the force wasready to take up the march on the Jersey side. They could not surprisethe Hessians before daylight, but a return was not to be thought of. The troops then marched on in the worst weather that could beencountered. "As violent a storm ensued of Hail & Snow as I everfelt, " wrote Captain William Hull, of Webb's Continentals. The riverwas crossed, says Knox, "with almost infinite difficulty, " thefloating ice making the labor incredible. Fortunately the storm wasagainst our backs, "and consequently in the faces of our enemy. " Themarch was kept up swiftly and quietly. In Sullivan's column some ofthe soldiers could not cover their muskets from the wet, and word wassent to Washington of the unfitness of their arms. Washington promptlysent word back by his aid, Lieutenant-Colonel Samuel B. Webb, that ifthe men could not discharge their pieces they must use the bayonet, for the town must be taken. At eight o'clock the two columns neared the enemy'soutposts--Sullivan striking them on the lower road but three minutesafter Greene on the upper one. Greene's van was led by CaptainWashington and Lieutenant James Monroe, the future President;Sullivan's by Stark's New Hampshire men. Surprising the Hessianoutguards, our troops dashed after them "pell-mell" into Trenton, gavethe enemy no time to form, cleared the streets with cannon andhowitzers "in the twinkling of an eye, " under Washington's owndirection, dislodged them from the houses, drove them beyond into aplain, surrounded and forced them to surrender, with the loss of theircommander Rall, who fell mortally wounded. A fine and remarkableexploit! The turning-point of the campaign--if not, indeed, thedecisive stroke of the war! Gathering up their nine hundred and fiftyprisoners, six brass field-pieces, standards, horses, and "a vastquantity of Plunder, " the Americans marched back again, having lostnot a man killed, and hardly more than two or three wounded. In General Orders next day, Washington congratulated his soldiers inthe warmest terms. He had been in many actions, in all of which he hadseen misbehavior on the part of some; but at Trenton, he told themtheir conduct was admirable, without exception. Among others hethanked Knox for his services in terms "strong and polite. ""Providence seemed to have smiled upon every part of this enterprise. ""What can't men do, " said Hull, "when engaged in so noble a cause!""That victory, " writes Bancroft, "turned the shadow of death into themorning. " * * * * * One more encounter with the enemy, one more success, and the campaigncloses with final victory assured for America. Convinced that inaction would be as demoralizing as defeat, Washingtononce more determined to try his fortunes in New Jersey, and at onceprepared again "to beat up" the enemy's quarters. Crossing theDelaware as before, he marched on the 30th to Trenton, which theBritish had not reoccupied since Christmas. Hearing of this move, Cornwallis at Princeton gathered a force of seven thousand veterans, and on the 2d of January started for Trenton. Washington sent outdetachments, and delayed his entry into the town until evening. Atnightfall he took up position on the east bank of the Assanpink Creek, which ran along the east edge of the town and emptied into theDelaware. The British pursued our troops to the bridge, but were thererepulsed by Knox's artillery. Cornwallis rested at Trenton, sent offfor reinforcements, and expected the next morning to cross theAssanpink at the bridge or the fords above, and bring Washington to anengagement. Obviously the Americans were in a hazardous position. Should the British drive them back, there was no escape, for theDelaware flowed in their rear. They must save themselves that night. Acouncil of war was called, and the situation discussed. From Trentonto Princeton ran a second roundabout road east of the main highway, along which Cornwallis had marched, and which it was possible for theAmericans to take, and put themselves in the rear of Cornwallis, withlines of retreat open beyond to Morristown and the back country. Washington proposed escape by this route, and the council secondedhim. Orders for a secret night march were given to the officers, andthe regiments were silently withdrawn from their posts along theAssanpink, and set in motion along this back road towards Princeton. The camp-fires on the banks of the creek were kept up by guards leftbehind for the purpose. Nothing occurred to excite suspicion of themovement in the minds of the British sentinels, nearly withinmusket-shot on the opposite bank. Washington's troops reached a point within two miles of Princetonabout sunrise. The main column pushed on for the village, whileMercer's brigade, consisting of the remnants of Haslet's Delawares, Smallwood's Marylanders, and the First Virginia regiment under CaptainFleming, turned to the left to break down a bridge on the main roadover Stony Creek, which the enemy would have to cross on returningfrom Trenton, in pursuit of Washington. Three British regiments had been left at Princeton by Cornwallis, butwere now, on the morning of the 3d, proceeding under orders to joinhim. These were the Fifty-fifth, the Fortieth, and Seventeenth, thelatter commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Mawhood. Mawhood was a mile inadvance of the others, and had just crossed the Stony Creek bridge, when, looking across the country to his left and rear, he discoveredMercer's party on its march. Surprised at the appearance of a force ofrebels where he least expected to see one, Mawhood, nevertheless, witha soldier's instinct, promptly wheeled about and proceeded to attackMercer. They met on a hill and exchanged fire, when Mawhood ordered abayonet charge, and put the Americans to rout. Mercer, on horseback, attempted in vain to rally his men, and was mortally wounded withbayonet thrusts. Haslet, gallantly fighting on foot, and also tryingto form the broken brigade, fell dead with a bullet wound in hisforehead. Captain Fleming, of Virginia, suffered a like fate, as wellas Captain Neal of the artillery. This sudden and serious reverserequired instant attention, for Washington could not afford to bedetained long in this position. Cadwallader's brigade, which hadfollowed Mercer's, was accordingly brought up into line, whileWashington attempted to rally the latter's force; but Mawhood wasmaking a surprising fight, and he threw Cadwallader's militiamen intoconfusion as he had Mercer's. Matters now were worse, and thecommander-in-chief made strenuous exertions, at great personal hazard, to bring the troops into some order. Meanwhile, he sent word forHitchcock's brigade to advance upon the enemy, while Hand's riflemenendeavored to turn their left. The "gallant Hitchcock" promptly tookhis command into action--all that remained of it, five regimentstogether hardly five hundred strong--and formed in line. On the rightwas Lieutenant-Colonel Nixon, next Varnum's battalion, underLieutenant-Colonel Crary, in the centre Colonel Lippett, with thelargest number, one hundred and twenty-eight men, next Hitchcock's, under Major Angell, and on the left Little's battalion, underLieutenant-Colonel Henshaw. [225] They opened fire at one hundredyards, and then, in conjunction with Cadwallader's men, whomWashington had rallied in part, they rushed upon Mawhood's force, recaptured the two guns we had lost, and joined in putting the enemycompletely to rout. [Footnote 225: _Stiles' MS. Diary. _ Statement of Rhode Island officersengaged at Princeton. ] No doubt these old troops experienced a glow of satisfaction over thisbrief and final work of the campaign, for they had endured hardservice from the outset. Here was Greene's old brigade, which crossedwith him to Long Island on the 1st of May--Varnum's, Hitchcock's, Little's, and, by a happy accident, Hand's, on the left--to assist inreversing the record of the year. These men had built the lines aroundBrooklyn; Hitchcock's and Little's at the Flatbush Pass had beencaught and all but captured in the surprise of August 27th; theyfought manfully, and suffered the most at Harlem Heights; many of themresponded to Washington's appeal to remain six weeks beyond their termof service, and now they had shared in the successful manoeuvre atPrinceton, which changed the whole aspect of affairs. Hitchcock, who had temporarily succeeded Nixon in command of thebrigade, received the thanks of Washington for himself and for his menin front of Princeton College for their aid and conduct in the action. But the colonel, a brilliant, promising officer, whose regiment builtand guarded Fort Putnam in Brooklyn, was destined to only a briefcareer henceforth. Overcome by the fatigue and hardships of thecampaign, he died in camp at Morristown, on the 13th of January, andwas buried by the Philadelphia and Delaware Light Infantry companies, under Rodney, with all the honors of war. It was a fitting escort tothe remains of the brave soldier, for Rodney and most of his men hadbehaved well at Princeton. Sullivan's troops drove the other two British regiments out ofPrinceton towards Brunswick, and Washington's tired army then pushedon, and on the 6th went into camp at Morristown. [226] [Footnote 226: In connection with the battles of Trenton andPrinceton, read the interesting letters from Knox, Haslet, Rodney, andHull in Part II. They have all appeared since our general accountswere written. ] * * * * * The effect of these two unexpected strokes at Trenton and Princetonwas to baffle Howe, and utterly disconcert his plans. Expecting tomarch upon Philadelphia at his leisure, he suddenly finds Washingtonturning about and literally cutting his way through the British posts, back to a point where he threatened Howe's flank and rear. The enemywere at once compelled to retire from all their positions belowBrunswick, give up the thought of wintering in Philadelphia, and fallback to the vicinity of New York. When Horace Walpole heard of thesemovements, he wrote to Sir Horace Mann: "Washington has shown himselfboth a Fabius and a Camillus. His march through our lines is allowedto have been a prodigy of generalship. In one word, I look upon agreat part of America as lost to this country. "[227] [Footnote 227: In another letter Walpole says: "It is now the fashion to cry up the manoeuvre of General Washingtonin this action [Princeton] who has beaten two English regiments, too, and obliged General Howe to contract his quarters--in short, thecampaign has by no means been wound up to content. . . . It has lost agreat deal of its florid complexion, and General Washington is allowedby both sides not to be the worst General in the field. " Again, in a humorous vein: "Caius Manlius Washingtonius Americanus, the dictator, has gottogether a large army, larger than our ally, the Duke of Wirtembergwas to have sold us; and General Howe, who has nothing but saltprovisions in our metropolis, New York, has not twenty thousandpounds' worth of pickles, as he had at Boston. "--_Walpole's Lettersand Correspondence. Cunningham. _] Here the campaign closed. Washington could not be dislodged from hisstrong mountain position, and Howe was satisfied to rest his troopsand postpone further operations until the next season. Meantime thecountry took heart, Congress voted troops and supplies, and the armywas recruited and organized on a better basis. "The business of war isthe result of Experience, " wrote Wolcott from Congress, with faithunshaken during the darkest hours of the campaign; and experience wasnow put to good profit. The crisis was passed. Events proved decisive. Hardship and anxietywere yet to come during succeeding years of the war; but it was theresult of this year's struggle that cleared away misgivings andconfirmed the popular faith in final success. England could do no morethan she had done to conquer America; while America was now more readythan ever to meet the issue. Independence was established in thepresent campaign--in the year of its declaration; and more than to anyothers we owe this political privilege to the men who fought from LongIsland to Princeton. NOTES. OBSTRUCTIONS IN THE HUDSON. --The following letter from Mr. Duer to theSecret Committee of the New York Provincial Congress refers to thedefence of the Hudson at Fort Washington: "WHITE PLAINS, Sunday 21st July, 1776. "DEAR GENTL:--I have just arrived at this place from New York where Ihave conversed with Genl. Washington on the Purport of the Letter fromthe Secret Committee. "Gens. Putnam and Mifflen have made an exact Survey of the Riveropposite Mount Washington and find that the Depth in no Part exceedsseven Fathoms; the Width, however, of the Channel (which is from threeto seven Fathoms) is not much less than 1800 Yards, the shallow Partof the River running in an oblique Direction. Genl. Washingtonexpresses himself extremely anxious about the Obstruction of thatChannel, and Measures are daily used for executing that Purpose. It isimpossible to procure Vessels enough at New York, so that the Measuremust be delayed till such Time as more Vessels can be brought throughthe Sound from Connecticut; however, I am not without Apprehensionsthat this Resource will be cut off, as I understand that some of theEnemy's Vessels have sailed out of the Hook with an Intention(probably) of cutting off our Communication with the Sound. "It is, however an Object of so much Importance that no Difficulties, however great, ought to deter us from our Attempts to carry it intoExecution; _if we succeed, the Designs of the Enemy in this Campaignare effectually baffled_--if we fail, we cannot be in a morelamentable Situation than we are now. "Exclusive of the great Advantage we should reap in obstructing theChannel so far to the Southward, it is, I fear, the only Place we candepend upon shallowing to the Southward of the Highlands, whilst theMen-of-War are in the River, for if proper Batteries are erected nearthe Water at Mount Washington, and on the opposite Side, mounted withGuns of 18, 24 and 32 Pounders, it will not be practicable for anyVessels to be so near as to prevent our working under the Cover ofthese Works. I have strongly urged Genl. Washington to send Gen. Mifflen some heavier Metal, and he seems half inclined. This necessaryoperation has not yet taken place. "The Genl. Is anxious to have either of you (as Members of the SecretCommittee) to be with him in Town, and has authorized me to make theOffer to you of his House during your Residence. Let me entreat One ofyou immediately to come Down, and not to quit Genl. Washington tillsuch Time as this Measure on which our Safety depends is effected. . . . "I am very sincerely, yours, etc. , "WM. DUER. "P. S. --For God's sake exert yourself to secure the Sea Vessels whichare in the River. "[228] [Footnote 228: From the Clinton papers as published in E. M. Ruttenber's _Obstructions to the Navigation of Hudson's River, etc. Munsell, Albany_. ] To hasten the completion of the obstructions General Putnam proposedthe following plan of sinking ships, as appears in a letter from himto General Gates, dated July 26, 1776 (in Sparks'): "We are preparing _Chevaux-de-Frize_, at which we make great Despatchby the Help of Ships, which are to be Sunk; a Scheme of mine, whichyou may be assured is very simple, a Plan of which I send you. The twoShips' Sterns lie towards each other, about Seventy Feet apart. Threelarge Logs, which reach from Ship to Ship, are fastened to them. Thetwo Ships and Logs stop the River two hundred and eighty Feet. TheShips are to be sunk, and, when hauled down on one side, the Pickswill be raised to a proper Height, and they must inevitably stop theRiver, if the Enemy will let us sink them. " On the 21st of September, the New York Convention resolved: "That the Secret Committee for obstructing the Navigation of Hudson'sRiver be empowered and directed to purchase or impress for the Serviceof the State any Number of Vessels not exceeding six, which they shallthink best calculated for the Purpose of completing the Obstructionsin the Hudson's River opposite to Mount Washington. . . . "That the said Committee be directed to send all the Oak Plank whichthey may have in their Possession, to Mount Washington with the utmostDispatch. " GOVERNOR'S ISLAND. --The obstructions in the East River betweenGovernor's Island and the Battery consisted of hulks sunk in theChannel. This was not done until a few days before the battle on LongIsland. Colonel Douglas, as he states, sounded the river. The presentButtermilk Channel, between the island and Brooklyn, was notobstructed. Governor's Island was evacuated on the morning of theretreat from Long Island, but the enemy failed to take possession fortwo days. The interval was improved by the Americans in carrying offall except the heavy pieces to New York in the night-time. BATTLE OF LONG ISLAND. --The prisoners named in _Document_ 58 as havingbeen captured by us at the battle of Long Island were a small party ofmarines, who mistook the Delaware regiment in Stirling's force forHessians. They came too near and were taken by Lieut. Wm. Popham, whowas ordered to march them into camp. He made them cross Gowanus Creekon Stirling's retreat, and brought all but one in safe. Pophamafterwards became major and aid to General James Clinton, and settledin New York, where he lived to be over ninety years old. Was a memberof the New York Cincinnati. During the battle the marines landed fromthe fleet, which could not make its way up above Gowanus Bay, and, according to one letter, Admiral Howe furnished Grant with ammunitionwhile fighting Stirling. The Roebuck alone, as already stated, couldwork its way along far enough to send some harmless long-range shot atthe Red Hook fort. PART II. DOCUMENTS. [No. 1. ] GENERAL GREENE'S ORDERS CAMP ON LONG ISLAND [_Colonel Little's Order Book_] GENERAL ORDERS. [229] [Footnote 229: These orders are from the Order Book kept by ColonelMoses Little, of Greene's brigade, while encamped on Long Islandduring the months of May, June, July, and August, 1776, the originalbeing in the possession of Benjamin Hale, Esq. , of Newburyport, Mass. They cover the whole period of active operations there after thearrival of the main army at New York. The book also containsWashington's general orders from headquarters, New York, GeneralSullivan's orders while in command on Long Island, Colonel Little'sregimental orders, and scattering orders from Generals Lee, Spencer, Greene, and Nixon, in September and October, 1776. As all Washington'sorders are to be found in Force's Archives, a few only are insertedhere to preserve the connection. They are distinguished as "GeneralOrders. " Sullivan's and the others are given separately. ] HEAD QUARTERS, April 30, 1776. (Parole, SAWBRIDGE. ) (Countersign, OLIVER. ) . . . Genl Greene's Brigade is to encamp tomorrow at 10 A. M. On theground marked out on Long Island. . . . GEN. GREENE'S ORDERS. [NEW YORK] April 30, 1776. The Qr. Mrs. Of the 9th, 11th, 12th regts. Are to applyto the Q. M. Genl. For tents & camp utensils this evening to be inreadiness to encamp agreeably to general orders to morrow morning--at4 o'clock this P. M. Col. Varnum & Col. Hitchcock & Col. Little aredesired to attend at the General's quarters to go over to Long Island& view the encampment marked out. A sergt. & 20 men are to paradeat White Hall to morrow at 7 o'clock, to be under the direction ofEngineer Smith. [LONG ISLAND] May 4th, 1776. Captain Spurs is to draw out a party of carpenters to make Bell tents, they are to apply to Col. Miflin for tools, boards & nails to makethem of. 300 men for fatigue to morrow. The Quarter Master is to makean estimate of the necessary quantity of boards to floor the tents &apply to the Quarter Master general for them. The Cols. Or commandingofficers of each regiment is to give an order for the boards, certifying the quantity wanted. A return is to be made of the state ofthe cartridges now in possession of the troops & the number wanted tomake up each man's twenty rounds. REGIMENTAL ORDERS. [_Col. Little's. _] Officers for fatigue to-morrow, Cap. Gerrish, Lt. Kent, & Lt. Atkinson. GEN. GREENE'S ORDERS. May 5th, 1776. A fatigue party of 200 men to morrow morning properly officered. Nonon-commissioned Officer or Soldier is to pass the ferries to New Yorkwithout permission from some of ye Field Officers. Any of thetroops attempting to pass over without permission will be confined &tried for disobedience of orders. Any of the fatigue parties thatleave their work without liberty, shall do constant fatigue duty for awhole week. As the security of New York greatly dependeth on this_pass_, when these works are constructing the General hopes the troopswill carefully forward the same as fast as possible. The inhabitants having entered a complaint that their meadow groundwas injured by the troops going upon it to gather greens, they are forthe future strictly prohibited going on the ground of any inhabitants, unless in the proper passes to & from the encampments & the forts, without orders from some commissioned officer. The General desires thetroops not to sully their reputation by any undue liberty in speechor conduct but behave themselves towards the inhabitants with thatdecency & respect that becomes the character of troops fighting forthe preservation of the rights & liberties of America. The General would have the troops consider that we came here toprotect the inhabitants & their property from the ravages of theenemy, but if instead of support & protection, they meet with nothingbut insult & outrage, we shall be considered as banditti & treated asoppressors & enemies. GENERAL ORDERS. HEAD QUARTERS May 7, 1776. (Parole, DEVONSHIRE. ) (Countersign, CAVENDISH. ) Every regiment encamped in the lines & every regt. In the brigadeon Long Island, exclusive of their quarter & rear guards, are to mounta picket every evening at retreat beating at sun set, consisting ofone Capt. 2 Subs, 1 drum & 1 fife & 50 rank & file--they are to layupon their arms, & be ready to turn out at a moments notice. One Col. One Lt. Col. & one major are to mount every evening atsunset as Field Officers of the picket. Immediately upon any alarm or order from the Brig. Genl. Of theday, the pickets are to form in the front of their respectiveencampments, & there wait the orders of the Field Officer commandingthe pickets, who is instantly to obey the orders of the Brigr. Genl. Of the Day. A Brig. Genl. Is to mount every morning at ten o'clock who willreceive all reports, visit all the outguards in the day time & reportall extraordinary occurrences to the Commander in Chief & theBrigde Major of the day is constantly to attend head quarters toreceive all orders, & distribute them immediately. The Col. Is to go the grand rounds, & the Lt. Col. & the major thevisiting rounds of the Camp. Brig. Genl. Greene will order the same picket to be mounted by theregiments in his brigade as are mounted in the grand Camp. He willalso direct one field officer to mount daily to command them. Gen. Greene will report all extraordinaries to the Commander in Chief. Col. Prescott or the officer commanding on Nutten's or Governor'sIsland & the officer commanding at Red Hook, are to report allextraordinaries to the Commander in Chief on any appearance of theenemy. The commanding officer at Red Hook will also dispatch amessenger to Genl. Greene. The officer commanding the riflemen upon Long Island will constantlyreport all extraordinaries to Genl. Greene, & the officercommanding upon Staten Island will do the same to the Commander inChief. GEN. GREENE'S ORDERS. May 8, 1776. Field officers for the picket, Major Angell, Adjt. For the day fromCol. Hitchcock's regiment. REGIMENTAL ORDERS. Officers for picket tonight, Cap. Parker, Lt. Jenkins, Lt. Burnham, Ensign Story. Officers for fatigue to-morrow, Cap. Dodge, Lt. Jared Smith & Ensign Proctor. GEN. GREENE'S ORDERS. LONG ISLAND, May 10th 1776. The Brigde Major is to regulate the duty of the regiments, bothofficers & soldiers, by their number & not by regiments, some beingmuch larger than others, & to establish a regular roster for theregulation of the same. A subaltern & 11 men are to guard the stores &ferries. The officer commanding the guard is to receive his orders from DeputyCommissary Brown for the number of sentries necessary for securing thestores, to be relieved daily. The Cols. Or commanding officers of the ninth, eleventh, twelfthRegts are to draw as many cartridges from the laboratory as willfurnish each man 20 rounds; as many to be delivered out as thecartridge boxes will contain, the remainder to be tied up by thecapt of companies, & every man's name written on his cartridges, that they may be delivered without confusion: All the bad cartridgesnow in the regiments are to be returned to the Laboratory. TheBrigde Major will send a party to the Qr Mr Genl to drawtents for the establishment of the main guard, to consist of asubaltern and 21 men. An orderly sergeant from each regiment willattend at the general's quarters daily; they are to bring theirprovisions with them. The commanding officers of the 9th 11th & 12th Regts areto make returns of the guns out of repair & the number wanted tofurnish every non commissioned officer & soldier with a gun. May 10th 1776. A subaltern & 30 men are to parade immediately to fetch over 300spears from the Qr Mr Genl's store. The officer must pickthose that are fit for use. He is also to bring over a grindstone tosharpen the spears on. Col. Hitchcock will send over the arms of hisregiment that are out of order, to Mr. John Hillyard, foreman of ashop at the King's Works (so called) where they will be immediatelyrepaired. Any soldier that has his gun damaged by negligence orcarelessly injured, shall pay the cost of repairing, the caps &subs are desired to report all such. May 11th 1776. Field officer for picket tomorrow night Lt. Col. Henshaw, Adjt fromCol. Hitchcock's regt. DETAIL. C. S. S. C. D. F. P. Picket 1 2 2 2 1 1 50Fatigue 1 2 2 2 1 1 80Main Guard 1 8 REGIMENTAL ORDERS FOR THE 12th REGt OF FOOT. Those non commissioned officers & soldiers who have occasion to goover the ferry to New York will apply to Lt. Col. Henshaw for theirpermits. A regimental Court Martial will sit today at 12 o'clock at CaptWade's tent to try such prisoners as are contained in the QuarterGuard of the regiment. Cap. Wade, Pres. Lt. Hodgkins, Lt. Parsons, Lt. Knot & Ensn Pearson, members. GEN. GREENE'S ORDERS. May 12th, 1776. The 12th regiment exempt from fatigue tomorrow having to bemustered. May 14, 1776. Field officer for picket tomorrow night, Major Collins, adjt. Forthe day from Col. Hitchcock's Regt. REGl. ORDERS FOR THE 12th REGt. OF FOOT. IN CAMP LONG ISLAND May 15, 1776. The Col. Desires hereby to remind the officers & soldiers of thisregiment of the Rules & Regulations of the army, & of the generalorders issued by the Commander in Chief agreable to them, especiallythat the Rules & Regulations be often read to the men that no oneplead ignorance if he is called to account for the breach of any ofthem. The Col. Desires & orders that the officers pay particular attentionthat the Rules & Regulations be read to the men agreable to theresolves of Congress, likewise that the officers of each company, offduty, attend morning & evening to the calling of the roll & ifpossible that a report be made every day of such as be absent. TheCol. Is sorry to see so much inattention, of the officers & men to theduties of religious worship, & he desires as we are all engaged in thecause of God & our country, & are dependent on the Divine assistancefor protection & success, & as it is a duty incumbent on all as far aspossible in a social way to wait upon God in the way of hisappointment, to implore pardon & forgiveness of all our sins, & to askhis guidance & direction in the prosecution of our affairs, thatneither officers nor soldiers will unnecessarily absent themselvesfrom the stated worship of God at the house of Prayer--or on theSabbath day. Commissioned officers for picket tonight Cap. Baker, Lt. Knot &Ensign Woodman. Commissioned officers for fatigue tomorrow, Capt. Parker, Lt. Silvanus Smith & Lt. Lamborn; for main guard EnsignMitchell. GEN. GREENE'S ORDERS. BROOKLIN May 16, 1776. Col. Varnum's regiment to be off duty tomorrow morning in theforenoon, to parade on the regimental parade at 8 oclock, to bereviewed, & their arms examined. Every man in the regiment, that iswell, is to be on parade with arms & accoutrements. No soldier is toborrow either arms or accoutrements from a soldier of either of theother regiments, as the true state of the regiment with respect toarms is wanted. Col. Hitchcock's regt. Will be reviewed next dayafter tomorrow. Col. Little's the day after that will be reviewed inthe same manner. No soldier is to mount the picket guard without shoes. May 16, 1776. Tomorrow being the day appointed by the Continental Congress to beobserved as a day of fasting & prayer & his Excellency Genl. Washington having ordered all duties to be discontinued except thenecessary guard until next day after tomorrow, there are no fatigueparties to turn out tomorrow morning & the reviewing of Col. Varnum'sregiment is put off until next day after tomorrow, the other regimentsare to follow in order as in the morning orders. The general desiresthat the troops of the 9, 11 & 12 regiments (except those on duty) maybe strict to attend the duties of the day in a devout & cleanlymanner. Field officers for picket tomorrow night--Adjt. From Col. Varnum's regiment. Detail for Guard & fatigue as usual. REGIMENTAL ORDERS FOR THE 12TH REGT. OF FOOT. James Holland, a fifer in Cap. Dodge's Company is appointed fife majorto this regiment, & is to be obeyed as such. Comd officers for picket tonight Lt. Atkinson & Lt. Fiske. GENERAL ORDERS. HEAD QUARTERS, 17 May 1776. (Parole, NEW CASTLE. ) (Countersign, WILMINGTON. ) Cap. Wolverton's Company of New Jersey is to join General Greene'sBrigade. The Cap. Is to take his orders from the General respectinghis post. . . . GEN. GREENE'S MORNING ORDERS. May 17, 1776. A corporal & 6 men to be sent for a guard to fort Sterling to mount at9 O'clock. This guard is to be sent every other day. The corporal toreceive his orders from Lt. Randall of the train. Field officer for picket tomorrow night Lt. Col. Henshaw, Adjt. From Col. Varnum's regiment. Fatigue as usual. May 19, 1776. Field officer for picket tomorrow night Major Collins, Adjt. FromCol. Varnum's regiment. Detail as yesterday. May 20, 1776. Field officer for picket, Major Angell, Adjt. From Col. Hitchcock'sregiment. May 21, 1776. Field officer for picket tomorrow night, Lt. Col. Crary, Adjt. From Col. Little's regiment. May 23, 1776. Field officer for picket to morrow night, Lt. Col. Henshaw, adjutant from Col. Hitchcock's regiment. GENERAL ORDERS. HEAD QUARTERS, May 25, 1776. (Parole, MUGFORD. ) (Countersign, LEONARD. ) A working party consisting of nine hundred men to be ordered tomorrowmorning from the different brigades, & the regiments. Genl. Heath's. { Colos. Leonard's & Bailey's } { Colos. Read's & Baldwin's } To go to Powles Hook. { Colos. Parson's & Wylly's--To go to Bayard'sGenl. Spencer's. { Hill. Colos. Huntington's to Red Hook. Arnold's { to Fort Sterling. Col. Ward's--50 men with 4 { days provisions to cut pickets. . . . The remainder { of this regiment's working party--at Fort George. Lord Stirlings. { Nixon's & Webb's } On Governor's Island { McDougall's & Ritzema's. } every day till further orders. GEN. GREENE'S ORDERS. May 25, 1776. Cap. Silas Talbut of Col. Hitchcock's regiment, Capn. Frazier ofCapn. (Col. ) Wayne's regiment, Lt. Noel Allen of Col. Varnum'sregiment & [Lt. ] Samuel Huse of Col. Little's regiment are aCommittee to inspect the provisions for the troops of this brigade. The commissaries & quartermasters are to apply to them to determine, which is merchantable and which is not. Such as they say are good thequarter masters are to receive and such as they condemn are to berefused. No non commissioned officer or soldier is to be out of camp afterretreat beating, & any that are discovered going out after that timeare to be taken up & confined in the main guard, & any that are comingin, that have been out without leave from their officers are to beconfined; any sentry that permits them to pass without examinationwill be punished for disobedience of orders. Lt. Col. Cornell having reported great negligence among the guards, for the future they will be visited by day & night, by the fieldofficer of the day. Every commissioned & non-commissioned officer thatcommands guards is to be reported, that has not his guard in goodorder. No soldier is to be absent from the guard without leave, & notmore than 2 commissioned officers nor more than one non commissionedofficer at a time. All guards except the picket are to mount at ----o'Clock in the morning. The retreat is to beat half an hour aftersunset. At guard mounting in the morning, the field officer of the dayis to attend the parade & give to each respective officer a properdetail of his guard. One man from each detached guard is to be sent to the grand parade topilot the new guard to the relief of the old ones. No person is to be admitted to any of the forts where there are cannonor ammunition except a General officer by day, without the leave ofthe officer commanding the guard, & a general officer after dark isnot to be admitted without leave first obtained of the commanding(officer). The officer commanding guards where there are cannon or ammunition, isto be very watchful & not to suffer by day or night any person toenter the forts unless they have business there, or are known tobelong to the army, or are with some officer belonging to the army. Adjt. From Col. Varnum's. GENERAL ORDERS. HEAD QUARTERS, May 26, 1776. (Parole, HANCOCK. ) (Countersign, TRUMBULL. ) . . . The working party of Col. Nixon's regiment are to be ordered everyday to Long Island, instead of Governor's Island as mentioned inyesterday's orders. . . . GEN. GREENE'S ORDERS. May 26, 1776. Field officer for picket tomorrow night, Major Collins, Adjt. FromCol. Hitchcock's regiment. May 29, 1776. A garrison court martial to sit for the trial of prisoners now in themain Guard. The commanding officer of the Ferry Guard is to permit the Ferry boatsto pass until ten O'clock with common passengers, but no soldier is topass after retreat beating, unless the Col. Or commanding officer ofthe regiment, to which he belongs, certify the necessity. The troopsare to be under arms at roll calling, morning & evening. Every soldierdetected snapping his lock without orders from his officer, is to beimmediately sent prisoner to the main guard, there to be confined twodays & nights, & allowed nothing to eat or drink but bread & water. All officers are desired to be more careful of discovering thecountersign to persons that have no right to know it. Any soldier on guard that discovers the countersign to any of hisfellow soldiers, that are not on guard, is to be immediately confined. Every one that gives the countersign, is to give it as softly aspossible so that if any person is listening, he may not hear it. The sentries are not to suffer any person to stand near them, whilethey are on their posts after retreat beating. The General wishes that every part of camp duty may be done with asmuch exactness, as if the enemy was encamped in the neighborhood, forbad habits once contracted are difficult to get over, & doing duty ina slovenly manner, is both disgraceful & dangerous to officers & men. Field officer for picket tomorrow night, Major Smith, Adjt. FromCol. Hitchcock's regiment. C. S. S. C. D. F. P. Fatigue 1 2 1 3 1 1 80Guard 1 1 0 0 20Picket 1 2 2 2 1 1 49 GENERAL ORDERS. AFTER ORDERS, May 31, 1776. Gen. Washington has written to Genl. Putnam[230] desiring him, inthe most pressing form, to give positive orders to all the Cols. Tohave colors immediately completed for their respective regiments. [Footnote 230: General Washington was absent at Philadelphia from May21st to June 6th, leaving General Putnam in command at New York. ] GEN. GREENE'S ORDERS. June 1st, 1776. A sergeant & 20 men to parade immediately to clear out Mr. Livingston's Dock filled up by the Picket pealings. No pealings to bethrown into the dock for the future. Six o'clock this evening the troops to be all under arms to man theworks. Five Cos. Of Col. Varnum's Regiment upon the right in fort Box. Theother three upon the right of fort Green. Col. Hitchcock's regt. To man fort Putnam & the redoubt upon theleft of it. 5 Cos. In the first & 3 in the Last. Five Cos. Of Col. Little's regiment in Fort Green & 3 in the oblongsquare. The independent Co. To be reserved in the rear of fort Green. June 3d, 1776. 150 men & officers wanted from Cols Varnum's Hitchcock's & Little'sregts with arms blankets & 2 days provisions cooked & 1/2 a pint ofrum a man. To be ready to march at 3 o'clock to morrow morning everyman to take his blanket & none to go but such as are decentlydressed. CAMP LONG ISLAND, June 7, 1776. Cols. Of 9, 11, & 12 regiments to have all the arms in theirregiments that need repairing sent to the armorers. The pikes to be placed in the works in the following order--100 infort Green, 30 in the works on the right of it, 20 in the oblongredoubt, 50 in fort Putnam & 20 in the works on the left of it. Everyregt. To clean the spears once a week at their alarm Post. The officers at the Ferry guard to stop all arms coming over the Ferryto the island, & report immediately to the Genl. Who has them &where they say they are going. 2 sentries to be posted at the churchto stop all arms going eastward from the city, the names and place ofabode of any person stopped with arms to be taken & reportedimmediately. June 9th 1776. Field officer for picket, Lt. Col. Henshaw. The 9, 11, 12 Regts to parade tomorrow morning at 6 o'clock on theright of the encampment, every officer & soldier not on duty or unwellto join their respective regiments. The Fatigue party not to turn out till after ye regiments areparaded. The officers of the 9th, 11th, 12th are desired to exercisetogether by regts 4 days, & the whole of the officers of the threeregiments to exercise together once a week to be exercised by the Col. Of the Regt. In turn or by some person appointed by the Col. Whoseturn it is. The Cols. Of the 9, 11, 12, Regts are desired tomake returns of the state of the arms &c, agreably to yesterdays ordertomorrow. GENERAL ORDERS. HEAD QUARTERS June 10, 1776. (Parole, BEDFORD. ) (Countersign, CUMBERLAND. ) The Brig. Gens. Are requested to make their different Brigadesperfectly acquainted with their several alarm posts & to payparticular attention to the men's arms. . . . GEN. GREENE'S ORDERS. June 12, 1776. A garrison court martial to sit to-day. . . . The Col. Or Commg: officers of the 9, 11, 12 Regts to certifyto the Deputy Commissary from day to day the necessary supplies forthe sick. The Surgeons to report every day the state and wants of thesick. Centries posted at Hospitals & armory not to demand thecountersign of passengers unless they attempt to enter those places. June 13, 1776. The Camp Cullimen (?) of the 9. 11. 12 regts. To keep the streetsclean, remove the filth, cover the vaults every day & dig new onesonce a week; they must attend the Hospitals, & give directions forhaving them kept in good clean order. Cols. Are requested to appointnurses. No soldier to purchase clothing of another without leave, manysoldiers stealing and selling clothing. June 14, 1776. The 5 Cos. Of Col. Waynes regt. On Long Island are to bemustered to-morrow afternoon. A subaltern sergeant & 20 men to bedetached from the picket guard every evening to mount guard at RedHook Barbette battery to rejoin the picket in the morning. IN CAMP LONG ISLAND, June 17, 1776. The rank of the Captains in Col. Little's regt. Being unsettled, aCourt to day is to establish their rank. The members to be from Col. Varnum's & Hitchcock's Regts. Col. Varnum's Regt. Is to take fort Box & the Oblong redoubt fortheir alarm posts, fort Box 6 cos. , oblong redoubt 2 cos. Cap. Woolverton's Independent Co. To join those in the redoubt, & toreceive orders from Col. Varnum. Col. Hitchcock's Regt. To take fort Putnam & the fort or redoubt onthe left of it for their alarm posts. Col. Little's Regt. To take fort Greene for their alarm post. In case of an attack all these posts are to be defended to the lastextremity. The lines to be manned every morning between day & sunrise & thetroops to be exercised at parapet firing. CAMP LONG ISLAND June 18, 1776. The picket to be discontinued till further orders, except guard at RedHook. 300 men with their officers to parade at 8 O'clock tomorrow morning toreceive orders from Engineer Smith. GENERAL ORDERS. HEAD QUARTERS June 19, 1776. (Parole, LONDON. ) (Countersign, MONTGOMERY. ) A working party of 900 men properly officered to parade tomorrowmorning near the artillery park. . . . Brig. Gen. Greene & Col. Prescottwill furnish 150 men each as a working party on Governor's Island. Onthe present emergency all working parties to work till 6 o'clock P. M. Those who go by water will leave work sooner if wind & tide make itnecessary. GEN. GREENE'S ORDERS. June 20, 1776. Field officer, Lt. Col. Cornell, Adjt. From Col. Little'sRegt. Col. Hitchcock's & Col. Little's regts. To furnish the fatigueparty to Governor's Island tomorrow. The remainder furnished by thoseregts. To be upon the "Abatee" between fort Putnam & the redoubt onthe left of it, & the Cap. From fort Putnam to the half moon. Lt. Col. Johnson's 5 Cos. Of the 4th battalion of PennsylvaniaRegt. (Wayne's) to furnish the fatigue party for Cobble Hill. Col. Varnum's Regt. To be employed on his alarm post. The Gen. Disapproves of the report for the establishment of the rank of the12th regt. & directs the same court to sit again day aftertomorrow to examine the rank of the Caps. & to report how the courtconceives they ought to rank, & how it may be most equitablyestablished. REGIMENTAL ORDERS. June 21, 1776. For guard Lt. Burnham, for Red Hook tomorrow night Lt. Collins. GEN. GREENE'S ORDERS. June 21, 1776. Lt. Huse is requested to oversee the well-digging in fort Greene. 110 men for Governor's Island & 40 for Red Hook. Those that are to goon the Island to be at St. George's Ferry by 8 o'clock. The othersto march to Red Hook as soon as they have had their breakfasts. June 28, 1776. Picket guard to mount from the 9, 11, 12, Regts. The 9 & 11Regts to lie in their alarm posts--the 12th to lie in the oblongredoubt. GENERAL ORDERS. HEAD QUARTERS, June 29. . . . The Commissary Gen. To lodge a fortnights provision on Governor'sIsland, Powles Hook & in all ye detached posts, Gen. Putnamfurnishing him a list of the men. All soldiers intrusted with the defence of any work will behave withcoolness & bravery, & will be careful not to throw away their fire. The Gen. Recommends them to load for their first fire with one musketball & 4 or 8 buckshot according to the size and strength of theirpieces. If the enemy are received with such a fire at not more than 20or 30 yards distance, he has no doubt of their being repulsed. Brig. Genls. To order Chevaux de Freze & Fascines to close thesally ports of their respective works. 26000 musket cartridges to besent Col. Prescott on Govr. Isld. HEAD QUARTERS, June 30. . . . Upon the signal of the enemy's approach or on any alarm allfatigue parties are to repair to their respective corps ready forinstant action. Working parties are not otherwise to be interrupted infinishing the defences. . . . GEN. GREENE'S ORDERS. IN CAMP LONG ISLAND, July 1, 1776. Cols. Or commd. Officers of 9th, 11th, 12th, Regts. Are desired to make a line round each of the forts & fortificationsfor the troops to begin a fire on the enemy if they attempt to stormthe works & the troops are to be told not to fire sooner than theenemy's arrival at these lines, unless commanded. The line should beabout 80 yards from the parapet. Comg. Officers of the guards at Forts Green & Putnam to send apatrolling party to patrol about the 1/4 of a mile to prevent asurprise by a partisan party. The general thanks both officers & soldiers who turned out voluntarilyto work upon the Little Cobble hill; such public spirit is laudable &shall not go unrewarded, if the genl. Ever has it in his power tomake a more suitable acknowledgement. No officer below the rank of a field officer to lodge out of camp fromtheir Cos. On any pretence, sickness excepted. The Generalrecommends the strictest discipline & daily attention to arms &ammunition. Brigade being sickly the Gen. Recommends the strictestattention to the cookery & that broiling & frying meat so destructiveto health be prohibited. A picket of one hundred to go to Red Hook to night by order of aprivate message from his Excellency. TUESDAY July 2d, 1776. A picket of 50 men in fort Putnam, 25 in fort Box, a sergt. & 12 menat the milldam from the 9th, 11th, 12th Regts. A picket of 20 men atfort Sterling & 25 at Smith's redoubt on Cobble Hill. Upon an alarmCol. Ward's regt. Of Jersey militia to form in the rear of Fort Green, the sentries to be placed at the front of the redoubts. Major ofBrigade to see to them. Patrols to be kept up from fort Putnam everyhour. July 4, 1776. Officers of the guards at ye different posts to be accountable foreverything in the forts but particularly for the rum lodged there forthe people in time of action. Any one destroying the tools or takingthe liquor without leave will be punished. Every Regt. To furnish pickets for their alarm posts & to becredited therefor in the detail for duty. The 9th, 11th, 12th, Regts. & the N. J. Battalions under Col. Cadmus & Col. Wardto furnish a fatigue party of 250 men tomorrow morning. Garrison Courtmartial to sit tomorrow, Col. Little president. Caps. Earnestlyrequested to examine the arms and ammunition of their Cos. & havethem ready for action at all times. CAMP AT BROOKLIN, July 6, 1776. The Ferry guard upon a night alarm are to repair to fort Sterling. Theground to be levelled from which Col. Hitchcock's Regt. Moved. 233men for picket from Col. Varnum's, Hitchcock's & Little's Regts. 66men from the same for guard. July 8, 1776. Col. Varnum's Regt. To remove their encampment to Red Hook, & dothe duty of that post. Col. Forman's N. J. Regt. To camp on theground lately occupied by Col. Hitchcock's regt. July 8, 1776. Col. Forman's Regt. To occupy Col. Varnum's old alarm posts, namely, Fort Box and the Oblong redoubt. Brigade Major to lead thetroops to the alarm Post at 7 A. M. The guard for the several works tobe continued the same as before from the 11th & 12th of the oldestablishment & the Jersey new levies, that the new levies may havethe benefit of the knowledge of the standing troops. GENERAL ORDERS. HEAD QUARTERS, July 9, 1776. . . . The Continental Congress impelled by the dictates of duty, policyand necessity have been pleased to dissolve the connection whichsubsisted between this country & Gt. Britain, & to declare thecolonies of North America, Free & Independent States--the severalBrigades are to be drawn up this evening on their respective paradesat 6 o'clock when the declaration of Congress, showing the grounds andreasons of the measure is to be read with an audible voice. The Gen. Hopes that this important _Point_ will serve as a fresh incitement toevery officer & soldier to act with courage & fidelity, as knowingthat now the Peace & safety of this country depend (under God) solelyon the success of our arms, & that he is now in the service of a statepossessed of sufficient power to reward his merit & advance him to thehighest honor of a free country. The Brigade Majors are to receive copies of the declaration to bedelivered to the Brigrs. & Cols. GEN. GREENE'S ORDERS. July 9, 1776. Adjt. For the day to carry the Parole & countersign to the guardsat Red Hook, Smith's Barbette, Fort Box, Fort Green & forts Putnam &Sterling, & the ferry guard. A fatigue tomorrow of 100 men for Smith's Barbette. July 10, 1776. Deputy Commissary, Mr. Brown, to issue provisions 3 times a week, Tu. Th. & Saturdays. Putrid fevers prevailing among the troops, the troops are forbid goinginto the water only in the mornings and evenings, being dangerous inthe heat of the day. A fatigue party of 150 to be furnished from the 11th & 12th &Col. Forman's Regt. For Smith's Barbette to be continued till it iscompleted. July 11, 1776. Fatigue parties to be turned out to be at work on the Hill by five inthe morning. CAMP LONG ISLAND, July 16, 1776. Prisoners sent to the main Guard by the Field officer of the day withor without arms, unless sooner released by him or the Gen. Are only tobe kept till the mounting of the new guard, unless a crime bedelivered to the Cap. Of the guard in writing against (the prisoners)by the person that committed them, with his name to it. Lt. Col. Cornell & Cap. Warner are appointed to oversee the worksat Smith's Barbette & complete them. They are to be excused from allother duty. Fatigue parties for the future are to work as long as theCols. Think advisable every cool day. The general wishes the troopsto be as industrious as possible, lest the enemy attack (the works)before they are done. A subaltern's Guard to mount at Rapalyea's mill upon the point everynight, to continue till sunrise. GENERAL ORDERS. HEAD QUARTERS, July 18 1776. 2 guns from fort Cobble Hill on Long Island to be a signal that theenemy have landed on that Island. GEN. GREENE'S ORDERS. July 18, 1776. Field officer of the day tomorrow, Lt. Col. Henderson, Adjt. From Col. Little's. . . . Patrolling parties to be sent out every hour to advance as silently aspossible & to stop & listen every few rods, to discover spies lurkingaround the works. CAMP ON LONG ISLAND, July 19 1776. The works on Cobble Hill being greatly retarded for want of men to layturf, few being acquainted with that service, all those in Col. Hitchcock's & Col. Little's Regts. That understand that business, are desired to voluntarily turn out every day, & they shall be excusedfrom all other duty, & allowed 1/2 a pint of rum a day. Half the fatigue party to work tomorrow at fort Sterling in wideningthe ditch. Lt. Col. Cornell will detach the party & give thenecessary instructions. Cap. Newell of the Train to mount an artilleryguard on Smith's Barbette, on Cobble Hill, of a Sergeant & 6 men. F. Officer of the day tomorrow Major Parker, Adjt. From Col. Forman's Regt. (New Jersey). July 22, 1776. F. Offr. Tomorrow, Col. Forman, Adjt. From his regt. The Cols. Or Cg. Offrs. Of the 1st, 9th, 11th, 12th Regiments are requested to send in a return of vacancies, witha list of names to fill them, by tomorrow at 9 A. M. The 11th, 12th & Col. Forman's Regts. Are to parade on the regimentalparade tomorrow A. M. Instead of going to their alarm posts. Comg. Off. Of each regt. Will receive orders on the spot when & where tomarch. The duties being exceedingly heavy on the men, the Genl. Thinksproper to lessen the fatigue party 1/2 & reduce the guard in fortsGreen & Putnam 1/3, & a Serjt. & 12 men to mount in fort Box, instead of the present guard. July 24, 1776. A fatigue party of 40 men & 1 sub. To cut fascines to parade this P. M. 4 days provisions to be provided. Passengers going into the city notto be stopped at the ferry unless there is reason to suspect them. Noone to come out without a proper pass. Fatigue for home duty to belessened as much as the number detached. IN CAMP LONG ISLAND, July 28, 1776. The success of the campaign must depend on the health of the troops;nothing should be neglected that contributes to it. Good Policy aswell as humanity claims the attention of every officer to this object;our honor as well as our success depends on it. The good officer discharges his duty not only in one but in everyrespect. It is a mistaken notion that the minutiæ of military mattersis only an employment for little minds. Such an officer betrays a wantof understanding and showeth a person ignorant of the necessarydependence and connection of one thing upon another. What signifiesknowledge without power to execute? He who studies the Branches ofmilitary knowledge relating to Dispositions, & neglects to preservethe health of his troops will find himself in that disagreeablesituation. The general is pained to discover inattention to the digging andfilling vaults for the regts. & to the burial of filth and putridmatter. The general directs camp Columen(?) of the several regts. To dig new vaults, and fill up old ones every 3 days, & that freshdirt be thrown in every day to the vaults, & that all filth in andabout the camp be daily buried. The sickly season coming on, & Putridfevers prevailing, the Gen. Recommends a free use of vegetables &desires the men may keep themselves & clothes clean, & cook theirprovisions properly; & little injury is to be dreaded. A neglect ofthese matters at this critical season may be attended with dreadfulconsequences. Complaints are made of the troops stealing water mellons. Suchpractices must be punished. A few unprincipled rascals may ruin thereputation of a whole corps of virtuous men. The General desires thevirtuous to complain of every offender that may be detected ininvading people's property in an unlawful manner, whatever his stationor from whatever part of the country he may come. Aug. 1, 1776. All the straw bunks & ---- in ye different regts. Occupied bythe well to be collected for the sick of Col. Forman's regt. Asergeant & 8 men to be employed cutting wood for a coal pit for thearmorers shop--apply to master armorers for orders. IN CAMP LONG ISLAND, Aug. 4, 1776. 4 Cos. Of Col. Gay's regt. To take fort Sterling for their alarmpost & 4--Cobble Hill. The countersign having spread too generally in the camp, & amongstmany that don't belong to the army, the Genl. Orders every personto be punished who is base enough to discover it to those who have noright to it. No person allowed to pass after 10 o'clock with or without thecountersign within the limits of the camp or circle of the sentries, except Genl. & Field Officers, Brigade Majors & expresses. Thisorder extends to inhabitants as well as the army. A fatigue party from Col. Little's, Col. Forman's & Col. Gay'sregts. Of 200 men, properly officered, to work at Fort Sterlingtomorrow. Col. Gay or the comg. Officer of his regt. Is directedto lead his troops into their alarm posts at 5 o'clock this afternoon. Officers are directed to acquaint themselves with the ground for milesabout their camps. MORNING ORDERS, Aug. 6, 1776. Commanding Officers of fortifications are requested to pay particularattention to ye provisions lodged at each alarm post for thesupport of the troops in case of seige, and also that ye watercasks & cisterns are filled & when the water is bad to have it pumpedout & fresh water put in. Aug. 6, 1776. By a deserter from Sir Peter Parker's fleet we learn that theHessians, from England, & Clinton's troops from S. Carolina arearrived & that the enemy meditate an attack on this Island & the cityof New York. The Genl. Wishes to have the troops provided withevery thing necessary to give them a proper reception. Caps. Aredirected to examine the arms of their cos. Immediately. Aug. 8, 1776. A sub. & 20 men to parade immediately to march to Jamaica. Let the menbe decently dressed, & the officers keep them from offering insolenceor abuse to any person. They are to escort & assist Lt. Skinner &wait there for his directions. Aug. 9, 1776. A report from Col. Hand mentions a large number of regulars drawn upat Staten Island Ferry, & boats to embark in. No officer or soldier tostir from his quarters that we may be ready to march at a moment'swarning if necessary. Aug. 16, 1776. Col. Smith (L. I. Militia) to appt an Adjt. , Q. M. & Serjt Maj. & Q. Mr. Serjt to his regt. , & to have the troops in hisregt not on duty exercised daily in learning the necessarymanoeuvres and evolutions. Genls. Nixon and Heard are to furnish a fatigue party from theirbrigades and to form the necessary lines from fort Box to fort Putnam. The gin shops and houses selling liquor, strictly forbidden to sell tosoldiers, excepting near the two ferries. The inhabitants of houses near the lines are immediately to move outof them, and they are to be appropriated to the use of the troops. TheGeneral is determined to have any soldiers punished that may be founddisguised with liquor, as no soldier in such a situation can be fitfor defense or attack. The General orders that no sutler in the army shall sell to anysoldier more than 1 gill of spirits per day. If the above orders arenot adhered to, there shall no more be retailed out at all. The Colonels of regts. Lately come in are immediately to makereturns to the Genl. Of their number of men & where they arequartered. Col. Hitchcock's and Smith's Regts are to do duty inGenl. Nixon's brigade--Cols. Van Brunt's and Gay's Regts. Todo duty in Genl. Heard's brigade. Capts in the brigades are tobe particularly careful that the Rolls are called 3 times a day & thatthe troops do not stray from quarters. GENERAL ORDERS. HEAD QUARTERS, Aug. 20, 1776. . . . General Sullivan is to take command on Long Island till Gen. Greene's state of health will permit him to resume it. Brig. LdSterling is to take charge of Genl Sullivan's division. [No. 2. ] MAJOR GENERAL SULLIVAN'S ORDERS CAMP ON LONG ISLAND [_Colonel Little's Order Book_] [LONG ISLAND, ] August 20, 1776. Field Offr of the Day tomorrow, Col. Phipps, (?) Adjt from Col. Little's regt. August 21st, 1776. Five hundred men to be on fatigue to-morrow to be on the works by 8o'clock, to leave at 12, & begin at 2 o'clock, & work till half past6. Nothing can be more disagreeable to the Genl. Than to call uponthe men to be so constantly on fatigue, but their own salvation, andthe safety of the country requires it. He hopes that in 2 or 3 daysmore the encampment will be so secure that he can release the men fromfatigue and give them an opportunity to rest from their labors. Adjt. Of the day to attend at the Genls. Quarters every morningat 8, and an orderly from each brigade daily. Four men are to bedrafted to row the Genls boat and do no other duty. The Brigademajors, upon receiving orders from Head Quarters are to call at Gen. Sullivan's quarters for his orders, or send adjts to take them off. Col. Johnson's and Newcomb's regts are to consider the woods on thewest side of the creek as their alarm post, and repair there in caseof an alarm. Gen. Nixon will show the ground this evening at 6 o'clockto the commg officers of the Regts. Aug. 23, 1776. The men not to turn out to their alarm posts this afternoon, (but) toget 2 days' provisions ready, & to be at their alarm posts to-morrowmorning by 3 o'clock in order for action. Cols. Miles & Ransom's (Remsen's of L. I. ) regts. To takepossession of the Bedford road this night--Col. Ransom's regt. Tomarch at 5 o'clock. Col. Miles' regt. Is on the spot. Cols. Little's & Hitchcock's Regts to possess the Flatbush road &Cols. Johnson's & Martin's to take possession of the road near theriver. All these regts. To be at their posts by 6 o'clock. Upontheir arrival the troops now there are to retire to their encampments& get 2 days provisions dressed, & be ready for action. The Gen. Willnever make a 3rd. Requisition to the majors of brigade, to attend fororders. LONG ISLAND Aug. 24 1776. A return to be made to the Gen. This afternoon at 5 o'clock of allye Light Horse & companies of troop within the lines. The adjt. Of Col. Little's regiment is to attend at Genls. Quarters at 7o'clock A. M. To-morrow. The Genl. Returns his thanks to the brave officers & soldiers whowith so much spirit & intrepidity repulsed the enemy & defeated theirdesigns of taking possession of the woods near our lines. He is nowconvinced that the troops he has the honor to command, will not, inpoint of bravery, yield to any troops in the universe. Thecheerfulness with which they do their duty, & the patience with whichthey undergo fatigue evince exalted sentiments of freedom, & love ofcountry gives him most satisfactory evidence that when called uponthey will prove themselves worthy of that freedom for which they arenow contending. Col. Ramsons (Remsen's) Regt. To mount no guard except quarterguard of 12, but be considered a fatigue party, to which they are toattend from day to day. The Genl. Is sorry to find that Regt. Flying from their posts, when timid women would have blushed to havebetrayed any signs of fear at any thing this regt. Discovered atthe time of their flight. Officers are requested to see that their men always keep at least 2days provisions, ready dressed by them. The Commissary is to deal outone gill of rum per man each day on this Island until further orders. Soldiers are not to be out of their encampment but upon urgentbusiness. Gen. Nixon to take command of the lines next the enemy untilfurther orders, to post his men in the edge of the woods next theenemy. Brigde Majors to attend punctually at the Genl's. Quarters at 10 A. M. LONG ISLAND Aug. 25 1776. The following arrangement to take place on Long Island until furtherorders--Viz: Col. Mile's 2 battalions, Col. Atlee's, Col. Lutzs, MajorHayes, Col. Lashers and Drake's to be formed into one brigade underthe command of Gen. Ld. Stirling. Col. Hand's, Prescott's, (Late)Nixon's, Varnum's, Hitchcock's, Little's, Smith's, & Ramson's to beunder Gen. Nixon. Wylly's, Huntington's, Taylor's, (Tyler's)Silliman's, Chester's, & Gay's under Gen. Parsons; Johnson's, Courtlandt's, Martins, Newcombs & Freeman's (Forman's), under thecommand of Brig. Gen Hurd. The General orders that the Brigrs. Attend at Head Quarters at 8A. M. To-morrow for directions. Brigde Major Box is appointed to actas Adjt. Genl. For this department until further orders. A Brigr. Genl. Of the Day to attend the Grand Parade at Guardmounting at 10 A. M. , every day afterwards at 8, whose duty it shall beto see that the guards are regularly made up, & properly posted & dulyrelieved. No firing at the outposts _to be allowed_ on any pretense, except by permission of the Comg Gen. Of the day, & none within thelines except by permission. This order not to extend to sentries onguard. Brigr. For the day Gen. Ld. Stirling. The Gen. Is surprised to find the soldiers strolling about, notwithstanding repeated orders, miles distant from the lines, at atime when the enemy are hourly expected to make an attack. Theofficers are enjoined to cause the arrest of any soldier who shall befound strolling without the lines unless they can show a writtenpermit from their Cap. Or Comg. Officer of the regt. Or company. All the officers and soldiers are to keep within their quarters, unless ordered on duty. All troops in this department are desired to wear a green bough orbranch of a tree in their hats, till further orders. Col. Ward's Regt. To be added to Gen. Parson's brigade. All the troopsnot[231]---- [Footnote 231: The order breaks off at this point in Colonel Little'sbook, but it is fortunately preserved entire in an orderly book keptby Captain John Douglass, of Philadelphia. (Hist. Mag. , vol. Ii. , p. 354. ) The following order from General Lord Stirling also appears inCaptain Douglass's book: [LONG ISLAND] August 25th 1776. "The Adjutants of each Corps of this Brigade are to attend BrigadeMajor Livingston at Gen. Sullivan's Quarters every morning at 9o'clock to receive the orders of the day. The Weekly Returns are to bebrought in this day. Such regiments as have tents are to encamp withinthe lines as soon as possible. "] All other troops not mentioned and those which may be sent herewithout a General Officer to command them are to be considered as apart of Lord Stirling's Brigade till further orders. A return of the several Brigades to be made immediately. Eight hundred(men) properly officered to relieve the troops on Bedford Roadto-morrow morning, six field officers to attend with this party. Thesame number to relieve those on Bush (Flatbush) Road, and an equalnumber those stationed towards the Narrows. A picket of three hundredmen under the command of a Field Officer, six Captains, twelveSubalterns to be posted at the wood on the west side of the Creekevery night till further orders. It is a very scandalous practice unbecoming soldiers whose duty it isto defend the liberty and property of the Inhabitants of the countryto make free with and rob them of that property; it is thereforeordered that no person belonging to this army do presume on anypretense whatever to take or make use of any Corn, Poultry orProvision, or anything else without the consent of the owners norwithout paying the common price for them; any breach of this orderwill be severely punished. The Commanding Officer of each Regiment andCompany is to see this order communicated to their respective corpsand to see it carried into execution. . . . Brigadier Lord Stirling to command the front of our lines nextHudson's River and to command the reserve within the lines, and wheneither of the other Brigade Generals have the command of the AdvanceLines Lord Stirling is to have command of his post in his absence. Each Brigadier General to assign the Alarm Posts to the severalRegiments under their command. [No. 3. ] GENERAL ORDERS HEAD-QUARTERS LONG ISLAND Aug. 29, 1776. Parole, SULLIVAN, }Countersign, GREEN. } As the sick are an encumbrance to the Army, & Troops are expected thisafternoon from the flying camp in Jersey, under Genl Mercer, who ishimself arrived & room & cover is wanted for the troops, thecommanding Officers of Regt's are immediately to have such sickremoved. They are to take their Arms & Accoutrements & be conducted byan Officer to the Genl Hospital, as a rendezvous & then to crossto-gether under the directions of the Person appointed there, takinggeneral Directions from Dr Morgan. As the above Forces under GenlMercer are expected this afternoon, the General proposes to relieve aproportionate Number of Regiments & make a change in the situation ofthem. The Commanding Officers of Regiments are therefore to parade their menwith their Arms, Accoutrements, and Knapsacks, at 7 oClock, at theHead of their Encampments & there wait for Orders. [232] [From MS. Order Book of Col. Wm. Douglas. ] [Footnote 232: The series of Washington's general orders in Force'sArchives does not contain this order of August 29th, which throwslight on the preparations made for the retreat. It is found, abridged, in both Col. Little's and Capt. Douglass's order books; in Col. Douglas's book it appears in the above form. Original in thepossession of Benjamin Douglas, Esq. , Middletown, Conn. ] HEAD-QUARTERS, NEW YORK, August 31, 1776. (Parole, HARLEM. ) (Countersign, FLUSHING. ) . . . Both officers and soldiers are informed that the retreat from_Long-Island_ was made by the unanimous advice of all the GeneralOfficers, not from any doubts of the spirit of the troops, but becausethey found the troops very much fatigued with hard duty, and dividedinto many detachments, while the enemy had their main body on theIsland, and capable of receiving assistance from the shipping. Inthese circumstances it was thought unsafe to transport the whole of anArmy on an Island, or to engage them with a part, and thereforeunequal numbers; whereas now our whole Army is collected together, without water intervening, while the enemy can receive littleassistance from their ships. Their Army is, and must be, divided intomany bodies, and fatigued with keeping up a communication with theirships; whereas ours is connected and can act together. They musteffect a landing under so many disadvantages, that if officers andsoldiers are vigilant, and alert to prevent surprise, and add spiritwhen they approach, there is no doubt of our success. . . . [Force, 5th Series, Vol. I. , p. 1248. ] [No. 4. ] GEN. WASHINGTON TO THE MASSACHUSETTS ASSEMBLY HEAD-QUARTERS, Colonel Roger Morris's House, ten miles from } New York, September 19, 1776. } GENTLEMEN: I was honoured the night before last with your favor of the13th instant, and at the same time that I conceive your anxiety tohave been great, by reason of the vague and uncertain accounts youreceived respecting the attack on _Long Island_, give me leave toassure you that the situation of our affairs, and the importantconcerns which have surrounded me, and which are daily pressing on me, have prevented me from transmitting, in many instances, theintelligence I otherwise should have conveyed. In respect to the attack and retreat from _Long Island_, the publickpapers will furnish you with accounts nearly true. I shall only add, that in the former we lost about eight hundred men; more thanthree-fourths of which were taken prisoners. This misfortune happenedin great measure, by two detachments of our people who were posted intwo roads leading through a wood, in order to intercept the enemy intheir march, suffering a surprise, and making a precipitate retreat, which enabled the enemy to lead a great part of their force againstthe troops commanded by Lord _Stirling_, which formed a thirddetachment, who behaved with great bravery and resolution, chargingthe enemy and maintaining their posts from about seven or eighto'clock in the morning till two in the afternoon, when they wereobliged to attempt a retreat, being surrounded and overpowered bynumbers on all sides, and in which many of them were taken. Onebattalion (_Smallwood's_ of _Maryland_) lost two hundred andfifty-nine men, and the general damage fell upon the regiments from_Pennsylvania_, _Delaware_ and _Maryland_, and Colonel _Huntington's_, of _Connecticut_. As to the retreat from the Island, it was effected without loss ofmen, and with but very little baggage. A few heavy cannon were left, not being moveable on account of the ground's being soft and mirythrough the rains that had fallen. The enemy's loss in killed we could never ascertain; but have manyreasons to believe that it was pretty considerable, and exceeded oursa good deal. The retreat from thence was absolutely necessary, theenemy having landed the main body of their army there to attack us infront, while their ships of war were to cut off the communication withthe city, from whence resources of men, provisions, &c. , were to bedrawn. . . . I have the honour to be, &c. , GO. WASHINGTON. To the Hon. _Jeremiah Powell_, Esq. , President, &c. [Force, 5th Series, Vol. II. , p. 399. ] [No. 5. ] BRIG. GEN. PARSONS TO JOHN ADAMS PHILADELPHIA LONG ISLAND 29 Aug 1776. . . . Before this reaches you the account of the battle of Tuesday lastwill arrive--'tis impossible to be particular in a narrative of thematter as many are yet missing, who we hope may come in. In the nightof the 26th nine Regiments of the English troops perhaps about 2500with Field artillery &c passed the Western road near the Narrows fromthe flat land, for our lines. We had a guard of 400 or 500 men postedin the wood, who about three o'clock Tuesday morning gave notice ofthe enemy's approach, a body of about 1500. We immediately marcheddown to oppose the progress of the enemy. We took possession of a hillabout two miles from camp and detached Col Atlee with a Reg't ofDelaware [Penn. ] to meet them further on the road; in about 60 rods hedrew up & received the enemy's fire & gave them a well directed firefrom his Reg't, which did great execution & then retreated to thehill; from thence I was ordered with Col Atlee & part of his Reg't &Lt Col Clark with Col Huntington's Reg't to cover the left flank ofour main body. This we executed though our number did at no time exceed 300 men & wewere attacked three several times by two Regiments ye 44th &23d and repulsed them in every attack with considerable loss. Thenumber of dead we had collected together & the heap the enemy had madewe supposed amounted to about 60. We had 12 or 14 wounded prisonerswho we caused to be dress'd & their wounds put in the best state oursituation would admit. About 10 o'clock we found a large body of theenemy had advanced on the other roads near our lines, but a constantfire was kept up on the enemy till about 12, when we found them fastadvancing on our rear to cut off our retreat. Our little main bodyadvanced boldly up to the enemy in the rear & broke through theirlines and secured the retreat of most of the party; but it fared stillharder with my little party who had three times repulsed the enemy infront and once in the rear; we had no notice of the retreat of themain body till it was too late for us to join them, the enemy havingcut off our retreat on three sides & the main body having brokethrough the enemy's lines on the other side and left them between us. We had no alternative left but force through one line into a thickwood, which we attempted & effected with part of our men, the otherpart with Col. Clark being before sent into the wood. When we had madeour way into the wood, I was accidentally parted from Col. Atlee &most of the men whom I have never seen since. I came in with 7 menyesterday morning much fatigued. Our loss is impossible to beascertained. In my party a Lt. Col. Parry was killed and one wounded. Our loss in killed & wounded is inconsiderable, but many are missingamong whom are General Sullivan & Lord Sterling. Colonels Miles, Atlee, Johnson, Lt. Col. Clark Maj. Wells & several other officers ofdistinction are yet missing. I think the trial of that day far frombeing any discouragement, but in general our soldiers behaved withfirmness. I am sir, with esteem & Regard Yr. Humble Svt. SAM'L H. PARSONS. MORRISANIA Oct. 8, 1776. DEAR SIR Your's of the 2d inst I rec'd last night, for which I am obliged toyou. If any information I can give will contribute to yoursatisfaction or my country's good I am happy in furnishing what fallsin my observation. I agree fully with you that you were in the darkas to some facts relative to the transactions on Long Island & amfully satisfied you still remain so, or you could not suppose thesurprise there was in the day time. To give you a clear idea of thematter, I must trouble you with a description of that part of thecountry where the enemy landed, and encamped, and the interveninglands between that and our lines. From the point of land which formsthe east side of the Narrows, runs a ridge of hills about N. E. Inlength about 5 or 6 miles, covered with a thick wood which terminatein a small rising land near Jamaica; through these hills are threepasses only, one near the Narrows, one on the road called the FlatbushRoad & one called the Bedford Road, being a cross road from Bedford toFlatbush which lies on the southerly side of these hills; these passesare through the mountains or hills easily defensible being very narrowand the lands high & mountainous on each side. These are the onlyroads which can be passed from the south side the hill to our lines, except a road leading around the easterly end of the hills to Jamaica. On each of these roads were placed a guard of 800 men, and east ofthem in the wood was placed Col Miles with his Battalion to watch themotion of the enemy on that part, with orders to keep a partyconstantly reconnoitering to and across the Jamaica road. Thesentinels were so placed as to keep a constant communication betweenthe three guards on the three roads. South of these hills lies a largeplain extending from the North River easterly to Rockaway Bay perhaps5 miles & southerly to the sound bounded on the south by the sound andon the north by the hills. Those hills were from two to three milesand a half from our lines. The enemy landed on this plain & extendedtheir camp from the River to Flatbush perhaps 3 or 4 miles. On the dayof the surprise I was on duty, and at the first dawn of day the guardsfrom the West road near the Narrows, came to my quarters & informed methe enemy were advancing in great numbers by that road. I soon foundit true & that the whole guard had fled without firing a gun; these(by way of retaliation I must tell you) were all New Yorkers &Pennsylvanians; I found by fair daylight the enemy were through thewood & descending the hill on the North side, on which with 20 of myfugitive guard being all I could collect, I took post on a height intheir front at about half a mile's distance--which halted their column& gave time for Lord Sterling with his forces to come up; thus muchfor the West road--On the East next Jamaica Col. Miles suffered theenemy to march not less than 6 miles till they came near two miles inrear of the guards before he discovered & gave notice of theirapproach. This also was in the night & the guard kept byPennsylvanians altogether--the New England & New Jersey troops beingin the other two roads through which the enemy did not attempt topass. We were surprised--our principal barrier lost by that surprise, but asfar as the cover of the night is an excuse we have it. --The landing ofthe troops could not be prevented at the distance of 6 or 7 miles fromour lines; on a plain under the cannon of the ships, just in with theshore. Our unequal numbers would not admit attacking them on the plainwhen landed. When our principal barrier was lost, our numbers so much inferior tothe enemy, they not disposed to storm our lines, but set down to makeregular approaches to us--were part of the reasons which induced aretreat from thence and a consequent abandoning New York--. Oursentinels & guards in my opinion were well posted, they might havebeen better, too great security I thought prevailed with some leadingofficers, but I still am of opinion, if our guards on the West road &Col. Miles on East End of the hills had done their duty, the enemywould not have passed those important heights, without such very greatloss as would have obliged them to abandon any further enterprise onthe Island. . . . I am sir Your Most Humble Sv't SAM'L H. PARSONS. [Originals in possession of Hon. Charles Francis Adams. ] [No. 6. ] BRIG. GEN. SCOTT TO JOHN JAY WHITE PLAINS, N. Y. NEW YORK Sept. 6, 1776. DEAR SIR: I received your letter about half an hour ago by the messengers of thehonorable convention, in which you inform me that they are anxious tobe informed of any transactions at this place that may be of use tothe State, or otherwise of importance. My duty would have directed meto execute this task before the receipt of your letter, had I beenpossessed of the means of conveyance. I shall do it now as far as thewant of good pen and ink, as scarce as almost every other necessaryarticle, will permit. I shall begin with our retreat from Long Island. For previous to thatevent the convention was so near the scene of action that they musthave been acquainted with every occurrence. I was summoned to aCouncil of War at Mr. Philip Livingston's house on Thursday 29thult. Never having had reason to expect a proposition for a retreattill it was mentioned. Upon my arrival at the lines on the Tuesdaymorning before, and just after the enemy, by beating General Sullivanand Lord Stirling, had gained the heights _which in their natureappear to have been more defensible than the lines were_, it wasobvious to me we could not maintain them for any long time should theenemy approach us regularly. _They were unfinished in several placeswhen I arrived there_, and we were obliged hastily to finish them, andyou may imagine with very little perfection, particularly across themain road, the most likely for the approach of the enemy's heavyartillery. _In this place three of my battalions_ were placed, thetraverse of the line in ground so low, that the rising groundimmediately without it, would have put it in the power of a man at 40yards' distance to _fire under my horse's belly_ whenever he pleased. You may judge of our situation, subject to almost incessant rains, without baggage or tents and almost without victuals or drink, and insome part of the lines the men were standing up to their middles inwater. The enemy were evidently incircling us from water to water withintent to hem us in upon a small neck of land. In this situation theyhad as perfect a command of the island, except the small neck on whichwe were posted, as they now have. Thus things stood when the retreatwas proposed. As it was suddenly proposed, _I as suddenly objected toit_, from an aversion to giving the enemy a single inch of ground; but_was soon convinced by the unanswerable reasons for it_. They werethese. Invested by an enemy of above double our number from water towater, scant in almost every necessary of life and without coveringand liable every moment to have the communication between us and thecity cut off by the entrance of the frigates into the East Riverbetween (late) Governor's Island and Long Island; which GeneralMcDougall assured us from his own nautic experience was very feasible. In such a situation we should have been reduced to the alternative ofdesperately attempting to cut our way [through] a vastly superiorenemy with the certain loss of a valuable stock of artillery andartillery stores, which the continent has been collecting with greatpains; or by famine and fatigue have been made an easy prey to theenemy. In either case the campaign would have ended in the total ruinof our army. The resolution therefore to retreat was unanimous, andtho' formed late in the day was executed the following night withunexpected success. We however lost some of our heavy cannon on theforts at a distance from the water, the softness of the groundoccasioned by the rains having rendered it impossible to remove themin so short a time. Almost everything else valuable was saved; and nota dozen men lost in the retreat. The consequence of our retreat wasthe loss of [late] Govrs Island which is perfectly commanded by thefort on Red Hook. The enemy however from fear or other reasonsindulged with the opportunity of two nights to carry off all exceptsome heavy cannon. The garrison was drawn off in the afternoon afterour retreat under the fire of the shipping who are now drawn up justbehind [late] Govrs Island, and the fire of some cannon from LongIsland shore; but with no other loss than that of one man's arm. Whatour loss on Long Island was I am not able to estimate. I think thehills might have been well maintained with 5000 men. _I fear theirnatural strength was our bane by lulling us into a state of security_and enabling the enemy to steal _a march upon us_. I think from thebest accounts we must have killed many of the enemy. We are sure thatlate Colonel and afterwards General Grant who was so bitter against usin Parliament, is among the slain. General Parsons late Col. Andpromoted to the rank of a general officer escaped from the action andpursuit as by a miracle. I believe him to be a brave man. He is aConnecticut lawyer. He told me that in the action he commanded a partyof about 250 men, with orders from Lord Stirling to cover his flank;and that when the enemy gave way, he threw into a heap about thirty ofthe enemy's dead, and that in advancing a little further he found aheap made by the enemy at least as large as that which he hadcollected. Lord Stirling had ordered him to maintain his ground tillreceipt of his orders to retreat. However, finding that no suchorders came; and finding the enemy by rallying to increase on hishands, he flew to the place where Lord Stirling was posted, leavinghis party on the ground with strict orders to maintain it till hisreturn, but he found his Lordship and his whole body of troops gone. There can be no doubt but Lord Stirling behaved bravely; but I wishthat he had retreated sooner. He would have saved himself and a greatnumber of troops from captivity, but he refused to retreat for want oforders. We miss him much, he was a very active officer. GeneralSullivan who was also made a prisoner in the action on the heightswent some days ago on parole to Congress to endeavor to procure hisexchange for Prescot. I have not heard of his return. Two or threedays ago the Rose frigate went up between the islands and tookshelter, after a severe cannonade from us, behind Blackwell's Island. She retreated yesterday as far as Corlear's Hook, where she wasbriskly cannonaded till night. I have not heard of her this morning. By the loss on Long Island and the running away of our militia, _especially those of Connecticut_, to their respective homes, our armyis much diminished, and I am sure is vastly inferior to that of theenemy. . . . Poor General Woodhull with a lieutenant and four men were madeprisoners on Long Island. I had a letter from him dated the firstinst. But not dated from any place, nor does he tell me how he wastaken. He has lost all his baggage and requested of me two shirts andtwo pairs of stockings, which I should have sent him had not the flagof truce been gone before I recd the letter. I shall comply withhis request by the first opportunity. Commend me with all possibledevotion to the honorable Convention. I am, Sir, Your most obedient servant JNO. MORIN SCOTT. P. S. _The army badly paid & wretchedly fed. _ 1100 men arrived from thesouthward. A deserter tells me be (?) 3000 foreign troops on Statenisland. I know not what the flying camp is doing. He says the enemy onLong Island are 26, 000. I believe this much exaggerated; and 1000 inthe shipping. [Original in possession of Hon. John Jay, New York. ] [No. 7. ] COL. JOSEPH TRUMBULL TO HIS BROTHER LEBANON, CONN. NEW YORK 27th August 1776. DEAR BROTHER Since my last the enemy have landed their main force on Long Islandnear New Utrecht Church--between that & Flat Bush, our people andtheirs have frequent skirmishes in all which our people have had thebetter of them. We have lost several men, killed and wounded--. Col. Martin of New Jersey badly wounded in the breast, but I hope notmortally. We just have received an account of a smart skirmish thismorning at break of day--the particulars I don't yet know, if I canget them before the gentlemen go who bring this I will write you them. Col. Huntington is unwell, but I hope getting a little better. He hasa slow fever. Maj. Dyer is also unwell with a slow fever. Gen'l Greenehas been very sick but is better. Genls. Putnam, Sullivan, LordSterling, Nixon, Parsons & Heard are on Long Island and a strong partof our army. We have a fine ridge of hills and woods to meet them inon Long Island before they come near our lines. I am dear Brother your Affectionate JOS. TRUMBULL. JONA TRUMBULL JUNR Esq. P. S. It was true the enemy attacked in the morning--Several parties ofthem penetrated thro' the woods & the whole body are now thro' &within 2 miles of our lines. Some parties of them have been up to thelines but are drove back, or upon the Heights about 2 miles off fromthe lines. There has been some very brisk firing & smart engagements;what numbers are killed or wounded on either side--the firing ceasesat present but expect it renewed again by & by. We have lost a Mr. Rutgers of this town, an artillery man & Lt. Col. Parry ofPennsylvania. These are all we know yet. Your's as before. [Original in possession of Henry E. Parsons, Ashtabula, O. ] [No. 8. ] COL. TRUMBULL TO HIS FATHER LEBANON, CONN. NEW YORK, Sept. 1st, 1776. HONORED SIR, . . . We have been obliged to retreat from Long Island and Governor'sIsland, from both of which we got off without loss of men. We haveleft a great part of our heavy artillery behind. The field train isoff. We are in hourly expectation that the town will be bombarded andcannonaded--and the enemy are drawing their men to the eastward onLong Island, as if they intended to throw a strong party over on thisisland, near Hell Gate, so as to get on the back of the city. We arepreparing to meet them. Matters appear to be drawing near to adecisive engagement. Gen. Sullivan is allowed to come on shore, uponhis parole, and go to Congress, on the subject of exchange of himself, Lord Sterling, and a large number who are prisoners; by the bestaccounts we yet have, we have lost, in last week's defeat, about 800men killed and missing; how many of each, is not yet known. I ratherexpect that they will push in a body of troops between the town andour posts at and near King's bridge. If they do we shall have thembetween two fires, and must push them to the last extremity or bekilled or taken prisoners. The event is in the hand of the Almighty, Disposer of all events. . . . I am, honored Sir, Your dutiful son, JOS. TRUMBULL. [Collections of the R. I. Hist. Soc. , Vol. VI. ] [No. 9. ] COL. MOSES LITTLE TO HIS SON NEWBURYPORT, MASS. IN CAMP LONG ISLAND June 22d 76. DEAR SON--We still continue in Camp at this place. No arrivals sincemy last. Some hints this morning that the Torys had laid a plan todestroy the general officers of our army. The particulars I have notyet. The Regt generally well. July 6--1776. About 160 ships and transports and other vessels are arrived withabout 10000 soldiers--Numbers are landed on Staten Island. We expect12000 more to join them. Camp very healthy. I have lost only one mansince we left Prospect Hill (near Boston). Our men in good spirits. Iam of opinion our hands will be full--hope we shall do well. July 31, 1776. Ten ships are added to the King's troops--part very large, can't saywhether they are men of war or transports. This island is a place ofgreat importance, & if possible must be defended. We are five _small_regts, are scattered, & have 10 forts to defend. Col. Hand'sRegt is scattered over 5 miles in length. I am posted in fort Greenwhich is the largest. I never desire to give it up, nor be taken whileI am alive. I am of opinion my regt. Will stand fast in the causeof the United States. August 9, 1776. The enemy were seen to embark 30 boats full of men on 3 vessels & 100boats full on the other transports. We expected an attack, but all isstill & quiet. Our enemies have been reinforced by the Hessians & Clinton's fleet. Deserters say the enemy are 30, 000 strong & Genl. Greene judgesthem 20, 000. I think them 16, 000. We have only 1600 fit for duty onLong Island. I shall pay the Q. M. Genl. The balance due him forcloathing my regt. This day, which will square all accounts. Aug. 22 1776. I have thought fit to send you my will--you will take all chargenecessary &c. The enemy this day landed on this Island & marched within 3 miles ofour camp. Three or four regiments lodge within 2 miles of the enemy. Iexpect morning will bring us to battle. IN CAMP NEW YORK Sep. 1, 1776. The enemy left Staten Island & landed on Long Island the 22d. Encamped on a large plain 5 or 6 miles across, at Flat Bush 4 milesdistant. Our troops encamped in the edge of the woods in front ofthem. Our line extended about four miles on the night of the 27th. In the morning, at 2 o'clock, the enemy attacked our right wing (asmart engagement for some time). The enemy also advanced on the left. Lord Stirling reinforced theright wing & defended himself till 12 o'clock when our wing gave way. My regt. Was in the center on guard. The enemy's right wing almostencircled 2 or 3 regt's & as they were not together they were not ableto defend themselves & retreated with about 20 wounded. Our peoplecame in about 11 o'clock. The enemy at the same time with their lighthorse & English troops attempted to force our lines, but soonretreated being met with a smart fire from our breast works. Two deserters informed us that the enemies dead & wounded was upwardsof 500--I wish ours may not be more. On the morning of the 28th theenemy were encamped on the heights in front of our encampment. Firingwas kept up on both sides, from the right to the left. Weather veryrainy. 29th very rainy. Firing by both sides in front of FortPutnam. About sunset the enemy pushed to recover the ground we hadtaken (about 100 rods) in front of the fort. The fire was very hot, the enemy gave way, & our people recovered the ground. The fireceased, & our people retired to the fort. The enemy took possessionagain, & on the morning of the 30th had a breastwork there 60 rodslong, & 150 rods distant from fort Putnam. Two ships of war had got up the sound as far as Hell gate by thistime. The general ordered each regt. To be paraded on their ownparades at 7 O'clock P. M. & wait for orders. We received orders tostrike our tents & march, with our baggage, to New York. Our lineswere manned until day break. The reason of the retreat was, that we should have had no chance toretreat if the ships came up. I am not certain we shall be able tokeep the city of New York. You may hear of our being at King's Bridge. A great battle I think will be fought here, or near there. I am in a good measure of health. I am your affectionate father, MOSES LITTLE. To Mr. JOSIAH LITTLE. IN CAMP FORT CONSTITUTION, Oct. 1, 1776. I have been solicited by Genl. Green to remain in the service. Ibefore declined, but he will not hear one word about my refusing toserve. [Original in possession of Benjamin Hale, Esq. ] [No. 10. ] LIEUT. COL. WILLIAM HENSHAW TO HIS WIFE LEICESTER, MASS. LONG ISLAND 22d June, 1776. MY DEAR-- . . . Last evening a Conspiracy of the Tories was discovered; their planwas to murder Genl. Washington, seize on the Persons of the otherGeneral officers, & blow up our Magazines, at the Instant of Time theKing's Troops should Land. A number of our Officers rode last Night toFlat bush on this Island, & seiz'd the Mayor of the City, who is nowin safe Custody & suppos'd to be in the Conspiracy--several othersare also taken & the Names of others we have, which I hope we shallsoon be able to give a good account of. In haste, I conclude Yours affectionately, WM. HENSHAW. Augt. 29th 1776. I have but just time to inform you I am well, as I hope this will findyou, our Family & Friends. You will undoubtedly hear, before you seethis, that we have had an engagement with the Enemy--were surrounded, & had a Number Killed & Taken. I was with the Party who wereSurrounded & through a kind Providence, got through their fire withoutbeing Wounded or Taken. --The Particulars of which I have not time torelate as the Enemy are close to us & we expect to be attacked everyhour. I have wrote to Brother Josy by this conveyance which letter hewill let you see. --May God Bless & preserve you from every disaster, is the unremitting wish of yours &c. N. YORK Sept. 1st 1776. Last Friday we left Long Island, (being unable to keep it any longer, without being made Prisoners) and came to New York. How long we shallstay here is uncertain--Our Public Enemies are numerous--Our privateOnes not a few. Happy shall I esteem myself, if I live to see thesePublick Calamities at an End, when we can live peaceably at home &Enjoy the Fruit of our Labors, the Sweets of Liberty, & none to molestus: 7 Regiments marched to King's Bridge Yesterday Afternoon. LordSterling & Gen. Sullivan are made prisoners by the Enemy. Sullivan waswith us yesterday and is now gone to Philadelphia to Congress. Numbersof our People who were surrounded by the Enemy at Flat Bush, and wethought were Taken by them, have since got in--My Duty to Parents. Love to Sally, Bettsey, Ruthy & Josey, Brothers, Sisters & allFriends, with which I conclude, Yours, &c. WHITE PLAINS, Octr. 31st, 1776. In your last, you want to know whether I was in the Brush orBattle, [233] mentioned in my last. --I was there. In our Brigade wasKill'd & Wounded, 75--in the whole Kill'd & Wounded on our side, about100--of the Enemy by the best Information we have about 500--sincewhich we have had several Skirmishes. I was not in them, though I sawseveral of them. One of them last Week was fought by Reed's &Learned's Regts. , where we had six--kill'd & a number Wounded; theEnemy had Kill'd & Wounded, about 200--the same Week, a Scouting Partycame across the famous Rogers Scouts, with a scouting party of theEnemy, took 30 of them Prisoners, & kill'd a number of them--This Weekwe had some Battles with them. Monday the 28th Inst. About 2000of them came on a height of Land on these Plains, Attacked ourPicquet, & after some time, forced our People to give Back. The Losson either side I cannot ascertain, but suppose we had Kill'd & Woundednear 100, as the Fire of Cannon & Small Arms was heavy for some time. The Day before, they Attacked our Lines near Fort Washington with twoof their Brigades & some of their Ships--Their Ships were muchdamaged; one of them they were obliged to Tow off; Our People at theLines reserv'd their Fire till the Brigades advanced pretty near, thengave them a heavy Fire which caused them to Retreat; they form'd &advanc'd the second time, when our People gave them the second Fire;they Retreated as before, & form'd the Third time, came up & Fired atthe Lines, which was so warmly returned, that they Retreated. OurPeople then Jump'd over the Lines, and pursued them, & Kill'd many, but the Number is not ascertained. --should I have another Opportunityto write, can better inform you: we had but one Kill'd in this Battle. We took 14 Hessians one Day this Week, & one English Officer; have hadseveral Deserters come in this Week. The Enemy are now Encamp'd withinGun shot of us, so that there is a continual firing of Small Arms--Welet two Hessians, which we took some time ago, return to the Enemy'sCamp--We daily expect an engagement with the Enemy---- [Footnote 233: Harlem Heights, Sept. 16. ] Brother Denny was here Yesterday to see me; is well & station'd atTerry Town on the North River about 8 miles from this. Capt. Lincoln Parkman & our People in general, were well a few Days ago. Should I live to see Peace restor'd & our Rights Secur'd, shall prizethe Blessing more than ever. I have heard many rumors that it would betedious to write. Last night we took Doct. Whitworth's son (ofBoston) Prisoner. He was in some office with the Enemy. [Originals in possession of Miss H. E. Henshaw, Leicester, Mass. ] [No. 11. ] DEPOSITION BY LIEUT. COL. HENSHAW [Without date. ] Previous to the Campaign in 1776, there were 3 Regts commanded byLt. Colonels. General Washington offered me the command of either ofthem. I conversed with the Officers of these Regiments, & I found theywere averse to a change; I informed Gen'l W. That if I accepted hisoffer, it would be injurious to the Service and declined it. He thensaid he hoped I would not leave the Service, but would take a Lt. Colonel's commission, which I did under Colonel Little, & in April wemarched for New York in the Brigade commanded by Genl Green. Soonafter Genl Washington came & ordered said Brigade to Long Island. The latter part of August, I commanded in a picket guard at Flatbush, where the enemy was encamped, who marched by the East wing of thePickets, and formed a line between us and our encampments, and knowingthe Gen. Could not send us orders to retreat we marched to reach ourencampments. While marching in the rear of the enemy's line, they wereholding a Council of War, whether to storm our lines, or take them bya regular siege. They chose the latter. Had they broke their lines andmarched into our front, we must have been made prisoners; but theyonly turned on their heels and fired at us and we got in with littleloss. [Original in possession of Miss H. E. Henshaw, Leicester, Mass. ] [No. 12. ] COL. EDWARD HAND TO HIS WIFE LANCASTER, PENN. LONG ISLAND 27 August 1776 7 P. M. DEAR KITTY: Part of the enemy landed on the Island on the 22nd. They did notadvance farther than Flatbush until last night--I have had a fatiguingtime of it ever since--A number of our troops have been hemned in, butbehaved well. Many have got clear and many are yet missing. OurPennsylvanians were chiefly of the party. I escaped my part only by being relieved at 2 o'clock thismorning--Major Burd and Col. Atlee were out and are yet missing. Jessyand Jacky are yet with me Adieu--May God preserve you prays Your affectionate EDWARD HAND. Mrs. KATHERINE HAND Lancaster Pa. [Original in possession of Mrs. S. B. Rogers, Lancaster, Penn. ] [No. 13. ] MAJ. EDWARD BURD TO JUDGE YEATES LONG ISLAND 3rd Sept. 1776. DEAR SIR. I was taken prisoner at an advanced Post on the morning of ye27th ulto after a skirmish, on the same day Capts. Herbert andHeister were both made prisoners. I was used with great Civility byGeneral Grant & admitted to my Parole, Brigadier General Agnew andMajor Leslie and Major Batt also treated me with great Politeness. You must be sensible that hard money can only be of service in mypresent situation: The Politeness of several Gentlemen would have veryfully supplied me with it, but I have only taken what will beimmediately necessary for me. I should be much obliged to you if youcould procure me a small Bill of Exchange in which perhaps Mr. Dundasof Reading could assist you, or Gold to the amount of about £20. I can not learn the fate of poor Colo Hand or Jesse Ewing butbelieve they are not prisoners. Colo Reed, the Adjutant Gen'l will be the only Person who canconvey any thing to me, my Letter must be short, my Love to all theFamily. I am Dear Sir Your Affecte Brother [in-law] EDW. BURD. JASPER YEATES Esqr. [Original among the Yeates papers. ] [No. 14. ] LIEUT. JASPER EWING TO JUDGE YEATES NEW YORK Aug. 30, 1776. HONOURED SIR: After a very fatiguing march we are all safely arrived. The Genl. Yesterday gave orders for all the Regts on Long Island to holdthemselves in readiness to march at the shortest notice, and evacuateour Lines for the enemy already had extended their advanced postsacross the Island, & we were entirely surrounded, so that the onlyrefuge he had left was New York--This morn'g a party about fifty menwent a marauding and were surprised by the enemy, who after firingwhole vollies secured one of the Boats, & then the Hessian Riflemenbegan to play upon them, so that our loss including that of the firstengagement amounts to 500 men & upwards. Lord Stirling & Genl. Sullivan are Prisoners, several officers arestill missing amongst whom are Col. Miles and Atlee--The militia fromBerks County are almost cut off. The inhuman wretches thrust theirbayonets through our wounded men and refused that mercy to us, whichwe granted to them. The situation of New York is very critical, theenemy being in possession of Long Island may reduce it to a Heap ofashes in a days time. The loss of the enemy amounts to 1500 men amongst whom are a BrigadierGenl. And several Field Officers. --The Idea which we at firstconceived of the Hessian Riflemen was truly ridiculous but sadexperience convinces our people that they are an Enemy not to [be]despised, Several Companies of their Light Infantry are cloathedexactly as we are, in hunting shirts and trowers--Mr. Burd whocommanded a detachment of 200 men is not yet returned, and sorry am Ito say it, he is a Prisoner amongst them. --as this news must certainlyafflict Aunt and the whole family, I have forwarned my Brother frommaking any mention of it. Please to give my duty to Aunt, mammy, Kitty and my love to all thechildren, I remain, Honrd Sir Yr dutiful & obliged Nephew J. EWING. To JASPER YEATES, Esqr. [Original among the Yeates papers. ] [No. 15. ] JOHN EWING TO JUDGE YEATES "_To Jasper Yeates Esq. At Fort Pitt. _" LANCASTER Sept. 14, 1776. HONRD SIR: As it has pleased Divine Providence to spare my Life, I think it myDuty to send you as good an act. Of the Engagement together with theenclosed Draught as lays in my power, as I had gone from ElizabethPoint New Jersey to Long Island to see my brothers I had anopportunity of seeing everything that occurred from the Time the Enemylanded on the Island untill a Day or two before we retreated fromthence. Col. Hand's Regmt. Had been on duty 2 days & the second Nightwere relieved between 12 and 1 o'clock in the morning and about Twoit is thought the Enemy began their movements from Flat Bush to theRight, and Left, and at between 7 & 8 o'clock in the morning we hadthe mortification from our Lines to see our men commanded by LordStirling almost surrounded by the Regulars, as they kept their standon a Hill without flinching an inch, The Regulars were firing at themlike Fury they at last descended then there was a continual peal ofSmall Arms for an Hour or better, our men at last partly got off bythe Marsh, as in the Draught inclosed, I have been very Ill of a Feverwhich I got by being cloathed too thin and lay at York about 2 Daysbefore our People had made that Grand Retreat from the Island whichwill ever reflect honour to our Generals, from York I was removed toKing's Bridge twelve or fifteen miles from thence, after I hadrecovered, my Health suffered from Travelling. The Colo. Was goodenough to send me Home in a Carriage which thank God I happily--anddont doubt of recovering Health shortly--I am Sir Your affectionate Nephew JNO. EWING. P. S. I shall refer you to the papers for our Loss in the Battle though itis with infinite regret I must inform you of Major Burd's being amongthe prisoners who Lord How treats them with great politeness. Timewill not permitt my saying so much as I would wish--I left theColo. & all friends very well at King's Bridge where the Regt. Is Stationed as I only left them this day week. [Original among the Yeates papers. ] [Illustration: Reduction from Original Map. Drawn by J. Ewing Sept. 1776. [Transcriber's Note: The following is transcribed from a handwrittenlegend beneath the map. Spelling and punctuation have been retained asthey appear in the original. Missing words or letters are supplied inbrackets. ] A. --The Hill on which Lord Stirling commanded the Brigade which stooda considerable time exposed to the Enemy's Fire from theirField-pieces & small-arms. B. --Large Bodies of the Enemy marching round our people. CCC. --Our Camps with the Forts GGG in front of them. D. D. --The Road to the Red Lion, where the Enemy marched from Flat-bushalong the River & got between our People and the Camps. E. --Flat-bush Road. F. --Where a considerable Number of our people were stationed withSeveral Field-pieces & Breast-Works made with Trees felled across theRoad to defend themselves when attacked. H. --Fort Putnam where part of Colo. Hand's men commanded by Lieut. C. Chambers were detached from the Regt. To man the Fort. I. --A small Upper Fort where [I] was with the Colo. The Day of theEngagement, where we saw the whole Action at A. A. A. Our people afterstanding their ground at the Hill, at last decended, and the[re] wasan incessant Fire of Small-Arms for the best part of an Hour orlonger, with little or no intermission, 'till our Men Retreated by theMill "I, " and in their Retreat "O. O. " set fire to the house "M" thesmoke of which prevented the Enemy at B. B. & K from seeing themretreat & then they came over the Marsh "Q" where several bravefellows were drowned in the Creek "P. " in endeavoring to get over. Weexpected every Minute the Enemy would Storm the Forts & Lines "IH, " asthey were not above 400 or 450 Yards from Fort "I" to them at "KB, "but our Cannon from Fort Putnam obliged them to lay close. R. --The Enemies Camp the Day after the Battle. "Draught of the Engagement at Long Island, Aug. 27th, 1776. " _J. Bien Photo. Lith. N. Y. _] [No. 16. ] COL. JOHN HASLET TO HON. CÆSAR RODNEY PHILADELPHIA HON'BLE SIR, I recd. Yours with pleasure because it was yours, all the Rest wasIndignation--We went over to Long Island, a Genl. Engagementensued, the Southern Troops i. E. Ld Stirlings Battalion bore theViolence of the Attack & repulsed the Enemy but were outnumbered atleast three to one, & obliged to retire; the Delaware Battalion havebeen complimented as the finest in the Service, they stood unmoved infirm Array four Hours exposed to the fire of the Enemy, nor attemptedto retire till they received Orders from the Genl, then effected amost H'oble Retreat up to the middle thro a Marsh of Mud & brought offwith them 23 Prisoners--I fear we shall be outnumbered, expect everymoment Orders to march off to Kingsbridge, to prevent the Enemycrossing the East River & confining us on another Nook, what the Eventwill be God knows--Lt. Stewart & Harney with 25 Privates fell in ourRegiment--Ld. Stirling & Genl Sullivan Prisoners--Miles & Atlee thesame Piper killed--250 of Smallmans (Swallwood's) missing--Atles cutto pieces--I fear Genl. Washington has too heavy a task, assistedmostly by Beardless Boys--if the Enemy can coop us up in N. York byIntrenching from River to River, horrid will be the Consequences fromtheir command of the Rivers. Between five & six thousand Dollars of Continental Money remain in myhands, unknowing what to do with it, I have entrusted it to the careof Dr. Rogers & Chaplain Montgomery--if I fall, please to take Orderin the Matter--I have not time to say one Word more, tis the firstLetter I have had time to write--please to mention to some of yourFriends below that I am well, by whose Means it may reach Mrs. Haslet--I am with Great Esteem, Sir your Most Obedt Humble Servant JOHN HASLET. Honble Genl RODNEY. Camp at N. York Augt 31st 1776. [Original in possession of Cæsar A. Rodney, Esq. , Wilmington, Del. ] [No. 17. ] COL. GOLD S. SILLIMAN TO HIS WIFE FAIRFIELD, CONN. BROOKLINE ON L. I. Augst 24--1776 7 o'clock A. M. . . . I never was in better Health and Spirits than now. On Thursday theenemy landed on Long Island at 3 o'clock P. M. We had intelligencethat our Troops on the Island wanted to be reinforced. My Regiment and3 more were ordered over for that purpose. My regt. Was ordered downinto a woody Hill near Red Hook to take Post that night to prevent anymore troops from landing thereabout. We had the Heavens for ourCovering and the Earth for my bed, wrapt in my blanket, when afterposting my Sentries I slept finely. Was mighty well yesterday, and wasthen ordered here where I & my Regt. Now are. The enemy are about 3miles East of our troops, were a part of them skirmishing with themall day yesterday and are still on the same ground & have killed anumber of the enemy. The enemy are said to be 8 or 9000 that arelanded here. I am posted here at a fort & to see some breastworkscompleated. By the blessing of Heaven I trust we shall be able to givea good acct of the enemy. . . . My love to our Dear Sons & accept thesame yourself from most affec. & loveing Husband P. S. I refer you to Capt. Hawley for Particulars. FLATT BUSH ON LONG ISLAND Aug. 25, 1776 2 o'clock P. M. I wrote you yesterday morning from Brookline upon the Drum Head in thefield as I do now, which I hope you will receive this day. . . . Have notso much as a bear skin to lie on, only my blanket to wrap me in, forour removals from place to place are so quick & sudden that we canhave no opportunity nor means to convey beds &c, but go only with thecloaths on our backs & our blankets and a little ready-cookedvictuals. I am now posted within about half a mile from the Regularswith my Regt. Under the Covert of a woody hill to stop their passageinto the Country. There are a number of Regts posted all around thetown within about the same distance & for the same purpose. Theregulars keep up an almost Constant Fire from their cannon & mortarsat some or other of us, but neither shott nor shell has come near myRegt. Yet and they are at too great a distance to fire muskets at asyet. I have a scouting party going out now to see if they can't pickup some or get something from them. I came to this post this day at 12o'clock & shall remain here till this time to-morrow if God spares mylife, with no other covering than the trees. I cant learn anythingwith respect to them different from what I wrote yesterday. The restof the troops & their Ships lie at Staten Island yet to wait thesuccess of this part of their army, as I suppose before they make anyother attempt. They have wounded in all of our men in 3 days skirmishabout 8 or 9 men, one or two mortally, which is not half the numberthat we have killed for them beside wounded. . . . NEW YORK (BROOKLYN) Aug 29 1776. . . . Have been a stranger to a bed ever since last Wens'day night tilllast night being relieved from manning a part of the lines with myregt. Where I had been 36 hours I was invited by our mutual friendMajor Mott to take part of his bed & have had a fine night indeed, theNight before there was a waggon near our Lines into which I got &wrapt myself in my Blanket after Twelve & half after One was waked &acquainted that the Enemy were coming up to force our Lines & weimmediately took our Places in the Trenches & there remained untillafter Sun Rise, but it proved a false Alarm, our Enemy have encampedin plain sight of our camp at the distance of about a mile & half, Wehave had no General Engagement yet, but no Day passes without somesmart & Hot skirmishes between different Parties in which the successis sometimes One Way & sometimes another, We are in constantExpectation of a General Battle; no one can be here long withoutgeting pretty well acquainted with the whistleing of Cannon & musketshott. HARLEM HEIGHTS Sep. 17th 1776. . . . On the morning of last Sabbath we had news that the regulars onLong Island were in motion as they would cross the East River & landabout 3 miles above the city. At this place lay their ships close inwith our shores & soon after the regulars marched in a large body downto the shore & embarked on Board the flat bottomed boats. Upon thistheir ships began a most incessant fire on our lines opposite to themwith their grape shot from which they were distant but about 50 rods &behind which lay Genl. Wadsworth's & Col. Douglass' Brigades untilthe fire was so hot from the ships that they were obliged to retreat. On this the regulars landed & fired upon them which completed theirconfusion & they ran away up here & are here now, but a part of themwere out in yesterday's action & behaved nobly. Now as to myself & my brigade we were left to guard the city until allthe rest of the troops were drawn off & about half an hour or an hourafter all the other troops were gone I was ordered with my brigade tomarch out of the city & man the lines on the East river opposite toBayard's Hill fort. Then I marched & saw the regular Army land aboveme & spread across the Island from one river to another until myretreat seemed to be entirely cut off & soon after received an orderto retreat if I could. I attempted it along up through the woods by the North River when Icame in sight of the enemy several times but kept my brigade coveredin the woods so that I got thro' them to their uppermost guard & theypursued & fired on my rear & took a few of my men. I immediatelyformed about 300 of my men on an Hill to oppose them. On seeing thisthe regulars fled & I pursued my retreat & got my brigade safe herewhere I am now posted--a particular detail of the risks I ran must bedeferred. It was supposed by everybody that I & my brigade wereentirely cut off. HARLEM HEIGHTS, 17 Sept. 1777. 2 o'cl P. M. Yesterday at 7 o'clock in the morning we were alarmed with the sightof a considerable number of the enemy on the Plains below us about amile distant. --Our Brigades which form a line across the Island whereI am were immediately ordered under arms--but as the enemy did notimmediately advance we grounded our arms & took spades & shovels &went to work & before night had thrown up lines across theIsland--There was nothing before but three little redoubts in about amile & we are at work this day in strengthening them. But yesterday alittle before noon we heard a strong firing about half a mile below usin the woods near where we had two Brigades lying as an advancedguard. The enemy in a large body advanced in the woods a little before12 o'cl & began a heavy fire on those two Brigades who maintained thefire obstinately for some time & then they were reinforced by severalregiments & the fire continued very heavy from the musketry & fromfield pieces about two hours--in which time our people drove theregulars back from post to post about a mile & a half & then left thempretty well satisfied with their dinner since which they have beenvery quiet. Our loss on this occasion by the best information isabout 25 killed & 40 or 50 wounded. The enemy by the best accountshave suffered much more than we. A prisoner we have I am told says that Genl. Howe himself commandedthe regular & Genl. Washington & Genl. Putnam were both with ourTroops. They have found now that when we meet them on equal ground weare not a set of people that will run from them--but that they havenow had a pretty good drubbing, tho' this was an action between but asmall party of the army. CAMP AT WHITE PLAINS Oct. 29th 1776. . . . Yesterday about 10 o'clock in the morning we had news that theenemy were approaching, when I with my regiment & 3 others wereordered out about 1-1/2 miles below our lines to take post on a hillto gall them in their march as they advanced. We accordingly took ourpost & mine & one other regiment had the advantage of a stone wallright in front at which we had been waiting but little time before theenemy came up within 6 or 8 rods, --when our men rose from behind thewall, poured in a most furious fire. The enemy retreated & came on several times & were so hotly receivedevery time that finally we drove them off from the hill. We killedsome they did not carry off & some they did. I had not one either killed or wounded. On this the enemy were comingupon us with a number of field pieces & as we had none there to meetthem with, we were ordered to retreat over West on to another Hill &join another party of men & accordingly did it & formed a line ofbattle. We were I believe near 2000 on the Hill (Chatterton's). Theenemy soon brought their main body opposite to us & formed them intothree lines, one back of the other, & a large number of field piecesin their front & howitzers with which they threw small bombs onanother Hill. Then they marched their first line off from the Hillwhere they stood, down into a deep Valley that lay between us & thenthey played on us most furiously with their artillery to keep us frommeeting their people in the hollow & in short the shot & shells camelike hail. I lay right in the heaviest of their fire, with my men by afence & had two wounded there & were soon ordered to another postfurther on the line of battle up to which the enemy soon came as theydid for a long way in lengths. We gave them a heavy fire which madethem retreat but they soon returned when a most furious fire followedwhich continued for a few minutes when their numbers were increased soamazingly that we were obliged to retreat which we did thro' a mostfurious fire from the enemy for half a mile for so far there wasnothing to cover us from it. . . . I have lost but 4 out of my reg't &can hear of only 10 or 12 wounded. We are all now within our line &the enemy are posted on a number of the neighboring hills & weexpected they would have come on this morning when we should have hadan engagement with both armies but they don't yet move & it is nowabout 12 o'clock. [Originals in possession of Mrs. O. P. Hubbard, New York. ] [No. 18. ] COL. GOLD S. SILLIMAN TO REV. MR. FISH STONINGTON, CONN. NEW YORK Sepr: 6th, 1776. DEAR SIR Your Favour of the 1st Instt: I have this Morningreceived and am much obliged to you for it; in Order to answer yourInquiries I must necessarily give you some Account of our out Lines onLong Island before we left it, about 8 or Nine Miles below this Townis that Strait of Water commonly called the Narrows, from the upperend of it on the Long Island side a Bay puts into the Island on aCourse about Northeasterly and runs into the Land about Two miles;from the Head of this Bay we had a line of Forts & Redoubts allconnected by Breast Works and some part of it picketed, upNortheasterly and Northerly to a Bay on the Northwesterly part of theIsland rather above the City; The British Troops landed below the Bayat the Narrows and marched to Flat Bush a Place on the Island about 6or 7 miles from this city and 3 miles beyond our Lines, flat Bushstands near the Westerly Side of a large Plain which is 4 or 5 milesover and this plain is surrounded from the Southwest to the Northeastwith a larg Ridge of Hills covered with Woods. Through this Ridgethere are three roads into the Country, toward New York two of them;and one out to a place called Bedford; At each of these passes whichwere from 1 to 1-1/2 Mile asunder we had strong Guards postedconsisting of 600 or 700 Men, the other Forces which we had on theIsland were posted within the Lines and in the Forts and once in 24Hours relieved the Guards out at those advanced Posts toward theEnemy; I was posted out on one of these Advanced Posts on Sabbath DayJuly (August) 25th, with my own Regimt and 2 more near by inorder to stop the Progress of the Enemy into the Country. I wasrelieved on Monday about half (past) Two & marched Back within theLines to the Place where my Regiment was ordered for their Alarm Postin order to man the Lines there in case the Enemy advanced which wasat the Northern Part of the Lines, and there was beside the Regimentsthat were ordered to man the Lines some Regiments as a Corps deReserve to reinforce any Part of the Lines that might be attacked &c. Early on Tuesday Morning the Guards at all those Three Avenues wereattacked (by) parties that vastly out numbered them, and soon weredrove from their Posts and soon broken at the Same Time. . . . [Theconclusion missing. ] [Original in possession of Mrs. O. P. Hubbard, New York. ] [No. 19. ] ACCOUNT OF THE BATTLE OF LONG ISLAND The evening preceding the action, General Washington, with a number ofgeneral officers, went down to view the motions of the enemy, who wereencamped at Flatbush. The enemy appeared to be striking their tents, and preparing for a march; whereupon it was ordered that 2400 menshould be posted as guards, in the following manner, viz: 800 on theroad that leads out of the Jamaica road by way of Yellow Hook toFlatbush; these men were posted in a woods, at four miles distant fromour lines, to oppose the enemy if they attempted that road, and toannoy them on their march: 800 more were posted in a woods upon theMiddle road, which leads out of the Jamaica road to Flatbush, about amile and a half from the lines; these were posted at about half a miledistant from Flatbush, and near a mile from the parting of the road, where an _abatis_ was formed across the road, and a breastwork thrownup and defended by two pieces of cannon: 800 more were posted at theBedford road, which leads out of the Jamaica road, at about threemiles distant from our lines; this party was ordered to guard theBedford road, and to patrol the road leading through the New Lots inthe east of the Bedford road, from which it parts at the HalfwayHouse, about six miles from the lines, and leads from it to Flatbush. Five officers were also sent out on horseback to patrol thelast-mentioned road and that leading to Jamaica. At 10 o'clock atnight about 5000 of the enemy marched by way of the New Lots, andarrived, near 2 in the morning, at Halfway House, without beingdiscovered; they took post in a field, and waited for daylight. Thefive officers sent to patrol fell into their hands, and were all madeprisoners. About 3 in the morning a party of the enemy advanced intothe Western road, leading by Yellow Hook, and attacked our guards; theguards returned their fire, threw them into confusion, caused thewhole to halt, and took one prisoner, who informed us that he belongedto the regiment which attacked our guards, and was by their firethrown into confusion and forced to retreat, and that there were twobrigades, of four regiments each, on their march in that road, commanded by Brigadier-General Grant. At daylight Lord Stirling wasordered with two battalions, into that road, to oppose the enemy. Hetook post on an eminence in front of the enemy whereupon a smart fightensued, which lasted near an hour, and then abated. Two field-pieceswere sent to Lord Stirling, which soon began to play upon the enemy, who returned the fire from four field-pieces. The two parties stoodopposed to each other for near five hours, without either seeming tohave the advantage, keeping up a continual fire from theirfield-pieces, and musketry, with some intervals. --About 8 o'clockGeneral Sullivan sent (went?) down the flat (bush) middle (road) andinquired of the guards whether they discovered any movements of theenemy in either of the roads. He was informed that the whole body ofthe enemy had moved up the Yellow Hook road, whereupon he orderedanother battalion to the assistance of lord Stirling, keeping 800 mento guard the pass. --About 9 o'clock, the enemy, who came by theHalfway House, advancing, began a fire in the rear of the party andadvanced briskly to attack the men who guarded that Pass. GeneralSullivan hearing at the same instant that the enemy were passingthrough the woods to attack Lord Stirling in the rear, ordered 400 mento succor him, and sent him orders to retreat as soon as possible. Theenemy then wheeled off to the right, and marched up to Fort Green in acolumn to attack. --Upon receiving a heavy fire from the lines, wereforced to retire. They then fell back, and endeavored to cut off LordStirling's retreat by destroying his party. He, with a party of histroops' made an attempt on the enemy's left, commanded by LordCornwallis, and ordered the rest of the troops to retreat across thecreek, which they did with some loss. The number of the enemy engagedwas not less than 11, 000; of ours not more than 3, 000. The enemy'sloss in killed was over 1, 000, exceeding ours. [From the _South Carolina and American General Gazette_, Charleston, Oct. 2, 1776, as reprinted in the _Brooklyn Advocate_. ] [No. 20. ] JOURNAL OF COL. SAMUEL MILES In the Spring of 1776, I was appointed to the command of a regiment ofriflemen, consisting of 1, 000 men, formed in two battalions. . . . Myregiment was soon ordered to join the army at New York. At that timeGeneral Washington had 24, 000 men in his army, upwards of 7, 000 ofwhom were returned sick and unfit for duty. On the landing of the British army on Long Island, I was ordered overwith my rifle regiment to watch their motions. I marched near to thevillage of Flat Bush, where the Highlanders then lay, but they movedthe next day to Gen'l Howe's camp, and their place was supplied by theHessians. I lay here within cannon shot of the Hessian camp for fourdays without receiving a single order from Gen'l Sullivan, whocommanded on Long Island, out of the lines. The day before the actionhe came to the camp, and I then told him the situation of the BritishArmy; that Gen'l Howe, with the main body, lay on my left, about amile and a-half or two miles, and I was convinced when the army movedthat Gen'l Howe would fall into the Jamaica road, and I hoped therewere troops there to watch them. Notwithstanding this information, which indeed he might have obtained from his own observation, if hehad attended to his duty as a General ought to have done; no stepswere taken, but there was a small redoubt in front of the villagewhich seemed to take up the whole of his attention, and where hestayed until the principal part of the British army had gotten betweenhim and the lines, by which means he was made prisoner as well asmyself. If Gen'l Sullivan had taken the requisite precaution, andgiven his orders agreeably to the attention of the Commander-in-Chief, there would have been few if any prisoners taken on the 27th ofAugust, 1776. As Gordon in his history of the war has charged meindirectly with not doing my duty, I will here state my position andconduct. I lay directly in front of the village of Flat Bush, but on the leftof the road leading to New York, where the Hessians were Encamped. Wewere so near each other, that their shells they sometimes fired wentmany rods beyond my camp. The main body of the Enemy, under theimmediate command of Gen'l Howe, lay about 2 miles to my left, andGeneral Grant, with another body of British troops, lay about fourmiles on my right. There were several small bodies of Americansdispersed to my right, but not a man to my left, although the mainbody of the Enemy lay to my left, of which I had given GeneralSullivan notice. This was our situation on the 26th of August. Aboutone o'clock at night Gen. Grant, on the right, and Gen. Howe, on myleft began their march, and by daylight Grant had got within a mile ofour entrenchments, and Gen. Howe had got into the Jamaica road abouttwo miles from our lines. The Hessians kept their position until 7 inthe morning. As soon as they moved the firing began at our redoubt. Iimmediately marched towards where firing was, but had not proceededmore than 1 or 200 yards until I was stopped by Colonel Wyllys, whotold me that I could not pass on; that we were to defend a road thatlead from Flatbush road to the Jamaica road. Col. Wyllys bearing aContinental, and I a State commission, he was considered a seniorofficer and I was obliged to submit; but I told him I was convincedthe main body of the enemy would take the Jamaica road, that there wasno probability of their coming along the road he was then guarding, and if he would not let me proceed to where the firing was, I wouldreturn and endeavor to get into the Jamaica road before Gen. Howe. Tothis he consented, and I immediately made a retrograde march, andafter marching nearly two miles, the whole distance through woods, Iarrived within sight of the Jamaica road, and to my greatmortification I saw the main body of the enemy in full march betweenme and our lines, and the baggage guard just coming into the road. Athought struck me of attacking the baggage guard, and, if possible, tocut my way through them and proceed to Hell Gate to cross the Sound. I, however, ordered the men to remain quite still, (I had then but thefirst battalion with me, for the second being some distance in therear, I directed Major Williams, who was on horseback, to return andorder Lt. Col. Brodhead to push on by the left of the enemy andendeavor get into our lines that way, and happily they succeeded, buthad to wade a mill dam by which a few were drowned, ) and I took theadjutant with me and crept as near the road as I thought prudent, totry and ascertain the number of the baggage guard, and I saw agrenadier stepping into the woods. I got a tree between him and meuntil he came near, and I took him prisoner and examined him. I foundthat there was a whole brigade with the baggage, commanded by ageneral officer. I immediately returned to the battalion and called a council of theofficers and laid three propositions before them: 1_st_, to attack thebaggage guard and endeavor to cut our way through them and proceed toHell Gate and so cross the Sound; 2_nd_, to lay where we were untilthe whole had passed us and then proceed to Hell Gate; or, 3_d_, toendeavor to force our way through the enemy's flank guards into ourline at Brooklyn. The first was thought a dangerous and uselessattempt as the enemy was so superior in force. The 2nd I thought themost eligible, for it was evident that adopting either of the otherpropositions we must lose a number of men without affecting the enemymaterially, as we had so small a force, not more than 230 men. Thiswas, however, objected to, under the idea that we should be blamed fornot fighting at all, and perhaps charged with cowardice, which wouldbe worse than death itself. The 3d proposition was therefore adopted, and we immediately began our march, but had not proceeded more thanhalf a mile until we fell in with a body of 7 or 800 light infantry, which we attacked without any hesitation, but their superiority ofnumbers encouraged them to march up with their bayonets, which wecould not withstand, having none ourselves. I therefore ordered theTroops to push on towards our lines. I remained on the ground myselfuntil they had all passed me, (the enemy were then within less than 20yards of us, ) and by this means I came into the rear instead of thefront of my command. We had proceeded but a short distance before wewere again engaged with a superior body of the enemy, and here we losta number of men, but took Major Moncrieffe, their commanding officer, prisoner, but he was a Scotch prize for Ensign Brodhead, who took himand had him in possession for some hours, was obliged to surrenderhimself. Finding that the enemy had possession of the ground betweenus and our lines, and that it was impossible to cut our way through asa body, I directed the men to make the best of their way as well asthey could; some few got in safe, but there were 159 taken prisoners. I was myself entirely cut off from our lines and therefore endeavoredto conceal myself, with a few men who would not leave me. I hoped toremain until night, when I intended to try to get to Hell Gate andcross the Sound; but about 3 o'clock in the afternoon was discoveredby a party of Hessians and obliged to surrender--thus ended the careerof that day. [Penn. Archives, Second Series, Vol. I. ] [No. 21. ] LIEUT. -COL. DANIEL BRODHEAD TO ---- CAMP NEAR KINGSBRIDGE, 5th Sep'r, 1776. DEAR SIR, I doubt not the Hon'ble the Convention of the State of Penn'a, isanxious to know the state of the Provincial Troops since the Battle onLong Island, and as I have now all the information to be expectedconcerning it for the present, will give them every circumstance thatoccurs to me. On the 26th of last month, Gen'ls Putnam, Sullivan andothers came to our camp which was to the left of all the other postsand proceeded to reconnoitre the enemie's lines to the right, whenfrom the movements of the enemy they might plainly discover they wereadvancing towards Jamaica, and extending their lines to the left so asto march round us, for our lines to the left, were, for want ofVidettes, left open for at least four miles where we constantlyscouted by Day, which beside mounting a Guard of one hundred men & anadvance party of subaltern and thirty to the left of us, was hard Dutyfor our Reg't: during the night of the 26th, we were alarmed threeDifferent times and stood to our Arms. As soon as it was light, Col. Miles, from the right of our first Battn, sent me orders to followhim with the second, to the left of our lines; when I had marchedabout half a mile, I was ordered to the right about to join Col. Willis's regt of New England troops, but by the time I returned tothe camp, Major Williams on horseback, overtook me with orders fromCol. Miles, to march Obliquely & join him, but could not say where Imight find him; I Observed the orders and directed a Subaltern fromthe front of the Battn (which was marching in Indian file) with asmall party to the left of the Battn, and desired Major Patton tosend a Subaltern & small party from the rear to the right of the frontof the Battalion, which he mistook and took the one-half of theBattn to the right, about two hundred yards, which immediatelythrew the half the Battn, so far to the rear as to render it verydifficult to join without sustaining great loss, for presently afterwe left our camp we discovered the Enemie's horse & foot to the numberof four or five Thousand in our front, and as we could discovernothing of the first Battn, the Enemy being vastly superior to usin Number, I immediately ordered the Battn to gain a Wood to theleft and then formed, but seeing a Number of Artillerymen dragging abrass field-piece & Howit through a clear field in order to gain awood a little to the left of our Front, and knowing the Enemy werealso in our rear, I ordered that part of the Battn which was thenwith me, to proceed to the second wood, & cover the Artillery and makea stand, but the New England Regt aforementioned coming up with us, and running thro' our files broke them, and in the confusion many ofour men run with them. I did all in my power to rally the musquetry &Riflemen, but to no purpose, so that when we came to engage the Enemy, I had not fifty men, notwithstanding which, we after about threeRounds, caused the Enemy to retire, and as the Enemy's main body wasthen nearly between us and the lines, I retreated to the lines, havinglost out of the whole Battalion, about one hundred men, officersincluded, which, as they were much scattered, must be chieflyprisoners; during this time, four or five Reg'ts, among which were ourmusquetry & flying Camp, Delaware & Maryland Reg'ts, and some of ourRiflemen who had joined them, were engaged to the left of us and rightof the Lines. I had no sooner got into the Lines than the Enemyadvanced up to them and kept up a brisk fire on us, but only one mankilled in the Lines; as soon as we returned the fire with our riflesand musquetry, they retreated, and if we had been provided with afield piece or two, of which we had a sufficient number elsewhere, wemight have killed the greater part of their advance party; as soon asthe Enemy were beaten from the lines, I was ordered to a point about amile and a-half to the right, to cover the retreat of the DelawareBattalion and the other Troops that might come over under the constantfire of the Enemie's field pieces and Howits; here I remained 'tillalmost night before I was relieved, notwithstanding the Generals therehad a number of Reg'ts who were not engaged, and had had little or nofatigue. Upon the whole, less Generalship never was shown in any Armysince the Art of War was understood, except in the retreat from LongIsland, which was well conducted. No troops could behave better thanthe Southern, for though they seldom engaged less than five to one, they frequently repulsed the Enemy with great Slaughter, and I amconfident that the number of killed and wounded on their side, isgreater than on ours, notwithstanding we had to fight them front &rear under every disadvantage. I understand that Gen. Sullivan hastaken the Liberty to charge our brave and good Col. Miles, with theill success of the Day, but give me leave to say, that if Gen. Sullivan & the rest of the Gen'ls on Long Island, had been as Vigilant& prudent as him, we might, & in all probability would have cut offClinton's Brigade; our officers & men in general, considering theconfusion, behaved as well as men could do--a very few behaved ill, ofwhich, when I am informed, will write you. . . . Col. Miles & Col. Piperare prisoners, and I hear are well treated, poor Atly I can hearnothing of. Col. Parry died like a Hero. No allowance has as yet beenmade for the Lieutenant Coll's and Majors Table Expenses, in care ofseparate commands. I hope we shall be put upon as respectable afooting on that acc't as the Maryland officers are, our present paybeing not more than half sufficient to support us according to ourRank in this Tory Country. I am Dear Sir, in great Haste, your most H'ble Serv't DANIEL BRODHEAD. P. S. The Great Gen'l Putnam could not, tho' requested, send out oneReg't to cover our retreat. [Penn. Archives, First Series, Vol. V. ] [No. 22. ] COL. WILLIAM DOUGLAS TO HIS WIFE NORTHFORD, CONN. [LONG ISLAND, Feb. 26 (?) 1776. ][234] [Footnote 234: At the time of writing this letter, Col. Douglas wasMajor of Ward's regiment which enlisted for six weeks' service underLee, and which was stationed by him on Long Island. The fortificationthey were soon to begin was Fort Stirling. ] MY DEAR, Our Regiment is now stationed on _Long Island_ at and about the ferry. We shall soon begin a fortification on this side that will command theEast River and the town. The troops in the City are fortifying in oneof the Streets that will command the old fort, if the Enemy should getpossession of it, (and are putting down the rear of the fort. ) We havebegun another Fort near "Hell Gate. " The men of war have dropped downbelow the town and are very quiet, but supplied from the City byorders of this Congress. Our troops are very hearty and fare well astimes will admit, most of the valuable articles are moved out of theCity, and one third of the inhabitants. What are left behind lookserious, as it is now a serious point with them. The destruction ofsuch a City as this would be a great loss, & I hope it will beprevented. It will be in vain for us to expect to keep the shippingout of the North River, unless we can fortify at the Narrows, where Iintend to view as soon as the weather is good. The Fenoex now laysthere in order to guard that place, but will not fire on us. NEW YORK, July 20th, 1776. You have likely heard before this that two ships passed this Cityyesterday week, through a warm fire from our batteries, our Gunnersbeing in too much haste (I make no doubt, ) was the occasion of our notdoing them much damage! and us the _loss_ of 4 men in loading ourCannon. The Enemy did us no harm by their own shot and shells, whichwas warmly applied, --as soon as the fire had got pretty warm I receivdorders to march my Regt to the grand parade which brought us intoBroadway, that leads along the North River, and as we were on ourmarch in Broadway the tyrants did not fail to pelt at that part of thetown smartly, but luckily for us the houses fended off the shot verywell, &c. . . . My Regt is now quartered in _Broad Street_. N. YORK the 27th July, 1776. No new arrivals of the enemy. The ships that went up the River Ibelieve would now be glad they were safe back to their old station (bytheir motion). I had the Honor to dine with his Excellency Genl. Washington day before yesterday at which time he had nothing new fromany quarter. . . . NEW YORK Aug. 10, 1776. The enemy have a very formidable Army (some say more) but I supposeequal in number to ours, and from the best intelligence it is expectedthey will give us Battle soon, at which time I hope God in hisinfinite mercy will be on our side, and we shall have no occasion todread their numbers, or experience. Our cause being so _just_, Icannot but hope for success. Our lines are very extensive. The Enemyare very compact, and together; at what place they will bend theirfury is unknown, but is expected to be at this City, and Long Island. There sailed night before last, three Frigates and thirty transportsfrom the Hook, supposed to be gone round the east end of Long Island, and are to come through the Sound, and land on the main to theEastward of us, whilst the Shipping goes up the north river, and landsabove us and endeavor to meet. If this be their plan I think we mustmost surely work them! I suppose they may possibly fire the town, asthe buildings are many of them wood & very dry. But I do not believethey will fire the town until they grow dubious about the victory, andthat will only serve to encourage us, and when the town is burned itwill be much easier to defend ourselves than at present. If the"_Hessian_" troops are so lucky as to fall into our hands I am inhopes they will meet with such treatment as properly belongs to theirBloody crimes! For we have had no dispute with them but [they] haveturned themselves out as murderers of the innocent. N. YORK, 13th of Augst 1776. There was 43 large Ships came in yesterday--31 Ships, 10 Brigs & oneScow. I am now going to sound the channel to see if it will not do tosink some vessels against the fort. . . . NEW YORK, Augst 23, 1776. . . . The Enemy landed yesterday on Long Island, at _Gravesend_, aboutnine miles from our lines; our flying parties are annoying them allthe while. We have reinforced our side and I hope will be able to makea good stand. We expect the fleet up every tide, if the wind serves. Our fire ships in the North River have behaved manfully, have burntone of their tenders. The rest of the enemy left the river the firstopportunity afterwards. Our _Connecticut_ Militia have come in_bravely_; _twelve Regts_ were on the grand parade yesterday at onetime! Almost one half of the grand army now consists of _ConnecticutTroops_! NEW YORK, Saturday, Augst 24, 1776. . . . Our men had yesterday two small brushes with the enemy on LongIsland, and repulsed them both times. As yet things look well on ourside; a few days will now determine as the work is begun. Our troopsare really in high spirits, and it is a general voice, let them comeon as they _can_ or dare! There has been a heavy clashing of Arms onLong Island this morning, but have not yet heard the Consequence. . . . N. YORK, Augst 26th 1776. I am very well although many in the Regt are sick. We have not hadany general action yet. The two Armies are intrenched on Long Islandvery near each other and very often exchange a few shots. We have hadno considerable loss as yet. Col. Martin of the Jersey's is supposedto be mortally wounded. Both the lines are constantly reinforcing, andby all appearances a general action can't be far off; we have got theadvantage of the hills & woods, they of the plains. We shall notapproach their lines, and if they do ours, it must cost them dear. Thewind and tide served this morning, but they have not dared to give usbattle in the City yet. The Lieut. Col. Of the first battalion of Yorktroops is now before a court marshall for treacherous behavior, and bythe best accounts he will undoubtedly lose his life. I hope God in hisprovidence will guard us from falling by our open enemy, and from all_traiterous wretches_. . . . It is expected that they mean to give battleat two places at one and the same time, that is Long Island, and thisCity. N. YORK, Augst 31, 1776. I take this as the first opportunity to acquaint you that on Tuesdaylast we got a severe flogging on Long Island. The enemy surrounded alarge detachment of our army, took many, killed some, and the rest gotoff. Major Genl. Sullivan & Brigr Genl. Lord Sterling, Col. Clarkand several other field officers are prisoners. Col. Johnson waskilled. By the best act's we killed more of them than they did of us. But they took the most prisoners. We took twenty one, which I am awitness to, as they came through my Regt as I was in the woods fora covering party, and to prevent the enemy from flanking our rightwing. We were prevented from getting even one shot at them by a largecreek which we could not cross. I remained at the most extreme part ofthe right wing of our Army in a thick wood to prevent their crossing acreek, where our sentry's could hail and often fire at each other, until night before last when I received orders to call in my guard_all_, and march immediately with the utmost silence, which was soondone, and the whole army retreated into this city, without the loss ofany lives, except 4 or 5, which were late yesterday morning and wereshot in a boat, as they were coming off. We have also evacuatedGovernor's Island where we have lost some Cannon. What is to be ournext manouver I can't tell but I hope it is to make a good standsomewhere. I am well convinced that for us to try to defend LongIsland, New York, and the Jersey's against their land forces &shipping will require _three armies_ as large as theirs, as they havethe water carriage to place their men when & where they please. Manypeople I suppose will wonder at our leaving Long Island. But I wouldhave them suspend their judgment for a while, as they know not oursituation or the _enemies_! The shipping lay now close by the city, and can in half an hour be abreast of it with the tide. I expect we[shall] soon have a cannonade from our own battery on Long Island, (Fort Sterling) which I have the mortification to think I helped buildmyself, in cold tedious weather! They fired smartly from it yesterdayat our boats passing from Governor's Island. . . . COUNTRY SEAT NEAR TURTLE BAY, Septr 7th 1776. Our Army is now in three grand Divisions. One at the City, which isour _right_ wing, commanded by Genl. Putnam, one at and above KingsBridge, commanded by Genl Heath, and one at and about Harlem, commanded by Genl Spencer, which is the Division that I belong to, andis called the Center Division. I have three Regts of militia in myBrigade and they give me much fatigue & trouble. Col's. Cook, Pettibone, & Talcott are the commanders. We are encouraged by 1500Troops which have come in from Maryland. I am sorry to say it but itis a truth, I do not believe that we have got in all our Army as manymen as the enemy. I have heard that it has been said in the countrythat we should not have left Long Island, but salied out and drove theenemy off. We never were more than _one_ to _three_, on the Island, neither was it so prudent to abandon other posts for that, as theshipping could & have since come up the East River and then ourcommunication was gone, and the Army with it. We are now so as onepart can get to the other, without water carriage, & think if we willonly stand by each other, and not run home like cowards, with God'sblessing, we may keep them off, which is a victory of itself! I havetaken unwearied pains with the Militia, and I am afraid it is too muchfatigue for me, as my cough is a little increased. But I hope it isonly for a short time. . . . My expenses has been so large that my moneyfalls a little short. I was obliged to entirely support the sick of myRegt for some time, but I suppose you have none to spare. I shallmake out, but not so well as I could wish. . . . IN THE FIELD AT THE LINES ON HARLAM HEIGHTS, 18th Sept 1776. Since I wrote last we have had different scenes to go through. I laywith my brigade a little below Turtle Bay where we hove up lines formore than one mile in length. Gen'l Wadsworth managed the lines on theright and I on the left. We lay in the lines Friday and Saturdaynights. Sunday morning at break of day, five ships weighed anchor andfell in close within a musket shot of our lines quite to the left ofme. I then moved my brigade abreast of them. They lay very quiet until10 o'clock and by that time they had about 80 of their boats fromunder Long Island shore full with men which contained about five orsix thousand and four transports full ready to come in the secondboats. They very suddenly began as heavy a canonade perhaps as everwas from no more ships, as they had nothing to molest them, but tofire on us at their pleasure, from their tops and everywhere--theirboats got under cover of the smoke of the shipping and then struck tothe left of my lines in order to cut me of from a retreat. My leftwing gave way which was formed of the militia. I lay myself on theright wing waiting for the boats until Capt Prentice came to me andtold me, if I meant to save myself to leave the lines for that was theorders on the left and that they had left the lines. I then told mymen to make the best of their way as I found I had but about ten leftwith me. They soon moved out and I then made the best of my way out. We then had a mile to retreat through as hot a fire as could well bemade but they mostly overshot us. The brigade was then in such ascattered poster that I could not collect them and I found the wholearmy on a retreat. The regulars came up in the rear and gave meseveral platoons at a time when I had none of my men with me and I wasso beat out that they would have had me a prisoner had not I found anofficer that was obliged to leave his horse because he could not gethim over a fence so as to get out of their way. I found myself gone ifI could not ride. I went over the fence and got the horse over whilstthey were firing, mounted him and rode off. We halted here at nightand on Monday the enemy came on and we gave them a good drubbing. Ihave not time to give you the particulars of any part of our action. Ihave lost my major, a prisoner, --One sargeant or more killed and fourwounded, --have missing out of my brigade which sustained the wholefire but 8 or 9 as yet. I hope God will be on our side at last. It ismemoriable that I have lost no more and God be praised for it. Ourlines are now good and if they dare come on without their shipping Ihope we shall give them a drubbing. In the utmost haste From your faithful husband WM. DOUGLAS. I this moment received yours of the 8th inst, but have not got myhorse yet. He is left on the road. My love to the children. WHITE PLAINS 31st Octr, 1776. On Monday the enemy advanced to attack us at this place. I was orderedout with my regiment with three others to meet and endeavor to retardtheir march. We moved on and at about twelve were attacked by theiradvanced guard. We drove them back but soon after the main body cameon and we stood them until they got on our flank and I ordered aretreat. We had a most severe fire to retreat under, ten men to ourone, but we came off in good order and very surely fired on ourretreat all the way. I lost three dead and five wounded. They cut myregiment off from our main body and got ahead of me but I tookadvantage of a wood and got clear of them. My regiment has the honourof behaving most nobly. They are now near neighbors, our lines areabout half a mile. [Originals in possession of Benj. Douglas, Esq. , Middletown, Conn. ] [No. 23. ] GEN. WOODHULL TO THE NEW YORK CONVENTION HARLEM. JAMAICA, August 27th, 1776. GENTLEMEN--I am now at Jamaica with less than 100 men, having broughtall the cattle from the westward and southward of the hills, and havesent them off with the troops of horse, with orders to take all therest eastward of this place, to the eastward of Hempstead Plains, toput them into fields and to set a guard over them. The enemy, I am informed, are entrenching southward, and from theheights near Howard's. I have now received yours, with several resolutions, which I wish itwas in my power to put in execution; but unless Cols. Smith andRemsen, mentioned in yours, join me with their regiments, or someother assistance immediately, I shall not be able, for the people areall moving east, and I cannot get any assistance from them. I shallcontinue here as long as I can, in hopes of a reinforcement; but ifnone comes soon, I shall retreat and drive the stock before me intothe woods. Cols. Smith and Remsen, I think, cannot join me. Unless you can sendme some other assistance, I fear I shall soon be obliged to quit thisplace. I hope soon to hear from you. I am, gentlemen, your most humble serv't. NATHANIEL WOODHULL. WESTWARD OF QUEENS COUNTY, August 27th, 1776. Inclosed I send you a letter from Col. Potter, who left me yesterdayat 11 o'clock, after bringing about 100 men to me at Jamaica. MajorSmith, I expect has all the rest that were to come from Suffolkcounty. There have about 40 of the militia joined me from theregiments in Queens county, and about 50 of the troop belonging toKings and Queens counties, which is nearly all I expect. I have gotall the cattle southward of the hills in Kings county, to the eastwardof the cross-road between the two counties, and have placed guards andsentinels from the north road to the south side of the Island, inorder to prevent the cattle's going back, and to prevent thecommunication of the tories with the enemy. I am within about sixmiles of the enemy's camp: their light horse have been within abouttwo miles, and unless I have more men, our stay here will answer nopurpose. We shall soon want to be supplied with provisions, if wetarry here. JAMAICA, August 28th, 1776. I must again let you know my situation. I have about 70 men and about20 of the troop, which is all the force I have or can expect, and I amdaily growing less in number. The people are so alarmed in Suffolk, that they will not any more of them march; and as to Cols. Smith andRemsen, they cannot join me, for the communication is cut off betweenus. I have sent about 1100 cattle to the great fields on the plains, yesterday. About 300 more have gone off this morning to the sameplace, and I have ordered a guard of an officer and seven privates. They can get no water in those fields. My men and horses are worn outwith fatigue. The cattle are not all gone off towards Hempstead. Iordered them off yesterday; but they were not able to take them along. I yesterday brought about 300 from Newtown. I think the cattle are inas much danger on the north side as on the south side; and haveordered the inhabitants to remove them, if you cannot send me animmediate reinforcement. [Journals of the New York Provincial Congress. ] [No. 24. ] GEN. WASHINGTON TO ABRAHAM YATES, NEW YORK CONVENTION LONG-ISLAND, Aug. 28th, 1776. SIR--I was just now honored with your favor of this date, with GeneralWoodhull's letter, and should esteem myself happy, were it in my powerto afford the assistance required, but the enemy having landed aconsiderable part of their force, here, and at the same time may havereserved some to attack New-York, it is the opinion, not only ofmyself, but of all my general officers I have had an opportunity ofconsulting with, that the men we have are not more than competent tothe defence of those lines, and the several posts which must bedefended. This reason, and this alone, prevents my complying with yourrequest. I shall beg leave to mention, in confidence, that a few daysago, upon the enemy's first landing here, I wrote to GovernorTrumbull, recommending him to throw over a body of 1000 men on theIsland to annoy the enemy in their rear, if the state of the colonywould admit of it. Whether it will be done I cannot determine. Thatcolony having furnished a large proportion of men, I was, and stillam, doubtful whether it could be done. If it could, I am satisfied itwill, from the zeal and readiness they have ever shown to give everypossible succour. I am hopeful they will be in a condition to do it;and if they are, those troops, I doubt not, will be ready and willingto give General Woodhull any assistance he may want. But cannot themilitia effect what he wishes to do? They, I believe, must be dependedon in the present instance for relief. I have the honor to be, in great haste, Sir, your most obedient servant, GEORGE WASHINGTON. [Journals of the New York Provincial Congress. ] [No. 25. ] COLONEL HITCHCOCK TO COLONEL LITTLE CAMP ON LONG ISLAND. N. YORK. Aug. 15th, 1776. DEAR SIR, . . . Great Changes[235] and Alterations have lately beenmade; it gives me much Uneasiness that your Regiment is not going withmine; can't learn what kind of a Place it is we are ordered to take, but I sat out with a Determination to go anywhere & do anything, thatI was ordered to do--were you going up there with your Regiment, withme, I should not wish to be better off. Hope however we shall be ableto defend Ourselves against Rattle Snakes without you, which I am toldare very Plenty there; The General thinks however they [the enemy]will attempt to take & occupy the River on both Sides there &consequently has ordered two more of the established Regiments there;if they come (& come they certainly will in a few Days) I will defendthe Place as long as I can; they have certainly been embarking for aDay or two; I am yet fully of the Belief they will Land on Long Islandfor One of their Places & where else I don't know, but I'm fullypersuaded, in more Places than One, I wish you & your Regiment allHappiness. I know you will all play the man--the critical Hour ofAmerica is come; beat 'em once, they are gone-- Compliments Mr. Coleman. Dear Sir Adieu DAN HITCHCOCK. [Footnote 235: Col. Hitchcock had been ordered to Burdett's Ferry, opposite Fort Washington, on the Jersey side, but returned to LongIsland on the landing of the enemy. ] AUG. 29th 1776. The Wrench I recd in my Back by the Starting of my Horse at my Gunjust as I was mounting him, was so great that I scarcely got off frommy Bed next Day, but feel much better of it now; I hear the Regularshave built a Fort on the Hill east of Fort Putnam; I am astonishedthat our People are not building two Forts where you & I have alwayscontended for Forts to [be] built. For Heaven's Sake apply to theGenerals yourself & urge the Necessity of it; let two Forts be builtthere, & another just such abbatee as is built between Forts Greene &Putnam, from Water to Water; it can be done in a Day--cut every appletree down--if our People are in Spirits; between us, I think ourSalvation depends upon it for their Bombs will drive us out of FortPutnam, & if they attempt to force & should get thro', we have 'embetween two Fires. [Originals in possession of Chas. J. Little, Esq. , Cambridge, Mass. ] [No. 26. ] MAJOR TALLMADGE'S ACCOUNT OF THE BATTLES OF LONG ISLAND AND WHITEPLAINS. The movements of the enemy indicating an intention to approach NewYork by the way of Long Island, Gen. Washington ordered about 10, 000men to embark and cross the East River at Brooklyn. The regiment towhich I belonged was among the first that crossed over, and, on the27th of August, the whole British army, consisting of their ownnative troops, Hessians, Brunswickers, Waldeckers, etc, to the numberof at least 25, 000 men, with a most formidable train of fieldartillery, landed near Flatbush, under cover of their shipping, andmoved towards Jamaica and Brooklyn. As our troops had advanced to meetthe enemy, the action soon commenced, and was continued, at intervals, through most of the day. Before such an overwhelming force ofdisciplined troops, our small band could not maintain their ground andthe main body retired within their lines at Brooklyn, while a body ofLong Island Militia, under Gen. Woodhull, took their stand at Jamaica. Here Gen. Woodhull was taken prisoner and inhumanly killed. The mainbody of our army, under Major-Gen. Sullivan and Lord Stirling, foughtin detached bodies, and on the retreat both of those officers weremade prisoners. I also lost a brother the same day, who fell intotheir hands, and was afterwards literally starved to death in one oftheir prisons; nor would the enemy suffer relief from his friends tobe afforded to him. This was the first time in my life that I had witnessed the awfulscene of a battle, when man was engaged to destroy his fellow man. Iwell remember my sensations on the occasion, for they were solemnbeyond description, and very hardly could I bring my mind to bewilling to attempt the life of a fellow-creature. Our army havingretired beyond their intrenchment, which extended from Vanbrunt'sMills, on the West, to the East River, flanked occasionally byredoubts, the British army took their position, in full array, directly in front of our position. Our intrenchment was so weak, thatit is most wonderful the British General did not attempt to storm itsoon after the battle, in which his troops had been victorious. Gen. Washington was so fully aware of the perilous situation of thisdivision of his army, that he immediately convened a council of war, at which the propriety of retiring to New York was decided on. Aftersustaining incessant fatigue and constant watchfulness for two daysand nights, attended by heavy rain, exposed every moment to an attackfrom a vastly superior force in front, and to be cut off from thepossibility of retreat to New York, by the fleet, which might enterthe East River, on the night of the 29th of August, Gen. Washingtoncommenced recrossing his troops from Brooklyn to New York. To move solarge a body of troops, with all their necessary appendages, across ariver full a mile wide, with a rapid current, in face of a victorious, well disciplined army, nearly three times as numerous as his own, anda fleet capable of stopping the navigation, so that not one boat couldhave passed over, seemed to present most formidable obstacles. But, inthe face of these difficulties, the Commander-in-Chief so arranged hisbusiness, that on the evening of the 29th, by 10 o'clock, thetroops began to retire from the lines in such a manner that no chasmwas made in the lines, but as one regiment left their station onguard, the remaining troops moved to the right and left and filled upthe vacancies, while Gen. Washington took his station at the ferry, and superintended the embarkation of the troops. It was one of themost anxious, busy nights that I ever recollect, and being the thirdin which hardly any of us had closed our eyes to sleep, we were allgreatly fatigued. As the dawn of the next day approached, those of uswho remained in the trenches became very anxious for our own safety, and when the dawn appeared there were several regiments still on duty. At this time a very dense fog began to rise, and it seemed to settlein a peculiar manner over both encampments. I recollect this peculiarprovidential occurrence perfectly well; and so very dense was theatmosphere that I could scarcely discern a man at six yards' distance. When the sun rose we had just received orders to leave the lines, butbefore we reached the ferry, the Commander-in-Chief sent one of hisAids to order the regiment to repair again to their former station onthe lines. Col. Chester immediately faced to the right about andreturned, where we tarried until the sun had risen, but the fogremained as dense as ever. Finally, the second order arrived for theregiment to retire, and we very joyfully bid those trenches a longadieu. When we reached Brooklyn ferry, the boats had not returnedfrom their last trip, but they very soon appeared and took the wholeregiment over to New York; and I think I saw Gen. Washington on theferry stairs when I stepped into one of the last boats that receivedthe troops. I left my horse tied to a post at the ferry. The troops having now all safely reached New York, and the fogcontinuing as thick as ever, I began to think of my favorite horse, and requested leave to return and bring him off. Having obtainedpermission, I called for a crew of volunteers to go with me, andguiding the boat myself, I obtained my horse and got off some distanceinto the river before the enemy appeared in Brooklyn. As soon as they reached the ferry, we were saluted merrily from theirmusketry, and finally by their field pieces; but we returned insafety. In the history of warfare, I do not recollect a more fortunateretreat. After all, the providential appearance of the fog saved apart of our army from being captured, and certainly myself amongothers who formed the rear guard. Gen. Washington has never receivedthe credit which was due to him for this wise and most fortunatemeasure. . . . As the enemy showed a disposition to cross over into Westchester, Gen. Washington removed the main body of his army up to the White Plains, taking possession of the high ground North and East of the town. Herehe seemed determined to take his stand, his lines extending from amountain on the right, called Chadderton's Hill, to a lake or largepond of water on his left. An intrenchment was thrown up from right toleft, behind which our army formed. Long poles with iron pikes uponthem, supplied the want of bayonets. Chadderton's Hill was separatedfrom the right of our intrenchment by a valley of some extent, withthe river Bronx directly before it; but being within cannon shot ofour intrenchment on the right, Gen. Washington thought it best tooccupy it, and ordered Gen. McDougall, with 800 or 1000 men, to defendit, and if driven from it, to retire upon the right of the line. TheAmerican army were all at their several posts on the last Septemberand beginning of October; and here it looked as if Gen. Washingtonintended to give battle to the British army. On the 27th October, 1776, it was announced at Head Quarters that the enemy was in motionfrom Westchester, through Eastchester, directly toward the WhitePlains. A detachment of 2000, or 3000 men was ordered to proceed onthe Old York road to meet the enemy in front. As _our brigade_ formeda part of the force, I, of course, was among them. Before the dawn ofday, on the 28th of October, we learned that the enemy were in fullmarch directly in front of us. Gen. Spencer, who commanded this bodyof troops in advance, immediately made the necessary disposition toreceive the enemy, having the river Bronx on our right, and between usand the troops on Chadderton's Hill. At the dawn of day, the Hessiancolumn advanced within musket shot of our troops, when a fulldischarge of musketry warned them of their danger. At first they fellback, but rallyed again immediately, and the column of British troopshaving advanced upon our left, made it necessary to retire. As stonewalls were frequent, our troops occasionally formed behind them, andpoured a destructive fire into the Hessian ranks. It, however, became necessary to retreat wholly before such anoverwhelming force. To gain Chadderton's Hill, it became necessary tocross the Bronx, which was fordable at that place. The troopsimmediately entered the river and ascended the Hill, while I being inthe rear, and mounted on horseback, endeavored to hasten the last ofour troops, the Hessians then being within musket shot. When I reachedthe bank of the river, and was about to enter it, our chaplain, theRev. Dr. Trumbull, sprang up behind me on my horse, and came with suchforce as to carry me with my accoutrements, together with himself, headlong into the river. This so entirely disconcerted me, that by thetime I reached the opposite bank of the river, the Hessian troops wereabout to enter it, and considered me as their prisoner. As we ascendedthe hill, I filed off to the right, expecting our troops on the hillwould soon give them a volley. When they had advanced within a fewyards of a stone wall, behind which Gen. McDougall had placed them, our troops poured upon the Hessian column, under Gen. Rahl, such adestructive fire, that they retreated down the hill in disorder, leaving a considerable number of the corps on the field. This relievedme from my perilous situation, and I immediately remounted my horse, and taking my course in the valley, directly between the hostilearmies, I rode to Head Quarters, near the Court-house, and informedGen. Washington of the situation of the troops on Chadderton's Hill. The enemy having rallied, and being reinforced, made a second attemptupon Gen. McDougall's detachment, who gave them a second warmreception; but, being overpowered, retired upon the right of our line, then in order of battle. A severe cannonade was kept up from botharmies through the day, and every moment did we expect the enemy wouldhave attempted to force us from our lines. In the mean time, Gen. Washington had begun to remove his stores and heavy baggage up toNorthcastle. After remaining in our lines and on constant militaryduty for several days and nights, on the 1st of November Gen. Washington retired with his army to the heights in the neighborhood ofNorthcastle. [Memoir of Col. Benjamin Tallmadge. Prepared by himself. New York, 1858. ] [No. 27. ] ACCOUNT OF EVENTS ON THE 15TH AND 16TH OF SEPTEMBER, 1776, BYPRIVATE JAMES S. MARTIN, OF COL. WM. DOUGLAS' REGIMENT . . . One evening while lying here (Turtle Bay) we heard a heavycannonade at the city; and before dark saw four of the enemy's shipsthat had passed the town and were coming up the East River; theyanchored just below us. These ships were the Phoenix, of 44 guns;the Roebuck of 44; the Rose of 32; and another the name of which Ihave forgotten. Half of our regiment was sent off under the command ofour Major, to man something that were called "lines, " although theywere nothing more than a ditch dug along on the bank of the river, with the dirt thrown out towards the water. They staid in these linesduring the night, and returned to the camp in the morning unmolested. The other half of the regiment went the next night, under the commandof the Lieut. -Colonel, upon the like errand. We arrived at the linesabout dark, and were ordered to leave our packs in a copse wood, undera guard, and go into the lines without them; what was the cause ofthis piece of _wise_ policy I never knew; but I knew the effects ofit, which was, that I never saw my knapsack from that day to this; nordid any of the rest of our party, unless they came across them byaccident in our retreat. We "manned the lines" and lay quiteunmolested during the whole night. We had a chain of sentinels quiteup the river for four or five miles in length. At an interval of everyhalf hour, they passed the watch-word to each other--"All is well. " Iheard the British on board their shipping answer, "We will alter yourtune before tomorrow night"--and they were as good as their word foronce. It was quite a dark night, and at daybreak, the first thing thatsaluted our eyes, was all the four ships at anchor, with springs upontheir cables, and within musket shot of us. The Phoenix, lying alittle quartering, and her stern toward me, I could read her name asdistinctly as though I had been directly under the stern--. As soon asit was fairly light, we saw their boats coming out of a creek or cove, on the Long Island side of the water, filled with British soldiers. When they came to the edge of the tide, they formed their boats inline. They continued to augment these forces from the Island untilthey appeared like a large clover field in full bloom. . . . We lay veryquiet in our ditch, waiting their motions, till the sun was an hour ortwo high. We heard a cannonade at the city, but our attention wasdrawn to our own guests. But they being a little dilatory in theiroperations, I stepped into an old warehouse which, stood close by me, with the door open, inviting me in, and sat down upon a stool; thefloor was strewed with papers which had in some former period beenused in the concerns of the house, but were then lying in wofulconfusion. I was very demurely perusing these papers, when, all of asudden, there came such a peal of thunder from the British shipping, that I thought my head would go with the sound. I made a frog's leapfor the ditch, and lay as still as I possibly could, and began toconsider which part of my carcass was to go first. The British playedtheir parts well; indeed, they had nothing to hinder them. We kept thelines till they were almost levelled upon us, when our officers seeingwe could make no resistance, and no orders coming from any superiorofficer, and that we must soon be entirely exposed to the rake of theguns, gave the order to leave the lines. In retreating we had to crossa level clear spot of ground, forty or fifty rods wide, exposed to thewhole of the enemy's fire; and they gave it to us in prime order; thegrape shot and langrage flew merrily, which served to quicken ourmotions. . . . We had not gone far (in the highway) before we saw a partyof men, apparently hurrying on in the same direction with ourselves;we endeavored hard to overtake them, but on approaching them we foundthat they were not of our way of thinking; they were Hessians. Weimmediately altered our course and took the main road leading toKing's bridge. We had not long been on this road before we saw anotherparty, just ahead of us, whom we knew to be Americans; just as weovertook these, they were fired upon by a party of British from acorn-field, and all was immediately in confusion again. I believe theenemies' party was small; but our people were all militia, and thedemons of fear and disorder seemed to take full possession of all andeverything on that day. When I came to the spot where the militia werefired upon the ground was literally covered with arms, knapsacks, staves, coats, hats and old oil flasks, perhaps some of those from theMadeira town cellar in New York. . . . Several of the regiment weremissing among whom was our major; he was a fine man, and his loss wasmuch regretted by the men of the regiment. We lay that night upon theground which the regiment occupied when I came up with it. The nextday in the forenoon, the enemy, as we expected, followed us "hard up"and were advancing through a level field; our rangers and some fewother light troops under the command of Col. Knowlton, of Connecticutand Major Leitch of (I, believe) Virginia, were in waiting for them. Seeing them advancing, the rangers, &c, concealed themselves in a deepgully overgrown with bushes; upon the western verge of this defile wasa post and rail fence, and over that the forementioned field. Ourpeople let the enemy advance until they arrived at the fence when theyarose and poured in a volley upon them. How many of the enemy werekilled & wounded could not be known, as the British were always ascareful as Indians to conceal their losses. There were, doubtless, some killed, as I myself counted nineteen ball-holes through a singlerail of the fence at which the enemy were standing when the actionbegan. The British gave back and our people advanced into the field. The action soon became warm. Col. Knowlton a brave man and commanderof the detachment, fell in the early part of the engagement. It wassaid, by them who saw it, that he lost his valuable life byunadvisedly exposing himself singly to the enemy. In my boyhood I hadbeen acquainted with him; he was a brave man and an excellent citizen. Major Leitch fell soon after, and the troops who were then engaged, were left with no higher commanders than their captains, but theystill kept the enemy retreating. Our regiment was now ordered into thefield, and we arrived on the ground just as the retreating army wereentering a thick wood, a circumstance as disagreeable to them as itwas agreeable to us, at that period of the war. We soon came to actionwith them. The troops engaged being reinforced by our regiment keptthem still retreating, until they found shelter under the cannon ofsome of their shipping, lying in the North River. We remained on thebattle ground till nearly sunset, expecting the enemy to attack usagain, but they showed no such inclination that day. The men were verymuch fatigued and faint, having had nothing to eat for forty-eighthours--at least the greater part were in this condition & I among therest. . . . We had eight or ten of our regt killed in the action & anumber wounded, but none of them belonging to our company. Our Lt. Col. Was hit by a grape-shot, which went through his coat, westcoatand shirt, to the skin on his shoulder, without doing any other damagethan cutting up his epaulette. [_A Narrative of Some of the Adventures, Dangers and Sufferings of a Revolutionary Soldier, etc. _ Hallowell, Me. 1830. ] [No. 28. ] CAPT. JOSHUA HUNTINGTON[236] TO ---- [Footnote 236: Of Col. Samuel Selden's Conn. Regiment. ] CAMP NEAR KING'S BRIDGE, Sept. 20, 1776. You have most likely heard of our retreat from the city, before this, but I will give you some of the particulars. Sunday morning last, ourregiment, with a number of other regiments, were ordered to the linesa little below Turtle Bay, where lay five or six ships within musketshot of our lines. About six o'clock a most furious cannonade beganfrom the ships. At the same time the enemy landed a large body of mena little above where our men were posted, and marched directly for themain road in order to cut off our retreat, which they had like to haveeffected, as the greatest part of our army were from six to fourteenmiles distant from the city. In this skirmish we lost some men thoughI think not many. I have been unwell about a fortnight, with a slowfever and the camp disorder, which prevented my being in the skirmish. I had not passed the enemy but a little while before the enemy cameup; and if I had been with the regiment at the lines, I was so weakand feeble, I should without doubt have fallen into their hands. Ihave now left the regiment for a few days, and am with brotherChester, about sixteen miles from the city, getting better. . . . [Huntington Family Memoir, p. 164. ] [No. 29. ] LIEUT. TENCH TILGHMAN[237] TO HIS FATHER, PHILADELPHIA [Footnote 237: Aide-de-Camp to General Washington. ] HEAD QUARTERS N. YORK 3rd Sepr 1776. HOND SIR I have attempted to write to you several times since our Return fromLong Island, but have been as often interrupted by the vast hurry ofBusiness in which the General is engaged. He is obliged to see into, and in a Manner fill every Department, which is too much for oneMan--Our Retreat [from Long Island] before an Enemy much superior inNumbers, over a wide River, and not very well furnished with Boatscertainly does Credit to our Generals. The thing was conducted with somuch Secrecy that neither subalterns or privates knew that the wholeArmy was to cross back again to N. York, they thought only a fewRegiments were to go back. General Howe has not yet landed upon thisIsland, but I imagine something of that kind is in Agitation, as theFleet drew nearer and nearer, they are now about long Cannon Shot fromthe Battery, but no firing on either side. We shall be prepared tomeet them here or retreat over Kings Bridge as we shall find Occasion, our supernumerary and heavy stores are removed, we must leave ourheavy Cannon behind us in Case of Retreat, but I dont know that thatwill be any loss, as we never used them to much advantage. . . . I am most dutifully & Affecty Yrs. TENCH TILGHMAN. HEAD QUARTERS, HARLEM HEIGHTS, Monday, 16 Sepr. 1776. Our Army totally evacuated New York yesterday, the Enemy landed aparty of about 3000 from Appearance four miles above the City wherethey encamped last Night. They kept up a very heavy fire from theirShips while their Men were landing, altho' no Body opposed them, Iimagine they did it, thinking we might have some men concealed behindsome lines on the Water side. We removed everything that was valuable, some heavy cannon excepted, before we left the Town. Our army isposted as advantageously as possible for Security, out of reach of theFire of the Ships from either River; and upon high Grounds ofdifficult Access. I dont know whether the New Engd Troops willstand there, but I am sure they will not upon open Ground. I had aSpecimen of that yesterday. Hear two Brigades ran away from a smalladvanced party of the Regulars, tho' the General did all in his powerto convince them they were in no danger. He laid his Cane over many ofthe officers who shewed their men the example of running. These weremilitia, the New England Continental Troops are much better. . . . HEAD QUARTERS COLO. MORRIS'S 19th Sepr. 1776. . . . On Monday last we had a pretty smart skirmish with the BritishTroops which was brought on in the following Manner. The General rodedown to our farthest Lines, and when he came near them heard a firingwhich he was informed was between our Scouts and the out Guards of theEnemy. When our men came in they informed the General that there werea party of about 300 behind a woody hill, tho' they only showed a verysmall party to us. Upon this General laid a plan for attacking them inthe Rear and cutting off their Retreat which was to be effected in thefollowing Manner. Major Leitch with three companies of Colo. Weedons Virginia Regiment, and Colo Knowlton with his Rangers wereto steal round while a party were to march towards them and seem as ifthey intended to attack in front, but not to make any real Attacktill they saw our men fairly in their Rear. The Bait took as to onepart, as soon as they saw our party in front the Enemy ran down theHill and took possession of some Fences and Bushes and began to fireat them, but at too great distance to do much execution: UnluckilyColo. Knowlton and Major Leitch began their Attack too soon, it wasrather in Flank than in Rear. The Action now grew warm, Major Leitchwas wounded early in the Engagement and Colo. Knowlton soon after, the latter mortally, he was one of the bravest and best officers inthe Army. Their Men notwithstanding persisted with the greatestBravery. The Genl finding they wanted support ordered over part ofColo. Griffiths's and part of Colo. Richardson's MarylandRegiments, these Troops tho' young charged with as much Bravery as Ican conceive, they gave two fires and then rushed right forward whichdrove the enemy from the wood into a Buckwheat field, from whence theyretreated. The General fearing (as we afterwards found) that a largeBody was coming up to support them, sent me over to bring our Men off. They gave a Hurra and left the Field in good Order. We had about 40wounded and a very few killed. A Serjeant who deserted says theirAccounts were 89 wounded and 8 killed, but in the latter he ismistaken for we have buried more than double that Number--We findtheir force was much more considerable than we imagined when theGeneral ordered the Attack. It consisted of the 2d Battn. Oflight Infantry, a Battn. Of the Royal Highlanders and 3 Comps. Of Hessian Rifle Men. The prisoners we took, told us, they expectedour Men would have run away as they did the day before, but that theywere never more surprised than to see us advancing to attack them. TheVirginia and Maryland Troops bear the Palm. They are well officeredand behave with as much regularity as possible, while the Easternpeople are plundering everything that comes in their way. An Ensign isto be tried for marauding to-day, the Genl. Will execute him if hecan get a Court Martial to convict him--I like our post hereexceedingly, I think if we give it up it is our own faults. You mustexcuse me to my other friends for not writing to them. I can hardlyfind time to give you a Line. [Memoir of Lieut. Col. Tench Tilghman. J. Munsell, Albany, 1876. ] [No. 30. ] CAPT. JOHN GOOCH TO THOMAS FAYERWEATHER, BOSTON, MASS. NEW JERSEY, FORT CONSTITUTION, Sept. 23, 1776. I know you must be anxious for the certainty of events of which youcan have at that distance but a confused account, as I was on the spotwill endeavor to give you as Concise & Just account as possible; onthe 15th inst we evacuated New York & took all stores of every kindout of the city, and took possession of the hights of Haerlem eightmiles from the City, the Enemy encamp'd about two miles from us; onthe 16th the Enemy advanced and took Possession of a hight on ourRight Flank abt half a mile Distance with about 3000 men, a Partyfrom our Brigade [Nixon's] of 150 men who turned out as Volunteersunder the Command of Lieut. Colo Crary of the Regmt I belong to[Varnum's, R. I. ] were ordered out if possible to dispossess them, inabout 20 minutes the Engagement began with as terrible a fire as everI heard, when Orders came for the whole Brigade immediately to marchto support the first detachment, the Brigade consisted of abt 900men, we immediately formed in front of the Enemy and march'd up ingood order through their fire, which was incessant till within 70yards, when we engaged them in that situation, we engaged them for onehour and eights minits, when the Enemy Broke & Ran we pursued them tothe next hights, when we were ordered to Retreat. Our loss does notexceed in killed and wounded twenty five men, the loss of the Enemywas very considerable but cannot be ascertained, as we observed themto carry of their dead and wounded the whole time of the Engagement, they left a Number of killed and wounded on the Field of Battle & agreat number of Small Armes, the great Superiority of Numbers andevery other advantage the enemy had, when considered makes the VictoryGlorious, and tho' but over a part of their Army yet the consequencesof it are attended with advantages very great, as they immediatelyquitted the hights all round us and have not been troublesome since, our people behaved with the greatest Spirit, and the New England menhave gained the first Lawrells. I received a slight wound in theAnckle at the first of the Engagement but never quited the fieldduring the Engagement. I'm now Ready to give them the second partwhenever they have an appetite, as I'm convinced whenever [they] stirfrom their ships we shall drubb them. [N. E. Hist. And Gen. Register, vol. Xxx. ] [No. 31. ] ACCOUNT OF THE RETREAT FROM NEW YORK AND AFFAIR OF HARLEM HEIGHTS, BYCOLONEL DAVID HUMPHREY On Sunday, the 15th, the British, after sending three ships of warup the North River, to Bloomingdale, and keeping up, for some hours, asevere cannonade on our lines, from those already in the East river, landed in force at Turtle bay. Our new levies, commanded by a statebrigadier-general, fled without making resistance. Two brigades ofGeneral Putnam's division, ordered to their support, notwithstandingthe exertion of their brigadiers, and of the commander-in-chiefhimself, who came up at the instant, conducted themselves in the sameshameful manner. His excellency then ordered the heights of Harlaem, astrong position, to be occupied. Thither the forces in the vicinity, as well as the fugitives, repaired. In the mean time, General Putnam, with the remainder of his command, and the ordinary outposts, was inthe city. After having caused the brigades to begin their retreat bythe route of Bloomingdale, in order to avoid the enemy, who were thenin possession of the main road leading to Kingsbridge, he galloped tocall off the pickets and guards. Having myself been a volunteer in hisdivision, and acting adjutant to the last regiment that left the city, I had frequent opportunities, that day, of beholding him, for thepurpose of issuing orders, and encouraging the troops, flying, on hishorse, covered with foam, wherever his presence was most necessary. Without his extraordinary exertions, the guards must have beeninevitably lost, and it is probable the entire corps would have beencut in pieces. When we were not far from Bloomingdale, an aide-de-campcame from him at full speed, to inform that a column of Britishinfantry was descending upon our right. Our rear was soon fired upon, and the colonel of our regiment, whose order was just communicated forthe front to file off to the left, was killed on the spot. With noother loss we joined the army, after dark, on the heights ofHarlaem. --Before our brigades came in, we were given up for lost byall our friends. So critical indeed was our situation, and so narrowthe gap by which we escaped, that the instant we had passed, the enemyclosed it by extending their line from river to river. Our men, whohad been fifteen hours under arms, harassed by marching andcounter-marching, in consequence of incessant alarms, exhausted asthey were by heat and thirst, (for the day proved insupportably hot, and few or none had canteens, insomuch, that some died at the workswhere they drank, ) if attacked, could have made but feebleresistance. . . . That night our soldiers, excessively fatigued by the sultry march ofthe day, their clothes wet by a severe shower of rain that succeededtowards the evening, their blood chilled by the cold wind thatproduced a sudden change in the temperature of the air, and theirhearts sunk within them by the loss of baggage, artillery, and worksin which they had been taught to put great confidence, lay upon theirarms, covered only by the clouds of an uncomfortable sky. . . . Nextmorning several parties of the enemy appeared upon the plains in ourfront. On receiving this intelligence, General Washington rode quicklyto the outposts, for the purpose of preparing against an attack, ifthe enemy should advance with that design. Lieutenant-colonelKnowlton's rangers, a fine selection from the eastern regiments, whohad been skirmishing with an advanced party, came in, and informed thegeneral that a body of British were under cover of a small eminence atno considerable distance. His excellency, willing to raise our menfrom their dejection by the splendor of some little success, orderedLieutenant-colonel Knowlton, with his rangers, and Major Leitch, withthree companies of Weedon's regiment of Virginians, to gain theirrear; while appearances should be made of an attack in front. As soonas the enemy saw the party sent to decoy them, they ran precipitatelydown the hill, took possession of some fences and bushes, andcommenced a brisk firing at long shot. Unfortunately, Knowlton andLeitch made their onset rather in flank than in rear. The enemychanged their front, and the skirmish at once became close and warm. Major Leitch having received three balls through his side, was soonborne from the field; and Colonel Knowlton, who had distinguishedhimself so gallantly at the battle of Bunkerhill, was mortally woundedimmediately after. Their men, however, undaunted by these disasters, stimulated with the thirst of revenge for the loss of their leaders, and conscious of acting under the eye of the commander-in-chief, maintained the conflict with uncommon spirit and perseverance. But thegeneral, seeing them in need of support, advanced part of the Marylandregiments of Griffith and Richardson, together with some detachmentsfrom such eastern corps as chanced to be most contiguous to the placeof action. Our troops this day, without exception, behaved with thegreatest intrepidity. So bravely did they repulse the British, thatSir William Howe moved his _reserve_, with two field-pieces, abattalion of Hessian grenadiers, and a company of chasseurs, to succorhis retreating troops. General Washington not willing to draw on ageneral action, declined pressing the pursuit. In this engagement werethe second and third battalions of light infantry, the forty-secondBritish regiment, and the German Chasseurs, of whom eight officers, and upward of seventy privates were wounded, and our people buriednearly twenty, who were left dead on the field. We had about fortywounded; our loss in killed, except of two valuable officers, was veryinconsiderable. An advantage so trivial in itself produced, in event, a surprising and almost incredible effect upon the whole army. Amongstthe troops not engaged, who, during the action, were throwing earthfrom the new trenches, with an alacrity that indicated a determinationto defend them, every visage was seen to brighten, and to assume, instead of the gloom of despair, the glow of animation. This change, no less sudden than happy, left little room to doubt that the men, whoran the day before at the sight of an enemy, would now, to wipe awaythe stain of that disgrace, and to recover the confidence of theirgeneral, have conducted themselves in a very different manner. [Life of General Putnam, by Colonel Humphrey. ] [No. 32. ] TESTIMONY AT A COURT OF INQUIRY RESPECTING THE RETREAT FROM NEWYORK[238] [Footnote 238: Col. Tyler, commanding the 10th Regiment ofContinentals (from Connecticut) was ordered under arrest by GeneralWashington for "cowardice and misbehaviour before the enemy on Sunday, the 15th instant. " The testimony at the preliminary trial broughtout some of the incidents of that day's confusion and panic. ] . . . Brigadier General _Parsons_: Says on the 15th, he ordered threeregiments of his brigade, viz: _Prescott's_, _Tyler's_, and_Huntington's_, to march from the lines near Corlear's Hook to assistthe troops in the middle division under General _Spencer_, where theenemy were attempting to land; that he soon rode on after theseregiments by General Putnam's order, and found them in the main road;asked the reason why they were not near the river where the enemy werelanding, as he then supposed; was told by the officers that theenemy's boats were gone farther eastward, and probably would land ator near _Turtle's Bay_, on which they pursued their march on the roadto the barrier across the street; he, the examinant, being then nearthe rear of the three regiments, observed the front to advance on theroad called _Bloomingdale_ road, instead of going in the post-road; onwhich he rode forward to the front of the brigade, in order to marchthem into the other road, when he found Colonel Tyler with hisregiment, and was there informed they marched that way by order ofGenerals _Putnam_ and _Spencer_, who were just forward; this examinantthen rode forward on that road some little distance, perhaps sixty oreighty rods, to a road which turned off eastward to the post road, andfound General _Fellows'_ brigade in that cross road, marchingeastward, and also saw Generals _Washington_, _Putnam_, and others, atthe top of the hill eastward, and rode up to them; General_Washington_ directed that the examinant should attend to keep hisbrigade in order and march on into the cross road; he accordingly rodeback and met the brigade as they came into the cross road; as he wasriding back he saw Colonel Tyler in a lot on the south side the crossroad coming from the _Bloomingdale_ road to the cross road and askedhim why he was not with the regiment; he said he was very muchfatigued, it being very hot, and was going across the lot to join theregiment, it being nearer than to keep the road; this examinant thenrode by the side of the brigade to near the top of the hill, hisattention being to keep the brigade in order, and then heard General_Washington_ call out, "Take the walls!" and immediately added, "Takethe corn-field!" a corn-field being then on the right adjoining easton the main road, and north on the cross road; immediately from frontto rear of the brigade the men ran to the walls, and some into thecorn-field, in a most confused and disordered manner; this examinantthen used his utmost endeavour to form the brigade into some orderupon that ground, but the men were so dispersed he found itimpossible; he then rode back into the _Bloomingdale_ road and therefound a considerable part of the brigade but in no order; General_Washington_ was then forward in the _Bloomingdale_ road, and sent forthis examinant, and gave order to form the brigade as soon as could bedone, and march on to _Harlem Heights_; as soon as the brigade couldbe reduced to any form, they marched on to _Harlem Heights_; when theyhad proceeded about a mile or two, a sudden panick seized the rear ofthe brigade; they ran into the fields out of the road; the reason heknows not; in the fields he saw Colonel Tyler, which was the firsttime he recollects to have seen the colonel after the time he saw himcrossing the lot to the front of his regiment. . . . Ensign _Wait_: Says that he was in the rear of the first company ofColonel _Tyler's_ regiment; that after the brigade had crossed overfrom the _Bloomingdale_ road towards the post road, where they met theenemy, he saw Colonel _Tyler_ at the head of the brigade; that whenorders were given to man the stone wall, he saw the Colonel at thehead of the regiment, who marched up to the fence and presented hispiece, and supposes that he fired; that after that he understood thatorders were given to go into the corn-field, that after they had gotinto the corn-field, and a principal part of the brigade wereretreating, the examinant heard Colonel _Tyler_ say to the men, "Whydo you run? this will never beat them;" that at that time he supposesthe Colonel was nearly in the same place where he was when the firefirst began, and that from his behaviour, he has no reason to believethat the Colonel was at all intimidated; that from the situation theColonel was in at the time of the firing, he has reason to believethat the Colonel was one of the last that retreated from the enemy;that the first time he noticed the Colonel after the retreat from theenemy, was when they had marched about a mile from the cross road upthe _Bloomingdale_ road, where they got into some order, and thatafter that the Colonel continued in the front till the brigade reachedthe Heights of _Harlem_. . . . Paymaster _Sill_: Says that he had no opportunity of observing Colonel_Tyler's_ conduct from the time that they crossed over from the_Bloomingdale_ road towards the post road, and had returned back tothe _Bloomingdale_ road and marched up it one mile; that when thebrigade had marched up that far, there was a cry from the rear thatthe Light-Horse were advancing, and that a great part of the battalionwhich Colonel _Tyler_ commanded precipitately threw themselves intothe lot on the west side of the road; that the Colonel went into thelot and this examinant with him; that from the Colonel's conduct atthis juncture, it appeared to this examinant that his design in goinginto the lot was to bring back the men to the brigade, for that in hispresence and hearing the Colonel threatened to fire upon them if theydid not join the brigade. Sergeant _Palmer_: Says that when the brigade crossed over from the_Bloomingdale_ road towards the post road, he was on the right of thefront rank of the brigade which was led by Colonel _Tyler_, and thathe had a full opportunity of observing the Colonel's conduct till thetime of the retreat; that on notice that the enemy were approachingand orders given to take the wall, the Colonel advanced to it, stillkeeping in the front, and was the first man in the brigade who fired;that this examinant discharged his piece twice at the enemy, and onlooking around he saw the whole brigade were retreating, the Colonelstill remaining on the ground, with this examinant, and no personwithin several rods of them; that upon this the Colonel ordered themto stop, and asked them why they run and commanded the officers tostop them; that this not being effected, the Colonel and he retreated, the two last men of the brigade, the Colonel along the cross road asfar as he remained in sight, and this examinant along the corn-field;that when this examinant joined the brigade in the _Bloomingdale_road, he saw the Colonel at the head of it; that when the cry wasraised that the Light-Horse were advancing, which occasioned a greatpart of the battalion in front to betake themselves to the lot on thewest side of the road, he heard the Colonel order them back. Corporals _Brewster_ and _Chapman_: Confirm what Sergeant _Palmer_said, that the Colonel was the last man that retreated from the enemy, and that they saw the Colonel, after having marched some distance onthe cross road, strike off to the right, with intent, as theyconceived, to get to the head of the regiment. I do hereby certify that the whole Court were of opinion that there isnot sufficient evidence to warrant the charge of cowardice andmisbehaviour against Colonel Tyler; and that this report would havebeen made immediately on taking the examinations, had not the Courtapprehended that, the Colonel, having been put under arrest by expressorder from Head Quarters, some evidence against him might have beenpointed out from thence. CAMP AT WHITE-PLAINS, October 26, 1776. JOHN MORIN SCOTT, Brigadier-General, President. [Force's Archives, Fifth Series, vol. Ii. P. 1251. ] [No. 33. ] MAJOR BAURMEISTER'S NARRATIVE OF THE CAPTURE OF NEW YORK, SEPTEMBER, 1776[239] [Footnote 239: Maj. C. L. Baurmeister, of the Hessian Division. ] IN CAMP AT HELEGATTE, September 24, 1776. I had the honor on the 2d inst. , of dispatching to Captain vonWangenheim a complete relation, to date, of our doings here with thecondition, that he should send an exact copy of it to you, mentioningthat the continuation would be forwarded to you, with a similarrequest to communicate it to Captain von Wangenheim. . . . I announcedtherefore, that the army camped from New Thown to Blockwels[_Blackwell's_] peninsula, only the brigade of Major-General Grandremained under the orders of General von Heister at Belfort[_Bedford_] opposite New York, with the two Hessian brigades ofMajor-Generals Stirn and von Mirbach, together with Captain Bitter'sEnglish artillery brigade, which were posted behind the hostile works, in order to keep the rebels within bounds, in the city as well as intheir redoubts thrown up on the side of the city, for which end 1Captain and 100 men, towards noon on the 2nd. Of September, wereobliged to occupy Gouverneurs Island, upon which were found 10 ironcannons spiked, 4 18- and 6 32-pounders, many unfilled bombs, somethousand bullets, flour and salt meat in barrels. Every 24 hours thispost was relieved by the pickets of the English and Hessian regiments;the shore was occupied from Helgatte to Reed-Hurck. Before Helgatte 2frigates lay at anchor: la Brüne and Niger, both of 32 guns, with abombarding vessel, and on terra firma, just to the left side of thesevessels, a battery was erected of 2 24-pounders, 4 12-pounders and 2howitzers. Blockwell Island was occupied by 1 Captain and 100 men ofthe English infantry, and in the night of the 3d. Of September thefrigate Rose of 32 guns sailed out of the fleet up the East River, with 30 boats, leaving New York on the left, and without the slightestdifficulty anchored in Whall Bay [Wallabout] and Buschwickfeste. Allthe enemy's cannon were put into a serviceable condition and conveyedto the batteries, which were found in part and also erected on therising ground to the left of the village ferry as far as toGouverneurs Island. . . . Often in the night rebels came over to theEnglish camp in small boats, asked to serve, and enlisted in the newlyraised brigade, 2000 men strong, of a Colonel de Lancy, whoseancestors settled on York Island, and who had much to suffer from thepresent rebels. Some 100 men, from the prisoners of the attack ofAugust 27th. , are also enrolled in this brigade. On the 4th. OfSeptember, the English left their post on Blockwells Island, therebels occupied it in force, and so strong, that the outposts on themain shore were exposed to a continuous fire, which even the greatbattery could not silence. The 5th. Of September, 5 wagons and therequisite draught horses were furnished to every regiment, in NewThown also a forage magazine was erected, and the inhabitants of LongIsland recognized the royal authority, excepting the county ofSuffolck, in which several thousand rebels still remain, not collectedtogether but scattered, ready to fight against us everywhere on thefirst opportunity; why now Brigadier General Erkskine with his strongdetachment advanced no farther than 9 English miles beyond Jamaika andthe 6th of September was obliged to return is not to be divined; itwas then, that this best part of Long Island should have been kept forthe winter-quarters, for till now wherever the army has been thecountry is stripped of provisions, cattle and horses, as everything isdeclared rebel property; there is no longer an English regiment to befound incomplete in horses, and this want will soon no longer appearin the Hessian regiments, as many officers obtain the horses they needfor little money and even for nothing. I myself have 3 in this way. The happiness of the inhabitants, whose ancestors were all Dutch, musthave been great; genuine kindness and real abundance is everywhere, anything worthless or going to ruin is nowhere to be perceived. Theinhabited regions resemble the Westphalian peasant districts, uponseparate farms the finest houses are built, which are planned andcompleted in the most elegant fashion. The furniture in them is in thebest taste, nothing like which is to be seen with us, and besides soclean and neat, that altogether it surpasses every description. The female sex is universally beautiful and delicately reared, and isfinely dressed in the latest European fashion, particularly in Indialaces, white cotton and silk gauzes; not one of these women but wouldconsider driving a double team the easiest of work. They drive andride out alone, having only a negro riding behind to accompany them. Near every dwelling-house negroes (their slaves) are settled, whocultivate the most fertile land, pasture the cattle, and do all themenial work. They are Christians and are brought on the coasts ofGuinea, being sold again here among the inhabitants for 50 to 120 Yorkpounds a head; 20 York shillings are such a pound and 37 Yorkshillings make the value of a guinea. On the 7th the fleet was stationed between Reed Huck and GoverneursIsland nearer to New York, and the baggage of the Hessian corps, remaining for the chief part on board was loaded upon one transportfor the greater convenience of each regiment, whereby there was agreat relief from the repeated sending, frequently in vain for want ofboats. The Brocklands-Leinen was to be demolished, but on therepresentation of General von Heister, that this could not be done bysoldiers without compensation, especially as it would be the work offour weeks, General Howe recalled this order. . . . Many subjects are returning to the legitimate authority, and on LongIsland the villages of Grevesand, New Utrecht, Flattbusch, Brocklandand Ferry are filled with the fugitive settlers, most of whom howeverfind their dwellings empty, furniture smashed, not a window left wholeand their cattle gone forever. . . . I am to present the compliments of General von Heister. Colonel GeorgeOrboune, our Muster-Commissioner has already reviewed us. Major-Gen. Mirbach has had an attack of apoplexy, but he expects to recover; butMajor-General Stirn and Col. Von Hering are more sick. With the greatest respect (Signed) BAURMEISTER. IN THE DETACHED CAMP, AT HELGATTE, Sept. 24, 1776. [Magazine of American History, N. Y. , January, 1877. Original in the possession of Hon. George Bancroft. ] [No. 34. ] COLONEL JOHN CHESTER TO JOSEPH WEBB WEATHERSFIELD, CONN. FROM THE OLD HOUSE AT YE MANOR OF FORDHAM, Oct. 3d, 76. . . . The Enemy have not altered their situations much since you leftus. Not long since Genl Putnam with a party of 16 or 1800 men ascovering party went on to Harlem plains & with a number of waggonsbrought off a large quantity of Grain, but not the whole, for just atDay break the Enemy had manned their lines & were seen in collumnadvancing: as our party were not more than half theirs it was thoughtbest to retreat which was done in good order & without a skirmish. Weare daily fetching off large quantities of Hay & Grain from Morrisaniaas we are daily in expectation of Landing & an attack there, though weare determined not to leave the Ground without disputing it Inch byInch. Whilst you was here there was a frigate opposite the WidoMorris's House. Since that there has another come through & anchoredjust above Hell Gate opposite Harlem Church almost. Another has movedup East of Morrisania a mile or two near Frogs point where if theyland they will probably march up through West Chester & come upon usby Williams's Tavern. [Original in possession of Rev. Dr. John Chester, Washington. ] [No. 35. ] COL. JOHN GLOVER TO HIS MOTHER MARBLEHEAD, MASS. FORT CONSTITUTION, } Oct. 7: 1776. } DEAR MOTHER: . . . On the 23d (Sept. ) a detachment from several Corps commanded byLieut. Col. Jackson, consisting of 240 men were sent off to dislodgethe enemy from Montressor's (Ward's) Island, for which purpose sixboats were provided to carry 40 men each. Col. Jackson led, MajorHendly, of Charlestown with him. They were met by the enemy at thewater's edge before they landed, who gave them a heavy fire. Notwithstanding this the Col. Landed with the party in his boat, gavethem battle and compelled them to retreat, called to the other boatsto push and land, but the scoundrels, coward-like, retreated back andleft him and his party to fall a sacrifice. The enemy seeing this, 150of them rushed out of the woods and attacked them again at 30 yardsdistance. Jackson with his little party nobly defended the grounduntil every man but eight was killed on the spot, and himself wounded, before he ordered a retreat. Major Hendly carrying off Col. Jacksonwas shot dead as he was putting him into a boat, and not a single manof the 8 but what was wounded. One of them died at the oar before theylanded on the Main. The officers who commanded the other boats are allunder arrest and will be tried for their lives. In short if someexample is not made of such rascally conduct, there will be noencouragement for men of spirit to exert themselves. As the case nowis they will always fall a sacrifice, while such low-lived scoundrels, that have neither Honour nor the Good of their Country at heart, willskulk behind and get off clear. Yours &c JOHN GLOVER. [Collections of the Essex, Mass. , Institute, vol. V. No. 2. ] [No. 36. ] GENERAL GREENE TO COLONEL KNOX WHITE PLAINS. FORT LEE, Nov. [17], 1776. Your favor of the 14th reached me in a melancholy temper. Themisfortune of losing Fort Washington, with between two and threethousand men, will reach you before this, if it has not already. HisExcellency General Washington has been with me for several days. Theevacuation or reinforcement of Fort Washington was underconsideration, but finally nothing concluded on. Day before yesterday, about one o'clock, Howe's adjutant-general made a demand of thesurrender of the garrison in the general's name, but was answered bythe commanding officer that he should defend it to the last extremity. Yesterday morning, General Washington, General Putnam, General Mercer, and myself, went to the island to determine what was best to be done;but just at the instant we stepped on board the boat the enemy madetheir appearance on the hill where the Monday action was, and began asevere cannonade with several field-pieces. Our guards soon fled, theenemy advanced up to the second line. This was done while we werecrossing the river and getting upon the hill. The enemy made severalmarches to the right and to the left, --I suppose to reconnoitre thefortifications and the lines. There we all stood in a very awkwardsituation. As the disposition was made, and the enemy advancing, wedurst not attempt to make any new disposition; indeed, we saw nothingamiss. We all urged his Excellency to come off. I offered to stay. General Putnam did the same, and so did General Mercer; but hisExcellency thought it best for us all to come off together, which wedid, about half an hour before the enemy surrounded the fort. Theenemy came up Harlem River, and landed a party at head-quarters, whichwas upon the back of our people in the lines. A disorderly retreatsoon took place; without much firing the people retreated into thefort. On the north side of the fort there was a very heavy fire for along while; and as they had the advantage of the ground, I apprehendthe enemy's loss must be great. After the troops retreated in thefort, very few guns were fired. The enemy approached within small-armfire of the lines, and sent in a flag, and the garrison capitulated inan hour. I was afraid of the fort; the redoubt you and I advised, too, was not done, or little or nothing done to it. Had that been complete, I think the garrison might have defended themselves a long while, orbeen brought off. I feel mad, vexed, sick, and sorry. Never did I needthe consoling voice of a friend more than now. Happy should I be tosee you. This is a most terrible event: its consequences are justly tobe dreaded. Pray, what is said upon the occasion? A line from you willbe very acceptable. I am, dear sir, your obedient servant, N. GREENE. No particulars of the action as yet has come to my knowledge. [Mem. Onthe back. ] I have not time to give you a description of the battle. [Life and Correspondence of Henry Knox, Maj. Gen. , &c. By Francis S. Drake, Boston, 1873. ] [No. 37. ] DIARY OF REV. MR. SHEWKIRK, PASTOR OF THE MORAVIAN CHURCH, NEWYORK[240] [Footnote 240: A part of this diary was published in the _Moravian_, Bethlehem, Penn. , in 1876, with notes prepared by Rev. A. A. Reinke, present pastor of the Moravian congregation in New York. The extractsfor 1775 appear in print now for the first time, and, of the whole, only those which bear upon public affairs are given here. In 1776, theMoravian Church stood in Fair street (now Fulton), opposite the oldNorth Dutch Church on the corner of William street. ] 1775. _Sunday April 23rd. _--In Town were many Commotions tho' it was Sunday, on account of various Reports, especially from Boston, thatHostilities had been begun between the King's Troops and theProvincials. _Thursday 27th. _ Late in the evening, Br. & Sr. Van Vleck arrived fromBethlehem; but finding the Town in such Commotions, he did not thinkit proper to stay for the present, apprehending that he might becalled upon to be a Member of the Committee, &c. ; and therefore wentthe following Evening to Jacobsen's at Staten Island. _Saturday 29th. _--This whole week, ever since last Sunday all wasalarmed in the City; there was nothing but Co[=m]otion & Confusion. Trade & publick business was at a stand;--soldiers were enlisted; thePort was stopt, and the Inhabitants seized the Keys of the CustomHouse; took the Arms & Powder into their Custody, not trusting theCorporation, &c. A Panic & Fear seized the People; many were formoving into the Country, & several did. The case was the same withsome of our People, & especially the Sisters;--we comforted &encouraged them as well as we could. To-day matters as to the Towntook a Turn; the Divisions & Animosities among one another ceased;from whence the most was to be feared at present;--they all in generalagreed to stand by one another, & use moderate measures; & since thenit is grown more quiet; & not so many fearful reports are spread. _Sunday 30th. _ This afternoon some of the new England Provincials cameto Town. _Friday May 26th. _--Being informed this Ev'ning that the ProvincialCongress which has begun in this City, had made out that all thoseMinisters that preach in English are by Turns to open each day theCongress's Consultations with Prayers, some further Inquiry was madeinto this Matter, & we understood, _Saturday 27th_ that the Matter is not so general as it is thought, &that if it should be offer'd one may excuse one's self. _Tuesday June 6th. _--There was again a Hurry in the Town on account ofthe King's Soldiers being taken on Board of the Man of War. But weremained in Peace. _Sunday 25th. _--In the Town it was very noisy; for our Governor, Wm. Tryon was expected to come in on his return from England; andat the same time General Washington of the Provincials, who has beenappointed Chief Co[=m]ander of all the Troops by the ContinentalCongress. They would show some regard to the Governor too, but thechief attention was paid to Gen. Washington. At one Church theMinister was obliged to give over; for the People went out, when theGeneral came, who was received with much ado. The Governor came onshore late in the Ev'ning. _Thursday August 24th. _--Last night was a great Disturbance in theCity. About Mid-night some of the Town Soldiers began to take away theCa[=n]ons from the Battery. The Asia Man of War watched their motion;the Captain Vandeput who is an humain Man & has no Intention to hurtthe Town, but must protect the King's Property, fired a couple of gunsabout 12 o'clock;--his Barge & the Town People fired upon one another;on both sides some were wounded, & one of the Barge Men killed. Thewhole city got up; all was in alarm; the Drums beating, & the soldiersgathering together. They got away 21 Ca[=n]ons; the Man of War fired aBroadside with balls, &c. Several houses were damaged. Many peopleflew from their houses, & among them Sr. Kilburn, who was butyesterday with her Effects, and many of Abr. V. Vlecks & his 2 littlechildren, &c. Come back to her own house. Thus things went on tillMorning, & now the whole day thro' there is nothing but moving out ofthe Town; & fearful Reports. Several of our People moved likewise Abm. V. Vleck's family & Kilburn moved to Jas. Cargyll's, & on freshalarming news the next day, with Eliz. Vandeursen & Hil. Waldron toSecond River [New Jersey]. _Friday 25th. _--Things were the same in the Town as yesterday, &rather worse. A correspondence was carried on between the Capt. Of theAsia, & the Mayor of the City, & thro' the latter with the Committeeor Congress, to adjust matters. Gov. Tryon acted as Mediator. Somehot-headed Men seemed to insist on pursuing their rash measures, whileothers, & rather the Majority, did not approve of it. _Monday 28th. _--The Moving out of the Town continues, & the City looksin some Streets as if the Plague had been in it, so many Houses beingshut up. Br. & Sr. Seuneffs, with their 7 children, moved to-day toPhiladelphia, for good & all. Another measure in the Town, which takes place this Week, namely todivide all Men between 16 & 50 years into Ward companies, causedTroubles, & was one reason why Seuneff made Haste to get away, tho' hewill doubtless meet with the same in Philad. _Monday Sept. 11th. _--Last week & to-day several of the Inhabitantscame back again to Town; also some of our People. _Monday 18th. _--The Town-Soldiers, or the Minute Men made a greatParade to-day; marching with their Baggage & Provision, &c. It wasthought they went on an Expedition, but it was only a Trial. They wentbut 5 miles, & came back in the Ev'ning; they made not only forthemselves, but for the greatest Part of the Inhabitants an idle, noisy, & exceedingly ill-spent Day; & they got, most of them, drunk;fought together where they had stopt; & when they came back to Town;so that many are now under the Doctor's & Surgeon's Hands. May theLord have Mercy on this poor City. _Tuesday Oct. 10th. _--On account of an attempt which had been made totake Blankets, Sheets, &c. Out of the King's Store, the city was againin danger of being fired upon, & it caused new fear & alarm. Howeverupon Consultations of the Co[=m]ittee or Congress & the Corporation, the goods were carried back again, & this Storm blew over, tho' someill designed Persons were not pleased with it. Other accounts & Reports this Week made that several families moveagain out of the Town; & it is observed that some of the Head-Menbegin to hang down their Heads, & many believe they will be ruin'dmen. _Monday 16th. _--The Report that the Crown Officers, & also ourGovernor here, will be taken up, & on which account Gov. Tryon hadwrote a Letter to the Mayor, which appeared in print, caused new Alarmthis week. _Thursday 19th. _--In the Afternoon a Captain[241] of the Rifle Menwho some time ago marched with his Company thro' Bethlehem, & nowcoming from Cambridge near Boston died here, was interred in TrinityChurch-yard, with great Pomp, & military Honours. All the Companies, many of the Clergy Men, & a great Concourse of the People attended. [Footnote 241: Capt. Michael Cresap, of Maryland. ] _Saturday 21st. _--In the afternoon Br. & Sr. Henry Van Vleck all onsudden resolved to leave N. York & to return to Bethlehem, or at leastfor the present to go to Brunswig. The Reason was because a Report wasspread that a Transport with Troops had been cast away on the JerseyCoast; from whence it was concluded, & they thought to have sureIntelligence, that some Troops, with the Fleet from England, would behere soon. They went this Ev'ning to Powl's Hook. 1776. _Thursday 18th January. _--Last night and to-day Troops came in fromthe Jerseys; the troubles begin again. _Monday 29th. _--The troubles in the town increased. Tenbroeks' movedto Second River on Wednesday. They would have gone on Tuesday, but theweather was too bad. _Sunday 4th February. _--This afternoon Mr. Lee, a General of the NewEnglish (New England) troops came to town; as also the "Mercury, " aman of war, with General Clinton. The men of war _here_ took amerchant ship coming in, &c. ; all which made many commotions in thetown. _Monday 5th. _--Soldiers came to town both from Connecticut and theJerseys, and the whole aspect of things grew frightful, and increasedso from day to day. The inhabitants began now to move away in asurprising manner. The weather was very cold, and the rivers full ofice, which proved a great obstruction to the People's moving. However, in the middle of the week it thawed fast, which seemed also to answerthe prevention of designs against the men of war, the execution ofwhich might have proved very fatal to the city. One could not pass thestreets without feeling a great deal; and at last we were obliged toencourage it that our sisters and young People might retreat. At theend of the week about 40 of our People were Moved. _Sunday 11th. _--This was a gloomy day. The carts went all the day withthe goods of the people that are moving; moreover, in the forenoon theSoldiers began to take away all the guns from the Battery and theFort, and continued till late. This caused an hourly expectation, especially in the afternoon, that the men of war would fire; howeverthey did not. It did not at all look like a Sunday. In some churchesthey had no service; in others hardly any People. In the forenoon wehad a discourse from behind the table, from the yesterday'swatch-word; "I the Lord do keep it; I will water it every moment, lestany hurt it, " &c. In the afternoon was preaching on Lamentations III. 39-41: "Wherefore doth a living man complain, &c. Let us search andtry our ways, " &c. Both times we had more hearers than we expected. _Monday 12th. _--His Majesty's ship, the "Mercury, " with Genl. Clinton, and the "Transport" with the soldiers left the harbour yesterday, toproceed on their voyage southward. The moving out of the towncontinues. _Saturday 17th. _--The whole week those of our people who are yet intown were visited. This morning the "Phoenix" went out of theharbor, down to the watering place and the hook. In the afternoon the"Asia, " the ship with the Governor and the two Prices, moved also outof the east river, and when she was opposite the White Hall she wasfast upon a rock. All was in agitation in town; and it seemed therewas a thought of attacking her, &c. ; but they dropt it; and with thehigh water the "Asia" got afloat and lies now in the bay below theIsland. _Wednesday 21st. _--In the afternoon Sister Esther Pell came to townfrom Middle Town Point. The boat she came in, laden with wood, wasstopped by the men of war, and was sent back; but the passengers wereallowed to come to town. _Sunday 25th. _--In the forenoon only a discourse was kept on thewatch-word of to-morrow. In the afternoon a sermon was preached onthe day's gospel. Several of the New England people were present. Inthe town the work at the entrenchments continued, and some branches oftrade were likewise working. At night Sister Shewkirk came back fromSecond River. _Wednesday 13th March. _--A packet from England arrived once again, andbrought an uncommon number of letters; but they came not on shore. Thepostmaster would not take them, for fear that they might be seizedwithout the postage being paid. The people were not suffered to go onboard to fetch them; unless they took an oath to tell nothing that isdone in the city. A packet for Bethlehem, directed to Bro. Shewkirk, had been sent from England along with the government despatchespost-free, and was brought by Mr. Ross in the King's Service, who hadbeen on board privately. _Sunday 7th April. _--Easter. To-day and last night the commotions inthe city begin to be greater; attacks have been made on the littleislands, and at the watering place. _Monday 8th. _--Sister Kilburn who had got the officers, &c. , out ofher house, got it cleaned and in order again. Tho' these lodgers hadbeen better than common soldiers, yet she found her house and premisesmuch injured. Sister Hilah Waldron on the following days got likewisethe soldiers out of one of her houses, but she has suffered a greatdeal more. Indeed it is beyond description, how these uncivilized, rude, and wild People, abuse the finest houses in the city. _Tuesday 30th. _--Sisters Kilburn and Hilah Waldron, and Sister Boelenshave got the soldiers out of their houses. _Friday 17th May. _--This day had been appointed a day of fasting andprayer throughout the country; therefore we had preaching in the foreand afternoon. The Text, a. M. , was from Joel ii. 12, 13, 14. "Therefore also now, saith the Lord, turn ye even to me with all yourheart, and with fasting and with weeping, and with mourning; and rendyour hearts and not your garments, and turn unto the Lord your God;for He is gracious and merciful, slow to anger and of great kindness, and repenteth Him of the evil. Who knoweth if He will return andrepent, and leave a blessing behind Him?" The text, p. M. , was fromHosea xiv. 1-3: "O Israel, return unto the Lord thy God, for thou hastfallen by thine iniquity, " &c. Our Saviour gave grace, in thiscritical juncture of affairs, to keep in the speaking to the subjectof the text, and to avoid in the application what might beexceptionable. We had a pretty numerous auditory in the afternoon;also some of the officers. All behaved with attention. To-day the newscame that the Provincials have raised the Siege of Quebec, with theloss of their artillery, baggage, and some hundreds of sick. _Thursday 13th June. _--Here in town very unhappy and shocking sceneswere exhibited. On Munday night some men called Tories were carriedand hauled about through the streets, with candles forced to be heldby them, or pushed in their faces, and their heads burned; but onWednesday, in the open day, the scene was by far worse; several, andamong them gentlemen, were carried on rails; some stripped naked anddreadfully abused. Some of the generals, and especially Pudnam andtheir forces, had enough to do to quell the riot, and make the mobdisperse. _Friday 14th. _--A printed letter from the Continental Congress wasdistributed, which gave intelligence that for certain, within tendays, the fleet from Halifax would be here, and it was stronglyrecommended to make all possible defence. In consequence of this, manymore troops came to town, and all was in alarm. _Tuesday 18th. _--To-day men were drafted out of the different WardCompanies. This matter gave us some anxiousness. Our brethren couldnot stand out, as times and circumstances are, and had none to applyto. One Alleviation is, that a man drafted may hire another man, if hecan get one. Of our people were only drafted Robt. Thomas and AbrahamVan Vleck. The town is now pretty full again of the soldiers that arecome from Pennsylvania and other parts; and the moving of theinhabitants out of town continues. _Saturday 22d. _--Yesterday and to-day the news came that the fleet wasarrived at the Hook, and the troops from Halifax; which caused newalarm. _Sunday 30th. _--Some of the inhabitants moved to-day out of town; theProvincial Soldiers were busy, and had no service; and in generalthere is little attention paid to the Sunday. Our preachings were yettolerably well attended. The to-day's Word was, "The work ofRighteousness shall be Peace, &c. " At 5 was the CongregationalMeeting, in which we called to mind that to-day we conclude the firsthalf of this year; and how graciously our dear Lord has helped usthrough in the troubles of the country, that begun to increase muchwith the beginning of the year, and have lasted more or less eversince; and now, as they approach yet more seriously, the watch-wordwith which we begin the next half year, is very comfortable, and wasspoke upon: "Thou shalt know that I am the Lord, for they shall not beashamed that wait for me. " Our brethren and sisters parted as if theremight again be a scattering, and it proved so; for, the following weekseveral more left again the town. _Monday 1st July. _--The watch-word of the first day of this month wasvery comfortable, and suitable to the time we are in. In the eveningthe news came that the fleet, or part of it, had left the Hook, andwas coming nearer. _Tuesday 2d. _--This, and more so when towards noon the first shipsappeared in sight this side the narrows, --put the whole town intocommotion. On the one hand every one that could was for packing up andgetting away; and on the other hand the country soldiers from theneighboring places came in from all sides; and _here_ the Wardcompanies were likewise warned out. Theodore Sypher's wife and childcame to our house, and staid with us this night; but the next day wentto a house a couple of miles out of town. In the evening we had ourusual meeting. _Wednesday 3d. _--Bro. Sleur who had brought his wife and daughter intothe country put several of his things into Bro. Henry Van Vleck'svault; we put also in some goods belonging to the house, &c. To-day weheard that the shop goods and clothes belonging to Sr. Hilah Waldronand sons, Henry Ten Broeck, Eliz. Van Deursen, Sr. Keed, Sr. Kilburn, Abr. Van Vleck, &c. , to the amount of above £700, which went in a boatyesterday with several other people's goods were taken, with theboat, by a Man of War. Our people would not have sent their goodswith this boat, if they had not been encouraged by the peoplebelonging to the boat, whom they knew; and who repeatedly told thatthey could not nor would they go _down_ the river, but go _up_ theNorth river, or put the goods down at or about Powl's Hook; and yetthey went straight down towards the fleet. There were also somepassengers on board. From all circumstances it appeared plain that itwas done designedly. _Thursday 4th. _--The fear that the fleet would come up to the townbegan to subside. It was heard that they had taken possession ofStaten Island; and that they would hardly advance farther before thefleet from England arrives. The country soldiers of the neighboringplaces were sent back again; on the other hand more of the New Englandtroops came in. _Wednesday 10th. _--Sr. Hilah Waldron, who had applied to Washington toget a pass to Staten Island, but got none, went again to Second river, in order to go with Sr. Kilburn to Elizabethtown, to try whether theycould get one there; for the captain of the Man of War had told themthat he wished they would come for their goods. _Friday 12th. _--A few more ships came in through the Narrows, and itwas reported that the great fleet from England began to arrive. In theafternoon about 3 o'clock there was unexpectedly a smart firing. TwoMen of War, with some Tenders came up. They fired from all thebatteries, but did little execution. The wind and tide being in theirfavor, the ships sailed fast up the North river, and soon were out ofsight. When they came this side of Trinity Church, they began to firesmartly. The balls and bullets went through several houses betweenhere and Greenwich. Six men were killed; either some or all byill-managing the cannons; though it is said that a couple were killedby the ship's firing; one man's leg was broke, &c. The six were putthis evening into one grave on the Bowling Green. The smoke of thefiring drew over our street like a cloud; and the air was filled withthe smell of the powder. This affair caused a great fright in thecity. Women, and children, and some with their bundles came from thelower parts, and walked to the Bowery, which was lined with people. Mother Bosler had been brought down into their cellar. Phil. Sypher's, with their child, which was sick, came again to our house. Not long after this affair was over, the fleet below fired a Salute, Admiral Howe coming in from England. The Srs. Van Deursen and Reedwould fain have gone out of town this evening, but they could notbring it to bear. _Sunday 14th. _--It was a wettish day, and it looked as if all was deadin the town. The English (Church of England) churches were shut up, and there was services in none, or few of the others; we had not manyhearers either. _Tuesday 16th. _--Bro. Wilson who came to town last Friday, --for hecould be in peace no more at Second River, as the country people willhave the Yorkers to be in town, --asked for a pass to go over onbusiness; but they would give him none. This week they have begun tolet no man go out of the city. Last Sunday, a flag of truce brought aletter to Washington; but having not the title which they give himhere, it was not received. Yesterday a message was sent down fromhere; to-day an answer came, (Geo. Washington, Eqr. , &c. , &c. , ) butwas again returned on account of the direction. _Thursday 18th_, was the day appointed when Independence was to bedeclared in the City Hall here; which was done about noon; and theCoat of Arms of the King was burnt. An unpleasant and heavy feelingprevailed. _Saturday 20th. _--About noon a General Adjutant from Lord Howe came, and had a short conversation with General Washington, in Kennedy'shouse. When he went away he said, it is reported, to Washington andthe others with him: "Sir and gentlemen, let it be remembered that theKing has made the first overture for peace; if it be rejected, youmust stand by the consequences" and thus--which seems to have been themain errand--he departed. Much politeness passed on both sides. _Monday 22nd. _--Our Bro. Wilson looking at the ferry, whither hisnegro was come with some goods from Second River, was put under arrestby one Johnson, and treated very basely by him, on account of a chargelaid against him by one Gordon, at the Falls, about 12 miles fromSecond River; that he and his son had spoken against the Americancause; were dangerous persons; and had done much mischief to theirneighborhood, &c. Bro. Wilson appeared before the Committee, thechairman knew nothing of the charge. Wilmot, one of the Committee did, but they could prove nothing; and Wilson could easily clear himself. The result was, --if he resided at Second River, they thought he shouldstay there. Many persons were ordered to-day to quit the town, becausethey were suspected. _Tuesday 23d. _--Bro. Wilson got a pass, and went to Second Riverto-day. _Monday 29th. _--Bro. Wilson came from Second River; he had got acertificate of the Committee there, which cleared him sufficiently ofthe late charge; and the Committee here gave him a pass to go toPennsylvania. He brought letters from Bethlehem, where he intends togo this week; and returned to Second River this afternoon. He alsobrought word that our people have got their goods that were taken withthe boat. _Wednesday 14th August. _--There was much alarm in the town, as it wasexpected that the next morning an attack would be made on the city bythe King's troops; which however, did not prove so. _Saturday 17th. _--Towards night a proclamation was published, in whichall women, children, and infirm people were advised to leave the city, with all possible speed; as a bombardment was expected; those thatwere indigent should be assisted and provided for. This caused a newfright. Some of the sisters yet in town came to Br. Shewkirk to advisewith him about it. _Sunday 18th. _--Early in the morning the two men of war and theirtender, that had been up the North River, came back; which causedagain a sharp cannonading till they were passed. Yesterday, afortnight ago, they had been attacked by the Row-gallies and aPrivateer, which were obliged to desist from their attempt; havingbeen gradually worsted by the men-of-war, and lost several of theirmen. Last week they attacked them with fire-ships, but could notobtain their end, and lost one of their captains; they then sunkvessels, and thought to be sure of having stopped their passage;however, they came back. It was a rainy morning, with a north eastwind. The fright seemed to be not as great as it was when they wentup; and yet the balls hurt more houses; some men were likewise hurt. Phil. Sypher's experienced a kind preservation. A nine pounder camethrough the old German church on the Broad Way, into the house theylived in, opposite the Lutheran church, and into the room where theyslept; but they were up and out of the room. The ball come through thewindow, which it mashed to pieces, with part of the framework; wentthrough the opposite wall near the head of the bedstead; crossed thestaircase to another room; but meeting with a beam in the wall, cameback and went a part through the side wall, and then dropt down on thestairs. A thirty-two pounder, supposed coming from the Powlis Hookbattery, fell into Sr. Barnard's garden, just before her door. Ifthere was service kept, it was but in one church. Our preaching in theforenoon was on Jer. 45:19; "I said not unto the seed of Jacob, seekye me in vain, " &c. , and in the evening from Matt. 6, 19 20; "Lay notup for yourselves treasures on earth" &c. _Wednesday 21st. _--In the evening . . . A very heavy thunder storm cameon. It lasted for several hours, till after 10 o'clock; an uncommonlightning; one hard clap after the other; heavy rain mixed at timeswith a storm like a hurricane. The inhabitants can hardly remembersuch a tempest, even when it struck into Trinity church twenty yearsago; they say it was but one very hard clap, and together did not lastso long by far. Upon the whole it was an awful scene. Three officers, viz. , one Captain, and two Lieuts. , were killed in one of the Camps;they were all Yorkers; and one soldier of the New English People waslikewise killed in a house in the square; several others were hurt, and the mast of one of the row gallies mash'd to pieces. _Thursday 22d_ and _Friday 23d. _--The king's troops landed on LongIsland. The troops from here went over, one Battalion after the other, and many kept on coming in; yet, upon the whole their number certainlywas not so great as it commonly was made. In the evening we had thecongregational meeting with the little company that was present. Weresolved to drop the Wednesday meeting for the present, and to beginthat on Tuesday and Friday at 6 o'clock. _Monday 26th. _--A good deal of firing was heard on Long Island, andseveral skirmishes happened between the scouting parties, wherein theProvincials sustained loss. _Tuesday 27th_ was a Fast and Prayer-day in this Province; which hadbeen appointed by the Convention; but here in the city it was not andcould not be observed. On the one hand, there are but few inhabitantsin the town, and the soldiers were busily employed; on the other handthere was much alarm in the city. Soon, in the morning, an alarm gunwas fired in expectation, that the ships were coming up; which howeverproved not so; but on Long Island there was a smart engagement, inwhich the Americans suffered greatly. Two generals, Sullivan andSterling, and many other officers and soldiers were taken prisoners. All the troops now went over; those from King's Bridge came likewise, and went over the next morning. As very few of our people came, wekept only a little meeting in the forenoon, in which a short discoursewas kept on Jer. 48, 17 and 18; and concluded with a moving prayer, kneeling. This (the result of the battle) was an agreeabledisappointment for all honest men; for what could such a fast signify, when men want to pursue measures against the Word and Will of God, &c. _Wednesday 28th. _--The different parties on Long Island kept on to beengaged with one another; the firing was plainly heard. Bro. Shewkirkmet with a young man, who waited on Ensign Goodman, and who was comeback from Long Island. He told him that he, and a small number of hisregiment--Huntington's, --had escaped with their lives. It had been asight he should never forget; such as he never wished to see again. This young man is of a serious turn, and religious more than common, and promises to be the Lords'. In the afternoon we had extraordinaryheavy rains and thunder. From one of the Forts of the Continental armyon Long Island, two alarm guns were fired in the midst of the heavyrain; supposing that the regulars would attack their line somewherebetween Flatbush and Brockland; all the men were ordered out though itrained prodigiously; it was found, after some time, that it was afalse alarm. The sound of these alarm guns had just ceased, when, immediately after, a flash of lightning came, followed by a clap ofthunder. It was awful. The very heavy rain, with intermixed thunder, continued for some hours till towards evening. In the night thebattling on Long Island continued, and likewise, _Thursday 29th_; and in the afternoon such heavy rain fell again ascan hardly be remembered; nevertheless the operations on Long Islandwent on more or less; and behold, in the night, the Americans thoughtit advisable to retreat, and leave Long Island to the King's troops. They found that they could not stand their ground, and feared to besurrounded, and their retreat cut off. The great loss they hadsustained, the want of provision and shelter, in the extraordinaryWet; the unfitness of many of their troops for war, &c. ; undoubtedlycontributed to this resolution. _Friday 30th. _--In the morning, unexpectedly and to the surprize ofthe city, it was found that all that could come back was come back;and that they had abandoned Long Island; when many had thought tosurround the king's troops, and make them prisoners with littletrouble. The language was now otherwise; it was a surprising change, the merry tones on drums and fifes had ceased, and they were hardlyheard for a couple of days. It seemed a general damp had spread; andthe sight of the scattered people up and down the streets was indeedmoving. Many looked sickly, emaciated, cast down, &c. ; the wetclothes, tents, --as many as they had brought away, --and other things, were lying about before the houses and in the streets to-day; ingeneral everything seemed to be in confusion. Many, as it is reportedfor certain, went away to their respective homes. The loss in killedand wounded and taken has been great, and more so than it ever will beknown. Several were drowned and lost their lives in passing a creek tosave themselves. The Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, and Maryland peoplelost the most; the New England people, &c. , it seems are but poorsoldiers, they soon took to their heels. At night, the few that cameor would come, had a meeting on the texts; and the next day we endedthis troublesome month with the watch-word, "He that believeth shallnot make haste. " "Grant me to lean unshaken, &c. " _Sunday 1st September. _--We had our preaching in the forenoon, and inthe evening as usual; and in the afternoon the Congregation meeting. At the preachings we had goodly companies of strangers. _Tuesday 3d. _--The evening meeting was on the Watchword and Text. Therebel army begun to re-collect themselves; and the greatest partmarched towards Harlem, and along the East River, some miles fromhere; the king's army advanced eastward on Long Island, opposite theHell Gate, and thereabouts. _Monday 9th. _--Whereas the troubles of War were now near Watts' House, Phil. Sypher fetched his wife, child, and goods back from thence totown, as also the things out of the Chapel House that had been there;and it was just high time, else they might have been lost; for thishouse soon after was plundered by the king's troops. Several otherpeople came back from those parts. By the measures and proceedings ofthe Rebel army, it appeared evident, that they intended to leave thecity; for as they had begun last week, so all this week, they removedtheir sick, their stoves, and ammunition, and gradually the soldiersmarched away. They likewise took the bells out of all the Churches andconveyed them away. _Wednesday 11th_ and _Thursday 12th. _--Night and day they were busy tobring their things away; and it appeared plain, that there would be achange soon; the reports were various. Almost daily there was firingfrom Long Island to Horn's Hook, and the ship yards here. _Friday 13th. _--In the afternoon, some Men of War went up the Eastriver; the few cannons left, fired on the ships, which caused thatthey fired back from Long Island and Governor's Island and verysmartly. Isaac Van Vleck, who is too much bewildered in the matter, made haste to get out of town. _Saturday 14th. _--In the afternoon more ships went up the East River, which being fired on again, brought on another smart cannonading; someHouses were damaged and it was very unsafe to walk in the streets. Theremainder of the Rebel army hasted away, and so did the members ofthe Committee, and others of the deluded people. _Sunday 15th. _--Soon in the morning when the tide served, more shipspassed up both the North and East river; and though what was yet intown of the Rebel troops got away as fast as they could, yet theyfired again on the ships, as they did likewise from Powles Hook; whichcaused a cannonading which made the houses shake, and the sound of itwas terrible. One large ball, supposed to come from Powles Hook flewagainst the North Church, just opposite the chapel broke, and a partof it went back into a neighboring cellar kitchen, where a negro womanwas, who came running over to the kitchen of the chapel-house; wherealso Syphers' family was, who had been there all night, as they livednear the fort, where the houses were most exposed to the firing. Aftersome time the firing ceased, and at the usual time we had theforenoon's preaching, in all stillness; the only service kept in thecity. About this time the king's troops had landed on York Island, about three miles from the city; there was some slaughter, and therebels were made to retreat towards Harlem. In the afternoon at threewas the congregation meeting; but the evening preaching we thoughtproper to drop. There was a good deal of commotion in the town; theContinental stores were broke open, and people carried off theprovisions; the boats crossed to Powles' Hook backward and forward yettill toward evening; some people going away and others coming in; butthen the ferry boats withdrew, and the passage was stopped. Some ofthe king's officers from the ships came on shore, and were joyfullyreceived by some of the inhabitants. The king's flag was put up againin the fort, and the Rebels' taken down. And thus the city was nowdelivered from those Usurpers who had oppressed it so long. _Monday Sept. 16th. _--In the forenoon the first of the English troopscame to town. They were drawn up in two lines in the Broad Way;Governor Tryon and others of the officers were present, and a greatconcourse of people. Joy and gladness seemed to appear in allcountenances, and persons who had been strangers one to the otherformerly, were now very sociable together, and friendly. Bro. Shewkirk, who accidentally, came to it, met with several instances ofthat kind. --The first that was done was, that all the houses of thosewho have had a part and a share in the Rebellion were marked asforfeited. Many indeed were marked by persons who had no order to doso, and did it perhaps to one or the other from some personalresentment. Bro. Shewkirk, walking through the streets, saw to hisgrief, that several houses belonging to our people were likewisemarked; as Sr. Kilburn's, Hilah Waldron's, and Sr. Bouquet's, King's, Isaac Van Vleck's, &c. He wrote afterwards to Governor Tryon, congratulating him on the late happy event, and at the same timeinterceded in behalf of the 2 Ww's houses. The word of this day wasremarkable: "Israel shall be saved in the Lord, with an everlastingsalvation; ye shall not be confounded world without end. " Thefollowing day everything was pretty quiet, though almost daily theybrought in prisoners, who were lodged in the Dutch and Presbyterianchurches. The fear one had of the city's being destroyed by firesubsided, and the inhabitants thought themselves now pretty secure;little thinking that destruction was so near. _Friday 20th. _--Bro. Jacobsen came from Staten Island, and it was atrue mutual joy to see one another; as, for a couple of months wecould have no communication with Staten Island. By him we heard thatour people there were all well. _Saturday 21st. _--In the first hour of the day, soon after midnight, the whole city was alarmed by a dreadful fire. Bro. Shewkirk, who wasalone in the chapel-house, was not a little struck, when he saw thewhole air red, and thought it to be very near; but going into thestreet, he found that it was in the low west end of the town; and wentthither. When he came down the Broad Way, he met with Sr. Sykes andher children. She was almost spent carrying the child, and a largebundle besides. He took the bundle, and went back with them, and letthem in to our house; when he left them, and returned with theirprentice to the fire, taking some buckets along. The fire was then inthe lower part of Broad street, Stone street, &c. It spread soviolently that all what was done was but of little effect; if one wasin one street and looked about, it broke out already again in anotherstreet above; and thus it raged all the night, and till about noon. The wind was pretty high from south-east, and drove the flames to thenorthwest. It broke out about White Hall; destroyed a part of Broadstreet, Stone street, Beaver street, the Broadway, and then thestreets going to the North River, and all along the North river as faras the King's College. Great pain was taken to save Trinity church, the oldest and largest of the English churches, but in vain; it wasdestroyed, as also the old Lutheran church; and St. Paul's, at theupper end of the Broadway, escaped very narrowly. Some of our familiesbrought of their goods to our house. Bro. Shewkirk had the pleasure tobe a comfort to our neighbors, who were much frightened the fire mightcome this way; and indeed, if the wind had shifted to the west as ithad the appearance a couple of times, the whole city might have beendestroyed. The corner house of our street, going to the Broadway, catched already; Bro. Shewkirk ordered our long ladder, and the othersto be fetched out of our burying ground; which were of service incarrying the water up to the roof of said house in buckets; and by theindustry of all the people the fire was put out. Several of our peoplehave sustained considerable loss: Sr. Kilburn has lost two houses;Pell's three houses; Jacobson one, and Widow Zoeller her's; and othershave lost a part of their goods; as Lepper, Eastman, &c. There are great reasons to suspect that some wicked incendiaries had ahand in this dreadful fire, which has consumed the fourth part of thecity; several persons have been apprehended; moreover there were fewhands of the inhabitants to assist; the bells being carried off, notimely alarm was given; the engines were out of order; the firecompany broke; and also no proper order and directions, &c. ; all whichcontributed to the spreading of the flames. _Monday 23d. _--The fire has thrown a great damp on the former joyfulsensation; numbers of people were carried to Jail, on suspicion tohave had a hand in the fire, and to have been on the Rebel's side; itis said about 200; however, on examination, the most men were as fastdischarged. Bro. Conrad, also, was taken to Jail, but after a couple of days hecame out again. Daniel Van Vleck expected the same, which made hiswife and family much distressed; for he had often talked tooinconsiderate, and in a wrong spirit; however it blew over. After all, it is observable, that those of our people who had kept themselvesfree from the Infatuation, were acknowledged as such, and met withnothing disagreeable of that kind. _November. _--In November new troubles began on account of thequartering of the soldiers, of whom more and more come in; as alsomany of their women and children. Many of the public buildings werealready filled with Prisoners, or sick, &c; especially all the Dutchand Presbyterian churches, as also the French church, the Baptists, and new Quaker meeting; and we were not without apprehension, thatsomething of that nature might come upon us; and this the more, as theChapel-House has the appearance of a spacious building; and justopposite the same they were fitting up the fine north church of theEnglish Dutch for Barracks. _Saturday 16th. _--From early in the morning till towards noon, a heavycannonading was heard, tho' at a considerable distance; one heardafterwards that the king's troops had attacked the lines and thefamous Fort Washington, and carried it; several thousands of therebels were taken prisoners, &c. The king's army has been about 2months thereabouts; and there have been, from time to time, sharpengagements, at the White Plains, &c; till at last they have driventhem away from the York Island; and it was a matter of moment, as nowone may hope that the communication with the Jerseys will be open'd, as also with the places up the East River; so that the Inhabitants maycome to the city and provisions be brought in; especially wood, whichis not to be had, and is extremely dear; a cord of oak wood, boughtformerly for 20s. Now 4£s. Fort Constitution, or Lee, opposite FortWashington, now Fort Kniphausen, on the Jersey side surrender'd, orwas left by the rebels; and the king's troops got soon master of thispart of the Jerseys, and advanced swiftly towards Philadelphia. _Monday, 18th. _--In the forenoon, about 11 o'clock, 2 officers, with 2other gentlemen came to see the chapel and house; Bro. Shewkirk showedthem about; one of the officers asked whether service was kept in thechapel; and hearing it was, said, it would be a pity to take it; theother ran about very swiftly, and saw every part of the premises. Bro. Shewkirk, who easily could guess what the meaning was, as soon as theywere gone, made application to the present commanding GeneralRobertson, and to Governor Tryon. The former was not at home; thelatter received him kindly, but said he could do nothing in thematter, as now all the power was lodged with the army; yet he wouldrecommend the matter to the General; and this he did in a few lines hewrote under the petition, referring it to the favorable considerationof the General. Bro. Shewkirk carried it to him, but he was not comehome yet, and so he left it there. He did not know that the 2000 andmore prisoners taken in Fort Washington, had come already to town. Inthe afternoon about 4 o'clock he saw at once the street before thewindow full of people. The serjeant of the guard came to the door, andasked whether this was the Moravian meeting? He was order'd to bringthese 400 prisoners here by command of the Generals Smith andRobertson. If the latter had order'd it, it may be it was done beforehe came home to his quarters. Bro. Shewkirk, who was alone in thehouse, did not know what to do; he could not go away. By and by theMajor who had command of the prisoners and another man came in; theylooked at the Chapel, and said it was too small; the latter said hehad told that before, he had been in the place before now, and knewit. He spoke to Bro. Shewkirk, and condoled with him that the placeshould be taken; they began to doubt of the certainty, and thoughtthere was a mistake in the matter; another young man of the city whoknows Bro. Shewkirk, and has now the care of the provisions for therebel prisoners, was likewise inclined in our favour. These 3 personswent backward and forward to make another inquiry; at last one of themcame back and told he had met with the Deputy Barrack Master, a Jew;who had told him they must be here. Well--the gate on the men's sidewas open'd. The serjeant of the guard, quite a civil man, advised to take allloose things out of the chapel before the prisoners came in. This wasdone accordingly. Phil. Sykes, who was come before this time, andextremely welcome, while Bro. Shewkirk was alone in the house, assisted herein; as also young Wiley; and it took up some time, duringwhich the Major came again, and order'd the serjeant to wait awhilelonger; he would go to Genl. Robertson. After some time he came back, and addressed Bro. Shewkirk in a friendly manner; saying, he hadbelieved they would have been a disagreeable company; and took theprisoners to the North Church. Bro. Shewkirk thanked the Major for hiskindness; may the Lord reward him as also the other two men. Theprisoners, with the guard, stood above half an hour in the streetbefore our door, and many spectators, of whom none, so far as onecould see, showed a wish for their coming in, but several signifiedthe reverse, and were glad when it did not take place. An oldgentleman, several weeks after, accosted Bro. Shewkirk in the street, and told him how sorry he had been when he saw these people standingbefore our door; he had heard Bro. Rice, &c. After this affair wasover, Bro. Shewkirk retreated to this room, and thanked our Saviour, with tears, for his visible help; He has the hearts of all men in Hishands. If these prisoners had come in, how much would our place havebeen ruined, as one may see by the North Church; not to mention thepainful thought of seeing a place dedicated to our Savior's praise, made a habitation of darkness and uncleanness. Praise be to Him andthe Father! As the winter quarters of the soldiers in this city were not settledyet, the apprehension was not over, that some would be put to us; andso one of our neighbors thought, who in time of peace was one of theCommon Council men; but at the same time he assured Bro. Shewkirk thatas far as he knew, none of the creditable and sensible men of thetown, wished it out of spite, &c. Bro. Shewkirk's character waswell-known, but the house was large, and there was want of room. _Sunday, December 1st. _--In the afternoon about two o'clock, a companyof officers came into the House, looking for some quarter forthemselves. It was assured by some that they would not disturb ourchurch and service; some talked but of some rooms; others said theymust have the whole house, and the chapel too. One, a Cornet of theLight Horse marked one room for himself; desired to clear it thisafternoon, and let him have a table and a couple of chairs, and hewould willingly pay for it. After they were gone, Bro. Shewkirk, andWilson who was just with him, went to Genl. Robertson. The Genl. Waskind; he said he had given them no orders; he intended to have noplace disturbed where service was kept. He took down Bro. Shewkirk'sname and the matter; which chiefly was, not to disturb our chapel, norto desire the whole house, Bro. Shewkirk offer'd a couple of rooms ifnecessary; and at last said he would go to Alderman Waddel. He wasalong with the officers in the street, before they came in, but toldWilson he had nothing to do with it; he only upon their desire hadgone along with them, and hear what he knew of the matter, and theyshould come along with him. When they were on the way, they met one ofthose officers, (the Genl's clerk) and indeed him, who spoke the mostimperiously, and that he would have the chapel; upon which the Genl. And they returned to the Genl's house. The officer spoke here quite inanother tone and said he had already told the other to look out foranother place, etc. The Genl. Said he would see about the matter, andgive an answer the next morning. The brethren went home, and Bro. Shewkirk held the congregation meeting for which the brethren andsisters were gathered together. Upon this occasion we found again thatour neighbors were not against us. One said, it cannot be that theywould take your place, the only place where public service was heldwhen there was none in the whole city. In the evening the room whichthe Cornet had marked was cleared, in case he should come; but none ofthem came again. Some time after, Dr. Edmunds, belonging to thehospital came one day, and with much civility and modesty inquiredafter a room. Bro. Shewkirk, thinking perhaps it might be a means tobe free from a further endeavor of somebody's being quarteredhere, --and moreover wishing to have a man in the house in thesedays, --offered him the room the Cornet had marked; and after someweeks he came, and proves a very civil and quiet gentleman, who causeslittle or no troubles. _Monday 2nd. _--The commissioner's extraordinary gracious proclamationin the name of the King, was published in the public papers; by virtueof which all rebels within 60 days may return without suffering anyforfeiture or punishment; and it has had a great effect; numbers arecome in, have signed the prescribed declaration, availed themselves ofthe benefit of the proclamation, and returned to the peaceableenjoyment of their property; though afterwards some of them have showntheir insincerity and bad principles, going back again to the rebels. The officers yesterday doubtless thought in a hurry to secure lodgingsto themselves before the proclamation was published, as now they can'ttake houses as they please. This was also the answer Genl. Robertsongave to Bro. Wilson this morning, when he carried in his name, andmentioned again our house and chapel. The Genl. Said the proclamationwould settle these matters. _Tuesday 31st. _--Whereas it is at present very unsafe in the eveningsto be out, on account of several late robberies, and persons havingbeen knocked down besides, we were obliged to submit to the times andcircumstances; and therefore the congregation members met at 4 o'clockin the afternoon, and had a love feast; to praise together our dearand gracious Lord for all his goodness bestowed on us during this yearfull of troubles. Indeed these times have been a time of shaking, andwhat had no root is dropped off. 1777. _Tuesday 7th January. _--Since the attack and defeat which the Hessianssustained near Trenton some time ago, the rebels are again in highspirits; and whereas the King's troops have been ordered down towardsPhiladelphia from Newark, and about Hackensack, the rebels are comeagain to these places, and distress the inhabitants greatly. Severalare come to town, having fled from thence. _Tuesday 14th. _--Upon the request of General Howe to lend our benchesfor the entertainment on the Queen's birthday, several wagons fullwere fetched. _Saturday 18th. _--Several reports prevailed that a part of the rebelarmy was approaching this city, and early this morning they had madean attack upon a fort above King's Bridge; but they were repulsed. Some of the soldiers here were ordered up that way to-day, and all thenight soldiers kept a look-out. _Monday 20th. _--It appears from the public papers, that intelligencehas been had of a further intention to destroy this city by fire. Forthis reason the city watch has been regulated anew, according to whichabout 80 men watched every night in the different wards. Besides this, some of the Light Horse patrol the streets in the night. Some otherregulations were likewise published, which give again an aspect ofmatters coming again into some order. The effect has also shownitself, the breaking down of fences, &c. , does not go on as it did fora while; the bread is larger &c. To-day a beginning was made with the inhabitants to take the oath ofallegiance to his Majesty. Every day 2 wards are taken; it is donebefore the governor, mayor, &c. _Thursday 6th February. _--Our burying ground at Fresh Water, (cornerof Mott and Pell streets) lies entirely open; not the least of a boardor post is left. _Sunday 16th. _--The evening preaching at 6, was on a part of theto-day's Epistle: 2 Cor. Vi: 1, 2; the subject, --"not to receive thegrace of God in vain. " When near the conclusion, another cry of firewas heard in the street, so that the last verses could not be sung. Ithappened to be in the Broadway, but was put out soon. _Monday 17th. _--Towards evening there was another alarm of fire, butit proved to be a false one, and the engines were ordered back. _Thursday 4th March. _--In the afternoon was the burial of Dr. Autchmuty, Rector of Trinity Church here, who departed this life lastTuesday. Bro. Shewkirk was invited, and was one of the ministers thatwere pall-bearers. There was a large company of ministers present; themost of them were strangers, partly belonging to the army. He wasburied in St. Paul's. The weather was bad, raining and snowing, yetthere was a great concourse of people. Mr. Inglis kept the funeralservice. _Sunday 16th. _--Some wild officers who came into the evening meetingdisturbed the devotion somewhat; however they went away soon; theauditory was pretty large and attentive. _Tuesday 18th. _--We have had fine weather of late. On Sunday nightabout 100 of the rebels being in a house somewhere above King'sBridge, some of the King's troops went to take them prisoners; and assoon as they saw and heard nothing of an opposition, they surroundedthe house, and the Captain and some men went in; but some of therebels took up their guns, and killed the captain, and 4 or 5 men;upon which the others rushed in with their fixed bayonets, killedabout 40, and took the rest prisoners. In the Jerseys some fightingshave likewise been within these days. _Wednesday 29th May. _--The King's troops are preparing for thecampaign, and to leave the town and winter quarters. The day beforeyesterday some of the fleet with fresh troops from home arrived, andyesterday a large number of troops came in from King's Bridge toembark. _Saturday 31st. _--As many troops are come in, some were lodged in theNorth Church opposite us, who made a great wild noise. They were ofthe recruits that are come from England. Others were lodged in theMethodist meeting, and in the old Dutch church, &c. _Tuesday 3rd June. _--The packet came in, as also more troops; but wegot no letter. _Wednesday 4th. _--At noon a salute was given from all the ships in theriver, this being His Majesty's birthday. In the evening meeting weblessed our dear king; afterwards the front of our house wasilluminated with 48 candles, and made a fine sight to the satisfactionof the beholders. To-day our Sister Len. Venema came back out of thecountry to our joy. _Thursday 5th. _--In these days the troops were moving, and everythingwas in an emotion; and on _Friday 6th. _--Many went away into the Jerseys; more of the Germantroops were arrived. _Wednesday 25th. _--An account had come to town within these days, thatthe intended expedition of the army had not succeeded:--finding therebel army too much entrenched and fortified; and therefore they hadreturned to Amboy; would leave the Jerseys, embark, and go uponanother expedition. A good many of the army came to town, especiallyalso women and children, so as to make the place and streets prettyfull again. Several of the Jersey inhabitants flocked likewise to thecity. In the evening the xii. Chapter of the Hebrews was read, andspoken on. _Saturday 28th. _--Since Thursday, a report prevailed that there hadbeen a smart battle in the Jerseys. After the King's troops hadembarked, and the day was appointed to sail on an expedition, thegeneral got intelligence that part of the rebel army was come withinthree miles from Amboy; upon which the troops were ordered back onshore, and march'd in the night to surround the rebels, with whomWashington was, it is said. The reports vary much, and wereexaggerated exceedingly: 1, 100 killed of the King's troops; 5 or 6, 000of the rebels; as many taken prisoners, and their artillery; they weresurrounded with Washington; that they could not escape; nay, Washington was among the slain; Stirling dead of his wounds; Genl. Livingston likewise, &c. ; 400 Pennsylvanians had grounded their arms, and come over to the regulars, &c. , &c. To-day, the account fell verymuch, and came down to a few hundreds lost on the rebel side; how manyon our side, is not said at all. Seventy were taken prisoners, whowere, together with a couple of field-pieces, brought to town early inthe morning. Matters go but slow, and cause concern to alldisinterested well-wishers. _Thursday 3rd July. _--The King's army has left the Jerseys, and iscome back to Staten Island. Many came to town daily; so that it growsquite full again for the present. The rebels have now the wholeJerseys again except Powless's Hook; and we are just where we werelast year, after the being in possession of N. Y. Island. 'Tis verydiscouraging, may the Lord pity this poor country. [Original in the Archives of the Moravian Church. ] [No. 38. ] MAJOR NICHOLAS FISH TO RICHARD VARICK NEW YORK, April 9, 1776. I have since my last been on Several Excursions in militaryCapacity--That to West Chester County to Guard the Cannon & find outthe Authors of Spiking them, has probably ere this time reached you; Ishall not therefore trouble you with a detail. You wish to hear what we are about in New York [ ] [Transcriber'sNote: blank in original] To be informed, picture to yourself the onceflourishing City evacuated of most of its Members (especially thefair). Buisiness of every kind stagnated--all its streets that leadfrom the North and East Rivers blockaded, and nothing but militaryopperations our Current Employment. I have been engaged for near three Weeks with the first independentBattalion on fatigue duty, in erecting a Redoubt round the Hospital, which we compleated on the 2d instant. This, tho' you will supposeit did not agree well with the tender Hands & delicate Textures ofmany, was notwithstanding with amazing agility and neatness, andlaying vanity aside, is generally judged to be the best work of thekind in the city; the Hospital round which our Works are, is made anArsenal for Provisions. On Bayards Mount now called Montgomerie Mount, as a Monument to that great Heroe, who honorably fell supportingfreedom's cause, there will be a Fortification superior in Strength toany my Imagination could ever have conceived. Several hundred Men havebeen daily employed there for upwards of four Weeks. The Parapet ofthe old Battery is raised to a proper Height, with a sufficient numberof Ambersures--As also the Parapet on the Fort Wall. There are twofortifications on Long Island opposite this City to command theshipping, one on Gours Island, one at red Hook, and the City itselfand Suburbs filled with them. Sundays we have none of, all Days comealike when [ ] is in question. We have Genls Putnam, Sullivan, Heath, Thompson, & Ld Sterling among us, with I believe about 14Thousand Troops; fresh arrivals from Cambridge Daily. And Washingtonhourly expected with many more--On Sunday the 7th instant there wasan Exchange of many shot between our Rifle Men on Staten Island, andthe Man of War, who sent Barges there for Water, of which the Riflemenprevented their supplying themselves--We know of four of their Menbeing killed, nine wounded, and have 12 Prisoners. Our Comy nowGuards the Records of the Province which are removed to Mr. N. BayardsFarm. . . . [Hist. Mag. , Second Series, vol. V. P. 203. Communicated by Hon. Hamilton Fish. ] [No. 39. ] SURGEON WILLIAM EUSTIS TO DR. TOWNSEND BOSTON, MASS. NEW YORK, 28th June, 1776. MY DEAR FRIEND, . . . You will be in Boston long before this can reach you, and willdoubtless have heard of the Discovery of the greatest and vilestattempt ever made against our country: I mean the _plot_, the infernal_plot_ which has been contrived by our worst enemies, and which was onthe verge of execution: you will, I say, undoubtedly have _heard_ ofit, but perhaps I may give you a better idea of it than as yet youhave obtained. The Mayor of York with a number of villains who werepossessed of fortunes, and who formerly ranked with Gentlemen, hadimpiously dared an undertaking, big with fatal consequences to the_virtuous_ army in York, and which in all probability would have giventhe enemy possession of the city with little loss. Their design was, upon the first engagement which took place, to have murdered (withtrembling I say it) the best man on earth: Genl Washington was tohave been the first subject of their unheard of SACRICIDE: ourmagazines which, as you know, are very capacious, were to have beenblown up: every General Officer and every other who was active inserving his country in the field was to have been assassinated: ourcannon were to be spiked up: and in short every the most accursedscheme was laid to give us into the hands of the enemy, and to ruinus. They had plenty of money, and gave large bounties and largerpromises to those who were engaged to serve their hellish purposes. Inorder to execute their Design upon our General, they had enlisted intotheir service one or two from his Excellency's _life-Guard_, who wereto have assassinated _him_: knowing that no person could be admittedinto the magazines or among the cannon but those who were of theArtillery they have found several in our Regiment vile enough to beconcerned in their diabolical Designs--these were to have blown up theMagazines and spiked the cannon. (Tell Homans, one Rotch, a fellow hebled for me in Morton's company at No 1 is taken up with hisbrother for being concerned. ) Their Design was deep, long concerted, and wicked to a _great Degree_. But happily for us, it has pleased Godto discover it to us in season, and I think we are making a rightimprovement of it (as the good folks say). We are hanging them as fastas we find them out. I have just now returned from the Execution ofone[242] of the General's Guard: he was the first that has been tried:yesterday at 11 o'clock he received sentence, to-day at 11 he was hungin presence of the whole army. He is a Regular-Deserter . . . Heappeared unaffected and obstinate to the last, except that when theChaplains took him by the hand under the Gallows and bad him adieu, atorrent of tears flowed over his face; but with an indignant scornfulair he wiped 'em with his hand from his face, and assumed the_confident look_. You remember General Greene commands at Long Island;with his last breath the fellow told the spectators, that unlessGenl Greene was very cautious, the Design would _as yet_ beexecuted on him. [Footnote 242: Thomas Hickey. ] The trial will go on, and I imagine they will be hung, gentle andsimple, as fast as the fact is proved upon them. That any set of men could be so lost to every virtuous principle, andso dead to the feelings of humanity as to conspire against the personof so great and good a man as Genl Washington is surprising; few ofour countrymen (as you may imagine) are concerned; they are in generalforeigners: upwards of 30 were concerned, and 'tis said Govr Tryonis at the bottom. . . . Our Expedition against the Light house did not succeed; they commandit so well with ye shipping that 'tis thought wise to let itstand. . . . W. EUSTIS. _Monday Morning July 1st. _--Since writing the above upwards of 100sail have arrived: we conclude that the whole fleet is there: for wehave counted 140 topsail vessels; some say there are 160: people aremoving out of York; and I think we must very soon come to action; theflower of our Reg. Is picked for a field fight, which we imagine willtake place on long island. Wherever I am, whatever I am doing, my bestwishes will be for the felicity of my friend. Adieu. Heaven preserveus to meet again. [New England Hist. And Gen. Register, vol. Xxiii. P. 205. ] [No. 40. ] CAPTAIN NATHAN HALE TO HIS BROTHER NEW YORK, Aug. 20th 1776. DEAR BROTHER, I have only time for a hasty letter. Our situation has been such thisfortnight or more as scarce to admit of writing. We have dailyexpected an action--by which means, if any one was going, and we hadletters written, orders were so strict for our tarrying in camp thatwe could rarely get leave to go and deliver them. --For about 6 or 8days the enemy have been expected hourly, whenever the wind and tidein the least favored. We keep a particular look out for them thismorning. The place and manner of attack time must determine. The eventwe leave to Heaven. Thanks to God! we have had time for compleatingour works and receiving reenforcements. The militia of Connecticutordered this way are mostly arrived. Col. [Andrew] Ward's Regt hasgot in. Troops from the Southward are daily coming. We hope, underGod, to give a good account of the Enemy whenever they choose to makethe last appeal. Last Friday night, two of our five vessels (a Sloop and a Schooner)made an attempt upon the shipping up the River. The night was toodark, the wind too slack for the attempt. The Schooner which wasintended for one of the Ships had got by before she discovered them;but as Providence would have it, she run athwart a bomb-catch whichshe quickly burned. The Sloop by the light of the fire discovered thePhoenix--but rather too late--however, she made shift to grappleher, but the wind not proving sufficient to bring her close along sideor drive the flames immediately on board, the Phoenix after muchdifficulty got her clear by cutting her own rigging. Sergt Fosdickwho commanded the above Sloop, and four of his hands, were of myCompany, the remaining two were of this Regt. The Genl has been pleased to reward their bravery with fortydollars each, except the last man who quitted the fire Sloop, who hadfifty. Those on board the schooner received the same. I must write to some of my brothers lest you should not be at home. Remain Your friend and Brother N. HALE. MR. ENOCH HALE. [_Life of Captain Nathan Hale, the Martyr-Spy of the American Revolution. _ By I. W. Stuart, Hartford, 1756. ] [No. 41. ] EXTRACT FROM A LETTER FROM NEW YORK NEW YORK, April 12 1776. "If you have any idea of our situation, you must be solicitous to hearfrom us. When you are informed that New York is deserted by its oldinhabitants, and filled with soldiers from New England, Philadelphia, and Jersey--you will naturally conclude, the _Environs_ of it are notvery safe from so undisciplined a multitude, as our Provincials arerepresented to be; but I do believe, there are few instances of sogreat a number of men together, with so little mischief done by them;they have all the simplicity of ploughmen in their manners, and seemquite strangers to the vices of older soldiers. They have beenemployed in erecting fortifications in every part of the town; and itwould make you sorry to see the place so changed: the old fort walls, are demolished in part, although that is an advantage to the Broadway. There is a Battery carried across the street, erected partly at LordAbingdon's expense, for the Fascines, were cut out of the _wood_ thatbelonged to the Warren estate: it was beautiful _wood_--Oliver DeLancey, had been nursing it these forty years; it looks in a piteousstate now: Mr. D. Hoped to have it somewhat spared by telling the NewEngland men, who were cutting it, that a third part belonged to one ofthe _Protesting Lords_. One of them answered, 'Well, and if he be sucha great liberty boy, and so great a friend to our country, he will bequite happy that his wood, was so _happy_ for our use. ' You rememberBayard's Mount covered with cedars? It commanded a prospectexceedingly extensive! The top of it is so cut away, that there isroom enough for a house and garden; a fortification is there erectedas well as round the _Hospital_:--in short, every place that can beemployed in that way, is or will be, so used. You may recollect asweet situation at Horn's Hook, that Jacob Walton purchased, built anelegant house, and greatly and beautifully improved the place; he wasobliged to quit the place; the troops took possession, and fortifiedthere. Oh, the houses in New York, if you could but see the insides ofthem! Kennedy's house, Mallet's, and the next to it, had six hundredmen in them. If the owners ever get possession, they must be years incleaning them. The merchants have raised their goods to an enormousprice; many articles are scarce indeed; and there is quite a hue andcry about _pins_. Common rum, 6 to 7 shillings per gallon; poor sugar, 4l a hundred; molasses none; cotton 4s per pound. " [From the Historical Magazine. ] [No. 42. ] EXTRACTS FROM THE LONDON CHRONICLE SEPT. --OCT. 1776. FROM A BRITISH OFFICER AT NEW YORK, SEPT. 6, 1776. "General Howe finding himself at the head of 21, 000 men, in highhealth and fit for action, was determined to begin upon it as soon aspossible; accordingly a great number of regiments were reimbarked onboard the transports, and everything prepared for an Expedition, sosecret, that neither the second in Command at land or sea could guesswhere the blow was to fall. Everything being prepared, and the Cannon embarked in the night of the21st of September [August], the Rainbow of 50 guns, commanded by SirGeorge Collier, got under weigh, and anchored near a strong post ofthe enemy's, called Denysys, upon Long Island, who fled from thenceinstantly, expecting the man of war would level the place to theground. A little after nine, the transports all anchored in Gravesend-bay onthe southern part of Long Island; the flat-bottom boats immediatelylanded the troops, and the gallant Lord Howe was present to direct theoperation. The army, when landed, consisted of 18000 men, the rest being leftupon Staten Island. Lord Cornwallis Commanded one of theadvance-posts, Gen. Grant another, and Earl Percy had a post ofdifficulty and danger, to which he on all occasions shewed himselfequal. The King's forces lay still, getting ashore Cannon &c. For 3 or4 days, and then encamped at Flatbush; after this they moved on inthree bodies, and surprised many of the enemy's outposts, and killedand took a number of men. " LETTER FROM NEW YORK. OCT. 20, 1776. "No doubt but before you receive this you'll be informed of the King'stroops being in possession of New York, to the great satisfaction ofthe loyal part of its inhabitants, who have for a long time sufferedevery hardship from a set of tyrants that is possible to be conceived;however, they are now rewarded who have withstood the traitors, andremained firm to their King. The Howes do all that is possible toalleviate the sufferings of a persecuted people, who rather than turnrebels have despised death and ruin; and if it had not pleased God tosend us death and relief, dreadful would have been the consequence toevery person that dared to be honest; however, we are now protected inour lives and properties; and some thousands have joined the King'stroops; and every time they attack the rebels they rout them withgreat loss; they fly before our victorious army on every onset; and Idon't doubt but in a very little time this daring rebellion will becrushed. It would before now have been the case, had not the Americansbeen fed with hopes from the Court of France. But now let France orany other Power dare to assist them, we are prepared, and don't at allfear but we shall be able to give them a proper reception. It isresolved to attack Washington directly. Proper dispositions are makingfor that purpose; and I hope by the next letter to give you an accountof an end being put to a government that have dared to call themselvesthe Independent States of America. Almost all the New Yorkers havereturned to their allegiance, and there is not a doubt but the otherColonies will do the same when they dare declare themselves, and beproperly supported by government. "There is a broad R put upon every door in New York that isdisaffected to government, and examples will be made of itsinhabitants; on the other hand, every person that is well affected togovernment finds protection. " LETTER FROM WHITE PLAINS. "The following Letter is from an officer of eminence, who was presentat the engagement at White Plains, to his friend in Edinburgh: "_Camp at White Plains, 31 Miles from New York, N. E. Within six Milesof Hudson's River, Nov. 2, 1776. _ "Our whole army, except about 2000 men, left New York Island, and onthe 12th of Oct. Passed Hell-gates in our flat boats, and landed ona part called Frogs-neck, in Westchester county; here we halted a fewdays, until provisions were brought to us; and on the 18th we againtook to our boats, and passed a creek, in order to move this way, andto cut the rebels off from King's-Bridge. On our march the 18th, wehad two pretty smart skirmishes, but made the provincials give way asfast as we advanced. After marching about three miles, we halted toget cannon, provisions, &c. Brought forward. On the 26th we marchedagain by New Rochelle, about four miles without opposition, where wehalted till the 28th; and finding that the rebels had moved to thisplace from King's-bridge, we followed them, and drove them from hillto hill, until we came within three quarters of a mile of theirentrenched camp, where they made a shew of disputing a commandingground. A brisk Cannonade ensued, and we attacked them on the top of arugged hill, where, though covered behind stone walls and fences, wedrove them off. We had about 200 killed and wounded. The rebels leftabout 50 killed, besides what they carried off. We then encamped onthe ground, with an intent to drive them from their entrenchments; butyesterday at day-break they went off of themselves and took post onanother hill, about three-quarters of a mile further on where they arenow. They have left a post behind them in New York Island, nearKing's-bridge of about 1500 men, [Fort Washington] which, I think, weshall give a very good account of. We have taken in their abandonedworks 74 pieces of cannon. Their whole force is now opposed to us. They burn all the country as they retreat; they are a set of basefellows. I do not imagine we shall go much further this campaign, butjust force them to go towards New England. I heard from Col. Campbellthe other day. He is well and anxious to be relieved. I write on myknee very cramped, and have lain in a waggon for three nights past, one of which was very wet. " [No. 43. ] EXTRACT FROM THE MEMOIRS OF COLONEL RUFUS PUTNAM[243] [Footnote 243: Washington's Chief Engineer in 1776. ] WRITTEN BY HIMSELF The 31st of March 1776, I received General Washington's orders "tomarch to New York by the way of Providence, to afford Governor Cookemy best advice and assistance in the construction of the work there. "In this tour I went to visit Newport again, where I laid out someadditional works; on my return from Newport to Providence I met withGeneral Washington there, I believe the 6th of April, and obtainedleave to go by Brookfield to New York. I believe I tarried with myfamily part of two days and then pushed for New York where I arrivedabout the 20th. On my arrival at New York I was charged as chiefengineer with laying out and overseeing the works which were erectedduring the campaign at New York, Long Island and their dependencieswith Fort Washington, Fort Lee, King's Bridge, etc. , most of which, but not all, appear in a plan of New York island etc. , andobstructions in the river, which accompanies Marshall's Life ofWashington. This was a service of much fatigue, for my whole time wastaken up from daylight in the morning until night in the business, besides sometimes going in the night by water from New York to FortWashington. September 8th 1776, a council of general officers had determined onholding the City of New York. See General Washington's letter of thatdate. On the 12th of September having been out with General Miflin, byorder of General Washington, to reconnoiter the country betweenKingsbridge and Morrisania and eastward, on our return we met withGeneral Washington near Harlem Heights, where we made our report tohim, in consequence of which a council of general officers wasconvened, whose advice was the withdrawing the army from thecity, --see the General's letter of the 14th of September, --and thismeasure was the salvation of the army, and which probably would nothave been but for the discoveries made by Miflin and myself. My being appointed engineer by Congress was wholly unexpected. I hadbegun to act in that capacity through pure necessity, and hadcontinued to conduct the business more from necessity and respect forthe General than from any opinion I had of my own abilities, orknowledge of that art; true it is that after my arrival at New York Ihad read some books on fortification, and I knew much more than when Ibegan at Roxbury, but I had not the vanity to suppose that myknowledge was such as to give me a claim to the first rank in a corpsof engineers, yet my experience convinced me that such a corps wasnecessary to be established, therefore near the last of September, Idrew up a plan for such an establishment and presented it to GeneralWashington, and which he transmitted to Congress--see his letter tothat body of the 5th of November 1776. In my letter to GeneralWashington on the subject I disclaimed all pretension of being placedat the head of the proposed corps, and signified it would be my choiceto serve in the line of the army. October 19th 1776, the British landed on Pell's point and someskirmishing took place in the afternoon between part of Glover'sbrigade and some advance parties of the enemy near East Chester, thenext morning by order of the General I set out from Kingsbridge toreconnoiter their position etc. I set out in company with ColoReed, the adjutant-general and a foot guard of about twenty men, whenwe arrived on the heights of East Chester we saw a small body ofBritish near the church, but we could obtain no intelligence; thehouses were deserted. Colo Reed now told me he must return toattend to issuing general orders. I observed that we had made nodiscovery yet of any consequence, that if he went back I wished him totake the guard back for I chose to go alone. I then disguised myappearance as an officer as far as I could, and set out on the road toWhite-plains; however, I did not then know where White-plains was, norwhere the road I had taken would carry me. I had gone about two and ahalf miles when a road turned off to the right, I followed it perhapshalf a mile and came to a house where I learned from the woman thatthis road led to New Rochelle, that the British were there and thatthey had a guard at a house in sight; On this information I turned andpursued my route toward White-plains (the houses on the way alldeserted) until I came within three or four miles of the place; here Idiscovered a house a little ahead with men about it. By my glass Ifound they were not British soldiers; however I approached them withcaution. I called for some oats for my horse, sat down and heard themchat some little time, when I found they were friends to the cause ofAmerica, and then I began to make the necessary enquiries, and on thewhole I found that the main body of the British lay near New Rochelle, from thence to White-plains about nine miles, good roads and ingeneral level open country, that at Whiteplains was a large quantityof stores, with only about three hundred militia to guard them, thatthe British had a detachment at Mamaraneck only six miles fromWhite-plains, and from Whiteplains only five miles to the North river, where lay five or six of the enemies ships and sloops, tenders, etc. Having made these discoveries I set out on my return. The road fromWard's across the Brunx was my intended route unless I found theBritish there, which haply they were not, but I saw Americans on theheights west of the Brunx who had arrived there after I passed up. Ifound them to be Lord Sterling's division; it was now after sunset. Igave my Lord a short account of my discoveries, took some refreshment, and set off for headquarters by the way of Philip's at the mouth ofSawmill river, a road I had never travelled, among tory inhabitantsand in the night. I dare not enquire the way, but Providence conductedme. I arrived at headquarters near Kingsbridge (a distance of aboutten miles) about nine o'clock at night. I found the General alone. Ireported to him the discoveries I had made, with a sketch of thecountry; he complained very feelingly of the gentlemen from New Yorkfrom whom he had never been able to obtain a plan of the country, thatfrom their information he had ordered the stores to Whiteplains as aplace of security. The General sent for General Greene and GenlGeorge Clinton, since Vice-President of the United States. As soon asGeneral Clinton came in my sketch and statement was shown to him andhe was asked if the situation of those places was as I had reported. Genl Clinton said it was. I had but a short time to refresh myself and horse when I received aletter from the General with orders to proceed immediately to LordSterling's, and I arrived at his quarters about two o'clock in themorning October 21st 1776. Lord Sterling's division marched beforedaylight and we arrived at Whiteplains about 9 o'clock A. M. And thuswas the American army saved (by an interposing providence from aprobable total destruction. ). I may be asked wherein this particularinterposition of providence appears, I answer, first, in the stupidityof the British general, in that he did not early on the morning of the20th send a detachment and take possession of the post and stores atWhiteplains, for had he done this we must then have fought him on hisown terms, and such disadvantageous terms on our part, as humanlyspeaking must have proved our overthrow; again when I parted withColo Reed on the 20th as before mentioned, I have always thoughtthat I was moved to so hazardous an undertaking by foreign influence. On my route I was liable to meet with some British or tory parties, who probably would have made me a prisoner (as I had no knowledge ofany way of escape across the Brunx but the one I came out). Hence Iwas induced to disguise myself by taking out my cockade, loping my hatand secreting my sword and pistols under my loose coat, and then had Ibeen taken under this disguise, the probability is that I should havebeen hanged for a spy. October 29th, the British advanced in front of our lines atWhite-plains about 10 o'clock A. M. , I had just arrived on Chattertonhill in order to throw up some works when they hove in sight, as soonas they discovered us they commenced a severe cannonade but withoutany effect of consequence. General McDougal about this time arrivingwith his brigade from Burtis's and observing the British to becrossing the Brunx below in large bodies in order to attack us, ourtroops were posted to receive them in a very advantageous position. The British in their advance were twice repulsed; at length howevertheir numbers were increased so that they were able to turn our rightflank. We lost many men but from information afterwards received therewas reason to believe they lost many more than we. The rail and stonefence behind which our troops were posted proved as fatal to theBritish as the rail fence and grass hung on it did at Charlestown the17th of June 1775. After the affair of the 29th of October my time was employed inexamining the nature of the country in a military point of view in ourrear towards North Castle, Croton river, etc. , until about the 5th ofNovember when I received the following order from the General which Ishall take the liberty to transcribe. HEADQUARTERS WHITEPLAINS, November 5th 1776. SIR:--You are directed to repair to Wright's mills and lay out anywork there you conceive to be necessary, in case it is not alreadydone, from thence you are to proceed towards Croton bridge, and postthe two regiments of militia in the most advantageous manner, so as toobstruct the enemies passage to that quarter, you are also to givewhat directions you think are proper to those regiments, respectingthe breaking up the roads leading from the North river eastward, afterthis you are to go up to Peekskill and direct Lasher's detachment tobreak up the roads there. You are likewise to lay out what works willbe advisable there and order them to be set about. Given under my hand-- GO. WASHINGTON. To Colo Putnam, Engineer. November 11th 1776, Genl Washington came to Peekskill and I wentwith him to visit Fort Montgomery, on the same day or the next hecrossed the North river, leaving instructions with me to ascertain thegeography of the country with the roads and passes through and aboutthe highlands, a report of which I afterwards made with a sketch of aplan. December 8th 1776, I wrote to Genl Washington informing him that Ihad accepted of a regiment in the Massachusetts line of theContinental army, with my reasons for so doing, assuring him at thesame time of my attachment to him and readiness to execute anyservice. [Original in the archives of Marietta College, Marietta, Ohio. ] [No. 44. ] SCATTERING ORDERS BY GENERALS LEE, SPENCER, GREENE AND NIXON [_Colonel Little's Order Book_] GENERAL SPENCER'S ORDERS. NEW YORK, Sept. 8th. All the guards in the posts are to be continued as large as at anytime, & be very vigilant & alert. All the Regts are to lie on theirarms this night & be ready to turn out at the shortest notice, as itis not improbable we may be speedily attacked. Gen. Wadsworth to sendan adjutant to Head Quarters tomorrow for orders. Sept. 9th. Guard same as this day & fatigues. The several Brigades in thisDivision are to lodge on their arms this night & be ready to turn outon the shortest notice. Cols. &c are to take particular care of thearms & ammunition. Col. Chester to send an adjutant to Head Quartersfor orders. GENERAL NIXON'S ORDERS. NEW YORK Sept 9th. A serjeant, Corporal & 12 men daily to mount as a guard at Gen. Nixon's quarters. Officers of guard in the night are to send visitingrounds between every relief. Complaints are made that orders are notmade known to soldiers. The General expressly enjoins that theadjutant see that the orders are daily read to the several regiments, that the soldiers may not plead ignorance thereof. Sept. 10th. The Gen. Desires officers not to suffer their men to straggle as wemay expect a sudden attack, when one is made. The Genl desires allthe officers to lodge in camp, as in the critical situation ofaffairs, much depends on their vigilance. GENERAL GREENE'S ORDERS. FORT CONSTITUTION Sept. 30th. Major Box is appointed & requested in conjunction with the Engineersof this Department & Col. Bull to oversee & forward thefortifications at Fort Constitution. Lt. Col. Cornell is appointedDep. Assistant Adj. Genl. For this Division. The Qr. Mr. Genl is directed to provide tools of all kinds necessary for aBlacksmith's & Armorer's shop, large enough to do the business of thispart of the army. Many trangressions of genl orders happen for wantof their being read & explained to the men. The Genl directs thatall orders issued be read to the men in Regts or Companies, & thatevery Captain provide himself with an orderly book that the men may befully informed of their duty. The adjts of regiments are to reportany neglect. Oct. 2d. The Brigrs. Or officers commanding Brigades are requested to sendthe Brigde Majors or some other proper officers to fetch the newregulations of the army, & distribute them among the Regts of theirBrigades & the C. Officers of each regt or corps are directed tohave them read--to have the rules & regulations read first to thewhole regiment drawn up for that purpose & then order the Captains toread them again to each of their companies the day after they havebeen read to the regts--to be continued the first Monday in everymonth. Lt. Mills of Col. Hitchcock's Regt is requested to collect aparty of carpenters from either of the Brigades, regts or corps inthis Division of the army, that are willing to enter the work for thesame pay, that was allowed last campaign. Officers for the day. MajorBailey--for fatigue Major Bartholomew. Oct 4th. A guard to mount to-morrow at 8 A. M. To relieve the guard overHackensack River--to take 3 days provision with them. Officers for theDay Lt Col. Crary--for fatigue Lt Col. Culbertson. Oct. 6th. The Post to be carried out at any time when he arrives, night or day. No person under guard in the main guard to be released withoutpermission from the guard. A fatigue party of 400 to complete thefortifications at Fort Constitution--Cols. Durkee's, Bradley's, Rolling's & William's Regts. To form a brigade under GenlRoberdeau, until his Excellency's pleasure be further known. The D. Adjt. Genl is directed to appoint a grand parade, where allguards for different posts are to parade. Oct. 7th. A guard of 50 men to relieve the guard at Hoebuck's Ferryimmediately, to take 4 days provisions. The commanding officers ofRegts--in the English neighborhood are to take care that none of therails are burnt in their Regts for fire wood. Regts are to befurnished with firewood daily, apply to Q. M. Genl for teams. A sub. & 30 men to go immediately for the stock brought from Bergen. Oct. 8th. Application for leave of absence from camp for a short time on theoccasional business of the regt. Is to be made to the Brigr Genlor the commanding officers of Brigade--Brigrs are desired not togrant liberty of absence unless on real business. The houses upon thewaterside, near the ferry are to be cleared of the present inhabitantsfor the use of the guards & ferrymen. A cap. & 40 men well acquaintedwith rowing to be drawn for the management of the ferryboats. Thisparty to be excused from other duty & to be continued in that employ. All the Axes in the different regts are to be delivered to the Q. M. Genl Col. Biddle, & he is to deliver an equal proportion to theRegts retaining enough for the Public works. Cap. Olney of Col. Hitchcock's Regt & Cap. Warner of Col. Little's are appointed toassist in overseeing the fortifications & are to be excused from allother duty. Commanding officers of Regts are requested to fix uponproper places for Barracks, none to be nearer the fort than 50 rods. The Genl desires comg officers to divide the regts intomesses of 8 men. The men must build timber huts, as boards are not tobe had. Boards are to be had only for the roof. The huts are to be 12feet long by 9 wide, to have stone chimneys & to be ranged in properstreets. The guard at the Bridge to be relieved immediately. The Cap. Of the Artillery is directed to examine the state of the amunition inthe magazine & report to the D. At. Qr. The Genl directs thatnone of the troops go out of drum call, without liberty from theComg officer of the regt. The rolls of companies are to becalled 4 times a day. Men not to be found when the regts are calledto parade may expect to be severely punished & the officers ifnegligent of their duty are to be arrested--Adjutant Colman isappointed to do the duty of Brigade Major for Genl Nixon's Brigadewhile Major Box is employed on the Fortifications. Oct. 13th. Gen. Nixon's & Gen. Roberdeau's Brigade are to draw & cook themselves3 days provisions immediately. The guard to be relieved from Col. Ewing's Brigade, the guards at Bergen to be excepted. The other twoBrigades to hold themselves in readiness to march at a moment'swarning. Cap. Spurr from Col. Hitchcock's regt is to overseefatigue parties employed on Fortifications. The Comy is desired tokill all the fat cattle brought from Bergen, that the inhabitantsdon't claim--take an account of all the marks & numbers & have theirvalue estimated by 2 or 3 good men. The sheep that are fit are to bekilled for the use of the Army. An exact account of their number &marks and value is to be kept. The Qr. M. Gen. Is directed to takeall horses brought from Bergen & not claimed & to employ such as arefit in the service; the rest to be disposed of at Public Vendue. Lestany should be injured that cannot claim his property, a record is tobe kept describing the natural & artificial marks & the value of each. GENERAL NIXON'S ORDERS. FORT CONSTITUTION Oct. 13th. It is Gen. Greene's orders that my Brigade move over the Ferryimmediately. The regiments to leave a careful officer & 12 men each tobring forward their baggage to King's Bridge, who is to take care thatnone of it be left behind or lost. When the Regts are over theferry, they will march to Mt Washington & remain there till furtherorders--You will hurry the march as fast as possible, as they mustcross the ferry this night-- JNO NIXON B. G. To Dudley Colman, A. B. M. EAST CHESTER Oct. 16th. The several regts in this Brigade are to draw 4 days provision &have it cooked immediately. The Q. M. Will apply to the assistant Q. M. Genl for carriages to transport their provisions. Col. Varnum'sRegt to relieve Col. Nixon's at Froggs Point this P. M. Oct. 16th. Sir--You are to order Col. Varnum's regt to march immediately toFroggs Neck to relieve Col. Ritzema's or Col. Malcolm's regt (whichof the two you find there not relieved). You will get a pilot fromCol. Nixon's regt to direct them thither. JNO. NIXON B. G. To Dudly Colman, Brigade Major. MILES SQUARE, EAST CHESTER Oct. 18th. Sir--You will have a working party of 300 men & officers ready to goto work as soon as the tools arrive, which I have sent for & you willsee that suitable guards are mounted by each regiment. JNO. NIXON, B. Gen. To D. Colman, B. Major. GENERAL LEE'S ORDERS. MILES SQUARE, Oct. 19th. Gen. Lee returns his warmest thanks to Col. Glover, and the Brigadeunder his command, not only for his gallant behavior yesterday, butfor their prudent, cool, orderly & soldier like conduct in allrespects. He assures these brave men that he shall omit no opportunityof showing his gratitude. The wounded are to be immediately sent toValentines Hill at the second Liberty pole where surgeons should atonce repair to dress their wounds. They are afterwards to be forwardedto Fort Washington. [No. 45. ] GENERAL LEE TO COLONEL CHESTER CAMP [MORRISTOWN?] Decr: 7th 1776. SIR-- You are to proceed from hence to a certain mill about 8 miles distantwhere you are to take Post in the most advantageous manner possible, with half your Party, and remain yourself: The other half you are todetach under the most understanding, cool officer you can select. Heis to proceed to Harrington Township, where they are to collect, allthe serviceable horses, all the spare Blankets (that is to leave asufficient number to cover the People) they are to collect any spareshoes, great Coats, to serve as Watch Coats--The People from whom theyare taken are not to be insulted; either by actions or language; buttold that the urgent necessity of the Troop, obliges us to theMeasure--That unless we adopt it, their liberties must Perish--Thatthey must make an Estimate, of what is taken and the Publick shall paythem--The officer who commands the Party detach'd, above all, musttake care to advance a Party, to look out, on the Road of Hackinsackin the Front of the Party who are collecting, that they may not besurprised, whilst they are thus occupied--A Canadian and Monsr. Vernajou will conduct you; when the whole is finished, you are tomarch by another Road to Morristown: By a Road which will beindicated: you are not to suffer any Country People to pass by you, who might inform the Enemy of your motions--if the Collecting Partyshould be attacked, they will naturally return but in good order toyour Post--the horses and necessaries collected are to be brought upto Morris Town and then be disposed of by the General-- CHARLES LEE, Major-General. COLONEL CHESTER. [Original in possession of Rev. Dr. John Chester, Washington, D. C. ] [No. 46. ] CAPTAIN BRADFORD'S ACCOUNT OF THE CAPTURE OF GENERAL LEE[244] [Footnote 244: Capt. Bradford, of Rhode Island, was Aide-de-Camp toGeneral Lee at the time of the latter's capture, and gave this accountof the affair to the Rev. Dr. Stiles, then at Dighton, R. I. ] "Gen. Lee had advanced with his Division to Baskenridge, abouttwenty-two miles from the Enemy's advanced Guards, where they lodgedthe night of Dec. 12th, Gen. Sullivan being with the body of theDivision, & Gen. Lee in the Rear, or on the flank of the rear about 2Miles from the body, having with him only his aid-de-camp, Mr. Bradford, a Major with an express from Gen. Gates, a French Colonel, aFrench Captain, the latter in our service, the former just from Parisby the way of Dartmouth in Mass. With dispatches for Congress, &perhaps a dozen guards. The house was surrounded on one side with awood, on the other an orchard. The Gen. Had just sent forward Gen. Sullivan, who marched with the Division about 8 o'clock in themorning, tarrying himself to finish dispatches to Gen. Gates, whichhaving just done, dressed & sent for his horses, was ready to mount, &would have been gone in 5 or 10 minutes, when about 10 o'clock theywere surprised with about 50 horse, which came on the house from thewood & orchard at once & surrounding fired upon it. The French Col. Escaped & was pursued & overtaken. Gen. Lee looked out of the windowto see how the guards behaved, & saw the enemy twice with his hangercut off the arm of one of the Guards crying for quarter--the guardbehaved well, fired at first, but were rushed upon & subdued. The Gen. Sees then that they must submit, & after walking the chamber perhaps10 or 15 minutes, told his aid-de-camp to go down & tell them Gen. Leesubmitted. Mr. Bradford went to the door & on opening it a wholevolley of shot came in the door--he spoke loud & opened again &delivered his orders. Gen. Lee came forward & surrendered himself aprisoner of war, saying he trusted they would use him like agentleman. Of this one of them gave assurance & ordered him instantlyto mount. He requested His Hat & Cloke and Mr. Bradford went in tofetch it, but changing his clothes on his return they did not know himfrom a servant & laying down the General's Hat and Cloke he escapedback into the house. They immediately rode back in triumph with theGenl. " [From the Stiles MS. Diary, Yale College Library. ] [No. 47. ] GENERAL OLIVER WOLCOTT TO HIS WIFE LITCHFIELD, CONN. PHILADELPHIA[245] December 13 1776 [Footnote 245: Gen. Wolcott, at this date, was a delegate in Congressfrom Connecticut. ] MY DEAR SPOUSE The 11th in the Evening a Detachment of the Enemy took possessionof Burlington, about 20 miles from this City on the Jersey shore. TheRest of their Army are at Trenton, and upon the Banks of the Riverabove it; their numbers are uncertain, but are computed about twelvethousand, and as their Designs, are undoubtedly to gain Possession ofthis City, the Congress, upon the advice of Genls Putnam andMifflin (who are now here to provide for the Protection of thePlace, ) as well as the Result of their own Opinion, have adjournedthemselves to Baltimore in Maryland, about 110 miles from this City, as it was judged, that the Council of America, ought not to sit in aPlace liable to be interrupted by the rude Disorder of Arms, so that Iam at this moment, going forward for that place. Whether the Army willsucceed in their cruel Designs against this City, must be left to timeto discover. Congress have ordered the General to defend it to thelast extremity, and God grant that he may be successful in hisExertions. Whatever Event may take place, the American Cause will be supported tothe last, and I trust in God that it will succeed. The Grecian, Romanand Dutch States were in their Infancy reduced to the greatestDistress, infinitely beyond what we have yet experienced. The God whogoverns the Universe and who holds Empires in His Hand, can with theleast Effort of His Will, grant us all that Security Opulence andPower which they have enjoyed. The present scene it is true appears somewhat gloomy, but the naturalor more obvious cause seems to be owing to the term of enlistment ofthe Army having expired. I hope we may have a most respectable onebefore long established. The business of war is the result ofExperience. It is probable that France before long will involve Great Britain in awar who by unhappy Experience may learn the Folly of attempting toenslave a People who by the ties of Consanguinity and Affection everwere desirous of promoting her truest Happiness. Gen. Howe has lately published a Proclamation abusing the Congress ashaving sinister Designs upon the People and has offered to such aswill accept of Pardon upon an unlimited Submission, "RoyalForgiveness. " But who is base enough to wish to have a precarious Caredependent upon the caprice of Power, unrestrained by any Law andgoverned by the dangerous thirst of Avarice and Ambition? My best love to my children and friends. May the Almighty ever haveyou and them in his protection yours with the most Inviolable affection OLIVER WOLCOTT. To MRS. LAURA WOLCOTT Litchfield Connecticut. [Original in possession of Frederick H. Wolcott, Esq. , Astoria, L. I. ] BATTLES OF TRENTON AND PRINCETON. [No. 48. ] CAPTAIN WILLIAM HULL TO ANDREW ADAMS LITCHFIELD, CONN. TRENTON, Jany 1st, 1777. DEAR SIR: Have but a moment which shall embrace with Pleasure to inform you ofthe present State of our Army and our late Success. After we hadrecruited a few days of a fatiguing March of more than 250 Miles(thro' all our Windings) Genl. Washington gave orders for us to beevery way equiped for Action. On the Evening of the 25th Ult. We wereordered to March to a ferry [McConkey's] about twelve Miles fromTrenton, where was stationed near two Thousand Hessians. As violent aStorm ensued of Hail & Snow as I ever felt. The Artillery and Infantryall were across the Ferry about twelve O'clock, consisting of onlytwenty one hundred principally New England Troops. In this ViolentStorm we marched on for Trenton. Before Light in the Morning we gainedall the Roads leading from Trenton. The Genl. Gave orders that everyOfficer's Watch should be set by his, and the Moment of Attack wasfixed. Just after Light, we came to their out Guard, which fired uponus and retreated. The first Sound of the Musquetry and Retreat of theGuards animated the Men and they pushed on with Resolution andFirmness. Happily the fire begun on every Side at the same instant, their Main body had just Time to form when there ensued a heavyCannonade from our Field Pieces and a fine brisk and lively fire fromour Infantry. This continued but a Short Time before the Enemy findingthemselves flanked on every Side laid down their Arms. The Resolutionand Bravery of our Men, their Order and Regulariety gave me thehighest Sensation of Pleasure. Genl. Washington highly congratulatedthe Men on next day in Genl. Orders, and with Pleasure observed, thathe had been in Many Actions before, but always perceived someMisbehaviour in some individuals, but in that Action he saw none. Pennsylvania itself is obliged to acknowledge the Bravery of New Eng'dTroops. I have a List from Head Quarters of the Killed and taken, which was taken the day after the Action, since which many more havebeen brought in: 1 Col. Wounded since dead, 2 Lieut. Cols. Taken, 3Majors, 4 Capts. 8 Lieuts. , 12 Ens'ns, 92 Serj'ts, 9 Musicians, 12Drums, 25 Servants, 842 Privates, 2 Capt's Killed, 2 Lieuts. Killed 50privates Six Brass Field Pieces, One Mortar, and about 1500 Stand ofArms. A large Number of Horses and a vast Quantity of Plunder of everykind. And this, Sir, I will assure you with only the Loss of six orseven on our side, this is no Exaggeration but simple fact, 'tisimpossible to describe the scene to you as it appeared. We immediatelyretreated across the River and did not get to our Tents till nextMorning--two Nights and one day in as violent a Storm as I ever felt. What can't Men do when engaged in so noble a Cause. Our Men's TimeExpired Yesterday, they have generally engaged to tarry six weekslonger. My company almost to a man. Orders have now come for us tomarch for Princetown. We have a Rumor that it was burned last night bythe Enemy, who we suppose are about retreating. Compliments to MissAdams & Children. Adieu and believe me to be sincerely yours, WM. HULL. [_Legacy of Historical Gleanings. _ By Mrs. C. V. R. Bonney. Vol. I. , p. 57. Munsell, Albany. 1875. ] [No. 49. ] COLONEL KNOX TO HIS WIFE DELAWARE RIVER, NEAR TRENTON, Dec. 28, 1776, near 12 o'clock. . . . Trenton is an open town, situated nearly on the banks of theDelaware, accessible on all sides. Our army was scattered along theriver for nearly twenty-five miles. Our intelligence agreed that theforce of the enemy in Trenton was from two to three thousand, withabout six field cannon, and that they were pretty secure in theirsituation, and that they were Hessians--no British troops. A hardydesign was formed of attacking the town by storm. Accordingly a partof the army, consisting of about 2, 500 or 3, 000, passed the river onChristmas night, with almost infinite difficulty, with eighteenfield-pieces. The floating ice in the river made the labor almostincredible. However, perseverance accomplished what at first seemedimpossible. About two o'clock the troops were all on the Jersey side;we then were about nine miles from the object. The night was cold andstormy; it hailed with great violence; the troops marched with themost profound silence and good order. They arrived by two routes atthe same time, about half an hour after daylight, within one mile ofthe town. The storm continued with great violence, but was in ourbacks, and consequently in the faces of our enemy. About half a milefrom the town was an advanced guard on each road, consisting of acaptains guard. These we forced, and entered the town with thempell-mell; and here succeeded a scene of war of which I had oftenconceived, but never saw before. The hurry, fright, and confusion ofthe enemy was [not] unlike that which will be when the last trumpshall sound. They endeavored to form in streets, the heads of which wehad previously the possession of with cannon and howitzers; these, inthe twinkling of an eye, cleared the streets. The backs of the houseswere resorted to for shelter. These proved ineffectual; the musketrysoon dislodged them. Finally they were driven through the town into anopen plain beyond. Here they formed in an instant. During the contestin the streets measures were taken for putting an entire stop to theirretreat by posting troops and cannon in such passes and roads as itwas possible for them to get away by. The poor fellows after they wereformed on the plain saw themselves completely surrounded, the onlyresource left was to force their way through numbers unknown to them. The Hessians lost part of their cannon in the town; they did notrelish the project of forcing, and were obliged to surrender upon thespot, with all their artillery, six brass pieces, army colors, &c. AColonel Rawle commanded, who was wounded. The number of prisoners wasabove 1, 200, including officers, --all Hessians. There were few killedor wounded on either side. After having marched off the prisoners andsecured the cannon, stores, &c, we returned to the place, nine milesdistant, where we had embarked. Providence seemed to have smiled uponevery part of this enterprise. Great advantages may be gained from itif we take the proper steps. At another post we have pushed over theriver 2, 000 men, to-day another body, and to-morrow the whole armywill follow. It must give a sensible pleasure to every friend of therights of man to think with how much intrepidity our people pushed theenemy, and prevented their forming in the town. His Excellency the General has done me the unmerited great honor ofthanking me in public orders in terms strong and polite. This I shouldblush to mention to any other than to you, my dear Lucy; and I amfearful that even my Lucy may think her Harry possesses a species oflittle vanity in doing [it] at all. MORRISTOWN Jan. 7 1777. I wrote to you from Trenton by a Mr. Furness which I hope you havereceived. I then informed you that we soon expected another tussle. Iwas not out in my conjecture. About three o'clock on the second ofJanuary, a column of the enemy attacked a party of ours which wasstationed one mile above Trenton. Our party was small and did not makemuch resistance. The enemy, who were Hessians, entered the townpell-mell pretty much in the same manner that we had driven them a fewdays before. Nearly on the other side of Trenton, partly in the town, runs a brook[the Assanpink], which in most places is not fordable, and over whichthrough Trenton is a bridge. The ground on the other side is muchhigher than on this, and may be said to command Trenton completely. Here it was our army drew up with thirty or forty pieces in front. Theenemy pushed our small party through the town with vigor, though notwith much loss. Their retreat over the bridge was thoroughly securedby the artillery. After they had retired over the bridge, the enemyadvanced within reach of our cannon, who saluted them with greatvociferation and some execution. This continued till dark when ofcourse it ceased, except a few shells which we now and then chuckedinto town to prevent their enjoying their new quarters securely. As Ibefore mentioned, the creek was in our front, our left on theDelaware, our right in a wood parallel to the creek. The situation wasstrong, to be sure; but hazardous on this account, that had our rightwing been defeated, the defeat of the left would almost have been aninevitable consequence, and the whole thrown into confusion or pushedinto the Delaware, as it was impassable by boats. From these circumstances the general thought best to attackPrinceton, twelve miles in the rear of the enemy's grand army, andwhere they had the 17th, 40th, and 55th regiments, with a number ofdraughts, altogether perhaps twelve hundred men. Accordingly about oneo'clock at night we began to march and make this most extramanoevre. Our troops marched with great silence and order, andarrived near Princeton a little after daybreak. We did not surprisethem as at Trenton; for they were on their march down to Trenton, on aroad about a quarter of a mile distant from that in which we were. Youmay judge of their surprise when they saw such large columns marchingup. They could not possibly suppose it was our army, for that theytook for granted was cooped up near Trenton. They could not possiblysuppose it was their own array returning by a back road; in short, Ibelieve they were as much astonished as if an army had droppedperpendicularly upon them. However they had not much time forconsideration. We pushed a party to attack them. This they repulsedwith great spirit, and advanced upon another column just then comingout of a wood, which they likewise put in some disorder; but freshtroops coming up, and the artillery beginning to play, they were aftera smart resistance put totally to the rout. The 18th regiment usedtheir bayonets with too much severity upon a party they put to flight;but they were paid for it in proportion, very few escaping. Near sixtywere killed on the spot besides the wounded. We have taken betweenthree and four hundred prisoners, all British troops. They must havelost in this affair nearly five hundred killed, wounded, andprisoners. We lost some gallant officers. Brigadier-General Mercer waswounded: he had three separate stabs with a bayonet. A Lieutenant-ColonelFleming was killed, and Captain Neil of the artillery an excellentofficer. Mercer will get better. The enemy took his parole after weleft Princeton. We took all their cannon, which consisted of two brasssix-pounders, a considerable amount of military stores, blankets, guns, &c. They lost, among a number of other officers, a CaptainLeslie, a son of the Earl of Leven and nephew to General Leslie: himwe brought off and buried with honors of war. After we had been about two hours at Princeton, word was brought thatthe enemy was advancing from Trenton. This they did, as we have sincebeen informed, in a most infernal sweat, --running, puffing, andblowing, and swearing at being so outwitted. As we had other objectsin view, to wit, breaking up their quarters, we pursued our march toSomerset Court House, where there were about thirteen hundredquartered, as we had been informed. They, however, had marched off, and joined the army at Trenton. We at first intended to have made aforced march to Brunswick; but our men having been without rest, rum, or provisions for two nights and days were unequal to the task ofmarching seventeen miles further. If we could have secured onethousand fresh men at Princeton to have pushed for Brunswick, weshould have struck one of the most brilliant strokes in all history. However the advantages are very great: already they have collectedtheir whole force, and drawn themselves to one point, to wit, Brunswick. The enemy were within nineteen miles of Philadelphia, they are nowsixty miles. We have driven them from almost the whole of West Jersey. The panic is still kept up. We had a battle two days ago with a partyof ours and sixty Waldeckers, who were all killed or taken, inMonmouth County in the lower part of the Jerseys. It is not ourinterest to fight a general battle, nor can I think, under allcircumstances, it is the enemy's. They have sent their baggage toStaten Island from the Jerseys, and we are very well informed they aredoing the same from New York. Heath will have orders to march thereand endeavor to storm it from that side. 'There is a tide in theaffairs of men, which taken at the flood leads on to victory. ' [_Life, etc. Of General Knox. _ By Francis S. Drake. Boston, 1873. ] [No. 50. ] COL. HASLET TO CÆSAR RODNEY ALLENTOWN January 2nd 1777. This morning we were called up at 2 o'clock under a pretended alarmthat we were to be attacked by the enemy but by daylight we wereordered to march for Trenton, and when we reached Crosswicks foundthat the brigade had gone. We reached Trenton about 11 o'clock andfound all the troops from our different posts in Jersey, collected andcollecting there under General Washington himself; and the regulartroops were already properly disposed to receive the enemy, whose mainbody was then within a few miles and determined to dispossess us. Trenton stands upon the River Delaware, with a creek called theAssanpink passing through the town across which there is a bridge. The enemy came down on the upper side of this creek, through the town, and a number of our troops were posted with Riflemen and artillery tooppose their approach. The main body of our army was drawn up on a plain below, or on thelower side of the Assanpink, near the bridge, and the main force ofour Artillery was posted on the banks and high ground along the creekin front of them. Gen. Mercer's brigade was posted about 2 miles up the creek, and thetroops under Gen. Cadwallader were stationed in a field on the rightabout a mile from the town, on the main road, to prevent the enemyfrom flanking. We had five pieces of Artillery with our division andabout 20 more in the field, near, and at the town. Our numbers wereabout five thousand, and the enemy's about seven thousand. The attackbegan about 2 o'clock and a heavy fire upon both sides, chiefly fromthe artillery continued untill dark. At this time the enemy were left in possession of the upper part ofthe town, but we kept possession of the bridge, altho' the enemyattempted several times to carry it but were repulsed each time withgreat slaughter. After sunset this afternoon the enemy came down in avery heavy column to force the bridge. The fire was very heavy and theLight troops were ordered to fly to the support of that importantpost, and as we drew near, I stepped out of the front to order my mento close up; at this time Martinas Sipple was about 10 sets behind theman next in front of him; I at once drew my sword and threatened tocut his head off if he did not keep close, he then sprang forward andI returned to the front. The enemy were soon defeated and retired andthe American army also retired to the woods, where they encamped andbuilt up fires. I then had the roll called to see if any of our menwere missing and Martinas was not to be found, but Leut. Mark McCallinformed me that immediately upon my returning to the head of thecolumn, after making him close up, he fled out of the field. [246] Welost but few men; the enemy considerably more. It is thought Gen. Washington did not intend to hold the upper part of the town. [Footnote 246: Sipple afterwards joined the Delaware Regiment underCol. David Hall, and is said to have proved a brave and faithfulsoldier. ] [Original in possession of Cæsar A. Rodney, Esq. ] [No. 51. ] JOURNAL OF CAPTAIN THOMAS RODNEY[247] [Footnote 247: Captain Rodney marched with a Delaware company to therelief of Washington in the dark days of the campaign. Four othercompanies from Philadelphia, joined with his, formed a battalion underCaptain Henry--Rodney being second in command. He was withCadwallader's force during the battle of Trenton; and his vividdescription of the storm that night, and the condition of the river[_Force_, fifth series, vol. Iii. ], has frequently been quoted byhistorical writers. His interesting account of subsequent events, asgiven above, is now published for the first time. It has been made thesubject of a highly interesting paper prepared and read by Cæsar A. Rodney, Esq. , of Wilmington, before the Historical Societies ofDelaware and Pennsylvania. ] January 3rd 1777. . . . At two o'clock this morning, the ground having been frozen firm bya keen N. West wind, secret orders were issued to each department andthe whole army was at once put in motion, but no one knew what theGen. Meant to do. Some thought that we were going to attack the enemyin the rear; some that we were going to Princeton; the latter provedto be right. We went by a bye road on the right hand which made itabout 16 miles. During this nocturnal march I with the Dover Companyand the Red Feather Company of Philadelphia Light Infantry led the vanof the army and Capt. Henry with the other three companies ofPhiladelphia Light Infantry brought up the rear. The van moved on allnight in the most cool and determined order, but on the march greatconfusion happened in the rear. There was a cry that they weresurrounded by the Hessians, and several corps of Militia broke andfled towards Bordentown, but the rest of the column remained firm andpursued their march without disorder, but those who were frightenedand fled did not recover from their panic until they reachedBurlington. When we had proceeded to within a mile and a half of Princeton and thevan had crossed Stony Brook, Gen. Washington ordered our Infantry tofile off to one side of the road and halt. Gen. Sullivan was orderedto wheel to the right and flank the town on that side, and twoBrigades were ordered to wheel to the left, to make a circuit andsurround the town on that side and as they went to break down theBridge and post a party at the mill on the main road, to oppose theenemy's main army if they should pursue us from Trenton. The third Division was composed of Gen. Mercer's Brigade ofContinental troops, about 300 men, and Cadwalader's brigade ofPhiladelphia Militia to which brigade the whole of our light InfantryRegiment was again annexed. Mercer's brigade marched in front and another corp of infantry broughtup the rear. My company flanked the whole brigade on the right in anIndian file so that my men were very much extended and distant fromeach other; I marched in front and was followed by Sargeant McKnattand next to him was Nehemiah Tilton. Mercer's brigade which was headedby Col. Haslet of Delaware on foot and Gen. Mercer on horseback was tomarch straight on to Princeton without turning to the right or left. It so happened that two Regiments of British troops that were on theirmarch to Trenton to reinforce their army there, received intelligenceof the movements of the American Army (for the sun rose as we passedover Stony Brook) and about a mile from Princeton they turned off fromthe main road and posted themselves behind a long string of buildingsand an orchard on the straight road to Princeton. The two first Divisions of our army therefore passed wide to the rightand left, and leaving them undiscovered went into Princeton. Gen. Mercer's Brigade, owing to some delay in arranging Cadwallader's menhad advanced several hundred yards ahead and never discovered theenemy until he was turning the buildings they were posted behind, andthen they were not more than fifty yards off. He immediately formed his men, with great courage, and poured a heavyfire in upon the enemy. But they being greatly superior in numberreturned the fire and charged bayonets, and their onset was so fiercethat Gen. Mercer fell mortally wounded and many of his officers werekilled, and the brigade being effectually broken up, began adisorderly flight. Col. Haslet retired some small distance behind thebuildings and endeavored to rally them, but receiving a bullet throughhis head, dropt dead on the spot and the whole brigade fled inconfusion. At this instant Gen. Cadwallader's Philadelphia Brigadecame up and the enemy checked by their appearance took post behind afence, and a ditch in front of the buildings before mentioned, and soextended themselves that every man could load and fire incessantly;the fence stood on low ground between two hills; on the hill behindthe British line they had eight pieces of artillery which playedincessantly with round and grape shot on our brigade, and the firewas extremely hot. Yet Gen. Cadwalader led up the head of the columnwith the greatest bravery to within 50 yards of the enemy, but thiswas rashly done, for he was obliged to recoil; and leaving one pieceof his artillery, he fell back about 40 yards and endeavored to formthe brigade, and some companies did form and gave a few vollies, butthe fire of the enemy was so hot, that, at the sight of the Regulartroops running to the rear, the militia gave way and the whole brigadebroke and most of them retired to a woods about 150 yards in the rear;but two pieces of artillery stood their ground and were served withgreat skill and bravery. At this time a field officer was sent to order me to take post on theleft of the artillery, until the brigade should form again, and, withthe Philadelphia Infantry keep up a fire from some stacks andbuildings, and to assist the artillery in preventing the enemy fromadvancing. We now crossed the enemy's fire from right to Left and tookposition behind some stacks just on the left of the artillery; andabout 30 of the Philadelphia Infantry were under cover of a house onour left and a little in the rear. About 150 of my men came to this post, but I could not keep them allthere, for the enemies fire was dreadful and three balls, for theywere very thick, had grazed me; one passed within my elbow nicking mygreat coat and carried away the breech of Sargeant McKnatts gun, hebeing close behind me, another carried away the inside edge of one ofmy shoe soles, another had nicked my hat and indeed they seemed asthick as hail. From these stacks and buildings we, with the two piecesof Artillery kept up a continuous fire on the enemy, and in allprobability it was this circumstance that prevented the enemy fromadvancing, for they could not tell the number we had posted behindthese covers and were afraid to attempt passing them; but if they hadknown how few they were they might easily have advanced while the twobrigades were in confusion and routed the whole body, for it was along time before they could be reorganized again and indeed many, thatwere panic struck, ran quite off. Gen. Washington having rallied bothGen. Mercer's and Gen. Cadwallader's brigade, they moved forward andwhen they came to where the Artillery stood began a very heavy platoonfire on the march. This the enemy bore but a few minutes and thenthrew down their arms and ran. We then pushed forwards towards thetown spreading over the fields and through the woods to enclose theenemy and take prisoners. The fields were covered with baggage whichthe Gen. Ordered to be taken care of. Our whole force met at the CourtHouse and took there about 200 prisoners and about 200 others pushedoff and were pursued by advanced parties who took about 50 more. Inthis engagement we lost about 20 killed, the enemy about 100 menkilled and lost the field. This is a very pretty little town on theYork road 12 miles from Trenton; the houses are built of brick and arevery elegant especially the College which has 52 rooms in it; but thewhole town has been ravaged and ruined by the enemy. As soon as the enemy's main army heard our cannon at Princeton (andnot 'til then) they discovered our manouvre and pushed after us withall speed and we had not been above an hour in possession of the townbefore the enemy's light horse and advanced parties attacked our partyat the bridge, but our people by a very heavy fire kept the pass untilour whole army left the town. Just as our army began our march throughPrincetown with all their prisoners and spoils the van of the Britisharmy we had left at Trenton came in sight, and entered the town aboutan hour after we left it, but made no stay and pushed on towardsBrunswick for fear we should get there before him, which was indeedthe course our General intended to pursue had he not been detained toolong in collecting the Baggage and Artillery which the enemy had leftbehind him. Our army marched on to Kingston then wheeled to the leftand went down the Millstone, keeping that River on our left; the mainbody of the British army followed, but kept on through Kingston toBrunswick; but one division or a strong party of horse took the roadto the left of the Millstone and arrived on the hill, at the bridge onthat road just as the van of the American Army arrived on the oppositeside. I was again commanding the van of our army, and GeneralWashington seeing the enemy, rode forward and ordered me to halt andtake down a number of carpenters which he had ordered forward andbreak up the bridge, which was done and the enemy were obliged toreturn. We then marched on to a little village called Stone brook orSummerset Court House about 15 miles from Princeton where we arrivedjust at dusk. About an hour before we arrived here 150 of the enemyfrom Princeton and 50 which were stationed in this town went off with20 wagons laden with Clothing and Linen, and 400 of the Jersey militiawho surrounded them were afraid to fire on them and let them go offunmolested and there were no troops in our army fresh enough topursue them, or the whole might have been taken in a few hours. Ourarmy now was extremely fatigued not having had any refreshment sinceyesterday morning, and our baggage had all been sent away the morningof the action at Trenton; yet they are in good health and in highspirits. . . . MORRISTOWN January 6th 1777. We left Pluckemin this morning and arrived at Morristown just beforesunset. The order of march, was first a small advance guard, next theofficers who were prisoners, next my Light Infantry Regiment, incolumns of four deep; next the prisoners flanked by the riflemen, nextthe head of the main column, with the artillery in front. Our wholeLight Infantry are quartered in a very large house belonging to Col. Ford having 4 Rooms on a floor and Two stories high. This town issituated among the mountains of Morris County, about 18 miles fromElizabethtown, 28 from Brunswick and 20 from Carroll's Ferry. [Originals in possession of Cæsar A. Rodney, Esq. ] [No. 52. ] POSITION OF THE BRITISH AT THE CLOSE OF THE CAMPAIGN "The following were the exact stations of Gen. Howe's army on the 6thof January, 1777, from an authentic account. At New York. --The first brigade of British consisting of the 4th, 15th, 27th, and 45th regiments; a squadron of light dragoons of the17th; and three Hessian regiments, viz. Hereditary Prince, Cassel andDonop. At Harlem. --The sixth brigade, British, consisting of the 23d, 44th, and 6th regiments, and a brigade of Hessians. At Amboy. --33d and 71st Regiments, and remains of 7th and 16th [?]regiments; a detachment of dragoons, and the Waldeck regiment. At Brunswick. --The guards, grenadiers, and light infantry. Secondbrigade, British, consisting of the 5th, 28th, 35th, and 49thregiments. Fourth brigade, British, consisting of the 17th, 40th, 46th, and 55th regiments, and the 42 regiment, which is not brigaded. Also Donop's corps, Hessian grenadiers, and chasseurs. At Bergen. --The 57th regiment, ordered to Amboy, and preparing toembark. At Rhode Island. --Third and fifth brigades of British, consisting ofthe 10th, 37th, 38th, and 52d; of the 22d, 43d, 54th, and 63dregiments; a battalion of grenadiers, and one of light infantry; atroop of light dragoons; a detachment of artillery, and two brigadesof Hessians. This account shews clearly what places Gen. Howe is in possession of, and what he is not; that in Jersey he has only Brunswick and Amboy, and in New York only York city and Harlem. All other places are inpossession of the Americans, who seem by the last accounts to beendeavoring to cut off the troops at Brunswick. " [_London Chronicle_, March 1-4, 1777. ] RETURNS AND STATEMENTS OF PRISONERS. 1776. [No. 53. ] NARRATIVE OF LIEUT. JABEZ FITCH[248] [Footnote 248: Of Colonel Huntington's regiment. ] TAKEN PRISONER ON LONG ISLAND. . . . "I myself was so happy as to fall at first into ye hands . . . Ofye 57th Regt who used me with some degree of Civility, altho, some perticular Offrs were very liberal of their favourite Term(Rebels) & now & then did not forget to Remind me of a halter, &c;they did not Rob or Strip me of any of my Clothing, only took my Arms& Amunition, & after keeping me in ye Field sometime, in Confinmentwith several others under a Strong Guard, was sent off to GenllGrants Quarters, at Gowaynes. In this March we passd through yeFront of several Brigades of Hessians who were peraded on severalEmininences in order of Battle; they Indeed made a very Warlikeappearance, & as no power appear'd at yt [that] time to oppose them, their whole attention seemed to be fixed on us, nor were they by anymeans, sparing of their Insults; But their Offrs Esspacially, Represented to ye life (as far as their Capacitys would admit)ye conduct of Infernal Spirits, under Certain Restrictions; Havingpas'd through those Savage Insults, we at length came to a hill nighto the place where we at first engaged ye Enimy ye morning; wewere here met by a number of Insolent Soldiers among whom was oneWoman who appeared remarkably Malicious and attempted several times, to throw Stones at us, when one of our Guard Informed me yt herhusband had been killed in this Day's Action; we were then conducteddown to a barn near ye water side, where we were drove into a Yardamong a great number of Offrs & men who had been taken before us; soonafter we came here, Capt. Jewett with a number of others were broughtin, & Confin'd with us; Capt. Jewett had Recd two Wounds with aBayonet after he was taken & Strip'd of his Arms, & part of hisCloths, one in ye Brest & ye other in ye Belly, of wich heLanguished with great pain untill ye Thirdsday following when heDied; Sargt Graves was also Stab'd in ye Thigh with a Bayonet, after he was taken with Capt Jewett, of wich wound he recoveredaltho' he afterward perrish'd in Prison with many hundred others at N. York. . . . After being some time confined in this Yard, Capt Jewett &some others who were wounded were ordered to some other place in orderto have their Wounds dress'd, & I see no more of them this Night. . . . Early next morning Capt Jewett came to us in excessive pain withhis wounds already dress'd, but yet notwithstanding ye applicationsof several of ye Enimy's Cirgions, Especially one Docr Howe (ayoung Scotch Gent) who treated him with great civility &tenderness, he Languished untill ye Thirdsday following (viz: ye29th of Augt at about 5 oClock in ye Morning) when he Expired, &was Buried in an Orchard nigh sd House, at about 8 ye same morning, with as much Deacence as our present Situation would Admit; I myself[was] Indulg'd by Gnll Grant, at ye application of MajrBrown, who Attended us in this place, to Attend ye CaptainsFuneral; The aforesaid Majr Brown treated us with ye greatestCivility & Complesance, during our confinment in this place, &Endeavour'd to make our Accomodations, as agreable as possable;Genll Grant also was so good as to send us (with his Compliments, )two Quarters of Mutton well Cook'd, & several Loves of Bread, whichwere Acceptable to us, as most of us had eat nothing since yeMonday before. " [From copy of original in possession of Mr. Chas. I. Bushnell, New York. ] [No. 54. ] EXTRACT FROM THE JOURNAL OF LIEUT. WILLIAM McPHERSON[249] [Footnote 249: Of Colonel Miles' regiment. The journal, McPhersonsays, was "wrote at John Lott's, Flatbush, L. I. "] TAKEN PRISONER ON LONG ISLAND. "Wm McPherson, Lieut. Was taken Prisoner the 27th Day of Augustby the Hathians [Hessians] and was taken to Flatbush, that evening andstaid there five days and then they marched us down to the river andsent us aboard of one of their transports. Sept. The 15th. I am ashearty as the time will admit. The Generals who were taken on LongIsland are Genl Sullivan, Lord Sterling. They were taken the 27thof Augt. 1776. That day there were twenty-three thousand of the King'stroops on Long Island and about twenty-six hundred of the Continentaltroops against them which was suffered very much. Sept. 22d. Wesailed from below the Narrows up near New York and there we ---- the23d day. There was some firing from the Rowbuck & another smallvessel against our work on Paulus Hook which continued about half anhour. Col. Miles got leave to go to Philadelphia this 26th of November1776, from New York where he was prisoner. The 7th of October we allleft the Snow Mentor and were taken into New York and was put into aclose house there. All the officers signed their parole this day & gota small bound to walk round to stretch their legs, which we foundgrateful. Nov. 20, 1776, all the officers got leave to walk in thebounds of the City of New York. " [Original in the possession of Hon. Edward McPherson, Gettysburg, Penn. ] [No. 55. ] DEPOSITION OF PRIVATE FOSTER TAKEN PRISONER ON LONG ISLAND. Thomas Foster of full age being duly sworn, deposeth and saith that hewas a soldier in the first battalion of the Pennsylvania Riflemen, commanded by Colo. Miles; that he was made a prisoner on Long Island;that immediately after he was made prisoner he was stripped by theHessians of all his clothes, except his frock and a pair of drawers;that after they had stripped him, they put a cord about his neck andhanged him up to the limb of a tree, where they suffered him to remainuntil he was almost strangled; that they then cut him down and gavehim a little rum to recover his spirits; that they repeated this cruelsport three times successively; that he has frequently heard it saidamong the British troops that the Hessians hanged several of ourprisoners, and further this deponent says not. hisTHOMAS X FOSTER, mark examined and sworn in the presence of GENL McDOUGALLJOHN SLOSS HOBARTNATHL. SACKETWILLIAM DUER [Journal of the New York Provincial Congress, Vol. II. ] [No. 56. ] LETTERS FROM CAPT. NATHANIEL FITZ RANDOLPH, OF NEW JERSEY WRITTEN WHILE PRISONER. [250] [Footnote 250: Captain Randolph was a very brave officer fromWoodbridge, N. J. , who, during the war, undertook several hazardousscouting expeditions. He belonged to the Continental army, was fivetimes wounded, twice made a prisoner, and finally killed, in July, 1780, in a skirmish near Springfield, New Jersey. He was the officerwho captured the famous Colonel Billop. He appears to have been withColonel Heard, when the latter was sent to seize tories on LongIsland, in January, 1776; in which connection the following letter tohis wife will be of interest: . . . When we Shall Return Home is unceartain we have Been Busy aHunting up and Disarming the Tories ever Since we Have Been Here. Havecollected upwards of two Hundred Muskits with ammunition &c. We wastwo nights at Jamaica where I had to take Jonathan Rowland an ownuncle to Roberts wife. Likewise Saml Doughty an acquaintance ofRoberts. Charles Jackson is well and Desires to Be Remembered to hisfammily and I Request of you to Show his wife this Letter. I Remainyours &c. , NATHL. FITZ RANDOLPH. HEMPSTEAD, Jan. 24th, 1776. P. S. We proceed from Here to Oyster Bay. ] MY DEAR SPOUSE--these with my Love to you and Children may informe youof my present situation, which is that I am wounded in the head andarm but not dangerous. Should be glad that you will send me somenecessary Clothing as I now remain in close confinement. I would nothave you make yourself uneasy about me as I have been treated withthe greatest kindness by Col. Prescott who commanded the party ofKing's Troops whose hands it was my misfortune to fall into. Likewiseby most of the officers of the 28th and 35th Ridgements. I have beenbefore Lord Cornwallace, who I believe looks upon my conduct nothingmore than becoming a soldier--and Major Generl. Grant has for myconduct in taking his steward and stores kindly sent me word that Imay send to him for any necessarys which I may want and shall bewellcome to. I would request to procure some person to bring whatnecessarys you may send to me and believe they will not be molested ordetained if received protection. I now conclude wishing you everyhappyness these times can afford and remain your ever affectionateHusband, NATHL. FITZ RANDOLPH. ON BOARD GAURD HOUSE AT NEW BRUNSWICK Jan. 26th, 1777. P. S. Joseph Combes is well and hearty, and desires that his brotherStephen may send him some clothes, but in particular to send a pair ofBuckskin Breeches. To Mrs. EXPERIENCE FITZ RANDOLPH-- to the care of John Hampton at Woodbridge. I make no doubt but every intelligence you have had concerning me hasbeen favorable and wish it was in my power to send you suchintelligence now--But must informe you in as few words as possiblethat the wound in my head is verry painfull and dangerous and am nowclose confined in the Provost Goal, By a positive order from Generl. Howe. I would not have you make yourself uneasy about me as it will beof But Little Service to either of us--But wish you every Happynessthe world can afford and remain your ever affectionate Husband, NATH'L. FITZ RANDOLPH. NEW YORK Feb. 25th 1777. P. S. Our men who are prisoners here is verry sickly and are DyingDayly--John Parker an Indian Israel dyed here a few days ago--Pleaseto send enclosed by some safe hand. To Mrs. EXPERIENCE FITZ RANDOLPH in East Jersey. These with my love to you and Children may informe you that I remainclose Confined in the Provost Goal but in vain might attempt todiscribe in a particular manner the misserys that attend the PoorPrisoners Confined in this Horrid place, they are dying dayly with(what is called here) the Goal fever but may more properly be calledthe Hungry fever which rages among the prisoners here confined ingoals they being deprived of allmost every necessary of Life. As tothe treatment I have received since a prisoner has been varriousSometimes like a Gentleman other times like a Ruffin, have been for aweek without a Surgeon to attend me. At other times have been attendedby eight or ten different Surgeons in one day, But have for threeweeks past had verry regular attendance. My wounds is in a fair way ofdoing well and am in prety good Health. Being in great haste mustconclude, desireing you to make your self as happy as possible in yourpresent Situation and wait with patience until time brings a change. Iremain with sincere affection, ever your affectionate Husband, NATHL. FITZ RANDOLPH. NEW YORK, March 10, 1777. P. S. David Tappin is confined in a Room where the Small Pox is andReuben Potter has been unwell for some days past. [Originals in possession of Captain John Coddington Kinney, Hartford, Conn. ] [No. 57. ] EXTRACT FROM THE JOURNAL OF CAPT. JAMES MORRIS, PRISONER AT FLATBUSH, L. I. [251] [Footnote 251: Captain James Morris was a Connecticut officer. Hefirst entered the service as ensign in Colonel Gay's Regiment, and wasengaged in the battle of Long Island. In the following year, aslieutenant, he fought at the battle of Germantown, where he was takenprisoner, and closely confined in Philadelphia until removed to LongIsland. When released, in 1781, he was detailed to Scammell's LightInfantry Corps, and took part in the capture of Yorktown, Virginia. One of his letters, written from Flatbush while prisoner, is asfollows: FLATBUSH, LONG ISLAND, June 30, 1778. Wednesday, the 17th inst. , the American Prisoners of war leftPhiladelphia. I embarked on board the Sloop Nancy, Capt. Hill. Sailedas far as Billings Port; then went on board the Brig Minerva, Capt. Smith, in order to sail for New York. After a passage of 12 daysarrived at New York, being the 28th inst. The 29th I was paroled uponLong Island, and went to live at the House of Mr. John Lott. Ourtreatment, both officers and soldiers, while on board the shipping, was much better than I expected; our situation was as agreeable ascircumstances would admit. We had the liberty of any part of the ship, and both officers and soldiers had a supply of provisions and a gillof Rum per man per day. ] "I was put on board with the other prisoners of war [at Philadelphia]and sailed down the river Delaware, and went to New York. We were 12days on our passage. I was then put on my parole of honour and boardedwith a plain Dutch family in Kings County, at the west end of LongIsland. We were confined within the limits of said County. At Flat Bush I became acquainted with a Mr Clarkson a man ofscience and of a large property, he owned the most extensive privateLibrary that I had ever known in the United States, his wife had acapacious mind and she was remarkably distinguished for her piety. Mr. Clarkson made me a welcome visitor at his house and gave me access tohis library. He allowed me to take as many books as I chose and carrythem to my lodgings. I there lived two years and six months devotingmy time to reading. I read through a course of ancient and modernhistory. My exercise was hand labour and walking. I tended a gardenone summer upon shares and my net profits were about twelve dollars. The next summer I obtained the use of a small piece of Land andplanted it with potatoes from which my net profits were 30 dollars. Iwas treated with great kindness by the family with which I lived. Iendeavored to be always on the pleasant side with them and to be sure, not to be wanting in my attentions to my landlady. Here I learned thatthe little nameless civilities and attentions were worth a great dealmore than they cost me. Here I was peculiarily situated to learn thehuman character: for the inhabitants in this county were all attachedto the British Government and said the officers paroled there were allrebels, and that they would finally be hung for their rebellion, sothat if any of us received any injury or met with any abuse from theinhabitants we could have no redress we must patiently bear it. TheDutch inhabitants were uncultivated yet many of them possessedstrength of mind and were intelligent. They were mostly strangers tothe sympathies and tender sensibilities which so much rejoiced theheart of friends with friends and promote the happiness of society. But notwithstanding I was thus secluded from my particular friendsand acquaintances yet I enjoyed my share of comfort and worldlyfelicity. I felt no disposition to murmer and repine in my thencondition. Every day afforded me its enjoyments excepting a time whenI had a pretty severe attack with the ague and fever which reduced melow. The whole term of my Captivity was three years and three monthslacking one day. I was exchanged on the 3rd day of Jany 1781. I wastaken from Flat Bush to New York and from thence conveyed toElizabethtown in New Jersey and set at liberty. " [Original in possession of Hon. Dwight Morris, Bridgeport, Conn. ] [No. 58. ] BRITISH PRISONERS TAKEN BY THE AMERICANS ON LONG ISLAND KINGS BRIDGE, August 29, 1776. GENTLEMEN: I send to your care and safe keeping the followingprisoners of war, taken on _Long Island_, on the 27th instant viz:Lieutenant _John Ragg_, of the Marines, Sergeant _David Wallace_, Corporal _Thomas Pike_ and _Edward Gibbon_, _William Smith_, _IsaacHughs_, _Thomas Haraman_, _John Woodard_, _Edward Cavil_, _WilliamWilliams_, _William Coortney_, _Stephen Weber_, _John Smith_, _SamuelMorral_, _Thomas Sarral_, _Joseph Distant_, _Benjamin Jones_, _WilliamJones_, _William Pearce_, _John Hopkins_, _Henry Weston_, _EvanEvans_, and _John Morten_, Privates. You will please to secure them in such manner as to prevent theirescape, observing the order of Congress in this respect. I am, gentlemen, with Esteem, Your humble Servant W. HEATH, Major General. To the Committee of the Town of Fairfield [Conn. ] [_Force_, 5th Series, vol. I, p. 1215. ] [No. 59. ] A RETURN OF THE PRISONERS TAKEN IN YORK DURING THE CAMPAIGN 1776 [Transcriber's Note: For readability, the vertical text in thefollowing table has been reduced to abbreviations, as follows: Gn--GeneralsCo--ColonelsLC--Lt. ColonelsMj--MajorsCa--CaptainsLt--LieutenantsEn--EnsignsCh--ChaplainsQM--Q. MastersAd--AdjutantsSu--SurgeonsCm--ComissariesEg--EngineersWM--Wagon MastersVo--VolunteersPr--Privates Other text has been abbreviated as follows: 8/27--Augt. 27th9/15-16--Sept. 15 & 16th10/12--Octr. 12th11/16--Novr. 16th11/18--Novr. 18th L. I. --Long IslandY. I. --York IslandW. P. --White PlainsF. W. --Fort WashingtonF. L. --Fort Lee] WHEN WHERE COMMISSIONED OFFICERS STAFF OFFICERS & PRIVATES. TAKEN Gn Co LC Mj Ca Lt En Ch QM Ad Su Cm Eg WM Vo Pr WOUNDED 8/27 L. I. 2 3 4 2 18 3 11 3 -- 1 3 -- -- -- 3 1006 9 Officers, 56 Privates. 9/15-16 Y. I. -- 1 2 3 4 7 -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- 354 10/12 W. P. -- -- -- -- 1 2 -- -- 1 -- -- -- -- -- -- 35 11/16 F. W. -- 4 4 5 56 107 31 1 2 2 5 2 1 1 -- 2637 6 Officers, 53 Privates. 11/18 F. L. -- -- -- -- -- 1 1 -- 1 -- 3 -- -- -- -- 99 Total 2 8 10 10 79 160 43 4 4 3 11 2 1 1 3 4131 Copy CHATHAM Jany 30th 1777 P. S. The original taken in New Jersey sent to Govr. Brooks. A true copy taken from the Commissary General's, & brought from Yorkby Major Wells. [Original among Lieut. -Col. Henshaw's papers. ] [No. 60. ] LIST OF AMERICAN OFFICERS TAKEN PRISONERS AT THE BATTLE OF LONGISLAND[252] [Footnote 252: The left-hand column, naming the regiments, with therank and number of officers captured, is taken from the report ofJoseph Loring, the British Commissary of Prisoners. --_Force_, 5thSeries, vol i. , p. 1258. The names added opposite have been collatedfrom official rolls, published and in manuscript, unless otherwisestated in notes. ] THREE GENERALS. _Major General_ John Sullivan, _Brigadier General_ Lord Stirling, _Brigadier General_ Nathaniel Woodhull. [253] [Footnote 253: Reference has already been made to Gen. Woodhull andCol. Johnston in the chapter on "The Battle of Long Island. "] THREE COLONELS. Penn. Rifle Reg't 1 Col. Samuel Miles, Penn. Musketeers 1 Col. Sam. John Atlee, New Jersey Militia 1 Col. Phillip Johnston. [254] [Footnote 254: [Transcriber's Note: see previous footnote. ]] FOUR LIEUT. -COLONELS. Penn. Rifle Reg't 1 [Miles'] Lt. Col. James Piper, Penn. Militia 2 { Lt. Col. Nicholas Lutz, { Lt. Col Peter Kachlein, 17th Continental Regt. 1 [Huntington's] Lt. Col. Joel Clark. THREE MAJORS. Penn. Militia 1 [Lutz's] Maj. Edward Burd, 17th Continental Reg't 1 Maj. Browne, [255]22d Continental Reg't 1 [Wyllys's] Maj. Levi Wells. [Footnote 255: Huntington's regiment appears to have had no major atthis date; certainly none was taken prisoner. In the return ofprisoners exchanged Dec. 9, 1776, there is this memorandum in regardto Maj. Browne: "Taken on Long Island, not in arms. It is preposedthat he be exchanged for Major Wells, of Connecticut. "] EIGHTEEN CAPTAINS. Penn. Rifle Reg't 2 { Capt. Richard Brown, 1st Batt. , { " Wm. Peebles, 2d Batt. Penn. Musketeers 4 [Atlee's] { Capt. Thomas Herbert, { " Joseph Howell, * { " Francis Murray, * { " John Nice. * Penn. Militia 5 { _Lutz' Battalion. _ { Capt. Jacob Crowle, { " Joseph Heister, * { " Jacob Mauser. * { { _Kachlein's Battalion. _ { Capt. Garret Graff, * { " Henry Hogenbach, * { " Timothy Jayne. * The officers designated by the asterisk were exchanged Dec. 9, 1776. See list in _Penn. Archives_, Second Series, vol. I. , p. 426. 17th Continental 4 { Capt. Joseph Jewett, [256] { " Ozias Bissell, { " Jonathan Brewster, { " Caleb Trowbridge, { " Timothy Percival, { " Eben. F. Bissell. Train of Artillery 1 Capt. -Lieut. John Johnston. [257]Maryland Provincials 2 [Smallwood's] Capt. Daniel Bowie. [258] [Footnote 256: There is a discrepancy here. The English give fourCaptains, while Huntington's return gives six. So also in Lieutenantsand Ensigns. ] [Footnote 257: This name does not appear on any roll, but no doubtJohnston was the Captain intended, no other having been takenprisoner. ] [Footnote 258: Bowie was the only Maryland Captain taken, the restbeing accounted for. Possibly one of the Lieutenants--six having beentaken instead of five, as the English report--was rated by mistake asa Captain. ] FORTY-THREE LIEUTENANTS. Provincial Rifle Reg'ts 11 { _1st Battalion. _ { 1st Lieut. William Gray, * { " John Spear, { " John Davis, { " George Wert, { 2d Lieut. Joseph Triesbach, { " Wm. McPherson, { " Luke Broadhead. * { { _2d Battalion. _ { 1st Lieut. Matthew Scott, * { " Daniel Topham, { Lieut. Brownlee. { { _Cunningham's Regiment. _ { Lieut. Patterson. Penn. Musketeers 1 Lieut. Walter Finney. Penn. Militia 6 { _Lutz' Battalion. _ { Lieut. Stephen Baldy. [259] { { _Kachlein's Battalion. _ { Lieut. Lewis, { " Medow [Middagh] { " Shoemaker. 17th Continental Reg't 6 { Lieut. Solomon Orcutt, { " Jabez Fitch, Jr. , { " Thomas Fanning, { " Solomon Makepeace, { " Nathaniel Gove, { " Jonathan Gillet. Delaware Battalion 2 { Lieut. Jonathan Harney, { " Alex. Stewart. 1st Battalion N. Y. } 5 { Lieut. Edward Dunscomb, Continental [Lasher's] } { " Robert Troup, * { Adj. Jeronimus Hoogland, { Lieut. Gerrit Van Wagenen, [260] { " Wm. Gilliland. 11th Battalion Continental 1 [Hitchcock's] Lieut. John Blunt. New Jersey Militia 1 [Johnston's] 1st Lieut. John Toms. 1st Batt. Maryland } 2 { Lieut. Samuel Wright, Independents [Veazey's Co. ] } { " Edward De Courcy. Long Island Militia 2 { Lieut. Coe, [261] { " ----. Train of Artillery 1 Cadet John Callender. [262] Maryland Provincials 5 { 1st Lieut. Wm. Sterret, { " Joseph Butler, { Lieut. Hatch Dent, { " Walter Ridgely, { " Walter Muse, { " Edward Praul. [Footnote 259: There was but one Lieutenant taken in Lutz's Battalion. See Rolls in _Force_, Returns of Col. Haller's regiment. ] [Footnote 260: Lieuts. Van Wagenen and Gilliland did not belong toLasher's battalion, but were taken with Dunscomb, Troup, and Hoogland, and probably rated with them. ] [Footnote 261: In Onderdonk's Revolutionary Incidents it is statedthat Coe was a Lieutenant of the troopers, and was taken the day afterthe battle. The other Lieutenant was taken at the time of Gen. Woodhull's capture, but his name does not appear. ] [Footnote 262: Callender is doubtless meant. He was rated as aLieutenant afterwards, and was confined in officers' quarters. ] ELEVEN ENSIGNS. Penn. Musketeers 4 { Ensign W. Henderson, { " Alexander Huston, * { " Michael App, * { " Septimus Davis. * { Ensign Anthony Bradford, { " Joseph Chapman, { " Cornelius Higgins, 17th Continental Reg't 5 { " John Kinsman, { " Elihu Lyman, { " Joel Gillet. Maryland Provincials 2 { Ensign Wm. Courts, { " James Fernandez. STAFF. Adjutant 1 [Huntington's] Adj. Elisha Hopkins. Surgeons 3 { _Miles' Battalion. _ { Dr. John Davis, { Dr. Joseph Davis. * { { _Huntington's Regt. _ { Dr. Silas Holmes. Volunteers 2 { Lieut. David Duncan, { " ---- Young. [263] [Footnote 263: These were two Pennsylvania officers, and it issupposed that they were serving as volunteers at the battle. Theirnames appear in _Force_. ] [No. 61. ] LIST OF AMERICAN NON-COMMISSIONED OFFICERS AND SOLDIERS TAKENPRISONERS, KILLED, OR MISSING, AT THE BATTLE OF LONG ISLAND COL. TYLER'S REGT. --TENTH CONTINENTAL [CONN. ] KILLED. --Antony Wolf. MISSING. --Samuel Everett, Amasa Pebody. COL. HITCHCOCK'S REG'T. --ELEVENTH CONTINENTAL [R. I. ] _Captain Kimball's Company. _ MISSING. --Richard Wallen. _Captain Symond's Company. _ KILLED. --John Elliott. MISSING. --Nath. Ramson, John Patten. _Captain C. Olney's Company. _ MISSING. --Caleb Herenden, Benjamin Foster, Daniel Williams, LondonCitizen [a negro]. _Captain Bowen's Company. _ MISSING. --William Deputrin. COL. LITTLE'S REG'T. --TWELFTH CONTINENTAL [MASS. ] _Captain Parker's Company. _ KILLED. --Peter Barthrick. _Captain Wade's Company. _ MISSING. --Archelaus Puleifer. _Captain Dodge's Company. _ MISSING. --Elijah Lewis. COL. HUNTINGTON'S REG'T. --SEVENTEENTH CONTINENTAL [CONN. ] _Captain Tyler's Company. _ MISSING. --Bartlet Lewis, Elisha Benton, Sergeants; Reuben Bates, OliveJennings, Joseph White, Jesse Swaddle, Corporals; Joseph Arnold, JoelBallard, Azariah Benton, Lemuel Lewis, Seth Rider, John Smith, Jeremiah Sparks, Jonathan Witherd, Josiah Benton, Luke Kimball, Jonathan Barnard, James Lindsey, Privates. _Captain Jewett's Company. _ MISSING. --Stephen Otis, Rufus Tracy, Roswel Graves, Sergeants; NathanRaymond, Peleg Edwards, Corporals; Joshua Blake, Billa Dyer, Theophilus Emerson, Jaspar Griffin, Elisha Miller, Adam Mitchel, Charles Phelps, Silas Phelps, Oliver Rude, Ebenezer Smith, JacobSterling, Timothy Tiffany, Peter Way, Lebbeus Wheeler, Nathan Wood, David Yarrington, Duron Whittlesey, William Eluther, Zadock Pratt, Eliphalet Reynolds, Rufus Cone, Privates. _Captain Trowbridge's Company. _ MISSING. --Daniel Ingalls, Daniel Farnham, Moses Smith, Sergeants;George Gordon, Levi Farnham, Corporals; Silas Bottom, Drum-Major;William Bedlock, Alexander Brine, Joseph Clarke, John Colegrove, LukeDurfee, George Forster, Caleb Green, John Gardner, Ebenezer Keyes, John Kingsbury; Robert Lithgow, Benjamin Lounsbury, Ishmael Moffit, Joseph Munsur, Daniel Malone, Solomon Mears, John Pollard, StephenPotter, Joseph Russell, Allen Richards, Monday Smith, David Saunders, John Talmage, William Turner, John Thomas, Samuel White, John Winter, Privates. _Captain Ozias Bissell's Company. _ MISSING. --Ebenezer Wright, Howard Moulton, Sergeants; FreegraceBillings, Nathan Barney, Abner Belding, Seth Belding, Daniel Church, Lemuel Deming, George Edwards, Thomas Green, Jesse Judson, DavidLindsey, Michael Mitchel, Samuel Moulton, Joseph A. Minot, Giles Nott, James Price, Jonathan Price, Benjamin Ripnor, Timothy Risley, JoelSkinner, Daniel Thomas, Robert Wallas, Privates. _Captain Brewster's Company. _ MISSING. --Theophilus Huntington, Sergeant; Jabez Avery, WilliamButton, Corporals; Simon Armstrong, Jesse Barnet, Joseph Ellis, AsaFox, Samuel Fuller, Elijah Hammond, Solomon Huntley, Sanford Herrick, Luther Japhet, John Lewis, Thomas Matterson, Rufus Parke, Amasa Pride, Jehiel Pettis, Roger Packard, Samuel Tallman, John Vandeusen, CalvinWaterman, John Williams, Privates. _Captain Percival's Company. _ MISSING. --Roger Coit, Uriah Hungerford, Rous Bly, [killed, ] Sergeants. Samuel Agard, Daniel Bartholomew, Silas Bates, John Bray, David Brown, Solomon Carrington, John Curtis, John Dutton, Daniel Freeman, GadFuller, Abel Hart, Jason Hart, Timothy Isham, Azariah Lothrop, JohnMoody, Timothy Percival, Isaac Potter, Elijah Rose, Elijah Stanton, Benjamin Tubbs, Abraham Yarrington, Jesse Roberts, Privates. _Captain Fitch Bissel's Company. _ MISSING. --Cornelius Russell, Eleazer House, Hezekiah Haydon, Sergeants; Samuel Bordman, Aaron Porter, Elisha Boardman, Corporals;Robert Newcomb, Drummer; John Atwood, Orias Atwood, William Craddock, Ira Clark, Roderick Clark, Lemuel Fuller, Abner Fuller, Roger Tyler, Carmi Higley, Erastus Humphy, Jonathan Halladay, John Willson, JohnWhite, John Fletcher, Privates. _Captain Hubbard's Company. _ MISSING. --William Talmage, Samuel Skinner, William Parsons, EbenezerCoe, Sergeants; Eleazer Brooks, Samuel Buck, Jr. , Cornelius Coverling, Aaron Drake, Benjamin Hills, Alexander Ingham, Elias Leet, LeviLoveland, Elijah Roberts, Reuben Shipman, Samuel Strictland, SethTurner, Nathan Whiting, Job Wetmore, Privates. COL. JONATHAN WARD'S REG'T. --TWENTY-FIRST CONTINENTAL [MASS. ]. _Captain King's Company. _ MISSING. --Moses Whitney, James Barker, Privates. _Captain Bartlet's Company. _ MISSING. --Cornelius Warren, Private. COL. WYLLYS' REG'T. --TWENTY-SECOND CONTINENTAL [CONN. ]. _Captain Pettibone's Company. _ MISSING. --William Gaylord, Private. _Captain Scott's Company. _ MISSING. --Eliezur Loveland, Private. _Captain Wright's Company. _ MISSING. --Joel Taylor, Private. _Major Holdridge's Company. _ MISSING. --Abner Rider, Sherman Shadduck, Elijah Smith, Joseph Watrous, Privates. _Captain Mills' Company. _ MISSING. --Robert Lusk, Jonathan Ingham, Privates. COL. MILES' REG'T. --[PENN. ][264] [Footnote 264: The returns of the losses in the Pennsylvaniaregiments, as here given, are copied from the original manuscriptrolls in the public archives of that State. I am indebted to the Hon. John A. Linn, Assistant Secretary of the Commonwealth, Harrisburg, notonly for the authenticated copies, but for several of the documents inPart II. , and for much other information respecting the troops fromPennsylvania. --ED. ] (Two Battalions. ) _First Battalion. --Captain Farmer's Company. _ MISSING. --Robert Garrett, Drummer; Alexander Anderson, John Barger, Henry Cordier, Creewas Bastian, Cornelius Dauel, George Dillman, George Edwards, Jacob Engelhart, Chushan Foy, Philip Feese, GeorgeGarling, Benjamin Hackett, Lawrence Homan, Nicholas Hause, MartinHaynes, Jonathan Hager, Jacob Koppinger, Adam Kydle, Conrad Meserly, George Miller, Jr. , Adam Swager, Jacob Shifle [wounded], FrancisShitz, Jacob Shutt, Jacob Slottner, Goodlip Voolever, Henry Wise, JohnYoung, Privates. _Captain Brown's Company. _ MISSING. --James Anderson, Sergeant; William Lever, Drummer; HughBarkley, Hezekiah Biddle, William Bradley, Peter Carmichael, SamuelCrosson, Peter Develin, Timothy Driskil, Adam Growss, AlexanderHolmes, Robert Huston, John McGriggor, Christy McMichael, WilliamMoore, Jonathan Nesbit, Richard Roberts, Nathanael Scott, DegorySparks, Robert Stokes, Privates. _Captain Long's Company. _ MISSING. --Thomas Higginbottom, Sergeant; Henry Donely, Drummer; JamesNelson, Fifer; John Beatty, Thomas Christopher, Abraham Dunlap, JohnElliot, Jr. , John Elliot, Sen. , Benjamin Harverd, Patrick Kelly, Daniel McLean, Hugh Mulhalon [wounded], John Williams, Privates. _Captain Albright's Company. _ MISSING. --Thomas Wilson, Robert Tate, James Geddes, Sergeants; AndrewBoned, Alexander Boyd, Edward Carleton, James Cuxel, Thomas Fosler, Hugh Gobin, Jacob Helsley, John Henary, Philip Kennedy, WilliamKilpatrick, Thomas Knee (or Karee), Conrad Lead, Henry McBroom, HughMcClughan, John McElnay, James McFarland, Bartholomew McGuire, JacobNewman, John Rinehart, Henry Shadon, Charles Spangler, Charles Stump[wounded], John Swartz, George Wampler, Edward Wells, Thomas Williams, Privates. _Captain Shade's Company. _ MISSING. --Isaac Gruber, Sergeant; Henry Baker, Henry Bollabaker, JohnBower, Henry Goodshalk, Jacob Isenhart, Adam Kerchner, George Keibler, John Lee, John McAry, Lorentz Miller, Christopher Neighhast, JohnSimmins, Elias Schwartz, Frederick Tickard, Henry Weaver, Privates. _Captain Weitzell's Company. _ MISSING. --John Gordon, Sergeant-Major; Thomas Price, Sergeant; WilliamAllison, Peter Brady, Andrew Carter, Robert Caruthers, Henry Gass, John Hardy, Dennis Huggins, Martin Kershller, Joseph Madden, WilliamMcCormick, Patrick McVey, Robert Morehead, Andrew Ralston, John Rice, Jacob Speiss, James Watt, Privates. _Second Battalion. --Captain Murray's Company. _ MISSING. --Thomas Dudgeon, John Galloway, Daniel McCoy, ThomasPlunkett, Privates. _Captain Peebles' Company. _ MISSING. --P. Heylands, Sergeant; James Carson, Drummer; Edmuad Lee, Fifer; James Atcheson, Samuel Dixon, Samuel Montgomery, David Moore, James Moore, James Mortimore, John Neil, Robert Nugent, PatrickQuigley, Thomas Rogers, William Witherspoon, Privates. _Captain Marshall's Company. _ MISSING. --Robert Andrews, Robert Slemen, Privates. _Captain Erwin's Company. _ MISSING. --James Dugan, John Justice, William Lindsay, Samuel Roddy, Sergeants;[265] Daniel Brownspeld, Jeremiah Gunnon, John Guthry, William Guthry, John Henry, Philip Kelly, Andy McKenzie [a volunteer], William Moore, William Mull, James Nelson, William Nelson, StephenSinglewood, Charles Stamper, John Stoops, William Twifold, AngusWilkinson, Privates. [Footnote 265: One of these sergeants escaped, but the rolls do notshow which one. ] _Captain Grubb's Company. _ MISSING. --George Brown, John Hehm, Robert Henderson, Joseph McFarland, Privates. _Captain Christ's Company. _ MISSING. --Matthew Whitlow, Jeremiah Geiss, Sergeants; Paul Frederick, Yost Fuchs, Privates. COL. ATLEE'S REG'T. --[PENN. ] _Captain Anderson's Company. _ MISSING. --Francis Ferguson, William Harper, John Madden, WilliamMcCormick, Hector McGowan, John Moore, Benjamin Nain, Hosea Rigg, Edward Wood, Privates. _Captain Lloyd's Company. _ MISSING. --William Nemrich, Sergeant [wounded]; Jesse Moore, Fifer;Michael Clary, Michael Derry, Folk Matthias, Archibald Graham, JamesHidden, Robert Kinen, Adam Kingfield, Patrick McCullough, James Moore, Edward Murphy, William Powel, James Tyrer, Richard Wallace, WilliamWatson, Privates. _Captain Murray's Company. _ MISSING. --Joseph Atkinson, James Davis, William Gillespie, JohnGuthrie, Thomas Logan, Thomas McConnell, John McEnrae, John Moody, Patrick Mullan, David Robinson, Privates. _Captain McClellan's Company. _ MISSING. --James Mitchell, Sergeant [wounded]; Joseph Moor, Corporal[killed]; John Calhoon, James Elder, Michael Kenaday, Robert Love, Justin McCarty, James McClure, Daniel McElroy, James McElvay, WilliamMcIlvain, Thomas Mitchel, Thomas Moore [wounded], William Murray[wounded], O'Trail Morris, Privates. _Captain Herbert's Company. _ MISSING. --Eleazer Crain, John Everhart, John Ingram, George Ridge, Boston Wagoner, Michael Weaver, Privates. _Captain De Huff's Company. _ MISSING. --Michael Loy, Jacob Marks, Christian Mentzer, PatrickMulrang, Peter Wile, Godlip Wiseman, Privates. _Captain Nice's Company. _ MISSING. --Edward Barnhouse, Edward Baxter, Michael Domiller, John Gee, John Huston, Robert Jones, Edward Justice, Richard Robeson, MichaelStucke, Privates. _Captain Howell's Company. _ MISSING. --Michael Carmodey, John Ervine [killed], John Gilkey, JamesGallagher, William Jones, William McMaunagel, William Tweedy, Privates. LIEUT. -COL. KACHLEIN'S REG'T. --[PENN. ] _Captain John Arndt's Company. _ MISSING. --Andrew Hessher, Andrew Reefer, Sergeants; Thomas Sybert, Martin Derr, George Fry, Lawrence Gob, Anthony Frutches, Peter Froes, John Harpel, Jacob Dufford, Joseph Stout, Mathias Stidinger, PeterBeyer, Peter Lohr, Bernhard Miller, Richard Overfeld, Jacob WeidKnecht, Henry Bush, Sr. , Peter Kern, Philip Bush, Abraham Peter. COL. GAY'S REG'T. --[CONN. ] _Captain Goodwin's Company. _ MISSING. --Clement Maxfield, Martin Nash, Privates. _Captain Wells' Company. _ MISSING. --Joseph Bidwell, Private. _Captain Wilson's Company. _ MISSING. --Benjamin Frisby, Private. COL. CHESTER'S REG'T. --[CONN. ] MISSING. --Maygot, Cheney, Marret, Upham, Fling, Alderman, Humphry, Gillet, Martin, Shawn, Sasanan, Tassett, Privates. BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES. In the few following sketches the writer has simply incorporated suchfacts of personal interest as have come to his knowledge whilepreparing the work. As for the generals who took part in this campaign, Washington, Stephen, and Mercer were from Virginia; General Beall, of Maryland, commanded part of the Flying Camp from that State; Generals Mifflinand St. Clair were from Pennsylvania--also Generals Cadwallader, Roberdeau, and Ewing, who commanded Pennsylvania "Associators" for ashort time (Roberdeau also having a brigade under Greene at Fort Lee);Generals Stirling and Heard, from New Jersey; Generals James andGeorge Clinton, McDougall, Scott, and Woodhull, from New York;Generals Putnam, Spencer, Wadsworth, Wolcott, and Parsons, fromConnecticut; General Greene, from Rhode Island; Generals Heath, Nixon, Fellows, and Lincoln, from Massachusetts; and General Sullivan, fromNew Hampshire. General Lee was born in Wales, had served in theBritish army, and settled in Virginia. General De Fermoy was aFrenchman. CALLENDER, CAPTAIN JOHN. --This officer, who behaved so well on LongIsland, was the son of Eliezer Callender, of Boston. At the close ofthe war he became a merchant in Virginia, and died at Alexandria, inOctober, 1797. CLARK, LIEUTENANT-COLONEL JOEL. --Lieutenant Fitch states that Clark, who commanded Huntington's regiment at the battle of Long Island, andwas taken prisoner, died about one o'clock on the morning of December19th, after a long sickness, and was buried in the New BrickChurch-yard [now Park Row], in New York. Officers followed his remainsto the grave. DOUGLAS, COLONEL WILLIAM. --Born in Plainfield, Conn. , January 17th, 1742. Afterwards lived in Northford. Served as Putnam'sorderly-sergeant in the French and Indian War. In 1775 joinedMontgomery, who put him in charge of the flotilla on Lake Champlain, in view of his nautical experience. In 1776 he raised a regiment forthe army at New York, where, as appears in the narrative, he provedhimself a thorough soldier. In 1777 he raised a Continental regiment, but his health broke down, and he died May 28th of that year. Hisdeath was a loss to the service, as he was a man of faith, character, and personal courage. The regiment he raised was given to the famousColonel Return Jonathan Meigs. DUNSCOMB, LIEUTENANT EDWARD. --Born May 23d, 1754, in New York. DiedNovember 12th, 1814. Graduate of Columbia College in 1774. He was sonof Daniel Dunscomb, a firm friend of the colonial cause. After hiscapture at the Jamaica Pass, August 27th, he was confined on a prisonship and fell sick, but recovered, and on his exchange rejoined thearmy, where, in 1780, he appears as Captain of the Fourth New YorkLine. After the war he became clerk of the United States Courts. Hewas also a vestryman of Trinity Church, and a trustee of ColumbiaCollege. The tradition in his family is that he was asked to beHamilton's second in the duel with Burr, but declined in disapprovalof the practice. FISH, MAJOR NICHOLAS. --Born in New York, August 28th, 1758; died June20th, 1833. He was at Princeton a short time, but leaving college, studied law with John Morin Scott, whose brigade-major he became in1776. Fish afterwards served with the New York Line through the war, and as major of light infantry under Hamilton at Yorktown. In 1786 hebecame adjutant-general of New York, was afterwards an alderman of thecity and president of the Cincinnati. He was the father of the Hon. Hamilton Fish, ex-Secretary of State. GAY, COLONEL FISHER. --Of Wadsworth's brigade. He came from Farmington, Conn. , having served also at the siege of Boston. His regiment was forsome time on Long Island, but the colonel had been sick, and eitherdied or was buried on the day of the battle, August 27th. HALE, CAPTAIN NATHAN. --The most authoritative account of his captureand death is given by Hull, who was captain with him in Webb'sregiment. Lossing states that he was hanged from an apple-tree inRutgers' orchard. Hale was a young graduate of Yale; came fromAshford, Conn. The sketch of his life by I. W. Stuart, Hartford, 1856, contains the particulars of his career. See page 262, Part I. HAMILTON, CAPTAIN ALEXANDER. --See chapter on "The Two Armies. "Hamilton was stationed in New York at the Grand Battery and FortGeorge, and doubtless participated in the firing on the ships wheneverthey passed up either river. At White Plains his guns did goodexecution, also in the subsequent actions in New Jersey. In March, 1777, he became aid to Washington with rank of lieutenant-colonel, andparticularly distinguished himself at Monmouth, and afterwards ascommander of a light infantry battalion at Yorktown. He had few if anysuperiors among the younger officers of the Revolutionary army. HENSHAW, LIEUTENANT-COLONEL WILLIAM. --Born at Boston February 20th, 1735, and removed to Leicester in 1745. He served in the French warunder Amherst. The Lexington alarm he answered promptly, and marchedto Boston at the head of his militia regiment. The MassachusettsProvincial Congress appointed him adjutant-general of the armymustered around Boston, and he held that position until relieved byGeneral Gates in July. He was actively engaged through the entirecampaign in 1776, being in the midst of the fighting on Long Island, at Harlem Heights, and at Princeton. At the close of the campaign heretired from the service. A full and interesting sketch of him, together with his Order Book of 1775, has lately been published by theMassachusetts Historical Society. Colonel Henshaw died February 20th, 1820. HUGHES, COLONEL HUGH. --Of Welsh extraction. Taught a select grammarschool, in 1765, in the French Church Consistory Rooms in NassauStreet, New York. He served most efficiently in the quartermaster'sdepartment during much of the war, and died in 1802, seventy-fiveyears of age. JOHNSTON, CAPTAIN JOHN. --After partially recovering from his severewounds received at the battle of Long Island, Captain Johnston took upthe artist's profession, and painted several historical portraits, among them that of Samuel Adams and his wife. He also painted his own, which is in possession of his grandson, Mr. J. J. Soren, of Boston. KNOWLTON, LIEUTENANT-COLONEL. --Born in West Boxford, Mass. , November, 1740, and removed to Ashford, Conn. He served in the French war asprivate in Captain Durkee's company. A full and accurate sketch of himmay be found in the _New England Historical and Gen. Register_ forJanuary, 1861, by Ashbel Woodward, M. D. , of Franklin, Conn. LASHER, COLONEL JOHN. --Born March 3d, 1724, probably in New York. Amerchant of some wealth. He lost four houses in the fire of September21st, 1776. On the expiration of the term of service of his battalion, he was elected a lieutenant-colonel of one of the New York Continentalregiments, but declined. He died in New York at an advanced age. Seereferences to him in the chapter on "The Two Armies. " LITTLE, COLONEL MOSES. --Frequently mentioned in the account of thecampaign. He was one of the "Descendants of George Little, who came toNewbury, Mass. , in 1640"--the title of a handsome little work compiledby Mr. George T. Little, and printed in 1877. During the retreatthrough New Jersey, Colonel Little was sick at Peekskill, and couldnot participate with his men at Trenton and Princeton. He renderedfurther service at various times during the war. McDOUGALL, GENERAL ALEXANDER. --Born in Scotland in 1731; died in NewYork, June 8th, 1786. It is understood that a biography of thisofficer is in the course of preparation. As he was so closelyidentified with the Revolutionary struggle, it could be made avaluable work, if his papers are all preserved. He was a leader of NewYork's "Liberty" party before 1776, and served continuously throughthe war. MILES, COLONEL SAMUEL. --Born March 22d, 1739, probably inPhiladelphia. Served in the French war. After the Revolution, heldpositions as Judge of the High Court of Errors, member of theGovernor's Council, and Mayor of Philadelphia. He died at Cheltenham, Montgomery County, Pa. , December 29th, 1805. PARRY, LIEUTENANT-COLONEL CALEB. --Killed on Long Island. See notice ofhim on page 196, Part I. A genealogy recently prepared by RichardRandolph Parry, Esq. , of Philadelphia, contains much interestingpersonal history of the family. PIPER, LIEUTENANT-COLONEL JAMES. --He was lieutenant-colonel of Miles'First Battalion, and "a very worthy gentleman. " Taken on Long Island, and died in New York not long after the battle. Captain Peebles, ofMiles', Captain Bowie and Lieutenant Butler, of Smallwood's, andLieutenant Makepeace, of Huntington's, who were all wounded and takenprisoners, died afterwards in New York, says Fitch. RUTGERS, LIEUTENANT-COLONEL HENRY. --Of New York City. Brother ofHarmanus Rutgers, killed on Long Island. He was connected with thearmy much of the time in the Commissary of Musters Department. RutgersCollege takes its name from him. He left many Revolutionary papers, which have been unfortunately lost. SCOTT, GENERAL JOHN M. --Born in New York in 1730; died September 14th, 1784. He was the only child of John and Marian Morin Scott, and fourthin the line of descent from Sir John Scott, Baronet of Ancram, CountyRoxburgh, Scotland, who died in 1712. At the age of sixteen hegraduated at Yale College in the class of 1746, and took up theprofession of law in New York, where he rose steadily in practice andreputation. With Wm. Smith, the historian of New York, and Wm. Livingston, he became identified with the Whig element in the colony, and at an early date advocated principles which paved the way for thefinal opposition to ministerial measures. These three--Smith, Livingston, and Scott--became leaders at the bar, and the two latteralso in politics. Scott's residence stood at about the corner ofThirty-third Street and Ninth Avenue, as appears from Ratzer'sofficial map of the city and island in 1766-67, and contained 123acres. At that date it was some three miles out of town. From papersstill preserved it appears that, very soon after the Revolution, thisfine estate, which had become embarrassed, was sold for $8250, andthat as early as 1813 it was worth $100, 000. Scott associated himselfwith enterprises that contributed to the progress and socialadvancement of the city, becoming in 1754 one of the founders of theSociety for the Promotion of the Arts, and also of a City Library. From 1757 to 1762 he was alderman of the Out-ward of New York. Hecontributed to the _Watch Tower_ and _Reflector_, and was the authorof several official and literary papers and reports during hislifetime. When the Revolutionary troubles opened, he was made one ofthe committee of one hundred citizens in 1775, took a foremost partagainst England's designs, and, as a powerful public speaker in favorof the colonial cause, might be called the Samuel Adams or James Otisof New York. As stated in the text, he became a member of theprovincial committee and Congress in 1775-76, and brigadier-general ofState troops in March, 1776, taking active part in the campaign aroundhis native city. At the close of the year he offered his last month'ssalary to those of his troops who would remain in the service a fewweeks longer, and served himself a month without pay. In 1777 he wasappointed secretary of the State, and continued in the public servicein that capacity and as State senator and member of Congress until hisdeath. His remains lie buried in Trinity Church-yard, near the line ofBroadway, north of the church. SELDEN, COLONEL SAMUEL. --Of Hadlyme, Conn. Son of Samuel and DeborahDudley Selden. Born January 11th, 1723. His grandfather was ThomasSelden, one of the original founders of Hartford. A genealogy of thefamily is in the course of preparation by Mr. Henry M. Selden, ofHaddam Neck. Colonel Selden was taken prisoner in the Kip's Bayretreat, being prostrated by the exertions of the day. He was confinedin the present Register's building, in the City Hall Park, where hedied of fever, "on Friday P. M. , October 11th, about three o'clock. " Inthe latter part of his sickness he was attended by Dr. Thacher, aBritish surgeon, who paid him every attention. He was buried in theBrick Church-yard. See chapter on "The Two Armies" for furtherreference. Among this officer's great-grandsons are Chief-JusticeWaite, Hon. Lyman Trumbull, General McDowell, Judge Selden ofRochester, Colonel Joseph Selden of Norwich, and many others, thedescendants being numerous. SMITH, CAPTAIN ROBERT. --Born in New York in 1752; of Scotch ancestry. Entered the counting-house of his brother, Alex. Robertson Smith, awealthy merchant. In 1776 he raised a company of Scotsmen and sons ofScotsmen, and joined Malcom's New York Regiment. He was on Long Islandwith Scott's brigade, and at White Plains received a severe contusionfrom a spent shot. Obliged by ill-health to retire from the servicefor a time, he appeared again as a volunteer at Monmouth, and foughton foot, having given up his horse to a general officer. After the warhe settled in Philadelphia, where he was a bank director forforty-eight years, holding also other offices of trust. He was a manof liberal disposition, a Presbyterian elder, and gave freely for allcharitable purposes. STIRLING, GENERAL LORD. --This officer's name was properly WilliamAlexander. His father claimed the title of the Earl of Stirling, andhe himself continued it. There is this description of the general inSurgeon Waldo's diary, kept at Valley Forge _(Historical Magazine_, vol. V. ): "Major-General Lord Stirling is a man of a very noble presence, andthe most martial Appearance of any General in the Service; he muchresembles the Marquis of Granby--by his bald head--the make of hisface, and figure of his Body. He is mild in his private conversation, and vociferous in the Field. " TILGHMAN, CAPTAIN TENCH. --Aid to Washington. Born near Easton, TalbotCounty, Md. , December 25, 1744; died April 18th, 1786. From Maryland, Tilghman went to Philadelphia, became captain of a city militaryorganization, and joined Washington as volunteer secretary and aid inAugust, 1776. He served with his chief through the war, participatingin many battles, and having Washington's closest confidence. His rankas lieutenant-colonel was dated from April, 1777, by his own desire, that he might not outrank Hamilton and Meade, who had been appointedaids earlier in the year. His descendants preserve many relics of hisRevolutionary service. TROUP, LIEUTENANT ROBERT. --His father was an officer in the BritishNavy, and died before the Revolution. Troup graduated from Columbia(old King's) College in 1774, and after his capture on Long Island asone of the patrol at the Jamaica Pass was exchanged in Decemberfollowing, with a few others. In March, 1777, he accepted acaptain-lieutenancy in the artillery, offered by Knox, but soon afterjoined General Gates' staff. In May, 1778, Gates wrote to Laurens, President of Congress: "Having neglected when I left York to recommend a proper person forD. A. General [deputy adjutant-general] to the army under my command, Ibeg to mention Lieut Col: Robert Troup, and desire the Favor you willpropose him to Congress for that office; my knowledge of his Honor, Merit, Integrity induces me apart from any personal regard, thusearnestly to wish his promotion. "--_MS. Letter. _ After the war, Troup studied law in New York, became intimate withHamilton and Burr, and was one of the very few who retained hisfriendship for the latter after the duel. Colonel Troup was appointedthe first United States District Judge for New York. VAN WAGENEN, LIEUTENANT GERRIT H. --Son of Huybert Van Wagenen andAngenietje Vredenburg, was born in New York at No. 5 Beekman Slip (nowFulton Street), 1753, January 21st. He went to Canada in August, 1775, as second lieutenant in the Eighth Company of the First Regiment ofNew York State troops under Colonel McDougall. Was at the storming ofQuebec, in the columns of General Montgomery. In May, 1776, he wassent to New York, and then to Philadelphia, in charge of someprisoners. On returning to New York and finding that the British werelanding on Long Island, he offered his services to General Sullivan, and was sent by him with four other officers to the Jamaica Pass, asdescribed in the chapter on the battle. The party were all takenprisoners, and he continued a prisoner twenty-two months, when he wasexchanged. He then received an appointment in the Commissary ofPrisoners Department, and continued in that office about three years. (For a full account of his services, see the "Gen. And Biog. Record, "vol. Viii. , page 44). In 1783, March 11th, he married Sarah, daughterof Derrick Brinckerhoff and Rachel Van Ranst. He now engaged in thehardware business with his father at No. 5 Beekman Slip, where thebusiness had been carried on by his father since about 1760. Thevolume entitled "New York during the Revolution" says, under date of1767, "In Beekman Slip, near Queen Street, was the extensive hardwarestore of Huybert Van Wagenen, whose sign of the golden broad axe wasso often referred to in the annals of the period. " He lived at BeekmanSlip till 1811, when he removed to 69 Gold Street, near Beekman, andin 1821 removed with his family to Oxford, Chenango County, where hedied, 1835, November 20th. WEBB, LIEUTENANT-COLONEL S. B. --Born in Wethersfield, Conn. , December, 1753. He went to Boston on the Lexington alarm, and was at Bunker Hillas Captain Chester's lieutenant. He became aid to General Putnam andthen to Washington in 1776. In 1777 he raised a Continental regimentin Connecticut, and served as its colonel to the end of the war, though for two years he was a prisoner on parole. His lieutenant-colonelwas Ebenezer Huntington, and major, John P. Wyllys, both youngofficers in this campaign. Colonel Webb resided in New York until1789, and then removed to Claverack, where he died December 3d, 1807. WOODHULL, GENERAL. --There is a good sketch of General Woodhull in"Thompson's History of Long Island, " vol. Ii. In regard to hiscapture, Lieutenant Jabez Fitch, of Huntington's regiment, says in hisnarrative: "On ye 6th [of Sept. ] Genll Woodhull, of ye Long Islandmalitia, was sent from ye Mentor to ye Hospital at Newatrect [NewUtrecht]; he was an aged Gentleman, & was taken by a party of yeEnemy's light Horse at Jameca, & altho he was not taken in arms, yetthose Bloodthirsty Savages cut & wounded him in ye head & other partsof ye body, with their Swords, in a most Inhuman manner of whichwounds he Died at ye Hospital; and altho ye Director of their affairstook but little care to preserve his Life yet they were so generous tohis Lady, as to endulge her with liberty to carry home ye General'scorpse and bury it with Deacence. " THE MAPS. PLAN OF THE BATTLE OF LONG ISLAND AND THE BROOKLYN DEFENCES. The outlines and topography of this "Plan" have been compiled fromRatzer's and United States Coast Survey maps. Bernard Ratzer was aBritish Engineer, ranking as lieutenant in the Sixtieth Royal AmericanRegiment of Foot in 1756. In 1767-8, he made an official survey of NewYork and part of Long Island with many details, the accuracy of whichis beyond question. There is an advertisement in the _ConnecticutGazette_ for October 25th, 1776, in which Samuel Loudon (late printerand bookseller in New York, but now in Norwich) offers for sale"Ratzer's elegant map of New York and its Invirons from ActualSurveys, showing the present unhappy seat of War. " This survey on LongIsland extends nearly to the line of the hills. All beyond isreproduced from maps of the coast survey, farm lines, and Brooklynmaps. The whole represents the ground almost exactly as it lay in1776. One correction should be made at the Jamaica Pass. The namebelongs to the dotted roundabout line which represents the originalpass, the straight road having been cut afterwards. THE STILES SKETCH OF THE BROOKLYN WORKS. Now published for the first time, and quite important as confirmingthe Hessian map in vol. Ii. Of the Society's "Memoirs. " Thefortifications at Red Hook are undoubtedly exactly reproduced. Takenin connection with General Greene's orders, the sketch is valuable, enabling us to locate the works. The drawing, of course, is notprecise, but the names and relative positions are enough as long as wehave Ratzer to follow in the matter of outline and topography. Thewriter is indebted to the librarians of Yale College, Profs. Van Nameand Dexter, for the favor of tracing the sketch from the original. EWING'S DRAUGHT. This is a one-half reduction from the original in the possession ofMr. Stauffler, of Lancaster, Pennsylvania, who has kindly furnishedthe writer with a tracing. It was drawn by John Ewing, Colonel Hand'sbrother-in-law, but in topography is far out the way. It contains, however, several important items in the references, which are noticedin the text. MAP OF NEW YORK CITY AND OF MANHATTAN ISLAND, WITH THE AMERICANDEFENCES IN 1776. So far as known, no contemporary map exists showing the whole ofManhattan Island, except the very small and inaccurate sketches inStedman, Sparks, and some other works. The one presented in thisvolume is believed to be the first to give the entire island, with itsroads, settlements, and topographical features, as it lay in 1776. Inthe compilation, Ratzer and Montressor have been followed as far asthey go--namely, from the Battery to about Fiftieth Street. From thispoint to King's Bridge the map of the commissioners who first laid outthe island into streets in 1814 has been adopted. This is official, and gives the old roads as they existed during the Revolution. TheBloomingdale and King's Bridge roads are laid down in the present mapas the commissioners have them, the surveys being made by Randall. Thefortifications at Harlem Heights are from Sauthier's English map asgiven in New York Hist. MS. And Stedman. FIELD OF THE HARLEM HEIGHTS AFFAIR. Reference has been made to the topography of this battle-field in anote in Chapter VI. The outlines are taken from Randall's city map, and the ground has been frequently visited by the writer. Point ofRocks has been partly cut away, but the main features in the vicinityremain. NEW YORK AND BROOKLYN WITH THEIR ENVIRONS IN 1776. In this outline map, a bird's-eye view is presented of the entireposition in this vicinity. Details will be found in the larger maps. Care has been taken to give the outlines, roads, and relativedistances with accuracy. The plan is a photographic reduction ofRatzer's, Randall's, and Coast Survey charts. THE PORTRAITS. [The portraits are those of representative officers--men who renderedgood service, not only during the campaign, but, in the case of threeof them, during the war. Lasher's and Hand's have never beenpublished; and the other two are not found in any general work. Theyare given here (two of them, at least) as contributions to the list ofRevolutionary portraits. All have been specially photographed andtransferred to steel by Mr. Egloffstein's process, for the presentvolume. ] COLONEL LASHER'S portrait is enlarged from a finely-painted andwell-preserved miniature in the possession of Mrs. Kernochan, of NewYork. COLONEL HAND'S portrait is in the possession of his granddaughter, Mrs. S. B. Rogers, of Lancaster, Pennsylvania. COLONEL GLOVER'S portrait appeared first in the publications of theEssex Institute at Salem, Massachusetts. COLONEL HUNTINGTON'S portrait appears in the Huntington family_Memoir_. The original is a miniature by Trumbull, in possession ofGeneral Huntington's descendants at Norwich. INDEX. [The pages refer to Part I. , unless otherwise indicated. ] A. ADAMS, ABIGAIL, on the Long Island defeat, 201. ADAMS, JOHN, describes New York, 38; on Long Island defeat, 201. AMERICA, success assured for, 292. AMSTERDAM, rise of stocks at, on news from Long Island, 200. ANGELL, MAJ. , at Princeton, 295. APTHORPE, CHARLES W. , 43; British at house of, 244. ARMY, AMERICAN, described, 104-132; roster of, 126-131; on Long Island, 154, 208; reorganized at New York, 228; at Trenton, 289. ASSANPINK CREEK, Washington outgenerals Cornwallis at, 293, 294. ATLEE, COL. , sketch of, 113, 129; crosses to Long Island, 144; at the battle, 163, 164; near "Battle Hill" in Greenwood, 170, 171; taken prisoner, 190; loss in regiment, 204. B. BADLAM'S REDOUBT, 55, 87. BADLAM, CAPT. , examines Hamilton, 110. BAILEY, COL. , 117, 127. BALDWIN, COL. L. , 117, 127; of Connecticut, 131. BALTIMORE, 115; Congress removes to, 287. BANCROFT, GEORGE, historian, quoted, 188, _n. _; blames Putnam for defeat on Long Island, 192, _n. _, 292. BARTLETT, of New Hampshire, on Long Island defeat, 200. BATTLE HILL, Greenwood, 170, 196. BAURMEISTER, MAJ. , describes Brooklyn, 46; narrative of, Part II. , 95. BAYARD, WILLIAM, 40. BAYARD'S HILL REDOUBT, 88. BAXTER, COL. , at Fort Washington, 277; killed, 280. BEDFORD, COL. , 126. BEDFORD PASS, 143; guard at, 146, 155; British at, 180. BLOCKJE'S BERGH, location, 164. BLODGETT, MAJ. , 130. BLOOMINGDALE, described, 43; British at, 244. BOERUM, LIEUT. , on Long Island, 65. BOSCAWEN, MRS. , letter from, on Long Island battle, 178. BOSTON, evacuated, 61. BOWLING GREEN, 56. BOX, FORT, 68, 69. BOX, MAJ. , 70, 130. BRADFORD, CAPT. , account of Lee's capture, Part II. , 146. BRADLEY, COL. , 120, 129. BREUKELEN, ancient name, 45. BREWER, COL. , 130. BRITISH, plan of campaign, 31-33; arrive at New York, 93; on Staten Island, 94; army, strength of, 132; list of generals, 133; order of battle, 134-137; land on Long Island, 139-140; at Bedford, 180; attack New York, 231; occupy New York, 245; position at close of campaign, Part II, 162. See HOWE. BRODHEAD, LIEUT. -COL. , 113, 185, 191; letter from, Part II. , 63. BROADWAY in 1776, 35, 38. BRONX RIVER, 273. BROOKLYN in 1776, 44-48; work, 67, 69, _n. _, 78; alarm posts fixed, 82; to be held, 82; prepared for siege, 83; situation at, 209-213; retreat from, 213, 214. BROWN, CAPT. , on fall of Knowlton, 255. BURD, MAJ. , captured near Red Lion, 161; letter from, Part II. , 48. BURGOYNE, GEN. , suggests plan of campaign, 32. BURR, MAJ. AARON, 126; at retreat from New York, 238. C. CADWALLADER, LIEUT. -COL. , at Fort Washington, 277; at Trenton, 290. CALLENDAR, JOHN, record at Long Island, 198; sketch of, Part II. , 187. CANADA, Sullivan ordered to, 63. CARPENTER, CAPT. , at battle of Long Island, 167; killed, 169, 198. CARRINGTON, GEN. , quoted, 133, 203, _n. _ CARY, LIEUT. -COL. , aide, 126; Colonel S. , 127. CATHERINE, QUEEN, declines to lend England troops, 29, 30. CHAPMAN, COL. , 131. CHATTERTON'S HILL, location, 273; battle at, 274, 275. CHESTER, COL. , 120, 129; at Brooklyn, 144; at White Plains, 273; orders to, Part II. , 145; letter from, Part II. , 98. CITADEL, on Long Island, 77 _n. _ CLARK, LIEUT. -COL. JOEL; on Long Island, 163; sketch of, Part II. , 187. CLINTON, SIR H. , Southern expedition, 49; leads flanking column on Long Island, 161; interrogates prisoners, 178; at New York, 233. CLINTON, GEN. GEO. , sketch of, 109; brigade, 128; at Harlem Heights, 256. CLINTON, GEN. J. , 109, 127. COBBLE HILL, FORT, 74; orders _de_, 75. COENTIES BATTERY, 55. COLUMBIA HEIGHTS, in 1776, 44, 55. CONGRESS, CONTINENTAL, Committee confers with Lee and New YorkCongress, 54; votes not to injure New York, 230; on river obstructions, 265; retires to Baltimore, 287. CONNECTICUT, troops from, 105, 119, 125. CONTINENTAL TROOPS, 18, 105, 116, 122. COOKE, GOV. , of Rhode Island, receives Washington, 61, 62. CORNELL, LIEUT. -COL. , 79, 155, 185. CORNWALLIS, GEN. , 136; on Long Island, 140, 141; in flanking column on Long Island, 161; fights Stirling, 187; attack on New York, 233; at Fort Washington, 278-280; at Trenton, 293. CORTELYOU HOUSE, fight around, 187. COWENHOVEN, LIEUT. -COL. , of Long Island, 111. CRARY, LIEUT. -COL. , 119; at battle of Harlem Heights, 252; Princeton, 295. CUYLER, MAJ. , of Howe's staff, carries news of Long Island battle toEngland, 199. D. DAWSON, H. B. , quoted, 193, _n. _ DEANE, SILAS, on Long Island battle, 200. DEFIANCE, FORT, 75. DELAWARE, troops from, 105, 114, 123, 125. DELAWARE RIVER, retreat to, 288; Washington crosses on Christmas eve, 291. DE LANCEY, O. , captures General Woodhull, 199. DEMONT, ADJ. , deserts to British, 281 _n. _ DE NYSE FERRY, 140. DONOP, COL. , 136; on Long Island, 184; at Harlem Heights, 257; in New Jersey, 288, 299. DOUGLAS, COL. , 77, 120, 121, 129; on Long Island, 189; attacked at Kip's Bay, 232-234; retreat from, 234; at Harlem Heights, 256; at White Plains, 273; letters from, Part II. , 66; sketch of, Part II. , 187. DRAKE, COL. S. , regiment, 57, 58, 109, 127. DUER, HON. WM. , correspondence with Tilghman, 266-271, 298. DUNSCOMB, LIEUT. EDWARD, captured on Long Island, 177; replies to Clinton, 178; sketch of, Part II. , 188. DURKEE, COL. , 116, 119, 129, 154, 289. DYER, MAJ. , 128. E. EAST RIVER, fortified, 54-55; obstructions in, 300. EUSTIS, SURGEON, letter from, Part II. , 129. EVELYN, CAPT. , captures American patrol on Long Island, 177, 179; mortally wounded, 271, _n. _ EWING, GEN. , at Trenton, 290. EWING, LIEUT. , letter from, Part II. , 49; John E. , letter from, Part II. , 50. F. FELLOWS, GEN. , 117, 127; at Kip's Bay, 235; brigade in a panic, 236. FIELD, T. H. , quoted, 72, 188, 192, 203, 211, _n. _, 223. FISH, MAJ. , quoted, 78, 110, 127; letter from, Part II. , 127; sketch of, Part II. , 188. FITCH, LIEUT. , narrative, Part II. , 167. FLATBUSH, 141, 142; guard at, 146; skirmishes at, 146, 152; troops at, 155; retreat from, 183, 184. FLATLANDS, British march from, 180. FLEMING, CAPT. , killed at Princeton, 294. FLYING CAMP, 105. FORMAN, COL. , regiment of, 112, 130. FORT GEORGE, described, 36, 55, 56, 87. FORT PUTNAM, 72; firing in front of, 212. FORT WASHINGTON, _see_ Washington. FOSTER, PRIVATE, deposition, Part II. , 169. FREDERICK THE GREAT, on America, 28. FULTON FERRY, 44. G. GAY, COL. , on Long Island, 102, 120, 129; sketch of, Part II. , 188. GIST, MAJ. , 115; on Long Island, 187, 188. GEORGE, KING, speech on the American revolt, 19; applies to Russia for aid, 29; obtains Hessians, 30, 31; statue pulled down, 93; on news of battle of Long Island, 199. GLEASON, CAPT. , killed at Harlem Heights, 260. GLOVER, COL. , 117, 127; on Long Island, 208; at the Long Island retreat, 218, 221; brigade fights light infantry, 271; at Trenton, 289; letter from, Part II. , 99. GOOCH, CAPT. , letter from, Part II. , 88. GORDON, historian, blames Sullivan for the Long Island defeat, 194; on the retreat from Long Island, 215, 216, _n. _ GORDON, MAJ. , 130. GOVERNOR'S ISLAND, occupied, 66; works, 89; evacuated, 300; Part II. , 38, 41, 70, 116. GOWANUS, 44; marsh, retreat across, 187. GRAHAM, COL. , 128. GRAND BATTERY, 55, 56. GRANT, GEN. , 160, 161; opposite Stirling on Long Island, 166. GRANT, LIEUT. -COL. , British officer, killed on Long Island, 171. GRAVESEND BAY, British land at, 140. GRAYDON, CAPT. , quoted, 210. GRAYSON, COL. , aide, 126; at Long Island retreat, 222. GREENE, FORT, 68, 71; Col. Little at, 82. GREENE, GEN. , ordered to New York, 62; brigade, 63, 64; ordered to Long Island, 64; orders to, 78; orders from, 80, 82; promoted, 102; taken ill, 102; relieved on Long Island, 103; division of, 130; on Long Island defeat, 200; division on Long Island, 208; on burning New York, 229; at Harlem Heights battle, 251; Duer's opinion of, 267; at Fort Washington, 278; and the loss of, 281-285; at Trenton, 289; orders on Long Island, Part II. , 5; letter from, Part II. , 100. GREENE, MAJ. , of Virginia, mortally wounded, 273. GREENWICH, described, 43. GREENWOOD CEMETERY, mentioned, 143, 166, 170, 173, 196, 197. GRENADIER BATTERY, 85. GRIFFITH, COL. , regiment at Harlem Heights battle, 256. H. HALE, CAPT. , executed as spy, 262; letter from, Part II. , 131; sketch of, Part II. , 188. HAMILTON, ALEXANDER, appointed Captain, 110; at White Plains, 274; sketch of, Part II. , 188. HANCOCK, JOHN, on the importance of the campaign, 13; appeal for troops, 106. HAND, COL. , on Long Island, 65; regiment of, 112, 113, 130; falls back before British on Long Island, 141; on picket on Long Island, 159; at Throg's Neck, 266; skirmish near Mamaroneck, 273; at Trenton, 290; at Princeton, 295; letter from, Part II. , 48. HARLEM, described, 42. HARLEM HEIGHTS, American retreat to, 243, 244; battle of, 246-262; battle-field described, 258, _n. _; losses at battle of, 259-261; works at, 263, 264; Americans evacuate, 271. HARRISON, COL. , Secretary to Washington, 126. HASLET, COL. , sketch of, 114, 129; regiment at battle of Long Island, 163, 166, 168, 203; on the situation at New York, 226; surprises Rogers, 273; killed at Princeton, 294; letters from, Part II. , 51, 156. HAY, MAJ. , 114, 129, 204, 205. HEARD, GEN. , arrests tories, 81; brigade on Long Island, 102, 112, 130. HEATH, GEN. , at New York, 61, 63, 64; division of, 127; on the Long Island retreat, 218; Washington to, 226; at White Plains, 273. HEISTER, GEN. , arrives at Staten Island, 95; crosses to Long Island with Hessians, 160; in Long Island battle, 184; Stirling surrenders to, 189. HENLEY, MAJ. , 127; killed, 261. HENSHAW, LIEUT. -COL. , 117; on Long Island, 185, 186; at Harlem Heights battle, 261; at Princeton, 295; letters from, Part II. , 44, 47; sketch of, Part II. , 188. HESSIANS, 31; arrive at Staten Island, 95; number in Howe's army, 133; brigades, 136; march into battle on Long Island, 184, 185; not closely engaged, 185, _n. _; in attack on New York, 233; captured at Trenton, 292. HEYER, COL. , 58, 108. HINMAN, COL. , 131. HICKEY PLOT, 92. HITCHCOCK, COL. , regiment escorts Washington, 62; on Long Island, 65; alarm post, 82, 118, 130; regiment at Harlem Heights battle, 261; at Trenton, 290; at Princeton, 295; thanked by Washington, 296; death of, 296; letters from, Part II. , 75. HOGELAND, A. , farm, 43; battle on farm of, 248. HOGELAND, LIEUT. , on Long Island, 177. HOLMAN, COL. , 127. HOPKINS, MAJ. , 127. HORN'S HOOK, fort, 55; troops at, 228. HOWE, ADMIRAL, arrives at the Narrows, 94, 300. HOWE, GEN. , arrives at New York, 94; as civil commissioner, 96; letter to _Mr. _ Washington, 97; plan of attack on Long Island, 160, 161; report of Long Island losses, 202; red riband to be sent to, 199; at White Plains, 273-276; demands surrender of Fort Washington, 277; campaign plans baffled, 296. HUDSON RIVER, indefensible, 56; defences, 298. HUGHES, COL. , quartermaster, 110; ordered to collect craft for Long Island retreat, 218, 219, _n. _; sketch of, Part II. , 189. HULL, CAPT. , at Trenton, 291, 292; letter from, Part II. , 151. HUMPHREY, COL. , 127. HUMPHREYS, COL. , on retreat from New York, 239, 244; extract from writings of, 89. HUNTINGTON, COL. , 119, 120, 128, 163, _n. _; regiment at battle of Long Island, 163, 166, 171; loss of, 190, 203. HUNTINGTON, CAPT. , letter from, Part II. , 84. HUTCHINSON, COL. , 117, 128; and the Long Island retreat, 218, 221. I. INDEPENDENCE, 34; Declaration of, read, 93; established, 298. INDEPENDENCE, FORT, location, 264. INDEPENDENTS, New York, battalions of, 107, 108. J. JACQUET, LIEUT. , killed on Long Island, 198. JAMAICA PASS, 142; British at, 176; American patrol captured at, 177; surprise at, 182, 191, 193. JAY, JOHN, appointed colonel, 110; on destroying New York, 229. JAY, HON. JOHN, centennial address, 246, _n. _ JERSEY BATTERY, 85. JEWETT, CAPT. , mortally wounded, 197; sketch of, 197. JOHNSTON, CAPT. J. , wounded, 198; sketch of, Part II. , 189. JOHNSTON, COL. , regiment of, 112, 130; mortally wounded on Long Island, 196; sketch of, 196. JONES HILL REDOUBT, 88. K. KACHLEIN, LIEUT. -COL. , 114, 129; at battle of Long Island, 163, 166. KEITH, MAJ. , 127. KENNEDY HOUSE, headquarters, 86, _n. _ KING'S BRIDGE, location, 41; troops at, 228. KING'S BRIDGE ROAD, described, 41. KING'S COUNTY, inhabitants work on forts, 60. KIP'S BAY, 231, 232; Colonel Douglas at, 232; ships cannonade, 232-234; troops panic-struck, 234-236; criticism on, 240. KNOWLTON, LIEUT. -COL. , crosses to Long Island, 154; at Harlem Heights, 247; reconnoitres the enemy's position, 247, 248; mortally wounded, 254; where buried, 261; sketch of, Part II. , 189. KNOX, COL. , 67, 98; regiment of, 117, 131; at Trenton, 290, 293; letters from, Part II. , 152. KNYPHAUSEN, GEN. , arrives, 276; attacks Fort Washington, 278. L. LASHER, COL. J. , 58; regiment at Bayard's Hill redoubt, 88, 107, 108; on Long Island, 144; sketch of, Part II. , 189. LAWRENCE, MAJ. , 131. LEE, GEN. CHAS. , sent to New York, 49; sketch of, 50; letter to from New York committee, 51; enters New York, 53; inspects, 54, 57; goes South, 58; plan of defence, 66; Long Island tories, 81; Duer's opinion of, 269, _n. _; captured by British, 288, _n. _ LEE, FORT, 264; evacuated, 287. LEEDS, celebrating Long Island victory, 200. LEITCH, MAJ. ANDREW, at battle of Harlem Heights, 251; wounded, 254; where buried, 261. LEWIS, COL. , 131. LIMERICK, celebrating Long Island battle at, 200. LIPPETT, COL. , 118; at Princeton, 295. LITTLE, COL. , regiment escorts Washington, 62; on Long Island, 65; alarm post, 82, 117, 130; describes skirmish on Long Island, 212; order-book, Part II. , 5; letters from, Part II. , 42; sketch of, Part II. , 189. LIVINGSTON, P. , mansion, 47; council held at house of, 213. LIVINGSTON, R. R. , correspondence, 268. LIVINGSTON, GOV. WILLIAM, announces movements of enemy, 143. LIVINGSTON. MAJ. W. S. , 129, 130. LONDON CHRONICLE, extracts from, Part II. , 133. LONG ISLAND, Dutch population, 44; works on, 55; attack expected, 101; troops from, 110; topography, 142; battle of, 137-206; regiments on, 154, _n. _; news of the battle in England, 199; American and British loss on, 195, 202-206; brigades at, 208; retreat from, 207, 213; origin of, 215, _n. _; orders for retreat, 219, 220; fog on, 223, _n. _; [Transcriber's Note: missing word], 298. LOSSING, B. F. , quoted, 86, 89. LOTT, A. P. , appointed Colonel, 110. LUTZ, LIEUT. -COL. , 114, 200; loss in regiment of, 204, 206. M. McCONKEY'S FERRY, 289. McDONOUGH, MAJ. , on Long Island, 166; wounded, 169. McDOUGALL'S BATTERY, 86. McDOUGALL, GEN. , 107, 130; superintends retreat from Long Island, 221; at White Plains, 274, 275; regiment at Trenton, 289; Part II. , 189. McGOWAN'S PASS, location, 41. McPHERSON, LIEUT. , Journal, Part II. , 168. MAGAW, COL. , 113, 128; on Long Island, 208; at Fort Washington, 277; refuses to surrender, 278; surrenders, 280. MALCOM, COL. W. , 60, 108, 127. MAMARONECK, British near, 272. MANHATTAN ISLAND, described, 40. MANSFIELD, LORD, made Earl on news from Long Island, 199. MARRITJE DAVIDS FLY, locality, 260. MARTIN, COL. , 112, 130; wounded on Long Island, 152. MARTIN, PRIVATE, narrative of, Part II. , 81. MARYLAND, troops from, 105, 114, 125; engaged on Long Island, 187; conduct of, 188, _n. _; captured, 188, 189. MASSACHUSETTS, troops from, 105, 125. MATTHEWS, GEN. , at Fort Washington, 278. MAWHOOD, LIEUT. -COL. , at Princeton, 294, 295. MEAD, LIEUT. -COL. , 131. MERCER, GEN. , sketch of, 116; troops ordered to Powle's Hook, 208; at Fort Washington, 278; at Trenton, 289; mortally wounded at Princeton, 294. MIFFLIN, GEN. , 128; on Long Island, 208; and the Long Island retreat, 216, 217, _n. _, 218; commands covering party, 222. MILL, burned at Long Island battle, 188, _n. _ MILES, COL. , 113, 123, 129; crosses to Long Island, 144; surprised, 180, 181; fight in woods, 182; retreats, 185; taken prisoner, 186; loss of regiment, 204; sketch of, Part II. , 189. MILES SQUARE, 271. MONROE, LIEUT. JAMES, at Trenton, 292. MONTRESSOR, CAPT. , on Brooklyn works, 73, _n. _; Long Island retreat, 224, _n. _ MORGAN, DR. , 126. MORRIS, CAPT. , Journal, Part II. , 172. MORRIS, LEWIS, appointed Brigadier-General, 110, _n. _ MORRIS, MAJ. , 129. MORRIS MANSION, headquarters, 86, 230. MORRISTOWN, Americans encamp at, 296. MORTIER HOUSE, headquarters, 86. MOULTRIE, COL. , 95. MOYLAN, COL. , 126. MURRAY, MRS. , entertains British generals and aids Putnam's escapefrom New York, 239, 240. MURRAY, ROBERT, residence, 235. MURPHY, HON. H. C. , on name of Brooklyn, 45. N. NARROWS, Colonel Hand at, 65; British at, 94, 95. NEAL, CAPT. , killed at Princeton, 294. NEWBERRY, MAJ. , 131. NEWCOMB, COL. , 112, 130. NEW ENGLAND, troops from, 105, 116; New England men criticised, 240-243. NEW JERSEY, troops from, 105, 111, 130; retreat through, 287. NEW ROCHELLE, British near, 271, 272. NEW YORK, war brought to, 33, 34; in 1776, 35-40; in 1876, 48; occupation of, 48; Committee of Safety and Lee, 51-53; Lee occupies, 53; works at, 84-90; barricades, 90; troops from, 105, 106, 125; can it be held, 225; British attack, 231; position of army at, 232; retreat from, 234-240; loss of, 245; great fire at, 262; American losses in and around, 285, 286. NICHOL, COL. , 128. NIXON, GEN. , on Long Island, 102; brigade of, 130; posts troops on Long Island, 148; brigade at battle of Harlem Heights, 251, 260. NORTH CASTLE, heights of, Washington retreats to, 275. NORTH RIVER, indefensible, 56; obstructions in, 298. O. OBLONG REDOUBT, 68, 71. OLNEY, LIEUT. , 119, 185, _n. _ ONDERDONK, H. , mentioned, 179. ORDERS, Greene's, Part II. , 5; Sullivan's, Part II. , 27; Washington's, Part II. , 30; scattering orders by Lee, Spencer, Greene, and Nixon, Part II. , 141. OUT-WARD OF NEW YORK, described, 41. OYSTER BATTERY, 86. P. PALFREY, COL. , Paymaster-General, 126. PARLIAMENT, proceedings in, on American affairs, 19-33; votes to suppress the rebellion, 24. PARRY, LIEUT. -COL. , 114; killed on Long Island, 171, 196; sketch of, 196; Part II. , 190. PARSONS, GEN. , 119, 128; brigade crosses to Long Island, 148; on duty, 155; at battle of Long Island, 163, 165; covers Stirling's left, 170, 171, 189; escapes, 190; quoted, 200; in Kip's Bay affair, 235; panic in brigade of, 236; letters from, Part II. , 33. PATTERSON, LIEUT. -COL. , British Adjutant-General, interview withWashington, 98. PAULDING, COL. , 128. PAWLING, MAJ. , 128. PECK, MAJ. , 128. PELL'S POINT, British land at, 271. PENNSYLVANIA, troops from, 105, 112, 125. PERCY, EARL, at Long Island, 176; at Fort Washington, 278-280. PETTIBONE, COL. , 131. PHILADELPHIA, Howe's designs upon, frustrated, 296. PHOENIX, British ship, runs the batteries, 99, 100. PIPER, LIEUT. -COL. J. , sketch of, Part II. , 190. PLATT, MAJ. , 130. POPHAM, LIEUT. WM. , captures British prisoners on Long Island, 300. POWLE'S HOOK, 89; panic at, 242, _n. _ PRESCOTT, COL. , on Governor's Island, 67, 116, 117, 130; at Kip's Bay, 236; at Throg's Neck, 266. PRICE. MAJ. , Maryland troops under, at Harlem Heights, 256. PRINCETON, battle of, 294-296; effect of, 296, 297. PRISONERS, list of, Part II. , 174, 175, 176, 180. PROSPECT PARK, Battle Pass in, 156, _n. _ PUTNAM, FORT, 68, 72, 296. PUTNAM, GEN. , ordered to New York, 61, 63; occupies Governor's Island, 66; division of, 126; takes command on Long Island, 148-150; instructions to, 151; orders Stirling to meet Grant on Long Island, 162; responsibility for Long Island defeat, 191-195, _n. _; at Kip's Bay, 235; exertions on the retreat, 237-239, 256; at Fort Washington, 278. PUTNAM, COL. R. , 72, 118, 126; reconnoitres White Plains, 272; at Chatterton's Hill, 273; journal of, Part II. , 136. R. RALL, COL. , at Fort Washington, 278-280; captured at Trenton, 292. RANDOLPH, CAPT. , letters from, Part II. , 170. RANGERS, noticed, 246, _n. _; engaged at Harlem Heights, 246-255. RAWLINGS, COL. , at Fort Washington, 277-279. READ, COL. , 127. RED HOOK, location, 47; works, 67, 75; Varnum at, 76. RED LION, location, 143; skirmish near, 161. REED, ADJ. -GEN. , interview on flag of truce, 97, 126; on New England troops, 241, _n. _; at battle of Harlem Heights, 250-253; reconnoitres in Westchester, 272. REED, W. B. , on the retreat from Long Island, 217, _n. _ REMSEN, MAJ. A. , on Long Island, 111. REMSEN, COL. , 102, 110, 131. RHINELANDER, F. , letter on New York, 57, _n. _ RICHARDSON, COL. , regiment at Harlem Heights battle, 256. RITZEMA, COL. , 107, 130; at White Plains, 274, 275. RHODE ISLAND, troops from, 118, 125. RODNEY, CÆSAR, 114. RODNEY, CAPT. THOMAS, 296; journal of, Part II. , 158. ROSE, British ship runs the batteries, 99, 100, 230. RUSH, DR. , on Long Island defeat, 200. RUTGERS FARM, 42. RUTGERS, H. , of New York, killed on Long Island, 198. RUTGERS, COL. H. , sketch of, Part. II. , 190. S. SAGE, COL. , 129. ST. CLAIR, GEN. , at Trenton, 289. SANDY HOOK, light destroyed, 60. SARGENT, COL. , 117, 128; brigade at battle of Harlem Heights, 251; at Trenton, 289. SCAMMELL, MAJ. , 129; at the Long Island retreat, 222. SCOTT, GEN. J. M. , mansion, 43; noticed, 108; brigade of, 127; crosses to Long Island, 189, _n. _; on the situation at Brooklyn, 210; at the council to retreat, 213, 214; brigade at Kip's Bay affair, 237; letter from, Part II. , 36; sketch of, Part II. , 190. SELDEN, COL. , 121, 129; regiment on Long Island, 189, _n. _; taken prisoner at Kip's Bay, 244, _n. _; sketch of, Part II. , 191. SHEE, COL. , 113, 128; on Long Island, 208. SHEWKIRK, PASTOR, excitement in New York, 53; diary of, Part II. , 101. SILLIMAN, COL. G. S. , 59; letter on Governor's Island, 60, 120, 121, 129; crosses to Long Island, 144; describes skirmish, 152; on American loss at Long Island, 205; on the skirmishing at Brooklyn, 211; in retreat from New York, 237; at White Plains, 273; letters from, Part II. , 57. SLOAN, LIEUT. , killed on Long Island, 198. SMALLWOOD, COL. , 115, 123, 129; regiment at battle of Long Island, 163, 166, 168, 187; loss of, 203; at White Plains, 275. SMITH, COL. J. , 127. SMITH, COL. JOSIAH, on Long Island, 102, 110, 131. SMITH, CAPT. R. , 108; sketch of, Part II. , 191. SMITH, WILLIAM, Lee's engineer, 54, 75. SMITH, WILLIAM, historian, quoted, 36. SMYTH, J. F. D. , traveler, describes New York, 39; on Long Island population, 45; describes Hell Gate, 47, _n. _ SPENCER, GEN. , ordered to New York, 62; brigade, 63, 64; division 128, 208; at White Plains, 273. SPENCER'S REDOUBT, 87. STARK, COL. , at Trenton, 289. STEPHEN, GEN. , at Trenton, 289. STERLING, LIEUT. -COL. , at Fort Washington, 280. STILES, DR. , History of Brooklyn quoted, 45. STILES, PRES. , map, 69. STIRLING, FORT, 56, 76. STIRLING, GEN. , at New York, 58; orders, 60; brigade, 63; to grenadier company, 85; crosses to Long Island, 148, 149; takes position on Long Island, 162, 164, 165, 172, 183; retreats, 186, 187; fights Cornwallis, 187; at White Plains, 273; at Trenton, 289; sketch of, Part II. , 191. STRONG, MAJ. , 131. STUYVESANTS, 42. SULLIVAN, GEN. , ordered to New York, 61; brigade, 63; ordered to Canada, 63; at Long Island, 103; thanks his troops on Long Island, 147; superseded by Putnam, 148-150; sends out patrol, 159; goes out to the Flatbush Pass, 173, 183; retreats from, 184; taken prisoner on Long Island, 186; question of the Long Island defeat, 194; division on Long Island, 208; at Trenton, 289; at Princeton, 296; orders on Long Island, Part II. , 27. SUYDAM, CAPT. , on Long Island, 111. SWARTWOUT, COL. , 128. T. TALCOTT, COL. , 131. TALLMADGE, MAJ. , account of Long Island battle and White Plains, PartII. , 77. TAPPAN BAY, ships at, 100. TAYLOR, LIEUT. , killed on Long Island, 198. THOMAS, COL. , 128. THOMPSON'S BATTERY, 89; Gracie's Point, 89. THOMPSON, COL. , 131. THOMPSON, GEN. , at New York, 61. THORNE, MAJ. , 1, 71, 111. THROG'S NECK, British land at, 265. TILGHMAN, CAPT. , aide, 126; at Harlem Heights battle, 258; correspondence with Duer, 266; letters from, Part II. , 85; sketch of, Part II. , 192. TORIES, on Long Island, 80; Lee's course, 81; Greene's, 81; Tory-riding, 92; enlist in New York, 267, 268. TRENTON, Rall stationed at, 288; battle of, 287-292; effect of, 296, 297. TROUP, LIEUT. ROBERT, captured on Long Island, 177; sketch of, Part II. , 192. TRUMBULL, COL. , 126; orders for Long Island retreat, 218; letters from, Part II. , 40, 41. TRUMBULL, GOV. , 50, 119. TRYON, GOV. , 51. TUPPER, LIEUT. -COL. , commands American fleet, 91; attacks British ships, 100. TYLER, COL. , 129. V. VALENTINE'S HILL, 271. VANDEWATER, B. , farm, 43; battle on farm of, 248. VAN CORTLAND, COL. , 130. VAN DYCK, CAPT. , and grenadier battery, 85. VAN WAGENEN, LIEUT. G. H. , on Long Island, 177; sketch of, Part II. , 192. VARNUM, COL. , on Long Island, 65; at Red Hook, 76; alarm post, 82, 118, 130. VEAZEY, CAPT. , 115; killed on Long Island, 169, 197. VIRGINIA, troops from, 116; at Trenton, 289. W. WADSWORTH, GEN. , brigade, 129; on Long Island, 189, _n. _; at Kip's Bay, 237. WALDRON, CAPT. , on Long Island, 65, 111. WALLABOUT, settlement, 44; bay, 47. WALPOLE, HORACE, on Long Island defeat, 199; on Washington, 297. WARD, COL. A. , 51, 57, 58, 59, 128. WARD, COL. J. , 117, 129; at Long Island battle, 188, _n. _ WASHINGTON, GEN. GEORGE, sends Lee to New York, 49; to Stirling, 58; at Providence, 62; Lady Washington, 63; Gen. Washington at New York, 63; headquarters in New York, 86; orders to troops on enemy's arrival, 95; Howe's letter to _Mr. _ Washington, 97; inspects position on Long Island, 152, 153; on Long Island during battle, 189; at Brooklyn, takes no rest, 212; council for retreat, 213; decides to retreat from Long Island, 215, _n. _, 219, _n. _; orders for the retreat, 219, 220; anxiety at New York, 226; letter to Heath, 226; at battle of Harlem Heights, 250; at White Plains, 273; at fall of Fort Washington, 278; responsibility for fall of, 281-285; orders at Trenton, 290, 292; at Assanpink Creek, 293; at Princeton, 293; Walpole on his generalship, 297. WASHINGTON, FORT, location, 263; British march to, 276; attack upon, 279; fall of, 280; loss at, 281. WASHINGTON, CAPT. WILLIAM, at Trenton, 290, 292. WATERBURY, COL. D. , 51, 57, 59. WATERBURY'S battery, 55, 87. WEBB, COL. C. , 119, 120, 130; at White Plains, 27; at Trenton, 289. WEBB, LIEUT. -COL. , aide, 126; at White Plains, 275; at Trenton, 291; sketch of, Part II. , 193. WEEDON, COL. , regiment engaged at Harlem Heights, 251. WESTCHESTER COUNTY, operations in, 265-276. WHITEHALL BATTERY, 87. WHITE PLAINS, battle of, 273-275. WHITING, MAJ. , 128. WOLCOTT, GEN. , king's statue and bullets, 93, 121, 131; writes from Congress on the war, 297; letter from, Part II. , 147. WOLVERTON, CAPT. , on Long Island, 82. WOODHULL, GEN. , on Long Island, 111, 131; captured and wounded, 199; prisoner, 206; letters from, Part II. , 73; sketch of, Part II. , 193. WYLLYS, COL. , 119, 120, 128; on Long Island, 156, 181-185. WYLLYS, MAJ. , 129; prisoner at Kip's Bay, 243, _n. _ Y. YORK, corporation of, votes address on news from Long Island, 199. ERRATA. Page 37, line 26--The old City Hall stood at the corner of Nassau andWall streets, site of present Sub-Treasury Building. Page 119, line 1--Lieutenant-Colonel Cornell became member of theBoard of War, not Commissary-General. Page 243, line 10--But one of the regiments suffered as much as anyother. Page 280, line 21--Rall's column reached Fort Washington first. Page 289, line 31--Read December 25th. Page 291, line 5--Read December 25th. Page 295, line 23--Read Cadwallader's _and_ Mercer's men. Part II. , page 99, third line in Glover's letter--Read [Randall's] for(Ward's).