Transcriber's note:

 In this work, all spellings and punctuation were reproduced from the original work except in the very few cases where an obvious typo occurred. These typos are corrected without comment. 

 In the original work, monetary pounds were expressed as an italicized "l. " after the number. For the text version, I am using the more conventional £100 form for clarity. 

 In the original volumes in this set, each even-numbered page had a header consisting of the page number, the volume title, and the chapter number. The odd-numbered page header consisted of the year of the diary entry, a subject phrase, and the page number. In this set of e-books, the year is included as part of the date (which in the original volume were in the form reproduced here, minus the year). The subject phrase has been converted to sidenotes, usually positioned where it seemed most logical but occasionally simply between two paragraphs of the even-odd pair. 

 In the original book set, consisting of three volumes, the master index was in Volume 3. In this set of e-books, the index has been duplicated into each of the other volumes. To make the index easier to use in this work, the page number has been added to each Diary date. 

 * * * * *

 The Greville Memoirs (second part)

 A JOURNAL OF THE REIGN of QUEEN VICTORIA

 from 1837 to 1852

 By the Late CHARLES C. F. GREVILLE, Esq. Clerk of the Council

 IN THREE VOLUMES VOL. I. 

 LONDON LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. 1885

 'PLERAQUE EORUM, QUAE RETULI QUAEQUE REFERAM, PARVA FORSITAN ET LEVIA MEMORATU VIDERI, NON NESCIUS SUM; SED NEMO ANNALES NOSTROS CUM SCRIPTURA EORUM CONTENDERIT, QUI VETERES POPULI ROMANI RES COMPOSUERE. INGENTIA ILLI BELLA, EXPUGNATIONES URBIUM, FUSOS CAPTOSQUE REGES, AUT, SI QUANDO AD INTERNA PRAEVERTERENT, DISCORDIAS CONSULUM ADVERSUM TRIBUNOS, AGRARIAS FRUMENTARIASQUE LEGES, PLEBIS ET OPTIMATIUM CERTAMINA, LIBERO EGRESSU MEMORABANT. NOBIS IN ARTO ET INGLORIUS LABOR. .. . NON TAMEN SINE USU FUERIT, INTROSPICERE ILLA, PRIMO ADSPECTU LEVIA, EX QUIS MAGNARUM SAEPE RERUM MOTUS ORIUNTUR. ' TACITUS, _Ann. Iv. Cap. _ 32. 

 PREFACE OF THE EDITOR

 TO THE SECOND PART OF THIS JOURNAL. 

When the first portion of the Memoirs of the late Mr. CharlesGreville, consisting of a Journal of the Reigns of King GeorgeIV. And King William IV. , was given to the world in the autumn ofthe year 1874, it was intimated that the continuation of the workwas reserved for future publication. Those volumes included therecord of events which Mr. Greville had noted in his Diary fromthe year 1818 to the accession of Her Majesty Queen Victoria inthe year 1837, a period of nineteen years. As they were publishedin 1874, an interval of thirty-seven years had elapsed betweenthe latest event recorded in them and the date at which theyappeared. The reigns of George IV. And William IV. Alreadybelonged to the history of the past, and accordingly I did notconceive it to be my duty to suppress or qualify any of thestatements or opinions of the Author on public men or publicevents. I am still of opinion that this was the right course fora person charged with the publication of these manuscripts topursue. I have seen it stated that the first edition of theseJournals contains passages which have been suppressed in thelater editions: but this is an error. The first edition containeda good many mistakes, which were subsequently pointed out bycriticism, or discovered and corrected. Two or three sentencesrelating to private individuals were omitted, but nothing whichconcerns public personages or public events has been withdrawn. 

Eight and forty years have now elapsed since the date at whichthe narrative contained in the former volumes was suspended, andI am led by several considerations to the opinion that the timehas arrived when it may be resumed. We are divided by a longinterval from the administrations of Lord Melbourne, Sir RobertPeel, and Lord John Russell, and, with a very small number ofexceptions, no one survives who sat in the Cabinets of thosestatesmen. Nearly half a century has elapsed since the occurrenceof the events recorded in the earlier pages of these volumes, andin a few months from the publication of them, the nation and theempire may celebrate with just enthusiasm the jubilee of thereign of Queen Victoria. Those who have had the good fortune towitness this long series of events, and to take any part in them, may well desire to leave behind them some record of a period, unexampled in the annals of Great Britain and of the world for analmost unbroken continuance of progress, prosperity, liberty, andpeace. It is not too soon to glean in the records of the timethose fugitive impressions which will one day be the materials ofhistory. To us, veterans of the century, life is in the past, andwe look back with unfading interest on the generations that havepassed away. 

As far as I am myself concerned, I am desirous to complete, whilst I am able, the task allotted to me by Mr. Greville in hislast hours, which indeed I regard as a sacred duty, since I knowthat in placing these Journals in my hands his principal motiveand intention was that they should not be withheld frompublication until the present interest in them had expired. Theadvance of years reminds me that if this duty is to be performedat all by me, it must not be indefinitely delayed, and if anystrictures are passed on the Editor of these volumes, I prefer toencounter them in my own person rather than to leave the work inother hands and to the uncertainty of the future. 

If I turn to precedent and the example of other writers, it willbe found that the interval of time which has elapsed since thelatest date included in these volumes, embracing the period from1837 to 1852, is considerably greater than that which marked thepublication of similar contributions to political history[1]. Atthe head of these must be placed Bishop Burnet's 'History of HisOwn Time. ' Bishop Burnet had lived in confidential relations withfour Sovereigns and their Ministers, and it would be a mistake tocompare the position of Mr. Greville (who never filled any officeof a political nature, and who never lived in confidentialintercourse with the Court) with that of the bold adviser ofCharles II. And James II. , and the trusted councillor of Williamand Mary. Bishop Burnet finished his history of the reigns ofCharles II. And James II. About the year 1704; that of Williamand Queen Anne between 1710 and 1713. In 1714 he died. The firstfolio containing the earlier reigns was published by his son in1724; the second in 1734, barely twenty years after the death ofQueen Anne. Many passages were, however, suppressed, and the textwas not restored in its integrity until the publication of theOxford edition in the present century. 

 [1] To look back as far as the Memoirs of the fifteenth century, it may be noted that the first edition of the Memoirs of Philippe de Comines, who had lived in the confidential intimacy of King Louis XI. And King Charles VIII. Of France, was published in Paris in 1524, under a special privilege obtained for that purpose. Louis XI. Died in 1483, and his son Charles VIII. In 1498. Comines himself died in 1511. These Memoirs, therefore, were published at a time when many of the persons mentioned in them, and most of their immediate descendants, were still alive. 

Lord Clarendon died in 1674, and the first edition of his'History of the Rebellion and the Civil Wars' was published in1702-4, with some alterations and omissions, which were suppliedby the publication of the complete text in 1826. 

Lord Chesterfield died in 1773, and his 'Letters to his Son, ' awork abounding in keen and sarcastic observations on hiscontemporaries, were published in the following year, 1774. 

Sir Nathaniel Wraxall's 'Memoirs, ' which contain the best accountextant of the debates at the time of the Coalition Ministry in1783, and on the Regency Question in 1788, were published in1815, about thirty years after those discussions. 

But it is scarcely necessary to seek for remote precedents tojustify the publication of the materials of contemporary history. Our own time has been fertile in great examples of it. Forinstance, the 'Memoirs of Lord Palmerston, ' by Lord Dalling andMr. Evelyn Ashley, are full of confidential correspondence on thesecret discussions and resolutions of the Cabinet. The 'Journalof Lord Ellenborough, ' recently published by Lord Colchester, contains the private record of a Cabinet Minister on the eventsof the day and the characters of his colleagues. The more recentpublication of Lord Malmesbury's 'Autobiography, ' and of theCroker Papers, has made public a large amount of correspondenceand information of great interest, with reference to theministerial combinations and political transactions of thepresent century. And above all, Her Majesty Queen Victoria, byplacing the papers of the late Prince Consort, and her owncorrespondence and journals, in the hands of Sir Theodore Martin, for the purpose of composing from the most authentic materials afull biography of that illustrious Prince, has shown that, farfrom regarding with distrust or repugnance the records ofcontemporary history, she has been graciously pleased tocontribute to it in the most ample manner by the publication ofan immense mass of documents relating to the interior of theCourt, the intercourse of the Sovereign with her Ministers, thecharacter of foreign monarchs, the less known transactions of herreign, and even the domestic incidents of her life. No Sovereignever courted more fully and more willingly the light of publicityon a reign which needs no concealment or disguise. 

It would be presumptuous to compare the Journals of an individualwho never held any important office in the State, and who derivedhis knowledge of public affairs entirely from the intercourse ofprivate friendship, with the correspondence and private recordsof sovereigns, ministers, and statesmen of the highest rank, which have been published with their sanction or with that oftheir immediate successors. These Journals advance no suchpretension; but the production of so many confidential documentsof contemporary or recent history by such personages may befairly invoked to justify, _à fortiori_, the publication of notesand memoranda of a humbler character. 

The incidents and opinions which will be found in these volumesderive their chief value from the fact that they are recorded bya bystander and spectator, who was not, and did not aspire to be, an actor in the occurrences he witnessed, but who lived on termsof intimacy with many of the most active politicians of histimes, in both the leading parties in the State, although hestrictly belonged to neither of them, and was wholly indifferentto mere party interests. 

Mr. Greville himself, in communicating a portion of hismanuscripts to one of his friends, wrote of them in the followingterms:--

 You will find the greater part political, not often narrative; mostly allusions and comments on passing events, the details of which were not notorious and accessible; some miscellanea of a different description, personal, social, official; you will find public characters freely, flippantly perhaps, and frequently very severely dealt with; in some cases you will be surprised to see my opinions of certain men, some of whom, in many respects, I may perhaps think differently of now. Gibbon said of certain Pagan philosophers, that 'their lives were spent in the pursuit of truth and the practice of virtue. ' I cannot boast of having passed my life in the practice of virtue, but I may venture to say that I have always pursued truth; and you will see evidence of the efforts I have made to get at it, and to sum up conflicting statements of facts with a sort of judicial impartiality. 

But although I am of opinion that the time has arrived when afurther portion of these Journals may without impropriety bepublished, yet I am sensible that as the narrative draws nearerto the present time, and touches events occurring during thereign of the Sovereign who still happily occupies the throne, much more reticence is required of an Editor than he felt inspeaking of the two last reigns, which belong altogether to pasthistory. There were in the records of those reigns topics ofscandal and topics of ridicule, already familiar to the world, which cast a shadow over those pages, and the more so as theywere true. In narrating the earlier passages of the reign ofQueen Victoria, no such incidents occur. The Court was pure; thepersons of the Sovereign and her Consort profoundly respected. The monarchy itself has been strengthened in the last forty-eightyears by a strict adherence to the principles of moral dignityand constitutional government. Nothing is to be found in any partof these Journals to impugn that salutary impression; and theywill afford to future generations no unworthy picture of thosewho have played the most conspicuous part in the last halfcentury. 

Nevertheless, the delicacy and caution which ought to be observedin recording the language and the actions of eminent persons, some of whom are still alive, appear to me to prescribe theomission, at the present time, of some passages that may morefitly be published hereafter. Accordingly, I have exercised tosome extent the discretionary powers entrusted to me by theAuthor with these manuscripts; and I have withheld frompublication details which appeared to be of a strictlyconfidential character, or which related the conversations ofliving persons. In this respect I have again followed the exampleset by the illustrious precedents to which I have alreadyreferred. Lord Clarendon's 'History of the Great Rebellion, 'Bishop Burnet's 'History of His Own Time, ' the Duc de Saint-Simon's 'Memoirs, ' were all first published with large omissionsfrom the text; and it is only in our own age--one or twocenturies after the death of the writers--that these works havebeen made known to the world in their integrity from the originalmanuscripts. I know not if these Journals are destined to so longa life; they certainly do not lay claim to so great and lastingan historical and literary fame; but it is probable they will beread and referred to hereafter as a portion of the materials ofhistory of England in this century. 

The alternative lay between the entire suppression of the workfor an indefinite period, and the publication of by far thelarger portion of it with the omission of a few passages whichtouched too nearly on our contemporaries. Upon the whole, thelatter course appears to me the most consistent with the duty Iaccepted from the Author, and which I owe to the public. It mustnot be supposed, however, that the passages which are omitted inthis edition contain anything which it would be thoughtdiscreditable for the Author to have written or for the Editor topublish, or that they are of considerable extent or importance. These passages are simply withheld at the present time frommotives of delicacy to persons still alive, or to their immediatedescendants. I adhere to the opinion previously expressed by me, that the public conduct of those who, by their station or theiroffices must be regarded as public characters, needs no reticenceor concealment. 

An observation occurs in one of the later volumes of theseJournals (which had previously escaped my notice) in which theAuthor remarks that much that he has written appears to him to beextremely dull, and that to avoid dullness the manuscript shouldbe carefully revised before it is made public. I have not thesame dread of dullness which affected Mr. Greville. A passage maybe found to contain something of interest hereafter, though it isnot amusing, and at the worst the reader can pass it by. Nor do Iattach importance to the amusement the public may derive fromthis work. The volumes now published may be less attractive tosome readers than those which preceded them, for they relate toless dissipated and distracted times; but they are, I think, moreinstructive because they are marked by a deeper insight intopolitical history. 

In conclusion, I may remark that the present publication embracesa period of fourteen years, extending from the accession of HerMajesty Queen Victoria in 1837 to the _coup d'état_ of NapoleonIII. In 1851. The latest events recorded in these pages areseparated from us by an interval of about thirty-four years. Theoccurrences which took place after the close of 1851, thesubsequent establishment of the Imperial power in France, theformation of the Cabinet of Lord Aberdeen, followed in 1853 bythe Crimean War, mark an important epoch in the history of thiscountry and of Europe. I have therefore thought that this date isthe appropriate conclusion of this portion of the work. Mr. Greville continued his Journal for nine years more, until theclose of 1860, though in his later years he was less conversantwith public affairs than he had been in the more active period ofhis life. Should life and health be vouchsafed to me, I shallendeavour to complete the task he confided to my care by thepublication of one or two concluding volumes at no distantperiod. HENRY REEVE. 

. '. The notes in brackets are by the Editor, those withoutbrackets by the Author. 

 CORRECTIONS

The following inaccuracies have been remarked whilst these sheetswere passing through the press:--

Vol. Ii, p. 37, the Duke of Wellington sate in Sir Robert Peel's Cabinet of 1841 without office. Sir E. Knatchbull was Paymaster-General with a seat in the Cabinet. 

Vol. Ii, p. 60, line 18, for _Emerson Tennent_ read _Tennant_. 

Vol. Ii, p. 72, for Sir _George_ Grey in the text and note read Sir _Charles_ Grey. 

Vol. Ii, p. 113, the Rev. William Capel was Vicar, not Rector, of Watford, and Rector of Raine. Vol. Ii, p. 126, last line but two, for _any_ read _my_. 

Vol. Ii, p. 194, last two lines, for _Moore O'Farrell_ read _More O'Ferrall_. 

Vol. Ii, p. 372, the battles of Moodkee and Ferozeshah were fought in December 1845, _before_, not _after_, the battle of Aliwal. 

Vol. Iii, p. 108, line 12, for _Machale_ read _MacHale_. Vol. Iii, p. 218, note 1, line 2, for _Gotto_ read _Goito_. 

 CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUME

 CHAPTER I. 

The New Reign--Character of William IV--Political Effects of the King's Death--Candidates for Office--Lord Durham--The King's Funeral--The Elections--The Whigs and O'Connell--First Impression of a Railroad--Lord Stanley at Knowsley--The King of Hanover--Return to London--Result of the Elections--Liberality of the Queen--Princess Lieven's Audiences--Conservative Reaction in the Counties--The Queen and Lord Munster--State of Parties in the New Parliament--The Corn Laws--The Poor Laws-- Tory-Radicals--Promise of the Queen's Character--Her Self- Possession--Queen Victoria and Queen Adelaide--The Queen and Lord Melbourne--Mango wins the St. Leger--Racing Reflexions-- Death of Lord Egremont--The Court of Victoria--Conservatism of the Whigs--Radical Discontent--Irish Policy of the Government-- Mr. Disraeli's First Speech--Lord Brougham's Isolation--Radical Politics--Lord Melbourne and Lord Brougham--The Canada Debates--The Use of a Diary--Duke of Wellington on Canada--On his own Despatches--On the Battle of Salamanca--King Ernest in Hanover--English Manor Houses--Festivities at Belvoir Castle-- Life at Belvoir--Reflexions--Beaudesert--Death of Lord Eldon. Page 1

 CHAPTER II. 

Debates on the Canada Bill--Moderation of the Duke of Wellington--State of Canada--Lord Durham's Position--Weakness of the Government--Parallel of Hannibal and the Duke of Wellington--The Ballot--Lord Brougham on the Ballot--Position of the Government--Policy of Sir Robert Peel--Death of Mr. Creevey--Knighthood of General Evans--Lord Brougham's Conversation--A Skirmish in the House of Commons--Defeat of Government--Skirmish in the House of Lords--Annoyance of Peel at these Proceedings--Brougham's Anti-Slavery Speech-- Opposition Tactics--Brougham on the Coolie Trade--Ministerial Success--Sir Robert Peel's Tactics--Composition of Parties--A Dinner at Buckingham Palace--Men of Science--The Lord Mayor at a Council--The Queen at a Levée--The Guiana Apprentices--Small _v. _ Attwood reversed--Character of the Queen--Wilkie's Picture of the 'First Council'--Small _v. _ Attwood--Immediate Emancipation--Birthday Reflexions--Lord Charles Fitzroy turned out--Vote on Lord Durham's Expenses--Lord Durham's Irritation-- Wolff the Missionary--Newmarket--The Coronation--Lord Brougham's Reviews. Page 51

 CHAPTER III. 

A Ball at the Palace--Aspect of Foreign Affairs--Irish Tithe Bill--Debate on Sir T. Acland's Motion--Death of Prince Talleyrand--Death and Character of Lady Harrowby--Government defeated on Emancipation of Slaves--Dispute of Mr. Handley and Lord Brougham--Dinner at Lambeth--Arrangement of Irish Questions--Settlement of Irish Questions--O'Connell declines the Rolls--Naval Intervention in Spain--Duke of Wellington's Moderation--Marshal Soult arrives--Preparations for the Coronation of Queen Victoria--The Wellington Statue--The Coronation--Coleridge and John Sterling--Lord Durham's Mission to Canada--Lord Brougham contrasted with the Duke--Macaulay on his return from India--Soult in London--Duke of Sussex quarrels with Ministers--Lord Burghersh's Opera--High Church Sermons-- Lord Palmerston and Mr. Urquhart--The Ecclesiastical Discipline Bill--The Duke's Despatches--Macaulay's Plan of Life--Lord Durham's Canada Ordinance--Mr. Barnes--Canada Indemnity Bill-- Lord Durham's Ordinance disallowed--Irish Corporation Bill-- Review of the Session Page 91

 CHAPTER IV. 

The Queen and Lord Melbourne--The Battersea Schools--A Council at Windsor--A Humble Hero--Lord Durham's Resignation--Duke of Wellington's Campaigns--The Grange--Lord Durham's Return--Death of Lord Sefton--Lord Durham's Arrival--His Reception in the Country--Position of the Radicals--A Visit to Windsor Castle-- Lord Brougham's 'Letter to the Queen'--Lord Durham repudiates the Radicals--A Lecture at Battersea--Dinner at Holland House-- Curran and George Ponsonby--Prospect of the New Year--The Petition of the Serjeants-at-Law--Reconciliation with Lord Durham--Murder of Lord Norbury--The Corn Laws attacked--Lord Palmerston and the 'Portfolio'--The Serjeants' Case--Brougham and Lyndhurst 'done up'--Opening of the Session--Resignation of Lord Glenelg--State of Parties--Lord Durham's Report--Lord Glenelg's Retirement--Lord Normanby, Colonial Minister--Corn Law Repeal--Sir Francis Bond Head--Gore House--Lady Blessington Page 130

 CHAPTER V. 

Opening of the Session--Lady Flora Hastings--Bulwer's 'Richelieu'--Changes at the Colonial Office--Attack on Lord Normanby's Irish Administration in the Lords--General Aspect of Affairs--The 'Morning Chronicle'--Death of Lord de Ros-- Precarious Position of the Government--Views of Lord John Russell--A doubtful Question--Conciliatory Conversation with Sir James Graham--Attitude of the Whig Party--Peel's cold Reception of the Proposal--Result of the Debate--Attitude of Lord John Russell--Language of the Radical Party-- Conciliation--Change of Feeling in the Country--Duke of Newcastle dismissed from the Lord Lieutenancy--Lord John Russell's Letter--Jamaica Bill--Defeat of the Jamaica Bill-- Resignation of Ministers--The Queen retains the Ladies of her Household--Conduct of the Whigs--End of the Crisis--The Truth of the Story Page 170

 CHAPTER VI. 

The Whigs retain the Government--Motives of the Queen--Decision of Ministers--Lord Brougham's Excitement--Ministerial Explanations--State of Affairs in Parliament--Lord Brougham's great Speech on the Crisis--Duke of Wellington's Wisdom and Moderation--Visit of the Grand Duke Alexander--Macaulay returns to Parliament--Disappointment of the Radicals--The Radicals appeased--Visit to Holland House--Anecdotes of George Selwyn-- False Position of the Whigs--Downton Castle--Payne Knight-- Malvern--Troy House--Castles on the Wye--Tintern Abbey--Bath-- Salisbury Cathedral--Death of Lady Flora Hastings--Violent Speech of the Duke--Conversation with the Duke of Wellington-- Lord Clarendon's _début_ in the House of Lords--Lord Brougham attacks Lord Normanby--His fantastic Conduct--Pauper School at Norwood Page 207

 CHAPTER VII. 

Review of the Session--Ministerial Changes--Effect of Changes in the Government--A Greenwich Dinner--Dover Dinner to the Duke of Wellington--A Toast from Ovid--Decay of Tory Loyalty-- Unpopularity of Government--Brougham's Letter to the Duke of Bedford--Character of John, Duke of Bedford--Brougham at the Dover Dinner--Brougham and Macaulay--The Duke's Decline--Duke of Wellington consulted on Indian and Spanish Affairs--Baron Brunnow arrives in England--False Reports of Lord Brougham's Death--Insulting Speeches of the Tories--Holland House--Lord Brougham and Lord Holland--The Queen's Marriage is announced-- Remarkable Anecdote of the Duke of Wellington--The Mayor of Newport at Windsor--Ampthill--Lord John Russell's Borough Magistrates--Lord Clarendon's Advice to his Colleagues-- Prospects of the Government--Opening of the Session--Duel of Mr. Bradshaw and Mr. Horsman--Lord Lyndhurst's View of Affairs--Prince Albert's Household--The Privilege Question-- Prince Albert's Allowance--Precedence of Prince Albert--Lord John Russell and Sir Robert Peel--Judgement on the Newport Prisoners--A Vote of Want of Confidence moved--The Newport Prisoners--Prince Albert's Precedency--Sir Robert Peel and his Party--Sir Robert Peel's Speech and Declaration--Precedence Question--The Queen's Marriage--Illness of the Duke of Wellington--The Precedence Question settled--The Duke opposed to Peel on the Privilege Question--Change in the Health of the Duke--Prince Albert's Name in the Liturgy--Success of Pamphlet on Precedence--Judicial Committee Bill--Lord Dudley's Letters-- Amendment of Judicial Committee--King's Sons born Privy Councillors, other Princes sworn--The Duke returns to London-- Lord Melbourne's Opinion on Journals Page 231

 CHAPTER VIII. 

The ex-King of Westphalia--The Duke of Wellington at Court-- Failure of the Duke's Memory--Dinner at Devonshire House to Royalties--Government defeated on Irish Registration Bill--The King of Hanover's Apartments--Rank of Foreign Ministers--The Duchess of Inverness--War with China--Murder of Lord William Russell--Duke of Wellington on the China War--Weakness of Government--Duke of Wellington's Conduct towards the Government--The Queen shot at--Examination of the Culprit-- Retrospect of Affairs--Conciliatory Policy--Advantages of a Weak Government--The Eastern Question--Lord Palmerston's Daring and Confidence--M. Guizot and Mr. Greville--Pacific Views of Louis Philippe--M. Guizot's Statement of the Policy of France-- Growing Alarm of Ministers--Alarm of Prince Metternich--Lord John Russell disposed to resist Palmerston--History of the Eastern Negotiation--A Blunder of M. Guizot--Important Conversation with Guizot--Conflict between Lord John Russell and Lord Palmerston--Energetic Resolution of Lord John--Lord Palmerston holds out--Conciliatory Proposals of France-- Interview with Lord Palmerston and Lord John Page 277

 CHAPTER IX. 

The Cabinet meets--The Government on the verge of Dissolution-- The Second Cabinet--Palmerston lowers his Tone in the Cabinet-- But continues to bully in the Press--Taking of Beyrout-- Deposition of Mehemet Ali--Lord John acquiesces--Total Defeat of Peace Party--Lord John Russell's False Position--His Views-- Lord Granville's Dissatisfaction--Further Attempts at Conciliation--Prevarication of Lord Ponsonby--Newspaper Hostilities--Discussion of the French Note of the 8th October-- Guizot's Opinion of the Note of the 8th October--Louis Philippe's Influence on the Crisis--Summary of Events--Death of Lord Holland--Lord Clarendon's Regret for Lord Holland--M. Guizot's Intentions as to France--Effects of the Queen's Partiality for Melbourne--Resignation of Thiers--Bickerings in the Ministry--Lord John Russell's Dissatisfaction with Lord Palmerston--Lord John resigns--Lord John demands the Recall of Lord Ponsonby--Lord Palmerston defends Lord Ponsonby--M. Guizot's Policy--Conciliatory Propositions fail--Attitude of Austria--Asperity of Lord Palmerston--Operations in Syria-- Success of Lord Palmerston and his Policy--Baron Mounier's Mission to London--Birth of the Princess Royal--Results of the Success of Lord Palmerston's Measures--The Tories divided in Opinion as to the Treaty--Retrospect of the Year--Lord Holland Page 320

 CHAPTER X. 

Successes in India, China, and Syria--The Hereditary Pashalik of Egypt--Lord Palmerston's Hostility to France--Lord Palmerston and the Tories--His extraordinary Position--A Communication from M. Guizot--Death of the Duchess of Cannizzaro--Her History--Dinner with Lady Holland--Macaulay's Conversation-- Opening of the Session--A Sheriffs' Dinner--Hullah's Music Lecture--Tory Successes--Duke of Wellington ill--Irish Registration Bill--Opposed by the Conservatives--Conservative Government of Ireland--Petulance of Lord Palmerston--Double Dealing of Lord Palmerston--Ill Temper of the French--M. Dedel's account of the State of Affairs--M. Dedel's account corrected--Termination of the Disputes with France--Bad News from China--Hostility of the United States--The Sultan's Hatti- sherif--The Hatti-sherif disapproved by some Ministers--Peel's Liberality--The Hatti-sherif disavowed--The Bishop of Exeter left in the lurch--Poor Law Amendment Bill--Lord Granville's Illness--Death of Mrs. Algernon Greville--Loss of 'The President'--Government defeated--China Troubles--Danger of the Government Page 360

 APPENDIX. 

The Royal Precedency Question Page 395

 A JOURNAL of the REIGN OF QUEEN VICTORIA

 from 1837 to 1852. 

 CHAPTER I. 

The New Reign--Character of William IV. --Political Effects of the King's Death--Candidates for Office--Lord Durham--The King's Funeral--The Elections--The Whigs and O'Connell--First Impression of a Railroad--Lord Stanley at Knowsley--The King of Hanover--Return to London--Result of the Elections--Liberality of the Queen--Princess Lieven's Audiences--Conservative Reaction in the Counties--The Queen and Lord Munster--State of Parties in the New Parliament--The Corn Laws--The Poor Laws-- Tory-Radicals--Promise of the Queen's Character--Her Self- Possession--Queen Victoria and Queen Adelaide--The Queen and Lord Melbourne--Mango wins the St. Leger--Racing Reflexions-- Death of Lord Egremont--The Court of Victoria--Conservatism of the Whigs--Radical Discontent--Irish Policy of the Government-- Mr. Disraeli's First Speech--Lord Brougham's Isolation--Radical Politics--Lord Melbourne and Lord Brougham--The Canada Debates--The Use of a Diary--Duke of Wellington on Canada--On his own Despatches--On the Battle of Salamanca--King Ernest in Hanover--English Manor Houses--Festivities at Belvoir Castle-- Life at Belvoir--Reflexions--Beaudesert--Death of Lord Eldon. 

June 25th, 1837 {p. 001}

I remember when George IV. Died, seven years ago, having beenstruck by the small apparent sensation that his death created. There was, however, at that time a great deal of bustle andconsiderable excitement, which were caused by the activity of thenew Court, and the eccentricities of the King; but in the presentinstance the Crown has been transferred to the head of the newQueen with a tranquillity which is curious and edifying. Thefirst interest and curiosity to see the young Queen and observeher behaviour having passed off, there appears nothing more to door to think about; there are no changes, and there is no talk ofchange. Her Majesty has continued quietly at Kensington, whereshe transacts business with her Ministers, and everything goes onas if she had been on the throne six years instead of six days. Animated panegyrics were pronounced upon the late King in bothHouses of Parliament by those who had served him; and Peelrepeated in the House of Commons, in more set phrases, theexpressions of his admiration of the conduct of the Queen on herfirst public appearance, which he uttered to me when I saw himafter the Council on Tuesday. Melbourne's funeral oration overWilliam IV. Was very effective because it was natural and hearty, and as warm as it could be without being exaggerated. He made themost of the virtues the King undoubtedly possessed, and passedlightly over his defects. 

[Page Head: CHARACTER OF WILLIAM IV. ]

King William IV. , if he had been born in a private station, wouldhave passed unobserved through life like millions of other men, looked upon as possessing a good-natured and affectionatedisposition, but without either elevation of mind or brightnessof intellect. During many years of his life the Duke of Clarencewas an obscure individual, without consideration, moving in alimited circle, and altogether forgotten by the great world. Heresided at Bushey with Mrs. Jordan, and brought up his numerouschildren with very tender affection: with them, and for them, heseemed entirely to live. The cause of his separation from Mrs. Jordan has not been explained, but it probably arose from hisdesire to better his condition by a good marriage, and he wantedto marry Miss Wykeham, a half-crazy woman of large fortune, onwhom he afterwards conferred a Peerage. George IV. , I believe, put a spoke in that wheel, fortunately for the Duke as well asfor the country. The death of the Princess Charlotte opened tohim a new prospect, and the lack of royal progeny made hismarriage as desirable an event to the public as it was convenientto himself. The subsequent death of the Duke of York, which madehim heir to the throne, at once exalted him into a personage ofpolitical importance, and when the great Tory schism took place, upon the death of Lord Liverpool, Mr. Canning thought the Duke ofClarence's appointment to the office of Lord High Admiral wouldstrengthen his Government, and at the same time relieve him fromsome of the difficulties which beset him; and he accordinglyprevailed upon the King to revive the office in his person. Soonafter the Duke of Wellington's elevation he found it necessary toremove the Duke of Clarence, and it is an excellent trait in thecharacter of the latter that, notwithstanding his vexation at thetime, which was very great, he harboured no resentment againstthe Duke of Wellington, and never seems to have hesitated aboutretaining him as his Minister when he came to the throne. Hisexaltation (for the moment) completely turned his head, but ashis situation got familiar to him he became more composed andrational, if not more dignified in his behaviour. The moral andintellectual qualities of the King, however insignificant inthemselves, now became, from their unavoidable influence, anobject of great interest and importance, and in the early part ofhis reign he acquired no small share of popularity. People likeda King whose habits presented such a striking contrast to thoseof his predecessor. His attention to business, his frank andgood-humoured familiarity, and his general hospitality, wereadvantageously compared with the luxurious and selfish indolenceand habits of seclusion in the society of dull and graspingfavourites which characterised the former reign. 

The King seemed to be more occupied with the pleasing novelty ofhis situation, providing for his children, and activelydischarging the duties of his high function, than in givingeffect to any political opinions; and he took a correct view ofhis constitutional obligations, for although he continued hisconfidence to the Duke of Wellington unabated to the last, hetransferred it as entirely to Lord Grey when the Whigs came in. He went on with his second Ministry as cordially as he had donewith his first, nor does it appear that he took fright at theirextensive plans of reform when they were first promulgated. Hewas probably bit by the popularity which the Reform Bill procuredhim, and it was not until he had gone too far to recede withsafety that he was roused from his state of measureless contentand unthinking security. The roar of the mighty conflict whichthe Reform Bill brought on filled him with dismay, and very soonwith detestation of the principles of which he had unwittinglypermitted himself to be the professor and the promoter; and asthese feelings and apprehensions were continually stimulated byalmost all the members of his family, legitimate andillegitimate, they led him into those unavailing struggles whichembroiled him with his Ministers, rendered him obnoxious to theLiberal party, compromised the dignity of the Crown and thetranquillity of the country, and grievously embittered the latteryears of his life. But although King William was sometimes weak, sometimes obstinate, and miserably deficient in penetration andjudgement, he was manly, sincere, honest, and straightforward. The most painful moment of his life, and the greatest humiliationto which a king ever submitted, must have been when he againreceived the Whig Ministers in 1835; but it is to the credit ofLord Melbourne, as well as of the King, that their subsequentpersonal intercourse was not disagreeable to either, and greatlyto the King's honour that he has never been accused or suspectedof any underhand or indirect proceeding for the purpose ofemancipating himself from a thraldom so galling. Of politicaldexterity and artifice he was altogether incapable, and although, if he had been false, able, and artful, he might have caused moreperplexity to his Whig Government and have played a better partygame, it is perhaps fortunate for the country, and certainlyhappy for his own reputation, that his virtues thus predominatedover his talents. The most remarkable foible of the late King washis passion for speechifying, and I have recorded some of hiscurious exhibitions in this way. He had considerable facility inexpressing himself, but what he said was generally useless orimproper. He never received the homage of a Bishop without givinghim a lecture; and the custom he introduced of giving toasts andmaking speeches at all his dinners was more suitable to a tavernthan to a palace. He was totally deficient in dignity orrefinement, and neither his elevation to the throne nor hisassociation with people of the most distinguished manners couldgive him any tincture of the one or the other. Though a good-natured and amiable man, he was passionate and hasty, and thus hewas led into those bickerings and quarrels with the Duchess ofKent and with his own children, which were a perpetual source ofdiscomfort or disgrace to him, and all of which might have beenavoided by a more consistent course of firmness and temper on hispart. His sons generally behaved to him with great insolence andingratitude, except Adolphus. Of the daughters I know nothing. 

[Page Head: POLITICAL EFFECTS OF THE KING'S DEATH. ]

The various political hopes, fears, and expectations which hisdeath has raised may be very shortly summed up. Nobody can denythat it has given the Whig Government a great advantage over theTories. Hitherto the Government have been working against thestream, inasmuch as they had the influence of the Crown runningdead against them; the tide has now turned in their favour, andto a certain degree they will be able to convert the Toryprinciple to their own advantage. The object of the Whigs is toremain in office, to put down the Radicals and Radicalism, and goon gradually and safely reforming; above all to proceed as fastas the innumerable difficulties which impede their course willlet them, in bringing Ireland into a state of quiet andcontentment, and to pave the way for some definite settlement ofthe great questions which distract that country. This I believeto be the object of Lord Melbourne and Lord John Russell, but atthe same time they have colleagues and supporters who have moreextensive and less moderate views, and who would like to see theGovernment more cordially allied to the Radicals than it is, andwho are so animated against the Tories that they would do_anything_ to prevent their return to power. [1]

 [1] [A list of Lord Melbourne's second Administration will be found in the first part of this work, vol. Iii. P. 256. It had undergone no change since 1835, except that the Great Seal, which had been put in commission, was now held by Lord Cottenham. ]

The great body of the Tories, on the other hand, are thirstingfor office: they are, or pretend to be, greatly alarmed at theRadical tendencies of the Government, but they are well awarethat in the actual state of the House of Commons they have thepower of keeping the Government in check and of defeating everyRadical scheme while _in opposition_, but that it would bedangerous to attempt to turn them out and take their places. Sofar from being satisfied with this position of exceeding strengthand utility, they are chafing and fuming that they can't get in, and would encounter all the hazards of defeat for the slightestchance of victory. It is only the prudent reserve of Peel (inwhich Stanley and Graham probably join) that restrains theimpatience of the party within moderate bounds. The Radicals arefew in number, and their influence is very low; they are angrywith the Government for not making greater concessions to them, but as they still think there is a better chance of their viewsbeing promoted by the Whigs remaining in, they continue to votewith them in cases of need, though there are some of them whowould prefer the dissolution of the Ministry and war with a ToryGovernment rather than the present imperfect alliance whichsubsists between themselves and the Whigs. The Whigs then expectto gain by the new elections and to obtain an accession ofstrength to their Government. They think the popularity of a newreign, and the partial neutrality of the Tory principle, will beof material advantage to their cause. The Tories, though theymaintain that they shall not lose at the elections, evidentlyfeel that they take the field under a great disadvantage, and donot deny that the King's death has been a heavy blow to them as aparty. 

June 29th, 1837 {p. 006}

All the accounts continue to report well of the young Queen, ofher quickness, sense and discretion, and the remarkable facilitywith which she has slid into her high station and discharges itsduties. The Duchess of Kent never appears at Kensington, wherethe Queen occupies a separate range of apartments, and herinfluence is very silently exercised, if at all. The town is rifewith reports of changes and appointments, some very natural andothers very absurd; all agree that the power vested inMelbourne's hands is unbounded, and that (as far as Courtappointments are concerned) he uses it with propriety. The greattopic of interest is the question of Lord Hill's removal, [2]which the Radicals and violent Whigs have been long driving at, but to which it is believed Melbourne is himself adverse. So LordStanley told me the other day as his belief; and when I said thatthough this might be so, it was doubtful how far he would beinduced to fight the battle in his own Cabinet if it was mootedthere, he said that from what he heard, he thought Melbourne waslord and master in his own Cabinet. 

 [2] [Lord Hill held the office of Commander-in-Chief from 1828 till 1842, when he resigned it. ]

[Page Head: LORD DURHAM. ]

The eternal question in everybody's mouth is what is Lord Durhamto have, or if it is indispensable that he should have anything. When Durham left England, he was the elected chief of theRadicals, and he was paving the way to future Court favourthrough a strict alliance with the Duchess of Kent and Sir JohnConroy. At St. Petersburg his language was always moderate; nowthat he is returned, the Radicals, still regarding him as theirchief, look anxiously to his introduction into the Cabinet. Charles Buller, whom I met the other day, said, in reply to myasking him if Government would gain at the elections, 'I thinkthey will gain anyhow, but _if they are wise_ they will gainlargely. ' I said, 'I wonder what you call being wise?' He said, 'Take in Lord Durham. ' But they want Durham to be taken in as apledge of the disposition of the Government to adopt theirprinciples, [3] whereas Melbourne will receive him upon no suchterms; and if Durham takes office, he must subscribe to themoderate principles upon which both Melbourne and John Russellseem disposed to act. After all, it appears to me that a mightyfuss is made about Durham without any sufficient reason, that hispolitical influence is small, his power less, and that it is amatter of great indifference whether he is in office or out. 

 [3] After this was written, a letter of Durham's appeared couched in vague but conservative language, and without any allusion to the Ballot or the Radical desiderata. 

July 9th, 1837 {p. 008}

Yesterday I went to the late King's funeral, who was buried withjust the same ceremonial as his predecessor this time sevenyears. It is a wretched mockery after all, and if I were king, the first thing I would do should be to provide for beingcommitted to the earth with more decency and less pomp. A host ofpersons of all ranks and stations were congregated, who 'loiteredthrough the lofty halls, ' chattering and laughing, and withnothing of woe about them but the garb. I saw two men in ananimated conversation, and one laughing heartily at the very footof the coffin as it was lying in state. The chamber of death inwhich the body lay, all hung with black and adorned withscutcheons and every sort of funereal finery, was like a scene ina play, and as we passed through it and looked at the scaffoldingand rough work behind, it was just like going behind the scenesof a theatre. A soldier's funeral, which I met in the morning--the plain coffin slowly borne along by his comrades, with the capand helmet and sword of the dead placed upon it--was moreimpressive, more decent, more affecting than all this pomp withpasteboard crowns, and heralds scampering about, while idlenessand indifference were gazing or gossiping round about the royalremains. I would rather be quietly consigned to the grave by afew who cared for me (if any such there might be) than be theobject of all this parade and extravagance. The procession movingslowly through close ranks of Horse and Foot Guards holdingtapers and torches in their hands, whilst at intervals the bandsplayed a dead march, had, however, a very imposing effect. Theservice was intolerably long and tedious, and miserably read bythe Dean of Windsor. The Queen Dowager, with the King's daughtersand her ladies, were in the Royal Closet, and the FitzClarencesin the one adjoining. At twelve o'clock she was to depart forBushey, and a bitter moment it must have been when she quittedfor ever the Castle where she had spent seven years of prosperousand happy splendour. 

[Page Head: THE ELECTIONS. ]

We continue to hear of the young Queen's admirable behaviour, butall other subjects are swallowed up in the interest of theapproaching elections. There will be more contests than ever wereknown, and it is amusing to see both parties endeavouring toavail themselves of the Queen's name, the Tories affecting toconsider her as a prisoner in the hands of the Whigs, and theWhigs boasting of the cordiality and warmth of her sentiments intheir favour. The Whigs have the best of this, as they have someevidence to show in support of their assertions, and theprobability really is that she is well enough contented withthem, as they naturally take care she should be. Of the probablechanges, one of the most important is the defeat of Sir JamesGraham in Cumberland, an event which the Whigs hail with extremesatisfaction, for they hate him rancorously. I am under personalobligations to Graham, and therefore regret that this feelingexists; but it is not unnatural, and his political conduct iscertainly neither creditable nor consistent. He is now littlebetter than a Tory, a very high Churchman, and one of the leastliberal of the Conservative leaders. In Lord Grey's Government hewas one of the most violent, and for going to greater lengthsthan the majority of his colleagues. When the Reform Bill wasconcocted by a committee consisting of John Russell, Duncannon, Durham, and Graham, Graham earnestly advocated the Ballot, andLord Durham says he has in his possession many letters ofGraham's, in which he presses for a larger measure of reform thanthey actually brought forward. In his address he says he has notchanged, and talks of 'having belonged to the Whig Governmentbefore they had made the compact by which they are now bound toO'Connell. ' Tavistock[4] said to me yesterday that this was toobad, because he knew very well that the only understanding theGovernment had with O'Connell was one of mutual support in theIrish elections, the same which existed when he was in office;and, moreover, that at that time the majority of the Cabinet(Graham included) wanted to confer office upon O'Connell, andthat they were only induced to forego that design by theremonstrances of Lord Lansdowne and the Duke of Richmond, whoinsisted upon a further probation before they did so. O'Connellgot nothing, and soon after took to agitating and making violentspeeches. This exasperated Lord Grey, who, in his turn, denouncedhim in the King's Speech, and hence that feud between O'Connelland the Whigs, which was only terminated by the attempt of theTories to retake office in 1835. This led to the imperfectalliance between them, half denied by the Whigs, which exposedthe Government to as much obloquy as if they had concluded anopen and avowed alliance with him, and perhaps to greaterinconvenience. It was a great blunder not securing O'Connell inthe first instance, and certainly a curious thing that such menas Lord Lansdowne, and still more the Duke of Richmond, shouldhave influenced so important a matter and have overborne theopinions of the whole Cabinet. After all this, it is notextraordinary that his old associates should be disgusted atseeing Graham become a Tory champion, and at hearing him morebitter against them than any man on the Opposition benches. TheTories, on the other hand, rejoice in him, and his bigotry aboutall Church matters cancels in their minds all his formerLiberalism in that and every other respect. 

 [4] [Francis, Marquis of Tavistock, afterwards seventh Duke of Bedford; born 12th May 1788, died 14th May 1861. He was one of Mr. Greville's most intimate friends. They agreed in the main in politics, and had a common amusement--the turf. Lord Tavistock preferred a life of retirement, and he refused office, but he kept up an enormous correspondence with the leading statesmen of the day. He was consulted by them on all occasions, and not infrequently by the Queen, and he exercised a considerable, though inostensible, influence on public affairs. ]

Knowsley, July 18th, 1837 {p. 010}

[Page Head: FIRST IMPRESSIONS OF A RAILROAD. ]

Tired of doing nothing in London, and of hearing about the Queen, and the elections, I resolved to vary the scene and run down hereto see the Birmingham railroad, Liverpool, and Liverpool races. So I started at five o'clock on Sunday evening, got to Birminghamat half-past five on Monday morning, and got upon the railroad athalf-past seven. Nothing can be more comfortable than the vehiclein which I was put, a sort of chariot with two places, and thereis nothing disagreeable about it but the occasional whiffs ofstinking air which it is impossible to exclude altogether. Thefirst sensation is a slight degree of nervousness and a feelingof being run away with, but a sense of security soon supervenes, and the velocity is delightful. Town after town, one park and_château_ after another are left behind with the rapid variety ofa moving panorama, and the continual bustle and animation of thechanges and stoppages make the journey very entertaining. Thetrain was very long, and heads were continually popping out ofthe several carriages, attracted by well-known voices, and thencame the greetings and exclamations of surprise, the 'Where areyou going?' and 'How on earth came you here?' Considering thenovelty of its establishment, there is very little embarrassment, and it certainly renders all other travelling irksome and tediousby comparison. It was peculiarly gay at this time, because therewas so much going on. There were all sorts of people going toLiverpool races, barristers to the assizes, and candidates totheir several elections. The day was so wet that I could not seethe town of Liverpool. 

This is a very large place, the house immense, with no good roomin it but the dining room. The country is generally flat, butthere are fine trees and thriving plantations, so that it isaltogether sufficiently enjoyable. It is a strange thing to seeStanley here; he is certainly the most natural character I eversaw; he seems never to think of throwing a veil over any part ofhimself; it is this straightforward energy which makes him soconsiderable a person as he is. In London he is one of the greatpolitical leaders, and the second orator in the House of Commons, and here he is a lively rattling sportsman, apparently devoted toracing and rabbit-shooting, gay, boisterous, almost rustic in hismanners, without refinement, and if one did not know what hispowers are and what his position is, it would be next toimpossible to believe that the Stanley of Knowsley could be theStanley of the House of Commons. 

Just before I left London, the Proclamation of the King ofHanover appeared, by which he threw over the new Constitution. Lyndhurst told me of it, before I had seen it, with manyexpressions of disappointment, and complaining of his folly andof the bad effect it would produce here. The Government papershave taken it up, though rather clumsily, for the purpose ofconnecting this violent measure with the Tory party; but it is agreat folly in the Opposition, and in the journals belonging tothem, not to reject at once and peremptorily all connexion withthe King of Hanover, and all participation in, or approbation of, his measures. Lyndhurst told me that the King had all alongprotested against this Constitution, and refused to sign or be aparty to it; that he contended it was illegal, inasmuch as theStates by which it had been enacted had been illegally convoked;that he was _able_ to do what he has done by his independence inpoint of finance, having a great revenue from Crown lands. Thelate King was very anxious to give this up, and to have a CivilList instead; but when this was proposed, the Duke of Cumberlandexerted his influence successfully to defeat the project, and itwas accordingly thrown out in the Senate (I think the Senate) bya small majority. Though we have nothing to do with Hanover, thisviolence will, no doubt, render him still more odious here thanhe was before, and it would be an awful thing if the Crown were, by any accident, to devolve upon him. The late King's desire toeffect this change affords an indisputable proof of the sincerityof his constitutional principles, and it is no small praise thathe was satisfied with a constitutional sovereignty, and did nothanker after despotic power. 

July 25th, 1837 {p. 012}

[Page Head: RESULT OF THE ELECTIONS. ]

I remained at Knowsley till Saturday morning, when I went toLiverpool, got into the train at half-past eleven, and at fiveminutes after four arrived at Birmingham with an exactpunctuality which is rendered easy by the great reserved power ofacceleration, the pace at which we travelled being moderate andnot above one half the speed at which they do occasionally go;one engineer went at the rate of forty-five miles an hour, butthe Company turned him off for doing so. I went to Kenilworth, and saw the ruins of Leicester's Castle, and thence to Warwick tosee the Castle there, with both of which I was very muchdelighted, and got to town on Sunday to find myself in the midstof all the interest of the elections, and the sanguine andconfident assertions and expectations of both parties. The firstgreat trial of strength was in the City yesterday; and thoughGrote beat Palmer at last, and after a severe struggle, by a verysmall majority, it is so far consolatory to the Conservativeinterest that it shows a prodigious change since the last generalelection, when the Conservative candidate was 2, 000 behind hisopponents. 

July 28th, 1837 {p. 013}

The borough elections in England, as far as they have gone, andthey are nearly over, have disappointed the Government, whoexpected to gain in them. [5] The contests have been numerous, often very close, and in some instances very costly. Norwich, wonwith the greatest difficulty by Lord Douro and Scarlett, is saidto have cost £50, 000. A compromise was offered at Yarmouth and atNorwich, but the parties could not come to terms, and the resulthas been the same as if it had taken place--two Tories in oneplace and two Whigs in the other. There have been a vast numberof changes, and, as always happens, results very different fromwhat were expected in particular places. The balance is slightlyin favour of the Tories, but the best sign of the times is thedefeat of the Radicals in various places. Grote nearly beaten inthe City, and probably will be turned out on a scrutiny;[6]Roebuck and Palmer were defeated at Bath, Ewart at Liverpool, Wigney at Brighton, Thompson at Hull. It was clear enough beforefrom the Conservative language which was put into the Queen'smouth by her Ministers, and by that which they held themselves, that it was the only tone which would be palatable to thecountry, and the event of the elections confirms this impression. This is, after all, the essential point, to which the gains ofeither party are entirely subordinate. If the Government keepstogether without internal dissensions, and nothing particularoccurs to produce a change, these Ministers cannot well be turnedout, because, though their majority is small, they have theundoubted support of the House of Commons, and in my opinion theywill be all the stronger from the Radicals being so reduced innumbers, as those who remain must support them, and cannot expectany concessions in return. It is quite impossible to doubt thatthere is in the country a strong Conservative reaction, and it isthe more valuable from not being more strongly pronounced. It isgreat enough to prove that our institutions are safe, but notgreat enough to bring the Tories back into power and to turntheir heads, ready as they always are to be puffed up with everyreturning gale of success. The Tories have made one good exchangein the article of whippers-in, for they have got Planta andHolmes instead of Bonham and Ross. 

 [5] [It was found that the Liberals replaced by Tories amounted to 66, and the Tories replaced by Liberals to 53. The Government therefore lost 13 seats in the boroughs. ]

 [6] [Mr. Grote was returned by a majority of only six, but he was not turned out. ]

Everything that could be said in praise of the Queen, of hermanners, conduct, conversation, and character, having beenexhausted, we now hear no more of her. It is an interestingspeculation to conjecture how soon she will begin to think and toact for herself upon higher matters, as she has at once done onall minor points connected with her domestic arrangements. It isgenerally believed that she is perfectly independent of anyinfluence in these things, and while in all political concernsshe has put herself implicitly in Melbourne's hands, in allothers she is her own mistress. From the beginning she resolvedto have nothing to do with Sir John Conroy, but to reward himliberally for his services to her mother. She began by making hima baronet, and she has given him a pension of £3, 000 a year; buthe has never once been invited to the Palace, or distinguished bythe slightest mark of personal favour, so that nothing can bemore striking than the contrast between the magnitude of thepecuniary bounty and the complete personal disregard of which heis the object. The Queen has been extremely kind and civil to theQueen Dowager, but she has taken no notice of the King'schildren, good, bad, or indifferent. Lord Munster asked for anaudience to deliver up the keys of the Castle which he had, andwas very graciously received by her, but she did not give himback the keys. Adolphus FitzClarence has lost his Lordship of theBedchamber, but then they only retained Peers, and he keeps thecommand of the Royal yacht. He has had no intimation whether hispension and his Rangership of Windsor Park are to be continued tohim. [In the end, however, they retained everything, and theQueen behaved with equal liberality and kindness towards themall. ]

July 29th, 1837 {p. 015}

The loss of Leeds, news which arrived last night, is a great blowto the Tories, and the only important Radical triumph that hasoccurred. George Byng[7] told me yesterday that all theapplications from the country for candidates sent to the ReformClub desired that Whigs and not Radicals might be supplied tothem, which affords an additional proof of the decline of Radicalopinions. He owned that they are disappointed at the result ofthe borough contests, having lost many places when they had noidea there was any danger. 

 [7] [The Hon. George Byng, born 8th June 1806; succeeded his father the Earl of Stafford, 3rd June 1860. ]

July 30th, 1837 {p. 015}

[Page Head: PRINCESS LIEVEN'S AUDIENCES. ]

Madame de Lieven told me yesterday that she had an audience ofthe Queen, who was very civil and gracious, but timid andembarrassed, and talked of nothing but commonplaces. Her Majestyhad probably been told that the Princess was an _intrigante_, andwas afraid of committing herself. She had afterwards an interviewwith the Duchess of Kent, who (she told me) it was plain to seeis overwhelmed with vexation and disappointment. Her daughterbehaves to her with kindness and attention but has renderedherself quite independent of the Duchess, who painfully feels herown insignificance. The almost contemptuous way in which Conroyhas been dismissed must be a bitter mortification to her. TheDuchess said to Madame de Lieven, 'qu'il n'y avait plus d'avenirpour elle, qu'elle n'était plus rien;' that for eighteen yearsthis child had been the sole object of her life, of all herthoughts and hopes, and now she was taken from her, and there wasan end of all for which she had lived heretofore. Madame deLieven said that she ought to be the happiest of human beings, tosee the elevation of this child, her prodigious success, and thepraise and admiration of which she was universally the object;that it was a triumph and a glory which ought to be sufficientfor her--to which she only shook her head with a melancholysmile, and gave her to understand that all this would not do, andthat the accomplishment of her wishes had only made her to thelast degree unhappy. King William is revenged, he littleanticipated how or by what instrumentality, and if his ghost isan ill-natured and vindictive shade, it may rejoice in the sightof this bitter disappointment of his enemy. In the midst of allher propriety of manner and conduct, the young Queen begins toexhibit slight signs of a peremptory disposition, and it isimpossible not to suspect that, as she gains confidence, and asher character begins to develope, she will evince a strong willof her own. In all trifling matters connected with her Court andher palace, she already enacts the part of Queen and mistress asif it had long been familiar to her. 

August 8th, 1837 {p. 016}

[Page Head: CONSERVATIVE REACTION. ]

At Goodwood since this day week till Saturday, when I went toPetworth;--to town yesterday. The county elections have producedan endless succession of triumphs to the Conservatives, of whichthe greatest was that over Hume in Middlesex. The Whigs areequally astonished and dismayed at this result, for they had nota notion of being bowled down as they have been one afteranother. If the others had known their own strength, they mighthave done a great deal more; Bingham Baring[8] could have broughtin another man with him for Staffordshire; Henry Windham couldhave won Sussex had he chosen it, and was very near being broughtin without his own consent, and against the wishes of LordEgremont, who, having renounced politics, could not endure theidea of his son being member for the county. Had Lord Egremontlifted up his finger, Windham would have come in. The mostextraordinary of all these elections is that of Bingham Baring. He could not stand again with any chance of success forWinchester, and he went with £5, 000 in his pocket to Stafford, from time immemorial a corrupt borough; there he was beat, and hewas about to return after spending about one half of his cash, when Lord Sandon pressed him to allow himself to be proposed forStaffordshire, asserting that nothing was requisite but acandidate, so much stronger was the Conservative feeling in thecounty than people were aware of. Without much hope of success, his family having never resided in the county, though his fatherhas some property in it, and being personally unknown to theelectors, he consented to stand, and, though he had no committee, and nothing was previously organised or arranged, he was carriedby a prodigious majority to the head of the poll. The electionsin which the Conservatives have failed have, nevertheless, exhibited a vast change in the public mind, for they havegenerally been very severe contests, and in Yorkshire, withnearly twice the constituency that there was at the lastelection, John Wortley was within a few hundreds of hisopponents, when on the former occasion he was in a miserableminority. 

 [8] [William Bingham Baring, afterwards second Baron Ashburton, born June 1799, died March 1864. He sat for North Staffordshire in this Parliament. ]

Lord Munster has got back his keys of the Round Tower. Melbournefound out that the place was held for life, and he sent forMunster, and told him he had been hasty in disposing of it, thatit was his own doing and not the Queen's, who had acted entirelyby his advice, and that in his situation it was impossible forhim to do otherwise than bestow any vacant appointment upon aperson connected with his own party, but that he was extremelyglad in the present instance to find that he was not at libertyto deprive Munster of the office. Munster afterwards saw theQueen, who was exceedingly gracious, and told him she was veryglad to restore the keys to him. The Queen and Melbourne appearto have both evinced kindness and good feeling on this occasion. 

August 25th, 1837 {p. 018}

Nothing of any moment has occurred for some time past, and allthe world has been occupied with the elections as long as theylasted. After much disputing between the two parties as to theactual result, it appears by an impartial examination of thereturns that the Ministers will have a majority of 30, andpossibly a little more. As the Government members always attendbetter than their opponents, the working majority will probablybe usually greater than this. The Conservatives are exceedinglytriumphant at the result, and not without reason. The Englishcounties have made a very important demonstration in theirfavour; they have not lost in the towns, and the Radicals havebeen almost everywhere defeated. This latter circumstance isexceedingly satisfactory, but the Radicals themselves do notadmit that this election affords any proof that their principlesare on the decline throughout the country. There cannot, however, be a doubt that questions of organic change are not at present inany degree of public favour. Charles Villiers, one of theRadicals with whom I sometimes converse, insists upon it that theBallot has made great progress, but he also declares that, ifcarried, it would prove a Conservative measure, and that bettermen would be chosen. He predicts, however, with greaterappearance of reason, that the question of the Corn Laws will, before long, become of paramount interest and importance, and Iam induced to think that the next great struggle that takes placewill be for their repeal. 

[Page Head: TORY OPPOSITION TO THE POOR LAW. ]

The Tories behaved exceedingly ill in one respect during the latecontest, and that was in availing themselves as much as possibleof the cry that has been raised against the Poor Law. No measureof the Whig Government deserved greater credit than this, orobtained so much unqualified praise and general support. Inasmuchas the Tories are the largest landed proprietors, they are thegreatest gainers by the new system, and if a Tory Governmentshould be in power at the period of the expiration of the Act, they will not hesitate to renew it. Nevertheless when they foundthat some odium was excited in various parts of the countryagainst the new Poor Law and its administration, many of them didnot scruple to foment the popular discontent, and all watched itsprogress with satisfaction when they saw that it was exclusivelydirected against their political antagonists. It has beenremarked with truth, that Peel has observed an almost invariablesilence upon this head. During the discussion of the Bill heseldom took any part; never opposed it; but, if appealed to, expressed his acquiescence by silent nods. Of late, when a greatclamour has been raised against the Act, and language borderingon sedition has been used, he has never said a word in favour ofthe system, which it would have been more generous, manly, andhonourable to do than to cover himself with a cautious andmysterious reserve on so important a subject. The Duke ofWellington took part in the original measure very frankly; but atthe end of last year, when Lord Stanhope got up a discussion inthe House of Lords on the subject, though appealed to by LordTavistock, the Duke would not say a word. This was not like him, for with reference to mere party tactics, it is to his praisethat he is generally 'too fond of the right to pursue theexpedient. ' It is this behaviour of the Tories which has shown methat there may be such a thing as a 'Tory-Radical;' for though Ihad heard the appellation, I thought they were contradictoryterms which did not admit of a conjunction. A Tory-Radical is, however, a politician who for Tory party purposes endeavours toinfluence the minds of the people against the laws and theiradministration, not because he thinks those laws either ill-contrived or ill-executed, but because he thinks that theconsequences of such popular discontent will fall upon hisopponents, and that he can render the angry feeling instrumentalto his own selfish or ambitious designs. 

August 30th, 1837 {p. 020}

All that I hear of the young Queen leads to the conclusion thatshe will some day play a conspicuous part, and that she has agreat deal of character. It is clear enough that she had longbeen silently preparing herself, and had been prepared by thoseabout her (and very properly) for the situation to which she wasdestined. The impressions she has made continue to be favourable, and particularly upon Melbourne, who has a thousand times greateropportunities of knowing what her disposition and her capacityare than any other person, and who is not a man to be easilycaptivated or dazzled by any superficial accomplishments or meregraces of manner, or even by personal favour. Melbourne thinkshighly of her sense, discretion, and good feeling; but what seemto distinguish her above everything are caution and prudence, theformer to a degree which is almost unnatural in one so young, andunpleasing, because it suppresses the youthful impulses which areso graceful and attractive. 

[Page Head: THE QUEEN'S SELF-POSSESSION. ]

On the morning of the King's death, the Archbishop of Canterburyand Lord Conyngham arrived at Kensington at five o'clock, andimmediately desired to see 'the Queen. ' They were ushered into anapartment, and in a few minutes the door opened and she came inwrapped in a dressing-gown and with slippers on her naked feet. Conyngham in a few words told her their errand, and as soon as heuttered the words 'Your Majesty, ' she instantly put out her handto him, intimating that he was to kiss hands before he proceeded. He dropped on one knee, kissed her hand, and then went on to tellher of the late King's death. She presented her hand to theArchbishop, who likewise kissed it, and when he had done so, addressed to her a sort of pastoral charge, which she receivedgraciously and then retired. She lost no time in giving notice toConroy of her intentions with regard to him; she saw him, anddesired him to name the reward he expected for his services toher parents. He asked for the Red Riband, an Irish peerage, and apension of £3, 000 a year. She replied that the two first restedwith her Ministers, and she could not engage for them, but thatthe pension he should have. It is not easy to ascertain the exactcause of her antipathy to him, but it has probably grown with hergrowth, and results from divers causes. The person in the worldshe loves best is the Baroness Lehzen, and Lehzen and Conroy wereenemies. There was formerly a Baroness Spaeth at Kensington, lady-in-waiting to the Duchess, and Lehzen and Spaeth wereintimate friends. Conroy quarrelled with the latter and got herdismissed, and this Lehzen never forgave. She may have instilledinto the Princess a dislike and bad opinion of Conroy, and theevidence of these sentiments, which probably escaped neither theDuchess nor him, may have influenced their conduct towards her, for strange as it is, there is good reason to believe that shethinks she has been ill-used by both of them for some yearspast. [9] Her manner to the Duchess is, however, irreproachable, and they appear to be on cordial and affectionate terms. Madamede Lehzen is the only person who is constantly with her. When anyof the Ministers come to see her, the Baroness retires at onedoor as they enter at the other, and the audience over shereturns to the Queen. It has been remarked that when applicationsare made to Her Majesty, she seldom or never gives an immediateanswer, but says she will consider of it, and it is supposed thatshe does this because she consults Melbourne about everything, and waits to have her answer suggested by him. He says, however, that such is her habit even with him, and that when he talks toher upon any subject upon which an opinion is expected from her, she tells him she will think it over, and let him know hersentiments the next day. 

 [9] [The Queen, in a letter to her uncle, King Leopold, published with Her Majesty's sanction, speaks significantly of what she terms 'my sad childhood. ']

The day she went down to visit the Queen Dowager at Windsor, toMelbourne's great surprise she said to him that as the flag onthe Round Tower was half-mast high, and they might perhaps thinkit necessary to elevate it upon her arrival, it would be betterto send orders beforehand not to do so. _He_ had never thought ofthe flag, or knew anything about it, but it showed her knowledgeof forms and her attention to trifles. Her manner to the Queenwas extremely kind and affectionate, and they were both greatlyaffected at meeting. The Queen Dowager said to her that the onlyfavour she had to ask of her was to provide for the retirement, with their pensions, of the personal attendants of the late King, Whiting and Bachelor, who had likewise been the attendants ofGeorge IV. ; to which she replied that it should be attended to, but she could not give any promise on the subject. 

She is upon terms of the greatest cordiality with Lord Melbourne, and very naturally. Everything is new and delightful to her. Sheis surrounded with the most exciting and interesting enjoyments;her occupations, her pleasures, her business, her Court, allpresent an unceasing round of gratifications. With all herprudence and discretion she has great animal spirits, and entersinto the magnificent novelties of her position with the zest andcuriosity of a child. 

No man is more formed to ingratiate himself with her thanMelbourne. He treats her with unbounded consideration andrespect, he consults her tastes and her wishes, and he puts herat her ease by his frank and natural manners, while he amuses herby the quaint, queer, epigrammatic turn of his mind, and hisvaried knowledge upon all subjects. It is not thereforesurprising that she should be well content with her presentGovernment, and that during the progress of the elections sheshould have testified great interest in the success of the Whigcandidates. Her reliance upon Melbourne's advice extends atpresent to subjects quite beside his constitutional functions, for the other day somebody asked her permission to dedicate somenovel to her, when she said she did not like to grant thepermission without knowing the contents of the work, and shedesired Melbourne to read the book and let her know if it was fitthat she should accept the dedication. Melbourne read the firstvolume, but found it so dull that he would not read any more, andsent her word that she had better refuse, which she accordinglydid. She seems to be liberal, but at the same time prudent withregard to money, for when the Queen Dowager proposed to her totake her band into her service, she declined to incur so great anexpense without further consideration, but one of the firstthings she spoke to Melbourne about was the payment of herfather's debts, which she is resolved to discharge. 

October 23rd, 1837 {p. 023}

[Page Head: MANGO WINS THE ST. LEGER. ]

Since August 30th, nearly two months, I have written not a line, for I have had nothing to record of public or general interest, and have felt an invincible repugnance to write about myself ormy own proceedings. Having nothing else to talk of, however, Ishall write my own history of the last seven weeks, which is veryinteresting to me inasmuch as it has been very profitable. Havingasked George Bentinck to try my horse 'Mango' before Doncaster, we went down together one night to Winchester race-course and sawhim tried. He won the trial and we resolved to back him. This weaccomplished more successfully than we expected, and ten daysafter he won the St. Leger, and I won about £9, 000 upon it, thefirst _great_ piece of good fortune that ever happened to me. Since Doncaster, I have continued (up to this time) to win atNewmarket, so that my affairs are in a flourishing condition, but, notwithstanding these successes, I am dissatisfied anddisquieted in my mind, and my life is spent in the alternationsof excitement from the amusement and speculation of the turf andof remorse and shame at the pursuit itself. One day I resolve toextricate myself entirely from the whole concern, to sell all myhorses, and pursue other occupations and objects of interest, andthen these resolutions wax faint, and I again find myself buyingfresh animals, entering into fresh speculations, and just asdeeply engaged as ever. It is the force of habit, a stillunconquered propensity to the sport, and a nervous apprehensionthat if I do give it up, I may find no subject of equal interest. 

November 14th, 1837 {p. 023}

[Page Head: CHARACTER OF LORD EGREMONT. ]

Yesterday morning I heard of the death of Lord Egremont, who diedafter a week's illness of his old complaint, an inflammation inthe trachea, being within a month of eighty-six years old. [10] Hewas a remarkable man, and his death will be more felt within thesphere of his influence (and that extended over the whole countyof Sussex) than any individual's ever was. He was immensely richand his munificence was equal to his wealth. No man probably evergave away so much money in promoting charitable institutions oruseful undertakings, and in pensioning, assisting, and supportinghis numerous relations and dependants. His understanding wasexcellent, his mind highly cultivated, and he retained all hisfaculties, even his memory, unimpaired to the last. He wasremarkably acute, shrewd, and observant, and in his manner bluntwithout rudeness, and caustic without bitterness. Though he hadfor some years withdrawn himself from the world, he took an eagerinterest and curiosity in all that was passing in it, and thoughnot mixed up in politics, and sedulously keeping aloof from allparty conflicts, he did not fail to think deeply and expresshimself strongly upon the important questions and events of thetimes. In his political principles and opinions he was anti-Liberal, and latterly an alarmist as well as a Conservative. Hehad always opposed Catholic Emancipation, which it is difficultto account for in a man so sagacious and benevolent, except fromthe force of prejudices early instilled into a mind of tenaciousgrasp which was not exposed to the changeful influence of worldlycommerce and communication. It is probable that Lord Egremontmight have acted a conspicuous part in politics if he had chosento embark on that stormy sea, and upon the rare occasions when hespoke in the House of Lords, he delivered himself with greatenergy and effect; but his temper, disposition, and tastes werealtogether incompatible with the trammels of office or therestraints of party connexions, and he preferred to revelunshackled in all the enjoyments of private life, both physicaland intellectual, which an enormous fortune, a vigorousconstitution, and literary habits placed in abundant varietybefore him. But in the system of happiness which he marked outfor himself, the happiness of others formed a large and essentialingredient; nor did old age, as it stole upon him with gradualand insensible steps, dull the brightness of his intellect orchill the warmth of his heart. His mind was always intent uponproviding for the pleasure or the benefit of those around him, and there was nothing in which he so keenly delighted as therural festivals with which he celebrated his own birthday, whenthousands of the surrounding villagers were assembled in his parkto eat, drink and be merry. He was passionately fond of children, and animals of every description found favour in his sight. LordEgremont was a distinguished patron of artists, and it was rarelythat Petworth was unvisited by some painter or sculptor, many ofwhom he kept in almost continual employment, and by whom his losswill be severely felt. He was extremely hospitable, and Petworthwas open to all his friends, and to all their friends if theychose to bring them, provided they did not interfere with hishabits or require any personal attention at his hands: from anysuch obligation he considered that his age and infirmitiesreleased him. He received his guests with the utmost urbanity andcourtesy, did the honours of his table, and in every otherrespect left them free to abide as long as they pleased, but toamuse themselves as they could. Petworth was consequently like agreat inn. Everybody came when they thought fit, and departedwithout notice or leave-taking. He liked to have people there whohe was certain would not put him out of his way, especially thosewho, entering into his eccentric habits, were ready for thesnatches of talk which his perpetual locomotion alone admittedof, and from whom he could gather information about passingevents; but it was necessary to conform to his peculiarities, andthese were utterly incompatible with conversation or anyprolonged discussion. He never remained for five minutes in thesame place, and was continually oscillating between the libraryand his bedroom, or wandering about the enormous house in alldirections; sometimes he broke off in the middle of aconversation on some subject which appeared to interest him anddisappeared, and an hour after, on a casual meeting, would resumeit just where he had left off. But this habitual restlessness, which was so fatal to conversation, served perhaps to exhibit thevivacity of his mind and its shrewd and epigrammatic turn in amore remarkable manner: few persons visited Petworth withoutbeing struck with astonishment at the unimpaired vigour of hisintellectual powers. To have lived to a great age in the practiceof beneficence and the dispensation of happiness, and to diewithout bodily suffering or mental decay, in the enjoyment ofexistence up to the instant of its close, affords an example ofhuman prosperity, both in life and in death, which has fallen tothe lot of few, but which may well excite the envy and admirationof all. [11]

 [10] [See for descent of Lord Egremont, p. 337, vol. Ii. Of the First Part of Mr. Greville's Journals. ]

 [11] The substance of this character of the Earl of Egremont was inserted in the _Times_ newspaper of Saturday, 18th November 1837. 

November 3rd, 1837 {p. 026}

At Court yesterday when the Queen received the Address of theCommons. She conducts herself with surprising dignity: thedignity which proceeds from self-possession and deliberation. Thesmallness of her stature is quite forgotten in the majesty andgracefulness of her demeanour. 

[Page Head: RADICAL DISCONTENT. ]

The Session has opened merrily with an angry squabble betweenLord John Russell and the Radicals, at which the Tories greatlyrejoice. Upon the Address, Wakley and others thought fit tointroduce the topic of the Ballot and other reforms, upon whichJohn Russell spoke out and declared he would never be a party tothe Ballot, and would not reform the Reform Bill. They wereindignant, and attacked him in no measured terms. The next nightCharles Buller returned to the charge with equal violence, whenLord John made (by the agreement of all parties) an incomparablespeech vindicating his own consistency, explaining his motivesfor making the declaration which he did the first night, andrepelling with great dignity the charges with which he wasassailed. [12] Of course opinions vary as to the expediency andpropriety of his conduct on this occasion, but I do not see thathe could have acted otherwise, and it is much more manly, straightforward, and honourable to declare at once what hissentiments and intentions are than to endeavour to evade thesubject for a time, and to raise hopes and expectations which hehas no design of realising, and which, whenever he does declarehimself, as eventually he must, would only excite the bittererdisappointment and resentment. However, whether he acted wiselyor not, the immediate effect has been to enrage the Radicalsection of his party exceedingly, and those who want theGovernment to be turned out fondly hope that this split amongthem will bring about the consummation. This is not probable, forangry as they may be, they will still prefer Melbourne to Peel, and O'Connell (who is all moderation) will throw Ireland into thescale and entreat them for Ireland's sake to lay aside theirresentment. Such questions as the Ballot can only be carried bythe desire for them gaining ground largely throughout thecountry, and this many assert to be the case. At this moment itis pretty clear that the people care very little aboutspeculative questions, and want only peace and tranquillity. Itis also said that there is a growing anti-Catholic and anti-Irishspirit which the Conservatives do their best to excite andextend. It would be a curious speculation, supposing both theseinfluences to operate widely, to anticipate the result of theiraction upon the great antagonist parties in the country, and seewhich would gain most by a coalition of Radical and sectarianprinciples. A state of things might by possibility arise whenthey would act as mutual checks. 

 [12] [It was to this debate that Mr. Disraeli referred in his maiden speech, delivered a few days later, when he spoke of the 'passion and recrimination of the noble Tityrus of the Treasury Bench and the learned Daphne of Liskeard, ' and added that 'these _amantium irae_ had resulted in an _amoris redintegratio_. ' The orator was laughed down before he concluded the sentence. ]

 * * * * *

[The Editor of these Journals may here be permitted to say, thatit was at this time that his acquaintance with Mr. Grevillebegan, as he was appointed to an office in the Privy Council onNovember 17, 1837. This acquaintance speedily ripened intoconfidential friendship, which was uninterrupted for a single dayin the course of the next eight-and-twenty years. Indeed Mr. Greville's kind offices to his young acquaintance beganimmediately; for the appointment of Mr. Reeve having beenattacked with great bitterness by Lord Brougham, who was thenextremely hostile to every department of the Government, Mr. Greville exerted himself with his usual energy to defend it. 

It may not be out of place, though it is out of date, to inserthere, as a memorial of this long friendship, a note written tothe Editor of these Journals by Mr. Greville, on May 6, 1859, when he had just resigned the office of Clerk of the Council. Itis in the following terms:--

 My dear R. , --I will not delay to thank you warmly for your kind note. Your accession to the Privy Council Office gave me a friendship which I need not say how much I have valued through so many years of happy intercourse, which I rejoice at thinking has never been clouded or interrupted and which, I hope, will last the same as long as I last myself. It is always painful to do anything for the last time, and I cannot without emotion take leave of an office where I have experienced for so many years so much kindness, consideration, and goodwill; but I hope still to be considered as _amicus curiae_ and to be applied to on every occasion when I can be of use to the Office. Between you and me there has been, I think, as much as possible between any two people the 'idem velle, idem nolle, et idem sentire de republicâ, ' and, in consequence, the 'firma amicitia. ' God bless you, and believe me always Yours most sincerely and faithfully, C. C. G. ]

 * * * * *

November 26th, 1837 {p. 028}

It is still a matter of general discussion and speculationwhether Lord John Russell's bold declaration will have the effectof breaking up the Government by disgusting the Radicals to sucha degree as to make them in spite withdraw their aid on someimportant occasion. Those gentry are still very irate and sulky, but I do not expect they will connive at the overthrow of theGovernment; they know better than to open the doors of office tothe Tories. Lord Brougham has taken the field with a violentRadical speech, and he seized an occasion to set his tonguewagging against the Chancellor; in short he seems bent onmischief. He has written word to Lord Granville that he would notbe gagged this Session; he will be glad to lead anybody who willbe led by him; and as the post of general of the Radicals appearsto be vacant, he may aspire to that. His actual position ascontrasted with his vast abilities is indeed calculated to 'pointa moral. '

December 8th, 1837 {p. 029}

[Page Head: COMMITTEE ON THE PENSION LIST. ]

The notion of a break-up of the Government has gradually fadedaway, and though the Radicals have not forgiven John Russell forhis speech, they appear to have no intention of altering theirconduct towards the Government, and some concessions have alreadybeen made partly for the purpose of mollifying them. Governmenthave given up the Pension List, and it is believed that theBallot is to be made an open question. This will be consideredmore than an equivalent for the discouraging effect of JohnRussell's speech. Peel and the Tories oppose the Committee on thePensions, [13] but it is remarkable that on the Civil ListCommittee the other day, when Rice proposed that £75, 000 shouldbe granted for pensions, and Grote moved to suspend the granttill after the Pensions Committee had reported, Peel and hispeople (Goulburn, Harding, Fremantle, &c. ) supported Grote, andthe Chancellor of the Exchequer was in a minority of one. Thistoo was an accident, for Francis Baring was absent from thedivision on account of the following circumstance. In a speech inthe House of Lords the night before on the Post Office, LordLichfield[14] had attacked Mr. Wallace with great severity, andimmediately after Wallace sent him a message which was tantamountto a challenge. Alvanley was employed to settle the quarrel, which he did, but it became necessary to instruct Baring to saysomething on the subject in the House of Commons, where Wallacewas going to allude to it. Alvanley detained Baring so long thathe was too late for the division in the Committee; had he beenthere and made the numbers even, Rice, as chairman, must havegiven the casting vote for or against his own proposition, eitherof which would have been very awkward, but it is not very clearwhy Peel voted as he did. 

 [13] [The Chancellor of the Exchequer moved for a Select Committee to inquire how far pensions granted under the Acts of the last reign, and charged on the Civil List or the Consolidated Fund, ought to be continued. The motion was carried by 293 to 233 votes. ]

 [14] [The Earl of Lichfield was Postmaster General. ]

Lord Roden brought on the Irish question in the House of Lords, when Mulgrave[15] made a very triumphant vindication of himselfand utterly discomfited the Orangemen. The Duke of Wellingtonmade a very clever speech, and availed himself of thecontradictory returns of crimes and convictions skilfully enough, but he had the candour to give Mulgrave ample credit for thevigour with which he had caused the law to be enforced, and, asfor months past the Orangemen had been clamouring against theIrish Government for neglecting to enforce the law and fordepriving Protestants of its protection, it was a verymagnanimous admission on the Duke's part, and such a one as fewof his political opponents would have made. It is the peculiarmerit of the Duke that he is never disposed to sacrifice truthfor a party purpose, and it is this manliness andstraightforwardness, this superiority to selfish considerationsand temporary ends, which render him the object of universalrespect and admiration, and will hereafter surround his politicalcharacter with unfading honour. Not content with the defeat whichthey sustained in the House of Lords, the Orangemen had the follyto provoke another contest in the House of Commons, and ColonelVerner brought forward 'the Battle of the Diamond, ' givingMorpeth an opportunity of another triumph as signal as Mulgrave'sin the House of Lords. The Irish Orangemen were left to theirfate on this occasion, for none of their English associates cameto their relief. 

 [15] [Constantine Henry, second Earl of Mulgrave, created in the following year Marquis of Normanby. He was at this time Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland. Lord Morpeth was Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant. ]

[Page Head: MR. DISRAELI'S FIRST SPEECH. ]

Mr. Disraeli made his first exhibition the other night, beginningwith florid assurance, speedily degenerating into ludicrousabsurdity, and being at last put down with inextinguishableshouts of laughter. [16]

 [16] [Mr. Disraeli's first speech was made on the motion with reference to what was called 'the Spottiswoode Gang. ' An association had been formed in London for the purpose of collecting money to test the validity of the Irish elections wholesale. Mr. Spottiswoode, one of the Queen's printers, was the president of this association, which was denounced by the Radicals and the Irish Members as 'the Spottiswoode Gang, ' and attacked in Parliament by Mr. Blewitt, who moved five resolutions condemning the institution of the Spottiswoode fund. Lord John Russell, however, discouraged the attack, on the ground that the number of election petitions in the present year was not such as to warrant any extraordinary measures in regard to them. Mr. Blewitt withdrew four of his resolutions and left the House without moving the fifth. _Solvuntur risu tabulae_. ]

The new House of Commons does not promise to be a more business-like or more decorous assembly than its immediate predecessor. Already two whole nights have been consumed in the discussion oftwo topics so unprofitable as 'the Battle of the Diamond' and'the Spottiswoode Gang, ' and it is said that such a scene ofdisorder and such a beargarden never was beheld. The noise andconfusion are so great that the proceedings can hardly be heardor understood, and it was from something growing out of thisconfusion and uproar that the Speaker thought it necessary toaddress the House last night and complain that he no longerenjoyed its confidence, and if he saw any future indication thatsuch was the case he should resign the Chair. His declaration wastaken very quietly, for nobody said a word. 

Brougham made a great speech on education the other night, but itwas so long, tedious, and digressive that he drove everybodyaway. He is in a very bitter state of mind, scarcely speaking toany of his former friends and colleagues, and having acquired nonew friends of any party. He courts the Radicals, and writesletters and makes speeches directly at variance with all hisformer professions and opinions; but the Radicals, though they donot object to make use of him, will by no means trust him. 

I asked Charles Buller if they would have Lord Brougham for theirleader, and he said 'certainly not, ' and added that 'Durham haddone nothing as yet to forfeit their confidence. ' He enlightenedme at the same time about his own Radical opinions and views andthe extent of them, together with those of the more moderate ofhis party, complaining that they were misrepresented andmisunderstood; although for the Ballot and extension of thesuffrage, he is opposed to reform of the House of Lords or anymeasure directly affecting the Constitution. He does not admitthat the measures he advocates do affect the Constitutiondirectly or indirectly. [17] I told him if he repudiated theviolent maxims of Molesworth and others, he should not let theseultra-Radicals be the organs of the party, as the world did notand could not distinguish between them, especially as theModerates took no steps to clear themselves and establish justernotions of the character and tendency of their principles. He didnot deny this, but they dread an appearance of disunion; so, asalways happens when this is the case, the most exalted andexaggerated of the party, who will not be silenced and arereckless of consequences, take the lead and keep it. 

 [17] [It cannot fail to strike the reader that all the measures which were regarded as the tests of Radicalism in 1837 have long since been carried, and have now the general assent of the nation. ]

December 12th, 1837 {p. 032}

On the debate about Pensions the other night Whittle Harveyoutdid himself; by all accounts it was inimitable, dramatic tothe greatest degree, and acted to perfection. Peel was heavy, Stanley very smart, the Ministers were beaten hollow in theargument, but got a respectable division, of which they make themost; but it proves nothing as to their real strength, which hasnot yet been tested. John Russell made a wretched speech, beingobliged to vote in the teeth of his former opinions and conduct. 

December 14th, 1837 {p. 032}

[Page Head: LORD BROUGHAM AND LORD MELBOURNE. ]

There was a grand breeze in the House of Lords the night beforelast between Melbourne and Brougham. The latter is said to havebeen in a towering passion, and he vociferated and gesticulatedwith might and main. Jonathan Peel was in the Lobby, and beingattracted by the noise, ran to the House, and found Brougham notonly on his legs, but on tip-toes in the middle of his indignantrejoinder. Melbourne's attack upon him seemed hardly called for, but I heard he had declared he would not much longer endure thecontinual twittings and punchings that Brougham every day dealtout to some one or other of the Ministers. The Chancellor, LordLansdowne, and Glenelg, had all suffered in their turns, and sowhen Brougham taunted him with his courtly habits, he could notrestrain himself, and retorted savagely though not very well. What he said was nothing but a _tu quoque_, and only remarkablefor the bitter tone in which it was uttered and the sort ofreproach it conveyed. Probably Melbourne thought it as well toput an end at once to the half hostile, half amicable state oftheir mutual relations, to their 'noble friendship, ' and realenmity, and to bring matters to a crisis, otherwise he might havehad some indulgence for his old friend and colleague, have madeallowance for the workings of deep disappointment andmortification on his excitable temperament, and have treated himwith forbearance out of reverence for his rare acquirements andcapacity. But the fact is, that Brougham has ostentatiouslyproclaimed the dissolution of all his former ties, and hasdeclared war against all his ancient connexions; he has abandonedhis friends and his principles together, and has enrolled himselfin a Radical fellowship which would have been the object of hisscorn and detestation in his calmer moods and in more prosperousdays. 

Le Marchant, who was his secretary for four years, and knows himwell, told me that no man was a greater aristocrat in his heartthan Brougham, from conviction attached to aristocracy, fromtaste desirous of being one of its members. He said that DugaldStewart, when talking of his pupils, had said though he enviedmost the understanding of Horner (whom he loved with peculiaraffection), he considered Brougham the ablest man he had everknown, but that even then (forty years ago) he considered his tobe a mind that was continually oscillating on the verge ofinsanity. Le Marchant said that Brougham's powers of applicationexceeded what he had believed possible of any human being. He hadknown him work incessantly from nine in the morning till one atnight, and at the end be as fresh apparently as when he began. Hecould turn from one subject to another with surprising facilityand promptitude, in the same day travelling through the detailsof a Chancery cause, writing a philosophical or mathematicaltreatise, correcting articles for the 'Library of UsefulKnowledge, ' and preparing a great speech for the House of Lords. When one thinks of the greatness of his genius and the depth ofhis fall, from the loftiest summit of influence, power, and fameto the lowest abyss of political degradation, in spite of thefaults and the follies of his character and conduct, one cannothelp feeling regret and compassion at the sight of such a noblewreck and of so much glory obscured. 

December 24th, 1837 {p. 034}

[Page Head: THE INSURRECTION IN CANADA. ]

News of the insurrection in Canada arrived the day beforeyesterday, and produced a debate of some animation in the Houseof Commons, in which the Radicals principally figured, makingspeeches of such exceeding violence that it was only justifiableto pass them over, because those who uttered them are not worthnotice. Gladstone spoke very well, and Lord John Russell closedthe discussion with an excellent speech just such as a Ministerought to make, manly, temperate, and constitutional. He is amarvellous little man, always equal to the occasion, afraid ofnobody, fixed in his principles, clear in his ideas, collected inhis manner, and bold and straightforward in his disposition. Heinvariably speaks well when a good speech is required from him, and this is upon every important question, for he gets noassistance from any of his colleagues, except now and then fromHowick. This is a fine occasion for attacking the Government andplacing them between two fires, for the Radicals abuse them fortheir tyrannical and despotic treatment of the Canadians, and theTories attribute the rebellion to their culpable leniency andfutile attempts at conciliation by concessions which never oughtto have been made, and only were made out of complaisance to theRadicals here. As generally happens when there are charges of anopposite nature, and incompatible with one another, neither ofthem is true. 

Since Brougham and Melbourne's set-to in the House of Lords, theformer has been speaking every day and entering a protest aboutevery other day. He is in a state of permanent activity, andmeans to lead such of the Radicals as will enlist under hisragged banner. He was quite furious about the Civil List, andevidently means to outbid everybody for popularity. He goes onbelabouring and 'befriending' the Government Lords, but theeffect he produces (if any) is out of doors, for he usuallywastes his rhetoric on empty benches. 

The Queen went to the House yesterday without producing anysensation. There was the usual crowd to look at the finery ofcarriages, horses, Guards, &c. , but not a hat raised nor a voiceheard: the people of England seem inclined to hurrah no more. 

December 30th, 1837 {p. 035}

Since the receipt of Colborne's despatches, [18] the alarm aboutCanada has subsided, and if Ministers had been aware that matterswere no worse, probably Parliament would have had longerholidays. Nobody doubts that the insurrection will be easily putdown, but the difficulty will be how to settle mattersafterwards. It does not appear that this Government has been moreto blame than any other, for the same system seems to have beenpursued by all. They might indeed have adopted decisive measuresat an earlier period, and as soon as they found that the Assemblywas invincibly obstinate and deaf to the voice of reason, theyought to have put an end to the humiliating contest by anassertion of Imperial power. All that can be said is, that theytried the conciliatory power too long. 

 [18] [Sir John Colborne was Lieutenant-Governor of Canada at the time the insurrection broke out, and the suppression of it was mainly due to the vigorous measures taken by him on the spot. For these services he was raised to the peerage by the title of Lord Seaton. He died in 1863 at the age of eighty-four. ]

Burghley, January 2nd, 1838 {p. 035}

Among other changes of habit, it has occurred to me why shouldnot I begin the New Year by keeping a regular diary? What I dowrite are merely fragments of memoirs with passing events brieflyalluded to, and the odds and ends collected from differentsources recorded and commented on. It is not the first time Ihave had thoughts of keeping a more regular journal, in which notonly my doings should be noted down and my goings, but whichwould also preserve some record of my thoughts and feelings, ifever indeed I really do think and feel. The reason I have neverdone anything of this sort is partly that I have been too idle, and the result partly of modesty and partly of vanity. A journalto be good, true, and interesting, should be written without theslightest reference to publication, but without any fear of it;it should be the transcript of a mind which can beartranscribing. I do not in sincerity believe that my mind, orthoughts, or actions, are of sufficient importance or interest tomake it worth while (for the sake of others) to take thistrouble. I always contemplate the possibility that hereafter myjournal will be read by the public, always greedy of such things, and I regard with alarm and dislike the notion of its containinga heap of twaddle and trash concerning matters appertaining tomyself which nobody else will care three straws about. Iftherefore I discard these scruples and do what I meditate (andvery likely after all I shall not, or only for a very shorttime), the next thing is, Why? It seems exceedingly ridiculous tosay that one strong stimulus proceeds from reading Scott'sDiary--which he began very late in life and in consequence ofreading Byron's--not because I fancy I can write a diary asamusing as Scott's or Byron's, but because I am struck by theexcessive pleasure which Scott appeared to derive from writinghis journal, and I am (and this is the principal cause) struckwith the important use to which the habit may be turned. Thehabit of recording is first of all likely to generate a desire tohave something of some interest to record; it will lead to habitsof reflexion and to trains of thought, the pursuit of which maybe pleasing and profitable; it will exercise the memory andsharpen the understanding generally; and though the thoughts maynot be very profound, nor the remarks very lively or ingenious, nor the narrative of exceeding interest, still the exercise is, Ithink, calculated to make the writer wiser, and perhaps better. If I do this I shall read over all I write long before anyoneelse will have an opportunity of doing so, and I am not likely tobe over-indulgent if I find myself a bore. 

Yesterday morning I left town, slept at Newmarket, saw thehorses, rode out on the Warren Hill, and came here to dinner, where I find twenty-two people--the Duke of Wellington and LordAberdeen, the Salisburys, Wiltons, and a mob of fine people; verymiserable representatives of old Lord Burleigh, the twoinsignificant-looking Marquesses, who are his lineal descendants, and who display no more of his brains than they do of his beard. The Duke of Wellington is in great force, talked last night ofCanada, and said he thought the first operations had been afailure, and he judged so because the troops could neither takethe rebel chief, nor hold their ground, nor return by any otherroad than that by which they came; that if Colborne could holdMontreal during the winter it would do very well, but he was notsure that he would be able to do so; that the Government ought toexhibit to the world their determination to put this revolt down, and that to do so they must seal the St. Lawrence[19] so as toprevent the ingress of foreigners, who would flock to Canada foremployment against us; that the Queen could not blockade her ownports, so that they must apply to Parliament for power to effectthis, and they ought to bring in a Bill forthwith for thepurpose. This morning he got a letter (from a man he did notknow) enclosing the latest news, which he thought very good, andpromising better and more decisive results. After breakfast theywent shooting. 

 [19] The Duke expressed no such opinion in either of his speeches on Canada (February 4th). 

[Page Head: THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON AT BURLEIGH. ]

I walked out and joined the Duke, who talked to me for I dare sayan hour and a half about his Spanish campaigns, and mostinteresting it was. I told him that the other day Allen[20] hadasked me to find somebody, a military man, to review theWellington Despatches in the 'Edinburgh Review, ' and that he hadsuggested Sir George Murray as the fittest person if he wouldundertake it; that I had accordingly spoken to Fitzroy Somerset, who had agreed to apply to Murray; and, if Murray would not doit, I begged him to turn in his mind what officer could be foundequal to such a task, and I then asked the Duke if he knew ofanybody. He seemed amazingly pleased at the idea, said he knewnobody, but Murray was the fittest man. From this he began totalk, and told me a great deal of various matters, which I wish Icould have taken down as it fell from his lips. I was amused atthe simplicity with which he talked of the great interest ofthese Despatches, just as he might have done if they had been thework of any other man; said he had read them himself withconsiderable astonishment and great interest, and that everybodymight see that there was not one word in them that was notstrictly and literally true. He said of his generals, 'that inthe beginning they none of them knew anything of the matter, thathe was obliged to go from division to division and look toeverything himself down to the minutest details. ' I said, 'Whaton earth would have happened if anything had befallen you?' Helaughed and said, 'I really do not know. There was a great dealof correspondence about my successor at the time Sir ThomasGraham went home. [21] I was against having any second in command, which was quite useless, as nobody could share the responsibilitywith me. However, afterwards Graham came back, and then there wasHope next to him. ' He said, 'Hill had invariably done well, always exactly obeyed my orders, and executed them successfully. 'The fall of Badajoz was a great blow to him, but he did not knowthat it was by an act of treachery. The Spanish Governmentperhaps did not believe that he was approaching to relieve theplace, but it was a most curious fact, that whereas it was agreedthat the Spanish army should march out over the breach with thehonours of war, they were obliged, after the capitulation, tomake a breach for them to go over, none having been made by thebesiegers. The General, with whom he finds much fault (in theninth volume) for disobeying his orders and making falsemovements, was Victor Allen, but he said he treated him withgreat leniency, and so he did his officers on all occasions, andwas as forbearing and indulgent with them as it was possible tobe. 

 [20] [Mr. Allen, an accomplished literary inmate of Holland House, the author of a work on the 'Royal Prerogative, ' and himself an occasional contributor to the 'Edinburgh Review. ']

 [21] [The intention of the Government was that if any accident befell the Duke of Wellington, General Sir Thomas Graham, afterwards Lord Lynedoch, should take the command of the British forces in Spain. This appears from the _Memoir of Lord Lynedoch_, published in 1880, by Captain Alexander Delavoye. ]

[Page Head: THE BATTLE OF SALAMANCA. ]

All the movements and operations before the battle of Salamancawere to the last degree interesting. The Duke was anxiouslywaiting for some advantageous occasion to attack Marmont, and atlast it arrived; he saw it happen, and took his resolution on thespot. He was dining in a farm-yard with his officers, where (whenhe had done dinner) everybody else came and dined as they could. The whole French army was in sight, moving, and the enemy firingupon the farmyard in which he was dining. 'I got up, ' he said, 'and was looking over a wall round the farm-yard, just such awall as that' (pointing to a low stone wall bounding the covert), 'and I saw the movement of the French left through my glass. "ByGod, " said I, "that will do, and I'll attack them directly. " Ihad moved up the Sixth Division through Salamanca, which theFrench were not aware of, and I ordered them to attack, and thewhole line to advance. I had got my army so completely in handthat I could do this with ease, and in forty minutes the battlewas won--'quarante mille hommes battus en quarante minutes. ' Iasked him if it was true that he and Marmont had subsequentlytalked over the event of the battle, and that Marmont hadasserted that his orders had been disobeyed, or that thismovement of which the Duke took advantage would not have beenmade. He said he believed there had been some conversation on thesubject, and that Marmont had said he was wounded before thismovement took place; he said he did not know if this was true, but it might be, as there had been continual fighting for sometime previous. I asked him why Bonaparte had not himself come toSpain to attack him; and if he had with a great force, whether hewould have driven him out. He replied that he thought Napoleonhad satisfied himself that it would be a work of greatdifficulty, and what was more, of great length, and he had nomind to embark in it; and that the French certainly would nothave driven him out: he should have taken up some position, andhave been enabled to baffle the Emperor himself just as he haddone his marshals. He thinks that Napoleon's military systemcompelled him to employ his armies in war, when they invariablylived upon the resources of the countries they occupied, and thatFrance could not have maintained them, as she must have done ifhe had made peace: peace, therefore, would have brought about(through the army itself) his downfall. He traces the wholemilitary system of France from its first organisation during theReign of Terror, in a letter in the tenth volume of theDespatches. I asked him how he reconciled what he had said of theextraordinary discipline of the French army with their unsparingand habitual plunder of the country, and he said that though theyplundered in the most remorseless way, there was order anddiscipline in their plundering, and while they took from theinhabitants everything they could lay their hands upon, it wasdone in the way of requisition, and that they plundered for thearmy and not for themselves individually, but they were reducedto great shifts for food. At the battle of Fuentes d'Onor he sawthe French soldiers carry off horses that were killed to becooked and eaten in another part of the field. 'I sawparticularly with my own eyes one horse put upon a cart drawn bytwo bullocks (they could not afford to kill the bullocks), anddrawn off; and I desired a man to watch where the cart went, andit was taken to another French division for the horse to beeaten. Now we never were reduced to eat horseflesh. ' I remarkedthat he alluded in one of his letters to his having been oncevery nearly taken, and he said it was just before the battle ofTalavera in consequence of some troops giving way. He was on aruined tower from which he was obliged to leap down; and if hehad not been young and active, as he was in those days, he shouldcertainly have been taken. 

He talked a great deal of the Spanish character, unchanged tothis day; of the vast difficulties he had had to contend withfrom both Spanish and Portuguese Governments, the latter as badas the former; of their punctilios and regard to form andceremony. 'At the time of the battle of the Pyrenees[22] I hadoccasion to send O'Donnel to advance, and he was mightilyaffronted because he did not receive the order by an officer fromhead-quarters. I was living under hedges and ditches, and had notbeen to head-quarters for several days, and so I told him, butthat he should have an order if he pleased in the proper form. ' Iasked him if it was not then that he found the troops in fullretreat. He said they were beginning to retreat when he arrived, 'then they threw up their caps and made a most brilliant affairof it. '

 [22] [This expression occurs more than once in these Journals. No battle is known in history as the 'battle of the Pyrenees, ' but the expression doubtless relates to the actions which were fought in the Pyrenees, after Soult took the command of the French army in July 1814. ]

It is impossible to convey an idea of the zest, eagerness, frankness, and _abundance_ with which he talked, and told of hiscampaigns, or how interesting it was to hear him. He expressedhimself very warmly about Hill, of all his generals, and said, 'When I gave him my memorandum about Canada the other day I said, Why it looks as if we were at our old trade again. ' He added thathe 'always gave his opinion when it was required on any subject. '

Belvoir Castle, January 4th, 1838 {p. 041}

[Page Head: A PARTY AT BELVOIR CASTLE. ]

Came here yesterday, all the party (almost) migrating, and manyothers coming from various parts to keep the Duke of Rutland'sbirthday. We are nearly forty at dinner, but it is no useenumerating the people. Last night the Duke of Wellington talkedof Hanover, said he really did not know much of the matter; thatneither William IV. Nor George IV. Had ever talked to him on thesubject or he must have made himself acquainted with it; that theDuke of Cumberland had written him word that he had never had anynotion of adopting the measures he has since done till he wasgoing over in the packet with Billy Holmes. [23] The Duke wrotehim word that he knew nothing of his case, and the only advice hecould give him was to let the affair be settled as speedily aspossible. When the late King had evidently only a few days tolive, the Duke of Cumberland consulted the Duke as to what heshould do. 'I told him the best thing he could do was to go awayas fast as he could: Go instantly, ' I said, 'and take care that_you don't get pelted_. ' The Duke, Aberdeen, and FitzGerald allcondemned his proceedings without reference to their justice orto his legal and constitutional right as regards Hanover, but onaccount of the impression (no matter right or wrong) which theyare calculated to produce in this country, where it ought to be aparamount interest with him to preserve or acquire as good acharacter as he can. They all declared that Lyndhurst was equallyignorant with themselves of his views and intentions, with whichin fact the Conservatives had no sort of concern. The Duke alsoadvised him not to take the oaths as Privy Councillor, or thoseof a Peer in the House of Lords, because he thought it would dohim an injury in the eyes of his new subjects, that he, a King, should swear fealty as her subject to the Queen as his Sovereign;but somebody else (he thought the Duke of Buckingham) overruledthis advice, and he had himself a fancy to take the oaths. 

 [23] [The first act of Ernest, King of Hanover, on his accession, was to suspend the Hanoverian Constitution, and to prosecute the liberal Professors of Göttingen. ]

[Page Head: MR. GREGORY'S HOUSE AND ESTATE. ]

To-day we[24] went to see the house Mr. Gregory is building, fivemiles from here. He is a gentleman of about £12, 000 a year, whohas a fancy to build a magnificent house in the Elizabethanstyle, and he is now in the middle of his work, all the shellbeing finished except one wing. Nothing can be more perfect thanit is, both as to the architecture and the ornaments; but itstands on the slope of a hill upon a deep clay soil, with no parkaround it, very little wood, and scarcely any fine trees. Manyyears ago, when he first conceived this design, he began to amassmoney and lived for no other object. He travelled into all partsof Europe collecting objects of curiosity, useful or ornamental, for his projected palace, and he did not begin to build until hehad accumulated money enough to complete his design. The grandeurof it is such, and such the tardiness of its progress, that it isabout as much as he will do to live till its completion; and ashe is not married, has no children, and dislikes the heir on whomhis property is entailed, it is the means and not the end towhich he looks for gratification. He says that it is hisamusement, as hunting or shooting or feasting may be the objectsof other people; and as the pursuit leads him into all parts ofthe world, and to mix with every variety of nation and character, besides engendering tastes pregnant with instruction and curiousresearch, it is not irrational, although he should never inhabithis house, and may be toiling and saving for the benefit ofpersons he cares nothing about. The cottages round Harlaxton areworth seeing. It has been his fancy to build a whole village inall sorts of strange fantastic styles. There are Dutch and Swisscottages, every variety of old English, and heaps of nondescriptthings, which appear only to have been built for variety's sake. The effect is extremely pretty. Close to the village is an oldmanor house, the most perfect specimen I ever saw of such abuilding, the habitation of an English country gentleman offormer times, and there were a buff jerkin and a pair of jackboots hanging up in the hall, which the stout old Cavalier of theseventeenth century (and one feels sure that the owner of thathouse was a Cavalier) had very likely worn at Marston Moor orNaseby. 

 [24] The Duke and Duchess of Sutherland, Lady Salisbury, Lord Exeter, Lord Wilton, Lady Adeliza Manners, Lords Aberdeen, FitzGerald, J. Manners, and myself. 

[Page Head: LIFE AT BELVOIR. ]

To-day (the cook told me) nearly four hundred people will dine inthe Castle. We all went into the servants' hall, where onehundred and forty-five retainers had just done dinner and weredrinking the Duke's health, singing and speechifying withvociferous applause, shouting, and clapping of hands. I neverknew before that oratory had got down into the servants' hall, but learned that it is the custom for those to whom 'the gift ofthe gab' has been vouchsafed to harangue the others, the palm ofeloquence being universally conceded to Mr. Tapps the headcoachman, a man of great abdominal dignity, and whose Ciceronianbrows are adorned with an ample flaxen wig, which is the peculiardistinction of the functionaries of the whip. I should like tobring the surly Radical here who scowls and snarls at 'theselfish aristocracy who have no sympathies with the people, ' andwhen he has seen these hundreds feasting in the Castle, and heardtheir loud shouts of joy and congratulation, and then visited thevillages around, and listened to the bells chiming all about thevale, say whether 'the greatest happiness of the greatest number'would be promoted by the destruction of all the feudality whichbelongs inseparably to this scene, and by the substitution ofsome abstract political rights for all the beef and ale and musicand dancing with which they are made merry and glad even for sobrief a space. The Duke of Rutland is as selfish a man as any ofhis class--that is, he never does what he does not like, andspends his whole life in a round of such pleasures as suit histaste, but he is neither a foolish nor a bad man, and partly froma sense of duty, partly from inclination, he devotes time andlabour to the interest and welfare of the people who live andlabour on his estate. He is a Guardian of a very large Union, andhe not only attends regularly the meetings of Poor Law Guardiansevery week or fortnight, and takes an active part in theirproceedings, but he visits those paupers who receive out-of-doorrelief, sits and converses with them, invites them to complain tohim if they have anything to complain of, and tells them that heis not only their friend but their representative at the assemblyof Guardians, and it is his duty to see that they are nourishedand protected. To my mind there is more 'sympathy' in this thanin railing at the rich and rendering the poor discontented, weaning them from their habitual attachments and respects, andteaching them that the political quacks and adventurers whoflatter and cajole them are their only real friends. 

We had a great ball last night, opened by the Duke of Rutland andDuchess of Sutherland, who had to sail down at least a hundredcouple of tenants, shopkeepers, valets, and abigails. The Duke ofNewcastle gave the Duke's health at dinner instead of the Duke ofWellington, who generally discharges that office. He made aboggling business of it, but apologised in sufficiently handsometerms for being spokesman instead of the Duke of Wellington. TheDuke of Rutland made a very respectable speech in reply, and itall went off swimmingly. To-day I went to see the hounds throwoff; but though a hunter was offered to me would not ride him, because there is no use in risking the hurt or ridicule of a fallfor one day. A man who goes out in this casual way and hurtshimself looks as foolish as an amateur soldier who gets woundedin a battle in which he is tempted by curiosity to mingle. So Irode with the mob, saw a great deal of galloping about and thehounds conveniently running over hills and vales all in sight, and then came home. They said a thousand people were out, manyattracted by the expectation of the Duke of Wellington'sappearing, but he was rheumatic and could not come out. He isincessantly employed in writing military statements andmemoranda, having been consulted by the Government, or probablyby Lord Hill on behalf of the Government, both on this Canadianquestion, and on the general government of the army, and he willtake as much pains to give useful advice to Melbourne'sGovernment as if he and Peel were in office. There never was aman who so entirely sank all party considerations in nationalobjects, and he has had the glory of living to hear thisuniversally acknowledged. Brougham said of him, 'That man's firstobject is to serve his country, with a sword if necessary, orwith a pick-axe. ' He also said of the Duke's Despatches, 'Theywill be remembered when I and others (mentioning some of the mosteminent men) will be forgotten. ' Aberdeen told the Duke this, andhe replied with the greatest simplicity, 'It is very true: when Iread them I was myself astonished, and I can't think how thedevil I could have written them. ' This is very characteristic, very curious from a man who has not one grain of conceit in hisdisposition; but really great men are equally free from unduevanity or affected modesty, and know very well the value of whatthey do. 

Last night I sat next to Lord FitzGerald at dinner, who said thatif ever his memoirs appeared (he did not say that any existed)they would contain many curious things, and among them the proofsthat the events which were supposed to have been the proximatecause of the Catholic question being carried were not the realcause, and that the resolution of the Duke of Wellington istraceable to other sources, which he could not reveal. 

Melton, January 7th, 1838 (Lord Wilton's house) {p. 046}

I came here to-day from Belvoir. Last night the Duke ofWellington narrated the battle of Toulouse and other Peninsularrecollections. All the room collected round him, listening witheager curiosity, but I was playing at whist and lost it all. FitzGerald said to me that he had a great mind to write uponIreland, and make a statement of the conduct of England towardsIreland for ages past; that he had mentioned his idea to Peel, who had replied, 'Well, and if you do, I am not the man to objectto your doing so. ' This he meant as a trait of his fairness andcandour; but the fact is that it is Peel's interest that allIrish questions should be settled, and he would rejoice atanything which tended to accelerate a settlement, and I am nogreat believer in his fairness. I was struck with a greatadmiration for Peel during his hundred days' struggle, when hemade a gallant fight; but this has very much cooled since thattime. 

FitzGerald said one thing in conversation with me of which Ipainfully felt the truth, that an addiction to worthless oruseless pursuits did an irretrievable injury to the mentalfaculties. It is not only the actual time wasted which might havebeen turned to good account; the slender store of knowledgeacquired on all subjects instead of the accumulation which theremight have been; but, more than these, the relaxation of themental powers till they become incapable of vigorous exertion orsustained effort:--

 Quoniam medio de fonte leporum Surgit amari aliquid, quod in ipsis floribus angat: Aut quum conscius ipse animus se forte remordet Desidiose agere aetatem, lustrisque perire. 

Or, as Dryden nobly translates it--

 For in the fountain where these sweets are sought Some bitter bubbles up, and poisons all the draught. First guilty conscience does the mirror bring, Then sharp remorse shoots out the angry sting, And anxious thoughts, within themselves at strife, Upbraid the long misspent, luxurious life. 

[Page Head: REFLEXIONS. ]

I feel myself a miserable example of this species of injury, bothas relates to the defects and omissions of my early education andthe evil of my subsequent habits. From never having studied hardat any time, no solid foundation of knowledge has ever been laid, my subsequent reading has been desultory and very nearly useless. I have attacked various subjects as I have been prompted theretoby curiosity, or vanity, or shame, but I have never mastered anyof them, and the information I have obtained has been like ahouse built without a foundation, which the first gust of windwould blow down and scatter abroad. Really to master a subject, we should begin at the beginning, storing the memory withconsecutive facts, reasoning and reflecting upon them as we goalong, till the whole subject is digested, comprehended, mademanageable and producible at will; but then, for this process, the mind must be disciplined, and there must be a power ofattention undiverted, and of continuous application; but if theeyes travel over the pages of a book, while the mind is far awayupon Newmarket Heath, and nothing but broken fragments ofattention are bestowed upon the subject before you, whatever itmay be, the result can only be useless imperfect information, crude and superficial ideas, constant shame, and frequentdisappointment and mortification. Nothing on earth can make upfor the valuable time which I have lost, or enable me to obtainthat sort of knowledge, or give me those habits which are only tobe acquired early in life, when the memory is fresh and vigorous, and the faculties are both lively and pliant; but that is noreason why I should abandon the design of improvement in despair, for it is never too late to mend, and a great deal may yet bedone. 

Beaudesert, [25] January 12th, 1838 {p. 048}

On Monday went to Sutton; nobody there but Mr. Hodgson, formerlymy tutor at Eton, the friend of Byron, author of a translation ofJuvenal--a clever, not an agreeable man. The house at Sutton isunfinished, but handsome enough. Came here on Wednesday; amagnificent place indeed, and very comfortable house. A good manypeople, nobody remarkable; very idle life. Read in the newspaperthat Colburn gave Lady Charlotte Bury £1, 000 for the wretchedcatchpenny trash called 'Memoirs of the Time of George IV. , 'which might well set all the world what Scott calls'gurnelising, ' for nobody could by possibility compile or composeanything more vile or despicable. Since I came here, a world offine thoughts came into my head which I intended to immortalisein these pages; but they have all evaporated like the baselessfabric of a vision. 

 [25] [The seat of the Marquess of Anglesey near Burton-on- Trent. ]

Beaudesert, January 17th, 1838 {p. 048}

To Sandon on Monday, and returned here yesterday; go away to-morrow. It has been a dreadfully idle life all day long, _facendoniente_, incessant gossip and dawdle, poor, unprofitable talk, and no rational employment. Brougham was here a little while agofor a week. He, Lord Wellesley, and Lord Anglesey form adiscontented triumvirate, and are knit together by the commonbond of a sense of ill-usage and of merit neglected. Wellesleyand Anglesey are not Radicals, however, and blame Brougham's newtendency that way. Anglesey and Wellesley both hate and affect todespise the Duke of Wellington, [26] in which Brougham does notjoin. They are all suffering under mortified vanity and thwartedambition, and after playing their several parts, not withoutsuccess and applause, they have not the judgement to see and feelthat they forfeit irretrievably the lustre of their former fameby such a poor and discreditable termination of their career. Douro is here, _une lune bien pâle auprès de son père_, but farfrom a dull man, and not deficient in information. 

 [26] Lord Wellesley became good friends with his brother before his death, and Anglesey has long been the Duke's enthusiastic admirer and most attached and devoted comrade. --1850. 

Badminton, January 23rd, 1838 {p. 049}

The debate in the Lords the other night was very interesting andcreditable to the assembly. [27] Brougham delivered a tremendousphilippic of three hours. The Duke of Wellington made a verynoble speech, just such as it befitted him to make at such amoment, and of course it bitterly mortified and provoked theTories, who would have had him make a party question of it, andthought of nothing but abusing, vilifying, and embarrassing theGovernment. This was what Peel showed every disposition to do inthe House of Commons, where he made a poor, paltry half-attack, which was much more to the taste of his party than the Duke'stemperate and candid declaration. 

 [27] [Parliament reassembled on the 16th January. This debate was on the Address to the Queen on the Canadian Rebellion. A Bill was at once brought in to give extended powers to Lord Durham, who was sent out as Governor General. Mr. Roebuck, as the Agent for Canada, was heard against the Bill at the bar of both Houses. The Bill passed, but Lord Durham soon exceeded his powers under it. ]

[Page Head: DEATH OF LORD ELDON. ]

Lord Eldon died last week full of years and wealth. He had forsome time past quitted the political stage, but his name wasstill venerated by the dregs of that party to whom consistentbigotry and intolerance are dear. Like his more brilliantbrother, Lord Stowell, he was the artificer of his own fortune, and few men ever ran a course of more unchequered prosperity. Asa politician, he appears to have been consistent throughout, andto have offered a determined and uniform opposition to everymeasure of a Liberal description. He knew of no principles butthose (if they merit the name of principles) of the narrowestToryism and of High Church, and as soon as more enlarged andenlightened views began to obtain ascendency, he quitted (and forever) public life. I suppose he was a very great lawyer, but hewas certainly a contemptible statesman. He was a very cheerful, good-natured old man, loving to talk, and telling anecdotes withconsiderable humour and point. I remember very often during themany tedious hours the Prince Regent kept the Lords of theCouncil waiting at Carlton House, that the Chancellor used tobeguile the time with amusing stories of his early professionallife, and anecdotes of celebrated lawyers, which he toldextremely well. He lived long enough to see the overthrow of thesystem of which he had been one of the most strenuous supporters, the triumph of all the principles which he dreaded and abhorred, and the elevation of all the men to whom, through life, he hadbeen most adverse, both personally and politically. He littleexpected in 1820, when he was presiding at Queen Caroline'strial, that he should live to see her Attorney-General on theWoolsack, and her Solicitor-General Chief Justice of England. 

 CHAPTER II. 

Debates on the Canada Bill--Moderation of the Duke of Wellington--State of Canada--Lord Durham's Position--Weakness of the Government--Parallel of Hannibal and the Duke of Wellington--The Ballot--Lord Brougham on the Ballot--Position of the Government--Policy of Sir Robert Peel--Death of Mr. Creevey--Knighthood of General Evans--Lord Brougham's Conversation--A Skirmish in the House of Commons--Defeat of Government--Skirmish in the House of Lords--Annoyance of Peel at these Proceedings--Brougham's Anti-Slavery Speech-- Opposition Tactics--Brougham on the Coolie Trade--Ministerial Success--Sir Robert Peel's Tactics--Composition of Parties--A Dinner at Buckingham Palace--Men of Science--The Lord Mayor at a Council--The Queen at a Levée--The Guiana Apprentices--Small _v. _ Attwood reversed--Character of the Queen--Wilkie's Picture of the 'First Council'--Small _v. _ Attwood--Immediate Emancipation--Birthday Reflexions--Lord Charles Fitzroy turned out--Vote on Lord Durham's Expenses--Lord Durham's Irritation-- Wolff the Missionary--Newmarket--The Coronation--Lord Brougham's Reviews. 

London, January 28th, 1838 {p. 051}

I came to town on Wednesday night, and have been laid up with thegout ever since. Found all things prepared for a fight in theHouse of Commons on Thursday, upon Peel's two amendments to theCanada Bill. The Tories had mustered in large force, and theIrishmen had not arrived, so that there was a very good chance ofthe Government being beaten. In this emergency Edward Ellice madea very convenient and dexterous speech, in which he begged LordJohn Russell, for the sake of unanimity, to give way. Lord Johnsaid he would consult his colleagues and give an answer the nextday. It was clear enough what he would do, and accordingly hecame down the next day, and amidst shouts of triumph, and whatwas intended for ridicule from the Tory mob, announced hisintention to accept both amendments. Peel next fell upon theInstructions to Durham, which he treated very scornfully, andpredicted that they would be compelled to withdraw them. TheTories were in high dudgeon with the Duke at his speech in theHouse of Lords, which they showed in a sort of undergrowl andwith rueful faces, for they stand in awe of the great man, anddon't dare openly to remonstrate with him or blame his actions. There is no doubt that his speech was essentially serviceable tothe Government, and upset one of the most promising topics of itsopponents. Francis Egerton came up from the Carlton Club to hisown home after it, and said with deep melancholy that 'the Dukehad floored the coach, ' and he described the consternation andmortification which were prevalent throughout that patriotic anddisinterested society. They were in consequence the more anxiousto urge on Peel to make an attack of some sort upon the Ministersin the House of Commons, and he gratified them by moving theseamendments, and vilipending the Instructions. [1] It may bequestionable whether it was right to attack the Government uponthe details of their measures when no difference exists betweenthe opposite parties as to the principle; but granting that itwas, he acted with great skill as a party tactician. He wascertainly right upon every point. The Bill will be improved byhis alterations, and it was equally unnecessary and ill-judged tolay the Instructions on the table of the House. The result hasbeen a very clamorous triumph on the part of the Tories, and asomewhat unlucky exposure of themselves by the Government; as oneof their own friends (in office) acknowledged to me to-day, theyhave had 'to eat humble pie. '

 [1] [Lord John Russell adopted amendments proposed by Sir R. Peel by striking out of the preamble of the Bill the words recognising Lord Durham's council of advice and the clause empowering the Queen to suspend the Act by Order in Council. ]

February 5th, 1838 {p. 052}

[Page Head: MODERATION OF THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON. ]

Another debate in the House of Lords on Friday, and a good one, which will probably finish the Canadian discussion. Upon thisoccasion Brougham fired off another fierce philippic, and wasbitterly answered by Melbourne, who declared war against him oncefor all. Aberdeen made an attack on the Government which he hadintended to make on the first debate; but as the Duke then said'Shall I speak?' he said, 'Oh yes, do, ' expecting the Duke wouldmake one instead, but was bitterly disappointed when he heardthat moderate speech which gave such offence to his friends andsuch comfort to his foes. So on Friday Aberdeen said what he hadintended to say before, and to do him justice, he made somestrong points against the Government, which told well. He accusedthem of unnecessary delay in bringing in this Bill last year, after they had passed their Resolutions, and asserted that theyshuffled it off for fear they should be inconvenienced thereby inthe election contests which were approaching. I incline tobelieve this accusation is well founded, and if so, it was verypaltry conduct, and not an inapt illustration of the Duke ofWellington's famous question during the Reform Bill, 'How is theKing's Government to be carried on?' The King's Government wasnot carried on; its interests were neglected or postponed to themore pressing interest (as they thought, and I believe thoughterroneously) of the party in their election contests. The Duke ofWellington was expected upon this occasion to make some amends tohis party by explaining away the exculpatory remarks with whichhe had before assisted his opponents. But not a bit: he repeatedthe same thing, and made a second speech quite as moderate as hisfirst. The Duke is therefore incorrigible. My mother told him theother day how angry they were with him for what he had said, andhe only replied, 'Depend upon it, it was true. '

[Page Head: WEAKNESS OF THE GOVERNMENT. ]

I saw a letter yesterday with a very bad account of the state ofCanada. [2] It was to Lord Lichfield from his Postmaster there, asensible man, and he describes the beaten Canadians as returningto their homes full of sullen discontent, and says we must by nomeans look upon the flame as extinguished; however, for the timeit has been smothered. On the other hand, there are the Englishvictorious and exasperated, with arms in their hands, and in thatdangerous state of mind which is the result of conscioussuperiority, moral and intellectual, military and political, butof (equally conscious) physical--that is, numerical--inferiority. It is the very state which makes men insolent and timid, tyrannical and cruel; it is just what the Irish Orangemen havebeen, and it is very desirable that nothing like them shouldexist elsewhere. All this proves that Durham will have no easytask. It is a curious exhibition of the caprice of men's opinionswhen we see the general applause with which Durham's appointmentis hailed, and the admiration with which he is all at onceregarded. Nobody denies that he is a man of ability, but he hasnot greatly distinguished himself, perhaps from having had nofair opportunity to do so. He has long been looked upon as a manof extreme and dangerous opinions by the Conservatives, and henever could agree with the Whigs when he was their colleague; tothem generally he was an object of personal aversion. Latterly hehas been considered the head of the Radical party, and thatparty, who are not rich in Lords, and who are not insensible tothe advantage of rank, gladly hailed him as their chief; but forthe last year or two, under the alterative influence of RussianImperial flattery, Durham's sentiments have taken a veryConservative turn, and, though he and the Radicals have neverquarrelled, they could not possibly consider him to be the sameman he was when they originally ranged themselves under hisbanner. In public life the most that can be said for him is, thathe cut a respectable figure. When in office he filled the obscurepost of Privy Seal, and spoke but seldom. He was known, however, to have had a considerable share in the concoction of the ReformBill. The only other public post he has held was that ofAmbassador to Russia, where nobody knows but the Minister whoemployed him whether he did well or ill. Now everybody says he isthe finest fellow imaginable, and that he alone can pacifyCanada. Nor do I mean to say he is unequal to the task he hasundertaken, but the opinion of the world seems oddly produced, and to stand upon no very solid foundation. If he had continuedplain John Lambton I doubt if he ever would have been thought offor Canada, or that the choice (if he had been sent there) wouldhave been so approved. Why on earth is it that an Earldom makes_any_ difference?

 [2] [The actual disturbances in Canada, which had broken out in November of the preceding year, were terminated in about a month, by the military operations of Sir John Colborne and Sir Francis Head. The debates which ensued in England related to the treatment of the prisoners and the future government of the Canadian provinces. ]

To return to the Canadian discussions. The Ministers have on thewhole come out of them discreditably. Peel has worried and mauledthem sadly, and taken a tone of superiority, and displayed a realsuperiority, which is very pernicious to a Government, as ittends to deprive them of the respect and the confidence of thecountry. Brougham's harangues in the House of Lords have not donethem half the mischief that Peel's speeches have done them in theHouse of Commons, because Peel has a vast moral weight andBrougham has none. In the conduct of the business and in theirParliamentary proceedings they committed errors, especially inthe latter, and Peel availed himself of both with great dexterityand power. The front Treasury Bench is in a deplorable state. John Russell is without support; Rice is held cheap and isineffective; Palmerston never utters except on his own business;Thomson and Hobhouse never on any business; and Howick aloneventures to mix in the fight. The Tories render ample justice toLord John under these overwhelming difficulties. Francis Egerton(one of the keenest of the party) writes to my brother an accountof their recent successes, full of scorn and triumph, and proudcomparisons between the Government and the Opposition, and hesays, 'John Russell is alone--a host in himself I admit; but Riceand Howick, the only colleagues who did assist him, are gone downin the Parliamentary estimation a hundred degrees. I certainlyadmire the spirit and dexterity of John Russell, and give himcredit for great ability. ' There is no doubt that the Tories haveput themselves in a better position for getting office, and theWhigs in a worse for keeping it, than they were in before, because impartial men who look at these debates will say thatPeel and his people are the abler practical men, and as timesettles the great questions in dispute, and renders the publicmind more indifferent about those which still remain, there willbe a growing opinion that the direction of affairs ought to beentrusted to those who display the greatest capacity to conductthem. The Conservatives besides have the inestimable advantage ofan alliance with the 'Times, ' the most vigorous and powerfulagent which the press ever produced. The effect of its articles, stinging as they are, is irresistible on the public mind, and theGovernment have nothing to oppose to such a torrent. It isimpossible however, while admiring the dexterity of Peel in theelaboration of his offensive measures, to overlook the selfishand unpatriotic spirit which the great body of the Tories havemanifested throughout the proceedings. If they could haveforegone the bitter pleasure of achieving a party triumph, andshown themselves ready not only to support the Government insuppressing the rebellion, but to join with them in rendering thenecessary legislative measures as conducive to the great objectof pacification as they could be made, they would have coveredthemselves with honour, and acquired a credit for noble andpublic-spirited conduct, which, as it is, the Duke of Wellingtonhas alone obtained, and which none of them share with him. Nor doI believe if Peel had exerted his dexterity and astuteness inanother way that he would have failed to acquire the same moralsuperiority over the Ministers by pacific and moderate behaviour, that he has acquired by hostile motions and taunting language. But his tail was in a state of furious agitation, and so angryand dejected at the Duke's forbearance, that he felt himselfcompelled to give them the gratification of a triumph of somesort. To the majority of his followers the Canadian insurrectionwas a very pleasing occurrence, and they would have beenoverjoyed if the troops had been defeated and Montreal capturedby the rebels. This would indeed have been a fine case againstthe Government, and have paved the way for the return of theTories to office--all that they care about. 

February 8th, 1838 {p. 057}

I have just conducted to a successful termination a negotiation(through Allen) between Sir George Murray and Macvey Napier, andMurray is to write the article on the Duke's Despatches in the'Edinburgh Review. '[3] I am rather surprised at their persuasionthat Murray will execute the task so well, and I hope it may turnout so. They have employed the handsomest language in praise ofthe Duke and towards Murray. [He did it very ill: his articles(he wrote two) were very poor performances. ]

 [3] [Mr. Macvey Napier was at this time editor of the 'Edinburgh Review. ']

February 11th, 1838 {p. 057}

[Page Head: HANNIBAL AND THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON. ]

I suppose all great generals have necessarily some qualities incommon; even Vendôme, an indolent and beastly glutton andvoluptuary, was capable of prodigious exertions and of activitynot to be surpassed. There is a great deal in the character ofHannibal (as drawn by Livy) which would apply to the Duke ofWellington; only, instead of being stained with the vices whichare ascribed to the Carthaginian general, the Duke isdistinguished for the very opposite virtues. 

'Nunquam ingenium idem ad res diversissimas, 1. _parendum_ atque_imperandum_, habilius fuit, itaque haud facile discerneres, utrum imperatori, an exercitui, carior esset: 2. Neque Hasdrubalalium quemquam praeficere malle, ubi quid fortiter ac strenuèagendum esset, neque milites alio duce plus confidere aut audere. 3. Plurimum audaciae ad pericula capessenda, plurimum consiliiinter ipsa pericula erat: 4. Nullo labore aut corpus fatigari autanimus vinci poterat: caloris ac frigoris patientia par: cibipotionisque desiderio naturali, non voluptate, modus finitus:vigiliarum somnique nec die nec nocte discriminata tempora. Id, quod gerendis rebus superesset, quieti datum: ea neque mollistrato neque silentio arcessita. 5. Multi saepe militari saguloopertum, humi jacentem inter custodias stationesque militumconspexerunt. 6. Vestitus nihil inter aequales excellens: armaatque equi conspiciebantur. Equitum peditumque idem longè primuserat: princeps in proelium ibat: ultimus conserto proelioexcedebat. 7. Has tantas viri virtutes ingentia vitia aequabant;inhumana crudelitas, perfidia plus quàm Punica, nihil veri, nihilsancti, nullus Deûm metus, nullum jusjurandum, nullareligio. '[4]. .. 

 [4] [This passage is cited from Livy, lib. Xxi. C. Iv. ]

1. Nothing is more remarkable in the Duke than his habit ofprompt obedience to his superiors and employers, and this shinesforth as much when the triumphant Commander-in-Chief of theAllied armies at the end of the Spanish war, as in his earlycampaign in India. He was always ready to serve when, where, andhow his services were required, and so I believe he is now. 

2. In India he was employed by Lord Wellesley and Lord Lake inall the most important and difficult military enterprises andcivil transactions. 

3. Napier says some of Wellington's operations were daring toextravagance, some cautious to the verge of timidity, all foundedas much upon keen and nice perceptions of the political measuresof his adversaries as upon pure military considerations--and 'heknew how to obey as well as to command. '

4. He told me himself that he was obliged to do everything inperson. His despatches show that he thought of everything, wroteof everything, directed everything. 

5. During the battles of the Pyrenees he slept wrapped in acloak, under a thick bush, and the shot fell so near him that hewas urged to remove to a less exposed place. 

6. He was always dressed in his plain blue coat; he rode verygood horses. 

7. Here ends the parallel and begins the contrast. No generalever exhibited to the world a nobler example of mildness andhumanity, of the most perfect and invariable good faith, ofsevere truth, of inflexible justice, of scrupulous honesty, ofreverence for religion, and regard to the precepts of morality. Cruelty is not a modern vice; no general is cruel in these days. I doubt if there has been any great deed of cruelty committedsince the Thirty Years' War, the sack of Magdeburg, and theexploits of Tilly and Pappenheim. Turenne ravaged the Palatinate, but that was Louvois' cruelty, not Turenne's. There were nomilitary cruelties perpetrated in the revolutionary wars that Iremember. 

February 18th, 1838 {p. 059}

[Page Head: THE BALLOT. ]

On Thursday night came on the Ballot, and its advocates divided, as they said they should, 200. Lord John Russell, though ill, came down and spoke against it. Peel made a good speech, andcomplimented John on his conduct. All the Cabinet Ministers votedagainst it except Poulett Thomson, who stayed away. The result isthe creation of a strong impression that the Ballot willeventually be carried; Brougham says in five years. [5] There canbe no doubt that if the Government had declared a neutrality, perhaps if John Russell had not so deeply committed himselfagainst it, it would have been carried now. Some men in office, many others closely connected with Ministers, did vote for it; agreat number stayed away, and of those who followed John many didso very reluctantly, and some certainly will never vote againstit again. Then it is indubitable that the Ballot is getting morepopular in the country, and it is not regarded with muchapprehension by many of those who are altogether opposed toRadical principles: by such as Fazakerley for instance, asensible man and moderate Whig, who did not vote at all on thisoccasion. 

 [5] [It was carried, but in _thirty-four_ years from this time. It is possible to foresee and predict political events with considerable certainty, but very difficult to foretell when they will arrive. The division on this occasion, on Mr. Grote's motion in favour of the Ballot, was 305 to 198. ]

On Friday night Brougham announced to the Lords that they mustmake up their minds to the Ballot after the division of thepreceding night, and yesterday morning, when we were assembled inmy room before going into court (Parke, Erskine, Bosanquet, andhimself) he gave us his speech in high glee. Parke, who is analarmist, had just before said that he had never doubted when theReform Bill had passed that England would become a republic, andwhen Brougham said that he gave the Ballot five years for itsaccomplishment, Parke said, 'And in five years from that we shallhave a republic, ' on which Brougham gave him a great cuff, and, with a scornful laugh, said, 'A republic! pooh, nonsense! Well, but what if there is? _There are judges_ in a republic, and verywell paid too. ' 'Well paid!' said the other in the same tone, 'and no. ' 'Yes, they are; they have £350 a year. But, never mind, you shall be taken care of; I will speak to Grote about you. 'This is the way he goes on. He sits every day at the JudicialCommittee, but pays very little attention to the proceedings; heis incessantly in and out of the room, giving audience to oneodd-looking man or another, and while in court more occupied withpreparing articles for the 'Edinburgh Review' or hisParliamentary tirades than with the cases he is by way ofhearing. The day after the Lord Advocate's attack upon him in thematter of the Glasgow cotton-spinners, he received Wakley, and ashe returned (through my room) from the interview, he said, 'Doyou know who that was? It was Wakley. He would have felt yourhead if he had stopped, for he is a great phrenologist. Heexamined all the heads of the Glasgow men, and he said they hadnone of them the organ of destructiveness except one. ' 'Oh, ' saidI, 'then that man would have committed murder. ' 'No, ' said he, 'for the organ of benevolence was also strongly developed. ' He isin extraordinary good humour; in a state of furious mentalactivity, troubled neither with fear nor shame, and rejoicing inthat freedom from all ties which renders him a sort of politicalIshmael, his hand against everybody, and everybody against him, and enables him to cut and slash, as his fancy or his passionmove him, at Whig or Tory, in the House of Lords. 

[Page Head: LORD JOHN OPPOSES THE BALLOT. ]

To return from Brougham to the Ballot. It is not so much thenumber of 200 who voted for it that demonstrates the greatness ofits progress as the circumstances which attended the discussion. There can be no doubt that John Russell's strenuous declaration, besides annoying the Radicals, greatly embarrassed the Whigs, whohad either wholly or partially committed themselves on thehustings to its support, and the consequence has been to placethe Government in a false position, for while the opposition tothe Ballot has been called a Government measure (and WilliamCowper told me the evening before the division that nobody couldkeep his place and vote for Ballot), and many have been inducedto sacrifice their opinions or act against their professions uponthe ground of the necessity of supporting the Government; manyothers in office, who were too deeply pledged to, or too muchafraid of their constituents to vote against it, either votedwith Grote, or, what is very nearly the same thing, absentedthemselves, and will have done so with impunity, for theGovernment cannot turn people out for voting or non-voting onsuch a question as this; the proscription would be too numerousas well as too odious. They are much too weak for any suchstretch of authority and severity; besides, the Cabinet itself isprobably neither unanimous nor decided in its opposition to theBallot. John Russell had, however, spoken out with suchdetermination, that his honour was irretrievably committedagainst it, and accordingly the most strenuous efforts were made, the most urgent entreaties and remonstrances were employed, toinduce people to support him on this occasion, but with a successnot at all commensurate with these exertions. Vivian offered toresign, but could not be prevailed on not to vote. [6] Sodisgusted was John Russell with the result of this division, thatit was with the greatest difficulty he was prevented fromresigning; and yesterday it was reported all over the town thathe had resigned. It is remarkable that in contemplation of hisresignation, Morpeth is the man talked of as his successor asleader of the House of Commons, a man young enough to be the sonof half the Cabinet Ministers, and not in the Cabinet; but insuch low estimation are all Lord John's colleagues, that not oneof them is deemed capable of taking his place in the event of hisgiving it up. However, there is not much use in speculating aboutLord John's successor if he secedes, for the whole concern wouldin that case inevitably fall to the ground. Indeed, it is notlikely that it will, under any circumstances, go on much longer. When once the leader of the House of Commons has becomethoroughly disgusted and dissatisfied with his position, either achange or a dissolution of the Government may be anticipated, andin this case any attempt at change can scarcely fail to break upthis rickety firm. 

 [6] Vivian's Cornish petition was signed by 2, 100 or 2, 200 freeholders, the same number who had voted for him at the election, but of these there were 200 who had voted for Eliot. 

[Page Head: POLICY OF SIR ROBERT PEEL. ]

The circumstances which enable them to go on at all I take to bethese: the extreme repugnance of the Queen to any change, and thenecessity in which Melbourne finds himself on her account to goon as long as he possibly can; and on the other hand, thereluctance of Peel to assault the Government in front. I know nomore of Peel's opinions and designs than what I can gather fromhis conduct and what he is likely to entertain under presentcircumstances; but it must be his object to delay coming intooffice till he can do so as a powerful Minister, and till it ismade manifest to Parliament and the country that he is demandedby a great public exigency, and is not marching in as the resultof a party triumph. If the resignation of the present Governmentshould take place under any circumstances which admitted of areunion of the Whigs and the Radicals, and of the whole re-unitedparty being held together in opposition to a ConservativeGovernment, Peel would be little more secure, and not more ableto act with efficiency and independence than he was in 1835, andthis is what he never will submit to. It is also a great objectto him that the Irish questions should be settled before he comesinto office. Nothing would gladden his heart more than to havethe Government in Ireland established on a footing from thepractice of which he could not deviate, and that once effected upto a certain point (as far as the Whigs can go) he would beenabled to go a good deal farther; and as the man who covers in abuilding has always more credit and is considered the artificermore than he who lays the foundations, so Peel would obtain allthe credit of measures which would in fact have been renderedeasy or practicable by the long-continued toils and perseveranceof others. His interest therefore (and consequently I suppose hisdesign) is to restrain the impatience of his followers; to letthe Government lose ground in public estimation gently andconsiderately, not violently and rancorously; to assist inputting them in a contemptible or inefficient point of view; torender their places as uneasy as possible; and to give them timeto crumble to pieces, so that his return to power may be more inappearance the act of the Whig Ministry than any act of his own. Then he may demand, and would probably obtain, as the conditionof his acceptance of office, the support of a large proportion ofthe moderate of the Whig party, and the necessity of conciliatingsuch men and of acquiring their support could afford him anexcuse for adopting those Liberal maxims which, though far frompalatable to the Conservatives, would be indispensable to theformation of a strong Government, as without their adoption noWhig could with honour and consistency support him. I care notwho is Minister, but I want to see a strong Government, one whichmay have a power of free action and not be obliged to pick itssteps through doubtful divisions, living from day to day, andcompelled to an incessant calculation as to the probable successof every measure, whether of principle or detail, on which itventures in the House of Commons. Things are not yet ripe forsuch a consummation, and before the fresh fusion of parties takesplace which is necessary to bring it about, it must be mademanifest that there is no other alternative, for there is alwaysa considerable amount of party violence and selfish interestwhich reluctantly sacrifice themselves, no matter how desperatethe position they hold or how great the good which may ensue. Though the adherents of Government put on as bold a front as theycan, there is a very considerable impression that the days of theWhig Cabinet are numbered; however, I don't think they will gojust yet. 

February 20th, 1838 {p. 063}

[Page Head: MR. CREEVEY'S PAPERS. ]

I made no allusion to the death of Creevey at the time it tookplace, about a fortnight ago, having said something about himelsewhere. Since that period he had got into a more settled wayof life. He was appointed to one of the Ordnance offices by LordGrey, and subsequently by Lord Melbourne to the Treasurer ship ofGreenwich Hospital, with a salary of £600 a year and a house. Ashe died very suddenly, and none of his connexions were at hand, Lord Sefton sent to his lodgings and (in conjunction with Vizard, the solicitor) caused all his papers to be sealed up. It wasfound that he had left a woman who had lived with him for fouryears as his mistress, his sole executrix and residuary legatee, and she accordingly became entitled to all his personalty (thevalue of which was very small, not more than £300 or £400) and toall the papers which he left behind him. These last areexceedingly valuable, for he had kept a copious diary for thirty-six years, had preserved all his own and Mrs. Creevey's letters, and copies or originals of a vast miscellaneous correspondence. The only person who is acquainted with the contents of thesepapers is his daughter-in-law, whom he had frequently employed tocopy papers for him, and she knows how much there is of delicateand interesting matter, the publication of which would be painfuland embarrassing to many people now alive, and make veryinconvenient and premature revelations upon private andconfidential matters. .. . Then there is Creevey's owncorrespondence with various people, especially with Brougham, which evidently contains things Brougham is anxious to suppress, for he has taken pains to prevent the papers from falling intothe hands of any person likely to publish them, and has urgedVizard to get possession of them either by persuasion, orpurchase, or both. In point of fact they are now in Vizard'shands, and it is intended by him and Brougham, probably with theconcurrence of others, to buy them of Creevey's mistress, thoughwho is to become the owner of the documents, or what thestipulated price, and what their contemplated destination, I donot know. The most extraordinary part of the affair is, that thewoman has behaved with the utmost delicacy and propriety, hasshown no mercenary disposition, but expressed her desire to beguided by the wishes and opinions of Creevey's friends andconnexions, and to concur in whatever measures may be thoughtbest by them with reference to the character of Creevey, and theinterests and feelings of those who might be affected by thecontents of the papers. Here is a strange situation in which tofind a rectitude of conduct, a moral sentiment, a grateful anddisinterested liberality which would do honour to the highestbirth, the most careful cultivation, and the strictest principle. It would be a hundred to one against any individual in theordinary rank of society and of average good character actingwith such entire absence of selfishness, and I cannot help beingstruck with the contrast between the motives and disposition ofthose who want to get hold of these papers, and of this poorwoman who is ready to give them up. They, well knowing that, inthe present thirst for the sort of information Creevey's journalsand correspondence contain, a very large sum might be obtainedfor them, are endeavouring to drive the best bargain they canwith her for their own particular ends, while she puts her wholeconfidence in them, and only wants to do what they tell her sheought to do under the circumstances of the case. 

General Evans's appointment as K. C. B. Has made a great stir atthe United Service Club, and is blamed or ridiculed by everybody. It is difficult to conceive why the Government gave it him, andif he had not been a vain coxcomb, he would not have wished forit; but they say he fancies himself a great general, and that hehas done wonders in Spain. [7]

 [7] [Sir De Lacy Evans probably did as much in Spain as it was possible to do with the troops under his command. But in justice to him as an officer it should be remembered that he commanded a division of the British army in the Crimea, long afterwards, and showed considerable foresight and ability at the battles of the Alma and Inkerman. ]

We have had Brougham every day at the Council Office, more busywriting a review of Lady Charlotte Bury's book than with thematter before the Judicial Committee. He writes this withinconceivable rapidity, seldom corrects, and never reads overwhat he has written, but packs it up and despatches it rough fromhis pen to Macvey Napier. He is in exuberant spirits and full oftalk, and certainly marvellously agreeable. His talk (forconversation is not the word for it) is totally unlike that ofanybody else I ever heard. It comes forth without the slightesteffort, provided he is in spirits and disposed to talk at all. Itis the spontaneous outpouring of one of the most fertile andrestless of minds, easy, familiar, abundant, and discursive. Thequalities and peculiarities of mind which mar his oratorical, give zest and effect to his conversational, powers; for theperpetual bubbling up of fresh ideas, by incapacitating him fromcondensing his speeches, often makes them tediously digressiveand long; but in society he treads the ground with so elastic astep, he touches everything so lightly and so adorns all that hetouches, his turns and his breaks are so various, unexpected, andpungent, that he not only interests and amuses, but alwaysexhilarates his audience so as to render weariness and satietyimpossible. He is now coquetting a little with the Tories, andespecially professes great deference and profound respect for theDuke of Wellington; his sole object in politics, for the moment, is to badger, twit, and torment the Ministry, and in this hecannot contain himself within the bounds of common civility, ashe exemplified the other night when he talked of 'Lord John thisand Mr. Spring that' (on Thursday night), which, howevercontemptuous, was too undignified to be effective. He calls this'the Thomson Government' from its _least_ considerable member. 

February 25th, 1838 {p. 066}

[Page Head: O'CONNELL AT THE CROWN AND ANCHOR. ]

Lord John Russell made a very paltry exhibition on Friday night, quite unworthy of the fame he had acquired and of the situationhe holds. When Lord Maidstone threatened to bring before theHouse the language which O'Connell had used (about the perjury inCommittees) in a speech at the 'Crown and Anchor, '[8] and gavenotice of a motion for that purpose, John jumped up and said, ifhe persevered in this motion he would call the attention of theHouse to an imputation against the Catholic members contained ina charge of the Bishop of Exeter with reference to the oathrequired of them by the Relief Bill. Whether this was a sally ofpassion I know not, but it was puerile, imprudent, andundignified. This charge was delivered in 1836, and ought to havebeen animadverted upon at the time, if at all. It either is, oris not, a proper matter to bring before the House, but thatpropriety cannot be contingent upon some other proceeding ofanother person, quite unconnected with it. It was a poor _tuquoque_ which has got him into a scrape, and will contribute tothe downhill impulsion of the Government; it is a fresh bit ofdiscredit thrown upon them. John Russell too has been a personalantagonist of the Bishop of Exeter, and should have been the lastman to attack him in this irregular way. Out of all this willspring much violence and personality, and that is what intereststhe members of the House of Commons more than any great politicalquestion. 

 [8] [O'Connell had asserted, at the 'Crown and Anchor' tavern, that 'foul perjury was committed by the Tory Election Committees. ']

February 27th, 1838 {p. 067}

It is difficult to conceive a greater quantity of folly crammedinto a short space of time than has been displayed by all partiesin the last three or four days, and which reached the climax lastnight in the House of Commons. It began with O'Connell's speechat the 'Crown and Anchor, ' when he denounced the perjury of theTory Election Committees in such terms as he usually employs. Torecommend moderate language to O'Connell would, however, be aboutas reasonable as to advise him to drop his brogue; but as he hadample notice that the matter was coming before the House ofCommons, he might have been persuaded, and there should have beensomewhere sense and prudence enough to persuade him, to softenhis tone, and to make one of those explanations, partlyexculpatory and partly apologetic, which are always accepted as asufficient atonement for rash and violent language; instead ofwhich he brazened it out, and then John Russell came to hisrescue in that foolish and unbecoming notice of his whichcompromised his dignity, committed his party, [9] and complicatedall the difficulties in which the House itself was placed. Thefools of his party (and on both sides they predominate in noiseand numbers) vociferously cheered this ill-judged sally, andlauded it as a fine spirited retort. Not so, however, the moreprudent of his friends, who perceived the dilemma in which he hadplaced himself. Nobody in the meantime had any clear notion ofwhat would be done, what motions would be made or withdrawn, andhow the whole thing was to end. But as the debate promised agreat deal of personality, it was exceedingly attractive, and 517members[10] went down to the House. Lord Maidstone moved thatO'Connell's speech was a scandalous libel, and Lord Howick movedthe order of the day. O'Connell made a very good speech and thenretired; John Russell spoke on one side, and Peel and Follett onthe other, and on the division the Tories carried the question bynine: 263 to 254. They were of course in a state of uproarioustriumph; the Government people exceedingly mortified, and thetail in a frenzy. The scene which ensued appears to have beensomething like that which a meeting of Bedlam or Billingsgatemight produce. All was uproar, gesticulation, and confusion. TheIrishmen started up one after another and proclaimed theirparticipation in O'Connell's sentiments, and claimed to be joinedin his condemnation. They were all the more furious when theyfound that the conquerors only meant to have him reprimanded bythe Speaker, and that there was no chance of his or their beingsent to Newgate or the Tower. At last 'le combat finit faute decombattants, ' for John Russell and his colleagues first, andsubsequently Peel and his followers, severally made their exitssomething like rival potentates and their trains in a tragedy, and when the bellowers found nobody left to bellow to, they toowere obliged to move off. 

 [9] The notice was that _if_ Lord Maidstone persisted in his motion, he would call the attention of the Crown to a charge delivered by the Bishop of Exeter (nearly two years ago), in which he had accused the Catholic members of perjury and treachery. 

 [10] Many more, I am told, for 517 voted, and several went away who would not vote. 

[Page Head: LORD LYNDHURST AND LORD MELBOURNE. ]

In the House of Lords there had been an early, but very smartskirmish between Melbourne and Lyndhurst, [11] in which the formerdrew a contrast between what would have been the conduct of theDuke (who was absent) and that of Lyndhurst, and said that theDuke was a man of honour and a gentleman in a tone which impliedthat Lyndhurst was neither. Brougham stepped in and aggravatedmatters as much as he could by joining Lyndhurst and tauntingMelbourne; but when Lyndhurst rose again to call Melbourne toaccount for his expressions, Brougham held him down with friendlyviolence, and (as he asseverates) was entirely the cause ofpreventing a fight between them, first by not letting Lyndhurstproceed to extremities, [12] and next by giving Melbourne time forreflection. However this may be, when Lyndhurst asked him, 'if hemeant to say he was not a man of honour, ' Melbourne made as amplea retractation of the offensive expressions as Lyndhurst coulddesire, and there the matter ended, not certainly much to thecredit or satisfaction of the Ministers in either House. I think, however, that the Opposition have obtained a very mischievous andinconvenient triumph, and that they would have done much betterto leave the question alone. O'Connell and John Russell madebetter speeches than Peel and Follett, and the latter seemed tobe oppressed by a consciousness of the narrow, vindictive, andmerely party, if not personal grounds on which the question wasraised. They have dragged the House of Commons into a vote, which, if it acts consistently, it ought to follow up by anindiscriminate exercise of its authority and resentment upon allthe writers and speakers who have denounced the Committee system, and they have procured a resolution declaratory of that beinglibellous and scandalous which the public universally believes, and every member of the House well knows to be true. 

 [11] The discussion arose out of a question Lyndhurst put about some young children who had been confined in the penitentiary, in solitary confinement, &c. , _without notice_. Melbourne fired up at this in a very unnecessary rage, though Lyndhurst was clearly wrong in not giving notice. Much more was made of this omission than need have been. 

 [12] Lyndhurst was going out of the House to write a hostile note, but Brougham forced him down and said, 'I insist on my noble friend's sitting down, ' but though he boasts of having been the peacemaker, Lyndhurst told me he thought, but for Brougham, Melbourne would not have said what he did. 

February 28th, 1838 {p. 070}

I met Lyndhurst yesterday, and had a few minutes' conversationwith him. He told me, as I had conjectured, that Peel wasextremely annoyed at all these proceedings. I said, 'Why then, did not he stop them?' 'Because the great misfortune of our partyis that he won't communicate with anybody. ' So that this mostinexpedient discussion was forced on by the precipitation andindiscretion of two or three men, against the convictions and thewishes of the wise and the moderate of all parties; and when afew words of prudence and conciliation might have stopped thewhole proceeding, pride, or obstinacy, or awkwardness preventedthose words being uttered. The only real consequence will be thatpublic attention will be attracted to the Committee system, people will think a great deal about what they scarcely regardedbefore, and the characters of public men will suffer. If the voteof the House of Commons means anything, it means that theseCommittees are honourably and fairly conducted, and it will becompelled to follow up this vote by reforming them on thespecific ground of enormous and intolerable abuses, the existenceof which their vote will have denied; and all these results, theself-stultification of the House, and the damage to the moralreputation of its members, are brought about in order that theTory geese may cackle, and that men like Jemmy Bradshaw and SirJohn Tyrrell may wave their hats and their crutches intriumph. [13] It is curious enough that the Ministers had nonotion the Tories really meant to press this matter. John Russellwent down (Le Marchant told me so) fully sensible of his ownfolly on Friday night, resolved to drop his motion about theBishop, and convinced that, as it was the interest, so it wouldbe the determination, of the leading Tories to quash thediscussion. 

 [13] Bradshaw stood up on the benches, huzzaing and waving his hat, and it was said Sir John Tyrrell (if it was he) did the same, having the gout, with his crutches. 

March 1st, 1838 {p. 070}

Another night (Tuesday) was wasted in a fresh discussion, broughton by a motion of Pendarves's to let the matter drop. In themorning Lord Howick told me that the Ministers did not mean tosay or do anything more, and that their only object now was toput an end to the business as quickly as possible. But JohnRussell, who is as little communicative on one side as Peel is onthe other, had in the meantime, and without consulting anybody, desired Pendarves to make this useless and abortive motion. ThisLe Marchant told me yesterday morning, adding how annoyed theyall were at it. Yesterday the Speaker delivered the reprimand, and they all admitted that it was extremely well done. O'Connellmade a violent speech in reply, but clever. 

March 4th, 1838 {p. 071}

[Page Head: LORD BROUGHAM COURTS THE TORIES. ]

Brougham again in the House of Lords on Friday night. He attackedPechell and Codrington for having attacked him[14] because he hadabused the Navy in his Slavery speech, and was very violent, tedious, and verbose. He informed the House that he had written aremonstrance to the Speaker for not having called the two sailorsto order, and he treated them with great contumely and abuse inhis speech. Lyndhurst[15] made him very wroth by asking him 'ifhe had any right to write to the Speaker, ' and Melbourne made ashort, but very good reply, reminding him that, as he had chosento publish his speech in the shape of a pamphlet, it was nobreach of privilege to comment on its contents. He made a greatsplutter, but got the worst of this bout. In the meantime hecontinues to be the great meteor of the day; he has emerged fromhis seclusion, and is shining a mighty luminary among the Tory_ignes minores_. The Conservatives are so charmed with him, thatthey court his society with the liveliest demonstrations ofregard, and he meets their advances more than half way. They arevery naturally delighted with his unrivalled agreeableness, andthey are not sorry to pat him on the back as a _flagellifer_ ofthe Ministers; but though they talk with expressions of regret ofhis having radicalised himself, and he would probably, if he sawan opening, try to wriggle himself out of Radicalism and intoToryism, they will take care, in the event of their return tooffice, not to let such a firebrand in amongst them. He calls hislast Anti-slavery speech his [Greek: peri stephanou], for hethinks it his greatest effort, and it was such an oration as noother man could have delivered. The Bishop of Exeter spoke fortwo hours and a half the other night on Catholic oaths, but thewhole bench of Bishops, except Llandaff, stayed away, to marktheir disapprobation of his agitation on the subject. 

 [14] [In their speeches in the House of Commons. ]

 [15] [It was not Lord Lyndhurst who asked this question. Lord Brougham intimated that he had written a private letter on the matter to the Speaker, which he had a right to do. ]

Nobody knows what the Tories are going to do on Molesworth'smotion on Tuesday;[16] they have kept an ominous silence, and itis believed that the great body of them are eagerly pressing fora division against the Government, while the leaders want torestrain them, and not meddle with the question. Care, however, has been taken, to abstain from any expression of opinion ordeclaration of intention, and they are all ordered to be at theirposts. The Whigs would desire nothing better, end as it might, than that the Tories should support Molesworth's motion, or movean amendment upon it, which might bring about the concurrencewith themselves of the mover and the few Liberals (some sayseven, some eleven) who will vote with him. 

 [16] [Sir William Molesworth moved a vote of censure on Lord Glenelg, Colonial Secretary of State, on the 6th of March, but withdrew it after two nights' debate in favour of an amendment moved by Lord Sandon, condemning the Canadian policy of the Government. On the division Ministers had 316, and their opponents 287 votes. The character and purport of this amendment are explained below. ]

March 6th, 1838 {p. 072}

Great interest yesterday to know the result of the meeting atPeel's, when it was to be settled what course should be taken to-night. There were meetings at both Peel's and John Russell's. Thedecision of the Tories was deferred till Stanley's arrival intown, who had been detained by illness at Knowsley. In themorning there was a meeting of the Privy Council about municipalcharters, when John Russell and Poulett Thomson told me they didnot expect the Tories would give them battle; but if there was adivision, they thought Government would carry it by 20, a greatmajority in these days. 

March 8th, 1838 {p. 073}

Sandon moved the amendment on Tuesday night, but so well had theTories kept their secret that nobody knew what they were going todo till he got up in the House. As there were above 200 presentat the meeting, and nearly 300 must have been in the secret, their discretion was marvellous. I was convinced that noamendment would be moved, and was completely mistaken. The debateon Tuesday was moderate; Labouchere spoke well, Stanley middling, but he was not in force physically. Last night they divided athalf-past two, and there was a majority of 29: all thingsconsidered, a great one, and which sets the Government on itslegs for the present. Fourteen of the Conservatives were absentfrom illness or the death of relations, so that the strength ofthe party really amounts to 300 if it would all be mustered. There must always be some casualties, and probably there weresome likewise on the other side. 

[Page Head: LORD BROUGHAM'S ANTI-SLAVERY SPEECH. ]

On Tuesday night Brougham made another great Slavery speech inthe House of Lords, as usual, very long, eloquent, powerful; buthis case overstated, too highly wrought, and too artificial. Itwas upon the Order in Council by which coolies were brought intoAntigua from India. He made out a case of real or probable abuseand injustice, and his complaint was that the Government had notsufficiently guarded against the contingency by regulationsaccompanying the Order. He was followed by several of the ToryLords; but the Duke of Wellington refused to support him, provided Melbourne would agree to adopt certain rules which heproposed as a security against future abuses, in which case hesaid he would move the previous question. Melbourne agreed, andthe Duke moved it. As he and the bulk of his followers joinedwith the Government, they had a large majority, but Ellenborough, Lyndhurst, Wharncliffe, the Bishop of Exeter, and a few more, voted with Brougham, and the whole party would have been veryglad to do so if the Duke would have let them. Brougham wasexceedingly disconcerted, and threw out all sorts of baits tocatch the Duke's vote and support, but did not succeed, and hesaid that the Duke had again stepped in to save the Government. The 'Times' yesterday morning made a very sulky allusion to whatthey consider his ill-timed moderation; but he will not be aparty to anything that has the semblance of faction, and toworrying and bullying the Government merely to show the power orto have the pleasure of doing so. In the present instance, although Melbourne gave way to the Duke (as he could not doless), it so happens that the Government would have been in amajority of three or four if the Duke had divided against them, for the Tories had taken no pains to bring their people down, andBrougham's great orations are not so attractive to the Lords asthey are popular with the public. He will certainly gain a greatdeal of reputation and popularity by his agitation of the Anti-slavery question, for it is a favourite topic in the country. Wharncliffe told me he walked away with him from the House afterthe debate on Tuesday, and some young men who had been below thebar saluted him as he went by with 'Bravo, Brougham!'

March 9th, 1838 {p. 074}

At the Council yesterday everybody was very merry and grinningfrom ear to ear, mightily elated with their victory, or perhapsrather their escape the night before, and at having got such atimely reprieve. The division has given them a new lease, butwhether it will prove a long or a short one depends upon athousand contingencies. The violent Tories were sulky anddisappointed, though in the course of Wednesday they began tofind out that Government would have a better division than eitherparty had anticipated. I had been strongly of opinion that Peelwould not fight the battle, and I thought it would be bad policyin him to do so; but any opinion contrary to his must beentertained with diffidence, so able as he is, and so versed inparliamentary and party tactics; and in order to form a correctjudgement of the course which it was expedient for him to adopt, it was necessary to know both his own views as to office at thepresent moment and the disposition of the party he leads. 

[Page Head: SIR ROBERT PEEL'S TACTICS. ]

I had no communication with any of the Tories before thedivision, but yesterday I saw George Dawson, Peel's brother-in-law, and Francis Egerton. From them I learnt, what I had allalong supposed to be the case, that Peel was driven with extremereluctance into fighting this battle; that it was difficult totake no part in the discussion raised by Molesworth'sinconvenient resolution, and that he was continually urged andpressed by his followers to attack the Government, theypersisting in the notion that the Ministers might be driven out, and always complaining that the moderation of the Duke and thebackwardness of Peel alone kept them in their places. Thediscontent and clamour were so loud and continued that it becameabsolutely necessary for Peel, if he meant to keep the partytogether, to gratify their impatience for action, and heaccordingly concocted this amendment in such terms as should makeit impossible for the Radicals to concur in it, it being hisespecial care to avoid the semblance of any union, evenmomentary, between the Tories and them. Peel certainly neverexpected to beat the Government, nor did he wish it. There can beno doubt that he saw clearly all the results that would followhis defeat, and thought them on the whole desirable. Theseresults are, that there is an end for the present of any questionof the stability of the Government. Peel has complied with thewishes of his party, and has demonstrated to them that theycannot turn the Government out, which will have the effect ofmoderating their impatience and induce them for the future toacquiesce in his managing matters according to his owndiscretion. On the other hand, he has exhibited a force of 317Conservatives[17] in the House of Commons, not only by far themost numerous Opposition that ever was arrayed against aGovernment, but possessing the peculiar advantage of being unitedin principle--a compact, cemented body, all animated with onespirit, and not a mass composed of different elements and merelyallied and conjoined in hostility to the Government. The relativestrength of the two parties has been manifested by this division, and the Government have a majority of twenty votes, which, astheir people attend better than the others, may be consideredequal to a working majority of thirty. 

 [17] [The number of Conservatives who took part in the vote was 287; but thirty members of the party either paired or were absent. ]

This is sufficient to enable them to go on, but the majorityconsists of a combination of heterogeneous materials: ofO'Connell and the Irish members, of Radicals and Whigs of variousshades and degrees of opinions, all with a disposition, greateror less, but with different (and often opposite and inconsistent)views and objects, to support the present Government, andcontaining in itself all the seeds of dissolution from thevariety and incompatibility of its component elements. But whilethis division has given present security to the Government, ithas also made a display of Conservative power which will renderit impossible for the Whigs to conduct the Government on any butConservative principles; and while, on the one hand, Peel can sayto the violent Tories that they have seen the impotence of theirefforts, and ought to be convinced that by firmness andmoderation they may do anything, but by violence nothing, on theother, Melbourne and John Russell may equally admonish theRadicals of the manifest impossibility of carrying out theirprinciples in the teeth of such a Conservative party, besides theresistance that would be offered by all the Conservative leavenwhich is largely mixed up in the composition of their own. Thusthere is a reasonable expectation that from the balance of partypower moderate counsels may prevail, and that Conservativeprinciple may extend and consolidate its influence. 

The Queen was very nervous at the possibility there seemed to bethat the Ministers might be beaten, for Lord John Russell hadtold her that he could not count upon a majority of more thanfifteen, and she looked yesterday as cheerful as anybody elsearound her. With regard to the measure on the part of the Toriesand the case of Canada, they were wholly unjustifiable in movingsuch a vote of censure, and there is nothing in the case (howeverin its details objections may be urged against Lord Glenelg'sconduct) to demand so strong a proceeding. The best speeches wereSir George Grey's on one side, and Peel's on the other. Thecasualties in the division were, on the whole, unfavourable tothe Tories; fifteen of their people were unavoidably absent, notabove half as many of the Government. They contrived to delay thereport of the Belfast Committee, unseating both the sittingmembers, till yesterday morning, by which means the Governmentgot both their votes in the division; and one of them beingpaired off with Lord Ramsay, who was not there, the paircancelled by the call of the House, this alone made a differenceof five votes. 

March 11th, 1838 {p. 077}

[Page Head: A DINNER AT BUCKINGHAM PALACE. ]

I dined yesterday at the Palace, much to my surprise, for I hadno expectation of an invitation. There was a very numerousparty:--the Hanoverian Minister Baron Münchhausen, Lord and LadyGrey, the Chancellor, the Roseberys, Ossulston, Mahon, &c. Weassembled in the round room next the gallery, and just before thedinner was ready the Queen entered with the Duchess of Kent, preceded by the Chamberlain, and followed by her six ladies. Sheshook hands with the women, and made a sweeping bow to the men, and directly went in to dinner, conducted by Münchhausen, who satnext to her, and Lord Conyngham on the other side. The dinner waslike any other great dinner. After the eating was over, theQueen's health was given by Cavendish, who sat at one end of thetable, and everybody got up to drink it: a vile, vulgar custom, and, however proper it may be to drink her health elsewhere, itis bad taste to have it given by her own officer at her owntable, which, in fact, is the only private table it is ever drunkat. However, this has been customary in the two last reigns. George III. Never dined but with his family, never had guests, ora dinner _party_. 

The Queen sat for some time at table, talking away very merrilyto her neighbours, and the men remained about a quarter of anhour after the ladies. When we went into the drawing-room, andhuddled about the door in the sort of half-shy, half-awkward waypeople do, the Queen advanced to meet us, and spoke to everybodyin succession, and if everybody's 'palaver' was as deeplyinteresting as mine, it would have been worth while to have hadGurney to take it down in short-hand. The words of kings andqueens are precious, but it would be hardly fair to record aRoyal after-dinner colloquy. .. . After a few insignificantquestions and answers, --gracious smile and inclination of head onpart of Queen, profound bow on mine, she turned again to LordGrey. Directly after I was (to my satisfaction) deposited at thewhist table to make up the Duchess of Kent's party, and all therest of the company were arranged about a large round table (theQueen on the sofa by it), where they passed about an hour and ahalf in what was probably the smallest possible talk, interruptedand enlivened, however, by some songs which Lord Ossulston sang. We had plenty of instrumental music during and after dinner. Toform an opinion or the slightest notion of her real character andcapacity from such a formal affair as this, is manifestlyimpossible. Nobody expects from her any clever, amusing, orinteresting talk, above all no stranger can expect it. She isvery civil to everybody, and there is more of frankness, cordiality, and good-humour in her manner than of dignity. Shelooks and speaks cheerfully: there was nothing to criticise, nothing particularly to admire. The whole thing seemed to bedull, perhaps unavoidably so, but still so dull that it is amarvel how anybody can like such a life. This was an unusuallylarge party, and therefore more than usually dull and formal; butit is much the same sort of thing every day. Melbourne was notthere, which I regretted, as I had some curiosity to see HerMajesty and her Minister together. I had a few words with LordGrey, and soon found that the Government are in no very goododour with him. He talked disparagingly of them, and said, inreference to the recent debate, that 'he thought Peel could nothave done otherwise than he did. '

March 17th, 1838 {p. 078}

[Page Head: MEN OF SCIENCE. ]

Went to the Royal Institution last night in hopes of hearingFaraday lecture, but the lecture was given by Mr. Pereira uponcrystals, a subject of which he appeared to be master, to judgeby his facility and fluency; but the whole of it wasunintelligible to me. Met Dr. Buckland and talked to him for anhour, and he introduced me to Mr. Wheatstone, the inventor of theelectric telegraph, of the progress in which he gave us anaccount. I wish I had turned my attention to these things andsought occupation and amusement in them long ago. I am satisfiedthat, apart from all considerations of utility, or even ofprofit, they afford a very pregnant source of pleasure andgratification. There is a cheerfulness, an activity, anappearance of satisfaction in the conversation and demeanour ofscientific men that conveys a lively notion of the _pleasure_they derive from their pursuits. I feel ashamed to go among suchpeople when I compare their lives with my own, their knowledgewith my ignorance, their brisk and active intellects with my dulland sluggish mind, become sluggish and feeble for want ofexercise and use. 

March 20th, 1838 {p. 079}

Met Croker on Sunday, who came to speak to me about the pictureof the Queen's First Council on her accession which Wilkie ispainting. He is much scandalised because the Lord Mayor isintroduced, which he ought not to be, and Croker apprehends thatfuture Mayors will found upon the evidence of this picture claimsto be present at the Councils of future sovereigns on similaroccasions. I wrote to Lord Lansdowne about it and told him thatit so happens that I caused the Lord Mayor to be ejected, who waslingering on in the room after the Proclamation had beenread. [18]

 [18] [It is a vulgar error, which it would scarcely be necessary to notice here except for the purpose of correcting it, that the Lord Mayor of London has some of the privileges of a Privy Councillor during his year of office. The mistake has probably arisen from his being styled 'Right Honourable, ' but so are the Lord Mayors of Dublin and of York. But he has none of the rights of a Privy Councillor. He is, however, summoned to attend the Privy Council at which a new Sovereign is proclaimed, but having heard the Proclamation he retires before the business of the Council is commenced. See _infra_, March 27th. ]

It is a very trite observation, that no two people are moredifferent than the same man at different periods of his life, andthis was illustrated by an anecdote Lord Holland told us of TomGrenville last night--Tom Grenville, so mild, so refined, adornedwith such an amiable, venerable, and decorous old age. After LordKeppel's acquittal there were riots, and his enthusiastic friendswith a zealous mob attacked the houses of his enemies; amongothers they assaulted the Admiralty, the chiefs of which wereobnoxious for their supposed ill-usage of him. The Admiralty wastaken by storm, and Tom Grenville was the second man who enteredat the breach!

March 23rd, 1838 {p. 080}

On Wednesday I attended a Levée and Council. The Queen wasmagnificently dressed, and looked better than I ever saw her. Hercomplexion is clear and has the brightness of youth; theexpression of her eyes is agreeable. Her manner is graceful anddignified and with perfect self-possession. I remarked how verycivil she was to Brougham, for she spoke to him as much as toanybody. He was in high good-humour after it. 

Yesterday we had a Judicial Committee, with a great judicialattendance: the Chancellor, Lord Lyndhurst, Brougham, the Vice-Chancellor, Lord Abinger, Lord Langdale, and Tom Erskine, withthe Lord President. It was to consider a petition of certainapprentices in British Guiana, who wanted to stay execution ofthe judgement of a Court there. Glenelg had it referred to thePrivy Council Committee in order to shift the responsibility fromhimself. He expected that Brougham would get hold of the case andmake a clatter about it; but at the Board Brougham treated itpurely upon legal grounds, and was adverse to the prayer of thepetition. 

They had come (i. E. , the Chancellor, Lyndhurst, and Brougham)from the House of Lords, where they had been reversingLyndhurst's famous judgement in 'Small _v. _ Attwood. ' Lyndhurstwas very hoarse, having just made a long speech in support of hisformer judgement; but the Chancellor and Devon had spokenagainst, and Brougham was prepared to side with them. _Sictransit gloria!_ It was this judgement which was so lauded andadmired at the time, and upon which, more than upon any other, oreven upon the general tenor of his decisions, Lyndhurst's greatjudicial fame was based; and now it turns out that, although itwas admirable in the execution, it was bad in point of law. [19]

 [19] [The main question in the celebrated case of Small _v_. Attwood was whether the sale of certain ironworks in Staffordshire, by Mr. Attwood, to the British Iron Company, should be set aside for what, in the Courts of Equity, is termed fraud. Lord Lyndhurst, as Chief Baron of the Exchequer, held that an amount of misrepresentation had been practised by the vendor, which annulled the sale. The House of Lords was of opinion that if the purchasers had paid too much for the property, it was their own fault. This decision rested, of course, on the special circumstances of the case. It was argued with great ability by Serjeant Wilde and Mr. Sugden, who received fees in this case to an amount previously unknown to the Bar. It is remarkable that Lord Lyndhurst sat on the appeal from his own judgement and supported it; the fifth vote, which decided the case, was that of Lord Devon, who had never held a judicial office. ]

March 25th, 1838 {p. 081}

[Page Head: THE QUEEN'S ATTACHMENT TO WILLIAM IV. ]

Lady Cowper told me yesterday that the Queen said to LordMelbourne, 'the first thing which had convinced her he was worthyof her confidence was his conduct in the disputes at Kensingtonlast year about her proposed allowance, ' in which, though he knewthat the King's life was closing, he had taken his part. Sheconsidered this to be a proof of his honesty and determination todo what he thought right. Though she took no part, and neverdeclared herself, it is evident that she, in her heart, sidedwith the King on that occasion. It is difficult to attribute totimidity that command over herself and passive obedience whichshe showed in her whole conduct up to the moment when she learntthat she was Queen; and from that instant, as if inspired withthe genius and the spirit of Sixtus V. , she at once asserted herdignity and her will. She now evinces in all she does anattachment to the memory of her uncle, and it is not to bedoubted that, in the disputes which took place between him andher mother, her secret sympathies were with the King; and in thatcelebrated scene at Windsor, when the King made so fierce anattack upon the Duchess's advisers, and expressed his earnesthope that he might live to see the majority of his niece, Victoria must have inwardly rejoiced at the expression ofsentiments so accordant with her own. Her attentions andcordiality to Queen Adelaide, her bounty and civility to theKing's children, and the disgrace of Conroy, amply prove what hersentiments have all along been. 

March 27th, 1838 {p. 027}

[Page Head: WILKIE'S PICTURE OF THE FIRST COUNCIL. ]

Went yesterday to sit to Wilkie for the picture of the Queen'sFirst Council. The likenesses are generally pretty good, but itis a very unfaithful representation of what actually took place. It was, of course, impossible to preserve all the details withoutsacrificing the effect, but the picture has some glaringimproprieties, which diminish its interest, and deprive it of allvalue as an historical piece. There were ninety-seven PrivyCouncillors present on the occasion, and among them most of theconspicuous men of the time. He has introduced as many figures ashe well could, but has made a strange selection, admitting veryordinary men, such as Lord Burghersh and Lord Salisbury, whileBrougham and Stanley do not find places. He told me that greatanxiety prevailed to be put into this picture, and many pressingapplications had been made; and as only vain and silly men wouldmake them, and importunity generally prevails to a great extent, it ends in the sacrifice of the picture by substituting theseundistinguished intruders in place of the celebrated persons whoare so much better entitled to be there. Then he has painted theLord Mayor of London and the Attorney-General, who, not beingPrivy Councillors, could not be present when the Queen wassitting in Council; but they both entreated to be put in thepicture, and each asserted that he was actually present. Yesterday I remonstrated with Wilkie, who had no good reason togive; indeed, none, except that they both _said_ they werepresent, and that the Attorney had described to him what passed. The fact was this: when the Lords assemble they order the Queento be proclaimed, and when the Proclamation is read the doors arethrown open, and everybody is admitted. The Lord Mayor came intogether with several Common Councilmen and a multitude of otherpersons. When this is over they are all obliged to retire, and Icalled out from the head of the table that 'everybody exceptPrivy Councillors would have the goodness to retire. ' It wasnecessary to clear the room before Her Majesty could hold herPrivy Council. The people did retire, slowly and lingeringly, andsome time afterwards, espying the fur and scarlet of the LordMayor, I requested somebody (I forget whom) to tell him he mustretire, and he did leave the room. Shortly after the Queenentered, and the business of the Council commenced. Theimpossibility of getting the summonses to two hundred and twentyPrivy Councillors conveyed in time caused the greatestirregularity in the arrivals, and the door was continually openedto admit fresh comers. In such a scene of bustle and confusion, and in a room so crowded, it is extremely probable that the LordMayor and the Attorney-General smuggled themselves back into theapartment, and that they were (very improperly) spectators ofwhat passed; but that forms no reason why they should berepresented in an historical picture as actors in a ceremonialwith which they had, and could have, no concern. Wilkie was veryanxious to have Lord Conyngham in the picture, but both he andAlbert Conyngham decided that it would be improper, because notonly he was not present, but according to etiquette could not bepresent, as it was his duty to remain in constant attendance uponthe body of the late King up to the moment of his breaking hiswand over his coffin. 

Yesterday Brougham spoke for four hours and a half in the Houseof Lords, upon the appeal of 'Small _v_. Attwood, ' concurringwith the Chancellor in reversing Lyndhurst's judgement, andevidently bent upon making a display of judicial eloquence whichshould eclipse that of Lyndhurst himself. This judgement has madea great sensation in the world, especially in the commercialworld. I met the Vice-Chancellor, who had come from the House ofLords, and who told me of Brougham's speech, and the finaldecree; he said he really knew nothing of the case, but from whathe heard he was inclined to believe the reversal was right. Lyndhurst, however, persists in the correctness of his ownjudgement. 

March 30th, 1838 {p. 083}

Lord Eliot's motion about Spain came to a ridiculous end onWednesday. When the debate was resumed at five o'clock very fewpeople were present; they were chattering and making a noise;nobody heard the Speaker when he put the question; and so theydivided 72 to 60, the Ministers (or Minister, for none waspresent but John Russell) not knowing on which side there wouldbe a majority. The Tories were very angry, and wanted to renewthe discussion in another form, but after a little wrangle thisproject dropped. It was a foolish, useless motion, and deservedno better end. 

On Wednesday afternoon I found Downing Street thronged with rivaldeputations of West Indians and Quakers, which had both been withMelbourne. Out of Brougham's flaming speeches on Anti-slavery atempest has arisen, which threatens the West Indians with suddenand unforeseen ruin in the shape of immediate emancipation. [20]It is always easy to get up anti-slavery petitions and to excitea benevolent indignation against slavery in any shape, andBrougham has laid hold of this easy mode of inflaming the publicmind in his usual daring, unscrupulous, reckless style, pouringforth a flood of eloquent falsehoods and misrepresentations whichhe knows will be much more effective than any plain matter-of-fact statements that can be urged on the other side. The WestIndians had no notion they were in any danger, and were reposingunder the shade of Government protection and in undoubtingreliance upon the inviolability of the great arrangement, whenthey find themselves overtaken all at once with the new questionof immediate emancipation which has sprung up into instantaneouslife and strength. Their terror is accordingly great. They wentto Melbourne, who said he agreed with them, and that theGovernment was determined to support them, and so they might telltheir people, but that he could not promise them to make it somuch a Government question as to resign if they were beat uponit. The leaders of the Opposition equally took their part, butthe question is whether the tails will not beat the heads. Inever remember before to have seen any question on which so muchuncertainty prevailed as to individual votes. More than one halfthe members of the House doubted, and probably are at this momentdoubting, how they shall vote. The petitions are innumerable, andmen are disposed to gratify their constituents by voting as theyplease on this question, not caring a fig either for the slavesor the West Indians, and reconciling it to their consciences todespoil the latter by assuming that they were overpaid with thetwenty millions they got by the Emancipation Act. 

 [20] [Sir George Strickland moved, on the 30th of March, a resolution in favour of the termination of negro apprenticeship as established by the Emancipation Act of 1834, on the 1st of August of the current year. The motion was defeated by 269 to 205. ]

April 2nd, 1838 {p. 085}

[Page Head: BIRTHDAY REFLEXIONS. ]

My birthday. Another year has stolen over me, and finds me, Ifear, little better or wiser than at the end of the last. How wewince at our reflexions and still go on in the same courses! howwe resolve and break our resolutions! It is a common error towish we could recall the past and be young again, and swear whatthings we would do if another opportunity was offered us. Allvanity, folly, and falsehood. We _should_ do just the same asbefore, because we _do_ actually do the same; we linger over andregret the past instead of setting manfully to work to improvethe future; we waste present time in vague and useless regrets, and abandon ourselves to inaction in despair instead of gatheringup what yet remains of life, and finding a compensation, howeverinadequate, in resolute industry for our losses. I wonder ifanybody has ever done this. Many after damaging their health havebecome prudent and careful in restoring their shatteredconstitutions; many more have been extravagant and careless, andended by being parsimonious and prudent, and so the first havegrown strong and the second rich; but has anybody thoroughlywasted his time, frittered away his understanding, weakened thepowers of judgement and memory, and let his mind be bare andempty as the shelves of an unfurnished bookcase, and afterwardsbecome diligent, thoughtful, reflective, a hater of idleness, and, what is worse, of indolence, and habitually addicted toworthy and useful pursuits? I do not think I can call to mind anyinstance of such a reformation. 

I went to Newmarket on Saturday. Mutable as this climate is, thegreatest variation I ever saw was between Friday and Sunday last. On Friday S. W. Wind, balmy air like June, and the trees beginningto bud; on Sunday the ground was completely covered with snow, not a particle of any colour but white to be seen, a bitter N. E. Wind, and so it continued till the sun melted away the thin coatof snow, which disappeared as suddenly as if it had been sweptaway. 

The Ministers got a pretty good majority, all things considered, on Friday. Gladstone made a first-rate speech in defence of theplanters, which places him in the front rank in the House ofCommons, so Fazakerly told me; he converted or determined manyadverse or doubtful votes, as did Sir George Grey the day before. 

April 5th, 1838 {p. 086}

Lord Charles Fitzroy, Vice-Chamberlain, who had voted againstGovernment on the Negro question, was turned out for his vote, not angrily and violently, but it was signified to him that hemust go, and yesterday he came to Buckingham House, where therewas a Council, to resign his key. They could not do otherwise, for Peel had sent a message to Lord John Russell to know whetherGovernment did mean in earnest to oppose this motion with alltheir force and influence, because, if they did, he would supportthem with as many of his friends as he could bring to their aid;and the reply was that such was their intention. After this theycould not pass over such a vote in one of their own household. 

[Page Head: VOTE ON LORD DURHAM'S EXPENSES. ]

The night before last Government had the narrowest possibleescape of being beaten upon a motion of Lord Chandos's about LordDurham's expenses. [21] They carried it by two, and that onlybecause Lord Villiers (Durham's first cousin, and whose brotheris one of his aides-de-camp) stayed away, together with DawsonDamer, from motives of personal friendship; Castlereagh, becauseDurham and Londonderry are knit together by the closest of allties, --a community of _coal_ interest; and one of the Hopes, because he is going with his regiment to Canada, and did notchoose to incur the personal animosity of the great man there:but for these secessions the question would have been carried. Durham would probably have refused to go, and it is notimpossible the Government might have resigned. Nobody expectedthis close division, and the Secretary of the Treasury wasgreatly to blame in not securing a larger attendance of theGovernment people and guarding against all chances. However, inthese days a miss is as good as a mile, and such a division, which in former times would have been fatal to a Government, doesnot signify a straw, except as an additional exhibition ofweakness and proof of their precarious tenure of office. Melbourne yesterday looked very grave upon it, and he had anunusually long audience of the Queen before the Council. Palmerston treated the matter with great levity. As generallyhappens, there is much to blame in the conduct of all parties. Inthe first place the Colonial Minister should have made somearrangement upon his own responsibility, and not have producedthe ridiculous correspondence with Durham, and nobody ever beforeheard of a Minister asking a Governor what establishment heintended to have. Then Durham might as well have laid aside hisostentation and grandeur, and have shown a determination to applyhimself manfully to the work entrusted to him without any desirefor pomp and expense. He would have gone out more effectively, have acquired more reputation, and have avoided the odium and theridicule which now in no small degree attach to his mission. Onthe other hand, the Opposition had no business to take the matterup in this way. In such a momentous affair it is immaterialwhether there is a secretary more or less, and whether anestablishment, which is only to exist for one year, costs £2, 000or £3, 000 more or less, and to declare that the sum actuallyspent by Lord Gosford shall be the maximum of Lord Durham'sexpenditure, is so manifestly absurd that it proves the pitifuland spiteful spirit in which the motion was conceived. Supposethey had succeeded, and that after such a vote Durham (as he wellmight) had resigned the appointment. This must have been anenormous embarrassment to the public service, incurred withoutany object of commensurate importance. It is not the leastcurious part of this matter that the Government were not at allsorry that the question of Durham's expenses was mooted in theHouse of Commons in order that his extravagance might be checked;while the Opposition had no expectation, and probably no desire, to carry a vote upon it against the Ministers. 

 [21] [Lord Chandos moved, on the 3rd of April, that the expenditure on Lord Durham's mission should be limited to £12, 000, the sum allowed to Lord Gosford. The resolution was rejected by 160 to 158 votes. ]

April 8th, 1838 {p. 088}

It would have been well for Durham if he had started for Canadathe day after he made his speech in the House of Lords, for hemade upon that occasion a very favourable impression, and theworld was disposed to praise the appointment. Since this hismanifestation of a desire for pomp and grandeur and an expensivedisplay has drawn ridicule and odium upon him. His temper hasbeen soured by the attacks both in Parliament and in the press;he has been stung, goaded, and tormented by the diurnal articlesin the 'Times, ' and he has now made himself obnoxious touniversal reproach and ridicule by an act which, trifling initself, exhibits an _animus_ the very reverse of that which isrequired in the pacificator and legislator of Canada. He wasengaged to dine with Bingham Baring on Friday last, but inconsequence of his having voted in the minority the other night, on Chandos's motion, Durham chose to construe this vote into apersonal offence towards himself, and sent an excuse saying that'he had no alternative. ' He wrote to Lady Harriet Baring a verycivil note, and conveyed his motive by implication, but quiteclearly. The note was, of course, handed about for the amusementof the company, and the story, subsequently, for that of thetown. 

April 12th, 1838 {p. 088}

[Page Head: WOLFF THE MISSIONARY. ]

Dined with Lord Anglesey yesterday, to meet Wolff, themissionary. I had figured to myself a tall, gaunt, severe, uncouth man; but I found a short, plump, cheerful person, with aconsiderable resemblance to the Bonaparte family, and with someto old Denon, with one of the most expressive countenances I eversaw, and so agreeable as to compensate for very plain features;eyes that become suddenly illuminated when he is warmed by hissubject, and a voice of peculiar sweetness and power ofintonation. He came prepared to hold forth, with his Bible in hispocket, and accordingly after dinner we gathered round him in acircle, and he held forth. It would be no easy matter to describea discourse which lasted a couple of hours, or indeed to say veryprecisely what it was about. It was a rambling, desultoryreference to his travels and adventures in fluent and sometimeseloquent language, and not without an occasional dash of humourand drollery. He illustrated the truth of the Scriptures byexamples drawn from his personal observation and the habits, expressions, and belief of the present inhabitants of Palestine, and he spoke with evident sincerity and enthusiasm. He sang twoor three hymns as specimens of the psalmody now in use atJerusalem. The great fault of his discourse was its length anddesultory character, leaving no strong and permanent impressionon the mind. He subsequently gave us a second lecture upon theMillennium, avowing his belief that it is near at hand; he 'hopedand believed that it would take place in 1847, ' and he proceededto show that this was to be inferred from the prophecies ofDaniel, and that the numbers in that book, rightly explained, bore this meaning. He told us that he had learnt fourteenlanguages, and had preached in nine. 

May 7th, 1838 {p. 089}

For three weeks past entirely engrossed by Newmarket, with thesame mixed feelings of disgust at the nature of the occupation, and satisfaction at the success attending it. I won £2, 000 by thetwo weeks, and if I meet with no reverse am rapidly acquiring themeans of paying off my debts. Then I propose to live not formyself alone (as I earnestly hope), but that I may feel thedesire of contributing to the enjoyments of others. I hope as Ibecome rich (and if I get out of debt I shall be rich) I may notbecome grasping and avaricious, and acquire a taste for hoardingmoney merely for hoarding's sake. When I see how insensibly, andunder what plausible pretexts, this passion steals upon others, Itremble lest I should become a victim to it myself. 

I know of nothing, in the world of politics. There has been muchfoolish chatter about the Coronation, and whether there should bea banquet or no; the Tories calling out for one because the WhigGovernment have settled that there should not be any. The Duke ofWellington, as usual, sensible, and above such nonsense; says itwill all do very well, and that the Palace of Westminster havingbeen destroyed by fire, a banquet and procession would not befeasible, as there exist no apartments in which the arrangementscould be made. He rebuked his Tory Lords the other night whenthey made a foolish attack on Melbourne about M'Hale signinghimself John _Tuam_. Every day he appears a greater man. 

I have read hardly anything all this time but two reviews in the'Edinburgh'--Brougham's most remarkable paper upon Lady CharlotteBury's book, the composition of which I saw with my own eyes; theother is Stephen's review of Wilberforce's Life. Nothing can bemore admirable than the characters which Brougham has given ofthe celebrated people of that day--George III. , George IV. , Eldon, Perceval, and others; and when I think of the manner inwhich they were written, with what inconceivable rapidity, and inthe midst of what occupation--for his attention was perpetuallydivided between what he was writing and what the counsel wassaying--it is an astonishing exhibition of facility andfertility. Stephen's review is as good as possible in a verydifferent style, and his description of the end of Wilberforce'slife strikes me as singularly eloquent and pathetic. 

 CHAPTER III. 

A Ball at the Palace--Aspect of Foreign Affairs--Irish Tithe Bill--Debate on Sir T. Acland's Motion--Death of Prince Talleyrand--Death and Character of Lady Harrowby--Government defeated on Emancipation of Slaves--Dispute of Mr. Handley and Lord Brougham--Dinner at Lambeth--Arrangement of Irish Questions--Settlement of Irish Questions--O'Connell declines the Rolls--Naval Intervention in Spain--Duke of Wellington's Moderation--Marshal Soult arrives--Preparations for the Coronation of Queen Victoria--The Wellington Statue--The Coronation--Coleridge and John Sterling--Lord Durham's Mission to Canada--Lord Brougham contrasted with the Duke--Macaulay on his return from India--Soult in London--Duke of Sussex quarrels with Ministers--Lord Burghersh's Opera--High Church Sermons-- Lord Palmerston and Mr. Urquhart--The Ecclesiastical Discipline Bill--The Duke's Despatches--Macaulay's Plan of Life--Lord Durham's Canada Ordinance--Mr. Barnes--Canada Indemnity Bill-- Lord Durham's Ordinance disallowed--Irish Corporation Bill-- Review of the Session. 

May 11th, 1838 {p. 91}

Last night I was at the ball at the Palace--a poor affair incomparison with the Tuileries. Gallery ill-lit; rest of the roomstolerable. The Queen's manner and bearing perfect. She danced, first with Prince George, then young Esterhazy, then LordFitzAlan. Before supper, and after dancing, she sat on a sofasomewhat elevated in the drawing-room, looking at the waltzing;she did not waltz herself. Her mother sat on one side of her, andthe Princess Augusta on the other; then the Duchesses ofGloucester and Cambridge and the Princess of Cambridge; herhousehold, with their wands, standing all round; her mannersexceedingly graceful, and, blended with dignity and cordiality, asimplicity and good humour, when she talks to people, which aremighty captivating. When supper was announced she moved from herseat, all her officers going before her--she, first, alone, andthe Royal Family following; her exceeding youth strikinglycontrasted with their mature ages, but she did it well. I wasstruck last night for the first time with the great change in theDuke of Wellington's looks; others have noted it before. He is nolonger so straight and upright, and old age is taking possessionof his features in a way that is distressing to see. He has livedlong enough for his own renown, but he cannot live long enoughfor the good of his country, let what will happen and when itmay. It is a fine sight to regard the noble manner in which he isplaying the last act of his glorious life. 

My brother writes me word from Paris that Leopold is deadly sickof his Belgian crown, and impatient to abdicate, thinking that itis a better thing to be an English Prince, uncle to the Queen, with £50, 000 a year, than to be monarch of a troublesome vulgarlittle kingdom which all its neighbours regard with an evil or acovetous eye. Louis Philippe is in a mighty fright about it, andhe is right, for Leopold's abdication would be almost sure todisturb the peace of Europe. Stanley thinks the peace of Europewill be disturbed, and that speedily, by the great antagonisticforces of religion growing out of the Prussian disputes betweenthe Court of Berlin and the Archbishop of Cologne; this he toldme the other day, and said people were little aware of what areligious storm was brewing; but his opinions are not to betrusted very confidently, especially when religion is concernedin them. 

May 13th, 1838 {p. 092}

[Page Head: THE APPROPRIATION CLAUSE MAINTAINED. ]

The world was astonished by Sir Thomas Acland giving notice of amotion, which comes on to-morrow, for expunging from the Journalsthe famous Appropriation Resolution which turned out Peel'sGovernment. [1] It was doubted at first whether this was a spurtof his own or a concerted project, but it turns out to have beenthe latter. The Government think it a good thing for them, asthey count upon a certain majority, and I am quite unable to seethe use of such a motion as this, even as a party move. The Dukeof Wellington said, at the end of last Session, that he wished tomeet the Government half way, and settle the Tithe question, andnothing can be less likely to promote an adjustment than thisattack; but I understand _now_ they do not wish to settle it, andthat they prefer trusting to the operation of Stanley's Bill, andsay there is no reason for accepting 75 per cent. For the clergywhen they can eventually get the whole. But they had bettersettle the question if they possibly can, for experience mighthave shown them that if the spirit of resistance and hostility tothe Church is again roused into action, the means of vexing andimpoverishing the clergy will not be wanting, and the provisionsof Stanley's Bill will only have the effect of making thelandlords parties to the contest, who, if they find their owninterests at variance with the interests of the Church, will nothesitate for a moment in sacrificing the latter. It is verysurprising that Peel should consent to this motion, and the moreso because his speech at the dinner yesterday is said to havebeen extremely moderate in all respects. 

 [1] [Upon Lord John Russell bringing in a Bill for settling the Irish Tithe question, Sir Thomas Acland moved, as a preliminary step to this discussion, that the celebrated resolution of the 8th of April, 1835, for the appropriation of the surplus revenues of the Irish Church should be rescinded. Upon a division the Government proposal was carried by 317 to 298 votes. ]

May 18th, 1838 {p. 093}

At Newmarket all the week past. Since I have been away there wasthe debate and division on Acland's motion. The Government talkedof 23, and the Opposition of 15 majority, and it turned justbetween the two. It was a very ill-advised measure, and I have nodoubt was forced on Peel against his judgement, and that it wasnot approved by the Duke; but the fact is, they cannot managetheir party. Peel's speech was anything but good, and smacked ofunwillingness; Stanley's was very poor; John Russell's was verygood in facts, but ill-judged in some respects, and it is neitherwise nor dignified, nor in good taste, to keep flinging at theBishop of Exeter as he does; Morpeth's was the best, brilliantand effective. Peel said to him, when they were going out todivide, 'I can appreciate a good speech when made against me aswell as when it is for me, and I must tell you that yours was thebest speech of the debate. ' This was becoming and judicious, andsuch courtesies soften the asperities of Parliamentary warfare. The Government had much the best of the argument, and the Toriescontrived to afford them a triumph upon the Appropriation Clause, and at the same time enabled them to shake it off (onerous andinconvenient as it was) without further difficulty. There wassome ingenuity in doing this. I cannot help thinking Peel likesto see his party defeated in this way. The Government think ithas been a very great thing for them, and no doubt it has donethem service. Peel's speech at the banquet was somewhat didactic, and too much in the style of a political sermon; but it was verygood, full of excellent sense, couched in excellent language, butit may be doubted if his moderation was palatable to the majorityof his hearers. [2]

 [2] [A banquet was given to Sir R. Peel on the 12th of May, in Merchant Taylors' Hall, by 300 Conservative members of the House of Commons. ]

May 23rd, 1838 {p. 094}

[Page Head: DEATH OF TALLEYRAND. ]

Talleyrand is dead. He died after a short illness some day lastweek. It would require a nice discrimination of character andintimate knowledge of the man to delineate his, a great deal moreof both than I possess, therefore I shall not attempt it. Duringthe period of his embassy in England I lived a good deal withhim, his house being always open to me, and I dined there _enfamille_ whenever I pleased. Nothing could be more hospitable, nothing more urbane and kind than he was; and it was fine to see, after his stormy youth and middle age, after a life spent in thevery tempest and whirlwind of political agitation, how tranquillyand honourably his declining years ebbed away. Still retaininghis faculties unimpaired, and his memory stored with therecollections of his extraordinary and eventful career, and aninexhaustible mine of anecdotes, his delight was to narrate, which he used to do with an abundance, a vivacity, and a_finesse_ peculiar to himself, and to the highest degreeinteresting and attractive. No name was once held in greaterdetestation in England than that of Talleyrand. He was lookedupon universally as a sink of moral and political profligacy. Born at the end of Louis XV. 's reign, and bred up in the socialpleasures and corruptions of that polite but vicious aristocracy, he was distinguished in his early youth for his successfulgallantries, for the influence he obtained over women, and thedexterity with which he converted it to his advancement. Adebauched abbé and bishop, one of the champions and then one ofthe victims of the Revolution, afterwards (having scrambledthrough the perilous period of Terrorism) discarding his clericalcharacter, he became the Minister of the Consulate and theEmpire, and was looked upon all over Europe as a man ofconsummate ability, but totally destitute of principle in publicor in private life. Disgraced by Napoleon, he reappeared afterhis fall, and was greatly concerned in the restoration of theBourbons. For a short time only employed, but always treated bythem with consideration and respect, the Revolution of July againbrought Talleyrand prominently on the stage, and, to the surpriseof all men, he accepted the embassy to London. The years hepassed here were probably the most peaceful of his life, and theyserved to create for him a reputation altogether new, and such asto cancel all former recollections. His age was venerable, hissociety was delightful, and there was an exhibition ofconservative wisdom, 'of moderate and healing counsels, ' in allhis thoughts, words, and actions very becoming to his age andstation, vastly influential from his sagacity and experience, andwhich presented him to the eyes of men as a statesman likeBurleigh or Clarendon for prudence, temperance, and discretion. Here therefore he acquired golden opinions, and was regarded byall ranks and all parties with respect, and by many with sincereregard. When he was attacked in the House of Lords the Duke ofWellington rose in his defence, and rebuked the acrimony of hisown friends. Talleyrand was deeply affected at this behaviour ofthe Duke. I regret much not having availed myself of theopportunities I might have had to listen to and record the talkof Talleyrand, but the fact is, he was so inarticulate, and I sodeaf, that the labour would have been greater than I could gothrough for the object. The account which my brother has sent meof the circumstances which preceded his death, and of hisreconciliation with the Church, are very curious. [3] He hadalways desired to die at Valençay, in order to avoid the scandalwhich he apprehended there might be in Paris from the severity ofthe Archbishop, but it was contrived to get everything quietlyand decently settled, and he died in peace with the Church, andwith all the absolutions and benedictions that she could havebestowed upon the most faithful of her sons. 

 [3] [These particulars are now published in the 'Leaves from the Journals of Henry Greville, ' selected by his niece, the Viscountess Enfield. ]

May 27th, 1838 {p. 096}

[Page Head: CHARACTER OF LADY HARROWBY. ]

Yesterday, at two o'clock, died, after a week's illness, of a lowbilious fever, Lady Harrowby, [4] the oldest and most intimate ofmy friends, and the woman in the world for whom I had thegreatest respect and regard. My intercourse with her had beenmuch diminished for many years past; such changes take place inour social habits without any cause except those which the lapseof time, different pursuits, ties, and habits, bring about. Thereis a melancholy satisfaction in dwelling upon the noble qualitieswhich death has extinguished, and the excellence of Lady Harrowbydemands a brief tribute of affection and admiration from thosewho, having best known her virtues, have the greatest reason todeplore, and are best able to appreciate, her loss. She had amind of masculine strength united with a heart of femininesoftness; for while she was resolute and determined, and hadfirmness and courage to bear up against the heaviest afflictions, she had no coldness or insensibility in her temperament, but wasendowed with the tenderest and warmest affections. She was not bynature imaginative, but her understanding was excellent andutterly devoid of lumber and affectation. She had the soundpractical sense of a vigorous and healthy mind, without aparticle of vanity or conceit; she never attempted to plunge outof her depth, or to soar beyond the level of her comprehensionand her knowledge. Her conversation therefore was happilydescribed by an old and attached friend and very competent judge, when he said of it that 'her talk was so _crisp. _'[5] She had aneven flow of animal spirits, was never capricious or uncertain, full of vivacity, with a constant but temperate enjoyment ofsociety; never fastidious or exclusive, tasting and appreciatingexcellence without despising or slighting mediocrity; attentive, affable, and obliging to all, and equally delighting all, becauseher agreeableness was inseparable from her character, and was anhabitual and unceasing emanation from it, rather than theexertion of a latent power only drawn forth by the attraction ofcorresponding intellectual energies; perfectly natural both inmanner and character, honest, straightforward, sincere, and true, but with a genuine benevolence which made her sensitively shrinkfrom the infliction of pain. Delivered altogether from 'envy, hatred, malice, and all uncharitableness, ' she was ever inclinedto extenuate the faults, to pardon the errors, and to put thebest construction on the motives of others; no mean jealousy everentered her mind, no repining at the prosperity, howeverunmerited, of other people. She drew pleasure from the purest ofall sources, from the contemplation of the success, thehappiness, and the welfare of her friends and acquaintance. Withan exquisite tact, without the slightest appearance of art, frankwithout severity, open without imprudence, always negligent ofself and considerate of others, all her thoughts, impulses, andactions were regulated by the united influence of the highestprinciples, the clearest judgement, and the kindliest feelings. Thus blessed in her own happy disposition, she was a blessing toall around her. She was the ornament and delight of society, thecomfort, support, and joy of her own family. The numerous friendswho admired and esteemed her will sincerely deplore her loss; theworld, in which she never made an enemy, will render its tributeof justice to her merit in a transient but general expression ofregret; but to the grief of her children, the bitterness of whichtime alone can assuage, time itself can afford but an imperfectconsolation, for so entirely was she associated with theinterests, the habits, and the pursuits of their existence, thatevery passing day and hour will bring something to remind them ofthe loss they have sustained. But although it has not beenpermitted to them to see her days extended to the ordinary termof human life, and to be engaged in the tender office of 'rockingthe cradle of her declining age, ' for herself it is no unhappy orunenviable lot to have closed a useful, an honourable, and aprosperous career in the unimpaired possession of her faculties, without mental disquietude or bodily pain, and surrounded by allthe dearest objects of her interest and her love. 

 [4] [Susan, Countess of Harrowby, daughter of Granville, first Marquis of Stafford, and wife of Dudley Ryder, first Earl of Harrowby, died the 26th of May, 1838. ]

 [5] Mr. Luttrell. 

June 1st, 1838 {p. 097}

Nothing has happened of any importance during the last week butthe defeat of Government upon the Slave question (Sir E. Wilmot'smotion for immediate emancipation), on Tuesday last, and thishappened by an accident. Nobody expected an early division, andpeople were scattered all over the town. Ben Stanley[6] wasdining at the Hollands'. In the meantime Lord Stanley persuadedRice that it was better to have no debate, and that it wasneither necessary nor desirable that they should speak. Riceacquiesced, and so they went to a division, but unfortunatelybefore a sufficient number of their people had arrived. It wasembarrassing, but Lord John Russell has taken measures to set thematter right before the West Indian mail goes out. TheAbolitionists, however, are determined to do as much mischief asthey can, and though they know perfectly well that Government(and Parliament, for the Tories are in the same intention) areresolved not to consent to alter the law, and that the Bill forprotecting the apprentices is gone out, they are resolved toagitate as violently as they can, and, if possible, to stir upthe negroes to insurrection. These men of peace would prefer aviolent commotion in the West Indies, attended with every sort ofmischief to the slaves as well as to the planters, rather thanabandon their own schemes and notions, in which there is muchmore of vanity and the love of meddling than of benevolence andcharity. The whole conduct of Sir Eardley Wilmot, who is only theorgan of a party, proves this; for, though well aware he couldtake no advantage of his resolution, and that if nothing was doneto correct the effect of it, a great deal of excitement would beproduced in the colony, he nevertheless tried to shirk thequestion when asked by John Russell to say distinctly what hemeant to do, and showed that his only object was to create adifficulty, whatever might be the consequences, and to exhibithimself to the country as the successful asserter of a principle. 

 [6] [The Right Hon. Edward John Stanley, afterwards second Lord Stanley of Alderley, then Secretary of the Treasury. He was familiarly called 'Ben' Stanley by his friends. ]

[Page Head: LORD BROUGHAM AND MR. HANDLEY. ]

On Friday, at Exeter Hall, while engaged in the same cause, Brougham got a severe rap on the knuckles from Mr. Handley--oneof those rebuffs to which, with all his talents, he exposeshimself, from his tricks and his violence, and, above all, hiswant of truth. Brougham made a speech, in which he belaboured theMinistry generally, and many of them by name, with his usualacrimony. Handley, who had a resolution to move, said heregretted to see the chairman prostitute the cause for which theywere assembled by making it the vehicle of abuse of theGovernment, and thus venting his spite, disappointed ambition, and mortified vanity; on which Brougham rose in a great rage, andsaid he did not know who the gentleman was who, coming at theeleventh hour, attacked him, who had been a labourer in the causefor thirty years; to which the other retorted that he did notknow what he meant by his coming at the eleventh hour, that hehad been for many years in Parliament, and had voted against thegrant of twenty millions, and for immediate emancipation, inopposition to the apprenticeship system, both of which Broughamhad been a party to proposing. 

I dined yesterday at Lambeth, at the Archbishop's public dinner, the handsomest entertainment I ever saw. There were nearly ahundred people present, all full-dressed or in uniform. Nothingcan be more dignified and splendid than the whole arrangement, and the dinner was well served and very good. The Archbishop is avery meek and quiet man, not dignified, but very civil andattentive. It is excessively well worth seeing. [7]

 [7] [These archiepiscopal dinners were public: anyone could go who thought proper to put down his name, which, of course, nobody did without some claim to be there. The practice ended with Archbishop Howley. ]

On Friday night the Bishop of Norwich (Stanley) stood up andfought the Bishop of Exeter, in the House of Lords, with greatsuccess, upon the Irish education question. 

June 3rd, 1838 {p. 100}

[Page Head: IRISH CORPORATIONS. ]

On Tuesday last all was harmony in the House of Commons. Peelmade a speech, in which he announced his disposition to come to acompromise, and settle all the Irish questions. Lord Johnanswered in a corresponding strain of conciliation, and it wasgenerally understood that everything should be quietly settled, not, however, to the satisfaction of the Tory tail, much growlingbeing heard, both in the newspapers and among the low retainersof the party. (Stanley told somebody, who told me, that hethought this the best speech he ever heard Peel make. ) But onFriday night this serene sky was overcast with clouds, and all isthrown into doubt and difficulty again. They are quarrellingabout the qualification, and angry words were bandied about. [8]O'Connell and Sheil were abusive, though Peel and Lord John bothkept their tempers. It is supposed that the Tory party have beenso urgent, that Peel is obliged to take up this ground. When theyhave gone so far towards a settlement, it is probable that somemode will be hit upon for arranging the difficulty. The mob ofTories would be rejoiced to see everything fall to the ground. 'Thank God, ' said one the other night, after the renewal ofhostilities, 'there is an end of compromise. ' I am disposed onthe whole (but very imperfectly informed) to think that JohnRussell is right and Peel wrong, and that the former has made allthe concessions that ought to be required of him and that he canafford to make. 

 [8] [The measure before the House was the Irish Municipal Corporation Bill. ]

June 7th, 1838 {p. 101}

Walked with Mulgrave[9] (whom I met at Brooks's), and asked himto tell me candidly who was in the right about the qualification, John Russell or Peel? He said, 'talking openly to you, I don'tmind saying both are a little in the wrong; but the fact is, theother party do not know what would be the practical effect of thequalification they require, and when that is made clear to them, in Dublin particularly' (and he mentioned some numbers anddetails I don't exactly recollect), 'I think they will see thenecessity of altering their opinions. ' He then talked of thepolitical effect of settling these questions as clearing away theobstacles which now stand in Peel's way, and said he thought itwould eventually end in some sort of amalgamation of parties. This I was surprised to hear from him, and told him that itappeared to me quite impossible. But it is clear enough that itis the intention of the Government, at all events, to settle thequestions, and if the Opposition will not give way, they will. They are quite right, for it is a great thing to get theprinciple admitted and to have corporations established; and ifupon trial it is found that there is an undue preponderance castinto either scale, it will be good ground for proposing analteration of the law. 

 [9] [Lord Mulgrave, afterwards Marquis of Normanby, was at this time Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland. ]

June 16th, 1838 {p. 101}

At Hillingdon, for Ascot races, from Tuesday to Friday. A greatconcourse of people on Thursday; the Queen tolerably received;some shouting, not a great deal, and few hats taken off. Thismark of respect has quite gone out of use, and neither herstation nor her sex procures it; we are not the nearer arevolution for this, but it is ugly. All the world went on to theRoyal Stand, and Her Majesty was very gracious and civil, speaking to everybody. 

June 21st, 1838 {p. 101}

O'Connell has declined the Irish Rolls (Mastership of the Rolls). He says that it has been the object of his ambition all his life, but that at this moment he cannot accept it; that the moderatecourse which the Government is pursuing (the abandonment of theAppropriation Clauses &c. ) and his support of that course havealready given great umbrage to the violent party in Ireland, andhis acceptance of office would be considered as the result of abargain by which he had bartered the principles he has alwaysmaintained in order to obtain this place; that his influencewould be entirely lost; a ferment produced in Ireland which hewould be unable to suppress, and the Government would be placedin great difficulty. He therefore thinks himself bound to refusethe Rolls, and to continue to exert his influence to keep mattersquiet, and enable the Government to accomplish the settlement ofthe pending questions, hoping that at some future time anopportunity may occur of raising him to the Bench, of which hemay be able to avail himself. Lord Tavistock, who told me this, says no one could behave better than he has done about it, and hegives him credit (as the whole party do) for sincerity and purityof motive. Taking his recent conduct generally in connexion, withthis refusal, I am disposed to believe that his motives are good, and that he is really desirous of aiding in the compromise whichis about to take place, and promoting the great work of Irishpacification, not probably without some personal views andobjects; and if the present Government remains in, his presentact of self-denial will be 'reculer pour mieux sauter, ' and findits reward in the Chief Justiceship whenever Lord Chief JusticeBush retires, of which there is already a question. 

The debate in the House of Lords the night before last, onLondonderry's Spanish motion, elicited from Lord Minto a curiousfact (that is, the fact was asserted and not denied) that ordershad been sent from hence to our ships of war to prevent by forceany aid being given to Don Carlos by the ships of other nations, and that a Sardinian frigate had actually been forciblyprevented. It has made a great sensation here among thediplomatists. 

Another thing much talked of is the speech which Lord Angleseymade at the Waterloo dinner when he gave the Duke's health. Hesaid that

 'it was superfluous to talk of his military achievements, but that he must express his admiration of his conduct in civil matters, especially in the House of Lords during the present session, when he had shown how superior he was to all party considerations and purposes, and when he had given his support to a Government in which it was well known he placed no confidence, because he thought that the national honour and interest required that they should be supported. '

Of course, a speech reported at second or third hand is not verycorrectly given, but this was the gist of it, extremely well doneby all accounts, not perhaps palatable to all who heard him, butwhich gave great pleasure to the Duke himself. Anglesey said thatthe Duke, when he sat down, squeezed his hand hard and long, andsaid to him, 'I cannot tell you what pleasure you have given me. 'The Queen sent the Duke a gracious message, desiring he wouldbring the whole of his party to her ball, which gratified himvery much, and he wrote a very grateful and respectful answer. The French were exceedingly annoyed at the ball being given onthat particular night (the 18th), and begged to be excused fromattending, not angrily however. It was unfortunate that this daywas chosen for the ball, but it was accidental, and not intendedas a celebration. 

[Page Head: MARSHAL SOULT IN LONDON. ]

Soult arrived yesterday. [10] Croker meets him with an offensivearticle in the 'Quarterly, ' brought out on purpose, and emanatingfrom his spiteful and malignant temper, just the reverse of theDuke, who has made Gurwood keep back the eleventh volume of theDespatches, in which the battle of Toulouse appears, because someof the details are calculated to be annoying to Soult--a piece ofdelicacy which is very becoming. It is a sad thing to see how theDuke is altered in appearance, and what a stride old age has madeupon him. He is much deafer than he was, he is whiter, his headis bent, his shoulders are raised, and there are musculartwitches in his face, not altogether new, but of a more markedcharacter. 

 [10] [The preparations for the Coronation of Her Majesty Queen Victoria, were now actively going on. Marshal Soult arrived in London as the Ambassador Extraordinary of the King of the French, and was received with the highest distinction and respect, to which Mr. Croker's article in the 'Quarterly Review' on the battle of Toulouse was the solitary and disgraceful exception. ]

June 24th, 1838 {p. 104}

Lord Anglesey gave me his speech at the Waterloo dinner to read, and very good it is. [11] I wanted him to let me send it to the'Times, ' and he told me I might do as I liked. I resolved toconsult Tavistock, who was (on the whole) against publishing, forfear it should be displeasing to the Duke, so I give up the idea. What he said about the Duke was this, after alluding to hismilitary glory &c. :--

 'But there is a subject on which I wish to say a word, and it shall be only a word. I allude to the noble, the generous, the disinterested, the truly patriotic conduct of the noble Duke in his Parliamentary course. At the opening of the session the country was involved in difficulty, and under very considerable embarrassment; the spirit of faction had crossed the Atlantic; the demon of discord was abroad; one of the most favoured and interesting of our colonies was in revolt. The noble Duke saw this, and seemed at once to decide that it would require all the energies of the mother country to crush the Hydra at its birth. Accordingly, when any measure was brought forward tending to support the dignity, to uphold the honour, and to secure the integrity of the empire, the noble Duke invariably came forward and nobly supported those measures. But the noble Duke did not stop there: spurning the miserable practices of party spirit, he upon many occasions offered his sage and solid counsel to a Government which he had not been in the habit of supporting. Gentlemen, I declare to you that this conduct has made a deep impression on me. It appears to me that this is the true character and conduct of a real patriot; such conduct is, in my estimation, beyond all praise. '

 [11] The impression which Lord Anglesey's speech made was not such as his own report of it was calculated to make. A word makes a difference, and he was supposed to have said that the Duke had 'separated' himself from faction, which implied censure on others and made it a _political speech_, and though Anglesey says the Duke was so pleased, Gurwood told me that in reply he merely said 'He believed every man present would have done, in his place, what he had done, ' and he afterwards asked Gurwood if he had said anything in his reply that could _annoy_ Lord Anglesey, which looks as if he was not so highly pleased as the former supposed him to be. Gurwood said, 'We were all on thorns when he talked of faction, and the Duke replied, "Poor man, he was suffering very much, and he is not used to public speaking, so that he did not know what he was saying. "' If Anglesey could hear this!

June 27th, 1838 {p. 105}

[Page Head: PREPARATIONS FOR THE CORONATION. ]

There never was anything seen like the state of this town; it isas if the population had been on a sudden quintupled; the uproar, the confusion, the crowd, the noise, are indescribable. Horsemen, footmen, carriages squeezed, jammed, intermingled, the pavementblocked up with timbers, hammering and knocking, and fallingfragments stunning the ears and threatening the head; not a mobhere and there, but the town all mob, thronging, bustling, gaping, and gazing at everything, at anything, or at nothing; thepark one vast encampment, with banners floating on the tops ofthe tents, and still the roads are covered, the railroads loadedwith arriving multitudes. From one end of the route of the Royalprocession to the other, from the top of Piccadilly toWestminster Abbey, there is a vast line of scaffolding; thenoise, the movement, the restlessness are incessant anduniversal; in short, it is very curious, but uncommonly tiresome, and the sooner it is over the better. There has been a grandbother about the Ambassadors forming part of the RoyalProcession. They all detest it, think they ought not to have beencalled upon to assist, and the poor representatives of thesmaller Courts do not at all fancy the expense of fine equipages, or the mortification of exhibiting mean ones. This arrangementwas matter of negotiation for several days, and (the Lord knowswhy) the Government pertinaciously insisted on it. Public opinionhas declared against it, and now they begin to see that they havedone a very foolish thing, odious to the Corps Diplomatique andunpleasing to the people. 

The Duke and Soult have met here with great mutual civilities, and it is very generally known that the former did everything hecould to stop the appearance of Croker's article. Gurwood told methat he begged the Duke to write to Croker and request he wouldkeep it back. The Duke said, 'I will write because you wish it, but I tell you that he won't do it. When a man's vanity or hisinterest is concerned he minds nobody, and _he_ thinks himself acleverer fellow than anybody. ' The Duke knew his man, for heflatly refused, and intimated that though the Duke might be abetter judge of military matters, he (Croker) was the best ofliterary. 

A great squabble is going on about the Wellington memorial, [12]in which I have so far been concerned that Lord Tavistock got meto write the requisition to the Duke of Rutland to call anothermeeting of the committee, to reconsider the question of theselection of the artist. It is a gross job of Sir FredericTrench's, and has been so from the beginning, the Duke being amere cat's-paw of that impudent Irish pretender. The Duke ofWellington himself thinks it a great job, and would be very gladto see it defeated; but he said that 'his lips were sealed, hecould take no part, the Duke of Rutland had been so personallykind to him, but that it was the damnedest job from thebeginning. '

 [12] [This refers to the subscription for a memorial to the Duke of Wellington, which led eventually to the strange erection of the equestrian statue of the Duke, placed _upon_ the arch at the top of Constitution Hill and in front of Apsley House. Sir Frederic Trench took an active part in the promotion of the affair, in the selection of Wyatt for the artist, and finally in the placing of the statue, which appeared to most people who knew all the facts at the time, to be a scandalous job and an enormous absurdity. In the year 1883 the arch was moved from its former position and the statue taken down, to be transported to the camp at Aldershot and erected there. ]

June 29th, 1838 {p. 106}

[Page Head: THE CORONATION. ]

The Coronation (which, thank God, is over) went off very well. The day was fine, without heat or rain--the innumerable multitudewhich thronged the streets orderly and satisfied. The appearanceof the Abbey was beautiful, particularly the benches of thePeeresses, who were blazing with diamonds. The entry of Soult wasstriking. He was saluted with a murmur of curiosity and applauseas he passed through the nave, and nearly the same, as headvanced along the choir. His appearance is that of a veteranwarrior, and he walked alone, with his numerous suite followingat a respectful distance, preceded by heralds and ushers, whoreceived him with marked attention, more certainly than any ofthe other Ambassadors. The Queen looked very diminutive, and theeffect of the procession itself was spoilt by being too crowded;there was not interval enough between the Queen and the Lords andothers going before her. The Bishop of London (Blomfield)preached a very good sermon. The different actors in theceremonial were very imperfect in their parts, and had neglectedto rehearse them. Lord John Thynne, who officiated for the Deanof Westminster, told me that nobody knew what was to be doneexcept the Archbishop and himself (who had rehearsed), LordWilloughby (who is experienced in these matters), and the Duke ofWellington, and consequently there was a continual difficulty andembarrassment, and the Queen never knew what she was to do next. They made her leave her chair and enter into St. Edward's Chapelbefore the prayers were concluded, much to the discomfiture ofthe Archbishop. She said to John Thynne, 'Pray tell me what I amto do, for they don't know;' and at the end, when the orb was putinto her hand, she said to him, 'What am I to do with it?' 'YourMajesty is to carry it, if you please, in your hand. ' 'Am I?' shesaid; 'it is very heavy. ' The ruby ring was made for her littlefinger instead of the fourth, on which the rubric prescribes thatit should be put. When the Archbishop was to put it on, sheextended the former, but he said it must be on the latter. Shesaid it was too small, and she could not get it on. He said itwas right to put it there, and, as he insisted, she yielded, buthad first to take off her other rings, and then this was forcedon, but it hurt her very much, and as soon as the ceremony wasover she was obliged to bathe her finger in iced water in orderto get it off. The noise and confusion were very great when themedals were thrown about by Lord Surrey, everybody scramblingwith all their might and main to get them, and none morevigorously than the Maids of Honour. There was a greatdemonstration of applause when the Duke of Wellington did homage. Lord Rolle, who is between eighty and ninety, fell down as he wasgetting up the steps of the throne. Her first impulse was torise, and when afterwards he came again to do homage she said, 'May I not get up and meet him?' and then rose from the throneand advanced down one or two of the steps to prevent his comingup, an act of graciousness and kindness which made a greatsensation. [13] It is, in fact, the remarkable union of _naïveté_, kindness, nature, good nature, with propriety and dignity, whichmakes her so admirable and so endearing to those about her, asshe certainly is. I have been repeatedly told that they are allwarmly attached to her, but that all feel the impossibility offor a moment losing sight of the respect which they owe her. Shenever ceases to be a Queen, but is always the most charming, cheerful, obliging, unaffected Queen in the world. The processionwas very handsome, and the Extraordinary Ambassadors producedsome gorgeous equipages. This sort of procession is incomparablybetter than the old ceremonial which so much fuss was made about, for the banquet would only have benefited the privileged few andthe rich, and for one person who would have witnessed theprocession on the platform five hundred enjoyed a sight of this. In fact, the thing best worth seeing was the town itself, and thecountless multitudes through which the procession passed. TheChancellor of the Exchequer told me that he had been informed£200, 000 had been paid for seats alone, and the number of peoplewho have flocked into London has been estimated at five hundredthousand. It is said that a million have had a sight of the showin one way or another. These numbers are possibly exaggerated, but they really were prodigious. From Buckingham Palace toWestminster Abbey, by the way they took, which must be two orthree miles in length, there was a dense mass of people; theseats and benches were all full, every window was occupied, theroofs of the houses were covered with spectators, for the mostpart well dressed, and, from the great space through which theywere distributed, there was no extraordinary pressure, andconsequently no room for violence or ill-humour. In the evening Imet Prince Esterhazy, and asked him what the foreigners said. Hereplied that they admired it all very much: 'Strogonoff and theothers don't like you, but they feel it, and it makes a greatimpression on them; in fact, nothing can be seen like it in anyother country. ' I went into the park, where the fair was goingon; a vast multitude, but all of the lower orders; not veryamusing. The great merit of this Coronation is, that so much hasbeen done for the people: to amuse and interest _them_ seems tohave been the principal object. 

 [13] She sent in the evening to inquire after Lord Rolle. 

July 1st, 1838 {p. 109}

[Page Head: COLERIDGE AND JOHN STERLING. ]

This morning hit upon this stanza in Coleridge's 'Ode toTranquillity':--

 'Who late and lingering seeks thy shrine On him but seldom, power divine, Thy spirit rests! Satiety And sloth, poor counterfeits of thee, Mock the tired worldling. Idle hope And dire remembrance interlope To vex the feverish slumbers of the mind: The bubble floats before, the spectre stalks behind. '

My own thoughts about myself. Mr. Sterling, whom I met at dinnerthe other day (son of Sterling, of the 'Times'[14]), said thatWordsworth, Coleridge, Shelley, and Keats were all greater poetsthan Dryden, that they had all finer imaginations. He compared'The Vision of Kubla Khan' to 'Lycidas' for harmony ofversification!!

 [14] [This was Mr. John Sterling, whose life has been written by Thomas Carlyle, and again by Julius Hare, though it was a short and uneventful one. Few men left a deeper mark upon his own contemporaries, not less by the grace and purity of his character than by the vigour of his intellect. It is hard to think that of so bright a promise of life and thought so little remains after him. Sterling was sometimes paradoxical, and he worshipped Coleridge, which may account for the incident related in the text. ]

July 3rd, 1838 {p. 109}

I was at the ball at Court last night to which hundreds wouldhave given hundreds to go, and from which I would have gladlystayed away: all was very brilliant and very tiresome. 

July 4th, 1838 {p. 109}

A great exposure of Durham in the House of Lords on Mondaynight, [15] Brougham chuckling over it yesterday morning. Theimpression left by Melbourne's speech was, that Durham hadactually assured him he had no intention of appointing Turton, and it was either so, or Melbourne had desired him not to do so, and he went off without sending any answer. The former discussionabout Turton took place while Durham was at Portsmouth. Everything blows over, so probably this will, but it iscalculated to produce a very bad effect both here and in Canada, and to deprive Durham of all the weight which would attach to himfrom the notion of his being trusted and trustworthy; besides, the bitter mortification to his pride (by receiving this rap onthe knuckles at the outset of his career) will sour his temperand impair his judgement. Brougham says that if he finds hisdifficulties great and his position disagreeable, he will availhimself of Melbourne's speech and resign. It is universallythought that he must send Turton home whatever he may do himself. 

 [15] [Lord Durham took with him to Canada, on his staff, besides Mr. Charles Buller (an unexceptionable appointment), Mr. Turton, of the Calcutta Bar, and Mr. Edward Gibbon Wakefield, gentlemen against whose private character much had been not unjustly said. Some of these appointments were strongly objected to in Parliament. ]

July 8th, 1838 {p. 110}

Lord Duncannon told me yesterday that Melbourne went to LordDurham when he heard he was going to take out Turton, and toldhim that the odium of such an appointment would be so great thatit was impossible he could consent to it, and it must not takeplace. Durham sulked over it for two days, but finallyacquiesced, and engaged that Turton should only go out as hisprivate friend. Duncannon added that Durham was much mistaken ifhe thought Melbourne would endure this disobedience and breach ofengagement. Durham had made his entry into Quebec on a whitelong-tailed charger, in a full general's uniform, surrounded byhis staff, and the first thing he did was to appoint Sir JohnDoratt (his doctor, whom he had got knighted before he went)Inspector-General of Hospitals, superseding all the people there. 

July 14th, 1838 {p. 110}

[Page Head: THE NAVAL INSTRUCTIONS. ]

At Newmarket all this past week. Nothing of consequence occurredhere except the debate in the House of Lords upon Brougham'smotion for the production of naval instructions about Sardinianships, which was only lost by the numbers being equal. The Dukeof Wellington, according to his custom, refused to be factious, and when Melbourne said that it would be highly inconvenient toproduce any instructions, he declared against the motion and leftthe House. Brougham was furious, and many of the high Toriesgreatly provoked. Brougham said, 'Westminster Abbey is yawningfor him. ' Ellenborough, Mansfield, and Harewood stayed and voted, Aberdeen went away. After all their fury, however, the Tories arebeginning (as I was told last night) to come to their senses. TheDuke was quite in the right; there is no doubt that some veryunwise and improper instructions have issued from the Admiralty, and their purport has got abroad by the indiscretion of somebody, but we only know, or rather suspect from public rumour, that suchis the case; they have never been acted upon if they do exist; noovert act has been done, and the production of this documentmight be attended with very seriously inconvenient consequences. Brougham cares for nothing but the pleasure of worrying andembarrassing the Ministers, whom he detests with an intensehatred; and the Tories, who are bitter and spiteful, and hatethem merely as Ministers and as occupants of the places theycovet, and not as men, are provoked to death at being baulked inthe occasion that seemed to present itself of putting them into adifficulty. The Duke, whose thoughts are steadily directed to thepublic good, and to that alone, will lend himself to no suchvexatious purposes; he looks at the position of the Government inrelation with foreign powers, and deals with it as a national andnot as a party question. It is in this spirit that he constantlyand inflexibly acts, though not failing to give Ministers apretty sharp lecture every now and then. His forbearance hasannoyed his own supporters to such a degree that they keep up acontinual under-growl, and are always lamenting the decay of hisfaculties, and if they dared and knew how, they would gladlysubstitute some other leader for him. The 'ardor prava jubentium'has, however, no effect whatever on him: it neither ruffles hisserenity nor shakes his purpose. The Whigs laud him to the skies, which provokes the Tories all the more, nor does their praisespring in all probability from a purer or more unselfish sourcethan the complaints of their adversaries, for they are morerejoiced at finding so often this plank of safety than struckwith admiration at his magnanimity. Wise, moderate, and impartialmen of all parties view the Duke's conduct in its true light, andrender him that justice the full measure of which it is reservedfor history and posterity to pay. No greater contrast can bedisplayed than between the minds of the Duke of Wellington andBrougham. It is a curious and an interesting study to examine andcompare their powers, faculties, attainments, the moral andintellectual constitutions of the men, their respective careers, their results, and the judgement of the world upon them. 

Yesterday morning I met Macaulay, [16] and walked with him forsome time. He talked of the necessity of a coalition between theParliamentary leaders, which might be effected, provided theywould lay aside personal feelings and jealousies; that Lyndhurstmight be the greatest obstacle; he thought a strong Governmentought to be formed, one that should not live as this does fromhand to mouth, and by no means but by a coalition could this beeffected. The Radicals, he said, were clearly extinct, beingreduced, as far as he could learn, 'to Grote and his wife;' thathe had not been prepared for the tranquillity and contentmentthat he found on his return to England; that he was as great aRadical as anybody, that is, that if ever the voice of the nationshould be as clearly and universally pronounced for reform of theHouse of Lords, or any other great change, as it had been for theReform Bill, he should be for it too, but that now he did notthink it worth while to give such projects a thought, and it nomore occurred to him to entertain them in this country than itwould to advocate the establishment of a representativegovernment in Turkey, or a monarchy and hereditary peerage inAmerica. I told him that I did not see how a coalition wasfeasible, or how conflicting pretensions could be adjusted. Hesaid it seemed to be a matter of course that Peel must lead theHouse of Commons. I said that the other alternative theGovernment had was to get rid of some of its lumber, and take inhim, Morpeth, and Sir George Grey, and so present a morerespectable front--to which he said nothing. 

 [16] [Mr. Macaulay returned to England from his official residence in India, in June 1838. ]

[Page Head: THE RECEPTION OF MARSHAL SOULT. ]

It is really curious to see the manner in which Soult has beenreceived here, not only with every sort of attention and respectby persons in the most respectable ranks in life, members of allthe great trading and commercial bodies, but with enthusiasm bythe common people; they flock about him, cheer him vociferously, and at the review in the park he was obliged to abandon both hishands to be shaken by those around him. The old soldier istouched to the quick at this generous reception, and has givenutterance to his gratitude and his sensibility on severaloccasions in very apt terms. It is creditable to John Bull, but Iam at a loss to understand why he is so desperately fond ofSoult; but Johnny is a gentleman who generally does things inexcess, and seldom anything by halves. In the present instance itis a very good thing, and must be taken as a national complimentand as evidence of national goodwill towards France, which cannotfail to make a corresponding impression in that country. But theFrench will not meet us cordially and frankly and with an equallyamicable spirit; they are not such good fellows as the English;they have more vanity and jealousy, and are not so hearty; stillit will not be without effect. 

July 18th, 1838 {p. 113}

[Page Head: CLAIM OF THE DUKE OF SUSSEX. ]

The Duke of Sussex has quarrelled with the Government on accountof their refusal to apply to Parliament for an increasedallowance, and his partisans are very angry with Melbourne, andtalk of withdrawing their support. The Duke began by requestingMelbourne to bring the matter before the Cabinet, which he did, and the result was that they informed his Royal Highness it couldnot be done. He was very angry, and the rest of the Royal family(glad to make bad blood between him and the Whigs) fomented hisdiscontent. The Duke of Cambridge went to Melbourne and beggedthat he might not stand in the way of his brother's wishes, fromits being supposed that if they were complied with, his ownclaims could likewise be urged. The Duke, finding he could donothing with the Government, determined to do what he could forhimself, and began to canvass and exert all the influence hepossessed among Members of Parliament, and (as he thought) withsuch success, that he counted upon 250 votes in his favour. Hethen employed Mr. Gillon to move the matter in the House ofCommons, having previously conveyed to Melbourne his intention todo what he could for himself, but not making any communication toLord John Russell, and directing his confidants to conceal fromhim what it was intended to do. Accordingly John Russell paidvery little attention to the motion of Mr. Gillon, which he sawentered on the Order Book, and when it came on, he opposed it. Peel pronounced a very warm eulogium upon John Russell's conduct, and the motion was rejected by ninety to forty, the Duke'santicipated supporters having dwindled away to that paltrynumber. Bitter was his mortification and violent his resentmentat this result. He wrote an angry letter to John Russell, towhich John sent a temperate and respectful reply, but his RoyalHighness has since informed Melbourne that he shall withdraw hissupport from the Government, and the Duke of Cleveland haslikewise given notice that the conduct of Government to the Duke'makes the whole difference' in his disposition to support them. The Duke's friends generally have expressed so muchdissatisfaction, that it is matter of considerable embarrassmentand annoyance to the Government, and if this was to be carried tothe length of opposition, or even neutrality, it might beproductive of serious consequences, weak as they are. But as thissession is about to close, means will probably be found ofpacifying them before the opening of the next. Much of themischief has arisen from the want of communication andunderstanding between the parties. It seems strange that LordJohn Russell should have been ignorant of the Duke's intentionswhen Melbourne had been apprised of them, and the latter ought tohave imparted to the former all he had learnt with regard tothem. Lord John Russell says that they seldom communicate exceptwith regard to matters which come before the Cabinet, and that ifhe had learnt that Lord Radnor or any other peer was going tomake some such motion in the House of Lords, he should not havethought of speaking to Melbourne about it, each managing hismatters in his own way in the House to which he belongs. Butthough he makes this excuse for Melbourne, it was great _laches_in the latter, after what had passed, not to tell Lord John whatwas in preparation, when some communication with the Duke'sfriends might have prevented the discussion. On the other hand, it was very bad policy in the Duke not to be more open with theleader of the House of Commons and to attempt to carry his objectby force. But he had buoyed himself up with the notion that hispopularity was so great that there would be a Parliamentarydemonstration in his favour sufficient to compel the Ministers toyield, and he now sees how much he overrated it, andmiscalculated the support he fancied he had secured. What hecomplains of with the greatest bitterness is the conduct of LordHowick in having asked Mr. Hawes to oppose this grant: 'that theson of the man whose administration I made only a few years agoshould have canvassed others to oppose me is the deepest woundthat ever was inflicted on me. ' He fancies (it seems) that _hemade_ Lord Grey's administration!

The Duke has some sort of claim, under all the circumstances. When King William came to the throne, he told him he was anxiousto do what he could for him, and would therefore give him thebest thing at his disposal, the Rangership of Windsor Park, £4, 000 a year; but immediately after came Lord Grey's economicalreforms, which swept this away. The King then gave him Bushey;but it was found necessary to settle a jointure house on theQueen Dowager and Bushey was taken from him for this purpose. Atlast they gave him the Rangership of Hyde Park, and he hadactually drawn for the first quarter's salary, when the salarywas done away with, so that he has been three times disappointed, and he really is over head and ears in debt. It is now moredifficult than ever to do anything for him, because all partiesare committed, and there is a vote of the House of Commonsrecorded against the grant. In his dudgeon, he talks ofwithdrawing from politics, and of selling by public auction allhis personal property, library included. 

July 23rd, 1838 {p. 116}

I went the other night (Friday) to Burghersh's[17] opera atBraham's theatre. A vast deal of fine company, and prodigiousapplause; tolerable music, moderately sung, but a favourableaudience. When it was over they insisted upon his appearing, and, after some delay, he thrust his head out from an obscure pit-boxin which he had been sitting and bowed and smiled; but this wasnot enough, and they would have him on the stage; so a greatclapping and shouting went on, among the most vociferous beingthe Duke of Wellington, who enjoyed the fun like a boy, laughingand beckoning to Burghersh, and bawling 'Maestro! Maestro!' tillat last, vanquished by the enthusiasm of the audience and theencouragement of his friends, he appeared at a corner of thestage; then came a shower of bouquets, which were picked up byMrs. Bishop and the other women and presented to him, and soended the triumphant night. 

 [17] [John, Lord Burghersh, afterwards eleventh Earl of Westmoreland, served in the army with distinction, and afterwards in the diplomatic service of the Crown. He was devotedly fond of music, and composed both for the orchestra and the stage, not without success. He died in 1859. ]

July 24th, 1838 {p. 116}

[Page Head: MR. HOOK'S SERMON. ]

High Church has been recently reading lectures to Her Majesty theQueen in the shape of two sermons preached at the Chapel Royal byMr. Perceval and Mr. Hook. [18] The Bishop of London was cognizantof Mr. Perceval's intention, and he preached himself for severalSundays, probably for the purpose of keeping him out of thepulpit; but, the Bishop having had a fall from his horse andbroken his collar-bone, Mr. Perceval found his opportunity. TheBishop, however, previously warned the Queen that she must expecta very _strong_ sermon, which naturally excited her curiosity, and when she heard it it did not appear to her so strong as shehad expected. The Bishop's advice or his own reflexion may haveinduced Mr. Perceval to soften it. He made an attack upon Peel(that is, upon somebody whom they concluded to be Peel), reproaching him with sacrificing his conscience to politicalobjects in consenting to Catholic emancipation, not _totidemverbis_, but in words to this effect. Hook's sermon appears tohave been the stronger of the two. He told the Queen that theChurch would endure let what would happen to the throne. On herreturn to Buckingham House, Normanby, who had been at the chapel, said to her, 'Did not your Majesty find it very hot?' She said, 'Yes, and the sermon was very hot too. '

 [18] [Afterwards Dean of Chichester, and author of the 'Lives of the Archbishops. ']

July 28th, 1838 {p. 117}

The letters between Lord Palmerston and Mr. Urquhart whichappeared two days ago in the 'Times, ' have made a very greatsensation, and thrown the friends of the former into great alarm. Urquhart's letter is so enormously long, so overlaid with matter, and so stuffed with acrimonious abuse, that it is difficult toseize the points of it; but that to which general attention isdirected is the positive assertion of Lord Palmerston that he hadnothing to do with the 'Portfolio, ' and the announcement ofUrquhart that in consequence of such denegation he willdemonstrate that Palmerston had everything to do with it. He issaid to make exceedingly light of it, and asserts that he canclear himself of all the imputations Mr. Urquhart seeks to castupon him. He has, however, committed a great blunder in enteringinto a paper war at all. In his letter he correctly lays down theprinciple of the irresponsibility and omnipotence of a Secretaryof State in relation to his agents, and there he ought to havestopped, and, acting on that principle, have declined anycontroversy; but he entered into it, and descended from hispedestal; and, though his letter is clever and well written, there are some very weak points in it, and some things whichincline one to doubt his veracity. Who, for example, can believethat when Strangways[19] gave him a letter from Urquhartcontaining (as he informed him) a statement of his conduct, whichconduct he thought so reprehensible that he had desiredStrangways to admonish and caution him, he should have put thisletter in his pocket, and not even have broken the seal till along time after? The Government people are evidently in greatconsternation, and it is very remarkable that not a line ofcontradiction has appeared in any of Palmerston's papers. No lessthan three men (Labouchere, Morpeth, and Le Marchant) spoke to meabout it yesterday, full of doubt and anxiety, and very curiousto know 'what people said. '

 [19] [The Hon. William Strangways, afterwards Earl of Ilchester, was at this time Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. Mr. Strangways was an old and intimate friend of Prince Adam Czartoryski, by whom the papers were brought to England which afterwards appeared in the 'Portfolio, ' and it was through this Polish connexion that Mr. Urquhart was introduced to the notice of the Under-Secretary. Lord Palmerston was at that time (about 1834) strongly anti-Russian, and was perfectly cognizant of several undertakings which originated with Prince Adam Czartoryski, and his more energetic nephew, Count Ladislas Zamoyski, who had very much the ear of the English Government at that time. These undertakings were the publication of the 'Portfolio, ' Mr. George Bell's expedition to the coast of Circassia in the 'Vixen, ' which was seized there, and the attempt to establish a Consulate in the then Free-Town of Cracow. But after having encouraged and promoted these objects for some time in conjunction with Mr. Strangways, Lord Palmerston suddenly became violently opposed to them, and disclaimed all knowledge of those whom he had employed. See _infra_, January 30th, 1839. ]

[Page Head: MR. URQUHART AND LORD PALMERSTON. ]

Le Marchant told me that Palmerston was a strange mixture ofcaution and imprudence; that as long as he did not commit himself_on paper_ he thought himself safe; that he would see anynewspaper editor who called on him, and often communicate to suchpersons matters of great delicacy; yet, at the very time he woulddo this, he demurred to a request that was made to him tocommunicate freely with him (Le Marchant) and Drummond, who weremanaging the press on the part of Government; and this reservewas exercised towards him when he was Brougham's privatesecretary, cognisant of all that Brougham knew (which, of course, was everything), and frequently employed to communicate verballybetween the Chancellor and his colleagues on the mostconfidential matters. 

The history of Urquhart is this: William IV. Was nearly mad uponthe subject of Russia, and Sir Herbert Taylor[20] either partookof his opinions or ministered to his prejudices. Urquhart, whohad been in the East, published a violent anti-Russian pamphlet, which made some noise and which recommended him to the notice ofTaylor, and through him to that of the King. His Majesty took upUrquhart, and recommended him to Palmerston. Palmerston was notsorry to have an opportunity of gratifying the King, with whomthe Ministers were never on cordial terms, and probably he wasnot _then_ disinclined to act (as far as he dared) uponUrquhart's views. Accordingly he appointed him--a veryextraordinary appointment it was thought at the time--Secretaryof Embassy at Constantinople. There can be no doubt that Urquhartconsidered himself appointed to that station on account of theopinions he professed, and for the express purpose of giving themeffect. He was very likely told so by the King, and left to inferas much by Palmerston. The letter of Strangways, which hasappeared in the course of the correspondence, shows that thecommunications from the Foreign Office were in this spirit. Atthe same time Palmerston took care not to commit himself inwriting. When the death of the King was approaching, Palmerstonforesaw that he would have to change his tone with regard toEastern politics, and consequently that it would be convenient tothrow over Urquhart, which he proceeded to do. This man, firsthis tool and then his victim, turned out to be bold, unprincipled, and clever, and finding his prospects ruined andhis reputation damaged, he turned fiercely upon him whom heconsidered as his persecutor and betrayer. It is fortunate forPalmerston that the matter has broken out at the end of theSession when people are all on the wing and there is not time tosift anything to the bottom, but still the charges are so grave, and they involve such serious consequences and considerations, that it is absolutely necessary the truth should be manifestedone way or another. [21] The Foreign Ministers all believe thatPalmerston is guilty. Dedel told me last night that Pozzo hadsaid to him, 'Quant à moi, je ne dirai pas un mot; mais si toutcela est vrai, il faut aller aux galères pour trouver un pareilforfait. ' Graham said to me that he was sincerely sorry for it, inasmuch as he had personally a regard for Palmerston; that noman was ever a better, more honourable, or kinder colleague, moreanxious to smooth differences and adjust disputes; that _he_could not attack him in the House of Commons, neither wouldStanley; that Peel, who hated him, would not dislike doing so, but that he was too cautious to trust implicitly to Urquhart'sassertions, and to commit himself by acting on them; that therewas nobody else capable of dealing with the subject well, andthat Canning[22] ought not, for the same reasons (only muchstronger in his case) that restrained himself and Stanley. 

 [20] [King William's Private Secretary. ]

 [21] The truth never was manifested, the matter blew over, very little ever was said about it in the newspapers, Urquhart's revelations never appeared, the public forgot it, and the whole affair died a natural death. -- January 6th, 1839. 

 [22] [Sir Stratford Canning, afterwards Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, was at this time a Member of the House of Commons. ]

The bishops were at loggerheads in the House of Lords the othernight on the Ecclesiastical Discipline Bill. Exeter (Phillpotts), in a most venomous speech, attacked the Archbishop, whosemildness was stimulated into an angry reply; but Exeter gainedhis point, for both Brougham and the Duke were for postponing theBill. Phillpotts would have made a great bishop in the days ofBonner and Gardiner, or he would have been a Becket, or, stillbetter, a Pope either in the palmy days of papal power or duringthe important period of reaction which succeeded the Reformation. He seems cast in the mould of a Sixtus. 

August 3rd, 1838 {p. 120}

The following panegyric on the sixth volume of the Duke'sDespatches, evidently written by no common hand, was given by Dr. Ferguson to Edward Villiers, [23] the Doctor not knowing theauthor:--

 'The sixth volume appears to me among the most extraordinary of human productions, ancient or modern. It is not the mere power of sagacity, vigilance, acute and comprehensive reasoning, or, in short, the intellectual perfection of the book, various and wonderful as it is, which affects my mind most deeply: it is the love of justice, the love of truth, the love of humanity, the love of country, the fine temper, the tolerance of error, the mildness of reproof, the _superb morality_ of the great and masculine spirit displayed throughout it, which it is impossible for an honest man to observe without affection and admiration. '

 [23] [The Hon. Edward Ernest Villiers, a younger brother of Lord Clarendon, filled at this time the office of Clerk of the Clergy Returns to the Privy Council. ]

August 8th, 1838 {p. 121}

[Page Head: MACAULAY'S LIFE IN INDIA. ]

James Stephen yesterday was talking to me about Macaulay. He cameto him soon after his return from India, and told him that whenthere he used to get up at five every morning (as everybody elsedid), and till nine or ten he read Greek and Latin, and wentthrough the whole range of classical literature of every sort andkind; that one day in the Government library he had met with theworks of Chrysostom, fourteen Greek folios, and that he had takenhome first one volume and then another, till he had read thewhole through, that is, he had not read every word, because hehad found that it contained a great deal of stuff not worthreading, but he had carefully looked at every page, and hadactually read the greater part. His object now is to devotehimself to literature, and his present project, to write aHistory of England for the last 150 years, in which Stephen sayshe would give scope to his fine imagination in the delineation ofcharacter, and bring his vast stores of knowledge to thecomposition of the narrative, and would, without doubt, produce awork of astonishing power and interest. Macaulay says if he hadthe power of recalling everything he has ever written andpublished and of destroying it all, he would do so, for he thinksthat his time has been thrown away upon _opuscula_ unworthy ofhis talents. This is, however, a very preposterous squeamishnessand piece of pride or humility, whichever it may be called, forno man need be ashamed of producing anything perfect in its kind, however the kind may not be the highest, and his reviews areperfect in their way. I asked Stephen by what mental processMacaulay had contrived to accumulate such boundless stores ofinformation, and how it was all so sorted and arranged in hishead that it was always producible at will. He said that he hadfirst of all the power of abstraction, of giving his undividedattention to the book and the subject on which he was occupied;then, as other men read by syllables or by words, he had thefaculty, acquired by use, of reading by whole sentences, ofswallowing, as it were, whole paragraphs at once, and thus heinfinitely abbreviated the mere mechanical part of study; that asan educated man would read any number of pages much more quicklythan an uneducated man, so much more quickly would Macaulay readthan any ordinary man. Therefore it is first and foremost thepower of abstraction, that faculty of attention and of renderingup his mind to the matter before him, which makes all his readingprofitable, and leaves nothing to be wasted and frittered away. Then the acquired habit of devouring at a glance a vast surfaceof print, so that, like the dragon of Wantley, to whom

 Houses and churches Were like geese and turkeys, he can discuss a Greek folio while an ordinary man is dawdling orboggling over a pamphlet or a newspaper. 

Nature has certainly cast the mind of Macaulay in a differentmould from that of common men. There is no more comparisonbetween his brain and such a one as mine than between a hurdy-gurdy in the street and the great organ at Haarlem; but it isprobably not true that _nature_ has made all the difference orthe greatest part of it. If the hurdy-gurdy was kept in constanttune and the great instrument was never played upon, and itsbarrels and tubes allowed to grow rusty, the former would atlength discourse the more eloquent music of the two. No care orcultivation indeed could have made me what Macaulay is, but if hehad wasted his time and frittered away his intellects as I havedone mine, he would only have been an ordinary man; while if Ihad been carefully trained and subjected to moral discipline, Imight have acted a creditable and useful part. 

August 10th, 1838 {p. 123}

[Page Head: LORD DURHAM'S ORDINANCE. ]

Lord Durham[24] has got into a fine scrape with his Ordinance, which is clearly illegal. Brougham brought it forward on Tuesdaynight in an exulting speech, or rather in many exulting speeches, one of which contained some eloquent passages. He was transportedwith joy at having, as he said, 'got them at last. ' The Dukesupported Brougham, but with more temper and dignity; theMinisters made but a poor defence, if defence it could be called. Durham's appointments cancelled and his proclamations declaredillegal will neither sweeten his temper nor exalt his characterin Canada. 

 [24] [Lord Durham had passed an Ordinance enacting that Papineau and the leaders of the Canadian rebellion should be transported to Bermuda, and that if any of them returned to Canada they should suffer death. This was done before trial and without authority or law. It was consequently attacked with great vehemence by Lord Brougham in the House of Lords, on the 30th of July, and again on the 5th of August, and he brought in a Bill declaring the true meaning and intent of the Canada Act. The second reading was carried against the Government by a majority of eighteen, and Ministers were compelled to disallow the Ordinance, the legality of which could not, indeed, be defended. ]

August 11th, 1838 {p. 123}

Brougham introduced his Bill of Indemnity (a Declaratory Bill) inan admirable speech, dignified, calm, and ably reasoned. Melbourne was imprudent enough to talk of 'a trap having beenlaid for Durham, ' at which the Duke was very angry, and made astrong speech. Last night they announced that they mean to letthis Bill pass, for that there is a necessity for some such Bill. It certainly admits of a doubt whether Durham's Ordinance isillegal, except as relates to transporting people to Bermuda, butit is inexcusable that he should not have been better advised andmore cautious than to make any such blunder. We were told thatTurton's indifferent moral character was to be overlooked infavour of his great legal capacity, and now it appears that hislaw is not a jot better than his morals. 

Yesterday I met Mr. Barnes at dinner for the purpose of beingintroduced to him: an agreeable man enough, with evidently a vastdeal of information, but his conversation bears no marks of thatextraordinary vigour and pungency for which the articles in the'Times' are so distinguished. [25]

 [25] [Mr. Barnes was then chief editor of the 'Times. ' Mr. Greville had long been in correspondence with him, but this was the first time they met. ]

August 12th, 1838 {p. 124}

[Page Head: THE ORDINANCE DISALLOWED. ]

Lord Melbourne agreed to the Indemnity Bill, but with manycomplaints of the bad effect the discussion would have in Canada. Brougham was triumphant, the Duke moderate and conciliatory. Nodoubt Brougham, in hitting this blot, was animated with nothingbut the delight of firing a double shot into Durham there and theMinistry here, and as to the consequences he cared not a straw;but I am unable to perceive how it would have been possible topass the Ordinance _sub silentio_, its illegality being clear, and so far from its being dangerous to discuss the matter inParliament, it is fortunate that the case occurred beforeParliament broke up, so that the necessary Acts may pass tosecure Durham and all others acting under his authority from theconsequences which might have arisen from a later discovery ofthe irregularity of his proceedings; for what might not havehappened if this Ordinance had been published during the recessand pronounced illegal by high legal authority and taken up bythe press? The Government must have confirmed it on their ownresponsibility, or disallowed it by their own authority; theywould not have dared do the first, and their disallowance wouldhave been fraught with as serious consequences as a parliamentarycondemnation. By Melbourne's own showing, and for the reasonswhich he says induced him to agree to the Bill--namely, that onepart of the Ordinance is clearly illegal, and that it isimpossible to take one part and to reject another--he oughthimself to have come to Parliament for an Indemnity Bill and aDeclaratory Act. The question resolves itself into this: whatpower would the Colonial Legislature have had if the Act had notpassed by which the constitution was suspended? and would it havebeen competent to do what Durham has done? Upon this pointauthorities differ, but everybody agrees that, whatever theColonial Legislature could have done, Durham (with his Council)can do. If, however, Parliament did not think fit to define hispower, and great doubts exist as to its extent, the reasonable, indeed the indispensable course seems to be that those doubtsshould be as speedily as possible removed, and the amount of hisauthority clearly and expressly ascertained. 

August 13th, 1838 {p. 125}

At a Council to-day to disallow Durham's Ordinance. Nothing wassent from the Colonial Office, and I did not know what it was fortill I saw Lord Lansdowne. He told me, and then I wrote the Orderfor the Queen to approve, and he took it in to her. PresentlyGlenelg arrived, and announced that nothing could be done, forthe authenticated copy under the Great Seal of the Colony was notarrived. Then a consultation was held: Lord Lansdowne was for notminding about the Great Seal, and Melbourne chuckled and grunted, and said, 'Why, you knock over his Ordinances, and he won't careabout the form, will he?' I said, 'If there is no precedent, makeone, ' and accordingly the Order passed. They are very angry withthe House of Lords, and Lord John said they had behaved very ill, and ought to have waited till the whole case was before them: butI think it _was_ all before them. 

August 20th, 1838 {p. 125}

At Stoke on Saturday, where Lord Sefton is sinking to the gravein a miserable state of depression and mental debility. Up by therailroad and dined at Holland House for the first time for abovea year; sat next to Lord FitzGerald at dinner, who lamented to methe loss of the Corporation Bill; he said he would not haveconsented to the lesser qualification, but would have agreed toall the other clauses if he had had his own way. The continuanceof the trusts in the hands of the old Corporation he thoughtunwise, calculated to offend feelings and prejudices, andinconsistent with their own opinion of the corporatorsthemselves. Wharncliffe, on the other hand, told me some time agothat he did not care about the qualification, but he defended, though feebly, the trusts. This shows how dissatisfied themoderate and sensible of the party are with their ownproceedings. 

August 23rd, 1838 {p. 126}

[Page Head: REVIEW OF THE SESSION. ]

In looking back at the past Session, unexampled in duration, thefirst thing that occurs to one is how uneventful it has been, andhow precisely the political state of affairs has ended as itbegan. The characters of certain conspicuous men have manifestedthemselves in a very striking manner, but that is all; theGovernment are still in their places, not a jot stronger thanthey were, and the Opposition maintain their undiminished phalanxwithout being at all nearer coming into power. The House ofCommons uniformly supports the Government, the House of Lordsfrequently opposes it, but the difference between the two Housesseldom swells to a dispute; it is languidly carried on andcarelessly regarded, the country at large not seeming to mind whoare in or who are out. The great meteor of the year has beenBrougham, who, by common consent, has given proofs of theundiminished force of his wonderful capacity, and who has spokenwith as much, if not with greater eloquence than at any previousperiod of his life. But while he has excited no small degree ofwonder and admiration, he has not raised his reputation forwisdom or honesty. He has exhibited such an unbridled rageagainst the Government, he has appeared to be animated with somuch spite and malice, without a particle of public spirit, butonly with a vindictive determination to punish them for havingrejected him, that the world has only regarded him and hisperformances as they would look at a great actor on the stage. Sobent has he been upon worrying the Ministers, so determined hisenmity to them, that he has sought to ally himself with the mostextreme sections of opposition, congregating with the Roebucks, Wakleys, and Leaders in the morning, contriving and concoctingwith them measures of ultra-Radicalism, then hugging Lyndhurst, bowing down to the Duke, courting the Tory lords, and figuring, flirting, and palavering at night at the routs of the Toryladies. In the House of Lords, Lyndhurst was well content to huntin couples with him; but the Duke has kept him at arm's length, and though always on civil, would never be on intimate terms withhim. Far different has been the Duke's own career, for he has, throughout the Session, displayed a dignity, candour, andmoderation, without any tameness or indifference or inactivity, which raise him to the highest rank as a statesman and a patriot, and show him equally mindful of his own honour and his country'sgood. He alone has moderated the rancour of Lyndhurst, kept incheck the violence of Brougham, and restrained the impetuosityand impatience of his party. His abstinence from oppositionexceedingly provoked his followers, for, with the exception ofthe question of the appointment of magistrates by the Chancellor, upon which he treated the latter with considerable asperity, andblamed his conduct severely, he displayed uniform leniency andforbearance; at the end of the session, indeed, he supportedBrougham in his attack upon Durham, though not by any meansjoining in it with the same _animus_. Melbourne, very soon afterthe commencement of the session, openly, avowedly, andintentionally quarrelled with Brougham and set him at defiance. However unequal to him on the whole, he came off tolerably wellin the little skirmishes which constantly took place betweenthem, and he derived a strength and security from the Duke'sforbearance or support, which enabled him to jog on withoutsustaining any material damage from Brougham's terrible assaults. None of his colleagues were of much use to him, and Glenelg gotso cruelly mauled at first, that he had afterwards no mind tomingle more than he could help in the fray. 

[Page Head: OPPOSITION IN THE HOUSE OF LORDS. ]

In the House of Commons the debates have been much lessinteresting and exciting than in the House of Lords. John Russellhas continued steadily to advance in public estimation as aspeaker and political leader, and Morpeth and Sir George Greyhave taken higher places, while Rice and Thomson have lostground, and Hobhouse has sunk into utter insignificance. Peelhas, throughout the Session, acted a moderate, cautious part, andStanley and Graham have said and done little or nothing, bothparties, as if by common consent, keeping each other at bay, andalike conscious that their relative strength is too equal toadmit of any great triumph on either side. This balance ofparties keeps the Ministers in place, but keeps them weak andnearly powerless either for good or for evil. It has not, however, had the effect of exalting the third party (theRadical), which has, on the contrary, sunk in numbers, reputation, and influence. The conduct of the ultra-Radicals inthe House of Commons, on the outbreak of the Canadianinsurrection, revealed their real disposition and disgusted thecountry, and, _for the present_, nothing can be lower than theRadical interest, or more feeble and innocuous than therevolutionary principle. The great mass of the Tories are alwaysfretting and fuming at the Whigs retaining possession of office, and are impatient to assault them in front, and indignant thatthey do not of their own accord resign, but the wiser and thecooler know that however weak the Whigs may be as a Government, and however insufficient their power to execute all they wouldlike to do, they are fortified in their places by certainbarriers which their adversaries are still more powerless tobreak through; for they have the cordial, undoubted support ofthe Queen, they are the Ministers of her choice, and they have amajority (a small but a clear and a certain majority) in theHouse of Commons. A great Tory principle therefore coalesces witha great Whig principle to maintain them in office; for theTories, --who were indignant at what they considered an invasionof the King's prerogative in 1835, when the House of Commonswould not let him choose his own Ministers, or, which is the samething, so continually thwarted the Ministers of his choice as tocompel them to resign, and left him no alternative but that oftaking back those whom he had dismissed--the Tories could notwith any consistency deny to the Queen the exercise of the sameauthority sanctioned by the support of the House of Commons, which they claimed for King William even against the declaredopinion of the House. Nothing is left for them, therefore, but asulky acquiescence in the present state of things; but theyindemnify themselves by placing the House of Lords in the newposition of an assailant of the Queen's Government, and thePeers, without daring to assert any co-ordinate authority withthe House of Commons as to the choice of Ministers, evince theirdisapprobation of that choice by frequently thwarting their mostimportant measures. It is curious that none of them--not evenLyndhurst himself, perhaps not the Duke of Wellington--seems toperceive that in the midst of their horror of innovation anddread of great constitutional changes, they have themselves madea great practical change in the constitutional functions of theHouse of Lords; that it is a departure from the character andproper province of that House to array itself in permanent andoften bitter hostility to the Government, and to persist incontinually rejecting measures recommended by the Crown andpassed by the Commons. When the House of Lords opposed andthwarted the Ministers during the last two years of KingWilliam's reign, they may have justified themselves on their ownTory principle, and (assuming as a fact that the King was in thehands of a faction, from whose bondage he could not releasehimself), that they were only supporting the Crown when theyopposed the Ministers whom the House of Commons had forced uponhim, and therefore, both as Tories and as Conservatives, theywere taking a consistent, constitutional, and prudent course; buteven if this was true then, it is certainly not true now, and itis, I believe, the first time that there is no party in the Houseof Lords supporting the Crown, nor any individual acting uponthat principle, but all are either Whigs or Tories arrayedagainst each other and battling for power. 

 CHAPTER IV. 

The Queen and Lord Melbourne--The Battersea Schools--A Council at Windsor--A Humble Hero--Lord Durham's Resignation--Duke of Wellington's Campaigns--The Grange--Lord Durham's Return--Death of Lord Sefton--Lord Durham's Arrival--His Reception in the Country--Position of the Radicals--A Visit to Windsor Castle-- Lord Brougham's 'Letter to the Queen'--Lord Durham repudiates the Radicals--A Lecture at Battersea--Dinner at Holland House-- Curran and George Ponsonby--Prospect of the New Year--The Petition of the Serjeants-at-Law--Reconciliation with Lord Durham--Murder of Lord Norbury--The Corn Laws attacked--Lord Palmerston and the 'Portfolio'--The Serjeants' Case--Brougham and Lyndhurst 'done up'--Opening of the Session--Resignation of Lord Glenelg--State of Parties--Lord Durham's Report--Lord Glenelg's Retirement--Lord Normanby, Colonial Minister--Corn Law Repeal--Sir Francis Bond Head--Gore House--Lady Blessington. 

September 7th, 1838 {p. 130}

Nothing to record of any sort or kind: London a desert; I wentto-day to Windsor for a Council, was invited by the Queen(through Melbourne) to stay and dine, but made an excuse on thescore of business, and luckily had a plausible one to make. 

September 12th, 1838 {p. 130}

[Page Head: THE QUEEN AND LORD MELBOURNE. ]

George Villiers, who came from Windsor on Monday, told me he hadbeen exceedingly struck with Lord Melbourne's manner to theQueen, and hers to him: his, so parental and anxious, but alwaysso respectful and deferential; hers, indicative of such entireconfidence, such pleasure in his society. She is continuallytalking to him; let who will be there, he always sits next her atdinner, and evidently by arrangement, because he always takes inthe lady-in-waiting, which necessarily places him next her, theetiquette being that the lady-in-waiting sits next but one to theQueen. It is not unnatural, and to him it is peculiarlyinteresting. I have no doubt he is passionately fond of her as hemight be of his daughter if he had one, and the more because heis a man with a capacity for loving without having anything inthe world to love. It is become his province to educate, instruct, and form the most interesting mind and character in theworld. No occupation was ever more engrossing or involved greaterresponsibility. I have no doubt that Melbourne is both equal toand worthy of the task, and that it is fortunate she has falleninto his hands, and that he discharges this great duty wisely, honourably, and conscientiously. There are, however, or rathermay be hereafter, inconveniences in the establishment of such anintimacy, and in a connexion of so close and affectionate anature between the young Queen and her Minister; for whenever theGovernment, which hangs by a thread, shall be broken up, theparting will be painful, and their subsequent relations will notbe without embarrassment to themselves, nor fail to be the causeof jealousy in others. It is a great proof of the discretion andpurity of his conduct and behaviour, that he is admired, respected, and liked by all the Court. 

Yesterday I went to Battersea and dined with Robert Eden, theRector, [1] and he took me before dinner to see his lions, andintroduced me to scenes very different from those which I am usedto see. We went to different manufactories, a saw-mill, apottery, to the lunatic asylum, to the workhouse, and we visitedseveral poor people at their cottages, when he enquired into thecircumstances of the sick or the indigent; but what struck memost forcibly was the school (upon Bell's system) and theextraordinary acquirements of the boys. Eden examined them, andinvited me to do so, in arithmetic, geography, English history, and the Bible, and their readiness and correctness were reallysurprising. I doubt whether many of the children of the rich, whoare educated at a vast expense at private or public schools, could pass such an examination as these young paupers who areinstructed at the cost of about one guinea a year. The greatestpunishment that can be inflicted on one of these boys is tobanish him from school, such delight do they take in acquiringknowledge. He gave me a curious account of the state of hisparish: there is no middle class of tradesmen in goodcircumstances; they are divided between the extremes of wealthand of poverty, masters and operatives; but amongst the latterthere is a considerable amount of knowledge, though their mindsare ill-regulated and their principles perverted. When first hecame there the place abounded in disciples of Carlile, pureatheists, and when Carlile was in prison he was supported bytheir contributions; but though totally without religion theywere not immoral, and among these men were some of the besthusbands and fathers in the place, so much so that when Carliletold them that men might indulge in polygamy and take two wives, they were scandalised and disgusted, and began immediately toabandon him. Some were reclaimed and came to church, but thegreater part, who required some powerful excitement, sought it inpolitics, and became deeply imbued with the most perniciousprinciples of hatred against all institutions, against the higherorders, and against property. The fountain from which they drawtheir opinions is a Sunday paper called the 'Watchman, ' which isuniversally and greedily read: it is cleverly written, accommodated to their taste, and flatters all their worstpropensities. Few people know these things and are aware of thepoison that is thus circulating through the veins, and corruptingthe blood, of the social mass. The desire for instruction andknowledge seems very general among the lower orders. Eden, withsome others, has established evening lectures upon varioussubjects, which are crowded by anxious and attentive listeners ofall ages and callings, who frequently hurry from their dailyoccupations, impatient to partake of the instruction which Edenand his curates, and often some of the better informedinhabitants of the place, are in the habit of dispensing. 

 [1] Afterwards Bishop of Bath and Wells. 

September 15th, 1838 {p. 132}

[Page Head: AN INVITATION TO WINDSOR. ]

Yesterday again at Windsor for a Council. I had made up my mindnot to stay if invited, and meant to hasten away; but before Icould do so Melbourne came after me and said, 'You will stayhere? the Queen desired me to ask you. ' I said I had no eveningdress, had come by the railroad, and walked from Slough; couldnot assume that I should be asked, and did not know what to do. He said, 'She meant it as a civility, and thought you would likeit. ' There was a sort of reproach conveyed in the tone, and thatinduced me to say, 'So I should if I had only known of it, but asit is I can send for my things if you like. ' He ended by desiringI would do what I liked best myself, promised that he would takecare the Queen was not offended, and that nobody else would knowanything of the matter. I accordingly resolved to go, and wentaway with Lord Albemarle. My mind misgave me, and I had a greatmind to stay, especially as Lord Albemarle told me they did notmean to turn me out after dinner, but that sleeping there was amatter of course. Then I was sorry I had not stayed, which Imight just as well have done, for I had nothing else to do. Atthese Councils we meet in common morning dress, which we used notto do. 

London, October 26th, 1838 {p. 133}

A blank month: to Newmarket, to Buckenham, back to Newmarket, toCromer (fine, wild, bleak coast), Buckenham again, Newmarket, London, Norman Court, and here again; heard nothing, learntnothing, altogether unprofitable, Durham's resignation[2] theonly event, the _dénouement_ of which nobody can guess. TheMinisters ought never to have sent him, knowing what he was, andthis has not been their only fault. Norman Court[3] is a veryenjoyable place; close to it was (for it has lately been pulleddown) the house from which Lady Mary eloped with Mr. Wortley. There I met the doctor who attended young Sam Day (who won theSt. Leger for me on Mango) after the fall of which he died, andhe gave me a striking account of the deathbed scene, the actorsin which, albeit of an humble and unpolished class, displayedfeelings not the less intense from the simplicity of theirexpression, and the total absence of that morbid or conventionalsensibility which gives a sort of dramatic dignity to the griefof the great ones. The boy himself died like a hero, with afirmness, courage, and cheerfulness which would have beenextolled to the skies in some conspicuous character on whom theworld has been accustomed to gaze, but which in the poor jockeyboy passed unheeded and unknown, and it is only the few asobscure as himself who witnessed his last moments who are awarethat, wherever his bones rest--

 in that neglected spot is laid A heart once pregnant with celestial fire. 

 [2] [Upon the receipt of the intelligence of the Declaratory Act, Lord Durham at once announced in Canada his determination to resign. The disallowance of the Ordinance and his official recall crossed this intimation on the road. ]

 [3] [Norman Court was at that time the seat of Mr. Baring Wall. After his death it passed to Mr. Thomas Baring. ]

November 8th, 1838 {p. 134}

At Newmarket, and at Euston for a day (probably for the lasttime), and to London on Monday. The stillness of the politicalatmosphere has been rudely broken in upon by Lord Durham'sastounding Proclamation: for once the whole of the press hasjoined in a full chorus of disapprobation, and this may beconsidered conclusive as to public opinion. Indeed there canscarcely be two opinions on the subject, for such an appeal tothe people of the Colony over whom he is placed from the acts ofthe Government and the legislature of the mother country is asmonstrous as it is unexampled. [4] It seems incredible that heshould not have been deterred by the men who are about him, whoare not deficient in capacity, from taking this desperate step;but as there is little doubt that Turton advised him not to issuethe Ordinances, and got into disgrace with him for so doing, itis possible that they none of them were consulted, or ifconsulted did not dare, or did not choose, to give him any advicewhatever. The dignity of the Government now demands that hisinsolence and misconduct should be visited with the severestexpression of disapprobation and reproof, and the harshestmeasures, even an impeachment, would be fully warrantable, ifharsh measures did not generally defeat their own object. But ifthe Government mince matters with him, and evince any fear tostrike, if they do not vindicate their own authority, and punishhis contumacy with dignity and spirit, their characters are gone, and they will merit all the contempt with which their opponentsaffect to treat them. 

 [4] [Lord Durham's conduct was arrogant and highly injudicious. On the 9th October he issued a Proclamation in Canada, in which he censured the conduct of the Home Government. It is printed in the 'Ann. Reg. ' for 1838, Chron. P. 311. In fact his vanity was wounded, and his mission, of which so much was expected, had failed. But it will be seen further on that the first impression produced by his violence was considerably mitigated. Mr. John Stuart Mill defended his policy in the _Westminster Review_, and a certain amount of reaction took place in his favour. ]

November 18th, 1838, Wolbeding {p. 135}

[Page Head: WELLINGTON IN BATTLE. ]

Came here to-day and brought Lord Fitzroy Somerset[5] with me, who told me a great deal about the Duke and their old campaigns. He never saw a man so cool and indifferent to danger, at the sametime without any personal rashness or bravado, never puttinghimself in unnecessary danger, never avoiding any that wasnecessary. He was close to the Duke, his left arm touching theDuke's right, when he was shot in the arm at Waterloo, and so wasLord Anglesey when he received his wound in the leg. When LordAnglesey was shot he turned to the Duke and said, 'By G-- I havelost my leg. ' The Duke replied, 'Have you? by G--. ' The only timethe Duke ever was hit was at Orthez, by a spent ball, whichstruck him on the side and knocked him down. He and Alava werestanding together having both dismounted, and they were laughingat a Portuguese soldier who had just passed by saying he was'offendido' . .. When the Duke was struck down, but he immediatelyrose and laughed all the more at being 'offendido' himself. During the battles of the Pyrenees Cole proposed to the Duke andhis staff to go and eat a very good dinner he had ordered forhimself at his house in the village he occupied, as he could notleave his division. They went and dined, and then the Duke wentinto the next room and threw himself upon a bed without amattress, on the boards of which he presently went to sleep withhis despatch-box for a pillow. Fitzroy and the aides-de-campslept in chairs or on the floor scattered about. Presentlyarrived, in great haste and alarm, two officers of artillery, Captain Cairne and another, who begged to see the Duke, theformer saying that he had just brought up some guns from therear, and that he had suddenly found himself close to the enemyand did not know what to do. They went and woke the Duke, whodesired him to be brought in. The officer entered and told hisstory, when the Duke said, very composedly, 'Well, Sir, you arecertainly in a very bad position, and you must get out of it inthe best way you can, ' turned round, and was asleep again in amoment. 

 [5] [Afterwards Lord Raglan. He lost his arm at Waterloo, and commanded the British army in the Crimea, where he died in 1855. ]

Lord Fitzroy gave me an account of the battle of Salamanca, exactly corresponding with that which the Duke himself gave melast year at Burghley, but with some additional details. Theywere going to dine in a farmyard, but the shot fell so thickthere that the mules carrying the dinner were ordered to go toanother place. There the Duke dined, walking about the whole timemunching, with his field-glass in his hand, and constantlylooking through it. On a sudden, he exclaimed, 'By G--, they areextending their line; order my horses. ' The horses were broughtand he was off in an instant, followed only by his old Germandragoon, who went with him everywhere. The aides-de-camp followedas quickly as they could. He galloped straight to Pakenham'sdivision and desired him immediately to begin the attack. Pakenham said, 'Give me your hand, and it shall be done. ' TheDuke very gravely gave him his hand, Pakenham shook it warmly andthen hastened off. The French were attacked directly after. 

[Page Head: AN ARMY LOST. ]

He also told me another anecdote I had never heard before. Duringthe retreat from Burgos, on this very day twenty-six years ago, when the weather was dreadful and the roads were nearlyimpassable, the Duke _lost his army_ for several hours. They hadto cross a river near a place called Rodrigo, and the Duke hadordered the army to march in three columns, of which one, composed of the Spaniards, was to cross by the only bridge therewas, and the other two by fords and by another route. He hadassigned the easiest line to the Spaniards because they werelikely to have more stragglers than the British. Arthur Upton, the Quartermaster-General of one of the divisions, had dined athead-quarters the night before, and the Duke had sent by himwritten orders for the march. The next morning at two o'clock theDuke was on the high road on purpose to see the troops pass by. Cavalry came, but no infantry, and to the enquiries the Dukemade, they all replied that they had not seen anything of theinfantry. Presently the Duke galloped off, and Fitzroy havingmissed him soon after, set off to see if he could discover whatwas become of the infantry. It was not till several hours afterthat he joined the Duke, who had at last found out the cause ofthe non-appearance of his infantry. The three Generals commandingthe divisions, Clinton, Stewart, and Lord Dalhousie, had thoughtfit to disobey his orders, and as a great deal of rain had fallenin the night, they had settled that it would be better to directthe whole of the infantry on the bridge instead of moving them bythe roads prescribed by the Duke, and though they knew he wasonly seven or eight miles off, they never advised him of theirhaving made this change in the movements he had ordered. Theenemy did not discover what had occurred; if they had, theconsequences might have been very serious, and a great loss haveensued. Fitzroy asked the Duke what he had said to them, and hereplied, 'Oh, by G--, it was too serious to say anything. ' It wastoo late then to restore the original order of march, and thewhole army crossed by the bridge. No further allusion was made towhat had occurred. 

December 2nd, 1838 {p. 137}

Went from Wolbeding to the Grange, last Friday week--Henry Taylorand George Cornewall Lewis there--and came to town on Sunday. TheGrange is a beautiful specimen of Grecian architecture, bought byLord Ashburton of that extraordinary man Henry Drummond, a man soable and eccentric as to be treading on the very edge of thepartition which divides wit from madness. 

Lord Durham arrived at Plymouth some days ago, but was not ableto land (on Thursday last) owing to the violence of the storms. Great curiosity prevails to see what sort of a reception he getsfrom Ministers and the Queen, and what his relations are to bewith Government. Nothing they say can exceed the astonishmentwhich he and his court feel, or will feel, at the sensationexcited in the country by his conduct. Gibbon Wakefield, thefirst who arrived, said he had never been so amazed in the courseof his life, and owned that they had all expected to make a verydifferent impression, and to be hailed with great applause. Brougham, who is sitting at the Judicial Committee, is in highspirits and looking forward with exceeding zest and eagerness tothe fun he is to have in the House of Lords. 

[Page Head: CHARACTER OF LORD SEFTON. ]

While I was in the country, Lord Sefton's long illness came to aclose, but not before he was reduced to a state of deplorableimbecility, so that his death was a release from misery tohimself as well as to all about him. He was a man who filled aconsiderable space in society, and had been more or lessconspicuous from the earliest period of his life. He waspossessed of an ample fortune, which he endeavoured to convertinto a continual source of enjoyment in every mode which fancy, humour, or caprice suggested. His natural parts were excessivelylively, but his education had been wholly neglected, and he neverattempted to repair in after-life the deficiencies occasioned bythat early neglect. He had therefore not the slightest tinctureof letters, his mind was barren of information, and he not onlytook no interest in intellectual pursuits, but he regarded withaversion, and something like contempt, those who were peculiarlydevoted to them. On the other hand, he was an acute man of theworld, eagerly entering into all the interests, great and small, of his own time, sufficiently acquainted with the mushroomliterature of the day for all social purposes, and, partly fromthe authority which his wealth and position gave him, partly fromhis own dexterity, he contrived to turn conversation aside fromthose topics in the discussion of which he was incapable ofmixing, and to promote that sort of half-serious, half-ludicroustalk, in which he was not only fitted to play a prominent part, but in which he exhibited a talent quite peculiar to himself. Never was there so great a master of what is called_persiflage_--of that boisterous, droll and pungent banter which, if not the most elevated species of wit, is certainly that whichis most exhilarating and provocative of laughter. In this he wasunrivalled, and it was heightened by the adjuncts of a voice, face, and manner irresistibly comical. As the most oppositecharacters owned the fascination of this exciting talent, he wasenabled to gratify his inclination for every variety of socialexcellence, and to number among his friends and companions manyof the most eminent and accomplished men of his time. From hisearliest youth he had always lived in what was considered thevery best society, and as he eschewed the idea of growing old andretiring from the stage, he was continually making newacquaintances, falling into fresh pursuits, and adapting himselfto the prevailing tastes and habits of the day. His father hadstamped upon him his hideous form, but with it his sharp andcaustic wit; he found himself at the outset a member of thatbrilliant society of which Hatfield and Cashiobury were thetemples, and Lady Salisbury, Lady Essex, and Mrs. St. John thepresiding divinities. After these had flourished and decayed, Sefton struck into fresh paths of social enjoyment, and havingsuccessively sought for amusement in hunting, shooting, racing, gaming, 'besides ten thousand freaks that died in thinking, ' heplunged with ardour into politics, and though he had no opinionsor principles but such as resulted from personal predilections, and had none of that judgement which can only be generated by thecombination of knowledge with severe mental discipline, he wasenabled by the force of circumstances and an energetic will toacquire political intimacies, and to a certain degree to play apolitical part: of this his friendship with Brougham was theprimary cause. Brougham had been his counsel in some importantcause at Liverpool, and that professional connexion subsequentlyripened into a close alliance, Sefton being naturally delightedwith his brilliant conversation, while Brougham was always highlydiverted with the peculiar humour and drollery of Sefton. Sointimate therefore did they become, and such influence was Seftonsupposed to possess over his mind, that he was employed by LordGrey, on the formation of the Whig Government in 1830, to settlethe conditions of Brougham's accession to office, and to appeasethe wrath which had been stirred up in his mind by the offer ofbeing made Attorney-General. His addiction to politics had, however, very little influence on his habits, except to extendand diversify the sphere of his occupations and amusements. HisParliamentary attendance never abridged the hours or nights whichwere devoted to Crockford's, and his friendships with Brougham, Lord Grey and Lord Holland, Talleyrand, and all the mostdistinguished people in the country, did not alienate him fromthe company of the idle, gay, and dissolute frequenters of clubsand race-courses, congenial spirits from whom he extracted theirseveral contributions of entertainment. The one thing needful tohim was excitement, and so fixed and rooted was his habit ofseeking it, that there was a sort of regularity in the veryirregularities of his existence. In regard to his moralattributes he was governed by an intense selfishness, but of thatliberal and enlightened character which throws a partial veilover the vice itself and leaves the superficial observerunconscious of its existence. He was a devoted husband, a kindand affectionate father, a despot (though it was a beneficentdespotism) in his own family, a courteous, cordial, and obliginghost; he cared for money only as a means of enjoyment, but itformed no part of his scheme of happiness to employ it inpromoting the pleasures, or relieving the necessities of others, except in so far as such pleasures were connected with his owngratification. He was absolutely devoid of religious belief oropinions, but he left to all others the unquestioned liberty ofrendering that homage to religion from which he gave himself aplenary dispensation. His general conduct was stained with nogross immorality, and as he was placed far above the necessity ofcommitting dishonourable actions, his mind was habitually imbuedwith principles of integrity. They sat, however, lightly andeasily upon him as regarded the conduct of others, not so muchfrom indifference as from indulgence in those particular caseswhere a rigid and severe application of high principle would haveinterfered with his own convenience or enjoyment. Such wasSefton, a man who acted too conspicuous a part on the stage ofthe world to be passed over without notice, whom I knew too wellto delineate in more flattering terms, but to whom I mustacknowledge a debt of gratitude for a long and undeviating courseof kind and cordial hospitality experienced for many years. 

December 6th, 1838 {p. 141}

[Page Head: LORD DURHAM'S RETURN. ]

If notoriety upon any terms could satisfy anybody, Lord Durhamwould have ample reason for contentment, as his name is ineverybody's mouth, and the chief topic of every newspaper andpolitical periodical. He was detained by the storms on board hisship for a day or two, and met on his landing by a Devonportaddress, to which he returned a rather mysterious answer (talkingof the great disclosures he had to make), with a reference to hisGlasgow speech in which in '34 he announced his Radical tendency. The most interesting question is how he and the Ministers will goon together, what they ought to do, and how he will take theirusage of him whatever it may be. He has been in no hurry to cometo town, and has reposed himself at Plymouth as long as it suitedhim; but he is expected to-day. Brougham, who is sitting everyday at the Privy Council, is always growling at himsarcastically, and was much pleased when news came of the freshoutbreak in Canada, and his disappointment was equally evidentwhen he heard it was so rapidly quelled. He was reading thenewspaper in my room before the Court opened, when Denman cameand announced that he had just met Charles Wood, who had told himthat young Ellice was released, and the insurrection suppressed. Brougham did not take his eyes off the paper, and merelymuttered, 'It will soon break out again. ' He is all day longworking sums in algebra, or extracting cube-roots; and while hepretends to be poring over the great book (the cases of theparties) before him, he is in reality absorbed in his owncalculations. Nevertheless, he from time to time starts up, andthrows in a question, a dictum, or a lecture, just as if he hadbeen profoundly attentive. 

December 10th, 1838 {p. 142}

Nothing can exhibit more strikingly the farcical nature of publicmeetings, and the hollowness, worthlessness, and accidentalcharacter of popularity, than the circumstances of Durham'sarrival here. He has done nothing in Canada, he took himself offjust as the fighting was going to begin, his whole conduct hasbeen visited with universal disapprobation, and nevertheless hisprogress to London has been a sort of triumph; and he has beensaluted with addresses and noisy receptions at all the greattowns through which he passed. His position here is extraordinaryenough, and his relations with the Government stand upon astrange footing. They have made no communication to him since hisarrival. Upon the receipt of his Proclamation they wrote to himand expressed their disapprobation, but those letters neverreached him, as he quitted Canada before they could have arrived. They now, it seems, consider that silence is token sufficient oftheir displeasure at his abrupt return; but, though no doubt hefully understands them, they ought to have conveyed theirsentiments openly and distinctly. There is an appearance ofpusillanimity in this reserve which does them great harm, andbrings them into discredit. They ought to have told himtemperately, but firmly, that they were entirely dissatisfiedwith his proceedings, and having so done they should have calledupon him to afford them all the explanations and all theinformation he has to give; but they have done none of this, forthey have taken no notice of him, nor he of them. He has not seenone of the Ministers, not even his own brother-in-law Howick, norany of the underlings, except Ben Stanley, who found Durham inhigh dudgeon, and saying, that 'as Government attacked him hemust defend himself. ' What he means by 'attacking him' is, thatcertain articles reflecting on his conduct have appeared in the'Globe, ' for in no way have Government said or done anythingabout him; on the contrary, they have been only too reserved andforbearing. 

[Page Head: LORD DURHAM BLUNDERS. ]

The conduct of Durham throughout the whole business, from hisfirst legislative act in Canada (the Ordinance) down to hisarrival in London, is perfectly inexplicable, and presents aseries of blunders tricked out in plausible language, investedwith the dignity of pompous phraseology, mysterious allusions, threats and promises, and the affecting complaints of injuredinnocence and ill-requited virtue. But still, such is the effectof notoriety, so dearly do ordinary mortals love to play a partand 'make the capable, ' that in spite of his blunders and hisfaults he has contrived to excite a certain amount of interest, to make an impression, though not a very deep or wide one, and toraise a vague expectation as to his promised disclosures. Hisspeeches in reply to the addresses are most extraordinaryperformances, unbecoming in tone, contradictory, inconsistent, and inflated; for as to disclosures he has none to make of anysort or kind. He had the finest game to play in Canada that couldbe placed in his hands, for the proceedings here gave him alegitimate grievance, and would have enabled him to claim doublecredit for success, and exemption from any blame or discreditfrom failure; but temper, uncontrollable and unreflecting, hurried him into the irretrievable follies he committed, and heis now without any alternative but that of renewing the Radicalconnexion from which a short time ago he evinced a disposition tokeep aloof, and he has nothing left for it but to accept the postthat is offered him of leading a party which, in its composition, principles, and objects, is as uncongenial as possible to hisreal character and disposition. For it is not a little curiousthat this levelling democratic faction, to whom the aristocracyare an abomination, are not only wild to have a lord for theirleader, but must have that lord who is the especial incarnationof all those odious qualities which they ascribe most unjustly tothe order of which he is a member: and he who is brimful of prideand arrogance, and of an overweening sense of his greatness andhis rank, is content to associate with men whose chiefrecommendation is the profuseness with which they pander to hisvanity, and to seek personal distinction and power by lendinghimself to the promotion of schemes the success of which no manwould more earnestly deprecate than himself. The greatest enigmais how Durham has ever come to be considered of such importance, and what is the cause of the sort of reputation he has acquired;for whatever may be his intrinsic value, he certainly fills aconsiderable space, attracts a great share of public attention, and is a personage of some consequence in the political world. Heis a clever man, can both write and speak well, but he has notbeen in the habit of _saying_ much, and he has never _done_anything whatever. He is known to the world by no specific act, and he has taken part very rarely and occasionally in the debatesin Parliament. All that is known of his embassy to Russia is, that he was completely bit by the Emperor Nicholas, and gave upthe question of the 'Vixen;' still, by dint of being perpetuallycried up by a particular party, and by doing well the little hehas occasionally done in public, he has succeeded in makinghimself pass for a man of high pretensions and uncommonendowments, and in the present state of parties his arrival maybe productive of important effects. 

[Page Head: IRRITATION OF THE RADICALS. ]

The Radicals, that is, the English ones, are extremelyexasperated against the Government, and many of them are anxiousto terminate the Whig reign, from which they think it vain toexpect anything after John Russell's declaration, and to trytheir chance with the Tories: not that they expect to find theTories squeezable, but they fancy that a Tory Government willfail, and, after its failure, that recourse must be had to them. The wiser heads of the party know that these notions are quitechimerical, and are for trusting to the chapter of accidents andletting the present Cabinet remain in. The consequence is, thatthere is great dissension and vast difference of opinion amongthem; they have no leader, and there is no individual whoinfluences the determinations of the whole body. On the otherside of the water, O'Connell has likewise threatened to insistupon ballot as the condition of his support to Government; butnobody pays any attention to his harangues or the menaces theycontain, and his support may be pretty well depended on. But itwould not be enough for Government that the English Radicalsshould abstain from going against them in a body, because soslender is the majority on which they can count, that if anyconsiderable number were to oppose Government on some vitalquestion, it would be sufficient to overthrow them. Of this theyare aware, as well as of the probability of such defection, andthe consequent precariousness of their situation, and many amongthem are beginning to be very tired and disgusted with such atenure of office. It is difficult to believe that Melbourne wouldnot be more so than anybody, if it were not that he is bound byevery sentiment of duty, gratitude, and attachment to the Queento retain the Government as long as he can with honour andsafety, and to stretch a point even, to spare her the pain andmortification of changes that would be so painful to her. TheTories, who see the accumulating difficulties of the Government, and who are aware of the immense importance of letting itdissolve of itself, or be broken up by the defection andopposition of its own supporters, are disposed to be patient andmoderate; that is, the more sagacious of them are; but they arealways in danger of being prematurely urged on by the violenceand impetuosity of their tail. Such is the state of parties atthe present moment, and it would puzzle the most sagaciousobserver and most experienced actor in political life to predictthe result of the ensuing session. There is quite enough, however, in the general aspect of affairs both at home and abroadto moderate the rancour of mere party violence. 

December 15th, 1838 {p. 145}

Went on Wednesday to a Council at Windsor, and after the Councilwas invited to stay that night; rode with the Queen, and afterriding Melbourne came to me and said Her Majesty wished me tostay the next day also. This was very gracious and veryconsiderate, because it was done for the express purpose ofshowing that she was not displeased at my not staying when askedon a former occasion, and as she can have no object whatever inbeing civil to me, it was a proof of her good-nature andthoughtfulness about other people's little vanities, even thoseof the most insignificant. Accordingly I remained till Fridaymorning, when I went with the rest of her suite to see the houndsthrow off, which she herself saw for the first time. The Court iscertainly not gay, but it is perhaps impossible that any Courtshould be gay where there is no social equality; where someceremony, and a continual air of deference and respect must beobserved, there can be no ease, and without ease there can be noreal pleasure. The Queen is natural, good-humoured, and cheerful, but still she is Queen, and by her must the social habits and thetone of conversation be regulated, and for this she is too youngand inexperienced. She sits at a large round table, her guestsaround it, and Melbourne always in a chair beside her, where twomortal hours are consumed in such conversation as can be found, which appears to be, and really is, very up-hill work. This, however, is the only bad part of the whole; the rest of the dayis passed without the slightest constraint, trouble, or annoyanceto anybody; each person is at liberty to employ himself orherself as best pleases them, though very little is done incommon, and in this respect Windsor is totally unlike any otherplace. There is none of the sociability which makes theagreeableness of an English country house; there is no room inwhich the guests assemble, sit, lounge, and talk as they pleaseand when they please; there is a billiard table, but in such aremote corner of the Castle that it might as well be in the townof Windsor; and there is a library well stocked with books, buthardly accessible, imperfectly warmed, and only tenanted by thelibrarian: it is a mere library, too, unfurnished, and offeringnone of the comforts and luxuries of a habitable room. There aretwo breakfast rooms, one for the ladies and the guests, and theother for the equerries, but when the meal is over everybodydisperses, and nothing but another meal reunites the company, sothat, in fact, there is no society whatever, little trouble, little etiquette, but very little resource or amusement. 

[Page Head: LIFE OF THE QUEEN AT WINDSOR. ]

The life which the Queen leads is this: she gets up soon aftereight o'clock, breakfasts in her own room, and is employed thewhole morning in transacting business; she reads all thedespatches, and has every matter of interest and importance inevery department laid before her. At eleven or twelve Melbournecomes to her and stays an hour, more or less, according to thebusiness he may have to transact. At two she rides with a largesuite (and she likes to have it numerous); Melbourne always rideson her left hand, and the equerry in waiting generally on herright; she rides for two hours along the road, and the greaterpart of the time at a full gallop; after riding she amusesherself for the rest of the afternoon with music and singing, playing, romping with children, if there are any in the Castle(and she is so fond of them that she generally contrives to havesome there), or in any other way she fancies. The hour of dinneris nominally half-past seven o'clock, soon after which time theguests assemble, but she seldom appears till near eight. The lordin waiting comes into the drawing-room and instructs eachgentleman which lady he is to take in to dinner. When the guestsare all assembled the Queen comes in, preceded by the gentlemenof her household, and followed by the Duchess of Kent and all herladies; she speaks to each lady, bows to the men, and goesimmediately into the dining-room. She generally takes the arm ofthe man of the highest rank, but on this occasion she went withMr. Stephenson, the American Minister (though he has no rank), which was very wisely done. Melbourne invariably sits on herleft, no matter who may be there; she remains at table the usualtime, but does not suffer the men to sit long after her, and wewere summoned to coffee in less than a quarter of an hour. In thedrawing-room she never sits down till the men make theirappearance. Coffee is served to them in the adjoining room, andthen they go into the drawing-room, when she goes round and saysa few words to each, of the most trivial nature, all however verycivil and cordial in manner and expression. When this littleceremony is over the Duchess of Kent's whist table is arranged, and then the round table is marshalled, Melbourne invariablysitting on the left hand of the Queen and remaining there withoutmoving till the evening is at an end. At about half-past elevenshe goes to bed, or whenever the Duchess has played her usualnumber of rubbers, and the band have performed all the pieces ontheir list for the night. This is the whole history of her day:she orders and regulates every detail herself, she knows whereeverybody is lodged in the Castle, settles about the riding ordriving, and enters into every particular with minute attention. But while she personally gives her orders to her variousattendants, and does everything that is civil to all the inmatesof the Castle, she really has nothing to do with anybody butMelbourne, and with him she passes (if not in _tête-à-tête_ yetin intimate communication) more hours than any two people, in anyrelation of life, perhaps ever do pass together besides. [6] He isat her side for at least six hours every day--an hour in themorning, two on horseback, one at dinner, and two in the evening. This monopoly is certainly not judicious; it is not altogetherconsistent with social usage, and it leads to an infraction ofthose rules of etiquette which it is better to observe withregularity at Court. But it is more peculiarly inexpedient withreference to her own future enjoyment, for if Melbourne should becompelled to resign, her privation will be the more bitter onaccount of the exclusiveness of her intimacy with him. Accordingly, her terror when any danger menaces the Government, her nervous apprehension at any appearance of change, affect herhealth, and upon one occasion during the last session sheactually fretted herself into an illness at the notion of theirgoing out. It must be owned that her feelings are not unnatural, any more than those which Melbourne entertains towards her. Hismanner to her is perfect, always respectful, and never presumingupon the extraordinary distinction he enjoys; hers to him issimple and natural, indicative of the confidence she reposes inhim, and of her lively taste for his society, but not marked byany unbecoming familiarity. Interesting as his position is, andflattered, gratified, and touched as he must be by the confidingdevotion with which she places herself in his hands, it is stillmarvellous that he should be able to overcome the force of habitso completely as to endure the life he leads. Month after monthhe remains at the Castle, submitting to this daily routine: ofall men he appeared to be the last to be broken in to thetrammels of a Court, and never was such a revolution seen inanybody's occupations and habits. Instead of indolently sprawlingin all the attitudes of luxurious ease, he is always sitting boltupright; his free and easy language interlarded with 'damns' iscarefully guarded and regulated with the strictest propriety, andhe has exchanged the good talk of Holland House for the trivial, laboured, and wearisome inanities of the Royal circle. 

 [6] The Duke of Wellington says that Melbourne is quite right to go and stay at the Castle as much he does, and that it is very fit he should instruct the young Queen in the business of government, but he disapproves of his being always at her side, even contrary to the rules of etiquette; for as a Prime Minister has no precedence, he ought not to be placed in the post of honour to the exclusion of those of higher rank than himself. 

December 19th, 1838 {p. 149}

[Page Head: BROUGHAM'S LETTER TO THE QUEEN. ]

Dined with Brougham the day before yesterday, with whom I am onmighty intimate terms just now. Sat next to Bellenden Ker (whodrew up his Privy Council Bill), who told me that Brougham saidhe was writing sixteen hours a day, and about to bring out twomore volumes of his Paley, [7] and I found the explanation of hiscalculations at the Council Board in the fact that he was workingout some problems for the purpose of proving the form of thestructure of honeycombs. In the meantime he has put forth apamphlet in the shape of a letter to the Queen, which he halfacknowledges, and of which nobody doubts that he is the author, as in fact nobody can who is acquainted with the man or hiswritings. It makes a prodigious noise in the world and is readwith avidity, but, though marked with all his cleverness, it is adiscreditable production. The tone of it is detestable, theobject mischievous, though by no means definite or clear. Afterstripping it of all its invectives and ribaldry, there is noproposition which can be extracted from it except that of givinguniversal suffrage, for, although he does not say so, hisargument cannot be arrested short of such a consummation. It is abitter, brilliant, wayward satire and philippic, and, as Johnsonsaid of Junius, 'if you extract from its wit the vivacity ofimpudence, and withdraw from its efficacy the sympathetic favourof plebeian malignity, if you leave it only its merit, I know notwhat will be its praise. ' It is, however, marvellouslycharacteristic of the man, and illustrative of the state of hismind. His present political conduct, if political it can becalled, is curious enough, for he is doing all he can to keep uphis connexion with the Radicals, and at the same time courtingthe Tories, his only fixed idea being to worry the Government. Itis clear to me that he was jealous and displeased at the notionof Durham's being put at the head of the Radical party, and itwas with evident glee that he told me on Monday how grievouslyDurham had offended them by his reply to the WestminsterAssociation, which they very correctly took to themselves. Brougham called on Leader on Sunday, where he found Trelawny, andone or two more Radicals whose names I have forgotten, whenLeader expressed these sentiments to him: he said there was nosort of necessity for Durham's writing them such a letter, andthat he had evidently seized the opportunity of addressing _them_in that shape, and of course there was an end of any possibilityof a connexion between him and them. This is very true, for thefact is that Durham--who since his arrival has had time andopportunity to find out in what a miserable position he hasplaced himself, how feeble and inefficient the Radical party isas a party, and how entirely he would destroy himself by becomingtheir leader, and who moreover has been exceedingly disgusted atthe way in which he was taken up by Molesworth, and provoked todeath at being taken under his protection at Devonport--desiresearnestly to retrace his steps and to disavow the alliance theyhave offered him, and which they have so prematurely andostentatiously proclaimed. He now wants to put himself in aneutral and, if he can, a dignified position. Yesterday he had aninterview with Lord Wellesley, whom he asked leave to call upon, and it is not at all unlikely that it will end in his meetingBrougham at Lord Wellesley's as their common friend. Broughamtold me that their quarrel was at an end, and that it was nowonly a question which should first speak to the other, and thatDurham had said he was not at all angry at the part he had takenin the House of Lords, and owned he could not, consistently withthe conduct he had pursued with respect to Canada, have acteddifferently. All this proves that he is ready enough to make itup with Durham; in fact he will ally himself with anybody who islikely to join him in attacking the Government. What Broughamtold me about the Radicals was confirmed last night byFonblanque, who said that Durham's return had been positivelyserviceable to Government, for if he had remained in Canada therewere fourteen or fifteen of that party who would most certainlyhave gone into Opposition; but his return having led to theexpectation of his joining them, and that having been frustrated, there was every probability of their doing what they had donebefore and supporting the Government, however sulkily andreluctantly, rather than throw open the door for the return ofthe Tories. He said the slightest concession to them from theGovernment would secure them, but I told him none would be made, and he was aware of it. 

 [7] Paley's _Natural Theology_, illustrated by Lord Brougham, was published soon afterwards. 

I met Sheil at dinner yesterday at Poulett Thomson's, who, to mysurprise, is a candidate for the office of Judge Advocate, and heexpects, if Macaulay refuses it, to be appointed. He begged of meto let him know as soon as Macaulay's answer came, and he said, Normanby had strongly urged it, and Melbourne was well disposedtowards him. 

December 24th, 1838 {p. 151}

[Page Head: A LECTURE AT BATTERSEA. ]

Went on Friday to Battersea to hear Robert Eden deliver a lecturein the school-room--one of a course he is delivering uponanatomy, or rather upon different parts of the human body--anddemonstrating the utility of cleanliness, the danger ofdrunkenness, and mixing precept with information for the benefitof as mixed an audience as ever was assembled, but who seemedmuch interested and very attentive. There were many of the gentryof Battersea, male and female, the tradespeople, workmen, theboys of the school, and a rough, ragged set of urchins, labourerson the railroad--in all about 300 people. The lecture, which wasupon the arm, was very fluently given; the lecturer is notsufficiently master of his subject to make his explanations verylucid and perfectly intelligible, but he conveys good generalnotions, and introduces such a mixture of anecdote andillustration as makes it sufficiently entertaining. Theundertaking is highly laudable; it is carried on with great zealand spirit, very considerable ability, and, as far as it hasgone, with complete success. 

Dined yesterday at the Hollands': Normanby, Melbourne, andLuttrell; pretty good talk. Melbourne, rather paradoxical, asserted that 'men with quick feelings were always the worst men;that he could not work out the proposition metaphysically then, but that he should do. ' It was the assertion of Brougham's havingquick feelings which elicited the saying, though certainlyBrougham is not the _worst_ of men: far from it, nor did he meanto say so. Brougham denies this pamphlet, and says he cannot bethe author for this reason: the pamphlet reasserts somethingabout Melbourne which he had asserted in one of his articles inthe 'Edinburgh Review. ' Melbourne, when he read that article, wrote to Brougham, and told him that as he was sure he did notwish to misrepresent him, he informed him that he had neverentertained the opinions nor given the vote there ascribed tohim. Brougham replied, admitting his error, and promising tocorrect it, offering to do so at Melbourne's option in anothernumber of the 'Edinburgh Review, ' or _in some other work_ (Iforget what). Melbourne wrote back, in rather a jocular strain, that he thought it would be preferable to have the correction inthe same publication as the statement, to which Brougham sent agood-humoured answer, and there it ended. After this, he saysthat he could not by possibility repeat the very same thing inanother work that he had already engaged to recall, and this iscertainly strong. At the same time there are things in it whichno other man could have written. Just before it came out he waspreparing something for the printer, for he came into my roomwith a parcel of proof-sheets in his hand, which I fancied werefor me to frank to Macvey Napier, and I said so; when he replied, 'Oh no, they are going to the printer here. ' It is after all notimprobable that it was a joint production--his and Roebuck's--Roebuck making the pudding, and Brougham putting in the plums. Melbourne was talking of Brougham's indignation and mortificationat being deprived of his pre-eminence in the House of Lords, andof a letter he wrote in great bitterness of spirit, in which hesaid, 'Do you mean to deprive me of my lead in the House ofLords? Why don't you say as you did when you took the Great Sealfrom me, 'God damn you, I tell you I can't give you the GreatSeal, and there's an end of it'?'

[Page Head: ANECDOTES OF CURRAN. ]

They spoke of Curran, his wit, and of his quarrel with Ponsonby. When the Whigs came in in 1806, Ponsonby was made IrishChancellor. [8] There had been some previous communication withCurran, who had assented to Ponsonby's being promoted to thehighest place; but he expressed his expectation that he shouldhave the next, and he wanted to be Attorney-General. Fox was verydesirous of making him Attorney, but Lord Grenville would nothear of it; he had been so concerned with the rebels that it wasthought impossible, besides that it led directly to the Bench, for which he was disqualified by temper and character. WhenPonsonby became Chancellor, Curran wrote to him to know if he wasto be Attorney; and Ponsonby sent him a pompous answer, that 'hislips were sealed with the seals of office;' which affrontedCurran. Eventually, they determined to buy out the Master of theRolls and put Curran in his place, and they arranged with theMaster that he should have £600 a year out of the place (amonstrous job). Accordingly Curran was informed that he was to bethe Master of the Rolls, but _after_ this notification (as heasserted), it was intimated to him that he was to have this riderupon his place. He said, he had been no party to such anagreement and he would not pay it, nor did he. Ponsonby washighly indignant, said Curran was a great rogue, and never wouldspeak to him again; and he paid the £600 a year out of his ownpocket as long as Curran lived. As a specimen of Curran's wit, one day when Lord Moira had been making a speech in his usualstyle full of sounding phrases and long words, Curran said, 'Uponmy word his lordship has been airing his vocabulary in a verypretty style to-day. '

 [8] [Right Hon. George Ponsonby, who resigned the office in the following year. Curran held the office of Master of the Rolls in Ireland from 1806 to 1814, when he retired on a pension of £3, 000 a year. He died in 1817. ]

Lord Holland gave me an account of Fox's death, with all thedetails of the operations (he was thrice tapped), and hisbehaviour; and till then I was not entirely aware that Fox was nobeliever in religion. Mrs. Fox was very anxious to have prayersread, to which he consented, but paid little attention to theceremony, remaining quiescent merely, not liking, as Lord Hollandsaid, to refuse any wish of hers, nor to pretend any sentimentshe did not entertain. 

January 1st, 1839 {p. 154}

[Page Head: DISTURBED STATE OF THE COUNTRY. ]

Another year gone, taking along with it some particles of health, strength, and spirits, but it is to be hoped making us somethingwiser and better, and giving an increased power of passiveresistance to bear up against the accumulating ills or sorrows oflife. But I will not--here at least--plunge into a moralisingstrain. As to public matters the year opens in no small gloom anduncertainty. On the surface all is bright and smooth enough: thecountry is powerful, peaceful, and prosperous, and all theelements of wealth and power are increasing; but the mind of themass is disturbed and discontented, and there is a continualfermentation going on, and separate and unconnected causes ofagitation and disquiet are in incessant operation, which creategreat alarm, but which there seems to exist no power of checkingor subduing. The Government is in a wretched state of weakness, utterly ignorant whether it can scramble through the session, unable to assume a dignified attitude, to investigate with calmdeliberation the moral and political condition of the country, and to act upon its convictions with firmness and resolution, tottering and staggering between one great party and one fiercefaction, and just able to keep on its legs because both are, fordifferent reasons, willing to wound but afraid to strike. It doesnot fulfil the purpose of a Government, and brings the functionitself into contempt by accustoming men to look at it without anyfeeling of attachment or respect. Wild notions of politicalgrievances and political rights have been widely disseminatedamong the masses, and these are not engendered or fostered by theprevalence of distress or that want of employment which notunnaturally turns the thoughts of the idle and unoccupied to themost desperate expedients for bettering their condition, but theyare the mere aspirings of a fierce democracy who have beengradually but deeply impregnated with sentiments of hatred andjealousy of the upper classes, and with a determination to'level' all political distinctions and privileges, and when thisis accomplished to proceed to a more equal distribution ofproperty, to an agrarian experiment; for it is idle to supposethat men of this stamp care anything for abstract politicaltheories, or have any definite object but that of procuring themeans of working less, and eating and drinking more. The accountsof the Chartists (as they are called), at and about Manchester, represent them to be collected in vast bodies, associations ofprodigious numbers, meeting in all the public-houses, collectingarms universally, and constantly practising by firing at a mark, openly threatening, if their demands are not complied with, toenforce them by violence. In the mean time there is no militaryforce in the country at all adequate to meet these menacingdemonstrations; the yeomanry have been reduced, and themagistracy are worse than useless, without consideration, resolution, or judgement. There is every reason to suppose thatthey have got into a scrape with their arrest of Stephens, thegreat Chartist orator, and that there is no case against himsufficient for a conviction. [9] The magistrates completely losttheir heads, and between their fears and their folly haveblundered and bothered their proceedings miserably, and so as toafford an ultimate triumph to this mischievous fellow and hisfollowers. 

 [9] [One Stephens, formerly a Wesleyan preacher, and one of the most violent agitators against the New Poor Law, was apprehended near Manchester on December 27. He had used most incendiary language, but was liberated on bail, and soon afterwards addressed a meeting of 5, 000 people at Ashton-under-Lyne. There seems to have been no case against him. ]

January 11, 1839 {p. 156}

A great field-day at the Council Office yesterday to hear thePetition of the Serjeants against the order of the late Kingopening the Court of Common Pleas to all barristers. It wasBrougham's order. [10] The Chancellor, Vice-Chancellor, Master ofthe Rolls, three Chiefs, all the Puisne Judges who are PrivyCouncillors, Lushington, Wynford, and Brougham sat. Follett andCharles Austin were counsel for the Serjeants, and the Attorneyand Solicitor-Generals ordered to attend, and seated at a tablein court. Follett spoke for four hours, and Austin for two, anddid not finish. A vast deal of historical research was displayed, but it was not amusing nor particularly well done. The Serjeantswere present (the five petitioners), and Wilde prompting Follettall the time. There seemed no difference of opinion among theJudges, at least with those I talked to, and the King's mandate(for such it was to the Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, andunder the sign manual, though countersigned by nobody) will bedeclared waste paper, and matters be replaced on their ancientfooting till Parliament may otherwise determine. Broughamappeared considerably disconcerted, and though he tiltedoccasionally with the counsel, he was on the whole quieter thanusual and than I expected he would have been. This order was oneof those things he blurted out in that 'sic volo sic jubeo' stylewhich he had assumed, and without consideration, probably withoutconsultation with anybody, or he might easily have avoided thecommission of such a blunder. 

 [10] [The Serjeants-at-Law had enjoyed from time immemorial the exclusive right of practising in the Court of Common Pleas. Upon the advice of Lord Brougham, then Chancellor, King William IV. Had issued a written mandate to the court to open their bar to the whole profession. No doubt the act was quite illegal and a nullity. The Serjeants now petitioned the Queen in Council to set it aside. But the court was subsequently opened by Act of Parliament. ]

January 18th, 1839 {p. 156}

Durham has come down from his high horse, and has at lastcondescended to see Howick and Duncannon, the latter through themediation of John Ponsonby, who hopes by bringing them togetherto pave the way, if not to a reconciliation, to a state of thingsless hostile and bitter in feeling and intention between him andthe Government. They are both anxious to avoid blows if possible, but it is so difficult to avoid mutual inculpation andaccusation, although only professing exculpation, that it will bevery strange if the matter does (as many think it will) blow overlightly. The personal question between Melbourne and Durham aboutTurton appears the most difficult to settle; but if there is awill there will be a way, and it is easy enough to imagine thesort of civil, complimentary assurances from one to the other, that though there had been a great misunderstanding, it was nodoubt unintentional, and all that sort of palaver which is sofamiliar to old stagers and parliamentary squabblers. 

[Page Head: THE MURDER OF LORD NORBURY. ]

The murder of Lord Norbury[11] has made a great sensation becausethe man is so conspicuous; for there seems no reason forbelieving that he was murdered from any religious or politicalmotive, but that it was only another of the many praedialenormities that are from time to time committed in Ireland. Atpresent this event only serves to exasperate angry passions, tocall forth loud blasts of the never silent trumpet againstRomanism and the Irish population, and it does not lead men'sminds _immediately_ to a conviction of the necessity of calmlyinvestigating, and if possible applying a remedy to, a socialcondition so full of crime and misery, and so revolting to everyfeeling of humanity, as that of Ireland. But the death of thispoor man will conduce to this end, for it is only through longprocesses of evil and after much suffering that good isaccomplished. 

 [11] [The Earl of Norbury was shot near his own house at Kilbeggan, in the county of Meath. The assassin was never discovered. ]

The case of the Canadian prisoners has been argued before theCourt of Queen's Bench, [12] but it has not excited much interest. They give judgement on Monday. Roebuck is said to have spokenvery moderately. 

 [12] [Twelve Canadian prisoners having landed at Liverpool were brought up on _habeas corpus_ before Lord Denman and the Court of Queen's Bench. The court upheld the committal of the prisoners. ]

January 24th, 1839 {p. 157}

Duncannon found Durham in a very complacent mood, and he enteredwith him fully into the subject of Canada and their quarrels. With respect to Turton's affairs, Durham denies he ever said, orauthorised anybody else to say, that the appointment hadMelbourne's consent, and he admits that Melbourne did put hisveto upon Turton's appointment to office, but says he consideredthis veto applicable only to offices _under Government_, and thatthe place to which he appointed him was not _under Government_, but one at his own disposal, and for which he was wholly andsolely responsible. This is his excuse, and a very bad one it is. It won't go down in the House of Lords, I imagine. 

As the time draws near for the meeting of Parliament theprobability of ousting the Government grows fainter; we hear nomore of disunion and Radical hostility, and things promise tocontinue pretty much as they have heretofore been. The questionof absorbing interest is now the repeal or alteration of the CornLaws, and the declaration of war against them on the part of the'Times' has produced a great effect, and is taken as conclusiveevidence that they cannot be maintained, from the rare sagacitywith which this journal watches the turn of public affairs;besides that, its advocacy will be of the greatest use inadvancing the cause which it already had perceived was likely toprevail. The rest of the Conservative press, the 'MorningHerald, ' 'Post, ' and 'Standard, ' support the Corn Laws, and thelatter has engaged in a single combat with the 'Times, ' conductedwith a kind of chivalrous courtesy, owing to the concurrence oftheir general politics, very unusual in newspaper warfare, andwith great ability on both sides. 

January 30th, 1839 {p. 158}

[Page Head: THE 'PORTFOLIO'. ]

After four months or more from the time when he threatenedfurther disclosures, and when, it appeared as if the whole matterhad blown over, how or why nobody could tell, Urquhart haspublished a fresh set of letters which passed between himself andBackhouse, [13] for the purpose of proving that the latter was aparty to the publication of the 'Portfolio. ' Backhouse, who wasat Liverpool when these came out, wrote to desire judgement mightbe suspended till certain notes omitted by Urquhart had been alsopublished, and to-day they appeared; but instead of making thecase better, they have made it rather worse. It is altogether adirty transaction, and mortifying to those who care about thecharacter of public men, and who have some feeling of nationalpride and vanity in the super-eminence of English statesmen forintegrity and high-mindedness. It is not very difficult toextract the truth from the mass of verbiage and contradictoryassertions in which it is involved, and it appears that Urquhart, having got hold of the papers, communicated them to Palmerston, offered to publish them, and was encouraged by him to do so. Urquhart, who was appointed secretary of embassy atConstantinople while this publication was going on, took everyopportunity of consulting the Foreign Office, and of trying tomake Palmerston and his under-secretaries _participes criminis_, in order that they might share the responsibility and standcommitted with him. Against this they fought, and while they tookgood care that Urquhart should understand that they wished thepublication of the 'Portfolio' to be continued, they keptshifting and shirking in hopes of not committing themselvesmaterially. It is pretty clear that Backhouse really disliked thewhole thing, had no mind to meddle with the 'Portfolio, ' or mixhimself up with Urquhart, and it was only the official obligationthat was imposed upon him by Palmerston's wishes which inducedhim very reluctantly to engage in the business even so far as hedid, and it is very painful to see his early struggles to keepclear of it, and his present abortive attempts to wriggle out ofhis concern with the publication. It is Palmerston on whom theblame ought to rest, and on whom it will rest, only nobody seemsto take the least interest in the dispute, and he brazens it outin a very unblushing manner. I am more particularly struck withthe meanness here exhibited, from having just been reading LordChatham's correspondence, in which his noble and lofty character, so abhorrent of everything like trickery, shabbiness, andunderhand dealing, shines forth with peculiar lustre. It isanimating and refreshing to turn to the contemplation of thisreally great and noble mind, even more remarkable I think fordignity of sentiment and purity of motive, than for eloquence andcapacity. 

 [13] [Mr. Backhouse was at this time permanent Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. He filled this office from 1827 till 1842. ]

February 6th, 1839 {p. 160}

Last Friday the Serjeants' case came on again before the PrivyCouncil. The Attorney and Solicitor made a sort of reply toAustin, but acknowledged that the mandate was not binding on theCourt of Common Pleas; in fact, that it was illegal. Brougham wasvery angry, and kept battling with counsel or with Wynford, Abinger, or others of the Lords, though not violently. They wereanxious to get rid of the question if possible, and to avoidmaking a report to the Queen. The conclusion (pretty nearlyunanimous) to which they came was, that the order was illegal, but that it was neither expedient that matters should return totheir former, nor remain in their present state; and they agreedto adjourn the consideration of the question. They then separatedwith an understanding that a Bill should be brought in directlyto settle the dispute, and they don't intend to meet again uponit till this Bill has been passed. Thus they will avoid makingany report at all. 

Brougham and Lyndhurst came to a Patent case the day before, bothin high spirits. After it was over Lyndhurst came into my room, when I said, 'You look in high force. ' 'Oh no, ' said he, 'I amquite _passé_, entirely done up. ' Just then Brougham came in, when I said to him, pointing to Lyndhurst, 'He says he is quite_passé_ and done up. ' 'Just like me, ' he said; 'I am quite_passé_ too. ' 'Then, ' I said, 'there can be no use in two suchpoor worn-out creatures as you two going to the House of Lords. ''Do you hear him?' cried out Brougham: 'A capital suggestion ofthe Clerk of the Council: we won't go to the House of Lords atall; let us go together to _Hamble_. '[14] And then he seizedLyndhurst's arm, and off they went together chuckling andlaughing and brimful of mischief. 

 [14] Hamble is the country seat of Sir Arthur Paget, who was present with Brougham. 

He came out the night of the Address with a very brilliantspeech, and with a fierce and bitter philippic against O'Connellfor having insinuated that Lord Norbury had been shot by his ownson. Last night, O'Connell retaliated in the House of Commons, and denying that he had even thought of, or insinuated any suchthing, he hurled back an invective still fiercer, bitterer, moreinsulting, and very powerful too. Very little discussion grew outof the Queen's Speech, all parties being agreed to defer theconsideration of great questions till brought regularly on. Therewas a pretty strong demonstration in the House of Commons infavour of the Corn Laws, so as to render it improbable thatanything will be done. The only thing which seems to threaten theGovernment at present is, the hatred that has sprung up betweenthe English Radicals and the Irish, and the animosity whichprevails among the former against O'Connell. If this is carriedto the length of inducing the English Radicals to keep aloof onsome important question, Ministers may find themselves in aminority, and resign thereon; and this is what the Tories arelooking to as their best chance. 

February 10th, Sunday, 1839 {p. 161}

[Page Head: RESIGNATION OF LORD GLENELG. ]

On Friday, Lord Glenelg announced in the House of Lords that hehad resigned, [15] though it would have been more correct to havestated that he had been turned out. He said very little, but thatlittle conveyed a sense of ill-usage and a mortified spirit; noneof the Ministers uttered a word. Many wonder that they venturedto make any changes in such a rickety concern, and that, if theywere resolved to do so, they did not have everything settledbefore Parliament met. However, the Cabinet appears to have beenunanimous in determining that Glenelg could not remain ColonialMinister, and they gave him a sort of hint some time ago, byoffering him Sir John Newport's place (for whom an arrangementwas to be made), which he refused; so on Tuesday last the blowwas struck, and they proposed to him to be Privy Seal, which hedeclined in some dudgeon. It certainly was difficult so to gildthe pill he was asked to swallow as to disguise its bitternessand make it tolerably palatable, for in whatever politeperiphrasis it might be involved, the plain English of thecommunication was, that he was incompetent to administer Colonialaffairs. 

 [15] [Lord Glenelg had held the office of Secretary of State for the Colonies since the formation of Lord Melbourne's second Administration in 1835. He was succeeded in the Colonial Office by the Marquis of Normanby, who had filled up to this time the office of Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. ]

By venturing upon these changes the Government evidently thinkthey can scramble on, and on the whole it is probable that theymay, though never did a Government hold office by so frail anduncertain a tenure, and upon such strange terms. A pretty correctanalysis of the House of Commons presents the following result:267 Government people, including the Irish tail; 66 Radicals, 5doubtful, and 315 Conservatives; 4 vacant seats, and the Speaker. If, therefore, at any time, one half the Radicals should stayaway (they need not vote against), when danger threatens theGovernment, it would be at an end; and if they do not do so, itis because most of them are still unconvinced that it would bebetter and more conducive to the ultimate success of theirobjects to let the Tories in, and not from any love to thepresent Ministers, whom, on the contrary, they hate a good dealand despise a little. The Irish band appear to be dependable, butthere is no knowing what might be the consequence of a change, and the withdrawal of all the personal influence which Normanbyhad obtained over them. It has often happened that a coalition ofvery opposite parties has turned a Government out; but neverbefore, that I remember, kept one in, and for such a length oftime. The Conservatives are completely united, ably led, andcount in their ranks the most powerful men in the House ofCommons; they are by far the most numerous of any of the parties, one-third more than the Whigs (without the Irish), nearly fivetimes more than the Radicals, and within twenty of all combined;and yet they are as effectually excluded as they were just afterthe passing of the Reform Bill, for all that appears to thecontrary. 

[Page Head: LORD DURHAM'S REPORT. ]

Lord Durham's enormously long Report[16] appeared in the 'Times'on Friday last, before being laid on the tables of the twoHouses, whereat he rose in his place and expressed much surpriseand displeasure, all of which was very ridiculous andsuperfluous, for he had two thousand copies of it printed, anddistributed them to the right and left, to anybody who came tosee him, to Foreign Ministers and others, so no wonder that thedocument found its way into the 'Times. '[17] He sent a copy toEasthope, proprietor of the 'Morning Chronicle, ' but with aninjunction not to publish it, and Easthope told him he wished hehad kept his copy to himself, for he could have obtained oneelsewhere which he should have been at liberty to publish if hehad not accepted his with the prohibition. 

 [16] [This was the celebrated Report on the Administration of Canada, which bore the name of Lord Durham, but was in fact written by Mr. Charles Buller, and embodied the opinions of Mr. Gibbon Wakefield and Sir William Molesworth on Colonial policy. It is not too much to say that in the course of the next twenty years this Report changed the Colonial policy of the Empire, and the principles laid down in it certainly converted Canada from a revolted colony into one of the most loyal dependencies of the British Crown. What would have been the result if the Ministers of George III. Had treated the complaints of the American colonies in 1774 with equal wisdom?]

 [17] [The copy which appeared in the _Times_ was sent to that journal by Mr. Hanson, who was one of the persons attached to Lord Durham's mission. He afterwards became Sir Richard Davies Hanson, Chief Justice of South Australia. This gentleman gave the following account of the transaction. The whole report was written by Charles Buller, with the exception of two paragraphs on Church or Crown lands, which were composed by Gibbon Wakefield and Mr. Hanson. After the Report was presented to the Colonial Office, the Government wished these last two paragraphs to be modified. This Lord Durham was inclined to do. Wakefield resented this and, in order to prevent any change, he got Hanson to send a copy of the Report to the _Times_, where it appeared the next day. These particulars have been communicated to me by a gentleman to whom Sir Richard Hanson related them. ]

February 14th, 1839 {p. 163}

Lord Normanby was not acquainted with the intention of dismissingGlenelg, nor was the thing settled when he was here; on thecontrary, he had made every preparation for the Dublin season, and is put to serious inconvenience by being thus suddenly sentfor. Glenelg continues to discharge the official duties, but heis deeply hurt at the treatment he has experienced. It is themore remarkable because at this moment his officialcorrespondence with Durham is published, in which he displaysfirmness, dignity, and sense, so that the world can discern nogood cause why he should be so unceremoniously turned off. Melbourne urged him to retire when his brother (Sir Robert Grant)died; but Glenelg thought this was from kindness andconsideration, and was so touched, that he deemed it the moreincumbent on him to remain at his post. Normanby will probably domuch better, for though he has nothing like the natural abilitiesof his predecessor, he has the knack of succeeding in whatever heundertakes; he has application, courage, and sense, and all thisin spite of a frivolous exterior. In Ireland, however obnoxiousto the Orangemen, his government has been successful, and I knowof no error that he has committed, except that of too oftenreleasing prisoners and commuting punishments without thesanction and concurrence of the Judges. Nothing is so dangerousand imprudent as to tamper with justice, and John Russell himselfhas upon several occasions been rash and flippant in thisrespect. It is not long ago that a man was tried and foundguilty, at the Sessions, of destroying a will with a fraudulentintent. I forget what the punishment was, but a petition formercy was handed up to the Secretary of State's office--got up bythe clergyman of the parish, and signed by many names. Withoutconsulting the magistrates who had convicted the man, he reducedthe punishment to two months' imprisonment, and it turned outthat the clergyman was himself a man of indifferent character, who had been promoted at the instance of Lord Fitzwilliam, andthe rest of the subscribers to the petition were ignorant peoplewho had signed it at his instigation: the object was unworthy ofthe indulgence which was carelessly and improperly extended. These things exasperate the magistracy, whom Lord John is apt toregard with aversion and suspicion; but the Judges are deeplyoffended when their sentences are arbitrarily set aside, as theyhave sometimes been. 

[Page Head: THE CORN LAW QUESTION. ]

The Corn Law question, which appeared so formidable beforeParliament met, has lost much of its terrors; and an errorcommitted by one of its champions, Mr. Wood of Preston, greatlyassisted to damage it. Peel turned against him certain admissionswhich he made of the prosperity of trade, with extraordinarydexterity and effect. The Anti-Corn-Lawites were so enraged andmortified that they punished their blundering advocate bydismissing him from his post of President of the ManchesterChamber of Commerce; and his constituents invited him to resign. This, and the strong demonstration in favour of the existingsystem the first night, the divided opinions and indifference ofthe Government, and the diversion made by the Chartists, haveplaced the Corn Laws in perfect security for this session atleast. It is curious to see the conduct of the 'Times': justbefore Parliament met it thought the time was come when somethingmust be done, and it accordingly took up the cudgels against theCorn Laws; but now that it finds the time is not come, it hasdropped the subject altogether, and relapsed into silence. 

There seems very little probability of any discussion aboutCanadian affairs till Government introduces some legislativemeasure, and the expected personalities and recriminations willsilently pass away. Brougham and Durham are reconciled after afashion; Ministers and Durham mutually desire to sheathe theirswords. The correspondence which has just appeared at the tail ofthe Report exhibits a grand specimen of arrogance and vanity onDurham's part, not unmixed with talent, albeit his letters areintolerably prolix. Glenelg has, however, much the best of thecontroversy as soon as they begin to cross their weapons, and hisdespatch conveying the Queen's disapprobation of his Proclamationis very dignified and becomingly severe. It is impossible toconceive anything more galling to a man so puffed up with prideand vanity, and who fancied himself to be placed upon a pinnaclefar above the sphere of official obligation and responsibility. 

It is curious to see the different measure that was dealt out toDurham and to Head, [18] the latter an able, though not always aprudent man, who really did good service in his government, andextricated himself boldly and successfully from a very difficultsituation. He had dismissed a Judge for certain reasons, part ofwhich he explained to the Colonial Office, and for the rest hetold them that he must, in the difficult position he was in, drawupon their confidence to support and confirm his act. They saidthis was not enough, and insisted on his restoring the Judge. Upon this he tendered his resignation, which they instantlyaccepted; and when he came home they took no notice of himwhatever, and at the same time they were flattering and laudingand trying to cajole Durham, and begging and praying him to stay, in the midst of his blundering acts and insolent language, andwhile he was addressing the Government in the most contumeliousterms. Head has behaved very well about the publication of hisdespatches; for when he asked Melbourne's leave to publish, andthe latter refused, he promised that nothing should appear, andthat he would discourage any Parliamentary attempt to elicitthem. Now that Durham's Report has come forth, containingstrictures on Head's conduct, he assumes a right to publish, forhis own vindication, and he has asserted this in a pettish letterto Melbourne; whereas, if he had again asked for permission onthis express ground, it would not have been refused. The motto ofthis Government, however, seems to be, --

 parcere superbis et debellare subjectos, and their besetting sins are pusillanimity, indifference, and_insouciance_. On a discussion the other night about speaking onpetitions, when the Speaker laid down the practice, which LordJohn Russell supported with great earnestness, and which wasopposed on Radical grounds by the Radicals, Stewart of theTreasury, and Vernon Smith, marched off and would not vote; and, instead of being reprimanded, Vernon Smith will probably be madeUnder Secretary of State. 

 [18] [Right Hon. Sir Francis Bond Head, who was Governor of Upper Canada at the time of the outbreak of the insurrection. ]

February 17th, 1839 {p. 166}

[Page Head: GORE HOUSE. ]

I dined at Lady Blessington's yesterday, to meet Durham andBrougham; but, after all, the latter did not come, and the excusehe made was, that it was better not; and as he was taking, orgoing to take (we shall see), a moderate course about Canada, itwould impair his efficacy if the press were to trumpet forth, andcomment on, his meeting with Durham. There was that sort ofstrange _omnium gatherum_ party which is to be met with nowhereelse, and which for that reason alone is curious. We had PrinceLouis Napoleon and his A. D. C. [19] He is a short, thickish, vulgar-looking man, without the slightest resemblance to hisImperial uncle, or any intelligence in his countenance. Then wehad the ex-Governor of Canada, Captain Marriott, the Count Alfredde Vigny (author of 'Cinq Mars' &c. ), Sir Edward Lytton Bulwer, and a proper sprinkling of ordinary persons to mix up with thesecelebrities. In the evening, Forster, sub-editor of the'Examiner;' Chorley, editor of the 'Athenaeum;' Macready, andCharles Buller. Lady Blessington's existence is a curiosity, andher house and society have at least the merit of being singular, though the latter is not so agreeable as from its composition itought to be. There is no end to the men of consequence anddistinction in the world who go there occasionally--Brougham, Lyndhurst, Abinger, Canterbury, Durham, and many others; all the_minor_ poets, _literati_, and journalists, without exception, together with some of the highest pretensions. Moore is a sort offriend of hers; she _has been_ very intimate with Byron, and _is_with Walter Savage Landor. Her house is furnished with a luxuryand splendour not to be surpassed; her dinners are frequent andgood; and D'Orsay does the honours with a frankness andcordiality which are very successful; but all this does not makesociety, in the real meaning of the term. There is a vast deal ofcoming and going, and eating and drinking, and a correspondingamount of noise, but little or no conversation, discussion, easyquiet interchange of ideas and opinions, no regular socialfoundation of men of intellectual or literary calibre ensuring aperennial flow of conversation, and which, if it existed, wouldderive strength and assistance from the light superstructure ofoccasional visitors, with the much or the little they mightindividually contribute. The reason of this is that the womanherself, who must give the tone to her own society, and influenceits character, is ignorant, vulgar, and commonplace. [20] Nothingcan be more dull and uninteresting than her conversation, whichis never enriched by a particle of knowledge, or enlivened by aray of genius or imagination. The fact of her existence as anauthoress is an enigma, poor as her pretensions are; for while itis very difficult to write good books, it is not easy to composeeven bad ones, and volumes have come forth under her name forwhich hundreds of pounds have been paid, because (Heaven only cantell how) thousands are found who will read them. Her 'Works'have been published in America, in one huge folio, where it seemsthey meet with peculiar success; and this trash goes down, because it is written by a Countess, in a country where rank iseschewed, and equality is the universal passion. They have (orsome of them) been likewise translated into German; and if allthis is not proof of literary merit, or at least of success, whatis? It would be not uninteresting to trace this current ofsuccess to its source, and to lay bare all the springs of themachinery which sustains her artificial character as anauthoress. The details of course form the mystery of her craft, but the general causes are apparent enough. First and foremost, her magnificent house and luxurious dinners; then the allianceoffensive and defensive which she has contrived (principallythrough the means of said house and dinners) to establish with ahost of authors, booksellers, and publishers, and above all withjournalists. The first lend her their assistance in composition, correction, or addition; with the second she manages to establishan interest and an interchange of services; and the lasteverlastingly puff her performances. Her name is eternally beforethe public; she produces those gorgeous inanities, called 'Booksof Beauty, ' and other trashy things of the same description, toget up which all the fashion and beauty, the taste and talent, ofLondon are laid under contribution. The most distinguishedartists and the best engravers supply the portraits of theprettiest women in London; and these are illustrated withpoetical effusions of the smallest possible merit, but excitinginterest and curiosity from the notoriety of their authors; andso, by all this puffing and stuffing, and untiring industry, andpractising on the vanity of some, and the good-nature of others, the end is attained; and though I never met with any individualwho had read any of her books, except the 'Conversations withByron, ' which are too good to be hers, they are unquestionably asource of considerable profit, and she takes her placeconfidently and complacently as one of the literary celebritiesof her day. 

 [19] [The first mention of His Imperial Majesty Napoleon III. , who was an _habitué_ of Gore House, and well known to all who frequented it. The A. D. C. Was M. De Persigny, who accompanied the Prince everywhere. ]

 [20] [Lady Blessington had a good deal more talent and reading than Mr. Greville gives her credit for. Several years of her agitated life were spent in the country in complete retirement, where she had no resources to fall back upon but a good library. She was well read in the best English authors, and even in translations of the classics; but the talent to which she owed her success in society was her incomparable tact and skill in drawing out the best qualities of her guests. What Mr. Greville terms her vulgarity might be more charitably described as her Irish cordiality and _bonhomie_. I have no doubt that her 'Conversations with Lord Byron' were entirely written by herself. It is true that, writing, as she did, to make money, many of her other books were exceedingly worthless. ]

 CHAPTER V. 

Opening of the Session--Lady Flora Hastings--Bulwer's 'Richelieu'--Changes at the Colonial Office--Attack on Lord Normanby's Irish Administration in the Lords--General Aspect of Affairs--The 'Morning Chronicle'--Death of Lord de Ros-- Precarious Position of the Government--Views of Lord John Russell--A doubtful Question--Conciliatory Conversation with Sir James Graham--Attitude of the Whig Party--Peel's cold Reception of the Proposal--Result of the Debate--Attitude of Lord John Russell--Language of the Radical Party-- Conciliation--Change of Feeling in the Country--Duke of Newcastle dismissed from the Lord Lieutenancy--Lord John Russell's Letter--Jamaica Bill--Defeat of the Jamaica Bill-- Resignation of Ministers--The Queen retains the Ladies of her Household--Conduct of the Whigs--End of the Crisis--The Truth of the Story. 

London: February 24th, 1839 {p. 170}

Hitherto the proceedings in Parliament have been sufficientlylanguid and uninteresting. The debate on the Corn Laws, which wasexpected to occupy two or three nights, went off in one, and agreat majority against hearing evidence, followed by no sort ofsensation, has set the question at rest for the present. LordWinchilsea brought on the Turton case in the House of Lords, whenDurham made a blustering, and Melbourne a prudent, moderate, andsatisfactory explanation. He had remonstrated against theappointment, when Durham had replied that his honour wasconcerned in it and he could not cancel it; and Melbourne said, he did not think he should be justified in hazarding the greatobjects of Durham's mission for such an object as Turton'sremoval. Durham threatened, if anything more was said on thesubject, to bring forward the cases of all those who had beenguilty of a similar offence, and had afterwards held office. Hedid not say what he had to say well, for he might have exposedthe cant of all this hubbub, and have asked Winchilsea, whotalked of sense of duty and so forth, and that he should havedone the same by his dearest friend, whether he had thought itnecessary to make a similar stir when Sir George Murray wasappointed Secretary of State; and, besides this _argumentum adhominem_, he might have asked, whether in point of fact it was anadmitted principle that those who had committed heavy offencesagainst the laws of morality should be therefore disqualifiedfrom serving in a civil capacity. However the question is at anend, and has gone off smoothly enough all things considered. [1]

 [1] [Sir George Murray had run away with Lady Louisa Erskine, whom he afterwards married. But Turton's breach of morality was of a more serious character. Mr. , or as he afterwards became Sir Thomas, Turton had been guilty of an intrigue with his sister-in-law, which led to the dissolution of his marriage. On this ground Lord Melbourne had objected to his going out to Canada with Lord Durham in a public capacity; but Lord Durham, with very bad taste, took him out in what he was pleased to call a private capacity. The public, as this was a question of morals, were slow to accept this distinction. ]

[Page Head: CHANGES AT THE COLONIAL OFFICE. ]

After much difficulty about filling up Sir George Grey's place atthe Colonies, [2] Labouchere has very handsomely volunteered totake it, though lower in rank and pay, and far more laboriousthan that which he before held. They did not venture to ask him, but it was thrown out by Le Marchant that he would be the mosteligible successor to Grey; when he said immediately, that ifGovernment thought he could be of use to them and to the public, and he was satisfied the measures to be proposed would be such ashe could conscientiously support, he would take the officewithout hesitation. They took him at his word, and he wasinstalled _instanter_; had he not taken it, Ben Stanley wouldhave gone there. These changes have so much disconcerted Stephenthat he has proposed to resign, and it is still a questionwhether he does or not; but they will hardly let him go, for hisknowledge and powers of wielding the business cannot be dispensedwith, particularly by two men perfectly new and inexperienced inColonial affairs. 

 [2] [Sir George Grey, who had been Under Secretary for the Colonies, was made Judge Advocate and a Privy Councillor on the 1st of March, 1839. Mr. Labouchere, who had been Vice-President of the Board of Trade and Master of the Mint since 1835, very handsomely consented to take the inferior office at the Colonies. Mr. Labouchere, however, returned to the Board of Trade as President on the 29th of August, 1839. Mr. Stephen was the permanent Under Secretary for the Colonies. ]

March 2nd, 1839 {p. 172}

The whole town has been engrossed for some days with a scandalousstory at Court, and although of course great exaggerations andfalsehoods are grafted upon the real case, and it is not easy toascertain what and how much is true, enough is known andindubitable, to show that it is a very discreditable transaction. It appears that Lady Flora Hastings, the Duchess of Kent's lady, has been accused of being with child. It was at first whisperedabout, and at last swelled into a report, and finally into acharge. With whom it originated is not clear; but the Queenappears to have been apprised of the rumour, and so far to haveentered into it as to sanction an intimation to the lady that shemust not appear at Court till she could clear herself of theimputation. Medical examination was either demanded by her orsubmitted to, and the result was satisfactory to the virtue ofthe accused damsel. Then naturally exploded the just indignationof insulted honour. Her brother, Lord Hastings, came up to town, saw Melbourne, who is said to have endeavoured to smother theaffair, and to have tried to persuade Lord Hastings to do so; buthe was not at all so inclined, and if he had been, it was toolate, as all the world had begun to talk of it, and he demandedand obtained an audience of the Queen. I abstain from noticingthe various reports of what this or that person did or said, forthe truth of which I could not vouch; but it is certain that theCourt is plunged in shame and mortification at the exposure, thatthe palace is full of bickerings and heart-burnings, while thewhole proceeding is looked upon by society at large as to thelast degree disgusting and disgraceful. It is really anexemplification of the saying, that 'les Rois et les Valets' aremade of the refuse clay of creation, for though such thingssometimes happen in the servants' hall, and housekeepers chargestill-room and kitchen-maids with frailty, they are unprecedentedand unheard of in good society, and among people in high or evenin respectable stations. It is inconceivable how Melbourne canhave permitted this disgraceful and mischievous scandal, whichcannot fail to lower the character of the Court in the eyes ofthe world. There may be objections to Melbourne's extraordinarydomiciliation in the palace; but the compensation ought to befound in his good sense and experience preventing the possibilityof such transactions and _tracasseries_ as these. [3]

 [3] [I insert this passage on a painful transaction which had better be consigned to oblivion, because it contains nothing which is not to be found in the most ordinary books of reference; but I shall not enter further on this matter. ]

At Court yesterday to appoint Ebrington Lord-Lieutenant ofIreland: they all looked busy and _affairés_, and the Queenseemed very grave. 

March 8th, 1839 {p. 173}

[Page Head: BULWER'S 'RICHELIEU'. ]

I went last night to the first representation of Bulwer's play'Richelieu:' a fine play, admirably got up, and very well actedby Macready, except the last scene, the conception of which wasaltogether bad. He turned Richelieu into an exaggerated SixtusV. , who completely lost sight of his dignity, and swaggered aboutthe stage, taunting his foes, and hugging his friends with anexultation quite unbecoming and out of character. With thisexception it was a fine performance; the success was unbounded, and the audience transported. After Macready had been called on, they found out Bulwer, who was in a small private box next theone I was in with Lady Blessington and D'Orsay, and werevociferous for his appearance to receive their applause. After along delay, he bowed two or three times, and instantly retreated. Directly after he came into our box, looking very serious andrather agitated; while Lady Blessington burst into floods oftears at his success, which was certainly very brilliant. 

March 12th, 1839 {p. 173}

The Government have offered Canada to Lord Clarendon, [4] who iscoming home to give his answer in person. They are resolved tomake _maison nette_ at the Colonial Office, and want to oustStephen; but the publication of Sir Francis Head's extraordinarybook, [5]--in which he is denounced as a Republican, and as theauthor of all the mischievous policy by which our Colonialpossessions have been endangered, and his dismissal is loudlydemanded--makes it impossible for Stephen to retire, or forGovernment to invite him to do so. Stephen cannot vindicatehimself, except by divulging official secrets which he considersit would be a grievous breach of trust and duty to do; but hedeclares to me that he has abundant means of vindication in hishands if he chose to avail himself of them. The world believesthat each Secretary of State (Glenelg particularly) has been amere puppet in his office, and that it is Stephen who has movedall the strings; but the fact is, there have been three parties--Stephen, Glenelg, and the Cabinet; and though the first may haveexercised a great influence over the second, it has oftenhappened, that both have been overruled by the last, and neitherHead nor anybody else can do more than conjecture what has reallybeen the secret history of our Colonial policy. Glenelg, however, was evidently feeble, and his faculties seem to have beenentirely benumbed ever since the flagellations he got fromBrougham in the beginning of last session. His terror of Broughamis so intense that he would submit to any humiliation rather thanagain expose his back to such a merciless scourge. [6]

 [4] [Sir George Villiers, then Minister at Madrid, succeeded to the title of Earl of Clarendon on the 22nd of December, 1838. He shortly afterwards resigned his diplomatic appointment in Spain and returned to England. ]

 [5] [Whatever credit for discretion Sir Francis Bond Head might previously have enjoyed was more than effaced by the extraordinary indiscretion of 'A Narrative of Recent Events in Canada, ' which he published at this time. ]

 [6] They became great friends again at a subsequent period. Brougham has been always throwing off and whistling back his friends. 

March 25th, 1839 {p. 174}

Laid up with the gout for these ten days, in which time the onlyoccurrences of moment have been the great (and final) debate onthe Corn Laws, and the hostile vote in the House of Lords, [7]followed by John Russell's declaration in the House of Commons, and appeal to that House from the vote of the Lords. The Corndebate was extremely long and dull, and the House more thanusually clamorous and impotent. The only speech was Peel's, saidto have been exceedingly able; the division was better for theCornites, and worse for their antagonists, than had beenexpected; the decision received with great indifference, and thequestion put on the shelf for some time. 

 [7] [On the 18th of March Mr. Charles Villiers' motion for a Committee to take into consideration the duties on corn was defeated in the House of Commons by 342 to 195 votes. I know not why Mr. Greville styles it the 'final' debate, which it certainly was not. On the 21st of March Lord Roden carried in the House of Lords, by a majority of five, a motion for a Committee to inquire into the state of Ireland since 1835. This motion was directed against Lord Normanby's Administration. Shortly afterwards this motion was met by a resolution of Lord John Russell's in the House of Commons approving the Irish policy of the Government, which was carried by 318 to 296. ]

The other affair is much more interesting, because more personal, and involving the existence of the Government. There seems tohave been an abundance of angry feeling and a great lack ofdiscretion and judgement on all sides: first of all in the Houseof Lords thus lightly and somewhat loosely pressing this vote, and going the length of appointing a Committee; and why the Dukeof Wellington consented to it is difficult to see, unless it bethat his mind is a little enfeebled, and his strong sense nolonger exercises the same sway. They hardly seem to have intendedwhat they did, for they made no whip up, and Lord Wicklow wentaway without voting. As it was, Government had better have restedupon their old declaration, that as long as they were supportedby the House of Commons they should disregard the opposition ofthe House of Lords; and so in fact they would have done, if thenext day Normanby had not flared up so violently and insisted onresignation or reparation. At the Cabinet there was a longdiscussion whether they should resign or not, and the Speaker, Ellice, and others of their friends, were strongly for theirtaking this opportunity of retiring with all their strength, andupon a question which would have rendered it next to impossiblefor their successors to go on if they took their places. Theresult, however, was the declaration of John Russell, and theirdetermination to try their strength in the House of Commons. Ifthe Radicals support them they will get their usual majority offrom fifteen to twenty; but it does not appear that they willgain much by that, for the Lords will go on with their Committeeand put Normanby on his trial without caring for the vote of theCommons. 

[Page Head: LORD NORMANBY'S IRISH ADMINISTRATION. ]

With regard to the merits of the case, Normanby's Government wasno doubt on the whole carried on in a very good spirit; but as itwas in an Irish spirit, it was of course obnoxious to the olddominant party. There is not the slightest suspicion that in hisexercise of the prerogative of mercy he was ever influenced byany improper motives or showed any partiality; though LordWellesley said, that 'he dramatised royalty, and made mercyappear blind instead of justice. ' But the system is of veryquestionable propriety, and on some occasions he probably wasrather too free with it, and went a little further than in strictprudence he ought to have done. Generally speaking, however, onthis point as well as on the other grounds on which he has beenattacked, he has defended himself with great vigour and success. The night after the debate, he gave Brougham a heavy fall, andexposed his glaring inconsistency and falseness. Brougham is saidto have appeared more annoyed and crestfallen than ever he didbefore. He certainly made a very poor and inefficient reply. 

[Page Head: WEAKNESS OF THE GOVERNMENT. ]

Nothing would be more unfortunate than a change of Government asthe result of this blow aimed by the House of Lords, and underthe auspices of Roden, the leader of the Orangemen. Ireland isthe great strength of the present Government as it is the weakpoint of the Tories; and if they went out, and Peel came in uponIreland, and the principle on which he should govern thatcountry, he would never keep his place, and nobody could tellwhat troubles might not ensue. It is Peel's interest that Irishquestions should assume such a shape, and make such a progress, before he returns to office, as should render their finaladjustment inevitable. If things were left alone, and time andthe hour permitted us to run through the present rough days, itwould be impossible to prevent great changes taking place beforelong. The country is beset with difficulties on all sides, if notwith danger; besides the ever rankling thorn of Ireland, thereare the Chartists and the Anti-Corn Law agitators, to say nothingof minor reformers in England, and the whole of our ColonialEmpire in a most unsettled, precarious, and difficult state, requiring the utmost wisdom and firmness in dealing with Colonialinterests, and our relations with America demanding firmness, temper, and sagacity. But, while the country has thus urgent needof all the ability and experience which can be enlisted in herservice, from the curious position of parties in the House ofCommons, and the mode in which power is distributed, we have atonce a Government miserably weak, unable to exercise a will ofits own, bolstered up by the interested and uncertain support ofmen more inimical than friendly to them; while the mostdistinguished statesmen and the men who are admitted to be thefittest to govern, are effectually excluded from office. While wehave a Cabinet in which there is not one man who inspiresconfidence, and in which, with the exception perhaps of JohnRussell (who is broken in health and spirits), there is not onedeserving to be called a statesman, --to this Cabinet is committedthe awful task of solving the many difficult questions ofdomestic, colonial, and foreign policy which surround and pressupon us; while the Duke of Wellington and Peel are compelled 'tostand like ciphers in the great account. ' The greatcharacteristic of the present time is indifference: nobodyappears to care for anything; nobody cares for the Queen, herpopularity has sunk to zero, and loyalty is a dead letter; nobodycares for the Government, or for any man or set of men. If therewas such a thing as a strong public opinion alive to nationalinterests, intent upon national objects, and deeply sensible tothe necessity of calling to the national councils all the wisdomand experience that the crisis demands, its voice would be heard, the two parties would cease to hold each other at bay, therewould be either a great change or a fusion in some reasonablespirit of compromise, and we should see a Government with someenergy, independence and power, and this is what we want. ButMelbourne seems to hold office for no other purpose but that ofdining at Buckingham House, and he is content to rub on from dayto day, letting all things take their chance. Palmerston, themost enigmatical of Ministers, who is detested by the _CorpsDiplomatique_, abhorred in his own office, unpopular in the Houseof Commons, liked by nobody, abused by everybody, still reigns inhis little kingdom of the Foreign Office, and is impervious toany sense of shame from the obloquy that has been cast upon him, and apparently not troubling himself about the affairs of theGovernment generally, which he leaves to others to defend anduphold as they best may. The only man besides John Russell in theCabinet who stands high in estimation is Morpeth, and it isremarkable that in this Government the young ones or subordinatesare its chief strength. Morpeth, Labouchere, George Grey, andFrancis Baring are better men than almost any in the Cabinet, which is certainly the most second-rate one this country eversaw. 

March 28th, 1839 {p. 178}

It is amusing to see the nervous consciousness on both the Toryand the Whig side of blunders having been committed by each inthis demonstration of the Lords and retort of the Government. TheChancellor of the Exchequer came into my room yesterday, and toldme that Lord Spencer had expressed his strenuous approbation ofthe course they had taken, just the right medium, neither toomuch nor too little; and this sanction he seemed to think veryvaluable, though in fact worth nothing, for Lord Spencer livesamong oxen, and not among men. On the other hand, I met Graham, and said to him, 'A pretty scrape you would have been in ifGovernment had resigned upon this vote. ' He shrugged up hisshoulders and said, 'I own I am better pleased as it is. ' Nogreat party should do things by halves and doubtingly: if theleaders thought the case was so grave as to call for theinterference of the House, and that they were justified in takingthis matter into their own hands, they ought to have brought downall their forces, and have given their vote all the authority itwould derive from an imposing majority. No maxim is more clearlyunderstood than that any party having generally a large majority, and only carrying some particular question by a very small one, suffers something like a defeat, because it implies that theyhave not the concurrence on such question of many of their usualsupporters. This was, therefore, a false move one way or theother. The Government, however, have no doubt of carrying theirpoint by as large a majority as they ever can have. 

[Page Head: DEFECTION OF THE MORNING CHRONICLE. ]

They are in a great rage, and in no small dismay at the sametime, at the conduct of the 'Morning Chronicle, ' which has turnedhalf against them in a most extraordinary manner, that is, it isurging the Radicals to seize this opportunity of compelling theGovernment to go their lengths, and to make such compliance thecondition of their support. Government are so indignant that theywant to break off with the 'Chronicle' altogether; but then theywill be left in the awkward predicament of having no morningpaper whatever in their service. What nettles them the more is, that they made the 'Chronicle' what it is, and raised it by theirexertions from the lowest ebb to its present very goodcirculation. Just before Peel's hundred days it was for sale, andhad then fallen to about a thousand a day. Easthope was persuadedby Ellice to buy it, which he did for £15, 000 or £20, 000. TheWhigs set to work, and Hobhouse, Normanby, Poulett Thomson, LeMarchant, and several others, wrote day after day a succession ofgood articles which soon renovated the paper and set it on itslegs. The circulation increased daily till it got up to threethousand, and now it has reached six thousand. Easthope makes aclear £10, 000 a year by the speculation; but now, seeing (orthinking he sees) greater advantages to be got by floating downthe Radical stream than by assisting in the defence of thisGovernment, he forgets past favours and connexion, and is readyto abandon them to their fate. It is rather an ominous sign andmarks strongly their falling estimation. They think it is Durhamwho has got hold of Easthope, and persuades him to take thiscourse. He declares he is so beset with applications, advice, andthreats, that he has no alternative, and must take the line hedoes, or ruin the sale of his paper. 

Newmarket, March 29th, 1839 {p. 180}

Poor De Ros[8] expired last night soon after twelve, after aconfinement of two or three months from the time he returned toEngland. His end was enviably tranquil, and he bore hisprotracted sufferings (more from oppression and annoyance thanacute pain) with astonishing fortitude and composure. Nothingruffled his temper or disturbed his serenity. His faculties wereunclouded, his memory retentive, his perceptions clear to thelast; no murmur of impatience ever escaped him, no querulousword, no ebullition of anger or peevishness; he was uniformlypatient, mild, indulgent, deeply sensible of kindness andattention, exacting nothing, considerate of others and apparentlyregardless of self, overflowing with affection and kindness ofmanner and language to all around him, and exerting all his moraland intellectual energies with a spirit and resolution that neverflagged till within a few hours of his dissolution, when naturegave way and he sank into a tranquil unconsciousness in whichlife gently ebbed away. Whatever may have been the error of hislife, he closed the scene with a philosophical dignity notunworthy of a sage, and with a serenity and sweetness ofdisposition of which Christianity itself could afford no moreshining or delightful example. In him I have lost (half lostbefore) the last and greatest of the friends of my youth, and Iam left a more solitary and a sadder man. 

 [8] [Henry William, 19th Baron de Ros, born 12th June 1792; died 29th March 1839. ]

London, April 6th, 1839 {p. 180}

[Page Head: LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S FINALITY. ]

I saw X. At Newmarket, and had a long conversation with him, inwhich he gave me an account of the state of affairs. TheGovernment is at its last gasp; the result of the debate nextweek may possibly prolong its existence, as a cordial does thatof a dying man, but it cannot go on. They are disunited, dissatisfied, and disgusted in the Cabinet--Lord John himselfdeeply so--considerably alarmed at the state of affairs, resolutely bent upon making no further concessions to Radicalism, and no sacrifices for mere party purposes. There is a violentfaction in the Cabinet and in the Government, who are indignantwith him for his _finality_ speech last year, to which theyascribe the ruin of their cause, and Duncannon at the time, orsoon after, abused him openly and loudly for it. This reachedLord John's ears, who complained of such conduct, and the morebecause he had summoned a special Cabinet for the purpose ofannouncing that it was his intention to make this declaration, therefore they were all apprised of it, whereas Duncannon hadasserted that he did it without the knowledge of his colleagues. It turned out in the course of the explanation that Duncannon hadbeen laid up at the time, and was not present at this Cabinet, but he could hardly have been ignorant of such an importantcircumstance, and this shows the _animus_ there was among some ofthem. The principal object of the more radically-inclined was tolet Ballot be an open question, and to this Melbourne had beenpersuaded to consent, though no doubt quite contrary to his ownwishes and opinions. But Melbourne has no strong convictions oropinions founded on political principles deeply engraven on hismind; he is easy, _insouciant_, persuadable, averse to disputes, and preferring to sacrifice his own convictions to thepertinacity and violence of others, rather than manfully andconsistently defend and maintain them; still he looks up to JohnRussell and defers to him more than to any of his colleagues, both on account of his respect for his character and the stationhe holds as leader of the House of Commons; and when any struggleoccurs, and he must side with one or the other party, he goeswith Lord John, and accordingly Ballot was not made an openquestion. 

[Page Head: LORD JOHN'S FRIENDLINESS TO PEEL. ]

What Lord John says is this: That when the Reform Bill wasintroduced, the extent and sweeping character of the measure werehateful and alarming to many members of the Cabinet andsupporters of the Government; that the ground on which he urgedthe adoption of the measure was the expediency of leaving nothingfor future agitation, and of giving the country a measure soample and satisfactory that it might and ought to be final. Tothis argument many who dreaded its consequences ended byyielding, though reluctantly, and he considers himself, therefore, bound in honour to resist any further changes, and totake his stand where we now are. Besides this he now (as Igather) is seriously alarmed at the state of the country, anddeeply impressed with the necessity of opposing all the Radicalmeasures and propositions, which he considers parts of a greatsystem, and a comprehensive scheme of a revolutionary character. Then he is disgusted and mortified at the treatment he haspersonally experienced both in and out of the House of Commons, and at the clamour and abuse of which he has been the object onaccount of the firm determination he has evinced to go nofurther; and this clamour has not been confined to the regularavowed Radicals or the organs of their opinions, but there areold self-styled Whigs--his uncle, Lord William, for example--andothers, who are groaning over his obstinacy as they deem it, andattributing to it the ruin of their party; all this superadded tohis broken spirits[9] makes him heartily sick of his position;and, seeing the unpopularity and weakness of the Government, denuded of all sympathy and support, and left to be buffeted bythe Tories on one side and the Radicals on the other, he isaware, and not sorry to be aware, that the last act is at hand. Of this approaching catastrophe probably all the others are aswell aware as himself, but there are some among them whoearnestly desire that it should be so brought about as to make itnext to impossible for those who may succeed them to carry on theGovernment. This, however, is not the object of Lord JohnRussell, who, on the contrary, desires that the next Governmentmay be so formed and so conducted as to enable him to support it, and to bring with him such strength in its aid as may place itbeyond the reach of danger. Whether they get a majority or not onthe 15th, he knows that they cannot go on much longer. The Queenwill do whatever Melbourne advises her, and he will advise her tosend for the Duke of Wellington, who, in his turn, will desireher to send for Peel. Whether or no any attempt would be madetowards a coalition, or a wide comprehension, on the formation ofthe Government, nothing would induce Lord John to take office, but he would be desirous of supporting Peel's Government, if hecould with honour, and if the circumstances attending the changeshould render it possible for him as well as for others disposedto follow his course, to do so. He thinks that it is of greatconsequence that there should be no dissolution, which wouldthrow the country into a ferment, lead to violent manifestationsand declarations, and to many people being obliged to pledgethemselves to measures of a dangerous tendency. He wishes, therefore, to place Peel in such a situation as shall exoneratehim from the necessity of a dissolution, by giving him a fairgeneral though independent support; but the power to do thisdepends much upon the temper that is displayed, and upon the modein which the change is effected; for if the Tories cannot berestrained from the exhibition of an insulting and triumphantdemeanour, the exasperation and desire of revenge in thediscomfited party will be too great and general to admit of hisaiding the new Government with an imposing force, and he istherefore solicitous that prudence and moderation should governthe Conservative councils. I asked X. Whether he thought thatthere were many others likely to take this view and to followLord John's example and advice, and he said that there were. 

 [9] [Adelaide, daughter of Thomas Lister, Esquire, and widow of the second Lord Ribblesdale, was the first wife of Lord John Russell: she died on the 1st November 1838, to the great grief of the Minister. ]

All this, which is a brief abstract of our two conversations, appeared to me of so much importance, and, above all, that it isso desirable that the sentiments of the Whig leader should bemade known to the future Minister, that I asked X. Whether therewould be any objection to my making known as much as it wasdesirable to impart of our conversation without committinganybody, and carefully abstaining from giving what I might saythe air of a communication between parties in any shape or way. He said that it certainly might be very useful that there shouldbe some such knowledge of these sentiments conveyed to the properquarter, but he did not think the time was yet come, and that forthe present I had better say nothing; to which I replied that, asit might have an important effect upon their deliberations whichwould be held previously to the debate on the 15th, and upon theconduct of Peel and his party on that occasion, I thought thatthe sooner the communication took place the better, as therecould be no doubt that the temper displayed and the conductpursued by the different parties on that occasion would have avery material effect upon all future arrangements, and upon thecondition, prospects, and necessities of the new administration. I told X. That there was nothing I had such a horror of asrepeating things from one party to another, of retailingpolitical gossip, and of the appearance of worming myself intothe confidence of individuals of one side, and then betraying itto those of another; that I would not therefore make theslightest use of what he had told me without his entirepermission, and whatever I might say, I should faithfully reportto him. He, who knows me, was quite satisfied; but others mightnot be. Then I have the greatest doubt to whom I should speak. The only individuals I can think of are the Duke, Fitzgerald, Graham, Wharncliffe, or Peel himself. Peel himself would be themost direct, but he is so cold, dry, and unsatisfactory, I knownot how he would take it, and he would very likely suspect me ofsome design, some _arrière pensée_, some purpose of founding onthis service a title to his intimacy, or his patronage andassistance--in short, some selfish, personal object. Whereas Ihope and believe that I am not actuated by any puerile vanity inthis matter, or the ambition of acting a part, however humble andsubordinate, but that I have no object but to render my personalposition instrumental to a great and good purpose. 

April 7th, 1839 {p. 184}

I sent for Clarendon, and consulted him what I should do. Headvised me to speak to Peel at once, but first to ascertainwhether John Russell certainly remained in the same mind, becauseBen Stanley reports to the Cabinet that they will have so certaina majority that their drooping spirits have been rather raised, and it will never do for me to run the risk of deceiving Peel inany way. I shall do nothing for the present, but turn it in mymind. There is a moral or religious precept of oriental originwhich is applicable to politics as well as to morals andreligion, and which should, I think, be ever present to the mind:'When you are in doubt whether an action is good or bad, abstainfrom it. ' I believe this is the safest and wisest maxim withreference to sayings and doings: if you have serious doubtswhether it is advisable to do a particular thing, or to say aparticular thing, neither do, nor say; do nothing, say nothing. Of course, if you must do or say something, and the only choiceis _what_, it is another thing. I believe, when the mind isdisturbed and is oscillating with doubts of this kind, it is thatvanity is whispering at one ear and prudence at the other; butthen prudence almost always takes the deaf ear, and so vanitypersuades. 

April 10th, 1839 {p. 185}

[Page Head: IMPORTANT COMMUNICATION TO GRAHAM. ]

I wrote to X. On Saturday last, and said that what I heard hereof the confidence of Government about their majority made mehesitate about saying anything for fear Lord John should not bein the same mind. He replied that he had no reason to believe hehad changed his mind, but that it might be better to say nothingfor the present. I had therefore resolved to say nothing, but onMonday John Russell announced the terms of his motion, [10] andPeel gave notice that on Friday he would give out his amendment;therefore, if anything was to be done (as they were thus comingto close quarters), no time was to be lost; and accordingly, after much reflexion, I resolved to speak to Graham, with whomold intimacy enabled me to converse more freely than I could withPeel, whose coldness and reserve, and the doubt how he would takemy communication, would certainly have embarrassed me. I calledon Graham yesterday, and had a conversation of two hours withhim. He began by saying that he could hold no communication withme upon any political subject without telling me that he shouldfeel bound to impart everything to Peel, and I replied that suchwas my intention. I then told him, without mentioning names, orgiving any authority, the reason I had for speaking to him, andthe conviction in my own mind that there would be found (in theevent of a change of Government) a disposition on the part ofJohn Russell and others of the moderate Whigs to support Peel. Itold him that I thought it of such vital importance that such adisposition should be fostered, and not checked or suppressed byany violence in the conduct or language of his party, such asmight render it impossible for them to give that supporthereafter; that I had resolved to make known to him, for hisconsideration and that of Peel, this my conviction; at the sametime, he must fully understand, I had no _authority_ for sayingso, that I might be mistaken, and he must take it for just whathe judged it to be worth. I went more at length into the subject, conveying to him much of the information which had been impartedto me. 

 [10] [This was the motion approving the Irish policy of the Government, above referred to. ]

[Page Head: NEGOTIATION WITH GRAHAM AND PEEL. ]

He replied that he was fully aware of the great importance ofthis communication, and did not doubt that I had very solidgrounds for what I said; but at the same time he thought themotion of which John Russell had given notice was in itself ameasure of such a violent character that it was inconsistent withthe moderation which I ascribed to him, and he feared that, inthe event of a change, he might be persuaded to put himself atthe head of the Whigs and Radicals, and acquiesce for partypurposes in those movement measures to which he was certainly notpersonally inclined; that as for himself, and Stanley also, theyhad old feelings of regard, and friendship for Lord John, whichwould always influence them; and that he had recently had a sortof reconciliation with him (the circumstance of which hedetailed), after an alienation on account of his attack upon LordJohn in his speech at Glasgow; but that Peel had no such amicablefeelings towards him, and thought he had got him at a greatdisadvantage on the present occasion; that their amendment wouldbe moderate in terms; but they intended to be very strong indebate, and it was a good deal to ask of them to emasculate theirspeeches for the prospective but uncertain advantage of LordJohn's future support. 'You say, ' he continued, 'that you areconvinced, on what you deem good and certain ground, that JohnRussell is disposed to resist the movement, and, in order to doso, to support Peel, if he comes in; and you ask us to place suchconfidence in this impression of yours, as to shape our conductin conformity with it. You ask us to adopt a tone so moderate asto give no offence to John Russell, a lower tone than would benaturally expected from us by our friends, who will, and can, know nothing of our reasons for foregoing the advantage whichseems to be in our power, and for treating our opponents withsuch extraordinary and unaccountable lenity and forbearance. Thisis asking a great deal. ' I owned that it was; but I urged thatthe paramount importance of winning over the Whig leader, and apart of the Whig party, to a decided opposition to the movement, and the prospect it held out of separating the Whigs from theRadicals, fully justified the sacrifice of any such advantage asthat to which he alluded. He said that, 'supposing such were theviews and feelings of John Russell himself, he doubted whetherthe great Whig families would follow him. He thought the Dukes ofSutherland, Devonshire, Bedford, and others, would throw theirinfluence into the opposite scale, and that the majority of theWhigs would follow Morpeth, who, he believed, was prepared to goany lengths. ' I replied, that this might be so; that I could onlyspeak of what I knew; that it had occurred to me to enquirewhether he was likely to be followed by many others, and that tothe question I had thus put, the answer had been 'yes;' but thatI could not pretend to say I knew of any certain instances ofsupport to be expected, though my own belief was, that they wouldnot be wanting. After a long conversation, in which we discussedthe state and aspect of affairs in all their bearings, he endedby saying, that what I had said to him had made a greatimpression upon him, and that he should consider what it would bemost advisable to do. He thanked me for the confidence I hadreposed in him, and appreciated my motives; he should communicatewith Peel about it, but whether he should mention what I had saidto him as the impression of his own mind only, or whether heshould tell him upon what authority it rested (upon mine), heshould hereafter determine. I told him I had rather avoid, buthad no objection, if necessary, to have my name brought forward, and, above all things, he must understand and convey to Peel thatI had _no authority_ for what I had said, that nobody must be inthe slightest degree _committed, _ that my impressions might bemistaken and erroneous, and the event might not correspond withthem; but that, such as they were, I had frankly communicatedthem to him in hopes that the communication might have a salutaryeffect. 

April 13th, 1839 {p. 188}

[Page Head: COLD RECEPTION BY PEEL. ]

On Thursday morning I saw Graham again. He had spoken to Peel, and told him exactly what I intended him to say, neither more norless, giving it as given to him _by a friend of his own_. Peelwas not disposed to attach much weight to the communication, andfinding how lightly he regarded it, he thought it necessary toinform him that it came from me. The mention of my name (he said)did make a considerable impression on Peel, though much less thanthe matter had made on Stanley and himself; the former eagerlygrasping at the prospect it held out, and believing implicitly inLord John's disposition. Still Peel was shaken, but at the sametime he was excessively annoyed and _put out_ by it. This (whichappeared extraordinary enough) Graham accounted for in this way:that Peel had arranged the whole course of his conduct and thetenour of his speech in his own mind; he thought he had got LordJohn at a great disadvantage, and that the debate would affordhim the opportunity of a signal triumph; and the notion of beingobliged to forego this advantage and triumph, and the perplexityinto which he was thrown between doubt whether it really wasworth while, and fear of sacrificing a great and permanent, to anaccidental and ephemeral interest, threw him into an uncertaintyand embarrassment which disturbed his equanimity. It is at allevents fortunate that I did not go to him myself, for I shouldhave been met with a cold austerity of manner which would havedisconcerted me, and I should have most certainly quitted himmortified and disappointed, and without having effected any good. 

Peel said to Graham that he should express no opinion, make nopromise, and would not say whether or how his conduct would beaffected by what he had heard. I replied on this, that I did notdesire or expect that he should, and that my object was attainedwhen he was made aware of what I knew. I repeated that I had noauthority, and he must attach as much or as little importance tomy opinion as he thought it was worth. Graham said that, notwithstanding his annoyance, he was in fact fully sensible ofthe importance of the circumstances, and that he would look withthe greatest solicitude for what fell from John Russell himself, considering that his speech would afford the test of thecorrectness of my impressions, and that if the tenour of thatspeech confirmed them, their speeches would be of a correspondingcharacter; that he might defend the policy of the Government, andthe administration of Ireland, as strenuously as he pleased; butif he attacked the House of Lords, or truckled to the Radicals, they must give a vent to the indignant feelings that such conductwould inevitably excite, and it would be impossible for them tosatisfy their followers by a mere milk-and-water debate, and byabstaining from the use of their weapons when the other side wereunscrupulous in the use of theirs. I said I did not desire thatthey should go into action with their swords in their scabbards, while their enemies were to have theirs drawn; that I admittedthat this opening speech might be considered a fair test, andthat all I desired was, that if they _could_ be moderate they_would_, and always keep in sight the motives for moderation. This, he assured me, I might depend upon. Peel thinks _themotion_ itself so violent, that it announces violentdispositions; and he says it is moving the Appropriation Clauseover again. [11] The only individual to whom all this has beencommunicated, besides Peel and Stanley, is Arbuthnot, for thepurpose of being conveyed to the Duke of Wellington, but withoutany mention of my name. 

 [11] [The terms of Lord John's resolution were these: 'That it is the opinion of this House that it is expedient to persevere in those principles which have guided the Executive Government of Ireland of late years, and which have tended to the effectual administration of the law and the general improvement of that part of the Kingdom. ' It is difficult to perceive any violence in this language. ]

Yesterday I had a long letter from X. , to whom I wrote an accountof my interview with Graham, approving of what I had done, and Iwrote Graham a note saying as much (but not mentioning X. 's name, as I have never done). This he considered of such importance thathe showed it to Peel, and he told me that Peel was greatly moresensible of the value of the information, and more disposed toshape his conduct accordingly. He said to Stanley, 'Why, I mustgo down to the House of Commons with two speeches. '

April 21st, 1839 {p. 190}

[Page Head: MODERATION OF THE DEBATE. ]

At Newmarket all last week, and having heard from nobody, couldjudge of the debate only from reading the report. Lord John'sspeech was admirable, and so skilful, that it satisfied hisfriends, his foes, and did not dissatisfy the Radicals. Peel wasflat and laboured, and did not satisfy his own people, all ofwhich may be attributed to the necessity he was under of makingspeech number two. The rest of the debate was very moderate, butthe Government had an excellent case, nothing being provedagainst them; and the facts on which the Opposition relied beingall explained or rebutted satisfactorily. The division wasbetter, too, than they expected, and some accidents told in theirfavour; for example, a stupid Tory (Goddard), who was besiegedwith letters and notes to be present at the division, turnedsulky and restive in consequence, and voted with the Government, much to the delight of the Ministerial, and the rage of theOpposition whippers-in, though to the amusement of both. But themoderation, which it was my object to enforce, was manifested onboth sides, and nothing fell from John Russell offensive in aconstitutional or even in a party sense, and the Oppositionleader abstained from attacking him, with a forbearance which, ifcalculated, was very consistently maintained. Satisfactorily, however, as the whole thing appears to have terminated for theGovernment, they do not consider it to have given them anypermanent strength, or the prospect of a longer tenure of office;for the Radicals, while one and all supported them on this Irishvote, were not sparing of menace and invective, and plainlyindicated that, unless concessions were speedily made for them, the Government should lose their support; and consequently, thereare many who are hoping and expecting, and many more who aredesiring, that concessions should be made, and by these meansthat the Government concern should be again bolstered up. Some ofthe Cabinet, more of the subordinates and hangers-on, and many ofwhat are called the old Whigs, are earnestly pressing this, andthey are very angry and very sorrowful because John Russell isinflexible on this point. He has to sustain the assaults, notonly of the violent of his party, and of Ellice and the out-of-door advisers, monitors and critics, but of his own family, evenof his father, who, after announcing that he had given uppolitics and quitted the stage, has been dragged forward andinduced to try his parental rhetoric upon the conservativeimmobility of his son. To the letter which the Duke wrote him, Lord John merely replied that 'he would shortly see his opinionsin print;' and to Ellice's warm remonstrances and entreaties heonly dryly said, 'I have made up my mind. ' His nephew, LordRussell, [12] who, from some extraordinary crotchet, has thoughtfit to embrace republican opinions, and is an ultra-movement man, but restrained in the manifestation of his opinions from personaldeference to his father and his uncle, with whom he lives onexcellent terms--said the other day to Lord Tavistock, 'Lord Johnhas undertaken a great task; he is endeavouring to arrest theprogress of the movement, and if he succeeds he will be a verygreat man. He may succeed, and if he does it will be a greatachievement. ' This Lord Tavistock told Lord John, who repliedthat 'he was convinced of the danger which threatened the countryfrom the movement, and of the necessity of opposing its progress;that he considered this duty paramount to all otherconsiderations. He did not desire the dissolution of theGovernment to which he belonged; on the contrary, he wished toremain in office; but nevertheless he considered the promotion ofparty objects and the retention of office subordinate to thehigher and more imperative duty of opposing principles fraughtwith danger to the State, and to that end he would devote hisbest energies. ' (It is impossible to give the exact words, andthese are not _the words_, but it is the exact sense of what hesaid. )

 [12] [William Russell, afterwards eighth Duke of Bedford, born 30th June 1809, died May 1872. ]

April 22nd, 1839 {p. 192}

[Page Head: THE RADICALS AND THE WHIGS. ]

The moderate Radicals are now very anxious to come to someamicable understanding with the Government, and, if possible, toprop up the concern. They are very angry with their more violentcompeers (Grote, Leader, &c. ), and Fonblanque told me last nightthat they would take the slightest concessions, the least thingthat would satisfy their constituencies, but that _something_they must have, and that something he appeared to think theyshould get. I asked him what was the _minimum_ of concession thatwould do, and he said the rate-paying clauses, which would bemerely working out the original principle, the demolition of theboroughs under 300 electors, and Ballot an open question. I toldhim that I was persuaded these things were impossible; that LordJohn Russell never would consent to begin again the work ofdisfranchisement, nor to make Ballot an open question; that he_is alarmed_, and determined to stop. Clarendon had told me muchthe same thing in the morning on the authority of his brotherCharles, [13] who is a very leading man, and much looked to amongthem, probably (besides that he really is very clever) on accountof that aristocratic origin and connexion which he himselfaffects to despise, and to consider prejudicial to him. Of coursethis anxiety on the part of the moderate Radicals to come toterms will increase the eagerness of the violent Whigs to strikea bargain; but Lord John will continue, I believe, to forbid thebanns. These things would only be wedges, no sooner conceded thanfresh demands would be raised upon them; besides, they nevercould, without abandoning every principle of independence andlosing all sense of honour, yield to contumely, menace and themost insulting language, what they have so long andpertinaciously refused to milder appeals and all the means ofpersuasion and remonstrance. The great body of the Conservativescertainly, and I believe the whole country, will make nodistinction between different sections and shades of Radicals, but consider every concession made to one as made to all, and theconsequence would be fresh taunts against the Government forbeing made of such _squeezable_ materials, without its prolongingtheir Ministerial existence for a very long period. It would, however, prevent the split between the great masses of Whigs andRadicals, and secure a formidable Opposition, together with unionat the election whenever it took place. Fonblanque told me thatif the Government was broken up by the desertion of the Radicals, the latter would lose all their seats at the next election, forthey are scarcely anywhere strong enough to come in without theassistance of the Whigs. 

 [13] [Right Hon. Charles Pelham Villiers, born 19th January 1802, M. P. For Wolverhampton for very many years. ]

April 24th, 1839 {p. 193}

Graham called yesterday to ask how my friends were satisfied withtheir speeches, and to say that they had been entirely so withLord John's, and, in consequence, able to express themselves withthe reserve and moderation which they had displayed. I told himit had all done very well, plenty of moderation on both sides, and I hoped good had been done. He said that Peel was stillsuspicious about Lord John, whom he did not know personally as heand Stanley did, and therefore could not bring himself to put thesame confidence in the sincerity and integrity of his intentions. Confound the fellow, what a cold feeler and cautious stepper heis! Strange that the two leaders should make themselves sopersonally obnoxious as they do by their manners and behaviour. Nevertheless John Russell, though frigid and forbidding tostrangers, is a more amiable man with his friends; but the otherhas no friends. I have more than once remonstrated on theimpolicy of Lord John's carelessness in his treatment of people, and I had an instance of the mischief it does the other day. Sheil told me at Brooks's that one of his Irish members(Macnamara) was close to Lord John in the House, and looked athim in vain for a sign of recognition. Lord John stared, but madeno sign; the affronted Milesian frothed up instantly and said, 'Confound him, I'll vote against him. ' They pacified him so faras his vote was concerned; but Sheil naturally enough observedthat it was a very unwise thing to neglect people's littlevanities and self-love so wantonly and carelessly. 

April 30th, 1839 {p. 194}

Le Marchant told me yesterday that there is a great change comeover the spirit of the Reformers, and undoubted evidence of areaction. Joe Parkes, who recently went on a tour through thecountry, and who, before he went, in an interview with BenStanley, Gore, Anson, and Le Marchant, was full of menace and bigwords about the necessity of concession and the strength of themovement, returned quite crestfallen, and has since confessedthat he found matters no longer in the same state, and a generallukewarmness, in many cases an aversion to the movement. LeMarchant has since been in communication with the editors of the'Sun' and of the 'Daily Advertiser, ' both of whom are engagingthemselves in the service of Government, and they have owned thesame thing, that in the districts in which the Chartists haveappeared, their excesses have produced a regular reaction andaversion to reform, and elsewhere that reasonable people, withoutgiving up their principles, are satisfied that the moment is notcome for enforcing them, and are for leaving things alone. Thisinformation, which appears worthy of credit, is very important asregards the condition of the country, and if it is acted upon bythe Radicals in the House of Commons, may still prolong theexistence of the Government. Nobody can well make out what Peelis at with his Jamaica amendment, and though he says it is noparty question, they are whipping up in all directions to fightanother battle. 

May 2nd, 1839 {p. 194}

[Page Head: DISMISSAL OF THE DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. ]

The Duke of Newcastle has been dismissed from the Lieutenancy ofNottinghamshire, as he ought to have been long ago. I met theDuke of Wellington at the Ancient Concert, and asked him thereason, which he told me in these words: 'Oh, there never wassuch a fool as he is; the Government have done quite right, quiteright, they could not do otherwise. ' There was a correspondencebetween him and the Chancellor about the appointment of somemagistrates: he recommended two gentlemen of Derbyshire asmagistrates of Nottinghamshire, and the Chancellor told him hemeant to appoint likewise two others, one of whom was a Mr. Paget. The Duke replied that he objected to Mr. Paget--first, because he was a man of violent political opinions; and, secondly, because he was a Dissenter. The Chancellor told himthat Mr. Paget was not a man of violent political opinions, andas to his being a Dissenter, he considered that no objection, andthat he should therefore appoint him, together with the gentlemenrecommended by the Duke. The Duke wrote a most violent answer, inwhich he said that his lordship had the power of making thisappointment if he chose to do so, and if he did, he would havethe satisfaction of knowing that he had done very wrong, and heinformed him that for the future he should hold no confidentialcommunication with him. The Chancellor (the Duke of Wellingtonsaid) behaved in the most gentlemanlike manner possible; nobodycould behave better. He sent to the Duke of Newcastle to say thathe must be aware, on reflexion, that he ought not to have writtensuch a letter, and he would therefore return it to him, that hemight, if he pleased, put it in the fire, and let it beconsidered as not having been written at all. The Duke repliedthat he had no objection to withdraw the letter, _provided theChancellor would cancel the appointment_. Upon this, Lord JohnRussell wrote him word that 'Her Majesty had no further occasionfor his services as Lord Lieutenant and Custos Rotulorum of thecounty of Notts. ' Yesterday morning the Duke of Newcastle went toApsley House, and said to the Duke of Wellington, 'You have heardwhat has happened to me?' 'Not I, ' said the Duke, 'I have heardnothing;' and then the Duke of Newcastle gave him Lord John'sletter to read. 'Well, ' said he, 'but there is a correspondencealluded to in this letter: where is it?' and then the Duke ofNewcastle put into his hands the correspondence with theChancellor. As soon as the Duke of Wellington had read it, hesaid, 'They could not do otherwise; no Government could becarried on if such a letter as this was submitted to. ' 'Whatshall I do?' said the Duke of Newcastle. 'Do?' said the Duke: 'Donothing. '

May 5th, 1939 {p. 196}

Lord John Russell's letter to the electors of Stroud[14] came outlate on Friday evening, and three editions were sold of ityesterday, and not a copy to be had. It is very sound andtemperate, will be a bitter pill to the Radicals, and a source ofvexation to his own people, but will be hailed with exceedingsatisfaction by all moderate and really conservative men ofwhatever party. I saw Graham yesterday morning, who owned that ithad fully answered all the expectations held out by me as to hisintentions and opinions. 

 [14] [This letter appeared in the form of a pamphlet in which Lord John Russell fearlessly stated his moderate Whig opinions to the great disgust of the Radical party. ]

[Page Head: JAMAICA BILL. ][Page Head: THE CABINET RESIGNS. ]

The Jamaica Bill is about to produce a fresh crisis much moredifficult to get over than the last, and it puzzles me to makeout why Peel has chosen this ground on which to fight a great andpossibly a decisive battle. [15] The Government, it is true, haveplaced themselves by their measure in a false position, becauseon their own reasoning their Bill does not go far enough, andought to have extended to the dissolution instead of merely tothe suspension of the Assembly, and this was what the ColonialOffice authorities recommended. In a paper drawn up by HenryTaylor for the use of the Cabinet, he set forth theincompatibility of the present assembly with the new order ofthings, and exposed the absurdity of a system falsely calledrepresentative; but they did not venture to take so decided astep, and preferred a half measure, which dissatisfies everybody, and which would only defer the difficulty and embarrassment of afinal settlement. Still, having adopted this course, anddetermined to deal with the Colony upon their own responsibility, I cannot understand why Peel did not let them alone. There was nopopularity to be gained by taking this course; the country doesnot care a straw for the constitution of Jamaica, the anti-slavery feeling is all against the Assembly, and nobody willbelieve that the Tories are animated by any high constitutionalscruples, or that they care about the question except as one onwhich they can fight a battle. Peel (Graham said) 'offered hisplan in the sincere hope and expectation that Government wouldaccept it. ' Perhaps it may be of the two preferable (though thereis a serious objection to it, in the lapse of time that wouldoccur before anything could be done), but the Government cannotcome down to Parliament with proposals for administering colonialaffairs in such a manner as they deem necessary and expedient, and then at the bidding or suggestion of Sir Robert Peel, adoptanother plan of which, while he would be the author, they must bethe responsible executors. This would not be governing, buthanding over the Government to their opponents. If Peel reallywas of opinion that this Bill was so unwise and inexpedient, thatno considerations of a general nature would justify him inconsenting to it, or in not opposing it, he was right to take thecourse he has done; but not otherwise; for, as the Bill can onlybe carried, if at all, by a small majority, it will go out toJamaica with diminished moral effect, and it was above all thingsdesirable that an Act so penal should be invested with all theauthority derivable from unanimity, or at least the concurrenceof an overwhelming majority. Now this is the consideration ofwhich the importance is admitted by both sides, and it might haveafforded Peel a good reason for giving way to the Government, when he found they would not give way to him. As it is, the Billwill go up to the Lords with the usual majority, and the Lordswill have to determine upon a course full of importantconsequences. If they throw it out, it seems to me that Ministersmust resign, and no question could be devised on which they couldresign so advantageously for their own interests as a party, noneof which would be less popular for their opponents, and whichwould afford so good an occasion and such great facilities forkeeping together the Whigs and Radicals in a firm and consentientopposition. The great object of Peel's policy appears to havebeen to avoid returning to office until he could do so in suchstrength as to be able to carry on the Government with security, and it was my belief that he never would return until he had somesort of guarantee that this would be in his power. The greatdesideratum, therefore, of all moderate men, was the dissolutionof the connexion between the Whigs and Radicals, and the ultimateestablishment of a Government upon the anti-movement principle, and it was with reference to this paramount object that I was sodesirous of getting Peel's course shaped so as to harmonise withJohn Russell's sentiments and conduct. But if the Governmentresign upon this Jamaica question, all this fine plan will bedefeated. Great are the effects of party rancour, and if thebattle is fought on merely party grounds, and the Lords are to bethe instruments of achieving the victory, the Whigs and Radicalswill forget their present bickerings and mutual topics ofgrievance and discontent, and bury their animosities in a commondetermination to resist and defeat their political antagonists. With the majority against him unbroken in the Commons, butwithout an option as to taking or refusing office if tendered tohim (because he would have himself compelled the Government toresign), Peel must dissolve, and he would encounter the electionwith the whole antagonist force united against him, aided by theanti-slavery feeling together with all the jealousy that could beexcited against the predominance of the House of Lords. Supposethe general election were to give him a very large majority, eventhen the great opportunity of separating the Whigs and Radicalswould have been lost, and there is every reason to believe thatwhen there is to be a fair fight for power, the Whigs will not benice as to the banners that are displayed in their front, andthat the majority of them will agree to many things of which theydo not approve, rather than mar combinations instrumental to theoverthrow of the Tory party, and their own restoration to power. 

 [15] [On the 6th May, Lord John Russell proposed in the House of Commons to suspend the Constitution of Jamaica for five years, because the Assembly of that Island had refused to adopt the Prisons Act passed by the Imperial Legislature. A division was taken on the question, that 'the Speaker do now leave the Chair, ' and the Government had a majority of five in a House of 583. Upon this grave consequences ensued. Mr. Henry Taylor argued, in the paper he submitted to the Cabinet on this question, that in the existing state of society in the West Indies, the forms of Constitutional Government could only lead to the oppression of the blacks by the whites, or of the whites by the blacks, and that the inveterate feelings by which the Colonists were divided would lead to measures of oppression, and in the end would break out into acts of violence. He therefore proposed the abolition of the Assemblies and the substitution of Legislatures based on the model of those existing in the Crown Colonies. This scheme was approved by Lord Melbourne and by Lord Howick, but it was feebly supported by Lord Glenelg and rejected by the Cabinet. Lord John Russell then brought forward the half-measure on which the division was taken. In the opinion of Mr. Henry Taylor this decision led to twenty-six years of misgovernment in the Colonies, and at length to the outbreak of the negroes in Jamaica in October 1865, which was only suppressed by the energy of Governor Eyre. Government by the Crown, which the Colonial Department had vainly advocated in 1839, was established in 1866, with excellent results to the Colony. ]

May 10th, 1839 {p. 199}

I left town on Monday, having in the morning seen Le Marchant, who knows better than anybody the numbers and details ofdivisions; and he told me that they should have a majority oftwenty: little, therefore, was I prepared to hear on Tuesdaymorning that they had been left with only a majority of five. Itwas not till they were in the House of Commons that they wereaware of the defections, and of the probability of a closedivision, if not of a defeat. About ten of the Radicals votedagainst them, and ten or a dozen stayed away; six of the Toriesvoted with Government, but the balance was quite enough to reducethe old majority to an equality. On Tuesday the Cabinet met, andresolved to resign. The Queen had not been prepared for thiscatastrophe and was completely upset by it. Her agitation andgrief were very great. In her interview with Lord John Russellshe was all the time dissolved in tears; and she dined in her ownroom, and never appeared on the Tuesday evening. Melbourneadvised her to send for the Duke, and on Wednesday morning shesent for him. By this time she had regained her calmness andself-possession. She told him that she was very sorry for whathad occurred, and for having to part with her Ministers, particularly Lord Melbourne, for whom she felt the warmestregard, and who had acted an almost parental part towards her. The Duke was excessively pleased with her behaviour and with herfrankness. He told her that his age and his deafnessincapacitated him from serving her as efficiently as he coulddesire, and that the leader of the House of Commons ought to beher Prime Minister, and he advised her to send for Peel. Shesaid, 'Will you desire him to come to me?' He told her that hewould do anything; but, he thought, under the circumstances, itwould be better that she should write to him herself. She saidshe would, but begged him to go and announce to Peel that hemight expect her letter. This the Duke did, and when Peelreceived it, he went to the Palace (in full dress according toetiquette), and received her commands to form a Government. Shereceived him (though she dislikes him) extremely well, and he wasperfectly satisfied. 

While the Tories were rejoicing in their victory, the Whigs, greatly exasperated, were already beginning to meditate theorganisation of a strong Opposition, and providing the means ofcarrying on an effectual war against the new Government. They donot choose to look upon their expulsion as attributable to thedefection of their allies, but as the work of the Tories upon amere party question, and that a very unjustifiable one, andtreated in a very unjustifiable manner. I met Ellice andLabouchere in the street, and found them full of menace andsinister prediction, and to my assertion that all would go welland _easily_, they shook their heads, and insisted that theconduct of their opponents entitled them to no forbearance, andthat finding none, their difficulties and embarrassments would bevery great; and I found in other quarters that there is adisposition to rally and marshal the party, and commenceoffensive warfare; but others of the Whigs entertained no suchviews, and looked upon the game as quite lost for the present;and in point of fact, nothing is settled, fixed, combined, orarranged as yet; and there has not been time to ascertain thedisposition or intentions of the leaders. 

[Page Head: THE BEDCHAMBER DIFFICULTY. ]

While, however, there was yesterday this uncertainty andagitation in the Whig camp, and the Tories were waiting inperfect security for the tranquil arrangement of the newGovernment, a storm suddenly arose, which threatens to scatter tothe winds the new combinations, and the ultimate effects of whichit is impossible for anybody to foresee. The Queen insisted uponkeeping the ladies of her household, and Peel objected, butwithout shaking her determination. He begged her to see the Dukeof Wellington, and she agreed to see the Duke and him together. He had, however, before this gone to the Palace with LordAshley, [16] whom he had taken with him, fancying that because hehad been in the habit of seeing a great deal of the Queen, hemight have some influence with her--a notion altogetherpreposterous, and exhibiting the deficiency of Peel in worldlydexterity and tact, and in knowledge of character. Ashley made noimpression on the Queen. When the Duke and Peel saw her, andendeavoured to persuade her to yield this point, they found herfirm and immoveable, and not only resolved not to give way, butprepared with answers to all they said, and arguments in supportof her determination. They told her that she must consider her_Ladies_ in the same light as _Lords_: she said, 'No, I haveLords besides, and these I give up to you. ' And when they stillpressed her, she said, 'Now suppose the case had been reversed, that you had been in office when I had come to the Throne, andthat Lord Melbourne would not have required this sacrifice ofme. ' Finding that she would not give way, Peel informed her thatunder these circumstances he must consult his friends; and ameeting took place at his house yesterday afternoon. 

 [16] [Lord Ashley, then a member of the House of Commons, afterwards seventh Earl of Shaftesbury: though a follower of Sir Robert Peel, he was married to Lady Emily Cowper, Lord Melbourne's niece, and this circumstance probably induced Peel to invoke his assistance. ]

In the meantime the old Ministers were apprised of the difficultythat had occurred, and Lord John Russell, who knew that there wasa meeting at Peel's to consider what was to be done, entreatedMelbourne, if the thing was broken off upon this difficulty, notto give any advice, but to call the Cabinet and have a generalconsultation. At nine in the evening he was summoned to a Cabinetat Melbourne's house, and from this he inferred that negotiationswith Peel had closed. The ministers were collected from allquarters: (Hobhouse from dinner at Wilton's, Morpeth from theopera), and Melbourne laid before them a letter from theQueen, [17] written in a bitter spirit, and in a strain such asElizabeth might have used. She said, 'Do not fear that I was notcalm and composed. They wanted to deprive me of my Ladies, and Isuppose they would deprive me next of my dressers and myhousemaids; they wished to treat me like a girl, but I will showthem that I am Queen of England!' They consulted, and asuggestion was thrown out that Lady Normanby (and some other Ithink) should resign. This was overruled, as was a proposition ofJohn Russell's, that the Queen should require from Peel a precisestatement of the extent of his demands. The end was, that aletter was composed for her, in which she simply declined toplace the Ladies of her household at Peel's discretion. This wassent yesterday morning; when Peel wrote an answer resigning hiscommission into Her Majesty's hands; but recapitulatingeverything that had passed. When the difficulty first arose, Peelasked her to see the Duke; she acquiesced; he fetched him, andthe Duke was with her alone. The Duke it was who argued _theprinciple_ with her--Peel had touched upon its application. 

 [17] Melbourne, it appears, from his own statement in the House of Lords, was sent for at six o'clock on Thursday. 

[Page Head: THE WHIGS STAND BY THE QUEEN. ]

It was speedily known all over the town that the whole thing wasat an end, and nothing could surpass the excitement and amazementthat prevailed. The indignant Tories exclaimed against intrigueand preconcerted plans, and asserted that she refused to partwith _any_ of her Ladies, and that it was only a pretext to breakoff the Tory Government; while the Whigs cried out againstharshness and dictatorial demands, and complained that it wasintended to make a thorough clearance, to strip her of all herfriends, and destroy her social comfort. The Radicals, who hadfor the most part been terribly alarmed at the results of theirown defection, instantly made overtures to the Whigs; and I heardat Brooks's that Ward had come over from the Reform Club, andproposed a reconciliation without any concession, except thatBallot should be made an open question. There appeared nodisposition to concede anything to the Radicals, who, they wereconvinced, would join them without any conditions. 

In the meantime Lord Melbourne and Lord John Russell went to theQueen, who told them her whole story. I met the latter comingfrom her; he said, 'I have just been for an hour with the Queen;she told me her story, and ended by saying, 'I have stood by you, you must now stand by me. ' They thought her case a good one, and resolved to stand by her. Such was the state of things andsuch the case as reported to me by several members of the Whigparty yesterday morning, and my impression was that Peel had beenunreasonable in his demands and impolitic in breaking off thenegotiation on such grounds. Nevertheless I had some misgivings, because I thought the Duke of Wellington unlikely to concur inany proceeding harsh towards the Queen, or ill-considered in apolitical sense; but the assertion was at the same time sopositive, that Peel had required the dismissal of _all_ theladies, and the Tories defended instead of denying this, that Idid not doubt the fact to have been so; and moreover I was toldthat Peel's behaviour had created a strong sentiment of disliketowards him in the Queen, and from her representations and thelanguage of her letter it was clear the impression on her mindwas that no consideration was intended to be shown to herfeelings and wishes, but, on the contrary, that they meant toabuse their power to the utmost. At the ball last night I put thequestion directly to Lord Normanby and Ben Stanley, and they bothdeclared that the Queen's understanding was that the demand forpower to dismiss the Ladies was unqualified by any intimation ofan intention not to exercise that power to the utmost extent;that she believed they were _all_ to be taken from her, and underthis impression she had sent her ultimatum by which the wholething was terminated. But I had afterwards a conversation withLord Wharncliffe, who gave me an account of all that had passed, placed the matter in a very different light, and proved beyond adoubt that there was no lack of deference and consideration onthe part of Peel, but, on the contrary, the clearest indicationof an intention and desire to consult her wishes and feelings inevery respect, and that, instead of a sweeping demand for thedismissal of _all_ her Ladies, he had approached that subjectwith delicacy and caution, and merely suggested the expediency ofsome partial changes, for reasons (especially when taken withother things) by no means insufficient. So little disposition wasthere on the part of Peel to regard her with distrust or tofetter her social habits, that when she said, 'You must notexpect me to give up the society of Lord Melbourne, ' he repliedthat 'Nothing could be further from his thoughts than tointerfere with Her Majesty's society in any way, or to object toher receiving Lord Melbourne as she pleased, and that he shouldalways feel perfectly secure in the honour of Lord Melbourne, that he would not avail himself improperly of his intercoursewith her. ' When she said that she should like to have LordLiverpool about her, he immediately acquiesced, and proposed thathe should be Lord Steward, and he suggested certain otherpersons, whom he said he proposed because he believed they werepersonally agreeable to her; but when he began to talk of 'somemodification of the Ladies of her household, ' she stopped him atonce, and declared she would not part with any of them. Thenceforward this became the whole matter in dispute; but therehad been some circumstances even in the first interview whichPeel and the Duke regarded as ominous and indicative of herhaving been primed as to the part she should play. The principalof these was an intimation of her desire that there should be _nodissolution of Parliament_. This surprised Peel very much, but heonly replied that it was impossible for him to come to anydetermination on that point, as he might be beaten on one of thefirst divisions, in which case it would be inevitable. It wasindeed the fact of his taking the Government with a _minority_ inthe House of Commons which was his principal argument fordesiring the power of dismissing the Ladies, or rather ofchanging the household, that he might not, he said, give to theworld the spectacle of a Court entirely hostile to him, consisting of ladies whose husbands were his strongest politicalopponents, thereby creating an impression that the confidence ofthe Crown was bestowed on his enemies rather than on himself. Inthe Duke's first interview with the Queen, he had entreated herto place her whole confidence in Peel, and had then said that, though some changes might be necessary in her household, shewould find him in all the arrangements anxious to meet her wishesand consult her feelings. Notwithstanding her assurance toMelbourne that she was calm, she was greatly excited, thoughstill preserving a becoming dignity in her outward behaviour. 

[Page Head: THE TRUE STATE OF THE CASE. ]

Having satisfied myself that there had been a completemisunderstanding, which I think, as it was, might have beencleared up if there had been less precipitation and more opennessand further endeavours to explain what was doubtful or ambiguous, I began to turn in my mind whether something could not be done toavert the impending danger, and renew the negotiation with Peelwhile it was still time. Labouchere had had a conversation withGraham, who had enlightened him, much as Wharncliffe had me; wecame home together, and I found what Graham had told him had madea deep impression on him, and that he was as sensible as I am ofthe gravity and peril of the circumstances in which affairs areplaced. I accordingly urged Lord Tavistock to endeavour topersuade Melbourne to see the Duke of Wellington and talk it overwith him; he would at all events learn the exact truth as to whathad passed, which it most essentially behoves him to know beforehe takes upon himself the responsibility of advising the Queenand of meeting Parliament once more with all the necessaryexplanations how and why he is still Minister, and from the Dukelikewise he would learn what really is the _animus_ of Peel andhis party, and what the real extent of their intended demandsupon the Queen. He, and he alone, can enlighten her and pacifyher mind; and if he is satisfied that there has been amisapprehension, and that Peel has required nothing but what sheought to concede, it would be his duty to advise her once more toplace herself in Peel's hands. This is the only solution of thedifficulty now possible, and this course, if he has sufficientwisdom, firmness, and virtue to adopt it, may still avert theenormous evils which are threatened by the rupture of the pendingarrangements. 

 CHAPTER VI. 

The Whigs retain the Government--Motives of the Queen--Decision of Ministers--Lord Brougham's Excitement--Ministerial Explanations--State of Affairs in Parliament--Lord Brougham's great Speech on the Crisis--Duke of Wellington's Wisdom and Moderation--Visit of the Grand Duke Alexander--Macaulay returns to Parliament--Disappointment of the Radicals--The Radicals appeased--Visit to Holland House--Anecdotes of George Selwyn-- False Position of the Whigs--Downton Castle--Payne Knight-- Malvern--Troy House--Castles on the Wye--Tintern Abbey--Bath-- Salisbury Cathedral--Death of Lady Flora Hastings--Violent Speech of the Duke--Conversation with the Duke of Wellington-- Lord Clarendon's _début_ in the House of Lords--Lord Brougham attacks Lord Normanby--His fantastic Conduct--Pauper School at Norwood. 

May 12th, 1839 {p. 207}

The Cabinet met yesterday, and resolved to take the Governmentagain; they hope to interest the people in the Queen's quarrel, and having made it up with the Radicals they think they canstand. It is a high trial to our institutions when the wishes ofa Princess of nineteen can overturn a great Ministerialcombination, and when the most momentous matters of Governmentand legislation are influenced by her pleasure about her Ladiesof the Bedchamber. The Whigs resigned because they had no longerthat Parliamentary support for their measures which they deemednecessary, and they consent to hold the Government without theremoval of any of the difficulties which compelled them toresign, for the purpose of enabling the Queen to exercise herpleasure without any control or interference in the choice of theLadies of her household. This is making the private gratificationof the Queen paramount to the highest public considerations:somewhat strange Whig doctrine and practice! With respect to thequestion of unfettered choice, a good deal may be said on bothsides; but although it would be wrong and inexpedient for anyMinister to exercise the right, unless in a case of greatnecessity, I think every Minister must have the power of advisingthe Queen to remove a Lady of her Court, in the same way as he isadmitted to have that of removing a man. Notwithstanding thetransaction of 1812, and Lord Moira's protection of George IV. Inthe retention of his household, it is now perfectly establishedin practice that the Royal Household is at the discretion of theMinister, and it must be so because he is responsible for theappointments; in like manner he is responsible for everyappointment which the Sovereign may make; and should any of theLadies conduct herself in such a manner as to lead the public toexpect or require her dismissal, and the Queen were to refuse todismiss her, the Minister must be responsible for her remainingabout the Royal person. 

The pretension of the Queen was not merely personal, _pro hâcvice_, and one of arrangement, but it went to the establishmentof a principle unlimited in its application, for she declaredthat she had felt bound to make her stand where she did, in orderonce for all to resist the encroachments which she anticipated, and which would lead, she supposed, at last to their insisting ontaking the Baroness Lehzen herself from her. In a constitutionalpoint of view, the case appears to me to be much stronger than inthat of a Queen Consort, for the Minister has nothing to do witha Queen Consort; he is not responsible for her appointments, norfor the conduct of her officers, and she is a _feme sole_possessed of independent rights which she may exercise accordingto her own pleasure, provided only that she does not transgressthe law. It was a great stretch of authority when Lord Greyinsisted on the dismissal of Lord Howe, Queen Adelaide'sChamberlain; but he did so upon an extraordinary occasion, andwhen circumstances rendered it, as he thought, absolutelynecessary that he should make a public demonstration of hisinfluence in a Court notoriously disaffected to the Reform Bill. 

[Page Head: UNCONSTITUTIONAL COURSE OF THE WHIGS. ]

The origin of the present mischief may be found in theobjectionable composition of the Royal Household at theAccession. The Queen knew nobody, and was ready to take anyLadies that Melbourne recommended to her. He ought to have takencare that the female part of her household should not have apolitical complexion, instead of making it exclusively Whig as, unfortunately for her, he did; nor is it little matter of wonderthat Melbourne should have consented to support her in such acase, and that he and his colleagues should have consented to actthe strange, anomalous, unconstitutional part they have done. While they really believed that she had been ill-used, it wasnatural they should be disposed to vindicate and protect her; butafter the reception of Peel's letter they must have doubtedwhether there had not been some misapprehension on both sides, and they ought in prudence, and in justice to her, even againsther own feelings, to have sifted the matter to the bottom, andhave cleared up every existing doubt before they decided on theircourse. But to have met as a Cabinet, and to have advised herwhat answer to send to the man who still held her commission forforming a Government, upon points relating to its formation, isutterly anomalous and unprecedented, and a course as dangerous asunconstitutional. [1] The danger has been sufficiently exemplifiedin the present case; for, having necessarily had no personalcognisance of the facts, they incurred the risk of giving adviceupon mistaken grounds, as in this instance has been the case. _She_ might be excused for her ignorance of the exact limits ofconstitutional propriety, and for her too precipitate recurrenceto the counsels to which she had been accustomed; but _they_ought to have explained to her, that until Sir Robert Peel hadformally and finally resigned his commission into her hands, theycould tender no advice, and that her replies to him, and herresolutions with regard to his proposals, must emanate solely andspontaneously from herself. As it was, the Queen was incommunication with Sir Robert Peel on one side, and LordMelbourne on the other, at the same time; and through them withboth their Cabinets; the unanimous resolutions of the formerbeing by her conveyed to, and her answer being composed by, thelatter. The Cabinet of Lord Melbourne discussed the proposals ofthat of Sir Robert Peel, and they dictated to the Queen the replyin which she refused to consent to the advice tendered to her bythe man who was _at that moment_ her Minister, and it was thisreply which compelled him to resign the office with which she hadentrusted him. 

 [1] Melbourne explains away this objection by alleging that the negotiation with Peel was over at six on Thursday; that the Queen sent for him to tell him so; that he was again become her Minister; and that he and his colleagues properly advised the terms in which she should convey her final decision. This explanation seems to have gone down, but I can't imagine how: the decision to persist in refusing Peel's demands became _their_ decision, when they advised the letter in which it was conveyed. I know not why more was not made of this part of the case. 

May 13th, 1839 {p. 210}

[Page Head: THE DEBATE ON THIS TRANSACTION. ]

Lord Tavistock went on Saturday to Buckingham Palace; foundMelbourne was not there, and followed him to his house, where theCabinet was sitting. He wrote him a letter, in which he said thathe had seen the Duke, and that his impression was that there hadbeen a misunderstanding between Peel and the Queen; and suggestedto Melbourne that he should see the Duke, who was very willing, if he pleased, to talk the matter over with him. This letter wastaken in to the Cabinet, and they discussed its contents. [2]Melbourne was not indisposed to see the Duke; but, after acareful consideration of Peel's letter, they came to theconclusion that there was no difference between the Queen'sstatement to them and Peel's to her, and, therefore, nomisconception to correct. The Chancellor accordingly gave hisopinion, that there was no ground for an interview betweenMelbourne and the Duke; so then ended the last hope of areadjustment. 

 [2] Lord Grey was at Melbourne's house; Melbourne sent for him, and consulted him, and he remained in another room while the Cabinet was in deliberation. Lord Grey took it up very warmly, and was strongly for supporting the Queen, saying they could not do otherwise. 

The question (they say) was all along one of _principle_, andnever of the _application_ of the principle; but theextraordinary part of it is that they admit that the principle isnot maintainable, yet declare that they were bound _asgentlemen_, when the Queen had recourse to them, to support her. This is strange doctrine in Whig mouths. They have, in myopinion, abandoned their duty to the country and to the Queen, and they ought to have been impressed with the paramountobligation of instructing her in the nature and scope of herconstitutional obligations and duties, and the limits of herconstitutional rights, and to have advised her what she ought todo, instead of upholding her in doing that which was agreeable toher taste and inclination. 

In the meantime Brougham wrote a violent letter to LordTavistock, imploring him, while it was still time, to arrest theperilous course on which his friends had entered, and full ofprofessions of regard for him and his. Tavistock went to him inthe evening, found him in a state of furious excitement, abusingthe Ministry greatly, and many of them by name in the grossestterms, and pouring forth a torrent of invective against men andthings. After a time he became more cool, and half promised thathe would not speak at all; but when he learnt, what he was notaware of, that Lord Spencer was come to town and would be in theHouse of Lords, he broke out again, and said that if they hadbrought him up to support that miserable rotten concern, he mustspeak. Lord Spencer was not, however, brought up by them; he knewnothing of passing events till he read them in the 'Times' onSaturday, at Barnet, and his reflexion on them was, that if heshould be sent for, he should advise the Queen to send for Peelagain and concede the point. He is now, however, disposed, incase of need, to defend his friends in the House of Lords; but ifthey can secure Brougham's silence as the price of his, theMinisters will be glad enough to _pair_ them off. 

May 19th, 1839 {p. 211}

At Mickleham (for Epsom) from Tuesday to Friday, and, of course, nothing done, written, heard, or thought of, save and except theDerby. The explanations went off, on the whole, very well, without acrimony, and as satisfactorily as the case allowed. Peel's speech was excellent (though Lord Grey did not approve ofit, and regretted not having the power to answer it), and withoutany appearance of art or dexterity he contrived to steer throughall the difficult points and to justify himself without saying aword offensive to the Queen. Lord John Russell was very nervous, feeble and ineffective. In the other House Melbourne made, as allallow, a capital speech; Clarendon, a good and fair judge, toldme that he never heard Melbourne speak so well throughout; whilethe Duke was painful to hear, exhibiting such undoubted marks ofcaducity: it did not, however, read ill. Melbourne made oneadmission, for which Lord John Russell was very angry with him, and that was of the 'erroneous impression' on the Queen's mind, because his argument was that there was 'no mistake. ' Lord Greyand Lord Spencer would either of them have spoken, but it wasdeemed better they should not, or Brougham would have beenunmuzzled, and as it was he adhered to his engagement to LordTavistock and held his peace. He had said, 'If you let offAlthorp or old Grey, I must speak. '

June 1st, 1839 {p. 212}

Laid up with the gout and confined to my room for ten days, veryill and utterly disinclined to write. Nothing new of consequence, but little things keep oozing out, throwing light on the recenttransaction, and all tending to the same conclusion. In themeantime Parliament met, but nothing has been done. Lord JohnRussell began by deferring the Education question, which he willbe obliged to abandon, for the Church has risen up and put forthall its strength against it, and having been joined by theWesleyans, will, without difficulty, defeat it. The Bishop ofLondon made a most eloquent philippic against it at Exeter Hallthe other day. Government have brought in another Jamaica Bill, not very different from Peel's proposed measure, and which theywill probably contrive to pass. 

The Radicals have been again bestirring themselves, and trying toturn the present occasion to account and extract some concessionsfrom the Government. Warburton has been in communication withLord John Russell, and they expect some declarations from him andMelbourne of their future intentions, and some indications of adisposition to give way on some of the favourite Radicalmeasures. Melbourne's intention was to be elicited by certainquestions of which Lord Winchilsea gave notice, and which heactually put last night, as to the principles on which theGovernment was to be conducted. Melbourne replied in a veryguarded and somewhat didactic style, but, so far from evincingany disposition to make Radical concessions, he intimated withsufficient clearness that he was resolved to make none whatever, and that he would not sacrifice his conscientious convictions forany political or party purpose. 

[Page Head: LORD BROUGHAM ATTACKS MINISTERS. ]

After this, up got Brougham, and that boiling torrent of rage, disdain, and hatred, which had been dammed up upon a formeroccasion when he was so unaccountably muzzled, broke forth withresistless and overwhelming force. He spoke for three hours, anddelivered such an oration as no other man in existence is capableof: devilish in spirit and design, but of superhuman eloquenceand masterly in execution. He assailed the Ministers with a stormof invective and ridicule; and, while he enveloped his periods ina studied phraseology of pretended loyalty and devotion, heattacked the Queen herself with unsparing severity. He went atlength and in minute detail into the whole history of the recenttransaction, drew it in its true colours, and exposed its origin, progress, and motives, and thus he laid bare all the arts andfalsehoods by which attempts had been made to delude and agitatethe country. If it were possible to treat this as a partyquestion, his speech would be a powerful party auxiliary, mostvaluable to the Tories as a vindication of them, for it was thepeculiar merit of this speech that it abounded in truths and ingreat constitutional principles of undoubted authority andunerring application. The Duke of Wellington rose after Brougham:in a short speech, replete with moderation and dignity, heabstained from entering upon the past, but fastened uponMelbourne's declaration, and gave him to understand that as longas he adhered to such principles as he had then declared he wouldbe governed by, he might appeal to Parliament confidently forsupport. 

These three speeches have all in their different ways produced agreat effect: Melbourne's will not satisfy the Radicals, thoughthey catch (as dying men at straws) at a vague expression about'progressive reforms, ' and try (or pretend) to think that thispromises something, though they know not what. Brougham's speechwas received by the Tory Lords with enthusiastic applause, vociferous cheering throughout, and two or three rounds at theconclusion. But the Duke's assurance of support to Melbourneexasperated his own people to the greatest degree, produced asulky article in the 'Times, ' and the usual complaints at White'sand the Carlton of the Duke's being in his dotage, and so forth. Even some of his real admirers thought he 'had overdone it, ' andwhilst at Brooks's they did not quite know what to make of it, atthe Carlton they were in the same doubt how to interpretMelbourne's cautious ambiguities. Both, however, were clearenough: Melbourne meant to say he would 'go no further, ' and theDuke meant to pat him on the back, and promise him that while headhered to that resolution he should have no vexatious oppositionto fear; but his meaning was made still more clear, for he toldmy brother this afternoon that 'it was of the greatest importanceto nail Melbourne to his declaration, and that they must do whatthey could to help the Queen out of the difficulty in which shewas placed. ' He looks to the Crown of England; he wants to uphold_it_ and not to punish _her_; and he does not care to achieve aTory triumph at the expense of the highest Tory principle; hethinks the Monarchy is in danger, and he sees that the danger maybe more surely averted by still enduring the existence of thepresent Government, depriving them of all power to do evil, andconverting them into instruments of good, than by acceleratingtheir fall under circumstances calculated to engender violentanimosities, irreconcileable enmities, wide separation ofparties, and the adoption of extreme measures and dangerousprinciples by many who have no natural bias that way. I entirelyconcur with him, and if it were possible to restore matters tosomething like the state they were in before the Bedchambercrisis, nothing would be so desirable; nothing so desirable asthat the Whigs and the Radicals should be furnished with freshoccasion to fall out, and the dissolution of the Government bethe final consequence of their dissensions. Also it is expedientthat time should be given for the angry waters to become smoothand calm once more, albeit the smoothness is only on theirsurface. 

Yesterday the Grand Duke Alexander[3] went away after a stay ofsome three weeks, which has been distinguished by a lavishprofusion--perhaps a munificence--perfectly unexampled; he is byno means remarkable in appearance one way or the other, and doesnot appear to have made any great impression except by thesplendour and extent of his presents and benefactions: he hasscattered diamond boxes and rings in all directions, subscribedlargely to all the charities, to the Wellington and Nelsonmemorials, and most liberally (and curiously) to the Jockey Club, to which he has sent a sum of £300, with a promise of its annualrepetition. 

 [3] [Afterwards the Emperor Alexander II. Of Russia. He ascended the throne in 1855 and perished by assassination in the streets of St. Petersburgh on the 13th March, 1881. ]

[Page Head: MACAULAY ELECTED FOR EDINBURGH. ]

Macaulay is gone to Edinburgh to be elected in the room ofAbercromby, so he is again about to descend into the arena ofpolitics. He made a very eloquent and, to my surprise, a veryRadical speech, declaring himself for Ballot and shortParliaments. I was the more astonished at this, because I knew hehad held very moderate language, and I remembered his telling methat he considered the Radical party to be reduced to 'Grote andhis wife, ' after which I did not expect to see him declarehimself the advocate of Grote's favourite measure and the darlingobject of the Radicals. 

June 7th, 1839 {p. 215}

Macaulay's was a very able speech and a good apology for the WhigGovernment, and as he has always been for Ballot, he is notinconsistent. On Sir H. Fleetwood's motion the other night (forgiving votes for counties to ten-pound householders), JohnRussell spoke out, though in a reforming tone, and threw theRadicals into a paroxysm of chagrin and disappointment. TheTories had heard he was going to give way, and Peel, who isnaturally suspicious and distrustful, believed it; but when hefound he would not give way, nor held out any hopes for thefuture, Peel nailed him to that point and spoke with great forceand effect. This debate was considered very damaging to Whigs andRadicals, and likely to lead to a dissolution--first, ofParliament, and then of Government. But the Radicals are nowadopting a whining, fawning tone, have dropt that of bluster andmenace, and, having before rudely insisted on a mighty slice ofthe loaf, are now content to put their tails between their legsand swallow such crumbs as they can get. Peel has written andpublished a very stout letter, in reply to a Shrewsburydeclaration presented to him, in which he defends his recentconduct, and declares he will never take office on any otherterms. 

[Page Head: THE WHIGS SUCCUMB TO THE RADICALS. ]

Notwithstanding Lord John Russell's speech on Fleetwood's motion, and Melbourne's anti-movement declaration in the other House, they have to their eternal disgrace succumbed to the Radicals, and been squeezed into making Ballot an open question. For JohnRussell I am sorry. I thought he would have been stouter. TheRadicals are full of exultation, and the Government underlings, who care not on what terms they can retain their places, are veryjoyful. I rode with Howick yesterday for a long time and talkedit over with him. He pretended it was no concession afterVivian's being allowed to vote last year, and he owned that heconsidered the question as virtually carried; he is himselfmoderate and means still to vote against it, sees all thedanger--not so much from Ballot itself as from its inevitabletrain of consequences--and still consents to abandon the contest. I asked him, if he was not conscious that it was only like buyingoff the Picts and Scots, and that fresh demands would speedilyfollow with redoubled confidence; and he owned he was. It mayprolong for a brief period the sickly existence of theGovernment, and if a dissolution comes speedily, Whigs andRadicals may act in concert at the elections; but if they attemptto go on with the present Parliament fresh demands will rapidlyensue, and then there must be fresh concessions or anotherbreach. It is a base and disgusting truckling to allies betweenwhom and themselves there is nothing but mutual hatred andcontempt. 

June 14th, 1839 {p. 217}

At Holland House from Tuesday till Thursday--not particularlyagreeable. Melbourne came one day, but was not in spirits. LordHolland told me some stories of George Selwyn, whom he had knownin his younger days, and many of whose good sayings he remembers. He describes him as a man of great gravity and deliberation inspeaking, and, after exciting extraordinary mirth by his wit anddrollery, gently smiling and saying, 'I am glad you are pleased. 'The old Lord Foley (father of the last) was much discontentedwith his father's will, who, knowing that he was in debt and aspendthrift, had strictly tied up the property: he tried to setaside the will by Act of Parliament, and had a Bill brought intothe House of Lords for the purpose. George Selwyn said, 'Our oldfriend Foley has worked a miracle, for he has converted the Jewsfrom the Old to the New Testament. '

June 24th, 1839, Ludlow {p. 217}

I left London on Friday last by railroad, went to Wolverhampton(the vilest-looking town I ever saw), and posted in my carriagefrom thence to this place, where I only arrived at a quarter-pastnine. This journey takes (losing no time) about eleven and a halfhours--one hundred and fifty miles--of which thirty-four by road. The road from Bridgenorth to Ludlow is very striking and commandsexceedingly fine views. 

The day before I left town I saw Lord Tavistock, who told medivers things. I asked him what could induce Lord John to consentto making Ballot an open question, and he replied, that nothingelse could have prevented the dissolution of the Government, andthat _three_ of the Ministers--he did not say which--threatenedto resign instanter if this concession was not made. Here then, as I said to him, was another example of the evils of thatcatastrophe which broke up the embryo Government of Peel andbrought them back again: unable to go on independently and asthey desire to do, they are obliged to truckle, and are squeezedinto compliances they abhor, and all this degradation they thinkthemselves bound to submit to because the principle on whichtheir Government stands, and which predominates over all others, is that of supporting the Queen. No Tory Government ever venturedto dissociate its support of the Queen from its measures andprinciples as a party, in the way these men do. Macaulay made hisfirst re-appearance in the Ballot debate in a speech of unequalmerit, but Peel and Graham complimented him on his return amongstthem. 

I am greatly delighted with this country, which is of surpassingbeauty, and the old Castle of Ludlow, a noble ruin, and in'ruinous perfection. ' On Saturday I explored the Castle andwalked to Oakley Park, Robert Clive's, who is also the owner ofthe Castle, which he bought of the Crown for £1, 500. The gardensat Oakley Park are very pretty and admirably laid out and kept, and the park is full of fine oaks. Yesterday I walked and rodeover the hills above Ludlow, commanding a panoramic prospect ofthe country round, and anything more grand and picturesque Inever beheld. But above all, the hills and woods of DowntonCastle, with the mountains of Radnorshire in the distance, present a scene of matchless beauty well worth coming from Londonto see. 

June 26th, 1839, Delbury {p. 218}

I rode to Downton Castle on Monday, a gimcrack castle and badhouse, built by Payne Knight, an epicurean philosopher, who afterbuilding the castle went and lived in a lodge or cottage in thepark: there he died, not without suspicion of having put an endto himself, which would have been fully conformable to hisnotions. He was a sensualist in all ways, but a great and self-educated scholar. His property is now in Chancery, because hechose to make his own will. The prospect from the windows isbeautiful, and the walk through the wood, overhanging the riverTeme, surpasses anything I have ever seen of the kind. It is aswild as the walk over the hill at Chatsworth, and much morebeautiful, because the distant prospect resembles the cheerfulhills of Sussex instead of the brown and sombre Derbyshire moors. The path now creeps along the margin, and now rises above the bedof a clear and murmuring stream, and immediately opposite isanother hill as lofty and wild, both covered with the finesttrees--oaks, ash, and chestnut--which push out their gnarledroots in a thousand fantastic shapes, and grow out of vast massesof rock in the most luxuriant and picturesque manner. Yesterday Icame here, a tolerable place with no pretension, but very wellkept, not without handsome trees, and surrounded by a very prettycountry. 

June 28th, 1839, Malvern {p. 219}

[Page Head: LUDLOW, MALVERN, ROSS. ]

Returned to Ludlow yesterday; came here to-day: the road fromLedbury to Malvern wonderfully fine, and nothing grander than theview of Eastnor Castle. 

July 3rd, 1839, Troy House {p. 219}

[Page Head: GOODRICH CASTLE, TINTERN ABBEY. ]

Stayed at Malvern two days, clambering to the top of the hillswhich overhang the place (for town it is not), from which theviews are very fine over a rich but generally flat country; theprospect is grand from its great extent. There is a curious andinteresting church there, formerly of some priory, with ahandsome gateway. I came through Eastnor Park in the way toLedbury, exceedingly fine, and the castle something like Belvoirapparently, but I was not permitted to approach it. Nothingparticular in the road till Ross, a very pretty town, where Ifirst met the Wye, but, alas, in its muddiest state: this was theabode of 'The Man of Ross. ' Very pretty road from Ross toMonmouth, through which latter place I walked, and passed by avery old house, which, as I afterwards heard, is said to havebeen the abode of Geoffrey of Monmouth, and they show his study. Troy, a plain, good-looking house, imperfectly kept up and poorlyfurnished, as a house is likely to be whose owners never inhabitit. It was built by the Duke of Beaufort in 1689, who came tosulk here on the expulsion of the last of the Stuarts, having adeeply-rooted sentiment of hereditary loyalty. _Multa fecerunt_and _multa tulerunt_, certainly, for that unhappy race. Here theyshow a chair in which _a plot_ was contrived against Charles I. --that is, 'in which the president of the conspirators is said tohave sat. ' The story was obscure, but I did not think itadvisable to press the narrator for explanations. Likewise acradle, which tradition assigns to Henry V. (Harry of Monmouth), which is evidently old enough and was splendid enough in a rudestyle to justify any such tradition; the only unfortunate thingis, that there is a rival cradle somewhere else with the sameclaim. Mr. Wyatt, the Duke's agent, received me with greatcivility and hospitality, having been enjoined by the Duke tomake me his guest and himself my _cicerone_. Accordingly we setforth on Monday morning and went to Usk Castle, a ruin of whichnot much is left besides a picturesque round tower; neither theCastle nor the country is very remarkable, but we brought home acrimped salmon, for which Usk is famous (and where the crimpingis said to be a secret unattainable even to the vendors of Wyeand Severn salmon), which was, without exception, the most daintyfish I ever ate. From Usk we returned to Raglan Castle, a mostnoble and beautiful ruin; there has often been a notion ofrestoring it, and an estimate was made of the probable expense, which was calculated at £30, 000; but the idea and the estimateare equally preposterous: it would be reconstructing a veryunmanageable house and destroying the finest ruin in England, andthe cost would infallibly be three times £30, 000. As there hadbeen a question of its restoration, I expected to find greaterand more perfect remains, but, though some of the apartments maybe made out, it is a vast wreck. The strange thing is that thesecond Marquis of Worcester, when his possessions were restoredto him, and when the damage done to the castle might easily havebeen repaired, should not have done it nor any of his immediatedescendants. Great pains are now taken to preserve the beautiesof this majestic fabric and to arrest the further progress ofdecay. Yesterday I rode to Goodrich Castle, stopping to see someremarkable views of the Wye, particularly one called Simmons Yator Rock, which is very beautiful (and must be much more so whenthe river is clear and transparent); and a curious rock calledthe Buck-stone, which was probably a Druidical place of worship, but of which nothing is positively known, though conjecture isbusy. Goodrich Castle, which was partly battered down by theCromwellians like Raglan, is more ancient, and was much strongerthan the latter; but, though not so beautiful and splendid, it isan equally curious and interesting ruin, with many of its partsstill more perfect than anything at Raglan. I was exceedinglydelighted with Goodrich, and there was a female _custos_, zealousand intelligent, whose husband, she told us, was continuallyoccupied in clearing away rubbish and exposing the remains of theold Castle. We then went to Goodrich Court, a strange kind ofbastard castle built by Blore, and which the possessor, SirSamuel Meyrick, has devoted to the exhibition of his collectionof armour. There are only a few acres of ground belonging to him, on which he has built this house, but it is admirably situated, overhanging the Wye and facing the Castle, of which it commands acharming view. After being hurried through the armoury, which wasall we were invited to inspect, we embarked in a boat we had sentup, and returned to Monmouth down the Wye through some beautifulscenery, but which it was too cold to enjoy. 

July 4th, 1839, Clifton {p. 221}

I came here last night, the wind having changed to S. W. , andsummer having come with it. I left Troy in the morning and wentto Tintern Abbey: most glorious, which I could not describe if Iwould, but which produced on me an impression similar in kind andequal in amount to that which I felt at the sight of St. Peter's. No description nor any representation of it can do justice, oranything like justice, to this majestic and beautiful ruin, suchis its wonderful perfection viewed in every direction, from everyspot, and in the minutest detail. That the remains should be soextensive and so uninjured is marvellous, for there can be nodoubt that this Abbey might be restored to its former grandeur. Much has been done by Mr. Wyatt, the Duke's agent, both topreserve the Abbey and to develope its beauties by cutting awaythe trees and ivy, and clearing away the accumulation of earth;by the latter means several tombs and many detached fragments ofbeautiful design and workmanship have been found, and I did mybest to encourage him to pursue his researches. 

Casting many lingering looks behind, I left Tintern and went toWindcliffe, from the summit of which there is a very fine view;but the Wye, instead of being an embellishment, is an eyesore inthe midst of such scenery: it looks like a long, slimy snakedragging its foul length through the hills and woods whichenviron its muddy stream. We dined in a moss-cottage at the footof Windcliffe, and then proceeded to Chepstow, a very curious andstriking ruin, and which I should have seen with much greaterinterest and admiration if Tintern had not so occupied mythoughts and filled my mind that I had not eyes to do justice toChepstow. I went all over the ruins, however, and examined themvery accurately; for it is one of the great merits of thesedifferent castles, Raglan, Goodrich, and Chepstow, that they arewholly dissimilar, and each is therefore a fresh object ofcuriosity. I crossed the old passage, as it is called, in aferry, and came on to Clifton. 

[Page Head: BATH, SALISBURY CATHEDRAL. ]

_Bath. _--After taking a cursory view of Clifton from the RomanCamp and part of Bristol, I came to Bath, where I have not beenthese thirty years and more. I walked about the town, and wasgreatly struck with its handsomeness; thought of all thevicissitudes of custom and fashion which it has seen andundergone, and of the various characters, great and small, whohave figured here. Here the great Lord Chatham used to repairdevoured by gout, resentment, and disappointment, and leave theGovernment to its fate, while his colleagues waited his pleasuresubmissively or caballed against his power, according ascircumstances obliged them to do the first or enabled them to dothe second. Here my uncle, Harry Greville, the handsomest man ofhis day, used to dance minuets while all the company got onchairs and benches to look at him, and a few years since he diedin poverty at the Mauritius, where he had gone to end his days, after many unfortunate speculations, in an office obtained fromthe compassion of Lord Bathurst. _Sic transit gloria mundi_, andthus its frivolities flourish for their brief hour, and thendecay and are forgotten. An old woman showed me the Pump-room andthe baths, all unchanged except in the habits and characters oftheir frequenters; and my mind's eye peopled them with TabithaBramble, Win Jenkins, and Lismahago, and with all the inimitablefamily of Anstey's creation, the Ringbones, Cormorants, andBumfidgets--Tabby and Roger. [4]

 [4] _Humphrey Clinker_ and Anstey's _Bath Guide_. 

July 5th, 1839, Salisbury {p. 223}

I saw the Abbey Church at Bath this morning, which is handsomeenough, but not very remarkable, unless for the vast crowds ofits tombstones in every part; it has been completely repaired bythe corporation at a great expense. I went to Stonehenge, ofwhich no description is necessary; thence to Wilton; very fineplace; hurried through the gallery of marbles, but looked longerat the pictures, which I understand and taste better; saw thegardens and the stud, and then came here; went directly to theCathedral, with which I was exceedingly delighted, having seennothing like it for extent, lightness, and elegance. There is onemodern tomb by Chantrey which is very fine, that of LordMalmesbury, erected by his sister; but, however skilfullyexecuted or admirably designed, I do not like such monuments sowell, nor think them so appropriate to our cathedrals, as therude effigies of knights and warriors in complete armour, withtheir feet on couchant hounds, or those stately though sometimesgaudy and fantastic monuments, in which, among crowds ofemblematical devices and armorial bearings, the husband and thewife lie side by side in the richest costume of the day, whiletheir children are kneeling around them; these, with thevenerable figures of abbots and bishops, however rudelysculptured, give me greater pleasure to look upon than thechoicest productions of Roubillac, Nollekens, or Chantrey, which, however fine they may be, seem to have no business there, and tointrude irreverently among the mighty dead of olden time. Thiscathedral is in perfect repair within and without; the colour ofthe stone is singularly beautiful, and it is not blocked up withbuildings, Bishop Barrington having caused all that were adjacentto be removed. The chapter house and cloisters are exceedinglyfine, but the effect is spoilt in the former by great bars ofiron which radiate in all directions from a ring attached to thesupporting pillar, and which have been put there (probablywithout any necessity) to relieve it of a portion of thesuperincumbent weight. It is remarkable that wherever I have gonein my travels, I have found the same complaints of themischievous propensities of that silly, vulgar, vicious animal, called the public. Amongst the beauties of nature or of art, rocks, caves, or mountains, in ruined castles and abbeys, orancient but still flourishing cathedrals, the same invariablelove of pilfering and mutilating is to be found: some knock off anose or a finger, others deface a frieze or a mullion from sheerlove of havoc, others chip off some unmeaning fragment as arelique or object of curiosity; but the most general taste seemsto be that of carving names or initials, and some of the ancientfigures are completely tattooed with these barbarous engravings:this propensity I believe to be peculiar to our nation, and notto be found in any part of the Continent, where, indeed, it wouldprobably not be permitted, and where detection and punishmentwould speedily overtake the offender. It is quite disgusting tosee the venerable form of a knight templar or a mitred abbotscarred all over with the base patronymics of Jones and Tomkins, or with a whole alphabet of their initials. 

July 7th, 1839 {p. 224}

I came to town yesterday from Basingstoke by railroad; found thatLady Flora Hastings was dead, and a great majority in the Houseof Lords in favour of an Address to the Crown against theproposed Committee of Council on Education, the Bishop of Londonhaving made an extraordinarily fine speech. 

July 14th, 1839 {p. 224}

Nothing new; proceedings in Parliament very languid. The Queenhas appointed Lady Sandwich very dexterously, for she gets one ofthe favoured Paget race and the wife of a Tory peer, therebyputting an end to the exclusively Whig composition of theHousehold. This is a concession with regard to _the principle_. 

July 19th, 1839 {p. 225}

[Page Head: DUKE OF WELLINGTON'S ANGRY VEIN. ]

There have been angry debates in the Lords about the Birminghamriots, chiefly remarkable for the excitement, so unlike his usualmanner, exhibited by the Duke of Wellington, who assailed theGovernment with a fierceness which betrayed him into muchexaggeration and some injustice. Lord Tavistock, who, although apartisan, is a fair one, and who has a great esteem and respectfor the Duke, told me that he had seen and heard him with greatpain, and that his whole tone was alarmingly indicative of adecay of mental power. This is not the first time that such asuspicion has been excited: George Villiers told me, soon afterhe came over, how much struck he had been with the change heobserved in him, and from whatever cause, he is become inspeaking much more indistinct and embarrassed, continuallyrepeating and not always intelligible, but his speeches, whenreported, present much the same appearance, and the sense andsoundness (when the reporters have lopped off the redundanciesand trimmed them according to their fashion) seem to beunimpaired. It is, however, a serious and melancholy thing tocontemplate the possibly approaching decay of that great mind, and I find he always contemplates it himself, his mother's mindhaving failed some years before her death. It will be sad if, after exploits as brilliant as Marlborough's, and a career farmore important, useful, and honourable, he should be destined foran end like Marlborough's, and it is devoutly to be hoped thathis eyes may be closed in death before 'streams of dotage' shallbegin to flow from them. The Tories, with whom nothing goes downbut violence, were delighted with his angry vein, and see proofsof vigour in what his opponents consider as evidence of decay;his bodily health is wonderfully good, which is perhaps ratheralarming than reassuring as to the safety of his mind. 

July 22nd, 1839 {p. 225}

[Page Head: RADICAL MAGISTRATES. ]

I met the Duke yesterday at dinner and had much talk with him. Heis very desponding about the state of the country and thecondition in which the Government have placed it. He complains ofits defenceless situation from their carrying on a war (Canada)with a peace establishment; consequently that the few troops wehave are harassed to death with duty, and in case of a seriousoutbreak that there is no disposable force to quell it; that theGovernment are ruled by factions, political and religious. OnSaturday they had been beaten on a question relating to the PoorLaws[5] of great importance; and he said that they must besupported in this, and extricated from the difficulty. I was gladto meet him and see (for it is some time since I have talked tohim) whether there was any perceptible change in his manner orany symptom indicative of decay. Without there being anythingtangible or very remarkable, I received the impression that therewas not exactly the same vigour of mind which I have been used toadmire in him, and what he said did not appear to me indicativeof the strong sense and acuteness which characterise him. If hehas no attack, I dare say he will be able to continue to act hispart with efficacy for a long time to come. I asked him in whatmanner Government would prosecute the inquiry they had promisedinto the conduct of the Birmingham magistrates? He said what theyought to do was to order the Attorney-General to prosecute themfor a corrupt neglect of their duty, a thing they would as soonput their hands in the fire as do. Such is their position, sodependent upon bad men, that they are compelled to treat with theutmost tenderness all the enemies of the Constitution. There canbe no doubt that the appointments to the magistracy have beenfraught with danger, and made on a very monstrous principle. WhenLord John Russell resolved and avowed his resolution toneutralise the provision of the Act which gave the appointment ofmagistrates to the Crown instead of to the Town Council (as theyhad proposed) by taking the recommendations of the Council, heincurred the deepest responsibility that any Minister ever did, for he took on himself to adopt a course practically inconsistentwith the law, for the express purpose of placing political powerin particular hands, to which the law intended it should not beconfided; and on him, therefore, rested all the responsibility ofsuch power being wisely and safely exercised by the hands towhich he determined to entrust it; and when he appoints such aman as Muntz, [6] ex-Chartist and ex-Delegate, what must be theimpression produced on all denominations of men as to his bias, and of what use is it to make professions, and deliver speechescondemnatory of the principles and conduct of Chartists andassociators, if his acts and appointments are not in conformitywith those professions? Mr. Muntz, he says, has abandonedChartism, and is no longer the man he was: but who knows that?For one man who knows what Muntz is, a hundred know what he was, and in the insertion of his name in the list the bulk of theworld will and can only see, if not approbation of, at leastindifference to the doctrines such men have professed, and theconduct they have exhibited to the world. It is the frightfulanomaly of being a Government divesting itself of allconservative character, which constitutes the danger of our day. As the 'Times, ' in one of its spirited articles, says, this verymorning, 'that it cares not to see the Monarchy broken in piecesso that they may hurl its fragments at the heads of theiropponents. '

 [5] An instruction to the Committee to introduce a clause allowing out-door relief in all cases of able-bodied paupers married previously to the passing of the Act. 

 [6] [Whatever the antecedents of Mr. Muntz may have been, he lived to justify Lord John Russell's choice. He was not only a good magistrate, but member for Birmingham for many years, and a useful member. He was the first man who, in our time, wore a long beard in the House. ]

July 25th, 1839 {p. 227}

Lord Clarendon made his first appearance in the House of Lordsthe night before last in reply to Lord Londonderry on Spanishaffairs, with great success and excellent effect, and hascompletely landed himself as a Parliamentary speaker, in which, as he is certain to improve with time and practice, he willeventually acquire considerable eminence; and nothing can preventhis arriving at the highest posts. He is already marked out bythe public voice for the Foreign Office, for which he ispeculiarly well fitted, and there is no reason why he should notlook forward to being Prime Minister in some future combinationof parties, a post which he would fill better than any of thestatesmen who now play the principal parts in the politicaldrama. The Government have at last taken fright, and haveproposed troops and police to afford the country some sort ofsecurity during the recess and the winter. They have sent downMaule (the Solicitor to the Treasury) to Birmingham toinvestigate the evidence adducible against the magistrates, but Ido not much expect that they will proceed to any extremitiesagainst them. It is too probable that 'silebitur toto judicio demaximis et notissimis injuriis, ' for 'non potest in accusandosocios verè defendere is, qui cum reo criminum societateconjunctus est. '

August 9th, 1839 {p. 228}

[Page Head: FREAKS OF LORD BROUGHAM. ]

Brougham brought on his motion on Tuesday, [7] in spite of variousattempts to dissuade him; but he could not resist the temptationof making a speech, which he said he expected would be the besthe had ever delivered. He spoke for three hours in opening, andan hour and a quarter in reply, and a great performance by allaccounts it was. The Duke of Wellington said it was the finestspeech he had ever heard in Parliament. Normanby was miserablyfeeble in reply, and exhibited, by common consent, a sad failure, both on this occasion and on that of the Canada Bill. He is quiteunequal to the office which has been thrust upon him, and hecannot speak upon great subjects, having no oratorical art orpower of dealing skilfully and forcibly with a question. It was avery damaging night to the Government as far as reputation[8] isconcerned, but in no other way, for they are perfectly callous, and the public entirely apathetic. Melbourne was very smart inreply to Brougham, but did not attempt to deal with the question. The case, after all, is not a very strong one, and, thoughNormanby was much to blame in releasing prisoners and commutingsentences in the manner and to the extent he did, the principleon which he acted was sound, and it has proved beneficial. Had heknown how, and been equal to the task, he might have made a finedefence by taking a high instead of a deprecatory line, and by aconfident appeal to results; but it required more of an oratorand a statesman than he is to handle his case with sufficienteffect, and to stand up against such a master of his art asBrougham, backed by a favourable audience. This curious andversatile creature is in the highest spirits, and finds in theadmiration which his eloquence, and the delight which hismischievousness excite on the Tory benches and in Tory society, acompensation for old mortifications and disappointments. Afteracting Jupiter one day in the House of Lords, he is ready to actScapin anywhere else the next; and the day after this greatdisplay he went to dine at Greenwich with the Duchess ofCambridge and a great party, where he danced with Lady Jersey, while Lyndhurst capered also with the Dowager Lady Cowper. Afterdinner they drank, among other toasts, Lady Jersey's health, andwhen she said she could not return thanks, Brougham undertook todo it for her, speaking in her person. He said, that 'She wasvery sorry to return thanks in such a dress, but unfortunatelyshe had quarrelled in the morning with her maid, who was a verycross, crabbed person, and consequently had not been able to puton the attire she would have wished, and in the difficulty shehad had recourse to her old friend Lord Brougham, who had kindlylent her his best wig and the coat which he wore upon stateoccasions. ' After more nonsense of this kind, that 'she was verysorry she could not say more, but that in the peculiar situationshe then was in, she could not venture to remain any longer onher legs. '

 [7] [Lord Brougham moved on the 6th August five resolutions censuring the Irish policy of the Government: they were carried in the House of Lords by 86 votes to 52. ]

 [8] 'L'une des qualités indispensables d'un Gouvernement c'est d'avoir cette bonne renommée qui repousse l'injustice. Quand il l'a perdue et qu'on lui impute tous les crimes, les torts des autres et ceux même de la fortune, il n'a plus la faculté de gouverner, et cette impuissance doit le condamner . .. à se retirer. ' (Thiers, t. X. P. 276. ) Applicable to our Government now. 

August 10th, 1839 {p. 229}

I went to Norwood yesterday to see Dr. Kay's[9] Poor Law School, supposed to be very well managed, and very successful. As Ilooked at the class to whom a lesson was then being read, all theurchins from eight to eleven or twelve years old, I thought I hadnever seen a congregation of more unpromising and ungainly heads, and accordingly they are the worst and lowest specimens ofhumanity; starved, ill-used children of poor and vicious parents, generally arriving at the school weak and squalid, with atendency to every vice, and without having received any moral orintellectual cultivation whatever; but the system, under able andzealous teachers, acts with rapid and beneficial effect on theserude materials, and soon elicits manifestations of intelligence, and improves and developes the moral faculties. When one seeswhat is done by such small means, it is impossible not to reflectwith shame and sorrow upon the little, or rather the nothingness, that is accomplished when the material is of the bestdescription, and the means are unlimited, --upon the total absenceof any system throughout places of education, either public orprivate, and consequently at the imperfect and defectiveeducation which is given to the highest and richest class ofsociety, who are brought up thus stupidly at an enormous expense, acquiring little knowledge, and what they do acquire, so looselyand incompletely as to be of the smallest possible use. When onesees what is done here, it makes one think what ought to be doneelsewhere, and then contrast the possible with the actual stateof the case. 

 [9] [Afterwards Sir James Kay Shuttleworth, Bart. Dr. Kay was a zealous promoter of national education, and had recently been appointed to the Education Department of the Privy Council Office, then in its infancy. ]

 CHAPTER VII. 

Review of the Session--Ministerial Changes--Effect of Changes in the Government--A Greenwich Dinner--Dover Dinner to the Duke of Wellington--A Toast from Ovid--Decay of Tory Loyalty-- Unpopularity of Government--Brougham's Letter to the Duke of Bedford--Character of John, Duke of Bedford--Brougham at the Dover Dinner--Brougham and Macaulay--The Duke's Decline--Duke of Wellington consulted on Indian and Spanish Affairs--Baron Brunnow arrives in England--False Reports of Lord Brougham's Death--Insulting Speeches of the Tories--Holland House--Lord Brougham and Lord Holland--The Queen's Marriage is announced-- Remarkable Anecdote of the Duke of Wellington--The Mayor of Newport at Windsor--Ampthill--Lord John Russell's Borough Magistrates--Lord Clarendon's Advice to his Colleagues-- Prospects of the Government--Opening of the Session--Duel of Mr. Bradshaw and Mr. Horsman--Lord Lyndhurst's View of Affairs--Prince Albert's Household--The Privilege Question-- Prince Albert's Allowance--Precedence of Prince Albert--Lord John Russell and Sir Robert Peel--Judgement on the Newport Prisoners--A Vote of Want of Confidence moved--The Newport Prisoners--Prince Albert's Precedency--Sir Robert Peel and his Party--Sir Robert Peel's Speech and Declaration--Precedence Question--The Queen's Marriage--Illness of the Duke of Wellington--The Precedence Question settled--The Duke opposed to Peel on the Privilege Question--Change in the Health of the Duke--Prince Albert's Name in the Liturgy--Success of Pamphlet on Precedence--Judicial Committee Bill--Lord Dudley's Letters-- Amendment of Judicial Committee--King's Sons born Privy Councillors, other Princes sworn--The Duke returns to London-- Lord Melbourne's Opinion on Journals. 

August 15th, 1839 {p. 231}

[Page Head: A SINKING MINISTRY. ]

This eventful Session and season has at length closed, Lyndhursthaving wound up by a _résumé_ of the acts of the Government, inone of those 'exercitations, ' as Melbourne calls them, which areequally pungent for their severity, and admirable for theirlucidity. Melbourne made a bitter reply, full of personalities, against Lyndhurst, but offering a meagre defence for himself andhis colleagues. Those who watch the course of events, and whooccasionally peep behind the curtain, have but a sorry spectacleto contemplate:--a Government miserably weak, dragging on asickly existence, now endeavouring to curry a little favour withone party, now with another; so unused to stand, and so incapableof standing, on any great principles, that at last they have, orappear to have, none to stand on. Buffeted by their antagonists, and often by their supporters in Parliament, despised by thecountry at large, clinging to office merely to gratify the Queen, while they are just sufficiently supported in the House ofCommons to keep their places, and not enough to carry theirmeasures; for so meagre are their majorities, and so little dothe public care for those majorities, or for the Ministers ortheir measures, that the Lords do not scruple to treat theMinisterial Bills with undisguised contempt. At the beginning ofthis Session, the weakness of the Government, and theimpossibility of their going on, were so obvious, that the morewise and moderate of them began to prepare for their retirement, and Lord John Russell, by the publication of his Stroud letter, and the expression of those opinions which I was the means ofconveying to Peel, evinced his determination to make thedissolution of the Government ancillary to the ascendency of trueConservative principles. The break-up came sooner than had beenexpected, and when Ministers resigned, on the majority of five onthe Jamaica Bill (which they need not have done), they actedwisely, for they were enabled to retire with dignity, Peel andthe Opposition having been clearly and flagrantly in the wrongupon this particular measure--so wrong, that it has been, andstill is, matter of astonishment to me why they gave battle uponit, and I suspect that Peel was by no means elated at his ownsuccess on that occasion. However, out they went upon the Jamaicaquestion, and though they fancy Peel did not really wish to forma Government, and that the difficulties he made were only apretext for escaping from his position, this is not the case; hehad no misgivings or fears, and was quite ready to undertake thetask. However, _Diis aliter visum_: the Queen kept LordMelbourne, and they came back to accumulated difficulties, andwithout any augmentation of parliamentary strength or popularsympathy to sustain them. They made one miserable effort, andtossed a sop to the Radicals, by making the Ballot an openquestion, the grace and utility of which were entirely marred byLord Howick's speech, so that they got all the discredit of thisconcession without any compensatory advantage. They had begun thecampaign by the abrupt expulsion of Glenelg (nobody has ever madeout exactly why) and by bringing over Normanby in breathlesshaste to supersede him, without any reasonable probability of hisgiving such an accession of vigour and capacity to the Governmentas would justify this operation, and accordingly as more thanordinary success was requisite for a man promoted under suchcircumstances, the deeper were the mortification anddisappointment at his failure. The Irish Committee, which put himon the defence of his administration there, distracted hisattention and disturbed his mind, and he turned out to be unequalto his situation. His defence of himself upon Ireland was veryweak, and his whole parliamentary conduct of colonial affairslamentably inefficient. Then Mr. Spring Rice kept falling intocontinual discredit by his financial incompetence, so that dayafter day, from one cause or another, the Ministry sank inestimation, and got more weak and ridiculous. Of this they werenot at all unconscious, and it was settled that something was tobe done, though the difficulty both as to the manner and thematter was exceedingly great. Rice himself was eager to escape, and tried hard to be Speaker; but though the Cabinet had resolvedhe should be the Government candidate, it was found that noadequate support could be depended upon for him, and he wasobliged, and they were obliged, to let Lefevre stand instead; atwhich Rice himself was so sulky that he showed his spite bycontriving to arrive too late from Tunbridge for the division. They scrambled on till the end of the Session, when the changeswhich had long been discussed and battled were to take place, andthen, naturally, came into play all the vanity, selfishness, andrival pretensions, which a sense of common danger could notsilence. In the arrangement of all these things, Melbourne issaid to have severely suffered, so repugnant is it to his natureand habits to be the arbiter and adjuster of rival claims andpretensions. 

It seems to have been arranged long ago that Normanby and JohnRussell should change places, ostensibly that the ColonialMinister might be in the House of Commons, and really becauseNormanby broke down, so that it was necessary to harness LordJohn to the Colonial machine. Then they determined to sendPoulett Thomson to Canada, without any consideration of theeffect such an appointment would produce, either here or there, and his vacancy opened a fresh embarrassment about the Board ofTrade. Labouchere having quitted the Vice-Presidency, and gone tothe Colonial Office to work for them when they were indifficulty, was considered to have made a sacrifice, and hedemanded as its reward that he should step into Poulett Thomson'splace, and his seat in the Cabinet. Melbourne wanted to offer theBoard of Trade to Clarendon, and wrote to him to beg he would notgo abroad without seeing him, and intimated that he had somethingto propose to him. On the other hand, Howick put in a claim forCharles Wood, and argued that as he had long taken a labouringoar in the boat, and in this Session, when they had got into ascrape about the Navy, Wood had successfully defended theGovernment in the House of Commons in a very good speech, --thiseminent service, together with a long career of usefulness, gavehim a superior claim to promotion. The details of the contestbetween these various candidates I do not know, but the resultwas that Labouchere got the place, Howick and Charles Wood bothresigned, and Clarendon had a conversation with Melbourne, inwhich the latter informed him, not without embarrassment, that hehad been in hopes he should have had the Board of Trade to offerhim, but that Labouchere's claim had been deemed not postponable, and all he had to offer him was the Mint without the Cabinet. Clarendon refused this with perfect good humour, though certainlynot much flattered at the offer, and he took the opportunity ofputting Melbourne in possession of his thoughts, both as to hisown position and intentions, and the condition and prospects ofthe Government, with respect to which he did not mince matters, or fail to paint them in their true colours. He explained his owndesire to try himself more in debate than he had been yet enabledto do, to see what he was fit for, and in the meantime owned thathe had no particular desire to associate himself with such arickety concern. The conversation was frank and characteristic, and must have been amusing. Melbourne acknowledged that he wasquite right, and that the position of his Government was such asClarendon described it. 

[Page Head: POULETT THOMSON SENT TO CANADA. ]

Nothing strikes one more forcibly in the contemplation of thesethings, than the manner in which the public interests arecomplimented away for the sake of individual pretensions, andeven in this there is an apparent caprice which is inexplicable. Glenelg, an honourable and accomplished man, is thrust out undervery humiliating circumstances. Poulett Thomson, we are told, 'must have been' Chancellor of the Exchequer, if not Governor ofCanada (a post he is by way of taking as a favour to hiscolleagues), 'he could not be passed over. ' Why he could not, andin what his right consisted, it is difficult to say, nor why heis entitled to such amazing deference, while poor Glenelg was sounceremoniously treated. Poulett Thomson is clever andindustrious, but his elevation, when compared with that ofothers, and with his own merit, as well as original means ofraising himself, exhibits a very remarkable phenomenon, and asLord Spencer, his early patron, has pretty well withdrawn frompublic affairs, it is not very obvious how or why Poulett Thomsonis enabled to render his small pretensions so largely available. The Duke would not believe they meant to send him to Canada, andsaid they had much better leave Colborne there; but this is whatthey fancy they can't do, and that they must send out somebodywho is to solve the political problem of settling the future formof government, and so Poulett goes to finish what Durham began. 

September 4th, 1839 {p. 235}

The changes in the Government have been received withconsiderable indifference, nobody much caring, and the generalityof people finding fault with some or all of them. Normanby toldme yesterday that he was fully sensible of the inconvenience ofsuch changes, and of the bad effect they are calculated toproduce, but that the appointment of Poulett Thomson was JohnRussell's doing, that he had been bent upon it, and had carriedit, and as he (Normanby) could not consent to it, and would notbe immediately responsible for it, nothing was left but to changeoffices, and let the appointment of Poulett Thomson to Canada beLord John's own doing, who would thus administer the affairs ofthe Colony with a Governor of his own choice. He added, that ithad been originally intended (when he left Ireland) that heshould take his present office, but other circumstances hadobliged him at that time to go to the Colonies. While Normanbyquits the Colonies, because Thomson goes to Canada (as he says), Howick (as _he_ says) resigns, because Normanby goes to the HomeOffice. But the world believes that the change of the one takesplace, because Normanby is unequal to the work of the Colonies, and the resignation of the other, because Howick was not himselfappointed Colonial Secretary. The ostensible ground for thechange is, that the Minister who brings forward the Canadaquestion in the House of Commons may be well versed in all theofficial details, and have immediate personal control over thelocal administration; and the excuse for sending out Thomson, andaccepting Colborne's resignation, is the necessity of appointinga Governor thoroughly acquainted with all that has passed bothabroad and at home, cognisant of the intentions, and possessed ofthe confidence of the Cabinet. All this will appear to furnishinadequate grounds for recalling Colborne, who has acted withsense and vigour, albeit not pretending to be a statesman or alegislator. A story is told, which shows the levity of theGovernment people, and how they make game of what might bethought matter of anything but pleasantry to them. At the end ofthe season there is always a fish dinner at Greenwich, thewhipper-in (Secretary of Treasury), Ben Stanley, in the chair;and this is on the plan of the Beefsteak Club, everybody sayingwhat he pleases, and dealing out gibes and jests upon his friendsand colleagues according to the measure of his humour andcapacity. Normanby, still smarting from the attacks of Brougham, was made the mark for these jocularities, after his health beingdrunk thus: 'Lord Normanby and the liberation of the Prisoners. 'At a subsequent period, Rutherford, the Lord Advocate, attackedthe Attorney-General, and said he had long known his learnedfriend as the advocate of liberty, but he had lately seen him inquite a new capacity, prosecuting in the Tory fashion, and havingpeople shut up in jail in all parts of the country. Campbell saidit was very true that he had lately had a very unpleasant duty toperform, and that he had been the unwilling instrument ofincarcerating many of Her Majesty's subjects, but that he had allalong been consoled by the reflexion that there was everyprobability of his noble friend Lord Normanby making a progress, during the recess, and letting them all out again. Normanby, however, did not like the witticism, and complained afterwardsthat the dinner was very dull, and the jokes exceedingly heavy. 

[Page Head: A GREENWICH DINNER. ]

The Dover dinner to the Duke of Wellington, [1] which took placethe other day, did not present an agreeable spectacle. Brougham, who had thrust himself in among the party, was pitched upon, ashaving the best gift of the gab, to propose the Duke's health, which he did in a very tawdry speech, stuffed with claptraps andcommonplaces. It was a piece of bad taste to select Brougham (whohad nothing to do with Dover) for the performance of this office, which would have been more appropriately discharged by the localauthority in the chair, although he might not have been able tomake such a flourish as the practised orator favoured the companywith. The Duke himself hates to be thus bepraised, and it ispainful to see Brougham and him in any way connected, though forso ephemeral a purpose. The Duke's health might be proposed inthree lines of Ovid, which express the position he fills more, and probably better, than the most studied oration could do:--

 Si titulos, annosque tuos numerare velimus, Facta premant annos. Pro te, fortissime, vota Publica suscipimus, Bacchi tibi sumimus haustus. 

It turned out a complete _Tory_ celebration. There was an almostunmixed array of Tory names at the banquet, and one Whig lord(Poltimore), who happened to be at Dover declined attending. 

 [1] [A great entertainment was given to the Duke of Wellington as Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports on the 30th August. Lord Brougham attended it, and delivered an oration of the most hyperbolical panegyric. ]

September 5th, 1839 {p. 238}

Among other bad signs of these times, one is the decay of_loyalty_ in the Tory party; the Tory principle is completelydestroyed by party rage. No Opposition was ever more rabid thanthis is, no people ever treated or spoke of the Sovereign withsuch marked disrespect. They seem not to care one straw for theCrown, its dignity, or its authority, because the head on whichit is placed does not nod with benignity to them. An example ofthis took place the other day, when at a dinner at Shrewsbury thecompany refused to drink the health of the new Lord Lieutenant, the Duke of Sutherland (a man not personally obnoxious), becausethe Duchess of Sutherland is at the head of the Queen's femalehousehold. This reproach does not apply to the leaders of theparty, who are too wise and too decorous to hold such language orto approve of such conduct;[2] but is the _animus_ whichdistinguishes the tail and the body, and they take no pains toconceal it. 

 [2] This was before the Bradshaw and Roby exhibitions. 

September 7th, 1839 {p. 238}

The result of the Cambridge and Manchester elections proves (ifany proof was wanting), how utterly the cause of Government islost in the country, and fully confirms the report of theiruniversal unpopularity: Cambridge lost by one hundred, andManchester barely won. Poulett Thomson told me just before thatthe Liberals had a certain majority (for any candidate) ofseveral hundreds. 

September 14th, 1839 {p. 238}

[Page Head: BROUGHAM'S LETTER ON EDUCATION. ]

Brougham has sent to the press a letter to the Duke of Bedford onEducation, of which he thus speaks in a letter to LordTavistock:. .. 'I have sent my letter to the Duke to the press atEdinburgh. I wrote it in eight and a half hours the day I camehere; but if I am to judge, who should not, it is by far the bestthing I ever did, and the only eloquent. My whole heart was init, both from affection to your excellent father, and to thesubject. I hope it will do good, for the time is going away underme, and I shall be called to my great account before I have doneany good on earth. Therefore I must make a new attempt at havingsomething to show. ' The production will be probably very good inits way and very eloquent, but the note is characteristic--amixture of pride and humility, humbugging and self-deceitful. What cares he for the Duke of Bedford, whom he scarcely sees fromone end of the year to the other, and why should he care? Theyhave very little in common--neither the _idem velle_ nor _idemnolle_; and a more uninteresting, weak-minded, selfish characterdoes not exist than the Duke of Bedford. [3] He is a good-natured, plausible man, without enemies, and really (though he does notthink so) without friends; and naturally enough he does not thinkso, because there are many who pretend, like Brougham, a strongaffection for him, and some who imagine they feel it. Vastproperty, rank, influence, and station always attract a sentimentwhich is dignified with the name of friendship, which assumes allits outward appearance, complies with its conditions, but whichis really hollow and unsubstantial. The Duke of Bedford thinks ofnothing but his own personal enjoyments, and it has long been apart of his system not to allow himself to be disturbed by thenecessities of others, or be ruffled by the slightest self-denial. He is affable, bland, and of easy intercourse, makingrather a favourable impression on superficial observers; caringlittle, if at all, for the wants or wishes of others, butgrudging nobody anything that does not interfere with his ownpursuits, and seeing with complacency those who surround him lapup the superfluities which may chance to bubble over from his cupof pleasure and happiness. It is a farce to talk of friendshipwith such a man, on whom, if he were not Duke of Bedford, Brougham would never waste a thought. 

 [3] [These remarks relate to John, sixth Duke of Bedford, born 6th July, 1766, died 29th October, 1839. He was the father of the Lord Tavistock often mentioned in these Journals, and of Lord William and Lord John Russell. ]

September 17th, 1839 {p. 240}

Finding the Duke of Wellington was in town yesterday, I called onhim. He talked to me a great deal about Brougham and the Doverdinner, and told me a comical anecdote with reference to hisgiving the toast of the Duke's health at the dinner. TheCommittee invited him and, as the chairman was a man who couldnot speak at all, they, thinking it a catch to get so great anorator to do the office, proposed to Brougham to give the toastof the night. He accepted, and then they found that LordGuilford, a man of the first rank and consequence in the county, and therefore entitled to this distinction, was highly affrontedat the preference of Brougham to him. They got embarrassed, anddesired to take the toast from Brougham and give it to LordGuilford, and when he got down there this was suggested to him;but he said 'it could not be, for he had not only written hisspeech beforehand, but had already sent it to be published, sothat no alteration was then possible. ' The consequence was, LordGuilford would not come to the dinner, and he was only pacifiedafterwards by the Duke himself, who went to call upon him for thepurpose of soothing down his ruffled plumage; this he succeededin doing by telling him this story, and nothing the Duke saidreconciled him so much to what had passed, as the fact ofBrougham's having written his speech beforehand. 

He told me what Brougham had said of Macaulay (whom he hates withmuch cordiality), when somebody asked if he was to be Secretaryat War. 'No, Melbourne would not consent to it: he would not havehim in the Cabinet, and could not endure to sit with ten parrots, a chime of bells, and Lady W----. '

The more I see of the Duke, the more am I struck with theimpression that he is declining; that he is not what he was ayear or two ago. He is vigorous and hearty, cheerful, lively; hismemory does not seem to be impaired; he talks with sense andenergy. If anybody asserted that they saw symptoms of mentaldecay, it would be easy to deny the fact, and to support thedenial by ready and numerous examples of his force and sagacityin discussion, or in the transaction of business; butnevertheless I am persuaded that a change has come over him, thatit is gradually spreading more and sinking deeper, and that wemust begin to make up our minds to the deprivation of his noblespirit, full of honesty, wisdom, and patriotism as it is. [4]

 [4] [The Duke, however, lived and flourished for thirteen years after this prediction. ]

September 21st, 1839 {p. 241}

[Page Head: THE AFGHAN EXPEDITION. ]

I dined at Holland House last night, where, among others, wereGeneral Alava, and Sir John Hobhouse, the first in high glee atthe termination of the war in Spain, and the last at the successof the Indian expedition. [5] Hobhouse told me that Auckland haddisplayed extraordinary qualities, and was the ablest GovernorIndia had seen for a great length of time. Alava said that thelast transactions in Spain and the mediation of Lord John Hay hadreflected the highest honour on our Government, and that we hadacted with a discretion, a delicacy, and a disinterestednessbeyond all praise. But both Alava and Hobhouse told me what isvery remarkable as showing the great reliance which even hispolitical opponents place in the wisdom and patriotism of theDuke. Hobhouse said that he had had some time ago a very longconversation with the Duke, in which he had made him acquaintedwith all the means employed for the accomplishment of theirIndian objects, and that the Duke, who had previously anticipatedtheir failure, had, after hearing all these details, expressedhimself perfectly satisfied, and admitted that they had everyassurance of success. He did not go into the policy of themeasure, which it would not have been proper or advisable to do, but merely treated the question of military resources and theiremployment. 

 [5] [This was the expedition to replace Shah Sooja on the throne of Afghanistan, which was so auspiciously commenced and so deplorably terminated. Sir John Hobhouse was greatly elated at the enterprise and very confident of the result. He said to me soon afterwards that we must encounter the policy of Russia, and that the theatre of the struggle was Central Asia. I replied that I should have preferred the Baltic. --H. R. ]

So, too, Alava, as soon as intelligence reached him andPalmerston of the overtures of Maroto, asked leave to communicateit to the Duke, which was immediately conceded. He was thereforeinformed of all that was going on, and it met with his fullestapprobation; and yet all this time the great organ of the Toriesis raving against the Government in the most frantic manner, forhaving been instrumental to this happy termination of the mostfrightful and revolting civil war that ever afflicted anycountry. [6]

 [6] [The active support given to Espartero by the British Government under the Quadruple Treaty, and the operations of Lord John Hay on the northern coast of Spain, which stopped the supplies of the Carlists, contributed to bring the contest for the Crown of Spain to an end, and on the 15th August Don Carlos surrendered himself to the French Government at Bayonne. ]

September 23rd, 1839 {p. 242}

Lady Holland asked me the other night what I thought of theirprospects, and I told her I thought them very bad. She said, 'Thefact is, we have nothing to rely upon but the Queen and Paddy. 'This has since struck me as being an epigrammatic but verycorrect description of their position. 

Last night there came to Holland House after dinner Brunnow andNesselrode's son, the first (not unlike Brougham, and would bevery like if his nose moved about), a very able man, and said tobe 'la pensée intime de l'Empereur, ' sent over to see what can bedone about the Eastern Question, which I take to be a verydifficult matter. [7] I had much talk with Dedel (who told methis) about Palmerston. I said it was well known he was very ablewith his pen, but I did not know how he was in Conference. Hereplied: 'Palmerston comes to any Conference so fully andcompletely master of the subject of it in all the minutestdetails, that this capacity is a peculiar talent with him; it isso great, that he is apt sometimes to lose himself in thedetails. '

 [7] [Baron Brunnow was sent to England at this time by the Emperor Nicholas to make the first overtures for the intervention of the Great Powers in the quarrel between the Sultan and the Pasha of Egypt. This overture was rejected by the Cabinet in 1839, but accepted on the Baron's return to England in the following year, and it led to the celebrated treaty of the 15th July, 1840, and the quarrel with France, the true object of Nicholas having been the severance of the Western Powers. M. De Brunnow remained in England as Minister or Ambassador for nearly thirty-five years. ]

London, November 8th, 1839 {p. 243}

Six weeks nearly of an absolute blank. Left town October 1, Newmarket, then Cromer for ten days, Newmarket, London, Riddlesworth, Newmarket again, Euston, and back on Monday last. Nothing very remarkable has happened in this interval. LordClarendon[8] accepted the Privy Seal, not very willingly, butfeeling that he could not, with decency, refuse it. They considerhis accession to the Government a matter of great importance, andthe Tories own it to be so, such a reputation has he acquired bythe brilliant manner in which he conducted the mission in Spain, and by his popular and engaging qualities. 

 [8] [George William Frederic Villiers, fourth Earl of Clarendon, succeeded his uncle in the title in December, 1838. He had filled for some years with distinguished ability the office of British Minister at Madrid. He now returned to England; married Lady Katharine Barham, eldest daughter of the Earl of Verulam and widow of John Forster-Barham, Esq. , in June 1839, and entered the Cabinet for the first time as Lord Privy Seal. ]

[Page Head: LORD BROUGHAM'S PRETENDED DEATH. ]

Nothing has excited so much interest as the hoax of Brougham'spretended death, [9] which was generally believed for twenty-fourhours, and the report elicited a host of criticisms andpanegyrics on his life and character, for the most partflattering, except that in the 'Times, ' which was very able butvery severe, and not less severe than true. As soon as it wasdiscovered that he was not dead, the liveliest indignation wastestified at the joke that had been played off, and the utmostanxiety to discover its origin. General suspicion immediatelyfixed itself on Brougham himself, who, finding the bad impressionproduced, hastened to remove it by a vehement but indirect denialof having had any share in, or knowledge of, the hoax. But solittle reliance is placed upon his word, that everybody laughs athis denials, and hardly anybody has a shadow of a doubt that hewas himself at the bottom of it. He has taken the trouble towrite to all sorts of people, old friends and new, to exoneratehimself from the charge; but never was trouble more thrown away. D'Orsay says that he carefully compared the (supposed) letter ofShafto with one of Brougham's to him, and that they wereevidently written by the same hand. The paper, with all itsmarks, was the same, together with various other minuteresemblances, leaving no doubt of the fact. 

 [9] [A letter from Brougham purporting to be from Mr. Shafto was received by Mr. Alfred Montgomery, which contained the particulars of Lord Brougham's death by a carriage accident. Mr. Montgomery brought the letter to Lady Blessington's at Gore House, where I happened to be, and I confess we were all taken in by the hoax. Montgomery went off in a post-chaise to break the news to Lord Wellesley at Fernhill; and meeting Lord Alfred Paget in Windsor Park, he sent the news to the Castle. The trick was kept up for twenty-four hours, but the next day I received a note from Brougham himself, full of his usual spirits and vitality. --H. R. ]

[Page Head: VIOLENCE OF THE TORIES. ]

Next to this episode, Jemmy Bradshaw's speech at Canterbury hasattracted the greatest attention, and he has been for many daysthe hero of newspaper discussion. This speech, which was a tissueof folly and impertinence, but principally remarkable for apersonal attack of the most violent and indecent kind upon theQueen, was received with shouts of applause at a Conservativedinner, and reported with many compliments, and some gentlereprehension by the Tory press. His example has since beenfollowed in a less offensive style by two others callingthemselves Tories--a Mr. Roby and a Mr. Escott. Of these rabidand disloyal effusions, the Government papers have not failed tomake the most, by pointing out the disaffected and almosttreasonable character of modern Toryism when embittered byexclusion from office; and there is no doubt that, contemptibleas the authors are, their senseless and disgusting exhibitionsare calculated to do great mischief; for, if no other evilensued, it is one of no small consequence to sour the mind of theQueen still more against the whole Tory party, and fasten uponher an impression which it will be difficult to efface, that sheis odious and her authority contemptible in their eyes, so longas she is unfavourable to them, and commits herself to otherhands than theirs. Peel is to be pitied for having to lead suchan unruly and unprincipled faction. Everything seems disjointed, all is confusion; moderate men, desirous of good government, stability, security, and safe amendment of political evils orerrors, can find no resting-place. The Tories, the professors andprotectors of Conservative principles, the abhorrers of changes, who would not have so much as a finger laid upon the integrity ofthe Constitution, are ready to roll the Crown in the dirt, andtrample it under their feet; and the Government, to whom themaintenance of the Constitution is entrusted, whose especial dutyit is to uphold the authority of the laws, are openly alliedwith, and continually truckling to, those factions, or sectionsof factions, which make no secret of their desire anddetermination to effect changes which nobody denies to beequivalent to revolution; and then we have the weight of theCrown thrown into the scale of this unholy alliance, from themere influence of personal predilections and antipathies. To sucha degree is principle dormant, or so entirely is it thrust intothe background by passion, prejudice, or the interest of thepassing hour. 

November 13th, 1839 {p. 245}

At Holland House for three days last week. Lord Holland told manystories of Lord Chatham, some of which I had heard before, andsome not. His stories are always excellent, and excellently told, and those who have heard them before can very well bear to hearthem again. I think I have somewhere inserted the 'Sugar' story, which Lord Harrowby told me many years ago, but without thevivacity and good acting of Lord Holland. Another of his sayingswas in the House of Lords, when, on I forget what question, hewas unsupported: 'My Lords, I stand like our First Parents--alone, naked, but not ashamed. ' This was fine. Lord Holland saidthere was nothing like real oratory in Parliament before theAmerican war. 

He had received several letters from Brougham in a most strange, incoherent style, avowedly for the purpose of thanking LadyHolland for the interest he heard she had shown about him whenhis death was reported, and at the same time to explain that hehad no hand in the report, which he did with the utmost solemnityof asseveration;[10] but he took this opportunity to descant onthe conduct of the party towards him, of the press, of thepeople, and of the leading Whigs, talked of the flags of truce hehad held out, and how they had been fired on, and that he mustagain arm himself for another fight. All this in a curious, disjointed style. As these letters were considered flags oftruce, Lady Holland fired upon them an invitation to dinner, buthe would not come. I met him on Sunday, and asked him why he didnot come, but he would not give any answer whatever. On thatoccasion he talked for two hours without stopping, abusing oneperson after another, particularly Fonblanque, and then tellingthe whole history of the Reform Bill and of the famousdissolution, and of all his own exploits on that occasion. It wasamusing enough, but he talks too much, and his talk has the grandfault of not impressing his hearers with an idea of its truth; itis lively, energetic, vivacious, abundant, but it is artificialand unsatisfactory, because liable to suspicion and doubt. 

 [10] It was well known, eventually, that the hoax was entirely his own, and the letter dictated by himself. 

Windsor Castle, November 15th, 1839 {p. 246}

Here for a Council. I sat next to Baroness Lehzen at dinner--aclever, agreeable woman. She complained of Peel's having said inthe House of Commons that he did not mean to turn her out, andsays he ought to have said he could not, and that he had nothingto do with her, as she is not in the public service. I defendedPeel. In the evening, Lord Melbourne told me to search theCouncil books and see what was the form of declaration of theSovereign's marriage, so that matter is pretty clearly settled. 

November 23rd, 1839 {p. 246}

[Page Head: THE QUEEN'S BETROTHAL. ]

At Wolbeding for three days. Then news came of the Duke'sillness, which, though it turned out to be exaggerated, will, Ifear, prove to have given him a shake. The Council being summonedto declare the Queen's marriage to-day, I have come up to townfor it, and am just returned from the declaration, which tookplace in the lower apartments of the palace. About eighty PrivyCouncillors present, all who were within call having attended. Peel, Lyndhurst, and the Duke. The Duke arrived last night forthe purpose; he looked very old, very feeble, and decrepit. Ithought a great change was observable in him, but he was cheerfulas usual, and evidently tried to make the best of it. The Queenhad sent in the morning to enquire after him, and the answer was, 'He had had a restless night. ' All the Privy Councillors seatedthemselves, when the folding-doors were thrown open, and theQueen came in, attired in a plain morning-gown, but wearing abracelet containing Prince Albert's picture. She read thedeclaration in a clear, sonorous, sweet-toned voice, but herhands trembled so excessively that I wonder she was able to readthe paper which she held. Lord Lansdowne made a little speech, asking her permission to have the declaration made public. Shebowed assent, placed the paper in his hands, and then retired. 

November 26th, 1839 {p. 247}

The Queen wrote to all her family and announced her marriage tothem. When she saw the Duchess of Gloucester in town, and toldher she was to make her declaration the next day, the Duchessasked her if it was not a nervous thing to do. She said, 'Yes;but I did a much more nervous thing a little while ago. ' 'Whatwas that?' 'I proposed to Prince Albert. '

The Duke of Cambridge hunted Brougham round the room, saying, 'Oh, by God, you wrote the letter; by God, you did ityourself. '[11] Brougham is in a state of prodigious excitement. He has had a reconciliation with Normanby, and another withDurham--the first at Lady Clanricarde's, the other at LadyTankerville's, where they casually met. He was overflowing withsentiment and eagerness to be friends with both. 

 [11] [Meaning the letter to Alfred Montgomery which announced Lord Brougham's death. ]

November 27th, 1839 {p. 247}

The Queen settled everything about her marriage herself, andwithout consulting Melbourne at all on the subject, not evencommunicating to him her intentions. The reports were alreadyrife, while he was in ignorance; and at last he spoke to her, told her that he could not be ignorant of the reports, nor couldshe; that he did not presume to enquire what her intentions were, but that it was his duty to tell her, that if she had any, it wasnecessary that her Ministers should be apprised of them. She saidshe had nothing to tell him, and about a fortnight afterwards sheinformed him that the whole thing was settled. A curiousexhibition of her independence, and explains the apprehensionswhich Lady Cowper has recently expressed to me of the seriousconsequences which her determined character is likely to produce. If she has already shaken off her dependence on Melbourne, andbegins to fly with her own wings, what will she not do when sheis older, and has to deal with Ministers whom she does not carefor, or whom she dislikes?

December 14th, 1839 {p. 248}

I was at Oatlands a fortnight ago, where I met Croker--notoverbearing, and rather agreeable, though without having saidmuch that was peculiarly interesting. Two things struck me. Hesaid he dined and passed the evening _tête-à-tête_ with the Dukeof Wellington (then Sir Arthur Wellesley) before his departurefor Portugal to take the command of the army. He was then IrishSecretary, and had committed to Croker's management the bills hehad to carry through Parliament. After dinner he was verythoughtful, and did not speak. Croker said, 'Sir Arthur, youdon't talk; what is it you are thinking about?' He said, 'Of theFrench. I have never seen them; they have beaten all Europe. Ithink I shall beat them, but I can't help thinking about them. '

Another _tête-à-tête_ he had with the Duke was at the time of theReform Bill, when he went down with him for a week toStrathfieldsaye, during which time he was more low-spirited andsilent than Croker said he ever saw him before or since. Hereproached himself for what he had done, particularly aboutCatholic Emancipation, the repeal of the Test Act, and hisresignation in '30. Very curious this, not alluding among thetopics of self-reproach to his persevering and mischievousopposition to the Emancipation, which he at length conceded in amanner so fraught with future evil, however inevitable; nor tohis famous Anti-reform declaration, which, though containinglittle if anything that was untrue, was so imprudent that itseffects were enormous and irretrievable. Such is the blindness, the obstinate reluctance to the admission of error, which besetseven the wisest and the best men; for if the Duke of Wellingtoncould have divested his mind of prejudice, and reflected calmlyon the past, or looked over the political map of bygone eventswith the practical sagacity he usually displayed, he never couldhave failed to perceive the true causes of them. People oftentake to themselves unmerited blame, to screen themselves fromthat which they are conscious they deserve. 

[Page Head: THE MAYOR OF NEWPORT AT COURT. ]

On Monday last I went to Windsor for a Council. There we had SirThomas Phillips, the Mayor of Newport, who came to be knighted. They were going to knight him, and then dismiss him, but Ipersuaded Normanby that it would be a wise and popular thing tokeep him there and load him with civilities--do good to theQueen, encourage others to do their duty--and send him backrejoicing to his province, to spread far and wide the fame of hisgracious reception. He said, that etiquette would not permit oneof his rank in life to be invited to the Royal table. I said, that this was all nonsense: if he was good enough to come and beknighted, he was good enough to dine there, and that it was alittle outlay for a large return. He was convinced; spoke toMelbourne, who settled it, and Phillips stayed. Nothing couldanswer better, everybody approved of it, and the man behaved asif his whole life had been spent in Courts, perfectly at his easewithout rudeness or forwardness, quiet, unobtrusive, but withcomplete self-possession, and a _nil admirari_ manner which hadsomething distinguished in it. The Queen was very civil to him, and he was delighted. The next morning he went to Normanby, andexpressed his apprehension that he might not have conductedhimself as he ought, together with his grateful sense of hisreception; but the apology was quite needless. [12]

 [12] [On the 4th November a Chartist riot occurred at Newport in Monmouthshire. The leaders were John Frost and Zephaniah Williams. The Mayor, Mr. T. Phillips, behaved with great gallantry, and ordered the troops to load. The mob, said to be 20, 000 strong, first fired on the troops, who then returned the fire with effect and dispersed the assemblage. John Frost, the leader of this disturbance, had unluckily been made a magistrate by Lord John Russell some time before. His trial is subsequently adverted to. ]

December 25th, 1839 {p. 250}

At Ampthill (Baron Parke's) last Friday. Took down with me DavidDundas, a Whig lawyer, and a very agreeable accomplished man, plenty of pleasant talk. Went over to Wrest, Lord de Grey's newhouse--built, decorated, and furnished by himself--and veryperfect in all ways. Heard on Sunday a Mr. Howorth preach--anadmirable preacher, who ought to be promoted in the Church, justas Dundas ought in the State. [13]

 [13] [Sir David Dundas afterwards became Solicitor-General and declined a judgeship. ]

December 31st, 1839 {p. 250}

We are arrived at the end of the year, and the next will beginwith the Chartist trials. Parliament is about to meet. Partiesare violent, Government weak, everybody wondering what willhappen, nobody seeing their way clearly before them. The generalopinion is, that the Opposition mean to take the Government ifthey can by storm, and will assault every weak point. Theweakest, to my mind, is John Russell's appointment of Frost tothe magistracy, which, if skilfully handled, may be broughtagainst him with great effect. Frost was appointed in pursuanceof a system Lord John chose to establish, for the purpose ofdefeating the intentions of Parliament; and he did it upon hisown responsibility in spite of warnings against it, and now wesee some of the fruits of this policy. I told Normanby this, andhe owned the truth of it, and moreover he told me that the systemhe found established by Lord John had proved very embarrassing tohim, as it was very difficult for him to throw it over, andunless he did so he should be compelled to make, or sanction, objectionable appointments. Such have been the consequences ofLord John's unstatesmanlike and perhaps unconstitutional conduct, adopted under the influence of resentment. 

[Page Head: LORD CLARENDON TAKES OFFICE. ]

Lord Clarendon, who has just joined the Government with a livelysense of the tottering character of the concern he has entered, is resolved, as far as his influence may avail, to urge them tocast aside all attempts to catch votes, and cajole supporters, bypartial concessions and half-and-half measures, to look thecondition of affairs steadily in the face, and act in all thingsaccording to the best of their minds and consciences, as if theywere as strong a Government as Pitt's, and without any regard toconsequences, so that they may either live usefully or diehonourably. This is the true course, and that which I have urgedhim to enforce with all his credit. We had some talk aboutforeign affairs. He thinks there is danger of Palmerston'sgetting too closely connected with Russia, while keeping Francein check upon the complicated Eastern Question. He also spoke ofa curious pamphlet, just published by Marliani, a Spaniard, whowent in 1838 with Zea Bermudez on a mission to Berlin and Vienna, stating that a proposal had been made to Austria for a marriagebetween the young Queen of Spain and a son of the ArchdukeCharles, by which the Austrian alliance and influence would againbe substituted for the French, and the object of the FamilyCompact defeated; and that Metternich would have listened eagerlyto this if he had dared, and was only prevented and induced toentreat the Spaniards to go away by his overwhelming dread ofRussian indignation. 

January 14th, 1840 {p. 251}

At Wrest for the last week. It is a new house built by Lord deGrey, without architects or any professional aid, and a greatwork for an amateur to have accomplished. Returned yesterday, andfound London beginning to fill for Parliament. Everybody asks hisneighbour, will the Government be able to go on--a question whichnobody pretends to answer on any good grounds of probability. Electioneering casualties during the recess have brought the twoparties (supposing all the Whig alliance to cohere) nearer to anequality than they were before, and they are so bitter againsteach other, that the Tories will certainly drive the Ministry outif they can, and take the chance of being themselves able togovern. But with reference to the state of public affairs and thecomposition of the Government, the Ministry presents a much morerespectable appearance than it has heretofore done; the Cabinetcontains men of character, of experience, and of greatacquirements, and Clarendon, who has just taken his seat amongthem and has added to it a good diplomatic reputation, tells methat they are not only very united, agreed in general principles, and only differing to an extent that any thirteen men mustoccasionally differ on particular points; but that they are asConservative a Cabinet as possible. And so, no doubt, they are intheir hearts and wishes, and so they would be, if theConservatives would allow them to keep their places, and givethem strength enough to maintain Conservative interests. It isimpossible to doubt that the best thing that could happen in thepresent situation of the country would be the continuance inoffice of the present Government, with the consent andacquiescence of the Tories, so long as they administered thegovernment on just, moderate, and constitutional principles, andwith a full understanding that any departure therefrom would befollowed by their unrelenting hostility. But this would require alarge amount of patriotism and self-denial from a great party, who, besides a consciousness of strength, have their minds fullof bitter animosity, and an impatience for party victory, and theacquisition of official power; and in their eager desire forrevenge and triumph, they overlook all considerations, and areready to incur any risk and take all consequences. 

As far as the state of public affairs is concerned, Ministershave not at all a bad case to bring before the country. The greatinterests, on which the eyes of the world have been fixed, areprosperous and ably administered. Ebrington in Ireland, Aucklandin India, and now Poulett Thomson in Canada, have contributed intheir different ways to the favourable _exposé_ of theGovernment, nor is there any point on which they are particularlyvulnerable, or any grave reproach to which they have renderedthemselves obnoxious. But all this will not avail to make themstrong, or render their tenure of office secure and permanent. They are not popular, all parties distrust them, none believethat they have any fixed principles from which no considerationswould induce them to swerve, and the unfortunate circumstancesunder which they so improperly took office again in March last, and their apparent wavering between antagonist principles, andreadiness to yield to pressure when they could not escape it, have given a worse opinion of their character than they reallydeserve. 

January 17th, 1840 {p. 253}

[Page Head: OPENING OF PARLIAMENT. ]

Parliament met yesterday. The Queen was well enough received--much better than usual--as she went to the House. The Speech washarmless. Some had wished to have something about the Corn Lawsin it, but this was overruled by the majority. They said nothingabout Prince Albert's Protestantism, and very properly, forthough they might as well have done so in the Speech to the PrivyCouncil (merely not to give a handle to their opponents forcavilling and clamouring), it would have been an acknowledgementof error, and a knocking under to clamour, to do so now. TheDuke, however, moved an amendment, and foisted in the wordProtestant, --a sop to the silly. I was grieved to see him descendto such miserable humbug, and was in hopes he was superior to it, and would have rather put down the nonsense than have lent hissanction to it. He is said to be very well, strong in body andclear in mind, but I fully expect that he will give, in thecourse of this Session, evident proofs of the falling-off of hismind. 

In the House of Commons they are bent upon mischief, and speedymischief; for Sir J. Yarde Buller gave notice directly of amotion of want of confidence, so that the strength of the twoparties will be tested forthwith. This was a regular concertedparty move, and took their opponents completely by surprise. Itproceeds from the boiling impatience of the party, indoors andout. The Tory masses complain that nothing is done; and so, togratify them, an immediate assault is resolved upon. LordWharncliffe said to me yesterday morning that the real obstacleto the Tories coming into office was the Queen. This was the onlydifficulty; but her antipathy to Peel rendered him exceedinglyreluctant to take office, and there were many among the party whofelt scruples in forcing an obnoxious Ministry upon her. This is, in fact, the real Tory principle, but I doubt many of the Toriesbeing influenced by it. 

Bradshaw[14] and Horsman went out yesterday morning. The formercalled out the latter on account of a speech at Cockermouth, inwhich, in allusion to the famous Canterbury _Victorippick_, hehad said that Bradshaw had the tongue of a traitor and the heartof a coward. Though six weeks had elapsed between the speech andthe challenge, Horsman did go out, and they exchanged shots;after which Bradshaw made a sort of stingy apology for hisinsults to the Queen, and the other an apology for his offensiveexpressions. Gurwood went out with Bradshaw, which he had betternot have done. [15] He said, 'he had never read Bradshaw's speech, and was ignorant what he had said. ' As Gurwood is a man of honourand veracity, this must be true; but it is passing strange thathe alone should not have read what everybody else has beentalking about for the last two months, and that he should go outwith a man as his second on account of words spoken, and notenquire what they were. 

 [14] [Mr. Bradshaw had used very unbecoming and disloyal language in speaking of the Queen at a public dinner or meeting at Canterbury some weeks before. Mr. Horsman, a strong Whig, and Member for Cockermouth, had censured Bradshaw for his disloyalty--hence this strange duel. ]

 [15] [Colonel Gurwood, the Duke of Wellington's confidential friend, and editor of his Despatches, had just been appointed to the Governorship of the Tower. ]

January 18th, 1840 {p. 254}

[Page Head: HORSMAN AND BRADSHAW DUEL. ]

Everybody talks of this duel, and the Whigs abuse Gurwood, andaccuse him of ingratitude, for having acted for Bradshaw in sucha quarrel, when he has just been loaded with favours--a pensionand a place; for, though the latter was given by the Duke ofWellington, it was with the concurrence of Government, who mighteither have reduced his salary or taken away his pension, and didneither. Gurwood has acquired a title to public gratitude bybeing instrumental to the publication of the WellingtonDespatches; but he is a silly fellow; his conduct in this duelshows it. He certainly ought to have declined to meddle; but hetold George Anson (who was Horsman's second) he never did declinewhen asked; and he not only said he had never read Bradshaw'sspeech, but when George Anson offered to show it to him herefused to read it. I should have declined discussing the matterwith him unless he did read it. Bradshaw behaved very well. Afterthe shots, Gurwood asked if Horsman would retract. Anson said, 'No, not till Bradshaw did, or apologised. ' Gurwood then said toAnson, 'Will you propose to him to do so? I cannot. ' So he did. Bradshaw was deeply affected; owned he had been miserable eversince; said he could not live without honour, but would sayanything that Anson and Gurwood (and he felt his honour as safewith the former as the latter) would agree that he could andought to say; and George Anson drew up his apology, and did notmake it stronger, because he would not press him hard. The factis, he is much indebted to Horsman for getting him out, in somemeasure, of a very bad scrape. 

The Queen has been attacked for going down in person toParliament, just after the news arriving of the Landgravine'sdeath; but she consulted her relations, the Princess Augustaparticularly, who advised her to go, said it was a public duty, and that they had all been brought up in the doctrine that thedischarge of the duties of their station was to supersedeeverything. So she went. 

I met Burge[16] this morning, who is very much disgusted at nomention being made of Jamaica in the Speech, and at the speech ofJohn Russell; who, in alluding to the omission, spoke verydisparagingly of the Assembly, or at least, what will thereappear so. But he admits, nevertheless, that Lord John Russell isby far the best Secretary of State he ever had to deal with, andthat in his general conduct towards the island they have amplecause for satisfaction. 

 [16] [William Burge, Esq. , Q. C. , for many years agent for the island of Jamaica, and author of a valuable work entitled 'Commentaries on Colonial Law. ']

January 22nd, 1840 {p. 255}

Dined at Lady Blessington's the day before yesterday: a queer_omnium gatherum_ party--Prince Louis Napoleon, GeneralMontholon, Lord Lyndhurst, Brougham, Sir Robert Wilson, Leader, and Roebuck. Droll to see Lyndhurst, the most execrated of theTories, hand-and-glove, and cracking his jokes, with the twoRadicals. After dinner I had a talk with him. He said the Dukehad been all against the motion on the 28th, but that unless theyhad agreed to it, the party would have been broken up; said hedid not care about coming in. If they did, a dissolution wouldgive them a majority of sixty, but that this would not enablethem to stand against the Queen's hostility and determination totrip up their heels whenever she could;[17] that the Oppositionwould become more Radical, the Queen herself Radical; they shouldbe driven out, and the country ruined. He thought the Duke strongin body and clear in mind, but more excitable. I said I thoughtthat to those who knew him a change was perceptible; that it wasimpossible to cite any particular thing in proof of it; but thatconversation with him left such an impression. Lyndhurst repliedthat this was exactly his own opinion, but that the Duke'sauthority with the party was undiminished, and indispensablynecessary to keep them together. The Tories are very angry withPeel for taking such a strong part as he has done on thePrivilege question, which nothing but his influence preventstheir turning into a regular party debate. The House has gonefloundering on upon it, wasting a great deal of time andingenious speaking, and having got into a difficulty from whichthere is no convenient extrication. 

 [17] [A very erroneous prediction. They did come in in the following year, and the Queen gave her entire confidence and support to Sir Robert Peel's Government. ]

The Judges are much censured for their behaviour at Newport:[18]first, for not themselves deciding the point that was raised;next, for not asking the jury for the reasons of theirrecommending the criminals to mercy; and the Chief Justice'scharge to the jury was thought a very weak and poor performance. 

 [18] [This relates to the trial of Frost and others by a Special Commission at Newport for the riots of the preceding year. ]

Yesterday morning[19] the Duke of Bedford came to me, to beg Iwould suggest some Lord for the situation of Chief of PrinceAlbert's establishment, for they can get none who is eligible. They want a Peer, a Whig, and a man of good sense, character andeducation, something rather better than common, and such an onewilling to put on Court trappings they find not easily to be had. We made out a list, to be shown to Melbourne, who had consultedthe Duke of Bedford, and asked him for a man. We talked over thebitter hostility between the Queen and the Tories, and he said, that Melbourne did everything he could to mitigate her feelings, and to make her understand that she must not involve the wholeparty in the reproach which justly attaches to a few foolish ormischievous zealots, so much so that lately when the Queen wasinveighing against the Tories to somebody (he would not say towhom), and complaining of their behaviour to her, she added, 'Itis very odd, but I cannot get Lord Melbourne to see it in thatlight. '

 [19] John, sixth Duke of Bedford, had died on the 20th October, 1839, and my friend Tavistock had become Duke of Bedford. 

January 24th, 1840

[Page Head: THE PRIVILEGE QUESTION. ]

The Privilege question[20] occupies everybody's thoughts, andthere is much interest and curiosity to see the sequel of it. Thestate of the House of Commons upon it is curious: all the Whigsfor Privilege, and the chiefs of the Tories with them; with someof the lawyers (except Sugden) the same way; but Follett, who atfirst was heartily with Peel, has latterly taken no part, thoughhe has voted with the majority. On the other side are the greatbulk of the Tories and all the second-rate lawyers--the onlyeminent ones that way being Sugden, Pemberton, and Kelly. Thedebates have elicited some admirable speeches on both sides, ofwhich Peel's three nights ago, when he explained the law betterthan the lawyers could, has been the most remarkable. The Toriesare very angry with him for taking it up so warmly, and they willnot be the more pleased at the complimentary speech of JohnRussell, in which he told him that nothing but his taking thecourse he had done had enabled the House to assert its privilegeat all, as it could not have been made a mere party question. TheGovernment are getting into better spirits about their prospects, and so many of the Tories acknowledge that there would be dangerand difficulty in changes just now, that there will probably benone. Mr. Walter was beaten hollow in Southwark in spite of anAnti-Poor Law cry, by the help of which his friends were verysanguine about his success. 

 [20] [The Privilege question arose out of a prosecution of Messrs. Hansard by one Stockdale, for the publication of a libel on himself in the Parliamentary Debates. Hansard pleaded the authority of Parliament, but the Court of Queen's Bench rejected the plea and gave judgement against Hansard. The House of Commons, on the motion of Lord John Russell, who was supported by Sir R. Peel, defended their printers, and committed the Sheriffs of London for levying damages on Hansard. Peel afterwards acknowledged that he had been misled by the advice of Sir F. Pollock and had gone too far; in fact, it appears from the text that the weight of legal authority was against him. The dispute was settled at last by legislation. See _infra_, February 21st, 1840. ]

January 26th, 1840 {p. 258}

The Government are triumphant at all their elections, and raisedto the skies by their success, which they construe into anindication of reaction in their favour. It is certainly a greatthing for them, for it produces a good moral effect, besides theinfluence it will have on the division next week, and it tends toshow that if a dissolution were to take place, the Conservativeswould not be in so much better, nor the Whigs in so much worse aposition, as the former have been for some time boasting of, andthe latter apprehending. Everybody (except those who have aninterest in defending it) thinks the allowance proposed forPrince Albert very exorbitant: £50, 000 a year given for pocketmoney is quite monstrous, and it would have been prudent topropose a more moderate grant for the sake of his popularity. Prince George of Denmark had £50, 000 a year (as it is said), butthe Queen gave it him, and he had a household four times morenumerous than is intended for Prince Albert. 

January 29th, 1840 {p. 258}

On Monday night Government were beaten by 104 on the question ofreducing the Prince's allowance from £50, 000 to £30, 000 a year. They knew they should be beaten, but nevertheless John Russellwould go doggedly on and encounter this mortifying defeat, instead of giving way with the best grace he could. He lost histemper, and flung dirt at Peel, like a sulky boy flinging rotteneggs; in short, exposed himself sadly. His friends were muchannoyed that he did not give way, as soon as he found that therewas no chance of carrying it, and that many Government supporterswould vote against it; besides the mortification to the Prince, there was something mean and sordid in squabbling for all themoney they could get, and the sum given him is _satis superque_for all his wants. 

[Page Head: NATURALISATION OF PRINCE ALBERT. ]

In the Lords, they introduced the Naturalisation Bill in such aslovenly and objectionable form, that the Duke desired it mightbe put off, which (although he pledged and committed himself inno manner) they immediately construed into a resolution to opposethe Precedence part of it. The Queen is bent upon giving himprecedence of the whole Royal Family. The Dukes of Sussex andCambridge, who each want some additions to their incomes, havesignified their consent; the King of Hanover (whom it does notimmediately concern) has refused his. On this they brought intheir Bill. Her Majesty was, however, more provoked at whatpassed in the House of Lords, than at the defeat in the Commons. 

I asked Charles Gore why John Russell did not avail himself ofthe momentary connexion he had with Peel on the Privilegequestion, to ask him what his views were about the allowance, andtell him that it was so desirable to avoid any division on such aquestion that he wished to propose nothing that was likely to beobjected to. Gore said that upon a former occasion, when LordJohn had spoken in such a spirit to Peel, he had been met by himin such an ungracious manner that it was impossible for him everto do so again. This was about the Speakership, when he wrote aprivate note to Peel, beginning 'My dear Sir, ' and asking him totell him what the intentions of his party were about opposing theGovernment Speaker, because he was anxious if possible not tobring people up to town without necessity; to which he replied inthe coldest and driest terms, 'Sir Robert Peel presents hiscompliments to Lord John Russell, ' expressing his surprise at hisletter, saying he had no right to call upon him for anyexplanation of his intentions, and refusing to give anyinformation whatever. I do not think John Russell had any rightto make such a communication to him, and it was, I fancy, veryunusual, but Peel might as well have answered it good-humouredly. 

The judges have given their decision upon the two points raisedfor the Newport prisoners, [21] and their fate now rests with theGovernment. They decided, by a majority of nine to six, that theobjection was valid, and by nine to six that it was not taken intime. Upon such accidents do the lives of men depend. It is wellknown that the law can have no certainty, because so much mustalways be left to the discretion of those who administer it; butsuch striking illustrations of its uncertainty, and of the extentto which the chapter of accidents is concerned in it, seldomoccur, and make one shudder when they do. [22] No doubt, however, is cast over the guilt of the men, and the Government may veryproperly leave them to their fate, if they are not afraid ofshocking public opinion by doing so. The world at large does notdistinguish accurately or reason justly, swallows facts in gross, and jumps to conclusions. Many will say it is hard to put men todeath when the judges are nearly equally divided on their case, the majority admitting that the law would save them if it hadbeen urged soon enough in their favour. It rather seems to turnthe tables on the prosecution; and whereas the prisoners areavailing themselves of a mere quibble, of a technical objection, strained to its extremest point, the effect may be that ofexhibiting the Government as availing itself of the technicalityin point of time to overthrow the more important legal objection. The case appears to have been very ably argued, especially byKelly. 

 [21] [The ringleaders in the Newport riots were convicted and might have been hanged; but two technical objections to the sentence having been taken, though not allowed by the judges, the Government remitted the capital sentence. They had a narrow escape. ]

 [22] Parke said, that if the objection had been decided on the spot they would have escaped, as he and Williams were for it, while the Chief Justice was against it. 

January 30th, 1840 {p. 260}

The great debate in the House of Commons has now lasted twonights, [23] without being very interesting. Sir George Grey madea brisk, dashing speech quite at the beginning, which was veryeffective, but when read, disappoints, as there does not seem agreat deal in it. Last night Macaulay failed. He delivered anessay, not without merit, but inapplicable, and not the sort ofthing that is wanted in such a debate. He had said he should notbe of use to them, and he appears to have judged correctly. TheTories affected to treat his speech with contempt, and to talkand laugh, which was a rudeness worthy of the noisy and ignorantknot that constitutes the tail of that party. Howick attackedeverybody all round, and explained his own motive for leavingoffice, not alluding to the Secretary of State's office; andGraham made one of his usual speeches. 

 [23] [Sir John Yarde Buller moved a resolution that 'Her Majesty's Government, as at present constituted, does not possess the confidence of this House, ' which was defeated after a long debate by 308 votes to 287. ]

January 31st, 1840 {p. 261}

Macaulay's speech, which was said to be a failure, reads betterthan Sir George Grey's, which met with the greatest success--theone fell flat upon the audience, while the other was singularlyeffective. So great is the difference between good manner andbad, and between the effect produced by a dashing, vivacious, light, and active style, and a ponderous didactic eloquence, fullof matter, but not suited in arrangement or delivery, and in allits accessory parts, to the taste of the House. 

[Page Head: THE MONMOUTH CONVICTS. ]

The question of sparing the lives of the Monmouth prisoners ornot is everywhere discussed, with an almost general opinion that, under all the circumstances, the Government cannot let the lawtake its course. It is impossible for any reasoning to be morefallacious, because, if pushed to its just conclusion, it mustresult that they ought to escape altogether, which nobody expectsor desires. The case has been very curious from the beginning;and end how it may, no criminals ever had so many chancesafforded them of escape; never were there nicer points for thedecision of different people or different stages of the business, or more blunders committed by almost all concerned. In the firstplace, Maule, the Crown solicitor, failed to comply with theletter of the Act, and did not furnish the prisoners with listsof the jury and the witnesses _at the same time_ ten days beforethe trial. He gave them one list ten days before, and the otherfifteen days before. The Attorney-General was aware of the fact, and aware that a question would arise upon it; the judgesappointed to the special Commission were apprised of it by theirAssociates, and they communicated with each other upon it. Theyconsidered whether they should convey the expression of theirdoubts upon this point to the Government, so that the difficultymight be rectified; but they agreed that their duty was to trythe cause, and not to interfere in any way whatever, and theyaccordingly held their peace. It was in the power of theAttorney-General to postpone the trial for ten days, which wouldhave removed every difficulty and objection, but he was socertain that the objection could not be maintained, that he wouldnot do so, and chose to run the risk, unwisely, as it has turnedout. The trial came on, and the counsel for the prisoners, instead of urging the objection _in limine_, suffered them toplead; whereas, if they had refused to plead, they would haveescaped altogether. [24] The trial proceeded; they were foundguilty, and recommended to mercy, but the Chief Justice neverasked the jury upon what grounds, leaving it doubtful whether thejury thought that there were any extenuating circumstances, orwhether they were actuated by terror, or mere repugnance to theinfliction of capital punishment. It was probably the greatimportance of the case, and the fact of the Chief of theCommission being against the objection, which induced the othertwo who were in its favour to agree to refer it to the otherjudges; for if it had been settled on the spot the trials wouldhave ended at once. Moreover it was believed that the judgesthought very lightly of the objection, and Brougham told me theywere _unanimous_, so ill-informed was he of their real opinions. 

 [24] This is not so. If they had raised the objection before the prisoners pleaded, the Attorney-General could have put the trial off, and of course if the judges thought the objection valid, he would have done so. 

[Page Head: THE PRECEDENCE OF PRINCE ALBERT. ]

Yesterday morning I met Lord FitzGerald, when we walked together, and I begged him to find some expedient for settling _àl'amiable_ the question of Precedence, so as to pacify the Queenif possible, who was much excited about it. He spoke verydespondingly of the general state of affairs, but said that hewas as anxious as anybody to avoid unpleasant discussions uponit, and to satisfy her if possible, but that the House of Lordswere running breast high upon it. I begged him to see the Duke ofWellington, to tell him what her feeling was, and entreat him totake measures to settle it quietly. He said he would see him, andthat he was convinced if the Duke had his own way, he would bedisposed to do this; but that if it was left to Lyndhurst andEllenborough, it was impossible to answer for what they might do. His own impression was, that they might and ought to give himprecedence for her life over the rest of the Royal Family (thoughit was very awkward with regard to the King of Hanover, when herefused his consent), but not over a Prince of Wales, to which, he thought, they never would consent. We talked the matter overin all its bearings, and the result was, that he undertook to goto the Duke and tell him what I had said. I had (not an hour ago)a confirmation of what he said as to Ellenborough, for I met himat his own door (next mine), when I said to him, 'What are yougoing to do about the precedence?' To which he said, 'Oh, givehim the same which Prince George of Denmark had: place him nextbefore the Archbishop of Canterbury. ' I said, 'That will by nomeans satisfy the Queen;' at which he tossed up his head, andsaid, 'What does that signify?'

FitzGerald afterwards talked to me of Peel and his party, oftheir violent language on account of his conduct in the Privilegequestion, and of his annoyance at their separation from him--notthe lawyers, or those really competent to form an opinion, butthe great mass destitute of the knowledge or understandingnecessary to form an opinion--and only opposing him because hesupported John Russell. Amongst other things, when we weretalking of the event of May last, and of the Queen's antipathy toPeel, he said that it was altogether unaccountable, for even fromhis last interview he had come away not dissatisfied with hermanner, and he owned that he had no doubt Melbourne did his besthonestly to drive out of her mind the prejudices which have sogreat an influence upon her; and at that very crisis, he told meas a proof of it, that at the ball at Court, Melbourne went up toPeel and whispered to him with the greatest earnestness, 'ForGod's sake, go and speak to the Queen. ' Peel did not go, but theentreaty and the refusal were both characteristic. FitzGeraldsaid, that nothing would induce Peel to continue (after thisfight) a worrying war with the Government; and added, what isvery true, that though a weak Opposition was a very bad thing, there was no small danger and difficulty in leading a strong one. 

February 4th, 1840 {p. 264}

After four nights' debate and division, at five in the morning, Government got a majority of twenty-one, just what was (at last)expected. Peel spoke for three hours, and so elaborately as tofatigue the House, so that his speech probably seems much betterto the reader than to the hearer of it. The Opposition all alongabstained from attacking the Government upon their measures, andPeel directed his artillery against their compromise of principlein making Ballot an open question, and the general laxity oftheir political morality. But the most important part of hisspeech was his declaration of the principles by which he meant tobe governed in office or out; and his manly and distinctannouncement to his followers, that they must support him on hisown terms, and that if they did not like them, he was sorry forit, and they might look elsewhere for a leader if they chose it. There can be no doubt that it was wise and bold thus to casthimself on public opinion, and to put forth a manifesto, whichleaves no doubt of his future conduct, and from which there is noretreat for him, and by which all his adherents must be equallybound. On the other hand, Lord John, considering he rose at threein the morning, when he and the House must have been pretty wellexhausted, made a very good and honourable speech, and ended witha declaration quite as Conservative as Peel's was on the otherhand Liberal, so much so that it is really difficult to say whatdifference there now is between them, nor does there appear anyreason why (circumstances permitting) they should not acttogether to-morrow. As far as the two _parties_ are concerned, taking debate and division, perhaps no great advantage has beengained by either, but I think the discussion has been beneficialby eliciting the above declaration from the respective leaders. 

[Page Head: ROYAL PRECEDENCE REFUSED. ]

The Precedence Question has fallen to the ground, and is leftunsettled, in a manner much to be regretted. After my interviewwith FitzGerald, I went to Clarendon and told him what hadpassed. He went to the Cabinet, and prevailed on Duncannon tospeak to Melbourne and get him to communicate with the Duke, forthe purpose of settling the question if possible amicably. Melbourne said he would, but did not. On Friday the Cabinetagreed to give up the precedence over the Prince of Wales; but toa question of Brougham's the Chancellor said, he had no otherconcession to offer. It was then agreed that the discussionshould be taken on Monday. On Saturday Clarendon spoke toMelbourne himself, and urged him to consider seriously theinconvenience of a battle on this point, and prevailed upon himto go to the Duke of Wellington and talk it over with him. Hewrote to the Duke, who immediately agreed to receive him; when hewent to Apsley House, and they had an hour's conversation. Melbourne found him with one of his very stiffest crotchets inhis head, determined only to give the Prince precedence after theRoyal Family; and all he could get from him was, that it would be_unjust_ to do more. All argument was unavailing, and he left himon Saturday evening without having been able to make anyimpression on him, or to move him by a representation of theQueen's feelings to make concessions to meet those the Governmentwere prepared to make; for the Queen would have been content toaccept precedence for her life, and saving the rights of thePrince of Wales. This, however, they would not consent to; and sodetermined were they to carry their point, that they made a grandwhip up, and brought Lord Clare all the way from Grimsthorpe, tovote upon it. Under these circumstances the Government resolvedto withdraw the clause, and they did so, thus leaving the Princewithout any specific place assigned by Parliament, and it remainswith the Queen to do what she can for him, or for courtesy, tacitconsent, and deference for her Consort to give him the precedencevirtually which the House of Lords refuses to bestow formally. Ithink the Duke has acted strangely in this matter, and theConservatives generally very unwisely. _Volentibus non fitinjuria_, and the Dukes of Sussex and Cambridge, who alone wereconcerned, had consented to the Prince's precedence. The King ofHanover, it seems, was never applied to because they knew hewould have refused; and they did not deem his consent necessary. There is no great sympathy for the lucky Coburgs in this country, but there is still less for King Ernest, and it will have all theeffect of being a slight to the Queen out of a desire to gratifyhim. There certainly was not room for much more dislike in hermind of the Tories; but it was useless to give the Prince soungracious and uncordial a reception, and to render him asinimical to them as she already is. As an abstract question, Ithink his precedence unnecessary; but under all the circumstancesit would have been expedient and not at all unjust to grant it. 

February 13th, 1840 {p. 266}

The discussion about the Precedence question induced me to lookinto the authorities and the ancient practice, and to give thesubject some consideration. I came to the conclusion that she hasthe power to give him precedence everywhere but in Parliament andin Council, and on the whole that _her husband_ ought to haveprecedence. So I wrote a pamphlet upon it, setting forth theresult of my enquiry and my opinion. I have been in many mindsabout publishing it, and I believe I shall, though it iscertainly not worth much. 

[Page Head: THE QUEEN'S MARRIAGE. ]

The wedding on Monday went off tolerably well. [25] The weekbefore was fine, and Albert drove about the town with a mobshouting at his heels. Tuesday, Wednesday, and to-day, allbeautiful days; but Monday, as if by a malignant influence, was adreadful day--torrents of rain, and violent gusts of wind. Nevertheless a countless multitude thronged the park, and wasscattered over the town. I never beheld such a congregation asthere was, in spite of the weather. The Queen proceeded in statefrom Buckingham House to St. James's without any cheering, butthen it was raining enough to damp warmer loyalty than that of aLondon mob. The procession in the Palace was pretty enough by allaccounts, and she went through the ceremony with much grace andpropriety, not without emotion, though sufficiently subdued, andher manner to her family was very pretty and becoming. Uponleaving the Palace for Windsor she and her young husband werepretty well received; but they went off in a very poor and shabbystyle. Instead of the new chariot in which most married peopleare accustomed to dash along, they were in one of the oldtravelling coaches, the postilions in undress liveries, and witha small escort, three other coaches with post-horses following. The crowds on the road were so great that they did not reach theCastle till eight o'clock. 

 [25] [Queen Victoria was married to Prince Albert of Saxe- Coburg-Gotha on the 10th February, 1840. ]

February 15th (Saturday), 1840 {p. 267}

The Duke of Wellington had a serious seizure on Thursday. [26] Hedines early, and he rode out after dinner. The first symptom ofsomething wrong was, that he could not make out the numbers onthe doors of the houses he wanted to call at. He went to LadyBurghersh, and when he came away, the footman told his groom hewas sure his Grace was not well, and advised him to be veryattentive to him. Many people were struck with the odd way he saton his horse. As he went home this got more apparent. When notfar from Apsley House he dropped the reins out of his left hand, but took them up with the other, and when he got to his own door, he found he could not get off his horse. He felt his handchilled. This has been the first symptom in each of his threeattacks. He was helped off. Hume was sent for, came directly, andgot him to bed. He had a succession of violent convulsions, wasspeechless, and his arm was affected. They thought he would havedied in the night. The doctors came, physicked but did not bleedhim, and yesterday morning he was better. He has continued tomend ever since, but it was a desperate blow, and offers a sadprospect. He will probably again rally, but these things must bealways impending, and his mind must be affected, and will bethought to be so. Lyndhurst asked me last night what could bedone. He said, 'The Duke ought now to retire from public life, and not expose himself to any appearance of an enfeebledunderstanding. Above all things to be deprecated is, that heshould ever become a dotard like Marlborough, or a driveller likeSwift. ' 'How, ' he said, 'would Aberdeen do?' He owned that nobodycould replace the Duke or keep the party in order, and he saidthat the consequence would be it would break up, that '_there aremany who would be glad of an opportunity to leave it_. ' This Itold him I did not believe, but it certainly is impossible tocalculate on the consequences of the Duke's death, or, what isnearly the same thing, his withdrawal from the lead of the party. 

 [26] [The Duke was seventy when he had this seizure, supposed at the time to be fatal, at least to his faculties. But he lived for twelve years after it and continued during the greater part of that time to render great public services and to lead the Tory party. ]

February 16th, 1840 {p. 268}

The Duke of Wellington, although his life was in such danger onThursday night, that the chances were he would die, has thrownoff his attack in a marvellous manner, and is now rapidlyapproaching to convalescence, all dangerous symptoms subsiding. The doctors, both Astley Cooper and Chambers, declare that theyhave never seen such an extraordinary power of rallying inanybody before in the whole course of their practice, and theyexpect that he will be quite as well again as he was before. Itis remarkable that he has an accurate recollection of all thesteps of his illness from the first perception of uneasysensations to the moment of being seized with convulsions. Hefirst felt a chillness in his hand, and he was surprised to findhimself passing and repassing Lady Burghersh's house withoutknowing which it was. He called, however, and went up; and to herenquiry--for she was struck with his manner--he replied that hewas quite well. Going home he dropped the rein, but caught it upwith the other hand. When he arrived at his door, the servantssaw he could not get off his horse, and helped him, and one ofthem ran off instantly for Hume. The Duke walked into hissitting-room, where Hume found him groaning, and standing by thechimney-piece. He got him to bed directly, and soon after theconvulsions came on. 

[Page Head: PAMPHLET ON ROYAL PRECEDENCE. ]

I have sent forth my pamphlet, and there seems a chance of itsbeing read. Lord Melbourne said to me, 'What is to be done aboutthis Precedence?' I said, 'I have told you[27] what I think is tobe done. Have you sent my pamphlet to the Queen?' 'I have sent ither, and desired her to show it to Prince Albert; and I have sentit to the Chancellor, and desired him to give me his opinion onthe law, as it requires great consideration and great care. '[28]I asked him, 'if he had any doubt about the law, that is, about_my_ law. ' He said, 'he had doubts whether the Act of Henry VIII. Was not more stringent. ' I told him I had consulted Parke, Bosanquet, and Erskine, that we had read the Act together, andthey were all clear that the Prerogative was not limited exceptas to Parliament and the Council. At all events, I said, he oughtnot to be made a Privy Councillor till after this matter wassettled, and to that he agreed; and it was settled that he shouldnot be sworn at the Council to-morrow. So thus it stands, and ifthe Chancellor sees no objection, my plan will be adopted, and Ishall have settled for them, having no earthly thing to do withit, what they ought to have settled for themselves long ago, andhave avoided all the squabbling and bad blood which have been theresult of their unlucky Bill. In the meantime the Duke read mypamphlet yesterday, and to-day I went there to hear what he saidto it, and found that he agreed with me entirely, and that he isall for the adoption of my suggestion. This I forthwithdespatched to Clarendon, who was gone to the Levée, and desiredhim to tell Melbourne of it. 

 [27] I had already sent my pamphlet to Melbourne and to a few other people. 

 [28] [Mr. Greville contended in his pamphlet that the Act of Henry VIII. For 'Placing the Lords' applied only to their precedence in the House of Lords and in the Privy Council, which being statutory could not be changed; but that it was competent to the Crown to confer any precedence elsewhere. Prince Albert was not a Peer, and he was not at this time a Privy Councillor; therefore, the provisions of the statutes of Henry VIII. Did not apply to him. He was subsequently introduced into the Privy Council, where by courtesy rank was given him next the Queen when no other member of the Royal Family was present. As this pamphlet has some legal and historical interest, it is reprinted in the Appendix to this volume. ]

February 21st, 1840 {p. 270}

On Thursday morning I got a note from Arbuthnot, desiring I wouldcall at Apsley House. When I got there, he told me that the Dukeof Cambridge had sent for Lord Lyndhurst to consult him; thatthey were invited to meet the Queen on Friday at the QueenDowager's, and he wanted to know what he was to do about givingprecedence to Prince Albert. Lord Lyndhurst came to Apsley Houseand saw the Duke about it, and they agreed to report to the Dukeof Cambridge their joint opinion that the Queen had anunquestionable right to give him any precedence she pleased, andthat he had better concede it without making any difficulty. TheDuke acquiesced, and accepted the invitation. Melbourne told methe Queen was well satisfied with my pamphlet, but 'she remarkedthat there was a very high compliment to the Duke of Wellingtonat the end of it. ' I asked if she had said it was a _just one_. He said, 'No, she did not say that. '

[Page Head: BILL ON THE PRIVILEGE QUESTION. ]

I heard from Arbuthnot this morning that the Duke has set hisface resolutely against any Bill in the House of Lords to settlethe Privilege question; and that Lyndhurst, though not so strongin his opinion as the Duke, is resolved to abide by hisdetermination, and to go with him. The Duke, in fact, goes as faras any of the opponents of the Privilege, for he not only thinksthat the dicta of the Judges are not to be questioned, but thatthe House of Commons ought not to have the Privilege at all--thatis, that their papers ought not to be sold, and that they oughtnot to be circulated without anything being previously weeded outof them which the law would consider libellous. This strongopinion of his renders the question exceedingly difficult andembarrassing, for it was become very clear that nothing but theintervention of the House of Lords could untie so ravelled aknot. All the Tories are in a state of mingled rage and despairat the impetuosity with which Peel has plunged into this matter, and at the irretrievable manner in which he has identifiedhimself with Lord John Russell upon it. Stanley and Graham havealways voted with him, but have never once opened their lips, from which it is sufficiently clear that they don't go nearly sofar as he does, and now Graham is acting as a sort of mediatorand negotiator, to try and effect some compromise or arrangement, but the case seems nearly hopeless. Peel, on the other hand, isevidently as much annoyed and provoked with his party as hisparty with him. The other day, Arbuthnot, Peel, and Graham met atApsley House, and talked upon every subject, Arbuthnot told me, but that of Privilege, on which none of them touched--a prettyclear proof how tender the ground is become. The Tory press hasgrown very violent, and treats Peel with no more forbearance forhis conduct on this question than the Whig and Radical did JohnRussell for his speech about Church rates; so rabid andunscrupulous are all Ultras of whatever opinion. I told Melbournehow matters stood, at which he seemed mightily disconcerted. 

February 25th, 1840 {p. 271}

Yesterday I saw the Duke of Wellington, whom I had not seen forabove six months, except for a moment at the Council just afterhis first illness. He looked better than I expected--very thin, and his clothes hanging about him, but strong on his legs, andhis head erect. The great alteration I remarked was in his voice, which was hollow, though loud, and his utterance, which, thoughnot indistinct, was very slow. He is certainly now only a ruin. He is gone to receive the Judges at Strathfieldsaye, and he willgo on again when he comes back to town, and hold on while he can. It is his desire to die with the harness on his back, and hecannot endure the notion of retirement and care of his life, which is only valuable to him while he can exert it in activepursuits. I doubt if he could live in retirement and inactivity--the life of a valetudinarian. 

Besides the Precedence question, another is now raised about theLiturgy. The Queen wants to insert the Prince's name in it; theysent to me to know if Prince George's (of Denmark) had beeninserted, and I found it had not. There was a division ofopinion, but the majority of the Cabinet were disposed to put inPrince Albert's. Before deciding anything they consulted theArchbishop of Canterbury. Yesterday, however, on looking into theAct of Uniformity, I satisfied myself that the Queen has not thepower to insert his name; and I believe that the insertion, onformer occasions, of Princesses of Wales was illegal, and couldnot have been sustained if it ever had been questioned. This Iimparted to Lords Lansdowne and Clarendon, to deal with the factas they pleased; and I asked the opinions of Parke, Bosanquet, and Lushington, who were sitting at the Judicial Committee, andthey all agreed that she had not the power, under the 25th sec. Of the Act of Uniformity. 

March 5th, 1840 {p. 272}

The Duke of Wellington returned to town; went up with the Oxfordaddress, and dines at the Palace on Monday. So he is again inharness; but he is a broken man, and I fear we shall see him showhimself in eclipse, which will be a sorry sight. He has consentedto waive his objections to the settlement by Bill of thePrivilege question, so it probably will be settled; and high timeit is that it should be. It is curious to see how little interestthe public takes in it, not caring a straw for the House ofCommons, or the sheriffs, and regarding the squabble with extremeapathy. There has been a great delay in getting ready the patentof precedence for Prince Albert, because the law officers can'tmake up their minds as to the terms of it, and whetherexceptional words should be introduced or not. My pamphlet hassucceeded far beyond my hopes or expectations, and got me manycompliments, which I never looked for from such a trifle. Peelsaid civil things to FitzGerald about it; only the Royal Familyand the Cambridges don't like it, on account of my havingexplained the status of Prince George (of Cambridge); and theyfancy, in the event of his going to Germany, it might beinjurious to him, which seems very fanciful; but their pride ishurt. 

March 6th, 1840 {p. 273}

[Page Head: JUDICIAL COMMITTEE BILL. ]

The Chancellor spoke to me at the Council on Thursday about hisJudicial Committee[29] Amendment Bill, and begged to have anyinformation about practice, and any suggestions, I could givehim. Some of the provisions of his Bill appeared objectionable, and I consulted Dr. Lushington about it. He agreed, particularlyas to the plan of making the Master of the Rolls (as Vice-President) the organ of the court, and making it imperative onhim to give judgement in all cases. Yesterday I went to theChancellor and told him the objections to which I thought hisplan was liable, which he received very candidly and thankfully, and seemed only anxious to hear and consider anything that couldbe suggested. He is very different from Brougham, who, when heframed the original Bill, was full of tricks and mystery, andtried to make a job of it and create patronage for himself, besides being very obstinate about the details which were thenobjected to. The Chancellor said he would send me the Bill, whichhe wished me to examine, and return with any observations Ithought fit. 

 [29] [This Bill with reference to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council did not pass. It would have made the Master of the Rolls head of the Court, and its chief organ. ]

Prince Albert was gazetted last night. His precedence is notfixed by patent under the Great Seal, but by Warrant (I suppose, under the Sign Manual). 

Copleston has got £1, 000 for the little volume of Dudley'sletters[30] which he has just published. They are very well intheir way--clever, neatly written, not very amusing, ratherartificial, such as everybody reads because they were Dudley's, but which nobody would think worth reading if they wereanonymous. A mighty proof of the value of a name. 

 [30] [Copleston, Bishop of Llandaff and Dean of St. Paul's, was an intimate friend of the late Lord Dudley, and published part of their correspondence; but the executors of Lord Dudley, who were the Bishop of Exeter and Lord Hatherton, caused part of it to be suppressed. ]

March 12th, 1840 {p. 274}

The Chancellor sent me his Bill, after which I called on him, andtold him all my objections, and made several suggestions, whichhe received very well, and begged me to put in writing what I hadsaid to him. This I did, and sent the paper to him, which he saidhe would send to Lushington, whom I had begged him to consult. Imet Lyndhurst at Lady Glengall's, and had some talk with himabout it, and found he agreed pretty well with me, and that he isstrongly in favour of appointing a permanent Chief of our court, for _ministerial_ purposes. The Chancellor has himself been veryunwillingly compelled to propose this scheme of reform, for hehates all alterations, and does not like to begin cleansing theAugean stable of the Court of Chancery. 

When I was with the Chancellor the other day, he said adifficulty had been started about making Prince Albert a PrivyCouncillor before he was of age, and asked me if there wasanything in it. I found, on looking into the books, that theRoyal Dukes had not been brought into Council till they were ofage, but probably that was because they could not take theirseats in the House of Lords before; but I also found very clearproofs that George III. 's sons had not been sworn but_introduced_ in his reign, and this puzzled me, for I rememberedto have sworn several of them at different times, during thepresent and two last reigns. I therefore wrote to the Duke ofSussex, and asked him what had occurred in his case. His replycleared the matter up. He said the King's sons are _born_ PrivyCouncillors, and that they are declared sworn by the Kingwhenever he pleases; that accordingly he was merely introducedinto Council in 1807; but after the death of George III. , when hestood in a different relation to the reigning Sovereign, he wassworn; and again at the accessions of King William IV. And QueenVictoria. I found an account in the Council Books of the formwith which the Prince of Wales was introduced into Council in1784, and this I sent to Melbourne to show to the Queen, suggesting that Prince Albert should be introduced upon the sameterms as Prince George of Denmark had been, and with the sameceremonies as the Prince of Wales in 1784. 

The Duke of Wellington has reappeared in the House of Lords, goesabout, and works as usual, but everybody is shocked and grievedat his appearance. Lyndhurst expressed his alarm to me, lest heshould go on until it became _desirable_ that he should retire, and his regret that his friends could not prevail upon him to doso while he still can with dignity. He dined at the Palace onMonday, and was treated with the greatest civility by the Queen. Indeed, she has endeavoured to repair her former coldness byevery sort of attention and graciousness, to which he is by nomeans insensible. 

[Page Head: CREEVEY'S JOURNAL. ]

Her Majesty went last night to the Ancient Concert (which sheparticularly dislikes), so I got Melbourne to dine with me, andhe stayed talking till twelve o'clock. He told us, among otherthings, that he had seen Dudley's Diary (now said to bedestroyed), which contained very little that was interesting uponpublic matters, but the most ample and detailed disclosures aboutwomen in society, with their names at full length. Melbourneexpressed his surprise that anybody should write a journal, andsaid that he had never written anything, except for a short timewhen he was very young, and that he had soon put in the fire allthat he had written. He talked of Creevey's Journal, and of thatwhich Dover is supposed to have left behind him; both of whom, atdifferent times and in different ways, knew a good deal of whatwas going on. Melbourne said Creevey had been very shrewd, butexceedingly bitter and malignant; and I was rather surprised tohear him talk of Lord Dover as having been very bitter also, anunderhand dealer and restless intriguer. I knew very well that hehad ambition and vanity, which were constantly urging him to playa part more than commensurate with his capacity, and that hedelighted in that sort of political _commérage_ which gave himimportance (and this was the great cause of his friendship withBrougham, who was just the man for him, and he for Brougham), butI did not think it was his nature to be bitter, or that he everintended to be mischievous--only busy and bustling, within thebounds of honour and fairness. 

 CHAPTER VIII. 

The ex-King of Westphalia--The Duke of Wellington at Court-- Failure of the Duke's Memory--Dinner at Devonshire House to Royalties--Government defeated on Irish Registration Bill--The King of Hanover's Apartments--Rank of Foreign Ministers--The Duchess of Inverness--War with China--Murder of Lord William Russell--Duke of Wellington on the China War--Weakness of Government--Duke of Wellington's Conduct towards the Government--The Queen shot at--Examination of the Culprit-- Retrospect of Affairs--Conciliatory Policy--Advantages of a Weak Government--The Eastern Question--Lord Palmerston's Daring and Confidence--M. Guizot and Mr. Greville--Pacific Views of Louis Philippe--M. Guizot's Statement of the Policy of France-- Growing Alarm of Ministers--Alarm of Prince Metternich--Lord John Russell disposed to resist Palmerston--History of the Eastern Negotiation--A Blunder of M. Guizot--Important Conversation with Guizot--Conflict between Lord John Russell and Lord Palmerston--Energetic Resolution of Lord John--Lord Palmerston holds out--Conciliatory Proposals of France-- Interview of Lord Palmerston and Lord John. 

March 13th, 1840 {p. 277}

[Page Head: JEROME BONAPARTE. ]

I met Jérome Bonaparte yesterday at dinner at Lady Blessington's, Count de Montfort, as he is called. He is a polite, urbanegentleman, not giving himself any airs, and said nothing royalexcept that he was going to Stuttgard, 'pour passer quelquesjours avec mon beau-frère le Roi de Würtemberg. ' But thesebrothers of Napoleon were nothing remarkable in their palmy days, and one's sympathies are not much excited for them now. They roseand fell with him, and, besides their brief enjoyment of awonderful prosperity, they have retired upon far betterconditions than they were born to. They are free and rich, andare treated with no inconsiderable respect. 

March 14th, 1840 {p. 277}

Went to the House of Lords, and saw the Chancellor, who told mehe had forwarded the paper I sent him to Dr. Lushington, whoconcurred in my suggestions, and he had ordered the Privy CouncilBill to be altered accordingly. Fell in with the Duke ofWellington, who took my arm, told his cabriolet to follow, andwalked the whole way back to Apsley House, quite firm and strong. He looks very old and worn, and speaks very slowly, but quitedistinctly; talked about the China question and other things, andseemed clear enough. He was pleased with his reception at Court, and told me particularly how civil Prince Albert had been to him, and indeed to everybody else; said he never saw better manners, or anybody more generally attentive. The Duchess of Kent talkedto him, and in a strain of satisfaction, so that there issomething like sunshine in the Palace just now. 

March 18th, 1840 {p. 278}

The first symptom of a failure in the Duke of Wellington's memorycame under my notice the day before yesterday. I had beenemployed by Gurwood to negotiate with Dr. Lushington about somepapers written by the Duke when in Spain, which had fallen intothe Doctor's hands, and I spoke twice to the Duke on the subject, the last time on Friday last, when I walked home with him fromthe House of Lords. It was settled that the Doctor should writeto the Duke about them, who was to write an answer, after whichthey were to be given up. But when the Doctor's letter arrived, the Duke had forgotten the whole thing, and could not rememberwhat Lushington it was, and actually wrote a reply (which was notsent, because my brother set him right) to Stephen Lushington, the ex-Secretary to the Treasury. This is so remarkable in a manso accurate, and whose memory is generally so retentive, that Ican't help noticing it, as the first clear and undoubted proof ofhis failure in a particular faculty. 

[Page Head: DINNER AT DEVONSHIRE HOUSE. ]

I dined yesterday at Devonshire House, a dinner of forty peopleto feast the Royalties of Sussex and Capua with their quasi-Consorts, for I know not whether the Princess of Capua isaccording to Neapolitan law a real Princess any more than ourCecilia is a real Duchess, [1] which she certainly is not, nortakes the title, though every now and then somebody gives it her. However, there they were yesterday in full possession of all thedignities of their husbands. The Duke made a mystery of the orderin which he meant them to go out to dinner, and would let nobodyknow how it was all to be till the moment came. He then made theDuke of Sussex go out first with the Princess of Capua, next thePrince with Lady Cecilia, and he himself followed with theDuchess of Somerset, and so on. After dinner the Duke of Sussexdiscoursed to me about the oath and other matters. He isdissatisfied on account of the banners of the Knights of theGarter having been moved in St. George's Chapel, to make room forPrince Albert's, I suppose; but I could not quite make out whatit was he complained of, only he said when such a disposition hadbeen shown in all quarters to meet Her Majesty's wishes, andrender to the Prince all honour, they ought not to push mattersfarther than they can properly do, &c. . .. Something to thiseffect. He is not altogether pleased with the Court; that isevident. 

 [1] [The Duke of Sussex was married to Lady Cecilia Underwood, though not according to the provisions of the Royal Marriage Act. But the marriage was recognised, and his lady was shortly afterwards created by the Queen Duchess of Inverness. ]

March 26th, 1840 {p. 279}

Ministers were defeated by sixteen on Stanley's motion aboutIrish Registration. [2] O'Connell made a most blackguard speech, alluding with wretched ribaldry to the deathbed of Stanley'smother-in-law, from which he had come to urge his motion, out ofdeference to those whom he had brought up for it. One of theworst of those disgraceful and stupid brutalities, which willobliterate (if possible) the fame of the great things O'Connellhas done in the course of his career. What will Government doupon this? It is impossible for anything to be more embarrassing. It is humiliating to go on, after another great defeat, and it isa bad question for them to dissolve upon. Weak in itself, andwith all the moral deformity of its O'Connellism, it will produceno sympathy in this country, and not even a cry to stand upon ata general election. 

 [2] [Lord Stanley's Irish Registration Bill, providing for an annual revision of the lists by revising barristers, was carried against the Government by 250 to 234 votes. The Bill made considerable progress, and was warmly supported by the Opposition, but eventually Lord Stanley saw reason to abandon it. See _infra_, August 13, 1840. ]

March 29th, 1840 {p. 280}

They did not care about this division, but made very light of it. However, it adds an item to the account against them, and is (saywhat they will) a bad thing. It is bad too, to establish as aprinciple that no defeats, nor any number of them, signify, aslong as they are not upon vital questions; it produces not only alaxity of opinion and feeling upon public matters, but anindifference and _insouciance_ on the part of their supporters, which may some day prove very mischievous; for if they once arepermitted to assume that defeats do not signify, they will not beat the trouble of attending when inconvenient, nor will theyencounter unpopularity for the sake of Government, and they willvery soon begin to judge for themselves, or to mistake what areand what are not vital questions. Upon this occasion, LordCharles Russell went away the morning of the division without apair. 

[Page Head: THE KING OF HANOVER'S APARTMENTS. ]

Yesterday, at dinner at Normanby's, I met Lord Duncannon, [3] whoshowed me the correspondence between him and the King of Hanoverabout the apartments at St. James's. The case is this: When theQueen was going to be married, the Duchess of Kent told Duncannonthat she must have a house, [4] and that she could not afford topay for one (the greater part of her income being appropriated tothe payment of her debts). Duncannon told her that there were noroyal apartments unoccupied, except the King of Hanover's at St. James's; and it was settled that he should be apprised that theQueen had occasion for them, and be requested to give them up. Duncannon accordingly wrote a note to Sir F. Watson, who managesthe King's affairs here, and told him that he had such acommunication to make to his Majesty, which he was desirous ofbringing before him in the most respectful manner, and that thearrangement should be made in whatever way would be mostconvenient to him. Watson informed him that he had forwarded hisnote to the King, and shortly after Duncannon received an answerfrom the King himself, which was neither more nor less than aflat refusal to give up the apartments. Another communicationthen took place between Duncannon and Watson, when the lattersaid that it would be very inconvenient to the King to remove histhings from the apartments without coming over in person, as thelibrary particularly was full of papers of importance. Duncannonthen proposed that the library and the adjoining room, in whichit was said that his papers were deposited, should not betouched, but remain in his possession; that they should be walledoff and separated from the rest of the suite, which might begiven up to the Duchess for her occupation. This proposal wassent to the King, who refused to agree to it, or to give up theapartments at all. Accordingly the Queen was obliged to hire ahouse for her mother at a rent of £2, 000 a year. I told Duncannonthat they were all very much to blame for submitting to thedomineering insolence of the King, and that when they thought itright to require the apartments, they ought to have gone throughwith it, and have taken no denial. It was a gross insult to theQueen to refuse to give up to her an apartment in her own palace, which she desired to dispose of; and they were very wrong inpermitting such an affront to be offered to her. So Duncannon washimself of opinion; but Melbourne, who is all for quietness, would not allow matters to proceed to extremities, and preferredknocking under--a mode of proceeding which is always ascontemptible as it is useless. The first thing is to be in theright, to do nothing unbecoming or unjust, but with right andpropriety clearly on your side, to be as firm as a rock, and, above all things, never to succumb to insolence and presumption. 

 [3] [Lord Duncannon was at this time First Commissioner of Works, and the arrangements with reference to the Royal Palaces fell within his department. ]

 [4] The Duchess, for particular reasons, objected to going back to Kensington. 

We had M. Guizot at dinner. [5] They all say he is agreeable, butI have not been in the way of his talk. He is enchanted andelated with his position, and it is amusing to see hisapprehension lest anybody should, either by design orinadvertence, rob him of his precedence; and the alacrity withwhich he seizes on the arm of the lady of the house on going outto dinner, so demonstrative of the uneasy grandeur of a man whohas not yet learnt to be familiar with his own position. Withreference to diplomatic rank, I only heard last night, for thefirst time, that the Duke of Sutherland had, some time ago, addressed a formal remonstrance to Palmerston, against ForeignMinisters (not Ambassadors) having place given them at the Palace(which means going first out to dinner over himself _et suospares_), a most extraordinary thing for a sensible man to havedone, especially in such high favour as his wife and her wholefamily are. He got for answer, that Her Majesty exercised her ownpleasure in this respect in her own palace. The rule always hasbeen that Ambassadors (who represent the persons of theirSovereigns) have precedence of everybody; Ministers (who are onlyagents) have not; but the Queen, it appears, has given the _pas_to Ministers Plenipotentiaries, as well as to Ambassadors, andordered them to go out at her dinners before her own subjects ofthe highest rank. [6]

 [5] [M. Guizot had just been appointed French Ambassador in London under the Government of M. Thiers, who took office on the 1st March of this year. ]

 [6] [It was afterwards settled by Her Majesty that Foreign Ministers should take precedence _after_ Dukes and before Marquesses. ]

April 3rd, 1840 {p. 282}

They have made Lady Cecilia Underwood a duchess. Everybodyconsiders it a very ridiculous affair, but she and the Duke are, or affect to be, enchanted, though nobody can tell why. She isDuchess of Inverness, though there would have been more meaningin her being Countess of Inverness, since Earl of Inverness ishis second title. However, there she was last night at the ballat Lansdowne House, tucked under the Duke's arm, all smiles, andshaking hands vehemently in all directions in acknowledgement ofcongratulations. I was curious (as others were) to see what itwould all come to, and what, in fact, she was to take (in the wayof royalty) by her motion, and, as I thought, this was justnothing. The Queen sat at the end of the room, with the Duchessof Cambridge on one side of her, and a chair (for Prince Albert)on the other. The Duke of Sussex took the Duchess of Invernesshalf way up the room, deposited her amidst a cluster of people, and then went alone to pay his respects to the Queen. LadyLansdowne wrote to the Queen to ask her pleasure whether theDuchess of Inverness should be asked to sup at her table. HerMajesty replied that she could not object to the Duchess ofInverness supping there, provided care was taken that she did notgo out or take place before any other duchess. I saw PrinceAlbert for the first time. He is exactly like the drawing of him:a handsome face without much expression; but without speaking tohim and hearing him speak, it is difficult to judge of his looks. Everybody speaks well of him. 

April 13th, 1840 {p. 283}

[Page Head: WAR WITH CHINA. ]

The China debate[7] went off on the whole well enough for theGovernment, though they only got a majority of ten, owing ingreat measure to the number of casualties on their side. Poyntzdied the night before the division, and the breath was hardly outof his body before an express was despatched by the Tory whipper-in, to desire that nobody would on any account pair with CaptainSpencer (his son-in-law). In this nice balance of parties, humanlife seemed only to be of interest as votes are influenced by it. Macaulay recovered his reputation on this occasion, and made agood speech. Palmerston closed the debate with a capital speech, but neither side appears to me to have really hit the right nailon the head, or to have worked out the strong parts of the case. Follett did more than anybody. Thesiger made his firstappearance, but not with any great success. We had on the Fridaya Council for the Order to seize Chinese ships, &c. , and on theSaturday another for completing the forms. There was aconsiderable discussion as to whether the Order (being of awarlike nature) should be signed by the Privy Councillors, andthere was no case _exactly_ in point. However, they decided, after much enquiry and examination into precedent, that it shouldnot be. [8]

 [7] [On April 7 Sir James Graham moved a Vote of Censure on Ministers for the measures which had plunged the country in hostilities with China. Mr. Macaulay followed him, and made an able speech. The Resolution was rejected after three nights' debate by 271 to 261 votes. ]

 [8] [Orders in Council for Reprisals and Capture of Ships constitute a Declaration of War, and are signed by all the Privy Councillors present. This course was taken in 1854 on the Declaration of War against Russia. ]

May 15th, 1840 {p. 284}

A month, and nothing written here, or written, read, or done, elsewhere. Went to Newmarket for the Craven meeting, then toBretby for a week, then Newmarket again, and back to London onFriday. 

Just after I got back to Newmarket, the intelligence arrived ofthe extraordinary murder of Lord William Russell, which hasexcited a prodigious interest, and frightened all London out ofits wits. Visionary servants and air-drawn razors or carving-knives dance before everybody's imagination, and half the worldgo to sleep expecting to have their throats cut before morning. The circumstances of the case are certainly most extraordinary, and though every day produces some fresh cause for suspecting theman Courvoisier, both the fact and the motives are stillenveloped in great mystery. People are always ready to jump to aconclusion, and having made up their minds, as most have, that hemust have done the deed, they would willingly hang him up atonce. I had the curiosity to go the day before yesterday toTothill Fields Prison to see the man, who had just been sentthere. He is rather ill-looking, a baddish countenance, but hismanner was calm though dejected, and he was civil and respectful, and not sulky. The people there said he was very restless, andhad not slept, and that he was a man of great bodily strength. Idid not converse with him. 

May 17th, 1840 {p. 284}

Just after writing the above, I went to the house in NorfolkStreet, to look at the premises, and the places where the watchand other things were found hidden. It was impossible not to bemorally convinced that the house had not been broken into, thatthe indications of such violence were fabricated, and that thegoods must have been secreted by Courvoisier, consequently, thatby him the murder was committed; but there is as yet no evidenceto convict him of the actual commission of the deed, and though Ibelieve him to be guilty, I could not, on such a case as there isas yet, find him so if placed on a jury. I am very scepticalabout evidence, and know how strangely circumstances sometimescombine to produce appearances of guilt where there may be none. There is a curious case of this mentioned in Romilly's Memoirs, of a man hanged for mutiny upon the evidence of a witness whoswore to his person, and upon his own confession afterconviction, and yet it was satisfactorily proved afterwards thathe had been mistaken for another man, and was really innocent. Hehad been induced to confess at the instigation of a fellow-prisoner, who told him it was his best chance of escaping. 

[Page Head: NARROW ESCAPE OF A CULPRIT. ]

Lord Ashburton, when we were talking of this, told me an anecdoteof General Maitland (Sir Thomas), which happened at some place inthe West Indies or South America. He had taken some town, and thesoldiers were restrained from committing violence on theinhabitants, when a shot was fired from a window, and one of hismen killed. They entered the house, went to the room from thewindow of which the shot had been fired, and found a number ofmen playing at billiards. They insisted on the culprit beinggiven up, when a man was pointed out as the one who had fired theshot. They all agreed as to the culprit, and he was carried off. Sir Thomas considering that a severe example was necessary, ordered the man to be tied to the mouth of a cannon, and shotaway. He was present, but turned his head away when the signalwas given for blowing this wretch's body to atoms. The explosiontook place, when to his amazement the man appeared alive, butwith his hair literally standing 'like quills upon the fretfulporcupine, ' with terror. In the agony of the moment he hadcontrived to squeeze himself through the ropes, which wereloosely tied, and get on one side of the cannon's mouth, so thatthe ball missed him. He approached Maitland and said, 'You see, General, that it was the will of Heaven my life should be spared;and I solemnly assure you that I am innocent. ' Maitland would notallow him to be executed after this miraculous escape, and itturned out, upon further enquiry, that he _was_ innocent, and itwas some other man who had fired the shot. 

[Page Head: DUKE OF WELLINGTON SUPPORTS GOVERNMENT. ]

For the last month there has been something like a cessation ofpolitical warfare, not from any diminished desire on the part ofthe Opposition to harass the Government, but from want of meansto do so. In the House of Lords the other night, Lord Stanhopebrought on the China Question; when the Duke of Wellington gotup, and to the delight of the Government, and the dismay andvexation of the Tories, threw over Stanhope (in a very goodspeech), asserted the justice of our quarrel with China, refusedto discuss the question of policy at all, warmly defended andeulogised Elliot, moved the previous question, and then quittedthe House, without waiting to hear Stanhope's reply. It wasgratifying to see his energy and vigour, and to see them exertedon one of those occasions when his great mind and patrioticspirit never fail to show themselves. Whenever a question has, inhis view, assumed a national character, he scatters to the windall party considerations; such he now considers the Chinese warto be. We are involved with China, nation against nation, and hewill not by word or deed put in jeopardy the smallest of themighty interests at stake, for the sake of advancing some partypurpose, and damaging the Government. In like manner, he thinksthat Elliot has bravely, faithfully, and to the best of hisability, done his duty; that if he has committed errors ofjudgement they should be overlooked, and that he should besupported, encouraged, and defended. This is the real greatnesswhich raises him so far above all the ordinary politicians of hisday, and which will confer on his memory imperishable renown. Itis rendered the more striking by his conduct on Friday on theIrish Municipal Bill, which is a mere party question, where heshowed that he could be as violent as any Tory could desire. Icalled on Barnes[9] on Saturday, and found him much disgusted atthe Duke's China speech, and anxious to know how it could havehappened. When I told him that it was always so with him, andthat he never would be merely factious, Barnes said (which, istrue enough) that it is extraordinary, if he had intended toadopt such a tone in the House of Lords, that he should haveallowed Graham to bring forward his motion in the House ofCommons, and it certainly does place Graham in a mortifyingposition, for the Duke's speech is a complete answer to Graham'smotion. 

 [9] [The editor of the 'Times' newspaper. ]

May 26th, 1840 {p. 287}

At Newmarket last week. While there the debate took place on theRegistration Bill, carried by a majority of only three, by thedefection of Howick and Charles Wood, which was caused, as issaid, entirely by the influence of Lord Grey, who is always outof humour with the Government, glad to give them a knock, thoughostensibly their friend. However this may be, there was nothinginconsistent in their conduct, and Wood accounted for his votevery fairly. The Tories were triumphant for a moment, but thesedefeats are now so common and so unproductive of anyconsequences, that after the first shouting was over nobodyseemed to attach much importance to it. The Cambridge and Ludlowelections having gone against them is of greater consequence, because they show that the tide is running that way, and that adissolution must in all probability be ruinous to them. TheChancellor of the Exchequer's budget seems to have been verysuccessful, and all agree that he did his part exceedingly well. 

Yesterday I met the Duke of Wellington. He was walking in thegarden of the park adjoining his own, promenading two youngladies--Lord Salisbury's daughters--arm in arm. He left them andtook me to walk with him to Lansdowne House. He began discoursingabout the state of affairs, and lamenting that there was, andcould be, no strong Government, and that there never would betill people were convinced by experience of the necessity ofhaving one. He then said, 'If other people would do as I do, support the Government when they can, and when the Governmentought to be supported, it would be much better. ' I said I agreedwith him, and that it had given me the greatest pleasure to readhis speech on China. He said, 'All I know is, that it isabsolutely necessary that question should be settled, and thejustice of our cause be made manifest. ' I said, I was sure it waswhat he would feel, and that he had done just what I expected, but that he must be aware there were many of his own people whowere by no means so well pleased, but, on the contrary, to thelast degree annoyed and provoked at his speech. He replied, 'Iknow that well enough, and I don't care _one damn_. I was afraidLord Stanhope would have a majority, and _I have not time not todo what is right_. '

June 12th, 1840 {p. 288}

[Page Head: THE QUEEN SHOT AT. ]

On Wednesday afternoon, as the Queen and Prince Albert weredriving in a low carriage up Constitution Hill, about four orfive in the afternoon, they were shot at by a lad of eighteenyears old, who fired two pistols at them successively, neithershots taking effect. He was in the Green Park without the rails, and as he was only a few yards from the carriage, and, moreover, very cool and collected, it is marvellous he should have missedhis aim. In a few moments the young man was seized, without anyattempt on his part to escape or to deny the deed, and wascarried off to prison. The Queen, who appeared perfectly cool, and not the least alarmed, instantly drove to the Duchess ofKent's, to anticipate any report that might reach her mother, and, having done so, she continued her drive and went to thePark. By this time the attempt upon her life had become generallyknown, and she was received with the utmost enthusiasm by theimmense crowd that was congregated in carriages, on horseback, and on foot. All the equestrians formed themselves into anescort, and attended her back to the Palace, cheering vehemently, while she acknowledged, with great appearance of feeling, theseloyal manifestations. She behaved on this occasion with perfectcourage and self-possession, and exceeding propriety; and theassembled multitude, being a high-class mob, evinced a lively andspontaneous feeling for her--a depth of interest which, howevernatural under such circumstances, must be very gratifying to her, and was satisfactory to witness. 

Yesterday morning the culprit was brought to the Home Office, when Normanby examined him, and a Council was summoned for a morepersonal examination at two o'clock. A question then arose as tothe nature of the proceeding, and the conduct of the examination, whether it should be before the Privy Council or the Secretary ofState. We searched for precedents, and the result was this: Thethree last cases of high treason were those of MargaretNicholson, in 1786; of Hatfield, in 1800 (both for attempts onthe life of the Sovereign); and of Watson (the Cato Streetaffair), for an attempt on the Ministers in 1820. MargaretNicholson was brought before the Privy Council, and the wholeproceeding was set forth at great length in the Council Register. There appeared no entry of any sort or kind in the case ofHatfield; and in that of Watson there was a minute in the HomeOffice, setting forth that the examination had taken place_there_ by Lord Sidmouth, assisted by certain Lords and others ofthe Privy Council. There was, therefore, no uniform course ofprecedents, and Ministers had to determine whether the culpritshould be brought before the Privy Council, or whether he shouldbe examined by the Cabinet only--that is, by Normanby asSecretary of State, assisted by his colleagues, as had been donein Watson's case. After some discussion, they determined that theexamination should be before the Cabinet only, and consequently Iwas not present at it, much to my disappointment, as I wished tohear what passed, and see the manner and bearing of theperpetrator of so strange and unaccountable an act. Up to thepresent time there is no appearance of insanity in the youth'sbehaviour, and he is said to have conducted himself during theexamination with acuteness, and cross-examined the witnesses (agood many of whom were produced) with some talent. All this, however, is not incompatible with a lurking insanity. His answersto the questions put to him were mysterious, and calculated toproduce the impression that he was instigated or employed by asociety, with which the crime had originated, but I expect thatit will turn out that he had no accomplices, and is only acrackbrained enthusiast, whose madness has taken the turn ofvanity and desire for notoriety. No other conjecture presents anytolerable probability. However it may turn out--here is thestrange fact--that a half-crazy potboy was on the point ofinfluencing the destiny of the Empire, and of producing effectsthe magnitude and importance of which no human mind can guess at. It is remarkable how seldom attempts like these are successful, and yet the life of any individual is at the mercy of any other, provided this other is prepared to sacrifice his own life, which, in the present instance, the culprit evidently was. 

August 13th, 1840 {p. 290}

[Page Head: REVIEW OF THE SESSION. ]

Two months have elapsed since I have written anything in thisbook, owing to an unaccountable repugnance, which daily grewstronger, to take up my pen for that purpose. It is true that Ihad nothing of great interest to note down, but I couldfrequently have found something worth recollecting if I had notbeen too idle, too occupied with other things, or paralysed bythe disgust I had taken to the task of journalising. It is nowtoo late to record things as I was told them, or events as theyoccurred, and all is confusion in my recollections. If I were nowto begin to describe the transactions of the late two months, Ishould be writing history, for which I am in no way qualified. However, as I must make up my mind to begin again, and writesomething, or give up the practice altogether, and as I don'tchoose (just yet, at least) to do the latter, I will scribblewhat occurs to me, and take a short survey of the Parliamentarycampaign that is just over. The danger, whether real or supposed, which the Queen ran from the attempt of the half-witted coxcombwho fired at her, elicited whatever there was of dormant loyaltyin her lieges, and made her extremely popular. Nothing could bemore enthusiastic than her reception at Ascot, where densemultitudes testified their attachment to her person, and theirjoy at her recent escape by more than usual demonstrations. Partly, perhaps, from the universality of the interest evinced, and partly from a judicious influence or more impartialreflection, she began about this time to make her Court much lessexclusive, and all these circumstances produced a better state offeeling between the Court and the Tories, and helped to softenthe acrimony of political warfare. 

Throughout the Session the Ministerial majorities continued to besmall and uncertain; but it was all along evident that theGovernment would not be turned out, that the leaders of theOpposition did not wish to turn them out, and that thedifferences which prevailed in the Tory party rendered itanything but desirable a change should take place. Consequently, for one reason or other, the Government were never pressed hardupon any points on which defeat would have compelled them toresign. The greatest, most hard-fought, and lengthened contestwas upon Stanley's Irish Registration Bill, which was admirablydevised as a party measure, very ably worked, and in support ofwhich the whole body of the Tories came down, night after night, with a constancy, zeal, and unanimity, really remarkable. Theirrepeated majorities elated them to such a pitch that they wereready, one and all, to relinquish everything else, to come andvote on these questions. It was evident, however, that all theirexertions would be foiled by the determination of their opponentsto interpose such delays and obstacles as must prove fatal to themeasure; and it was not the least judicious part of Stanley'smanagement when he came down to the House, and, after his longseries of victories, announced that he had abandoned his Bill forthis year. It was an extremely embarrassing question toGovernment, and one upon which they could not appear in afavourable point of view. On one hand they were compelled to aidand abet their Irish allies in their opposition to this Bill, sofatal as it would have been to their influence in all thevexatious and unfair modes which they adopted; and on the otherhand it showed how little this self-called Reform Ministry caredfor any measure of Reform, or rather how heartily they wereopposed to any of which the tendency would be injurious to theirown political influence. There never was a simpler question ofReform than this, a clearer case of wrong, or one which moreloudly demanded a remedy; but the wrong was one by which theylargely benefited, and the correction of it would have the effectof augmenting the power of their opponents. Accordingly, by everyspecies of sophistry, by falsehoods of all kinds, by vehementdenunciations and endeavours to arouse the passions of the Irishpeople, they moved Heaven and earth to thwart and defeat themeasure. There was, however, only one moment at which theGovernment were in any jeopardy, for they very early resolved notto let the majorities against them shake them out of their seats. But when Stanley, complaining of the unfair means which had beenemployed to prevent his bringing on his measure in its differentstages, announced that he would invade the days reserved forGovernment business, Lord John Russell began darkly to hint atthe impossibility of the Government conducting the publicbusiness if the House sanctioned such an encroachment, and muchirritation was exhibited for a short time. Both parties, however, got calm, and a compromise was the result. The Government offeredStanley certain days, which he immediately accepted, acknowledging that nothing but an extreme provocation wouldjustify the course he had threatened to adopt, and so the stormblew over; and this question was nearly the only one whichproduced any violent debates and close divisions. Besides theusual light skirmishing and the taunts, accusations, andreproaches, here and there thrown out against the Government, there were no serious attacks upon their policy and measures, either domestic or foreign; and upon the whole, setting apart thesmallest of their dependable majority, they got through theSession with remarkable success, and have closed it apparentlystronger, and with more of public confidence and approbation bymany degrees than they enjoyed at the opening. And I believe thisto be the truth, notwithstanding the fact that almost all theelections occurring during the Session (in which there have beencontests) have been carried by the Tories. 

August 18th, 1840 (continued at the Grove) {p. 292}

This improved condition of the Ministry is attributable partly tothe success of their measures and the efficient manner in whichthe most important offices have been filled, and partly to thedissensions which prevailed among their adversaries, somestriking symptoms of which were exhibited to the public. At theend of the Session, Sir Robert Inglis said to one of theGovernment people: 'Well, you have managed to get through theSession very successfully. ' 'Yes, ' said the other, 'thanks toyour dissensions among yourselves. ' 'No, ' said Sir Robert, 'it isnot that, but it is the conduct of your leader, his honesty, courage, and ability, which has enabled you to do so. ' Ley, theClerk of the House of Commons, and a man of great experience, said he had never seen the business so well conducted as by JohnRussell. Besides this, his reputation in his office is immense, where all his subordinates admit that Colonial affairs never wereso well administered. But there can be no doubt that the ill-humour, which on several occasions broke out, sometimes betweenthe leaders and sometimes among the masses of the party--'TheTory Democracy, ' as the 'Standard' calls them--was of essentialservice to the Government. This first began at the end of lastyear upon the Privilege question, which Peel took up vehemently, and at once identified himself with John Russell in support ofthe privileges of the House of Commons. The moment Parliamentopened, this matter came under discussion, and for some timeexclusively occupied the attention of the House of Commons. Therecould be no doubt that if Peel had changed his mind and taken theadverse side, he would have thrown the Government into greatdifficulty and embarrassment, but instead of doing so he took thePrivilege side still more warmly than before, threw himself intothe van of the contest, and was the most strenuous and the ablestadvocate in the cause. Nothing could exceed the disappointmentand annoyance of the great body of the Tories at his conduct. Many of them opposed him, and though Graham, Stanley, and othersof the principal men voted with him, they did so veryreluctantly, and maintained an invincible silence throughout allthe discussions. When at last it was settled that a Bill shouldbe introduced, and that Bill had passed the House of Commons, considerable doubt existed whether it would pass the Lords, theDuke of Wellington's opinion being decidedly at variance withPeel's on the question. Nothing could have gratified his partymore than the rejection of this Bill by the Lords, but howeverwell inclined the Duke was to reject it, he knew that this wouldbe too desperate a game to play, and while it might lead to thedissolution of the Government, it would entail that of the Toryparty also. Many conferences took place between Graham andArbuthnot and Lyndhurst, the result of which was, that the Dukewas persuaded to let the Bill pass, but this was not accomplishedwithout much murmuring against the obstinacy of Peel. 

[Page Head: THE DUKE CONTROLS THE TORIES. ]

Soon afterwards the China question was brought forward by Graham, but whatever benefit they expected to derive from this attack onthe Government was entirely marred by the Duke's speech in theHouse of Lords, in which he completely threw over Graham, as wellas all who supported him; and while this vexed and offended theTory leaders in the Commons, the 'Democracy' were as indignantwith the Duke as they had lately been with Peel. After this, asort of running fight went on (Stanley's battles presenting theonly important results) up to the period of the introduction ofthe Canada Bill. [10] To this Peel offered no opposition whatever, and it passed the House of Commons with his concurrence, andconsequently without difficulties or even divisions. But as soonas it got into the Lords, the Duke broke out in fierce hostilityagainst it, denounced its provisions in the most unmeasuredterms, and for a considerable time nobody knew whether they wouldthrow it out or not. Peel (it appeared) had taken his line andsupported the Bill, without any previous concert with the Duke, and the latter, as well as all the Tory Lords, were exceedinglyindignant at finding themselves so far committed by his conductthat it became absolutely impossible for them to throw it out. Why Peel did not communicate with the Duke, I cannot divine, orwhy it was not made a great party measure, and a resolution takento act in concert. Lyndhurst spoke to me (one day that I met him)with great bitterness against Peel. I asked him, 'What do youmean to do?' 'Oh, God knows; pass the Bill, I suppose, there'snothing else left for us to do. ' Wharncliffe, while bewailing theschism, and the bad effect of its manifestation, attributedPeel's reserve to temper, and some remains of _pique_ at what hadpreviously passed about the Privilege and China questions. Butwhatever was the cause, Peel was quite right not to oppose thisBill, unless he was prepared with a better measure, and to takeoffice with the intention of acting upon a different principle, and he distinctly said that he had nothing better to suggest. Thesubsequent conduct of the Duke throughout the whole proceeding inthe House of Lords was curiously indicative of the actual stateof his mind, of his disposition, and his faculties. Hisdisposition is become excessively excitable and irritable, hisfaculties sometimes apparently weakened, and at others givingsigns of all their accustomed vigour. He came down to the Houseand attacked this Bill with an asperity quite inconsistent withhis abstaining from throwing it out. He loaded it with every sortof abuse, but allowed it to pass almost without any alteration. In thus doing to the measure all the moral damage he could, hegave way to his passion, and acted a part which I am convinced hewould not have done in his better days, and which was quite atvariance with the patriotic spirit by which he is usuallyanimated. His violence not unnaturally encouraged his equallyardent but less prudent followers, to a more practical attack, and Hardwicke gave notice of his motion. The Duke, however, wasfully alive to all the consequences that would result from therejection of a Bill to which Peel had given an unqualifiedsupport in the House of Commons, and he resolved to exert all hisgreat authority to restrain the zeal that his own speeches had sohighly inflamed. He accordingly summoned the Lords to ApsleyHouse, and made them a speech in which he stated all the reasonsfor which it was desirable not to throw out the Bill; andAberdeen told Clarendon that in his life he had never heard amore admirable statement. It required, however, all his greatinfluence to restrain them, and though they acquiesced (as theyalways do at his bidding) with surprising docility, they did sowith the greatest reluctance. 

 [10] [This was a Bill for dealing with the Canada Clergy Reserves. ]

London, August 19th, 1840 {p. 296}

In the conversation at which Aberdeen told Clarendon this, hedilated upon the marvellous influence of the Duke, and the mannerin which he treated his followers, and the language they enduredfrom him. Clarendon asked him whether, when the Duke retired, hehad any hopes of being able to govern them as well; to which hereplied that he had not the slightest idea of it; on thecontrary, that it would be impossible, that nobody else couldgovern them, and when his influence was withdrawn, they wouldsplit into every variety of opinion according to their severalbiases and dispositions. He said he did not think the Duke ofWellington had ever rendered greater service in his whole lifethan he had done this session in moderating violence and keepinghis own party together and in order, and that he could still dothe most essential service in the same way, and much more than byactive leading in Parliament. 

[Page Head: ADVANTAGES OF A WEAK GOVERNMENT. ]

Out of this state of things a practical consequence has ensued ofno slight importance, and one which has shown that if there areevils and disadvantages incident to a weak Government, these arenot without some counterbalancing good. Both parties began tofeel the necessity of dealing with certain questions of pressingimportance in a spirit of compromise and mutual concession. Neither were strong enough to go on insisting upon havingeverything their own way, and each was conscious that the otherhad a fair right to require some sacrifice, so far as it could bemade without compromising on either side any vital principle. Accordingly several questions were amicably and quietly settled, in all probability in a more just, expedient, and satisfactoryway than they would have been by either party uncontrolled andunrestrained. The Irish Corporation Bill, which for years hasbeen a topic of bitter contention, has at last been carried withvery little difficulty and discussion. The alterations of theLords were quietly accepted by the Commons, and the ultras onboth sides were alone dissatisfied at the consummation. Then theEducation Question, which last year raised a regular storm, bothin Parliament and out, has been arranged between the Governmentand the heads of the Church, and the system is permanentlyestablished in such a manner as to allay all fears andjealousies. In the same spirit, I expect that next year some modewill be found of conciliating Stanley's Bill with the GovernmentBill of Irish Registration, and that some measure not quite buttolerably satisfactory to all parties will be devised, and theevil complained of, to a certain degree, be checked. These areadvantages of no small moment, and it is very questionablewhether the work of government and legislation is not more wiselyand beneficially done by this concurrence of antagonisticparties, and compromise and fusion of antagonistic opinions, thanit could be in any other way. All strong Governments become to acertain degree careless and insolent in the confidence of theirstrength, but their weakness renders them circumspect andconscientious. Governments with great majorities at their backcan afford to do gross jobs, or take strong party measures; butwhen their opponents are as strong as themselves, and theirmajorities are never secure, they can venture upon nothing of thekind. All oppositions must affect a prodigious show of politicalvirtue, and must be vigilant and economical, no matter how laxmay have been their political morality when in power. But nopolitician, or party man, has any tenderness for an abuse theprofit of which is to accrue to his adversary, and in this waygood government may happen to be the result of a weak Ministryand a strong Opposition. 

August 24th, 1840 {p. 297}

[Page Head: THE TREATY OF JULY. ]

Passed the greatest part of last week at the Grove, whereClarendon talked to me a great deal about the Eastern Question, and Palmerston's policy in that quarter. Palmerston, it seems, has had for many years as his fixed idea the project of humblingthe Pasha of Egypt. [11] In the Cabinet he has carried everythinghis own way; all his colleagues either really concurring withhim, or being too ignorant and too indifferent to fight thebattle against his strong determination, except Lord Holland andClarendon, who did oppose with all their strength Palmerston'srecent treaty; but quite ineffectually. They had for their onlyally, Lord Granville at Paris, and nothing can exceed thecontempt with which the Palmerstonians treat this little knot ofdissentients, at least the two elder ones, who (they say) arebecome quite imbecile, and they wonder Lord Granville does notresign. Palmerston, in fact, appears to exercise an absolutedespotism at the Foreign Office, and deals with all our vast andcomplicated questions of diplomacy according to his own views andopinions, without the slightest control, and scarcely anyinterference on the part of his colleagues. This apathy is mainlyattributable to that which appears in Parliament and in thecountry upon all foreign questions. Nobody understands and nobodycares for them, and when any rare and occasional notice is takenof a particular point, or of some question on which a slight andevanescent interest is manifested, Palmerston has littledifficulty in dealing with the matter, which he always meets witha consummate impudence and, it must be allowed, a skill andresolution, which invariably carry him through. Whether thepolicy which he has adopted upon the Eastern Question be thesoundest and most judicious, events must determine; but I neverwas more amazed than at reading his letters, so dashing, bold, and confident in their tone. Considering the immensity of thestake for which he is playing, that he _may_ be about to plungeall Europe into a war, and that if war does ensue it will beentirely his doing, it is utterly astonishing he should not bemore seriously affected than he appears to be with the gravity ofthe circumstances, and should not look with more anxiety (if notapprehension) to the possible results; but he talks in the mostoff-hand way of the clamour that broke out at Paris, of hisentire conviction that the French Cabinet have no thoughts ofgoing to war, and that if they were to do so, their fleets wouldbe instantly swept from the sea, and their armies everywheredefeated. That if they were to try and make it a war of opinionand stir up the elements of revolution in other countries, a morefatal retaliation could and would be effected in France, whereCarlist or Napoleonist interest, aided by foreign intervention, would shake the throne of Louis Philippe, while taxation andconscription would very soon disgust the French with a war inwhich he did not anticipate the possibility of their gaining anymilitary successes. Everything may possibly turn out according tohis expectations. He is a man blessed with extraordinary goodfortune, and his motto seems to be that of Danton, 'De l'audace, encore de l'audace, et toujours de l'audace. ' But there is aflippancy in his tone, an undoubting self-sufficiency, and alevity in discussing interests of such tremendous magnitude, which satisfies me that he is a very dangerous man to beentrusted with the uncontrolled management of our foreignrelations. But our Cabinet is a complete republic, and Melbourne, their ostensible head, has no overruling authority, and is tooindolent and too averse to energetic measures to think of havingany, or to desire it. Any man of resolution and obstinacy doeswhat he will with Melbourne. Nothing was ever so peremptory anddetermined as John Russell about Poulett Thomson's peerage, whichthe others did not at all like, but which he not only insistedupon, but actually threatened to resign unless it was done by agiven day. It was with the greatest difficulty they could prevailon him to defer its being gazetted till Parliament was up, Duncannon and others dreading that it would excite the choler ofthe Duke of Wellington, and very likely provoke him to fall foulof some of their Bills. 

 [11] [The Treaty between England, Russia, Austria, and Prussia for the settlement of the affairs of the East, by compelling the Pasha of Egypt to relinquish Syria, and to restrict his dominion in Egypt, was signed in London on July 15, 1840. France having declined to concur in this policy, the Treaty was signed without her, and without her knowledge. This event was of the gravest consequence, and brought Europe to the brink of war. ]

M. Dedel[12] told me the other day that he thought, withoutreference to his policy, Palmerston had conducted himself with a_légèreté_ quite unaccountable; that the Duke of Wellington, whenhe was at Windsor, had talked over the state of affairs withMelbourne, and said to him, 'I do not say that I disapprove ofyour policy as far as regards Mehemet Ali; perhaps I do not thinkthat you go far enough; not only would I not leave him inpossession of a foot of ground in Syria, but I should have noscruple in expelling him from Egypt too. But what is Mehemet Alior the Turk in comparison with the immeasurable importance ofpreserving peace in Europe? this is the thing alone to beregarded, and I give you notice that you must not expect oursupport in Parliament of the policy which you have chosen toadopt. '[13] In the meantime there is an increasing impressionhere that no war will take place; public opinion is not yet muchexcited, and is nothing like so excitable as it is in France uponquestions of foreign policy, where everybody thinks and talks onthe subject; but if it ever is effectually roused, it will bemuch stronger and probably more consistent here than there. Mybrother writes me word that the King is most anxious to preservepeace, and is now feeling the pulse of the country, and doing hisutmost to ascertain what the state of public opinion is, for hisown guidance in the approaching crisis. Though now acting inapparent unison with Thiers, he would have no scruple inresisting the course of policy in which Thiers is embarked, if hefound he could count upon the support of the country in his ownpacific views; and it is the possibility of such a contestoccurring in France which renders the question so very delicateand difficult, and makes the issue dependent on contingencieswhich no sagacity can foresee or provide for. Out of thiscomplication Palmerston's wonderful luck may possibly extricatehim, though it must be owned that he is playing a very desperategame. 

 [12] [Dutch Minister at the Court of St. James. ]

 [13] Clarendon, to whom I told this, said it was not true: he had said nothing about their support, but had said, 'I approve of your policy, but you must have no war. '

September 5th, 1840 {p. 300}

[Page Head: OPPOSITION TO LORD PALMERSTON. ]

I have been more in the way of hearing about the Eastern Questionduring the last week than at any previous time, though myinformants and associates have been all of the anti-Palmerstoninterest--Holland House, and Clarendon, Dedel (who objects to theform more than the _fond_), and Madame de Lieven, who is all withGuizot, because he is devoted to her, and she feels the greatestinterest where she gets the most information. Clarendon showed methe other day a long letter which he wrote to Palmerston in Marchlast, in which he discussed the whole question, stating theobjections to which he thought Palmerston's policy liable, andsuggesting what _he_ would have done instead. It was a well-written and well-reasoned document enough. 

Those who are opposed to Palmerston's policy, and even some whodo not object to the policy itself so much as to the manner inwhich it has been worked out, feel confident that the means willfall very short of accomplishing the end, and that peace will bepreserved by their very impotence at a great expense of thediplomatic reputation of the parties concerned; and they areconfirmed in this notion by the failure of some of theanticipations in which Palmerston so confidently indulged, especially the conduct of the Pasha and the Syrian insurrection. Clarendon says that, 'whatever his opinions may have been, nowthat they are fairly embarked in Palmerston's course, he must asearnestly desire its success as if he had been its originaladvocate. ' But both he and Lord Holland have been so vehementlycommitted in opposition to it, that, without any imputation ofunpatriotic feelings, it is not in human nature they should notfind a sort of satisfaction in the frustration of those measureswhich they so strenuously resisted, and this clearly appears inall Lord Holland said to me, and in Lady Holland's tone aboutPalmerston and his daring disposition. 

September 6th, 1840 {p. 301}

On arriving in town this morning, I found a note from M. Guizot, begging I would call on him, as he wanted to have a few minutes'conversation with me. Accordingly I went, and am just returned. His object was to put me in possession of the actual state ofaffairs, and to read me a letter he had just received fromThiers, together with one (either to Thiers or to him) from theirConsul-General at Alexandria. 

[Page Head: THE POLICY OF FRANCE. ]

Thiers' letter expressed considerable alarm. After describing thefailure of Walewski and the other French agents, and enlargingupon the efforts they had made, and were still making, torestrain the Pasha, and prevent his making any offensivemovement, he said that this was the Pasha's ultimatum. Heoffered, if France would join him and make common cause with him, to place his fleets and armies at her disposal, and to begoverned in all things by her advice and wishes, a thing utterlyimpossible for France to listen to. Upon the impossibility ofthis alliance being represented to him, the prudence of keepingquiet strenuously urged upon him, and the utmost endeavours madeto convince him that a defensive policy was the only wise andsafe course for him, he had engaged not to move forward, or takeany offensive course unless compelled to do so, by violenceoffered to him; his army was concentrated at the foot of theTaurus, and there (but in a menacing attitude) he would consentto its remaining; but if any European troops were to advanceagainst him, or be transported to Syria, any attempt made tofoment another insurrection in Syria, or any attack made upon hisfleet, or any violence offered to his commerce, then he wouldcross the Taurus, and, taking all consequences, commenceoffensive operations. In that case, said Guizot, Constantinoplemight be occupied by the Russians, and the British fleet enterthe Sea of Marmora; and if that happened, he could not answer forthe result in France, and he owned that he (and Thiers expressedthe same in his letter) was in the greatest alarm at all thesedangers and complications. He had seen Palmerston this morning, and read Thiers' letter to him. I asked him if it had made anyimpression on Palmerston. He said, 'Not the slightest;' that hehad said, 'Oh! Mehemet Ali cédera; il ne faut pas s'attendrequ'il cède à la première sommation; mais donnez-lui quinze jours, et il finira par céder. ' Guizot said that the failure of so manyof his predictions and expectations had not in the slightestdegree diminished Palmerston's confidence, and that there was infact no use whatever in speaking to him on the subject. Guizot isevidently in great alarm, and well he may be, for there can be nodoubt that his Government are in a position of the greatestembarrassment, far from inclined to war, the King especiallyabhorring the very thoughts of it, and at the same time so farcommitted that if the four allies act with any vigour and driveMehemet Ali to desperation, France must either kindle the flamesof war, or, after all her loud and threatening tone, succumb in amanner not only intolerably galling to the national pride, butwhich really would be very discreditable in itself. 

Guizot dwelt very much upon their long-continued and earnestefforts to make the Pasha moderate and prudent, and on the offershe had made to join the allies, and unite the authority of Franceto that of all the others for the purpose of preventing the Pashafrom advancing a step further, provided they would leave him inhis present possessions. I certainly never saw a man moreseriously or sincerely alarmed, and I think (now that it is sonear) that the French Government would avoid war at almost anycost; but the great evil of the present state of affairs is, thatthe conduct of the question has escaped out of the hands of theMinisters and statesmen by whom it has hitherto been handled, andhenceforward must depend upon the passions or caprice of thePasha, and the discretion of the numerous commanders in any ofthe fleets now gathered in the Mediterranean, and even upon thethousand accidents to which, with the most prudent and moderateinstructions from home, and the best intentions in executingthem, the course of events is exposed. As Guizot said, Europe isat the mercy 'des incidents et des subalternes. ' He promised tokeep me informed of everything that might occur of interest. 

September 10th, 1840 {p. 303}

The day after I saw Guizot I related to Clarendon all that hadpassed, when he told me that Melbourne was now become seriouslyalarmed, so much so that he had written to John Russell, 'hecould neither eat, nor drink, nor sleep, ' so great was hisdisturbance. Lord John was also extremely alarmed, and both heand Melbourne had been considerably moved by a letter the formerhad received from the Duke of Bedford, enclosing one from LordSpencer, in which he entered into the whole Eastern Question; andsaid that it was his earnest desire to give his support to theGovernment in all their measures, but that it would be contraryto his judgement and his conscience to support them in theirpolicy on this question. This appears to have made a greatimpression upon them, but not the least upon Palmerston, who isquite impenetrable, and who always continues more or less toinfluence his colleagues; for Lord John, after meeting Palmerstonat Windsor, came back easier in his mind, and, as he said, with aconviction (not apparently founded on any solid reason), 'thatthey should pull through. ' Palmerston, so far from being at allshaken by anything Guizot said to him, told him that the onlyfault he had committed was not taking Lord Ponsonby's advice andproceeding to action long ago. The second edition of the 'Times'mentions a violent note delivered by Pontois to the Porte. Ithought this of such consequence that I sent the paper to Guizot, and begged him, if he could, to afford the means of contradictingit. He wrote me word he would, as soon as he had _desrenseignements plus précis_. In the meantime, I find Metternichhas protested against the tone of Pontois' communication, whichwas verbal and not written. His own account of it to Thiersexhibited strong, but not indecent language. 

In the evening (day before yesterday), Guizot dined at HollandHouse, and met Clarendon and Lord John Russell, with the latterof whom he had a long talk, and he hoped that he had made animpression on him. Yesterday morning I was enabled to read theCabinet minute, submitting to the Queen the expediency of makingthe Treaty, to which was appended the dissent of Clarendon andHolland, with their reasons assigned in a short but well-writtenand well-reasoned paper. The Queen desired to keep it, and therecan be little doubt that in her heart she coincides with them, for Leopold is frightened out of his senses, and is sure to havemade her in some degree partake of his alarm. She told Melbournethat, of all things, what astonished her most was the coolnessand indifference of Palmerston. It is remarkable that Clarendon, who expresses himself with energy, was never asked to Windsorwhile Leopold was there, Palmerston being there the whole time;and the day that Leopold departed, Clarendon was invited. 

[Page Head: ADMIRAL NAPIER'S PROCLAMATION. ]

Yesterday morning arrived a fresh budget of alarming news, amongst the rest a proclamation of Admiral Napier, which peopleare disposed to consider a forgery and an impossibility, butwhich was believed at Paris and by Guizot here, and consequentlyraised a storm there, and put the Ambassador in despair. Clarendon went to him in the afternoon, when he broke out: 'Moncher Comte, I appeal to you, as representing the Government, totell me what I am to think of such a proceeding as this, and howis it possible that I can continue to 'gérer les affaires de mongouvernement' here, if such provocations as this proclamation areto occur. ' Clarendon acknowledged that if this proclamation wasauthentic, nothing was to be said in its defence, but urged thatno definite judgement should be formed till they had someconclusive information; but he told me, that he should not besurprised to find that it was authentic and in virtue ofinstruction from Ponsonby, and he fully expected Palmerston wouldhighly approve of it. When it was suggested to Palmerston that itmight with every effort be impossible to prevent the Pasha fromcrossing the Taurus, he said, 'So much the better if he did, thathe would not be able to retreat, his communication be cut off, and his ruin the more certainly accomplished. '

September 12th, 1840 {p. 305}

Yesterday at Windsor for a Council, when Prince Albert wasintroduced. The Ministers who were there had a sort of Cabinetafterwards, and a discussion about increasing the naval force, which Lord Minto thought they could not venture to do withoutcalling Parliament together; but they agreed that this was to beavoided, and would be on every account objectionable. They mightincur any expense for naval affairs on their own responsibility, and Parliament would be sure to bear them out. After dinner, amessenger came, and Melbourne went out to read the contents ofhis box. I remarked that nobody occupied _his_ chair next theQueen; it was left vacant, like Banquo's, till he came back, sothat it was established as exclusively _his_. I heard thismorning what this box contained: letters from Sir F. Lamb, [14] toPalmerston, in which he told him that he wished him every successin his present undertaking, would do everything that he could toassist him, but acknowledged that he had not the least notionwhat he could do, or how anything could be done by anybody;intimating his conviction, in short, that their Convention wasnot executable. As for Metternich, he is at his wit's end, andoccupied night and day in thinking how he can _se tirerd'affaire. _ He tells Lamb that as to contributing a guinea or asoldier towards the operation, it is quite out of the question, and begs him never to mention such a thing, and that if theTreaty could quietly fall to the ground it would be a very goodthing. It is, however, entirely contemplated by the other Powersthat Russia shall occupy Constantinople, and march to theassistance of the Sultan if necessary; but it is quite clear thatMetternich is resolved to prevent a war by any means, and that hewould not care for his share of humiliation or the object of theConvention being baffled. All this, however, does not damp theardour or diminish the confidence of Palmerston, who says, 'Everything is going on as well as possible. '

 [14] [Sir Frederic Lamb, afterwards Lord Beauvale, was at this time ambassador at the Court of Austria. ]

When I got to town I found a note from Guizot begging I wouldcall on him. I went, and he read me a letter from Thiers about'the note' of M. De Pontois at Constantinople, in which heexplained that it was a verbal communication, and not a note, andthat it had been grossly exaggerated; and he read me Pontois'despatch to Thiers. I then asked him if he knew anything ofMetternich and his disposition; and when he said, no, and askedme very anxiously if I could tell him anything, I told him that Ithought it was so strongly turned towards peace, and he was soanxious to relieve himself from the embarrassment in which he wasplaced, that they might turn it to good account, if they were toset about it. 

September 13th, 1840 {p. 307}

All last week at Doncaster; nothing new, but a considerable risein the funds, indicating a reviving confidence in peace. Haveseen nobody since I came back. 

September 22nd, 1840 {p. 307}

[Page Head: ALARM OF LORD MELBOURNE AND LORD JOHN. ]

Came from Gorhambury yesterday. Got a letter from the Duke ofBedford, in which he says, 'John has been here for the last weekand has spoken very freely and openly to me on the state of ourforeign relations. Matters are very serious, and may produceevents both at home and abroad which neither you nor I cancalculate upon. John is very uneasy and talks of going to town. You are aware that he came up from Scotland unexpectedly. Betweenourselves, I think he is disposed to make a stand, and to act, ifoccasion requires it, a great part--whether for good or evil, Godalone knows. Nobody, not even his colleagues, except Melbourne, knows what is passing. ' In a postscript he said that Lord Johnhad urged Melbourne to summon a Cabinet, and, accordingly, one issummoned to meet next Monday. This is mysterious, but it can onlymean one thing. Lord John, already alarmed by Lord Spencer'sletter, and dreading the possibility of a war, is resolved tooppose Palmerston's headlong policy, and, if it be necessary, torisk a rupture in the Cabinet, and take upon himself theadministration of Foreign affairs. The Foreign Office wasoriginally that which he wished to have, and when Melbournereturned to office, they proposed to Palmerston to take eitherthe Home or Colonial, but he would not hear of anything but theForeign department. 

I talked over this letter with Clarendon last night (from whom Ihave no secrets), and he, while fully agreeing in the proprietyof calling the Cabinet together, and making the futuretransaction of foreign affairs a matter for the Government andnot for the Foreign Office only, and of course well disposed tobuckle on his armour on this question, acknowledged thatPalmerston would have very good reason to complain of any strongopposition from that quarter, inasmuch as he had been all alongencouraged to proceed in his present line of policy by theconcurrence and support of John Russell, who was in fact just asmuch responsible as Palmerston himself for the present state ofaffairs. 

The beginning of the business may be traced to a Cabinet held atWindsor last autumn, when the general line of policy, since actedupon by Palmerston, was settled. From that time, however, therest of the Ministers seem never to have interfered, or taken anyinterest in the matter, and Palmerston conducted it all just ashe thought fit. This year Cabinet after Cabinet passed over, andno mention was ever made of the affairs of the East, till oneday, at the end of a Cabinet, Palmerston, in the most easynonchalant way imaginable, said that he thought it right tomention that he had been for a long time engaged in negotiationupon the principles agreed upon at the Cabinet at Windsor, andthat he had drawn up a Treaty, with which it was fit the Cabinetshould be acquainted. At this sudden announcement his colleagueslooked very serious, but nobody said a word, except Lord Holland, who said, 'that he could be no party to any measure which mightbe likely to occasion a breach between this country and France. 'No discussion, however, took place at that time, and it wasagreed that the further consideration of the matter should bepostponed till the next Cabinet. The following day, Palmerstonwrote a letter to Melbourne, in which he said that he saw somehesitation and some disapprobation in the Cabinet at the coursewhich he had recommended for adoption, and as he could only hopeto succeed by obtaining unanimous support, he thought it betterat once to place his office at Melbourne's disposal. Melbournewrote an answer begging he would not think of resigning, andreminding him that the matter stood over for discussion, and thensent the whole correspondence to Clarendon. Clarendon immediatelywrote word that he felt under so much obligation to Palmerstonthat it was painful to him to oppose him; but as he could notsupport him in his Eastern policy, it was much better that _he_should resign, and begged Melbourne would accept _his_resignation. Melbourne however said, 'For God's sake, let therebe no resignations at all, '[15] that his and Lord Holland'sretirement would have the effect of breaking up the Government;and then it was suggested that they might guard themselves by aminute of Cabinet (that which they subsequently drew up and gavethe Queen) from any participation in the measures they objectedto. After this, Palmerston continued to do just as he pleased, his colleagues _consentientibus_ or at least _nondissentientibus_, except Holland and Clarendon, with whomnevertheless he seems (especially the latter) to have gone onupon very good terms. Latterly, however, since the affair has gotso hot and critical, though their social relations have beenuninterrupted, and the Palmerstons have been constantly dining atHolland House, Palmerston has never said one word to Lord Hollandon the subject, and he is unquestionably very sore at theundisguised manner in which Lord Holland has signified hisdislike of Palmerston's foreign policy, and the great civilitiesthat Lord and Lady Holland have shown to Guizot for some timepast. 

 [15] I own I cannot see why. Their retirement would have proved the unanimity of the rest, and would rather have strengthened Palmerston than not. 

The manner in which business is conducted and the independence ofthe Foreign Office are curiously displayed by the following fact. Last Wednesday a Protocol was signed (very proper in itself), inwhich the four Powers disclaimed any intention of aggrandisingthemselves in any way. The fact of this Protocol was told toClarendon by Dr. Bowring, who had heard it in the City, and toLord Holland by Dedel, neither of these Ministers having theslightest notion of its existence. In the meantime, while theapprehensions of Melbourne and John Russell, thus tardilyaroused, have urged them to the adoption of a measure which maypossibly break up the Government, or at all events bring aboutsome important changes of one sort or another, the French aremaking vigorous preparations for war, and, having persuaded thePasha to send a new proposal to Constantinople, Thiers hasintimated that, if this be rejected, France will give him activesupport, and then war will be inevitable. The crisis, therefore, seems actually on the point of arriving, and while all the worldhere fancies that war is impossible, it appears to be nearer thanever it was. 

Guizot committed a great _gaucherie_ the other day (the last timehe was at Windsor), which he never could have done if he had hadmore experience of Courts, or been born and had lived in thatsociety. The first day, the Queen desired he would sit next toher at dinner, which he did; the second day the Lord-in-waiting(Headfort) came as usual with his list, and told Guizot he was totake out the Queen of the Belgians, and sit somewhere else; whenhe drew up and said, 'Milord, ma place est auprès de la Reine. 'Headfort, quite frightened, hastened back to report what hadhappened; when the Queen as wisely altered, as the Ambassador hadfoolishly objected to, the disposition of places, and desired himto sit next herself, as he had done the day before. 

September 23rd, 1840 {p. 310}

[Page Head: DIFFERENCES IN THE CABINET. ]

I called on Guizot yesterday morning, found him apprised of themeeting of the Cabinet on Monday next, when I told him that Icould not help thinking he might materially contribute to theadoption of some resolution conducive to peace, that I had nodoubt there would be very lively discussions at this Cabinet, andit was of great importance he should, if he could, afford an_appui_ to the peace party. He said he would willingly doanything he could. I said, 'for example, could he say on the partof his Government, that, in the event of the new terms proposedby Mehemet Ali being accepted, France would guarantee their dueperformance on the part of the Pasha, and that she would join incoercive measures against him if he attempted to infringe them, or commit any act of aggression against the Porte?' He said, 'that he was not _authorised_ to make such a declaration, but hehad no doubt he could engage so far, and that France would nothesitate to pledge herself to join the other Allies and actagainst Mehemet Ali in such a case as I had supposed. ' I askedhim if he would write to his Government forthwith, as there wasstill time to get an answer before the Cabinet met, and hepromised he would; but, he added, that with every desire to saywhat might furnish an argument for those in the Cabinet who aredisposed to accept the proffered arrangement, he did not know howto hold any communications--for with Palmerston he could not, andMelbourne and John Russell were out of town. I told him, however, that Lord John would be in town on Thursday, and he promised hewould call on him on Friday and talk to him; adding that hethought the last time he saw him he was well disposed. I told himthat Lord John was not a man who said much, and that I could notanswer for his opinions, but that I was quite convincedPalmerston would find some of his colleagues seriously alarmed, and no longer disposed to submit quietly to whatever he might bepleased to settle and to dictate. He asked me who were theMinisters with the greatest influence, and whose opinions wouldsway the Cabinet; and I told him Melbourne and John Russell, without a doubt, and whatever they resolved upon, the rest wouldagree to. But it is most extraordinary that while all reflectingpeople are amazed at the Government being scattered all abroad atsuch a momentous crisis, and instead of being collected togetherfor the purpose of considering in concert every measure that istaken, as well as the whole course of policy, with any changesand modifications that may be called for, the Ministersthemselves, such of them at least as are here, cannot discoverany occasion for any Cabinets or meetings, and seem to think itquite natural and proper to leave the great question of peace orwar to be dealt with by Palmerston as a mere matter of officialroutine. Lord Minto and Labouchere could not imagine why aCabinet was called, nor by whom, and Palmerston still less. Theday before the summons, he told Labouchere he might safely gointo the country, as there was no chance of a Cabinet; and nowMinto can only imagine that they are summoned to discuss the timeto be fixed for the prorogation or the meeting of Parliament. 

September 26th, 1840 {p. 310}

[Page Head: LORD JOHN CALLS A CABINET. ]

On Wednesday I went to Woburn, and, as soon as I arrived, theDuke carried me off to his room and told me everything that hadtaken place, and the exact present posture of affairs. JohnRussell has for some time past been impressed with the necessityof bringing the Eastern Question to a settlement, to avert allpossibility of a war with France, and he has repeatedly urgedMelbourne in the strongest terms to do something to prevent thedanger into which the policy of the Treaty is hurrying us. Noneof the Ministers, except Melbourne himself, and Palmerston, havebeen apprised of these remonstrances, nor are any of them at thismoment aware of what has been and is passing. Palmerston has beenindignant at the opposition thus suddenly put forward by LordJohn, and complains (not, I think, without very good cause), thatafter supporting and sanctioning his policy, and approving of theTreaty, he abandons him midway, and refuses to give that policy afair trial. This he considers unjust and unreasonable, and itmust be owned he is entitled to complain. Lord John, however, asfar as I can learn, not very successfully justifies himself bysaying that it was one thing to defend _the treaty_, of which heapproved and does still, and another to approve _the measures_which are apparently leading us into a war. Between the urgentremonstrances of Lord John and the indignant complaints ofPalmerston, Melbourne has been at his wit's end. So melancholy apicture of indecision, weakness, and pusillanimity as his conducthas exhibited, I never heard of. The Queen is all this time in agreat state of nervousness and alarm, on account of Leopold;terrified at Palmerston's audacity, amazed at his confidence, andtrembling lest her uncle should be exposed to all the dangers anddifficulties in which he would be placed by a war between hisniece and his father-in-law. All these sources of solicitude, pressure from without, and doubt and hesitation within, haveraised that perplexity in Melbourne's mind which has robbed him(as he told Lord John) of appetite and sleep. At length, aftergoing on in this way for some time, matters becoming so badbetween Palmerston and Lord John that Palmerston refused to haveany communication with him, Lord Spencer's letter, the continuedstate of danger, and the prospect of some arrangement growing outof the new propositions, made Lord John determine to take adecided course, and he accordingly requested Melbourne to call aCabinet, which was done, and this important meeting is to takeplace on Monday next. At this Cabinet, Lord John is prepared tomake a stand, and to propose that measures shall be taken forbringing about a settlement on the basis of mutual concession, and he is in fact disposed to accept the terms now offered by thePasha with the consent and by the advice of France. Heanticipates Palmerston's opposition to this, and his insistingupon a continuance of our present course; but he is resolved insuch a case to bring matters to an issue, and if he is overruledby a majority of the Cabinet, not only to resign, but to take adecisive part in Parliament against Palmerston's policy, and todo his utmost there, with the support which he expects to obtain, to prevent a war. He is aware that his conduct might not onlybreak up the Whig Government and party, but that it may bringabout an entirely new arrangement and combination of parties, allof which he is willing to encounter rather than the evils andhazards of war. On the other hand, if Palmerston refuses toaccede to his terms, and if unsupported by the Cabinet he tendershis resignation, Lord John is ready to urge its acceptance, andhimself to undertake the administration of our foreign affairs. In short, he has made up his mind, and that so strongly, that Ido not think it possible he can fail either to carry his point orto break up the Government, or at least bring about very materialchanges in it. 

Prepared as I was, by the Duke of Bedford's letter, for somethingof this sort, I was not prepared for anything so strong anddecisive; and while I expressed my satisfaction at it, I did notconceal my opinion that Lord John's course had not been at allconsistent, and that Palmerston, when the moment of discussioncame, would have a good case against his antagonist colleague. While I was at Woburn, I had constant running talk about thismatter with the Duke, but not a word with Lord John, to whom Inever uttered, nor he to me. 

Yesterday I returned to town, when I found that Lord John hadwritten both to Lord Holland and Clarendon, shortly, but sayingthat he thought the new proposals made the matter stand verydifferently. I dined at Holland House, where the Palmerstonsdined also. My own opinion from the first moment was, thatPalmerston never would agree to any arrangement, but I thought itjust possible, if he became impressed with the magnitude of thedanger, that he might anticipate Lord John, by himself suggestingsome attempt to profit by the disposition of the Pasha to makeconcessions. But any such possibility was speedily dissipated, bya conversation which I had with Lady Palmerston, who spoke withthe utmost bitterness and contempt of these proposals, as totallyout of the question, not worth a moment's attention, and such asthe other Powers would not listen to, even if we were disposed toaccept them; and that we were now bound to those Powers, and mustact in concert with them. She told me a great deal, which I knew(from other sources) not to be true, about Metternich'sresolution not to make the slightest concession to France and thePasha; and her brother Frederic's strenuous advice and opinion tothat effect. She complained, and said that Frederic complained, of the mischief which was done by Cabinets which only breddifficulties, intrigues, and underhand proceedings, and plainlyintimated her opinion that all powers ought to be centred in, andall action proceed from, the Foreign Office alone. I told herthat I could not see the proposals in the same light as she did, that some mutual concessions in all affairs must be expected, andthat she was so accustomed to look at the matter only in adiplomatic point of view that she was not sufficiently alive tothe storm of wrath and indignation which would burst upon theGovernment, if war did ensue upon the rejection of such terms asthese, which, as far as I had been able to gather opinions, appeared to moderate impartial men fair and reasonable inthemselves, and such as we might accept without dishonour. We hada very long talk, which was principally of importance as showingthe state of her husband's mind, and I told Lord Hollandafterwards what I had said to her, at which he expressed greatsatisfaction. I found afterwards that there has been acorrespondence between Palmerston and Holland, begun by theformer, and the object of it to vent his complaints at theundisguised hostility of Holland House to the Treaty and itspolicy. It ended by Holland's refusing to continue it, andreferring Palmerston to the Cabinet on Monday, when the wholequestion would come under consideration. 

[Page Head: COUNT WALEWSKI'S MISSION TO EGYPT. ]

This morning I received a note from Guizot, begging I would callon him as soon as I could. I went almost directly, when heproduced a letter from Thiers, in which he desired Guizot to goimmediately to Palmerston, and in the most formal and solemnmanner to deny, in his name and in the name of France, that themission of Walewski[16] had had any such object as that which hadbeen imputed to it; that he had not endeavoured to persuade thePasha not to accede to the terms imposed upon him, and that if hewas disposed to accept them, 'La France ne se montrerait pas plusambitieuse pour lui qu'il ne l'était pour lui-même, ' and wouldcertainly not interfere to prevent the execution of the Treaty. Moreover, he was to say that Walewski had not gone toConstantinople as the agent of the Pasha, but only to convey toM. De Pontois the intelligence of the communication which thePasha had made to the Sultan through Rifat Bey, Rifat Bey havingbeen despatched on the 6th with a very submissive letter fromMehemet Ali to the Sultan, in which he asked him to grant certainterms, the substance of which has been already made known. Guizotthen said that he had likewise received authority to declare thatif the Sultan accepted the terms proposed by Mehemet Ali, or evensome modification of them (such as France could approve of), withthe consent and concurrence of his Allies, and if he invitedFrance to be a party to the new arrangement, and to join inguaranteeing a due execution of its provisions, France wouldaccept such invitation, and would join the other Allies incompelling Mehemet Ali to a strict observance of the arrangement, and would, if necessary, use measures of coercion and hostilityagainst him if he failed in a due performance, or infringed thelimits assigned to him. I told M. Guizot that nothing could bemore satisfactory than these communications, and he said that hehad already asked for an interview with Palmerston, in order toimpart the same to him. He then wanted to know if he might speakto Lord John if he met him at Holland House or elsewhere; but Iadvised him not, and told him that Palmerston was suspicious andjealous, and would take umbrage at any of his colleagues holdingcommunications upon affairs which were his peculiar concern. Heacquiesced altogether, and it was agreed that I should call onhim to-morrow morning and hear what had passed between Palmerstonand him. I took the opportunity of telling him on that occasionthat the great evil, and that which rendered all negotiation andarrangement so difficult, was the absence of all reciprocalconfidence, that we had none in his Minister (Thiers), and thatthe national pride and vanity (of which we, like themselves, hada share) were wounded by the ostentatious preparations for war, and the menacing and blustering tone of the press. Heacknowledged these evils and their bad effects, and only shruggedup his shoulders at what I said about Thiers, of whom he has nogood opinion himself, as is well known. 

 [16] [Count Walewski had been despatched to Alexandria with a mission from M. Thiers, and one of the grievances of Lord Palmerston against France was that this emissary was supposed to have been sent either to encourage Mehemet Ali in his resistance to the Allied Powers, or to negotiate a separate arrangement between the Pasha and the Sultan, under the auspices of France, so as to cut the ground from under the other Powers. This M. Thiers stoutly denied in his correspondence, and he denied it to me with equal energy when I dined with him at Auteuil on October 8. ]

When I left him, I wrote a long letter to the Duke of Bedford, detailing all that had passed, and as I cannot now doubt thatLord John knows his brother communicates with me, and it was ofimportance that he should be apprised immediately of what hadpassed, I resolved to send him my letter to read, and desired himto forward it to Woburn. He afterwards dined with me, and when hecame to dinner, he said he had read my letter, and that it wasvery important. 

September 27th, 1840 {p. 317}

[Page Head: CONCILIATORY PROPOSALS. ]

Went to Guizot, who began by telling me he had been withPalmerston yesterday, who had acknowledged _très loyalement_ thatthere was not and could not be any truth in the report (aboutWalewski), said his manner to him (as it had always been) wasexcellent. Guizot then complained of the facility with which hegave ear to reports like these and to all that was said againstFrance; but he left him well enough satisfied with his reception. He then asked in what state the question was, and I told him thatit was in such a state that I had no hesitation in saying war wasimpossible, and that if the 'transaction' was such as we could inhonour accept, we should accept it; that the best thing to behoped was, that Palmerston would make up his mind to a'_transaction_' in the Cabinet, and would himself take theinitiative; but that at all events there were others who wereresolved not to pursue any longer this course of policy, and thatif he was inexorable it must end in his resignation. 

Before I went to Guizot I saw Clarendon, who had had a good dealof talk with Lord John, who spoke to him just in the strain whichthe Duke of Bedford had already described to me. Melbourne is tobe in town to-day, and what Lord John expected and hoped was, that he would be able to persuade Palmerston to give way, andhimself propose to acquiesce in Mehemet Ali's proposals. In thatcase, Lord John said, he should not say a word. If Palmerstonwould not do so, then it would be for him to take his own course, and he and Clarendon have both agreed to resign if they should beoverruled; and the latter said he thought he could answer forLord Holland doing the same. While returning home I was overtakenby Palmerston, who was on his way to Lord John's house; and theyare now closeted together, so that at least they will have it allout before the Cabinet to-morrow. Guizot gave me a copy ofCochelet's despatch, with an account of what had passed betweenMehemet Ali, himself, Walewski, and the four Consuls-General, which ended in the transmission of his new proposal to the Porte. 

September 28th, 1840 {p. 318}

Lord John and Palmerston had a long conversation, amicable enoughin tone, but unsatisfactory in result. However, Lord John did notappear to be shaken in his determination, but rather inclined toan opinion that Palmerston would himself be disposed to give way. Any such expectation ought to have been dissipated by a letterwhich Lord John received meanwhile from Palmerston, in which hetalked with his usual confidence and levity of 'the certainty ofsuccess, ' the 'hopeless condition of the Pasha, ' and the facilitywith which the Treaty would be carried into effect. [17]

 [17] Everything turned out according to his anticipations. 

[Page Head: LORD PALMERSTON'S RESOLUTION. ]

In the morning, after I had been with Guizot (and afterPalmerston's interview with Lord John), he went to Palmerston andcommunicated fully the offer of France, saying he would not enterinto the details of the question, but he could not help remindinghim of the failure of so many of his confident expectations. Palmerston said that there would be no sort of difficulty inenforcing the Treaty, and that then France might join if shepleased. Guizot replied that this was out of the question, thatFrance was now ready to join in a transaction fair and honourableto both parties, but she would not stand by, see the questionsettled without her, and then come in to bolster up an arrangementmade by others, and with which she had no concern. In the eveninghe went to Holland House, where he told Melbourne what he hadcommunicated to Palmerston; found him in a satisfactorydisposition, but Melbourne said that there was a danger greatly tobe feared, and that was, that our ambassador at Constantinople, who was very violent against Mehemet Ali, and not afraid of war, might and probably would urge the immediate rejection of thePacha's proposal and every sort of violent measure. [18] Guizot, naturally enough, expressed (to me) his astonishment that thePrime Minister should hold such language, and that, if he had anambassador who was likely to act in such a manner so much atvariance with his political views, he did not recall him orsupersede him by a special mission. This, however, was verycharacteristic of Melbourne; and I told Clarendon, urging him toinsist that some positive understanding should be come to, uponthe conduct to be adopted by Ponsonby. There can be no doubt thatPalmerston and Ponsonby between them will do all they can toembroil matters, and to make a _transaction_ impossible, andPalmerston writes just what he pleases without any of hiscolleagues having the least idea what he says. The result of thewhole then is, that the Cabinet meet at three to-day, and thatLord John will have to stand forth in opposition to Palmerston'spolicy, and to propose the adoption of measures leading to anamicable arrangement. A few hours will show how the rest aredisposed to take it. 

 [18] As he did. 

 CHAPTER IX. 

The Cabinet meets--The Government on the verge of Dissolution-- The Second Cabinet--Palmerston lowers his Tone in the Cabinet-- But continues to bully in the Press--Taking of Beyrout-- Deposition of Mehemet Ali--Lord John acquiesces--Total Defeat of Peace Party--Lord John Russell's False Position--His Views-- Lord Granville's Dissatisfaction--Further Attempts at Conciliation--Prevarication of Lord Ponsonby--Newspaper Hostilities--Discussion of the French Note of the 8th October-- Guizot's Opinion of the Note of the 8th October--Louis Philippe's Influence on the Crisis--Summary of Events--Death of Lord Holland--Lord Clarendon's Regret for Lord Holland--M. Guizot's Intentions as to France--Effects of the Queen's Partiality for Melbourne--Resignation to Thiers--Bickerings in the Ministry--Lord John Russell's Dissatisfaction with Lord Palmerston--Lord John resigns--Lord John demands the Recall of Lord Ponsonby--Lord Palmerston defends Lord Ponsonby--M. Guizot's Policy--Conciliatory Propositions fail--Attitude of Austria--Asperity of Lord Palmerston--Operations in Syria-- Success of Lord Palmerston and his Policy--Baron Mounier's Mission to London--Birth of the Princess Royal--Results of the Success of Lord Palmerston's Measures--The Tories divided in Opinion as to the Treaty--Retrospect of the Year--Lord Holland. 

September 29th, 1840: Wednesday {p. 320}

[Page Head: A CABINET ON THE EASTERN QUESTION. ]

The Cabinet met on Monday evening and sat till seven o'clock. Theaccount of the proceedings which has reached me is to the lastdegree amusing, but at the same time _pitoyable_. It must havebeen _à payer les places_ to see. They met, and as if all wereconscious of something unpleasant in prospect, and all shy, therewas for some time a dead silence. At length Melbourne, trying toshuffle off the discussion, but aware that he must say something, began: 'We must consider about the time to which Parliamentshould be prorogued. ' Upon this Lord John took it up and said, 'Ipresume we must consider whether Parliament should be calledtogether or not, because, as matters are now going on, it seemsto me that we may at any moment find ourselves at war, and it ishigh time to consider the very serious state of affairs. I shouldlike, ' he added, turning to Melbourne, 'to know what is youropinion upon the subject. ' Nothing, however, could be got fromMelbourne, and there was another long pause, which was not brokentill somebody asked Palmerston, 'What are your last accounts?' Onthis Palmerston pulled out of his pocket a whole parcel ofletters and reports from Ponsonby, Hodges, and others, and beganreading them through, in the middle of which operation someonehappened to look up, and perceived Melbourne fast asleep in hisarmchair. At length Palmerston got through his papers, when therewas another pause; and at last Lord John, finding that Melbournewould not take the lead or say a word, went at once into thewhole subject. He stated both sides of the case with greatprecision, and in an admirable, though very artful speech, astatement which, if elaborated into a Parliamentary speech andcompleted as it would be in the House of Commons, was calculatedto produce the greatest effect. He delivered this, speaking forabout a quarter of an hour, and then threw himself back in hischair, waiting for what anybody else would say. After some littletalk, Palmerston delivered his sentiments the other way, made aviolent philippic against France, talked of her weakness and wantof preparation, of the union of all the Powers of Europe againsther, said that Prussia had 200, 000 men on the Rhine, and (as LordHolland said) exhibited all the violence of '93. Lord John wasthen asked, since such were his opinions, what course he wouldadvise? He said he had formed his opinion as to what it would beadvisable to do, and he produced a slip of paper on which he hadwritten two or three things. The first was, that we shouldimmediately make a communication to the French Government, expressing our thanks for the efforts France had made to inducethe Pasha to make concessions for the purpose of bringing about asettlement; and next, to call together the Ministers of the otherPowers, and express to them our opinion that it would bedesirable to re-open negotiations for a settlement of the disputein consequence of the effects produced by the mediation ofFrance. There then ensued a good deal of talk (in which, however, the Prime Minister took no part), Lord Minto espousingPalmerston's side, and saying (which was true enough), thatthough Lord Holland and Clarendon, who had all along opposed theTreaty, might very consistently take this course, he did not seehow any of those could do so who had originally supported andapproved of it; to which Lord John quietly and briefly said, 'Theevents at Alexandria have made all the difference. ' This was infact no answer; and Minto was quite right, especially as LordJohn had taken his line before the events at Alexandria wereknown. Of the Ministers present besides Minto, Macaulay seemedrather disposed to go with Palmerston, and talked blusteringlyabout France, as he probably thought a Secretary of War should. Labouchere was first one way and then the other, and neither theChancellor nor the Chancellor of the Exchequer said one word. Theresult was an agreement, that it would be disrespectful to LordLansdowne, considering his position, to come to any resolution inhis absence; and as he could not arrive before this day, that thediscussion should be adjourned till Thursday (to-morrow) by whichtime he and Morpeth would be here. They were all to dine withPalmerston, and a queer dinner it must have been. 

October 1st, 1840 {p. 322}

[Page Head: LORD JOHN'S PACIFIC SENTIMENTS. ]

No progress made, everything _in statu quo_. The dinner atPalmerston's on Monday after the Cabinet, went off well enough. In the evening Clarendon had a long conversation with LadyPalmerston, who repeated to him everything she had said to me, and seemed confident enough that Palmerston would carry his pointat last. He told her, however, that if he persisted, theGovernment must be broken up, as at least half a dozen wouldresign, and that she must be aware Government could not go on ifeither Palmerston or John Russell resigned (putting in Palmerstonout of civility). He thought he had made some impression on her. The next day they all dined at Holland House. There he had againsome talk with Palmerston himself, amicable enough, but leadingto nothing; to what Clarendon said about breaking up theGovernment, Palmerston did not reply a word. AfterwardsPalmerston had a long talk with Lord Holland, but notsatisfactory. Morpeth has arrived, and naturally enough wasextremely embarrassed. He had supported Palmerston originally, and was not aware of any impending change of policy, or anychange in anybody's opinion, and he felt that it was anextraordinary whisk round. Melbourne, of course, hopped off toWindsor the moment the Cabinet was over, and instead of remaininghere, trying to conciliate people and arrange matters, he lefteverything to shift for itself. Having shown the Queen a letterof John Russell's, which she was not intended to see, he sent toLord John a letter of hers, which probably she did not mean himto see either. She said, among other things, that she thought itwas rather hard that Lord Palmerston and Lord John could notsettle these matters amicably, without introducing their ownpersonal objects, and raising such difficulties. She added onething in her letter which may lead to some importantconsequences. She said that it was her wish that some attemptshould be made to open communications with the French Government. If Palmerston chooses to give way, he may make her wishes thepretext for doing so, and yield to them what he refuses toeverybody else. 

I saw Guizot, who showed me a letter he had written to Thiers, telling him as far as he knew how matters stood, of thedifficulties there were, and entreating him to moderate theFrench press. He also showed me a note from John Russell, inwhich, after thanking him for not speaking to him at HollandHouse, as it was better he should only talk to Palmerston orMelbourne, he added that he begged he would not consider that thearticles which had lately appeared in the 'Morning Chronicle' and'Observer' were approved of by the Government, and repudiated anyconnexion or concurrence with them. He had pronounced in theCabinet a violent philippic against the newspapers, which wasentirely directed at Palmerston, who, he knows very well, writesconstantly in them, and Guizot knows this also. Guizot, therefore, if he had any doubt before of Lord John's sentiments, can have none now. An article appeared in the 'Times' on Tuesdaystrongly in favour of peace and harmony with France and theacceptance of the Pasha's offers. Guizot, of course, wasdelighted with it; but I found it had taken in other quarters, for Dedel asked me if I had read it, and said it was the trueview of the question, and Ben Stanley said the same thing to meat dinner, and that he had found at Manchester and elsewhere astrong public opinion, of which he was sure Palmerston was notaware, and would not believe in if told. Dedel showed me a letterfrom Fagel, giving an account of a conversation he had with LouisPhilippe, in which the King disclaimed any ambitious design ordesire for war, but said he was determined to put France in arespectable state of preparation; very firm language. Dedel hadbeen at Peel's, but got nothing out of him except that he did notknow whether he should have made such a treaty, but as it wasmade we ought to abide by it. The Tories will turn this businessto good account, end as it may; they have _beau jeu_. But whatNeumann said to Dedel is anything but confirmatory ofPalmerston's stories of Austrian _stoutness_, for he told him itwould be a very fortunate thing if the Sultan would acceptMehemet Ali's new proposals. [1]

 [1] [M. Neumann was the Austrian Minister in London; M. Fagel the Dutch Minister in Paris. ]

[Page Head: PRINCE METTERNICH'S SUGGESTION. ]

_Evening_. --The Cabinet went off far better than could have beenexpected; indeed, as well as possible under all thecircumstances. Lord John had previously intimated to Melbournethat he should expect him to take the lead upon this occasion, and it seems pretty clear that Melbourne had contrived to effectsome arrangement with Palmerston. Accordingly Melbourne (verynervous) began, said that the question was in the same state aswhen they last met, pronounced a few commonplaces, such as thatthe success or failure of the coercive means might by this timehave been proved, only they could not yet know the event, butended with referring to a paper delivered some time ago byMetternich, in which he had made certain contingent suggestions, of which the last and most important was, that in the event of'inefficacité des moyens' becoming apparent some communicationshould be made to France for the purpose of drawing her againinto the alliance (or something to that effect; I cannotrecollect the exact words, but it was a peg on which acommunication might be hung), and asking Palmerston if he had notgot this paper. [2] Palmerston pulled it, all cut and dry, out ofhis pocket and read it. A good deal of talk then ensued, and somedoubts and suspicions were expressed about France, which drew outLord Holland, who said, 'For God's sake, if you are so full ofdistrust of France, if you suspect all her acts and all herwords, put the worst construction on all she does, and areresolved to be on bad terms with her, call Parliament together, ask for men and money, and fight it out with her manfully. Dothis or meet her in a friendly and conciliatory spirit, and castaside all those suspicions which make such bad blood between thetwo countries. ' This appeal (of which I only give the spirit) wasvery well received, and, after some more talk, Palmerston saidthat though he was still convinced success would crown theefforts now making in the East, and that it was unnecessary totake any other step, yet, if it was the wish and opinion of theCabinet that some communication should be made to France, he wasready to make it. This was, of course, very well taken, and was aprodigious concession and change from his former tone. A greatdeal more discussion then ensued, and the result was thatPalmerston is to see the Ministers of the Conference, eitherseparately or together, to-morrow, and to propose to them that heshould make a communication to France on the basis ofMetternich's suggestion. There can be no doubt of Neumann'sacquiescence, and the Prussian will go with the Austrian; theonly doubt is Brunnow. They all agreed that nothing could be donebut with the common consent of all, and as Russia has behavedexceedingly well since the signature of the Treaty, it would bewholly unjustifiable not to treat her with perfect good faith andevery sort of consideration. If Brunnow objects, and will notconsent to the communication being made, another Cabinet is to besummoned to-morrow afternoon; if he acquiesces, Palmerston is tospeak to Guizot immediately. If Brunnow is not consenting, Palmerston will equally speak to Guizot, but, instead of making aproposition, will say that Brunnow will apply for instructions, and that we have requested him to do so, to enable us, with theconsent of all the three parties to the treaty, to make thecommunication to France. Such is the substance and result of thisimportant Cabinet, which I have very roughly and imperfectly putdown, and I am conscious that I have forgotten some of thedetails which reached me; however, I have preserved the essentialparts. Lord John (to whom it is all due) said very little, Lansdowne not much; Hobhouse was talkative, but nobody listenedto him; Melbourne, when it was over, swaggering like any Bobadil, and talking about 'fellows being frightened at their ownshadows, ' and a deal of bravery when he began to breathe freelyfrom the danger. 

 [2] Metternich's paper was a suggestion which he put into the mouth of the French Minister, and which he gave Leopold, who sent it here. He said, 'If I were the French Minister, I would say so and so, ' to the effect that if the means of coercion did not prove efficacious, the Allies had better consider the matter afresh in conjunction with France, who would assist in settling it. 

October 2nd, 1840 {p. 326}

Last night it was decided that Palmerston should call theConference together, and propose to them to make a conciliatoryadvance to France. All Europe is looking with anxiety for theresult of the Cabinet held yesterday; and this morning the'Morning Chronicle' puts forth an article having every appearanceof being written by Palmerston himself (as I have no doubt itwas), most violent, declamatory, and insulting to France. 

October 4th, 1840 {p. 326}

[Page Head: LORD PALMERSTON DEFEATS CONCILIATION. ]

I was obliged to break off, and now resume the narrative. It wasresolved at the Cabinet that Palmerston should summon theMinisters of the Conference and ask their consent to his making_some communication_ to Guizot. The Austrian and the Prussiansaid they would consent to whatever Brunnow agreed to. Brunnowsaid he could say nothing till he had consulted his Court; and headded that England could do what she pleased, but that he wouldnot conceal from Palmerston that the Emperor would be exceedinglyhurt if any step of the kind was taken without his knowledge orconsent. [4] On this the Cabinet again met on Friday afternoon tohear the report; but it must have been clear enough what theresult of Palmerston's interview with the Ministers would be, after the appearance of the article in the 'Chronicle. ' I madethe Duke of Bedford go to Lord John and tell him this ought notto be endured; and that if I were he I would not sit for one hourin the Cabinet with a man who could agree to take a certain line(with his colleagues) over night, and publish a furious attackupon the same the next morning. Lord John said he had alreadywritten to Melbourne about it, that Palmerston had positivelydenied having anything to do with the 'Morning Chronicle, ' and hedid not see what more he could do; but he owned that all hisconfidence in him was gone. 

 [4] [It is obvious that when Lord Palmerston agreed to make a conciliatory overture to France, in order to allay the storm in the Cabinet, and prevent the threatened dissolution of the Ministry, he was perfectly aware that Brunnow and the Emperor of Russia would not concur in the proposal, or would, at least, delay it so long that it would be useless. Moreover, Lord Palmerston confidently relied, and in this it turned out he was right, on the success of his naval measures against the Pasha, and of the Pasha's inability to resist them. It was this prompt success--prompt beyond all conception and belief--that averted the catastrophe of a dissolution of the Ministry or a breach with France. ]

I received a note in the morning from Guizot desiring to see me, and I went. I told him that the article was abominable, but thatso far from its being a true exposition of the intentions of theCabinet, they had resolved upon the attempt at conciliation whichPalmerston had himself agreed to make. I begged him to makeallowance for the difficulties of the case, and be contented witha small advance; and I told him that the Cabinet were unanimouslyagreed upon the necessity of adhering to their engagements withtheir Allies, and at the same time endeavouring to bring about a_rapprochement_ to France. He promised to make the best of itwith his Government, and, making them comprehend that there was astrong peace party in the Cabinet, work in conjunction with thatparty here to keep matters quiet. 

In the morning I went to Claremont for a Council, where theprincipal Ministers met; and after the Council they held aCabinet in Melbourne's bed-room. It was not, however, till thismorning that I knew the subject of their discussion. On arrivingin town, indeed, I heard that Beyrout had been bombarded andtaken by the English fleet, and a body of Turkish troops beenlanded; but this was not known at Claremont, and not believed inLondon. Before I was dressed, however, this morning, Guizotarrived at my house in a great state of excitement, said it wasuseless our attempting to manage matters in the sense of peacehere while Ponsonby was driving them to extremities atConstantinople, and causing the Treaty to be executed _àl'outrance_. He then produced his whole budget of intelligence, being the bombardment of Beyrout, the landing of 12, 000 Turks, and the deposition of Mehemet Ali and appointment of Izzar Pashato succeed him. He also showed me a letter from Thiers in whichhe told him of all this, said he would not answer for what mightcome of it, that he had had one meeting of the Cabinet and shouldhave another; but Guizot said he thought he would very likely endby convoking the Chambers. 

I went immediately to John Russell and told him what a stateGuizot was in, and showed him the papers. He said they were awareyesterday of the Constantinople news; that on receiving thepropositions of the Pasha by Rifat Bey, the Conference, considering them as a refusal, had immediately proposed toRedschid Pasha to pronounce his deposition;[5] he agreed, andproposed to name a successor; they objected to this, butultimately consented to the appointment of a provisionalsuccessor in the person of the Seraskier commanding the Turkishtroops in Syria; that it was not intended really to depriveMehemet Ali of Egypt, and the sentence of deposition was onlyfulminated as a means of intimidation, and to further the objectof the treaty; Palmerston wrote to Lord Granville, and desiredhim to make an immediate communication to Thiers to this effect. Lord John admitted that it was all very bad, but seemed to thinkhe could do nothing more, and that nothing was left but to waitand to preach patience. I went from him to Guizot, and told himwhat had passed; but he said, with truth, that this resolution todrive matters to extremity, and to go even beyond the Treaty, made it very difficult to do any good here, and that the publicwould not be able to draw those fine diplomatic lines andcomprehend the difference between a provisional and an actualsuccessor to Mehemet Ali. He was going to Palmerston, and I toldhim Palmerston would no doubt tell him what had been conveyed toLord Granville. 

 [5] [The Conference of the Ambassadors of the Four Powers at Constantinople, in which Lord Ponsonby played the most prominent part, and laboured to drive matters to the last extremity. ]

[Page Head: LORD HOLLAND'S VIEW OF THE CASE. ]

I then went to Holland House, found Lord Holland alone, and heentered fully, and without reserve, into the whole question. Fromhim I learned that Metternich has expressed his strongdisapprobation of the violent steps that have been taken, andthat he wrote as much to Stürmer. Holland seemed to think thatthere had been a great difference of opinion among the Ministersof the Conference at Constantinople, but that Ponsonby hadultimately prevailed in persuading them to depose the Pasha; thathe had concealed the fact of the division of opinion which hadbeen revealed here by Lord Beauvale's letter from Vienna. LordHolland went over the whole case, and told me everything that hadoccurred in great detail, the whole, or certainly the greatestpart, of which I was already apprised of. Just now I saw Dedel, who told me again that Neumann had said to him, 'Plût à Dieu quele Sultan acceptât les dernières propositions de Mehemet Ali, carcela nous tirerait d'un grand embarras. ' Neumann is a time-serving dog, for he holds quite different language to thePalmerstons, and to them complains of Holland House, and talks offirmness, resolution, &c. 

October 7th, 1840 {p. 329}

Dined at Holland House on Sunday. Palmerstons, John Russell, andMorpeth, all very merry, with sundry jokes about Beyrout, andwhat not. At night Lady Holland was plaintive to Palmerston aboutan article in the 'Examiner, ' in which Fonblanque had saidsomething about Holland House taking a part against the foreignpolicy, and they talked together amicably enough. Lady Palmerstonand I had another colloquy, much the same as before. I told herwhat Neumann had said, but nothing would make her believe it. They have a marvellous facility in believing anything they wish, and disbelieving whatever they don't like. In fact, Lord Johnevidently has completely knocked under; he is unprepared to doanything more, and so ready now to go on that he had himselfproposed to Palmerston that Stopford should be ordered to attackAcre. Of course, Palmerston desired no better; and it seems tohave been agreed that conditional orders shall be sent to him--that is, he is to attack if he is strong enough, and the seasonis not too far advanced. 

[Page Head: LORD PALMERSTON TRIUMPHS. ]

I dined again to-day at Holland House, and in the evening Guizotcame. He told me that nothing could be more unsatisfactory thanhis interview with Palmerston; very civil to himself personallyas he always was, but 'de Ministre à Ministre' as bad aspossible. He had told him of the communication Lord Granville wasdesired to make to Thiers, but had not said one syllable of thedisposition of the Cabinet to make an overture, nor held out theslightest expectation of the possibility of any modification. Guizot repeated how much he is alarmed, and talked of theprobability of war. It is now quite clear that Palmerston hascompletely gained his point. The peace party in the Cabinet aresilenced, their efforts paralysed. In fact, Palmerston hastriumphed, and Lord John succumbed. The Cabinet are againdispersed, Palmerston reigns without let or hindrance at theForeign Office. No attempt is made to conciliate France; the waron the coast of Syria will go on with redoubled vigour; Ponsonbywill urge matters to the last extremities at Constantinople; andthere is no longer a possibility of saying or doing any onething, for the whole question of reconciliation has been sufferedto rest upon the result of a communication which Brunnowundertook to make to his Court, to which no answer can bereceived for several weeks, and none definite will probably everbe received at all. Palmerston's policy, therefore, will receivea complete trial, and its full and unimpeded development, andeven those of his colleagues who are most opposed to it, and whoare destitute of all confidence in him, are compelled to go alongwith him his whole length, share all his responsibility, andwill, after all, very likely be obliged to combat in Parliamentthe very same arguments that they have employed in the Cabinet, and _vice versâ_. 

Lord John has disappointed me; and when I contrast the vigour ofhis original resolutions with the feebleness of his subsequentefforts, the tameness with which he has submitted to be overruledand thwarted, and to endure the treachery, and almost the insultof Palmerston's newspaper tricks, I am bound to acknowledge thathe is not the man I took him for. The fact is, that his positionhas been one of the greatest embarrassment--but of embarrassmentof his own making. He consented to the Treaty of July, withoutdue consideration of the consequences it was almost sure toentail. When those consequences burst upon him in a verydangerous and alarming shape, he seems suddenly to have awakenedfrom his dream of security, and to have bestirred himself toavert the impending evils; but while the magnitude of the perilpressed him on one side, on the other he was hampered by theconsciousness of his own inconsistency, and that he could not doanything without giving Palmerston a good case against him. Andwhen at last he did resolve to take a decisive step, he nevercalculated upon the means at his disposal to bring about thechange of policy which he advocated. He moved, accordingly, likea man in chains. He distrusted Palmerston, and did not dare tellhim so; Melbourne would not help him; he dreaded a breach partlyofficial, partly domestic, with Palmerston, and only thought ofkeeping the rickety machine of Government together as long aspossible, by any means he could, and was content to leave theissues of peace or war to the chapter of accidents. The rest ofthe Cabinet seem to have been pretty evenly balanced, feeling (aswas very natural) that they had no good case for opposingPalmerston, conscious that Lord John's alarms were not withoutfoundation, and that his position gave him a right to take adecisive lead in the Cabinet; still they were not inclined to actcordially and decisively with him, and hence vacillation anduncertainty in their councils. Palmerston alone was resolute;entrenched in a strong position, with unity and determination ofpurpose, quite unscrupulous, very artful, and in possession ofthe Foreign Office, and therefore able to communicate in whatevermanner and with whomsoever he pleased, and to give exactly theturn he chose to any negotiation or communication, without thepossibility of being controlled by any of his colleagues. Fromthe beginning, Lord John seems never to have seen his wayclearly, or to have been able to make up his mind how to act. Myown opinion is, that if there had been a will, there might havebeen found a way, to do something; but Palmerston had no suchwill. On the contrary, he was resolved to defeat the intentionsof his colleagues, and he has effectually done so. 

October 8th, 1840 {p. 332}

[Page Head: LORD JOHN'S LAST EFFORT. ]

Lord John Russell called on me yesterday morning, more to talkthe matter over than for any particular purpose. He was, asusual, very calm about it all. I told him all I thought, andasked him why Guizot's offer had not been made use of; when hesaid that it had been considered, but for three reasons, which hegave me, it had been judged impossible to make it the foundationof a communication, and that Metternich's paper had been takeninstead. Two of the reasons were, 1st. That the Viceroy's offerswould probably have been already rejected at Constantinople;2ndly. That the insurrection in Syria would have been organised, and it might entail consequences on the Syrians that it would beunjust to expose them to; 3rdly. The necessity of the previousconcurrence of the Allies. They all seemed to me very badreasons. 

I told him that Palmerston had gained his point, and that thewhole thing turned upon the success of the insurrection. Headmitted that it did, and stated the grounds there were forhoping that it would succeed. He owned to me that his reason forconsenting to the Treaty was the refusal of France to join incoercive measures; which I told him was in my opinion the strongpoint of Palmerston's case. The fact is, the offer of France iscome too late; the machine has been set in motion, and now thereis no stopping it. But I shall ever think that if the advances ofFrance had been met in another way, much might have been done. Lord John said the Queen had talked to him, and had expressed heranxiety for some settlement, but at the same time was quitedetermined to make no unworthy concession. 

My brother writes me word that Lord Granville is so disgusted athis position, and at being kept entirely in the dark as to thereal position of affairs, that he is seriously thinking ofresigning. Bulwer[6] has, however, done his utmost to preventhim, and advised him to write instead and earnestly recommendthat, if they meditate any change, whatever they mean to doshould be done immediately. 

 [6] [Mr. Henry Bulwer (afterwards Lord Dalling) was at that time First Secretary of the Embassy in Paris, and an ardent supporter of Lord Palmerston's policy--much more so than the Ambassador, Lord Granville. ]

I went to Lord John this morning, and read to him my brotherHenry's letter. He is alarmed, and says that no doubt much mighthave been done in the way of conciliation that has not been done;admits that Palmerston (through whom everything must necessarilypass) will do nothing; and that the fact is he does not believein war, and does not care if it happens. He showed me a paper hewrote with the project of making certain tranquillisingcommunications to the French Government; one of which was, thatif the Allies resolved to attack Egypt, they would first givenotice to France and try and arrange matters with her. TheEmperor of Russia, it appears, is all for attacking Egypt; but nointention exists of taking Egypt from the Pasha in any case. Itold him again that I thought an opportunity had been lost ofresponding to the last offer of France in a conciliatory way, andLord John said he thought so too; he had written a paper on thesubject, showed it to Melbourne--who highly approved of it, leftit with him, never heard more about it, and nothing was done. Palmerston's extinguisher was, of course, put upon it. Lord Johnsaid he was tired of attempting to do anything; and he nowappears to have resolved to wait patiently, and meet his destinywith the stoical resignation of a Turk. 

October 9th, 1840 {p. 332}

Everything looking black these last two days, funds falling, andgeneral alarm. Lord Granville has written to Palmerston bothpublicly and privately; in the former enforcing the necessity ofsome speedy arrangement, if any there is to be; in the latterremonstrating upon his own situation _vis-à-vis_ of theGovernment. Lord John has again screwed his courage up to summonthe Cabinet, with the determination of making another attempt ataccommodation with France. He proposed this to Melbourne, whosaid 'it was too late. ' This is what he always does: entreatspeople to _wait_ when they first want to move, and then when theyhave waited, and will wait no longer, he says, 'it is too late. 'Lord John's design is to have a despatch written to Granville, with which he is to go to Thiers, inviting a frank explanation_de part et d'autre_, asking what France desires and expects, saying what England intends and does not intend, entering intothe position in which all parties are placed, and expressing areadiness to conciliate France in any way that we honourably andconsistently can, communicating to our Allies exactly what wesay. 

[Page Head: NOTE FROM THE FRENCH GOVERNMENT. ]

But what he would principally desire, and I perceive will not beable to effect, is the supersession in some shape of LordPonsonby, against whom grave charges do certainly lie. The otherday (the day before the Council at Claremont), Palmerstonproduced at the Cabinet Ponsonby's despatch announcing thedeposition of Mehemet Ali, which he read aloud. Melbourne askedif there was not something said indicative of some differences ofopinion among the Ambassadors (probably something grave struckhim), to which Palmerston responded that there was nothing. Thenext day Beauvale's despatch arrived with the report of theAustrian Internuncio to Metternich, who said that Ponsonby hadassembled the Ministers at his house on Rifat Bey's arrival, andproposed the immediate _déchéance_ of the Pasha, to which he hadmade no objection, but that his Russian colleague had objected. His objections were, however, overruled by Ponsonby, who hadtaken upon himself to say that he would make England responsiblefor the whole and sole execution of the sentence of deposition. Nothing of this was hinted in Ponsonby's own despatch, and thefalse account therefore which it conveyed of what had passedraised a general and strong feeling of indignation. 

In the afternoon I saw Guizot, whom I found very reasonable, fullof regret for the violence at Paris, and admitting that it wasnot only mad but ridiculous; said he had urged as forcibly as hecould that they should do nothing for several days, and pay noattention to any events that might occur on the Syrian coast;that he had written to the Duc de Broglie and entreated him toexert all his influence to keep matters quiet; and then he saidthat he still did not despair of peace if we would only do_something_ to pacify and conciliate France; that _some_concession in return for hers she must have, and without whichher Government had not the power to maintain peace; that hisconviction was, that if we would give Mehemet Ali Candia, or alittle more of Syria--two out of the four Pashaliks--that thiswould be accepted, and that surely the alliance and concurrenceof France were worth as much as this. I went from him to JohnRussell, and told him what he had said. 

October 10th, 1840 {p. 335}

[Page Head: RECEPTION OF THE FRENCH NOTE. ]

The Cabinet met this afternoon. Lord John Russell was to havetaken the lead and developed his conciliatory notions, but a newturn was given to affairs by a note which Guizot placed inPalmerston's hands just before the Cabinet, which he onlyreceived from Paris this morning. [7] He called on Palmerston andgave it him; but without any observations. Palmerston brought itto the Cabinet, where it was read, and, to the extreme surpriseof everybody, it was to the last degree moderate, and evincing adisposition to be very easily satisfied. This note is illwritten, ill put together, and very tame. What a difficult task aFrench Minister must have, to defend at once such a note and suchan expense as had been incurred! Probably Guizot did not muchadmire the production. The consequence was that the discussionturned on this document, and Palmerston immediately showed adisposition to haggle and bargain, and make it a pretext forextorting from France the best terms she could be got to yield, and all this in the spirit of a pedlar rather than of astatesman. This was, however, overruled. A better and moreliberal disposition pervaded the majority, and it was settledthat Palmerston should see Guizot and speak to him in aconciliatory tone, and that a note, in a corresponding spirit, should be drawn up and sent to the French Government. This noteis, however, to be first submitted for the approbation, and, ifnecessary, alteration of the Cabinet, so that care will be takento make it what it ought to be. It would now appear that theFrench Government would be well enough satisfied if the originalterms offered to Mehemet Ali were still held out to him, and ifit is made clear that he will in no case be molested in thehereditary possession of Egypt; but Palmerston began talking ofleaving him Egypt _for his life_, which was, however, instantlyput down by the majority. A more decided disposition appeared inthe majority of the Cabinet to adopt the conciliatory policy;whereas they exhibited at the previous meetings rather a doubtfulmanner, without, however, on any occasion saying much either way. Palmerston displayed the same overweening confidence, and thesame desire to conceal whatever militated against his opinion. Besides talking of the success they had already obtained (whichafter all amounts to very little), he said he had seen somebody, who had seen somebody else, who knew that Louis Philippe wasabsolutely determined against war under any circumstances. Itturned out that there was a despatch from Sir Charles Smith(between whom and Napier there is some jealousy ormisunderstanding), in which he says that the position they occupyis of no use whatever, but is purely defensive, and if Ibrahimdoes not attack the Turks, and expose himself to a defeat, theycan do nothing against him. This, however, Palmerston held cheap, because it did not square with his wishes. On the whole theresult was satisfactory; and if anybody but Palmerston was at theForeign Office, everything must be settled at once; but he is solittle to be trusted that there is always danger while he isthere. 

 [7] [This was the celebrated Note of which Thiers gave me a printed copy when I dined with him on the 8th October at Auteuil. I came back to Paris, sat up all night with a friend to translate it, and despatched it to England next morning. My translation appeared in the 'Times' on the same day the Note was given to Lord Palmerston-- which was another grievance. It was a very lengthy document, recapitulating the whole conduct of France in this affair, but ending in a very tame conclusion. Unfortunately Lord Palmerston did not display the same moderation, and his Notes continued to be as acrimonious as ever. --H. R. ]

I went almost immediately to Guizot, and told him that thereception of his note had given a new turn to the discussion, butthat it had given the greatest satisfaction, and they werecertainly not prepared for such a moderate communication. Helaughed, shrugged his shoulders, and said, 'He should think theywere not, ' any more than he was, that nothing could equal hissurprise at receiving it, that it was very ill written, illarranged, and he owned to me, in confidence, that he thought itwent even farther than it ought; farther than he (much as hedesired peace) could ever have consented to go. He did notdisguise from me, and almost said in terms, that he thought itvery discreditable, and strikingly inconsistent with theirprevious language and ostentatious preparations. I said that Icould not comprehend how such a note could emanate from the samequarter as all the denunciations and threats we had lately heard, and that though Thiers had, as everybody knew, a great deal of_savoir faire_, he would have some difficulty in defending boththe note and the preparations. He seemed by no means sorry at theidea of Thiers having got into a scrape and dilemma, but not atall satisfied at the figure which France is made to act in theaffair, and not much liking to play any part in the transaction. It is for this reason that he gave Palmerston the note withoutany remarks on its contents. When I asked him how it was all tobe accounted for, he told me that the truth was, it was owing tothe dissensions in the French Cabinet, and the determination ofthe King; and that it was the only mode by which an entirerupture in the Cabinet could be avoided. He said, however, thathe would have preferred the rupture rather than a violentdifference of opinion ending in such a measure. (At least as Iunderstood him, but I am not quite clear as to his meaning onthis point. ) I told him that Palmerston would see him, and would(or ought at least to) speak to him in a very conciliatory tone;but that if he did not do so, if he was wanting in any properexpression of the sense of our Government of the conduct of thatof France, and if he evinced any disposition to haggle and drivea bargain, he was not to believe that he expressed the sentimentsof the Cabinet, but merely gave utterance to his own. We agreedthat at all events the road to peace was still open, and couldhardly be missed. He said, it depended on us, and only entreatedthat the communication we made to the French Government might befull, cordial, and satisfactory, giving them all the assurancesthey could require, setting their minds at rest as to Egypt, andgenerally in a tone as conciliatory and moderate as theirs to us. He earnestly deprecated the idea of any bargaining, and said thatif Palmerston hinted at such a thing with him he must make hisproposals directly to Paris, for he would listen to none suchhere. On the whole, he is well satisfied at the prospect of thepreservation of peace, but very much dissatisfied, and evendisgusted, at the manner in which this consummation is likely tobe brought about; conscious and ashamed of the false position inwhich the Government of France is placed, probably by their ownconduct from the beginning, but certainly by their violent anddeclamatory language, so full of invective and menace, theirexpensive and ostentatious preparations, and now their tame (andif it were possible they could be afraid), pusillanimousconclusion. He did not say a great deal, but what he did say waswith energy and strong feeling, and these I am certain are hissentiments. 

[Page Head: POLICY OF LOUIS PHILIPPE. ]

The real truth I take to be that the King is the cause of thewhole thing. With that wonderful sagacity which renders him theablest man in France, and enables him sooner or later to carryall his points, and that tact and discernment with which he knowswhen to yield and when to stand, he allowed Thiers to have hisfall swing; and to commit himself with the nation, the Kinghimself all the time consenting to put the country in aformidable attitude, but making no secret of his desire forpeace; and then at the decisive moment, when he found there was adivision in the Cabinet, throwing all his influence into thepacific scale, and eventually reducing Thiers to the alternativeof making a very moderate overture or breaking up the Government. The King in all probability knew that in the latter event Thierswould no longer be so formidable, and that there would be thesame division in the party as in the Cabinet, and that he shouldbe able to turn the scale in the Chamber in favour of peace. Itis probable that His Majesty looks beyond the present crisis, andsees in the transaction the means of emancipating himself fromthe domination of Thiers, and either getting rid of him, or, whatwould probably be more convenient and safe, reducing him to adependence on himself. 

Livermere, October 17th, 1840 {p. 339}

All this week at Newmarket, where I received regular informationof all that went on. Before I left town I saw Lord Holland andLord John Russell. The latter expressed himself better satisfiedthan he had yet been, but was still doubtful how far Palmerstoncould be trusted. Palmerston made no communication to Guizot, andseemed resolved to interpose every delay, though everybody kepton urging that something should be done without loss of time. Buthe assured Melbourne that in a few days we should hear of thetotal evacuation of Syria, and that then we should be in a bettercondition to treat. His colleagues, however, began to get alarmedat these delays, and none more than Melbourne, who would not sayor do anything to accelerate Palmerston's movements, though heacknowledged to others that, so far from partaking of hisconfidence in the success of the operations in Syria, he expectedno good news from that quarter. Palmerston went to Windsor, andthere the Queen herself began to urge him more strongly than shehad ever done, for she hears constantly from Leopold, who is madwith fright, and who imparts all his fears to her. All this didat last produce something, for there was a Cabinet the day beforeyesterday, at which a despatch to Ponsonby was read, in which hewas desired to move the Sultan to reinstate the Pasha in thehereditary government of Egypt, and this had been shown toGuizot, who had expressed himself satisfied with it. This, it maybe hoped, will be sufficient, for the Note _requires_ no morethan this, and it may be taken as an earnest of our desire tomeet the wishes of France. If it only produces a pacificparagraph in the King's speech the crisis will be over. 

I do not quite understand how we can consistently send such aninstruction to our Ambassador _separately_. The Sultan pronouncedthe deposition of Mehemet Ali by the advice of the Four Powers(that is, by that of the four Ambassadors), and I know not how weare entitled to do this act rather than any other without theconcurrence of the rest. It was admitted that we could make nooverture to France, no pacific communication even, without theconsent of all. The Pasha has been solemnly deposed, all thePowers advised this measure, and now we are alone and separatelyrecommending that he should be again restored to the governmentof Egypt. Russia may not coincide in this recommendation; hisdeposition from Egypt is now a part of the Treaty. Whatever wasthe secret intention of the parties, we are now bound, [8] if thePorte insists on it, to exert all our power to expel the Pashafrom Egypt as well as from Syria. Such are the inconsistenciesinto which the precipitate violence of Ponsonby has plunged us. 

 [8] It is held (though this seems a nice point) that we are _not_ bound. 

Downham, October 23rd, 1840 {p. 340}

[Page Head: DEATH OF LORD HOLLAND. ]

From Livermere to Riddlesworth last Monday, and home to-day. Thismorning I learnt (by reading it in the 'Globe') the sudden deathof Lord Holland, after a few hours' illness, whom I left not afortnight ago in his usual health, and likely to live manyyears. [9] There did not, probably, exist an individual whose losswill be more sincerely lamented and severely felt than his. Neverwas popularity so great and so general, and his death willproduce a social revolution, utterly extinguishing not only themost brilliant, but the only great house of reception andconstant society in England. His marvellous social qualities, imperturbable temper, unflagging vivacity and spirit, hisinexhaustible fund of anecdote, extensive information, sprightlywit, with universal toleration and urbanity, inspired all whoapproached him with the keenest taste for his company, and thosewho lived with him in intimacy with the warmest regard for hisperson. This event may be said with perfect truth to 'eclipse thegaiety of nations, ' for besides being an irreparable loss to theworld at large, it turns adrift, as it were, the innumerable_habitués_ who, according to their different degrees of intimacy, or the accidents of their social habits, made Holland House theirregular and constant resort. It is impossible to overrate theprivation, the blank, which it will make to the old friends andassociates, political and personal, to whom Holland House hasalways been open like a home, and there cannot be a sadder sightthan to see the curtain suddenly fall upon a scene so brilliantand apparently prosperous, and the light which for nearly half acentury has adorned and cheered the world, thus suddenly and forever extinguished. Although I did not rank among the old andintimate friends of Holland House, I came among the first of thesecond class of those who were always welcome, passed much of mytime there, and have been continually treated with the greatestcordiality and kindness, and I partake largely and sincerely ofthe regret that must be so deep and universal. 

 [9] Lord Holland said, just before he died, to the page, 'Edgar, these Syrian affairs will be too much for me. Mehemet Ali will kill me. '

Downham, October 24th, 1840 {p. 341}

I have a letter from Clarendon this morning from Windsor, overwhelmed with the news of Lord Holland's death (which he hadjust received)

 'when his mind was as vigorous and his perceptions as clear as ever, and when his advice, and the weight of his experience, were more necessary to his country than at any period of his life. To myself I feel that the loss is irreparable. He was the only one in the Cabinet with whom I had any real sympathy, and upon the great question now in dispute I feel almost powerless, for, with the anility of Melbourne, the vacillation of John, and the indifference of all the rest, Palmerston is now more completely master of the ground than ever. '

He goes on to say:

 'Guizot came down here last night; he goes to Paris on Sunday, to be present at the opening of the Chambers, and to defend himself. More, however, than that is in his mind, I am sure, and his feelings towards Thiers are anything but friendly. Thiers, it seems, means to put up Odillon Barrot (Guizot's favourite aversion) for the presidency of the Chamber, and, it is said, to resign if he is beaten. This, Guizot told me, was an inconceivable _faiblesse_, or an unpardonable _légèreté_; but that whichever it was, he should oppose it, and had written to tell the Duke de Broglie so, in order that he might not be accused of taking the Government by surprise. He said to me, "_Donnez-moi quelque chose à dire_, let it be ever so small, provided it is satisfactory. I will impose it on Thiers, or break up his administration; but unless I can have something of the kind, and, above all, something wherewith to _resserrer les liens entre les deux pays_, which is my great ambition, I shall neither be able to _calmer les esprits_ nor to take on myself the government. "'

He then goes on to say that Guizot tells him--and his own lettersconfirm it--that the late _attentat_ on the King had made a muchstronger impression, and excited more alarm, than any former one, and he had proposed to Melbourne to send a special ambassador tocongratulate the King on his escape, who should also beinstructed to _peace-make_; and suggested that the Duke ofBedford, Lord Spencer, or himself, should go. Melbourne admittedit would be a very good thing to establish some directcommunication with the King and Thiers, as well as the truth ofall the reasons by which he supported this proposal; but thefollowing day he came down with a whole host of petty objections, 'which seemed to prevail in his perplexed and unserviceablemind. ' The Duke of Bedford writes to me that he expects thisstate of things will lead to a fresh combination of parties, andthe breaking-up of this Government. 

This is what, in my opinion, it ought to lead to; for, having nowbeen behind the scenes for some time, I have satisfied myself ofthe danger of the interests of such a country as this beingcommitted to such men as our Ministers. How astonished the worldwould be!--even the bitterest and most contemptuous of theirpolitical opponents--if they could be apprised of all that haspassed under my observation during the last two months. 

Newmarket, October 27th, 1840 {p. 343}

At Downham laid up with the gout, and now here. Heard of Thiers'resignation on Sunday, and nothing since; but Lady Palmerstonwrites me word Guizot went to take leave of them in high spirits, and that there was no doubt he would accept the Foreign Office. Thiers had promised not to oppose the new Government. [10]

 [10] [I breakfasted with M. Guizot at Hertford House on the 24th October, having arrived in London on the 21st from Paris, where I had spent the preceding fortnight, and had learned from Thiers, and other friends there, the French side of these curious transactions. A courier arrived in London on the morning of the 24th, bringing a letter from the King to M. Guizot, which he showed me. It was written in his own bold hand, and contained the words, 'Je compte sur vous, mon cher Ministre, pour m'aider dans ma lutte tenace contre l'anarchie!' Whilst I was in Paris, where the greatest irritation and alarm prevailed, my old friend and master, Count Rossi, retained his composure, and said to me, tapping a sheet of paper as he spoke, 'When it comes to the Draft of the Speech from the Throne to be delivered to the Chambers, this will break up. The King will not consent to adopt Thiers' warlike language. ' This is exactly what occurred some ten days later. Rossi had a deeper insight into political causes and events than any other man whom I have known. --H. R. ]

[Page Head: M. GUIZOT SUCCEEDS M. THIERS. ]

Guizot left London pretty well determined to take the Government;and after some little discussion everything was settled, and thenew Cabinet proclaimed. The Press instantly fell upon him withthe greatest bitterness, and the first impression was that he hadno chance of standing, but the last accounts held out a betterprospect. I have had no communication with him but a short notehe wrote me on his departure, expressing his regret not to haveseen me, and begging I would communicate with Bourqueney, and lethim call upon and converse with me. I wrote to him yesterday along letter, in which I told him how matters stood here, andexpressed my desire to know what we could do that would be of useto him. In the meantime there has been a fresh course ofwrangling, and a fresh set of remonstrances on the part of thepeace advocates here, and lively altercations, both by letter and_vivâ voce_, between Lord John and Melbourne, and Lord John andPalmerston. Clarendon, in a visit of six days at Windsor, workedaway at the impenetrable Viscount, and Lord Lansdowne batteredhim with a stringent letter, pressing for the adoption of someimmediate measure of a pacific tendency; and in a conversationwhich Clarendon had with the Chancellor of the Exchequer, hefound him well inclined to the same policy, so that there is animportant section of the Cabinet disposed to take an active partin this direction. But Palmerston at the same time wrote toMelbourne in a tone of the greatest contempt for all that wassaying and doing in France, and, of course, elated by the recentsuccesses in Syria, which, with his usual luck, have happened atthis critical moment, and certainly do appear to be decisive. [11]

 [11] [Lord Palmerston's object in all these critical discussions with his colleagues had simply been to gain time for the operations in Syria against the Pasha to take effect, for he had never ceased to maintain that they would be completely successful, and in this, whether by superior information, by clearer judgment, or by extreme good fortune, he proved to be in the right, which ensured his ultimate triumph. But if there had been the slightest failure, or check, or delay in any part of the operations, it must have proved fatal to the Government. ]

[Page Head: LORD JOHN THREATENS TO RESIGN. ]

But just before the news came of the surrender of the EmirBeschir, Lord John had taken up the question in a much moreserious and decisive tone than he ever did before; and incorrespondence with Melbourne, and _vivâ voce_ with Palmerston, had announced his determination to quit the Governmentaltogether. The occasion for this vigorous outbreak was thearrival of a box of Foreign Office papers, in which, besides somelong rigmaroles of Metternich's, there was a proposal(transmitted by Beauvale) for a congress for the settlement ofall disputes, together with the draft of a short answer whichPalmerston had written and sent, declining the offer. This LordJohn considered to pass all endurance, no matter whether thecongress was advisable or not; but that such an importantsuggestion should be received and rejected without anycommunication of it to the other members of the Government, especially to him who was their leader in the House of Commons, was so outrageous that he was resolved not to pass it over, andhe accordingly wrote his opinion upon it to Melbourne in thestrongest terms, recommending him to transfer the lead of theHouse of Commons to Palmerston, and to dispose of his office ashe pleased, as he would no longer go on; and he said that thoughthere must be a Cabinet in a few days to settle about Parliament, he should not attend any more of them. To this Melbourne wrote acurious answer, because it was indicative of no approbation of, or confidence in, his brother-in-law and colleague. He said hethought Lord John had taken this up too strongly (he thinkseverything is too strong), but that he had sent his letter toPalmerston, who would, no doubt, see him or write to him on thesubject. He then went on to say that he presumed Lord John hadwell considered his determination, which would be, _ipso facto_, the dissolution of the Government, as he would not consent tocarry it on with Palmerston as leader of the House of Commons;that the retirement of Lord John, and the substitution ofPalmerston in such a post, would be such an announcement to allEurope of the intentions of the British Government to perseverein the extreme line of his policy, that he could not for a momentcontemplate such a thing. Therefore, if Lord John persisted, theGovernment was at an end. Shortly after, Palmerston called onLord John. He admitted that he had done wrong--that he ought tohave consulted him, and have made him privy to his answer, butthat he had attached so little importance to the proposal, andhad considered it so totally out of the question, that he hadreplied offhand. 

[Page Head: LORD PALMERSTON DEFENDS LORD PONSONBY. ]

They then went into the question itself, when Palmerston tookthat advantageous ground which he has always held and asked himhow he reconciled his present opinions with his strenuous supportof the Treaty itself, and complained again of his acting as hehad done, while success was attending the coalition. They seem tohave parted much as they met, with mutual dissatisfaction, butwithout any quarrel. Lord John, however, resolved upon action, and ultimately determined to propose the recall of Ponsonby asthe _sine quâ non_ of his continuance in office. The violence ofthese disputes, and the peril in which the existence of theGovernment seemed to be placed, brought Melbourne up to town, andLord John came to meet him, and imparted to him his intentions. Just in the nick of time, however, arrived the news of the Emir'sflight, which seemed to be almost conclusive of the Syrianquestion. On this, Palmerston took courage, and, no longerinsisting upon supporting Ponsonby _à tort et à travers_, entreated that a damp might not be cast upon the enterprise justas the final success was at hand; and employed the argument _admisericordiam_ with regard to Ponsonby by saying, that he wouldbe entitled to a pension if he was left there till December, andit would be hard to recall him before that term was accomplished. Lord John (never sufficiently firm of purpose) at last agreed towait for the receipt of the official accounts of recent events inSyria which was expected in a few days, and to defer his demandfor Ponsonby's recall till then, and Palmerston seems to havesatisfied him that he is not at all desirous of quarrelling withFrance. Indeed, Palmerston himself threw out, that it might beexpedient to find a provision for the family of the Pasha, andrender the grant of some appointments to his sons instrumental tothe settlement of the question. There was a strange article, too, in the 'Morning Chronicle' the other day, which talked of theprobability of Ibrahim's being driven out of Northern Syria, andhis entrenching himself within the Pashalik of Acre, which wouldthen prevent the accomplishment of the Treaty of July. All thislooks as if Palmerston was beginning to think he was drivingmatters too far, and that it was necessary to lower his tone andmodify his policy, unless he was prepared to retire from office. At all events, Lord John was pacified for the moment by thisindication of more moderate intentions, and began to hope betterthings for the future. To-morrow the Cabinet is to meet again. 

While all these wranglings are going on here, and nothing isdone, but a great deal contemplated, Bourqueney presses for_something_ on our part and keeps repeating that every minute isprecious. On the other hand, the Emperor of Russia is highlysatisfied with the state of things as it is, and he intimated toBloomfield that he should be extremely indisposed to consent toany scheme for a fresh arrangement in which France shouldparticipate, while our vague notion is, that the coalition shouldfall to the ground as soon as its object is attained, and that weshould bring in France as a party to some final settlement of theEast, and dotation of the sons of Mehemet Ali. In the meantimethe Chambers met yesterday, and all depends upon theirproceedings. 

November 7th, 1840 {p. 347}

Lord Palmerston has written a long and able letter, setting forthall the reasons why no special mission should be sent toConstantinople, and why Ponsonby should not be recalled; askilful defence of Ponsonby showing how right he had been aboutSyria; what unprecedented influence he had obtained, having gotboth the Turkish fleet and army placed under the command ofEnglishmen, and how he had infused such spirit into the Turkishcouncils that they had made exertions of which nobody thoughtthey were capable, and manifested a vigour it was not imaginedthey possessed. This letter must have been a very good one, forit entirely brought over Lord John to his opinion, and evenconvinced Clarendon himself; and the former had already writtento Palmerston to say that he gave up his demand for Ponsonby'srecall. There is, however, still too much reason to believe, thatPalmerston is bent upon quarrelling with France, [12] and that heis now fighting to gain time in hopes of some commotion in Egyptitself, which might lead to the complete ruin of the Pasha. 

 [12] [This was the real charge against Lord Palmerston and his policy, and it is impossible to doubt that he was actuated in the whole of this affair, not so much by a desire to support the Sultan and to ruin the Pasha of Egypt, as by the passionate wish to humble France, and to revenge himself on King Louis Philippe and his Ministers for their previous conduct in the affairs of Spain. At this very moment, far from wishing to strengthen M. Guizot in his efforts to maintain peace, Lord Palmerston addressed to him a most offensive despatch, and published it, with a view to weaken and injure the French Ministry. --H. R. ]

[Page Head: M. GUIZOT'S LETTER. ]

This evening Bourqueney called on me, and brought me a letterwhich he had received the day before from Guizot, which I shallcopy here. 

 M. Guizot's Letter to Baron Bourqueney. 

 Mon Cher Baron, --Le discours de la Couronne est définitivement arrêté. Je crois que vous le trouverez conforme à la vérité des choses et aux convenances de la situation. Vous recevrez une circulaire que j'adresse à tous mes agents. J'y ai essayé de marquer avec précision l'attitude que le Cabinet veut prendre et qu'il gardera. Mais ce ne sont là que des paroles: il faut des résultats. On les attend du Cabinet. Il s'est formé pour maintenir la paix, et pour trouver aux embarras de la question d'Orient quelque issue; pour vivre il faut qu'il satisfasse aux causes qui l'ont fait naître. La difficulté est extrême. L'exaltation du pays n'a pas diminué, la formation du Cabinet donne aux amis de la paix plus de confiance, mais elle redouble l'ardeur des hommes qui poussent, ou qui se laissent pousser, à la guerre; les malveillants et les rivaux exploiteront, fomenteront les préjugés nationaux, les passions nationales. La lutte sera très-vive et le péril toujours imminent. Je dirai la vérité. Je m'applique à éclaircir les esprits et à contenir les passions: je ne puis que cela. Ce n'est pas assez; pour que le succès vienne à la raison, il faut qu'on m'aide. Deux sentiments sont ici en présence, le désir de la paix et l'honneur national. Je l'ai souvent dit à Londres, je le répète de Paris. Le sentiment de la France--je dis de la France, et non pas des brouillons et des factions--est qu'elle a été traitée légèrement, qu'on a sacrifié légèrement, sans motif suffisant, pour un intérêt secondaire son alliance, son amitié, son concours. Là est le grand mal qu'a fait la Convention du 15 Juillet, là est le grand obstacle à la politique et à la paix. Pour guérir ce mal, pour lever cet obstacle, il faut prouver à la France qu'elle se trompe, il faut lui prouver qu'on attache à son alliance, à son amitié, à son concours, beaucoup de prix, assez de prix pour lui faire quelque sacrifice. Ce n'est pas l'etendue, c'est le fait même du sacrifice qui importe, qu'indépendamment de la Convention du 15 Juillet quelque chose soit donné, évidemment donné, au désir de rentrer en bonne intelligence avec la France, et de la voir rentier dans l'affaire, la paix pourra être maintenue et l'harmonie générale rétablie en Europe. Si on vous dit cela se peut, je suis prêt à faire les démarches nécessaires pour atteindre à ce but, et à en accepter la responsabilité, mais je ne veux pas me mettre en mouvement sans savoir si le but est possible à atteindre. Si on vous dit que cela ne se peut pas, qu'on entend s'en tenir rigoureusement aux premières stipulations du traité, et ne rien accorder, ne rien faire qui soit pour la France une preuve qu'on désire se rapprocher d'elle, pour le Cabinet une force dans la lutte qu'il a à soutenir, la situation restera violente et précaire, le Cabinet se tiendra immobile, dans l'isolement et l'attente. Je ne réponds pas de l'avenir. Dites cela à Lord Palmerston, c'est de lui que l'issue dépend. Il vous parlera de l'état de la Syrie, de l'insurrection du Liban, des progrès que font les Alliés. Répondez simplement que c'est là pour la France une raison de se montrer plus facile à satisfaire, mais que ce n'est pas pour l'Angleterre une raison de ne rien faire en considération de la France. Je n'ai encore rien dit, rien écrit nulle part. J'attends ce qu'on vous dira à Londres. .. . 

Nothing can be better, more serious, or better calculated toproduce an effect, if anything can, upon our impenetrableCabinet. Bourqueney showed it in the first instance to Melbourne, who told him to show it to Palmerston; but he said he hadscruples in doing that lest Palmerston should make him an answercalculated to exclude all hope of accommodation; but Melbournehinted that he would take care of this, and accordingly he tookit to Palmerston this morning. He read it, said it was verymoderate, and praised the tone and language. But when Bourqueneybegan to ask what he had to say to the _fond_, he only talked ofthe practical difficulties, and ended without saying anything theleast promising or satisfactory, though nothing decidedly thereverse. Bourqueney had previously been with Billow, who is justcome back, and who desires no better on the part of hisGovernment than to join in any conciliatory measure we may adopt;and Esterhazy, who is expected every hour, will, he doubts not, be equally well disposed. But although such is the dispositionboth of Austria and Prussia, though the Queen is earnestlydesirous of seeing tranquillity and security restored, and almostall, if not quite all, the Cabinet, are in favour of anaccommodation with France, and France herself is prepared toaccept the slightest advance offered in a conciliatory spirit, the personal determination of Palmerston will probablypredominate over all these opinions and inclinations. He will putdown or adjourn every proposal that is made, and if any should beadopted in spite of him, he will take care to mar it in theexecution, to remove no difficulties, and create them where theydon't already exist. The most extraordinary part of the wholeaffair is, that a set of men should consent to go on with anotherin whom they have not only no confidence, but whom they believeto be politically dishonest and treacherous, and that they shouldkeep gravely discussing the adoption of measures with a fullconviction that he will not fairly carry them out. It is likeJonathan Wild and his companions playing together in Newgate. Iunderstand the last decision of the Cabinet is that Guizot is tobe invited to say what would suit his case. There would be adifficulty in specifying what concessions we should make, eitherfor Mehemet Ali or his sons, because events are proceedingrapidly in Syria, and we _might be_ offering what we have alreadyrestored to the Sultan, and what the Porte has assisted torecover for itself. It is settled that all this shall be fairlystated to Guizot, with an assurance that we are desirous ofassisting him, together with our willingness to concert with himthe means. This may do, if honestly and truly carried out. 

Friday, November 13th, 1840 {p. 349}

[Page Head: TERMS OF CONCILIATION. ]

The day before yesterday Bourqueney called on me, and brought mea letter from Guizot in reply to the one I had written him. Hethen proceeded to tell me all that had occurred since I hadbefore seen him, and to this effect: On Saturday the Cabinet hadresolved upon an invitation to Guizot to announce his wishes andideas, and proposed a frank explanation _de part et d'autre_ onthe whole question. On Sunday, Palmerston communicated this toBourqueney, and very faithfully. On Sunday or Monday arrived adespatch from Metternich, first of all confirming Neumann as soleMinister to the Conference, and secondly announcing that anyconcession in Syria was _now_ quite out of the question. This hetold Bourqueney, and conveyed to Palmerston, to whom it was agreat accession of force, and by this the disposition of Austria, and with it that of Bülow, became entirely changed, and veryunfavourable to any transaction. On Monday morning Bourqueneyreceived a letter from Guizot saying that he had had a conferencewith Lord Granville, to whom he had suggested variousalternatives for a settlement on the basis of a concession, whichGranville was by the same post to transmit to Palmerston, and heat the same time told Bourqueney what they were: Egypthereditary, St. Jean d'Acre for life, and either Tripoli orCandia for one of his sons; or the hereditary Pashalik of Acreinstead. On Monday night Bourqueney met Palmerston at dinner atthe Mansion House, when he said to him, 'You have heard from LordGranville, and he has transmitted to you M. Guizot's proposals(or suggestions). ' 'No, ' said Palmerston, 'I have heard from LordGranville, but he sent me nothing specific on the part of Guizot. But come to Lady Palmerston's to-night from hence, and we willtalk it over. ' He went there, and Palmerston read to him a longdespatch from Granville, but which, to his surprise, did notcontain any of the specific propositions which Guizot hadnotified to him, and, conceiving that Granville must have certaingood reasons for this reticence, he resolved to say nothing ofthem either, and confined himself to mere general inquiries as towhat could be done, to which he obtained no satisfactory reply, not a hope being held out of any concession. In this condition ofaffairs he came to me to tell me what passed and consult me as tothe future. I told him that though there was the same desire fora reconciliation with France, and the same anxiety to assist M. Guizot on the part of my friends, when they came to consider whatwas possible and would be safe and justifiable, they were unableto find any expedient to meet the immense practical difficultiesof the case; that events had proceeded with such celerity, andplaced the question in so different a position, that concessionsformerly contemplated as reasonable and possible were now out ofthe question. They all felt that they could offer nothing inSyria; that it was possible the Sultan might be actually inpossession of any town or territory at the moment they wereoffering it, and that now justice to the people, honour andfidelity to our allies, especially to the Sultan himself, forbadeus to make any concession whatever in that quarter. Bourqueneydid not deny the force of this, but he said Guizot was sanguineas to the acceptance of some such terms as he had suggested, andit was of the last importance he should be undeceived, and madeacquainted with the real truth, and know what he had to rely on. He said he would write, but he entreated me to write to him too, and to tell him the substance of what I had imparted to him. Accordingly I did write to Guizot at great length, setting forthin terms as strong as I could, and without any disguise, thedifficulties of the case, and the utter unreasonableness of theFrench public in requiring, as a salve to their vanity, termswhich we could neither in good policy or good faith concede. Weboth agreed that under existing circumstances it was notdesirable that Guizot should make any proposal to our Government, and so we both of us told him. Such was the result of aconversation which when reported to Guizot will be a bitterdisappointment to him; but I concur with the rest, that we couldnot now make any of the concessions he was disposed to ask. Bourqueney suggested that if the chances of war should behereafter favourable to the Pasha, if the Allies should make noimpression upon Acre or the south-west part of Syria, thenpossibly some transaction on such a basis might be possible. This, however, it was useless to discuss. Yesterday I saw Dedel, who has lately been at Walmer, and he told me the Duke ofWellington's opinion exactly coincided with ours, coincided bothas to the impossibility of our making any concession in Syria, and to its perfect inutility if we did. We might degradeourselves, weaken our own cause, but we should neither strengthenGuizot nor satisfy the cravings of French vanity and insolence, still less silence that revolutionary spirit which, not strongenough in itself, seeks to become formidable by stimulating thepassions and allying itself with all the vanity, pride, andrestlessness, besides desire for plunder, which are largelyscattered throughout the country. 

It is curious that Austria, hitherto so timid, should all of asudden become so bold, for besides this notification to Neumann, Metternich has said that, though we have instructed Ponsonby tomove the Sultan to restore Mehemet Ali to Egypt, he has not giventhe same instructions to Stürmer, and that he wants to see theprogress of events and the conduct of the Pasha before he doesso. 

[Page Head: LORD PALMERSTON'S IRRITATING LANGUAGE. ]

Events have so befriended Palmerston that he is now in the right, and has got his colleagues with him; but where he is and alwayshas been wrong is in his neglect of forms; the more _fortiter_ heis _in re_, the more _suaviter_ he ought to be _in modo_. Butwhile defending his policy or attacking that of France, he hasnever said what he might have done to conciliate, to soften, andto destroy those impressions of intended affronts and secretdesigns which have produced such violent effects on the Frenchpublic. On the contrary, he has constantly, in his State papers, and still more in his newspapers, said what is calculated toirritate and provoke them to the greatest degree; but Dedel saysthis has always been his fault, in all times and in all hisdiplomatic dealings, and this is the reason he is so detested byall the Corps Diplomatique, and has made such enemies all overEurope. Guizot will now be cast on his own resources, and musttry whether the language of truth and reason will be listened toin France; whether he can, by plain statements of facts, andreasonable deductions therefrom, dissipate those senselessprejudices and extravagant delusions which have excited such atempest in the public mind. It is clear enough to me that if hecannot, if vanity and resentment are too strong for sober reasonand sound policy, no concessions we could make would save himfrom downfall, or save Europe from the consequences of this moraldeluge. 

November 15th, 1840 {p. 353}

Two days ago, Lord John Russell called on me. We had some talk, but nothing very conclusive. He said the operations in Syriacould not go on much longer, and we are threatened with thegreatest of all evils, the hanging over of the question foranother year. This he thought the worst thing of all. It iscurious that he told me Stopford wrote word he must send hisships into port, and all the authorities, military and naval, saynothing can be done after the 20th. Palmerston keeps tellingBourqueney they can go on all the winter, and that the operationswill not be suspended at all. I asked Lord John, if the campaigndid close, leaving the Pasha in possession of all the south-westof Syria from Damascus to the Desert, and Acre unattacked, whether on such a status an agreement could not be concluded, terminating the contest by the concession of the original termsof the treaty. He said Melbourne would like that very well, butthat there would be difficulties, and France would not come intothe treaty on those terms. I told him I was pretty sure Francewould, though I did not tell him what had passed betweenBourqueney and me. However, I sent for Bourqueney, and told himto propose nothing new, but to wait till the campaign was over, and in the meantime to prepare the way for some specificproposition which France might make in a spirit of amicableintervention to put an end to the contest. 

December 4th, 1840 {p. 354}

[Page Head: DEBATE IN THE FRENCH CHAMBER. ]

In the course of the last three weeks, and since I last wrote, amighty change has taken place; we have had the capture of St. Jean d'Acre and the debate in the French Chambers. [13] Palmerstonis triumphant; everything has turned out well for him. He isjustified by the success of his operations and by the revelationsin the speeches of Thiers and Rémusat. So, at least, the worldwill consider it, which does not examine deeply and comparecuriously in order to form its judgements; and it must beacknowledged that he has a fair right to plume himself on hissuccess. His colleagues have nothing more to say; and as Guizotmakes a sort of common cause with him in the Chamber, and Thiersmakes out a case for himself by declaring objects and designswhich justify Palmerston's policy and acts, and as the Pasha isnow reduced to the necessity of submission, the contest is at anend. Guizot continued up to the eve of the discussion to press usto do or say something to assist him; but when he found we couldor would do nothing, he took the only line that was left him, andthe best after all, and threw himself on the sense and reason ofthe country. He told the truth, and justified himself byvindicating us. He has done very well, and shown himself a gooddebater; but the discussion has been disgracefully personal, andwith all the talent displayed they have not an idea how adeliberating assembly ought to conduct its debates, and thedisclosures and revelations of official secrecy and confidencehave been monstrous. Thiers has all along been playing a false, shuffling, tricky part, and at last he got so entangled in themeshes of his own policy, and so confused by the consequences ofhis double dealing, that he evidently did not know what to do;and the King had no difficulty in getting him out of a Governmentthat he could no longer conduct. He says now that he meant tomake war by and by; but though these menaces and the reasons hegives afford Palmerston his best justification, and are appealedto triumphantly by him and his friends, my own conviction is thatThiers would gladly have closed the account by a transaction, andthat _at last_ he would have come into the Treaty--if Palmerstonwould have let him in--upon terms much worse for the Pasha thanthose to which he would not have consented before July. Nothingthat has occurred shakes my conviction that Palmerston was verywrong not to endeavour to bring France into the Treaty and tooffer the _status quo_, though it is very possible France wouldhave refused it. If the French Government were on the one handresolved to agree to nothing, and under no circumstances to joinin coercing the Pasha, Palmerston on the other was as obstinatelydetermined to settle the business his own way, and not to makeany proposal to France which she would or could accept. They bothstood aloof, and both were immensely to blame. Palmerston hastaken his success without any appearance of triumph or a desireto boast over those who doubted or opposed him; whatever may besaid or thought of his policy, it is impossible not to do justiceto the vigour of his execution. Mr. Pitt (Chatham) could not havemanifested more decision and resource. He would not hear ofdelays and difficulties, sent out peremptory orders to attackAcre, and he provided in his instructions with great care andforesight for every contingency. There can be no doubt that itwas the capture of Acre which decided the campaign; and thesuccess is much more attributable to Palmerston than to our navaland military commanders, and probably solely to him. 

 [13] [The bombardment and capture of St. Jean d'Acre by the allied fleet took place on the 3rd November, whilst these diplomatic troubles were going on in London and Paris. The French Chambers opened on the 6th November. ]

Yesterday I saw the Baron Mounier, who is come over here, on asort of mission, to talk about possible arrangements, fromGuizot. He still pertinaciously urges our doing or sayingsomething demonstrative of a disposition to be reconciled withFrance, and that, in the ultimate settlement of the EasternQuestion, we wish to show her some deference. He wants (Syriabeing gone) that we should make out that it is from considerationfor France that Egypt is left to the Pasha. I told him the onlydifficulty appeared to be that, as we had already announced wehad no intention to strip him of Egypt, and had signified longago that we had advised the Sultan to restore him to thatGovernment, I did not see how we could now make any suchdeclaration available, and that it would go for nothing. But hesaid he thought by a not difficult employment of diplomaticphraseology much might be done; and he suggested that there mustbe some definite settlement of the whole question, includingstipulations and guarantees for the Syrian population (of themountains, I presume), and to this France might be invited toaccede. In short, nothing will satisfy her but having a finger inthe pie upon any terms. What Guizot now wants is to renew theEnglish alliance. So he said when he went away; but it may wellbe doubted whether the French are not too sulky with us and toodeeply mortified not to make this an unpopular attempt just now. Mounier is the son of Mounier the Constitutionalist, entirely inGuizot's confidence, a talkative man not seemingly brilliant, buthe is well versed in affairs, an active member of the Chamber ofPeers, and considered indispensable there as a _rédacteur_ andtransactor of Parliamentary business. 

December 13th, 1840 {p. 357}

For the last week at Norman Court, during which little or nothinghas happened; but I heard one or two things before I left town. Guizot had made a direct application to Palmerston for hispermission to attribute the leaving of Egypt to Mehemet Ali, tothe influence of France, and to a desire to gratify her. ThisPalmerston (through Lord Granville) refused; but Guizot had notwaited for the answer, and in his speech he said so, and it wasnot without its use. But while everything was on the point ofbeing settled, Metternich (who is always in hot or cold fits ofcourage or cowardice) sends over a proposal that Egypt shall onlybe granted to Mehemet Ali for his own and his son's lives, andnot hereditary. For what possible reason this absurd propositionwas made, unless to create embarrassment and rekindleanimosities, nobody can conceive; though probably the realsolution is that Metternich is in his dotage, has no policy inhis brain, and acts from foolish impulses. I have heard no moreof it; and though Palmerston would not be at all averse to theproposal as a matter of inclination, I do not suspect him of thefolly of listening to it, and, if he did, his colleagues wouldnot. 

December 29th, 1840 {p. 357}

[Page Head: LORD MELBOURNE IN HIGH SPIRITS. ]

Went on Thursday last to the Grange, and returned yesterday. Justbefore I went, the Duke of Bedford called on me; he was just comefrom Woburn, where he had had a great party--Melbourne, like aboy escaped from school, in roaring spirits. They anticipate aneasy session, and all Melbourne's alarm and despondency arequickly succeeded by joy at having got out of a scrape, andconfidence that all difficulties are surmounted and allopposition will be silenced. But it now comes out that of all whowere opposed to Palmerston's policy, not one--not even LordHolland--was _in his heart_ so averse to, and so afraid of it, asMelbourne himself; and, nevertheless, he would say nothing and donothing to impede or alter it. Palmerston is now doing his bestto flatter Lord John out of any remains of sourness or sorenessthat their recent disputes may have left in his mind; and(passing over all that subsequently occurred) he writes to him toinvite him to Broadlands, and says that while their recentsuccesses have far exceeded the most sanguine expectations, henever shall forget how much of them is owing to the powerfulsupport which he (Lord John) gave to him (Palmerston) in the_Treaty_. There is, it must be owned, astuteness in this; forLord John's original support of the Treaty, and Palmerston'ssuccess in the operations, bind them indissolubly together, andit is very wise to put this prominently forward and cancel therecollection of all the rest. 

[Page Head: TORY OPINION OF LORD PALMERSTON'S POLICY. ]

But while public opinion appears to be universally pronounced inPalmerston's favour, and the concurrent applause of all the Torypapers indicates the satisfaction of that party, somecircumstances lead me to believe that their approbation of theTreaty of July, and of all Palmerston's proceedings under it, isby no means so certain as the Government believe. At the Grange Ifound Lord Ashburton loud in his condemnation of the whole thing, talking exactly as we have all been talking and writing for manyweeks past; and what surprised me much more was, that, in aconversation which I had with Granville Somerset yesterday, heexpressed precisely the same opinions; and when I expressed mysurprise at his language, and said that I had fancied all theTories were enraptured with Palmerston, he replied that he had noreason to believe any such thing; that he had not met (among themany with whom he had conversed) with any such general andunqualified approbation; and he believed both the Duke and Peelhad carefully abstained from pronouncing any opinion whatever onthe subject, leaving themselves entire liberty to deal with thewhole question as they might think fit. The notion is, that theTories are charmed with a transaction which separates us fromFrance, but Lord Ashburton and Granville Somerset--a bigotedTory, if ever there was one--inveighed against the Treatyprecisely because it had produced that consequence. It is theapprobation expressed by Aberdeen, both before and since oursuccesses, which has led to the general belief that the Toriesare with the Government on this matter, for Aberdeen is regardedas their mouthpiece upon all questions of foreign policy. I hadanother conversation with Mounier just before he went. He hadbeen to Strathfieldsaye, and was delighted with his reception bythe Duke, and with the tone and tenor of his talk, anxious for areconciliation with France, and entering into the whole historyof our mutual relations from the Restoration to the present day, as he said, with the greatest clearness, precision, and solidity. He admitted that Guizot's was a very difficult situation, and therestoration of amicable feelings between the two countries verydifficult also, but a thing earnestly to be desired. 

December 31st, 1840 {p. 359}

The end of the year is a point from which, as from a sort ofeminence, one looks back over the past, happy if the prospect isnot gloomy, and if the retrospect carries with it no feelings ofregret and self-reproach. The past year has been full (as whatyear is not?) of events, of which that which has made the deepestimpression on society is the death of Lord Holland. I doubt, fromall I see, whether anybody (except his own family, includingAllen) had really a very warm affection for Lord Holland, and thereason probably is that he had none for anybody. He was a manwith an inexhaustible good humour, and an ever-flowing nature, but not of strong feelings; and there are men whose society isalways enjoyed but who never inspire deep and strong attachment. I remember to have heard good observers say that Lady Holland hadmore feeling than Lord Holland--would regret with livelier griefthe loss of a friend than this equable philosopher was capable offeeling. The truth is social qualities--merely social andintellectual--are not those which inspire affection. A man may besteeped in faults and vices, nay, in odious qualities, and yet bethe object of passionate attachment, if he is only what theItalians term '_simpatico_. '

 CHAPTER X. 

Successes in India, China, and Syria--The Hereditary Pashalik of Egypt--Lord Palmerston's Hostility to France--Lord Palmerston and the Tories--His extraordinary Position--A Communication from M. Guizot--Death of the Duchess of Cannizzaro--Her History--Dinner with Lady Holland--Macaulay's Conversation-- Opening of the Session--A Sheriffs' Dinner--Hullah's Music Lecture--Tory Successes--Duke of Wellington ill--Irish Registration Bill--Opposed by the Conservatives--Conservative Government of Ireland--Petulance of Lord Palmerston--Double Dealing of Lord Palmerston--Ill Temper of the French--M. Dedel's account of the State of Affairs--M. Dedel's account corrected--Termination of the Disputes with France--Bad News from China--Hostility of the United States--The Sultan's Hatti- sherif--The Hatti-sherif disapproved by some Ministers--Peel's Liberality--The Hatti-sherif disavowed--The Bishop of Exeter left in the lurch--Poor Law Amendment Bill--Lord Granville's Illness--Death of Mrs. Algernon Greville--Loss of 'The President'--Government defeated--China Troubles--Danger of the Government. 

January 7th, 1841 {p. 360}

Yesterday arrived (through the French telegraph) the news of thedeath of the King of Lahore, the surrender of Dost Mahomed, andthe settlement of the Chinese quarrel, all coming just in time toswell out the catalogue of successes to be announced in theQueen's Speech. In France the aspect of affairs is improving, theKing has given answers on New Year's Day which he would not haveventured to make a short time ago, and His Majesty assures LordGranville that the war fever is rapidly diminishing. The Frenchhardly trouble themselves now (except in an occasional undergrowlin some Liberal paper) about Syria, and the Governmentconsidering Mehemet Ali's destiny decided, only desire to be re-admitted into the great European Council, for the purpose ofparticipating in the measures to be adopted for determining thecondition of the Christian population of Syria, and for securingConstantinople from any exclusive protection or influence. 

[Page Head: LORD PONSONBY'S VIOLENCE. ]

At this moment, however, everything is unsettled with regard toEgypt, and Lord Ponsonby has been acting in his usual furiousstyle with such effect that it is not at all certain the questionwill be settled without a good deal of trouble. Upon the receipt, at Constantinople, of Napier's unauthorised Convention with thePasha, Ponsonby instantly assembled the ambassadors, moved thatit should be rejected and disavowed, and signified the same tothe Ministers of the Porte, who, of course, desired no betterthan to acquiesce. At Ponsonby's instigation, Redschid Pashawrote to say that the Sultan utterly disavowed this Convention;that he might be disposed, out of deference to his allies, and attheir request, to grant some temporary favour and indulgence tothe family of the Pasha, but as to the hereditary possession ofEgypt, _he had never heard of_, or contemplated, any such thing, nor would ever listen to it; and he reminded the Allied Powersthat such a grant would be in direct contravention of theprinciple of the Treaty itself, which had for its object themaintenance of the integrity of the Ottoman Empire. It remains tobe seen what will be done at Constantinople when the intelligenceof Stopford's Convention (so to call it) arrives there, which, infact, differs in no respect from that of Napier; but it is veryextraordinary that Ponsonby should write word that the Sultan hadnever _heard_ any question of the hereditary grant of Egypt, when, in the middle of October, a despatch was written to him(which was at the same time communicated to the FrenchGovernment) ordering him to propose to the Sultan thisrestitution. Unless, therefore, this despatch was not sent, or hetook upon himself to disobey his instruction, it must be falsethat the Turkish Government never heard of such a question. LordJohn Russell, who went to Broadlands the other day, wrote toMelbourne that he found Bülow, Neumann, and Esterhazy there, andthere seemed to be a great deal of discussion going on betweenthem all, and much doubt as to the question of _hérédité_, butthat he was of opinion that this question admitted of no doubt, and that we were bound to insist upon it after the assurances wehad given to France. Of Palmerston's opinions he did not say aword. However, whether Palmerston wishes to push matters tofurther extremities against the Viceroy or not, he will hardlyattempt it, for, easy as he has hitherto found it, with theopportune aid of events, to baffle all opposition in the Cabinet, he would certainly meet with a resistance to any such design thathe would not be able to overcome. His successes have not made himmore moderate and conciliatory towards France, and I have nodoubt that if he had the drawing up of the Queen's Speech, hewould take an insulting and triumphant tone in it, which wouldfan the expiring flame of passion and hostility, and widen thebreach between the two countries. 

[Page Head: LORD PALMERSTON AND THE TORIES. ]

The other day Lord Clarendon wrote to him, sending a sort ofmessage from the French Court (through Madame de Montjoie)expressive of a hope that a conciliatory disposition wouldprevail; to which he responded in a strain of insolent invectiveagainst France and her designs, saying that her object was toextort concessions from us which we should never make, and thatnow we were strong in our alliance with the other Powers we mightdefy her to injure us. This letter Clarendon showed to Melbourne, who had asked him if he knew what Palmerston's feelings were (hehimself knowing nothing), and he was, of course, struck with thebitterness and asperity of his tone. Melbourne told Clarendonthat Palmerston was still very sore at the articles which hadappeared in the 'Times, ' and at the communications that had takenplace between parties here and their French correspondents, andhe particularly mentioned Reeve's with Tocqueville--LordLansdowne having probably shown Palmerston the letter whichTocqueville wrote to Reeve[1] just before the great debate in theChamber. Clarendon said he could not imagine what Palmerston hadto complain of in the 'Times, ' as, though there had been somearticles attacking him, the far greater number had been in hisfavour. Melbourne said there had been a great deal the other way, and that Palmerston and his Tory friends with whom he hadcommunicated had been constantly surprised to find that there wasan influence stronger than their own in that quarter. 

 [1] [This was a very remarkable letter M. De Tocqueville wrote to me in November, showing the danger of driving France to extremities, which might involve the overthrow of the Government in that country. Tocqueville was always penetrated with the conviction that the throne of Louis Philippe rested on no solid foundation; and undoubtedly the Treaty of July 1840 was a severe blow to its stability, and led to further disputes, and more fatal consequences. The letter in question was shown by me to Lord Lansdowne, and I was told it was read to the Cabinet. At any rate, it was read by Lord Melbourne, who attached great importance to it. --H. R. ]

January 9th, 1841 {p. 363}

The other day at Windsor, when Clarendon was sitting talking withMelbourne, the latter in his lounging way, as if thinking aloud, said, 'In all my experience, I never remember such a state ofthings as the present; I never remember, in the course of mypolitical life, anything at all like it; it can't last--it'simpossible this Government can go on; Palmerston in communicationwith the Tories--Palmerston and Ashley--' and then he stopped. Clarendon said, 'What! you think Palmerston and the Tories willcome together?' To which Melbourne nodded assent. 'And which, 'Clarendon persevered, 'will come to the other: will Palmerston goto Ashley, or will Ashley come to Palmerston?' To which Melbournechuckled and grunted, laughed and rubbed his hands, and onlysaid, 'Oh, I don't know. ' These are the sentiments of the PrimeMinister about his own Government--a strange state of things:while Palmerston is in confidential communication with theTories, or some of them, for the purpose of obtaining theirsupport to his policy, half of his own colleagues, thoughcommitted, being adverse to it, and regarded by him as his worstadversaries. He and John Russell, the two Secretaries of State--the latter leader of the House of Commons--pass some daystogether in the house of the former, without exchanging one wordupon the subject of foreign policy, and Lord John is reduced tothe necessity of gathering in conversation from Neumann andEsterhazy what Palmerston's views and opinions are. These twodiplomats expressed the greatest indignation at Ponsonby'sproceedings, and Palmerston himself has renewed to Bourqueney theassurances of his resolution to adhere to the engagements he hadalready made to France with regard to Egypt. Melbourne, however, acknowledged that he was entirely in the dark as to Palmerston'sreal views and opinions, as he believed was every one of hiscolleagues. He has no intimacy, no interchange of thought andcomplete openness with anybody, and all they know is (and thatonly as soon as he thinks fit to impart it) his notions withregard to each particular question as its exigencies becomepressing. His position, however, is now a very remarkable one. Belonging to a Government almost every member of which dislikesor distrusts him, he has acquired, by recent events, a greatreputation, and is looked upon generally as a bold, able, andsuccessful statesman. In the event of a dislocation of parties, he is free to adopt any course, and to join with any party. [2]Almost all the domestic questions which have hitherto excitedinterest have been settled, compromised, or thrown aside, and asudden interest has been awakened, and attention generally drawnto our foreign policy and international relations. All that hasrecently occurred--our treaties and our warlike operations--arenot looked upon as the work of the Government, but as that ofPalmerston alone--Palmerston, in some degree, ascontradistinguished from the Government. All this confers uponhim a vast importance, and enables him, neither unreasonably norimprobably, to aspire to head and direct any Government that mayhereafter be formed by a dissolution and fresh combination ofparties. 

 [2] [I believe at this time, Lord Palmerston, irritated by the opposition and distrust of his own colleagues, and encouraged by the applause of the Tories, who were delighted at the rupture of the alliance with France, and eager to bully that country, did contemplate a junction with the Tory party. But to this there was an insurmountable obstacle, the deep distrust and dislike of Sir Robert Peel, who thought Palmerston a dangerous and mischievous Foreign Minister, and the hostility of Lord Aberdeen. In fact, when these statesmen came into office a few months later, they applied themselves mainly to obliterate the traces of Palmerston's quarrels. Nothing would have induced Sir Robert Peel to take Palmerston into his Cabinet. It was otherwise, some years later, when Lord Stanley had succeeded to the leadership of the Conservative Party, and at that time the negotiations between him and Lord Palmerston were renewed, though without any result. --H. R. ]

January 13th, 1841 {p. 365}

Notwithstanding the comparative tranquillity which now prevailsin France, the madness of that people having taken another turn, and venting itself upon a reckless expenditure, and theextravagant project of fortifying Paris, Guizot is evidentlyaware of, and alarmed at, certain intrigues now at work, for thepurpose of his ejection. Of these Molé is the object or theagent, or both. Guizot sent over the other day to Reeve a paper, cleverly done, in which Molé's position was discussed, and themorality as well as possibility of his coming into office withthe aid of a coalition. 

[Page Head: THE DUCHESS OF CANNIZZARO. ]

The other day died the Duchess of Cannizzaro, a woman of ratheramusing notoriety, whom the world laughed with and laughed at, while she was alive, and will regret a little because shecontributed in some degree to their entertainment. She was a MissJohnstone, and got from her brother a large fortune; she was veryshort and fat, with rather a handsome face, totally uneducated, but full of humour, vivacity, and natural drollery, at the sametime passionate and capricious. Her all-absorbing interest andtaste was music, to which all her faculties and time weredevoted. She was eternally surrounded with musical artists, wastheir great patroness, and at her house the world was regaledwith the best music that art could supply. Soon after herbrother's death, she married the Count St. Antonio (who wasafterwards made Duke of Cannizzaro), a good-looking, intelligent, but penniless Sicilian of high birth, who was pretty successfulin all ways in society here. He became disgusted with her, however, and went off to Italy, on a separate allowance which shemade him. After a few years he returned to England, and theylived together again; he not only became more disgusted thanbefore, but he had in the meantime formed a _liaison_ at Milanwith a very distinguished woman there, once a magnificent beauty, but now as old and as large as his own wife, and to her he wasvery anxious to return. This was Madame Visconti (mother of thenotorious Princess Belgioso), who, though no longer young, hadfine remains of good looks, and was eminently pleasing andattractive. Accordingly, St. Antonio took occasion to elope (byhimself) from some party of pleasure at which he was present withhis spouse, and when she found that he had gone off withoutnotice or warning, she first fell into violent fits of grief, which were rather ludicrous than affecting, and then set off inpursuit of her faithless lord. She got to Dover, where the sightof the rolling billows terrified her so much, that, after threedays of doubt whether she should cross the water or not, sheresolved to return, and weep away her vexation in London. Notlong afterwards, however, she plucked up courage, and takingadvantage of a smooth sea she ventured over the Straits, and setoff for Milan, if not to recover her fugitive better half, at allevents to terrify her rival and disturb their joys. The advent ofthe Cannizzaro woman was to the Visconti like the irruption ofthe Huns of old. She fled to a villa near Milan, which sheproceeded to garrison and fortify, but finding that the other wasnot provided with any implements for a siege, and did not stirfrom Milan, she ventured to return to the city, and for some timethese ancient heroines drove about the town glaring defiance andhate at each other, which was the whole amount of the hostilitiesthat took place between them. Finding her husband wasirrecoverable, she at length got tired of the hopeless pursuit, and resolved to return home, and console herself with her musicand whatever other gratifications she could command. Not longafter, she fell in love with a fiddler at a second-rate theatrein Milan, and carried him off to England, which he found, if notthe most agreeable, the most profitable business he could engagein. The affair was singular and curious, as showing what societymay be induced to put up with. There was not the slightestattempt to conceal this connexion; on the contrary it was mostostentatiously exhibited to the world, but the world agreed totreat it as a joke, and do nothing but laugh at it. The onlydifference 'the Duchesse' ever found was, that her Sunday partieswere less well attended; but this was because the world (whichoften grows religious, but never grows moral) had begun to takeit into its head that it would keep holy the Sabbath _night_. Theworst part of the story was, that this profligate blackguardbullied and plundered her without mercy or shame, and she hadmanaged very nearly to ruin herself before her death. What shehad left, she bequeathed to her husband, notwithstanding hisinfidelities and his absence. 

January 21st, 1841 {p. 367}

[Page Head: MACAULAY'S CONVERSATION. ][Page Head: MACAULAY'S MEMORY. ]

I dined with Lady Holland yesterday. Everything there is exactlythe same as it used to be, excepting only the person of LordHolland, who seems to be pretty well forgotten. [3] The same talkwent merrily round, the laugh rang loudly and frequently, and, but for the black and the mob-cap of the lady, one might havefancied he had never lived or had died half a century ago. Suchare, however, affections and friendships, and such is the world. Macaulay dined there, and I never was more struck than upon thisoccasion by the inexhaustible variety and extent of hisinformation. He is not so _agreeable_ as such powers andresources ought to make any man, because the vessel out of whichit is all poured forth is so ungraceful and uncouth; his voiceunmusical and monotonous, his face not merely inexpressive butpositively heavy and dull, no fire in his eye, no intelligenceplaying round his mouth, nothing which bespeaks the genius andlearning stored within and which burst out with suchextraordinary force. It is impossible to mention any book in anylanguage with which he is not familiar; to touch upon anysubject, whether relating to persons or things, on which he doesnot know everything that is to be known. And if he could treadless heavily on the ground, if he could touch the subjects hehandles with a lighter hand, if he knew when to stop as well ashe knows what to say, his talk would be as attractive as it iswonderful. What Henry Taylor said of him is epigrammatic andtrue, 'that his memory has swamped his mind;' and though I do notthink, as some people say, that his own opinions are completelysuppressed by the load of his learning so that you know nothingof his mind, it appears to me true that there is less oforiginality in him, less exhibition of his own character, thanthere probably would be if he was less abundantly stored with theriches of the minds of others. We had yesterday a party wellcomposed for talk, for there were listeners of intelligence and agood specimen of the sort of society of this house--Macaulay, Melbourne, Morpeth, Duncannon, Baron Rolfe, Allen and LadyHolland, and John Russell came in the evening. I wish that ashorthand writer could have been there to take down all theconversation, or that I could have carried it away in my head;because it was curious in itself, and curiously illustrative ofthe characters of the performers. Before dinner some mention wasmade of the portraits of the Speakers in the Speaker's House, andI asked how far they went back. Macaulay said he was not sure, but certainly as far as Sir Thomas More. 'Sir Thomas More, ' saidLady Holland, 'I did not know he had been Speaker. ' 'Oh, yes, 'said Macaulay, 'don't you remember when Cardinal Wolsey came downto the House of Commons and More was in the chair?' and then hetold the whole of that well-known transaction, and all More hadsaid. At dinner, amongst a variety of persons and subjects, principally ecclesiastical, which were discussed--for Melbourneloves all sorts of theological talk--we got upon India and Indianmen of eminence, proceeding from Gleig's 'Life of WarrenHastings, ' which Macaulay said was the worst book that ever waswritten; and then the name of Sir Thomas Munro came uppermost. Lady Holland did not know why Sir Thomas Munro was sodistinguished; when Macaulay explained all that he had ever said, done, written, or thought, and vindicated his claim to the titleof a great man, till Lady Holland got bored with Sir Thomas, toldMacaulay she had had enough of him, and would have no more. Thiswould have dashed and silenced an ordinary talker, but toMacaulay it was no more than replacing a book on its shelf, andhe was as ready as ever to open on any other topic. It would beimpossible to follow and describe the various mazes ofconversation, all of which he threaded with an ease that wasalways astonishing and instructive, and generally interesting andamusing. When we went upstairs we got upon the Fathers of theChurch. Allen asked Macaulay if he had read much of the Fathers. He said, not a great deal. He had read Chrysostom when he was inIndia; that is, he had turned over the leaves and for a fewmonths had read him for two or three hours every morning beforebreakfast; and he had read some of Athanasius. 'I remember asermon, ' he said, 'of Chrysostom's in praise of the Bishop ofAntioch;' and then he proceeded to give us the substance of thissermon till Lady Holland got tired of the Fathers, again put herextinguisher on Chrysostom as she had done on Munro, and with asort of derision, and as if to have the pleasure of puzzlingMacaulay, she turned to him and said, 'Pray, Macaulay, what wasthe origin of a _doll_? when were dolls first mentioned inhistory?' Macaulay was, however, just as much up to the dolls ashe was to the Fathers, and instantly replied that the Romanchildren had their dolls, which they offered up to Venus whenthey grew older; and quoted Persius for

 'Veneri donatae a virgine puppae, '

and I have not the least doubt, if he had been allowed toproceed, he would have told us who was the Chenevix of ancientRome, and the name of the first baby that ever handled a doll. 

 [3] [He had been dead three months. ]

The conversation then ran upon Milman's 'History ofChristianity, ' which Melbourne praised, the religious opinions ofLocke, of Milman himself, the opinion of the world thereupon, andso on to Strauss's book and his mythical system, and what hemeant by mythical. Macaulay began illustrating and explaining themeaning of a _myth_ by examples from remote antiquity, when Iobserved that in order to explain the meaning of 'mythical' itwas not necessary to go so far back; that, for instance, we mighttake the case of Wm. Huntington, S. S. : that the account of hislife was historical, but the story of his praying to God for anew pair of leather breeches and finding them under a hedge wasmythical. Now, I had just a general superficial recollection ofthis story in Huntington's 'Life, ' but my farthing rushlight wasinstantly extinguished by the blaze of Macaulay's all-graspingand all-retaining memory, for he at once came in with the wholeminute account of this transaction: how Huntington had prayed, what he had found, and where, and all he had said to the tailorby whom this miraculous nether garment was made. 

January 30th, 1841 {p. 370}

[Page Head: M. GUIZOT'S ESTIMATE OF LORD HOLLAND. ]

Parliament opened on Tuesday last with a very meagre speech, onwhich no amendment could be hung. The Duke spoke extremely wellin the House of Lords, and Peel the same in the House of Commons. Both approved (the Duke without any qualification, Peel moreguardedly) of the foreign policy of the Government, and both saideverything that was conciliatory, nattering, and cordial toFrance. John Russell and Palmerston both spoke in the same tone, the latter especially, and his speech was totally free fromanything like triumph or exultation; in short, nothing could bemore favourable for Government than what passed, and nothing morecreditable to the country. It was temperate and dignified, andexhibited a strong contrast to the fury and bluster of the Frenchdebates and the Press, and consequently displayed the superiorityin every respect of our national character over theirs. Atpresent everything promises a very easy session, and theConservatives are confessedly reduced to look to the chapter ofaccidents for some event which may help them to turn out theGovernment and get hold of their places. [4] Lord John saidsomething about Lord Holland in the House of Commons, butMelbourne could not be prevailed upon to say anything in theHouse of Lords. Lady Holland was satisfied with Lord John'sspeech, but though it was a prettily turned compliment, it was ofno great service in relieving him from the charges which havebeen levelled at him in some of the newspapers. [5]

 [4] [It is curious that a session which was destined to witness the important proposals of the Whigs in the direction of free trade, and to end so disastrously for the Liberal party, and so well for the Conservatives, should have begun thus tamely. ]

 [5] [Lord Holland had been attacked for the part he took in opposition to the Treaty of July in the preceding year, and for his earnest endeavours to avert a rupture with France. The best answer to these aspersions on the conduct of a most excellent man and true patriot occurs in a letter from M. Guizot to Lady Holland of January 3, 1841, which has recently been published. I transcribe the following sentences:-- 'J'ai ressenti un vrai, un vif chagrin quand j'ai vu le nom qui vous est cher compromis d'une façon si inconvenante dans nos débats. J'aurais voulu raconter moi-même, à tout le monde, sa bienveillance si sincère pour la France, son désir si persévérant de maintenir entre nos deux pays une amitié qu'il regardait comme excellente pour tous les deux, et en même temps sa constante préoccupation pour son propre pays, son dévouement si tendre pour la Reine, son attachement si fidèle pour ses collègues. Je n'ai rencontré personne qui sût concilier à ce point tous les devoirs, tous les sentiments, toutes les ideés. Dans la confiance de nos entretiens j'ai bien souvent regretté que tout le monde ne fût pas là pour l'entendre, tout le monde, Anglais, Français, ceux dont il ne partageait pas les opinions comme ceux qui étaient de son avis. Il aurait exercé sur tout le monde une influence bien salutaire, et les absurdes propos qui out été tenus, depuis qu'il n'est plus là, auraient été complètement impossibles. ']

February 1st, 1841 {p. 371}

The Sheriffs' dinner at the Lord President's on Saturday. [6] Itmust be owned they decide very conscientiously. One man asked forexemption because he had, by keeping away Conservative votes, decided an election in favour of a Whig candidate, and, thoughotherwise disposed to let him off, they made him Sheriff directlyon reading this excuse. I sat next to Palmerston. It was amusingto see how everything is blown over, and how success and thenecessity of making common cause has reconciled all jarringsentiments; and it was amusing to hear Melbourne in one house andJohn Russell in the other vigorously defending and praisingPalmerston's policy. It must be owned that Palmerston hasconducted himself well under the circumstances, without any airof triumph or boasting either over his colleagues or hisopponents or the French. He has deserved his success by themoderation with which he has taken it. I saw Bourqueney lastnight, delighted with all that was said in Parliament, especially, of course, by the Duke and Peel, but well satisfiedwith John Russell and Palmerston, and he owned the tone of thelatter was unexceptionable. 

 [6] [The list of Sheriffs for the ensuing year is settled at an annual dinner attended by the Cabinet Ministers, when the three names designated by the judges for each county are passed in review, excuses considered, and one of the number chosen to be submitted to the Queen. ]

February 4th, 1841 {p. 372}

Went the night before last to Exeter Hall, to hear Mr. Hullah[7]give a lecture on the teaching of vocal music in the Poor Lawschools (and elsewhere). Very interesting, well done, and theillustration of his plan by the boys of Dr. Kay's school andother (adult) pupils of Hullah's was excellent. The plan has beentried with great success in France, Germany, and Switzerland, andthe Education Committee are disposed to assist in giving it atrial here. These plans, which are founded in benevolence and asincere desire for the diffusion of good among the people, meritevery encouragement, and will in the end get it, for there is, inthe midst of much indifference and prejudice, a growingdisposition to ameliorate the condition of the masses, bothmorally and physically. 

 [7] [I had myself put Mr. Hullah in relation with the Government, and with Mr. Eden, who tried his system of musical instruction (based on Wilhem's plan) at the schools at Battersea. Indeed, I persuaded Hullah to go to France to study Wilhem's system, which was in operation there. Lord Lansdowne saw that musical education was a neutral ground on which all parties (those most divided) might agree; and he took up this idea with success. Sydney Smith went to this lecture, to Hullah's great delight, and it was very successful. Mr. Hullah, after a long and useful career, died in 1884. --H. R. ]

[Page Head: IRISH REGISTRATION BILL. ]

Yesterday all the Tories were in high glee at their success atthe Canterbury and Walsall elections, the former not having beenexpected by either party, and nevertheless they had a majority of165 votes. It is certainly curious, for the Government have aright to be popular, or, at least, to expect that no tide ofunpopularity should rise against them; and after all theirsuccesses, and the declared inability of their opponents to findfault with them, it is strange that they should lose ground tothe extent that they have. The Government see all the danger oftheir position, and how very probable it is that they may bereduced to the necessity of resignation or dissolution, and, though they have no hopes of bettering themselves by the latter, they have made up their minds to try the experiment, in orderthat they may give the Queen no reason to accuse them ofunnecessarily deserting her, and not exhausting every expedientto retain their places before they give them up. They are, however, very much divided upon the question of what to dissolveupon, some being for so doing on Stanley's Irish RegistrationBill, if then defeated, while others (more judiciously, _meâsententiâ_) are against going to the country on any Irishquestion. [8]

 [8] [The Irish system for the registration of voters differed materially from that of England. In Ireland, every person claiming to vote for the first time was obliged to prove his title; in England, all claims were admitted that were not objected to, and other abuses had crept in. Attempts had been made by the Government to remedy this evil, but in vain; and in 1840 Lord Stanley, then in Opposition, took it in hand, and brought in an Irish Registration Bill, which was opposed by O'Connell and by Lord Morpeth, then Irish Secretary, but on two successive divisions Ministers were beaten. This Bill was, however, withdrawn. In 1841 Lord Stanley and Lord Morpeth both brought in Irish Registration Bills; the former was meant to clear the Register of fictitious voters, the latter was a Reform Bill in disguise, for it extended the franchise to leaseholders rated at £5 a year. The contest between these two rival Bills occupied the early parts of the session. The second reading of Lord Morpeth's Bill was carried by 299 to 294, but eventually the qualification clause was struck out of the Bill in Committee by a division of 300 to 294 on April 29. (See Walpole's _History of England_, vol. Iii. P. 520. )]

February 9th, 1841 {p. 373}

The Duke of Wellington had an attack the other night in the Houseof Lords, and was taken home speechless, but not senseless. Itwas severe, but short, and after the stomach was relieved, herapidly recovered, and in a day or two _pronounced_ himself aswell as ever. Of course the alarm was very great. He is veryeager about politics, and the Tory language is that of exceedinggloom about the general aspect of affairs, while their ownaffairs, as far as elections are concerned, flourish. InMonmouthshire the Whig has resigned without a contest; the Toriesaffect to consider Morpeth's Registration Bill as a revolution, while the Whigs pretend that Stanley's will make every county inIreland a close Orange borough. Perhaps the debates may strikeout something approaching to the truth. Great disquietude at theFrench armaments, considerable uneasiness at the dispute withAmerica, and much disgust at our having been apparentlybamboozled by the Chinese, form the principal topics of politicalgrievance and complaint. 

February 12th, 1841 {p. 373}

The other day I met Lord Howick, and had a talk with him aboutthe Irish questions now pending. The Government are much pleasedwith his support of Morpeth's Bill. As he stands, as it were, midway between the two Bills, I asked him to explain to me themerits of the question, which he did, as it seemed to me, fairlyenough. He approves of the machinery of Stanley's registration, and of Morpeth's definition of the franchise, not binding himselfto _amount_, but not objecting to that proposed. He showed me aletter he wrote to Stanley, in a very amicable strain, settingforth the danger which he thought would attend any settlement ofthe question which did not embrace a definition of the franchise, and entreating him to reconsider the question, for the purpose ofcoming to some arrangement. The answer was not encouraging, forit consisted of a note from Lady Stanley to Lady Howick, in whichshe said that Stanley had got the gout in his hand, and could notwrite, but desired her to say that he entirely disagreed withHowick. Howick talked sensibly enough about it, and asked me if Icould not do anything to bring about a compromise, his notionbeing that there should be a committee above stairs to takeevidence as to the effect of the £5 franchise, and that only theprinciple of definition should be admitted. I told him I had nomeans whatever, had no access to any of the leaders, that theonly men to whom I could talk were Graham or Fitzgerald, and thatif I fell in with either, I would see if any possibilitypresented itself. 

February 14th, 1841 {p. 374}

[Page Head: SIR JAMES GRAHAM ON IRISH AFFAIRS. ]

The day before yesterday I met Graham by accident at Boodle's, soI took the opportunity of talking to him about these Bills, and Isoon found that there is no possibility of any compromise. Heexpressed the greatest alarm and disgust at Morpeth's measure;said that he had never seen Stanley so determined, and that heand Peel both entirely agreed with him; that he could notunderstand how John Russell, or indeed any member of Lord Grey'sGovernment, could consent to such a violation of the principle ofthe Reform Bill, and to the formation of a new franchise, which, if granted, must entail similar concessions in England andScotland; that the intention of the framers of the Reform Billwas that, in the counties, property and not numbers should haveinfluence, and the effect of this Bill would be to transferinfluence from property to numbers. He spoke much of theunpopularity of the Government, which he attributed to the Irishconnexion, and thought that this Bill would do them great harm inEngland. When I urged the importance of settling affairs inIreland, and not leaving such a question as this to unite all thecountry against them, if they came in again, and to revive thegreat power of O'Connell, which had for some time been waning, and I pointed out the great danger that might arise from Irelandin the present unsettled state of Europe, he said, rather thanconsent to such a measure as this, he was prepared to encounterevery difficulty and danger; he would never consent to transferpower from the landed interest to the multitude; and as long asthe priests interfered in Irish elections, it could not beexpected that landlords would not counteract that influence bydiminishing as much as they could the numbers of those who weremade to act under it; that the old saying that Cromwell hadconfiscated too much, or exterminated too little, was the truth;he saw no way of pacifying that country, and as to concessionsthey must have a limit, every concession had been made that couldbe reasonably desired, and he would do no more. If they came intopower, he would be prepared to govern equitably, without fear orfavour, encouraging, without reference to political or religiousopinions, all those who supported the British connexion, and witha determination to uphold without flinching the nationalinstitutions. I asked him if he thought no transaction could beeffected with the Irish priests, so as to reconcile them toGovernment; but he said that none was, he thought, now feasible. He had been for the measure, but now England would not grant anestablishment to the Catholic clergy, and if she would, theywould not accept it, for they never would abandon the advantagesthey enjoyed under the present system of voluntary contributions, which was in most cases more profitable than any provision whichcould possibly be held out to them. 

The result of all this presents very serious matter forreflexion, for this Irish question will probably draw a broadline of separation between parties, afford respective rallying-points, and secure a formidable and united opposition if theTories come in; and one cannot regard without the greatestapprehension the prospect of a systematic determined hostility onthe part of the Irish masses towards this country with thecertainty almost that the ground on which the battle will befought will be that of maintaining the Irish Church. This is inpoint of fact the interest which the Tory or English partyregard. Ireland is denied her share in representation, hers ismade an exceptional case, because she is under Catholicinfluence, and because that Catholic influence will, theysuspect, if ever it is strong enough, exert its strength inoverturning the English Church. I do not think anybody of senseand information believes that the Irish Catholic clergy or laityhave any disinclination to British connexion, except so far asthey are in their own eyes degraded or injured by it. Thereexists, and there ever will exist, that one deep feeling, constantly kept burning in the minds of the laity by the undyingzeal of the clergy, that Catholic Ireland is insulted andimpoverished by the vast Protestant ecclesiastical establishment, that in the most important, the most heart-stirring of allinterests, an interest at once temporal and spiritual, they arestripped of those equal and essential rights which are possessedby England and Scotland. I have never doubted that sooner orlater this contest would arise, and that the end of it will be, however long in coming, the downfall of the Church of England inIreland, as fall it ought. [9]

 [9] [This prediction was fulfilled in 1868. But the measure was not followed by that cessation of discord which Mr. Greville hopefully anticipated from it. ]

February 27th, 1841 {p. 376}

The debate lasted four nights on Morpeth's Bill, and Ministersgot a majority of five, both sides bringing down the sick and thedying without remorse. A close division and parties nicelybalanced, extinguish all feelings of humanity. The best speecheswere Charles Buller's, Sheil's, Follett's, Peel's, and JohnRussell's. It is supposed this will bolster them up for theSession, but something still depends on Stanley's Bill. 

[Page Head: SETTLEMENT OF THE EASTERN QUESTION. ]

Foreign affairs have assumed a better aspect. A negotiation isgoing on _here_ for the purpose of inviting France to join thealliance, and take part in the final settlement of the EasternQuestion, which she desires no better than to accept, and then todisarm; indeed, she has already begun to do so. The delay isoccasioned by some difficulty as to the forms to be adopted. TheFrench want some phrases, which don't seem unreasonable inthemselves, but about which the Russian makes a difficulty. Thereis to be a Note, and in this Note Bourqueney wishes it to beexpressly stated that the integrity of the Ottoman Empire is nowsecured, but Brunnow makes this strange objection, that theyshould thereby be admitting the _de jure_ occupation of Algiersby the French. This seems such a frivolous objection that it isdifficult to conceive it can be the real one. The wonder is thatPalmerston, who carries everything with so high a hand, does notoverrule it _auctoritate suâ_. He has been showing off hisflippancy lately not only to France, but to Austria, writingdespatches to Lord Granville, which are in such a tone that hecomplains bitterly of being instructed to read them to Guizot;and, with regard to Austria, this occurred: Metternich wrote someletter complaining of delay in settling the question of MehemetAli's hereditary possession of Egypt, which, it seems, nettledPalmerston, and he wrote a remarkably clever but very insolentanswer, in which he reviewed the vacillations and inconsistenciesof the Austrian Cabinet in a very offensive style. This despatchwas read by the Cabinet; and I fancy generally disapproved, verymuch so by Melbourne, who however did not interfere, and let itgo. But Frederick Lamb, who has all the confidence and couragewhich Melbourne wants, very quietly put it in his drawer, andwrote word to Palmerston that circumstances were changed and heshould not give it to Metternich. Melbourne was very much pleasedat this, and said it was very judicious; but he forgot that itwas his business to stop it in the first instance, and that, thinking it imprudent, as Prime Minister he ought to have put hisveto on it. But he is only Prime Minister in name, and has noauthority. He is all in all at Buckingham Palace, but very littlein Downing Street. 

March 2nd, 1841, Tuesday {p. 378}

[Page Head: THE PROTOCOL DELAYED. ]

On Sunday I met Bourqueney at dinner. He was very gloomy, talkedof the debate in the Chamber and the declarations in favour ofkeeping up the _isolement_ as '_très-grave_, ' and then complainedbitterly, but obscurely, of the difficulties he encountered here, and how hard it was, after the unanimous expressions in bothHouses of Parliament, that such obstacles should be cast in theway of a settlement, hinting at Palmerston as the cause, butwithout being explicit; indeed, it was in the carriage going toLady Holland's, and there was not time for more. To-day, however, I have heard more; and it seems that Palmerston has been at histricks again, though I don't yet know precisely what he has done. My brother keeps writing me word that his tone in hiscommunications to the French Government, through Lord Granville, is very offensive; but here he appeared to be really anxious toconciliate. It is, however, quite impossible to make out what heis at. He has contributed more than anybody to give thisGovernment a _federal_ character; for in the Foreign Office hehas resolved to be, and he is, wholly independent of hiscolleagues. He tells them as much or as little of his proceedingsas it suits his purpose or his fancy to do; and they are now sowell aware of this, and have so little confidence in him, thatwhen he does tell the Cabinet anything they feel no security thatthey are acquainted with the truth or, at least, the whole truth. In the pending matter, Esterhazy and Bülow have been vehementlyurging the completion of an arrangement, but the Cabinet settledthat no overture should be made to France without previouslyascertaining that she would accept it when made. All very proper!It was settled that the other Powers should beg Palmerston toinvite France in all their names to join in a Convention forsecuring the free navigation of the Bosphorus; and thisConvention was arranged at a Conference some day last week, andat the same time a Protocol--which was to _precede_ it--statingthat, the objects of the July alliance being completed, thealliance was at an end. All this was agreed to, and on Saturdayat the Cabinet the Convention was read and approved of; butobjections were made to the Protocol on the ground that questionsmight still arise requiring the intervention of the alliance, that no certain intelligence had yet arrived either of theevacuation of Syria by Ibrahim or the publication of the firmanby the Sultan, and, therefore, it would be imprudent to break upthe alliance just at this moment, and this operation might aswell be deferred for a brief space. Such was the generalsentiment. Melbourne said, 'Are you sure France will take theConvention?' to which Palmerston replied, he had no doubt shewould, as it had been put into his hands by Esterhazy, who hadprobably already communicated it to Bourqueney. But he did nottell the Cabinet that he had agreed at the Conference to theProtocol likewise, and had left his foreign colleagues under theimpression that it would be agreed to by the Cabinet. 

On Sunday night Bülow and Bourqueney met Normanby at LadyHolland's, when they both spoke to him in the strongest terms, more especially Bülow; who said it was very painful to him tocomplain to Normanby of the conduct of Palmerston, and he wouldnot repeat what had passed at the Conference, but he must tellhim if Palmerston continued to conduct himself as he did, themost fatal consequences would ensue, and the affairs of Europewould become more embroiled and be in a more perilous state thanthey had ever been yet. He frightened Normanby so much that thenext morning he went off to Melbourne, told him what had passed, and entreated him to interfere. Melbourne promised he would, butof course he will not; and Palmerston will probably not care astraw what he says, or be in the slightest degree biassed by anyopinion he may express. As far as I can guess, Bourqueney'sexcessive discontent arises from this: He very naturally wantsthis Protocol, and Bülow and Esterhazy, no doubt, told him thatPalmerston had consented to it and would propose it to him;whereas, in their conference on Sunday, Palmerston probablyoffered him the Convention but did not say a word about theProtocol, and this both he and Bülow consider a great breach offaith. Notwithstanding the good reason which there really is fornot formally dissolving the alliance till all the arrangementsconcerning Egypt and Syria are completed, it is easy tounderstand that in the present temper of France it would beimpossible for Guizot to enter into any relations with the otherPowers till their separate and exclusive alliance is at an end. It is no wonder, therefore, that Bourqueney looks upon theProtocol as an essential condition of his acceptance of theConvention; and if he has been first given to understand that theProtocol was admitted, and then told by Palmerston that it couldnot be, he might naturally be indignant. One never knows whatelse Palmerston may have said nor what tone he may have taken. 

[Page Head: A MISREPORTED SPEECH. ]

While these difficulties are obstructing a pacific arrangementhere, they are rendered much more serious by the discussions inthe French Chamber on the Secret Service money, when the insolentand extravagant speeches in favour of keeping up the _isolement_and the state of armed observation were hailed with vociferousapplause; and this frantic violence is the Parliamentary responseto the calm and dignified expression of peace and goodwill toFrance which marked our first Parliamentary night, and in whichthe leaders of all parties joined with equal cordiality. If thisgoes on, and if Guizot is not strong enough to give effect to hispacific disposition and to venture upon a reconciliation, allamicable feelings towards France will be swallowed up in ageneral sentiment of indignation at her insolence; and instead ofwasting any more time in fruitless endeavours to bring her backinto the councils of Europe, we shall begin to think of the meansof securing ourselves against any possible effects of her ill-will and obstinate resentment. Those who have most stronglyadvocated the French alliance will be soon ready to cement thatof the four great Powers, to curb the extravagant pretensions andmischievous designs of France, if the latter does not come to hersenses and descend from her high horse very soon. 

March 4th, 1841 {p. 381}

Yesterday morning Dedel, who was pretty accurately acquaintedwith all that has lately passed, called on me. His accountconfirmed my notions. The other Ministers of the Conference hadtold Bourqueney what he was to expect at his conference withPalmerston. When, therefore, the latter tendered him the draft ofthe Convention, he said, 'This is very well, but have you nothingelse to give me?' 'No, ' said Palmerston; 'what do you mean? Iknow of nothing else. ' 'Have you not also a Protocol, announcingthe _clôture_ to propose to me?' 'Oh no; that is impossible. There has been a question of such a Protocol, but greatdifficulties have arisen. Chekib says he cannot agree to such aProtocol without previous application to his Court and receivinga specific authority. ' On this, Bourqueney very indignantly said, 'he must know it was quite useless to offer him the one withoutthe other, as the formal termination of the alliance of July wasan indispensable preliminary of any convention to which Francecould be a party. ' A warm conversation followed, in the course ofwhich (as Dedel says), Bourqueney saying, 'Nous ne sommes paspressés, ' Palmerston replied in his most insolent tone, 'Et nousne sommes pas pressés non plus; si vous ne craignez pas lesbâtiments anglais, vous sentez bien que nous ne craignons pas lesbâtiments français. .. . '[10]

 [10] [This was untrue, as appears by the next entry. ]

March 5th, 1841 {p. 381}

[Page Head: PROTOCOL AND CONVENTION SIGNED. ]

At the Cabinet dinner the day before yesterday, Palmerstonannounced that 'everything was going on well, everybodysatisfied, ' and as this rose-coloured aspect of affairs was soinconsistent with the gloom and discontent of Bourqueney andBülow, and the account given me by Dedel, I resolved to call onBourqueney, and find out from him in what position the affairstood. I did so, and the result proved with what caution oneought to listen to the reports of persons the best informed, andwho relate what they have heard with the most veraciousintentions. Instead of correcting or expunging what I have saidabove, I shall put down the substance of what Bourqueney said tome, which agrees with much of Dedel's account, but differs insome very important particulars. I told him that I had (as hewould be sure) no desire to _fourrer_ myself into his affairs, but that I thought a little conversation between us might beuseful in promoting the object we had in common--that ofrestoring amicable relations between the two countries; andhaving seen how annoyed he was on Sunday last, and knowing whathad passed, I wished to know if he was not _now_ better satisfiedthan he was _then_; and that as I, and those with whom Icommunicated, only knew what passed between him and Palmerston, or at the conferences, from Palmerston's own reports, when hetold his colleagues just what he pleased and no more, and as Ihad heard from other quarters an account of his interview onSunday with Palmerston, I wished to know what had really passed. He had, he said, been extremely annoyed and disappointed, afterbeing told that he was to have the Protocol (by Bülow andEsterhazy, of course), when Palmerston told him this was out ofthe question, as Chekib refused to sign it without orders. Hethen gave me the conversation between himself and Palmerston, which does not appear to have been acrimonious, and instead ofPalmerston's having made that insolent speech which was put inhis mouth when Bourqueney said, 'Mais nous ne sommes paspressés, ' he only said, 'Ni nous non plus, c'est l'Autriche et laPrusse qui sont pressées;' so that all the offensive part was afabricated addition, and I have no doubt of this by Bourqueney'sway of speaking of it. He said, moreover, 'Il faut rendre justiceà Lord Palmerston, son ton a été excellent, et jamais il n'aprononcé le mot de désarmement;' that if he had, or had attemptedto impose any condition, he should at once have rejected allovertures; but nothing of the kind had been attempted, and headmitted that every respect had been shown to France, and asincere desire evinced to renew relations with her. He said, 'Enfin vous êtes triomphants, et nous sommes humiliés, ' and youcan well afford to treat us 'avec des égards;' but he seemed tothink that in point of fact the Conference was alreadypractically dissolved, for both Bülow and Esterhazy had declared(in their anxiety for the _clôture_, as an indispensablepreliminary to the Convention, for which their eagerness isintense), that, happen what might, they would take no fartherpart in Eastern affairs. On the whole, the prospect is good, andit is but just to Palmerston to say that he does not seem to haveacted unfairly or insolently, or to be obnoxious to any reproachin his relations with Bourqueney. 

March 12th, 1841 {p. 383}

The Protocols were duly signed and the Convention sent to Paris. They were well received by Guizot, who returned them for someverbal alterations which have been agreed to, and if no newdifficulties arise in the East to prevent a settlement, ourrelations with France will be restored. But within these few daysa whole budget of bad news has poured in--from China, where theadmiral has resigned on the plea of ill-health, having donenothing but lose half the troops he took out, and leaving affairsin a very uncertain and unsatisfactory state. I had a letter fromEmily Eden[11] yesterday, in great disgust at the waste of time, money, and life, and the failure hitherto of all the objects wehad in view. The Chinese have bamboozled and baffled us, that isthe plain truth. 

 [11] [Miss Emily Eden had accompanied her brother, Lord Auckland, to India, where he was Governor-General. This impression of the state of our relations with China appears to have been erroneous. On February 1st, Captain Elliot annexed the island of Hong Kong, which has been permanently united to the British Empire, and on April 18th Her Majesty's forces occupied Canton. ]

Then the violence and bad spirit displayed in America haveproduced no small consternation here, though everybody goes onsaying that a war between the two countries, and for so littlecause, is impossible. [12] It does seem impossible, and themanifest interest of both nations is opposed to it; but when acountry is so mob-governed as America, and the Executive is sodestitute of power, there must be great danger. However, thegeneral conviction is, that the present exhibition of violence isattributable to the malignity of the outgoing party, which isdesirous of embarrassing their successors, and casting on themthe perils of a war or the odium of a reconciliation with thiscountry, and strong hopes are entertained that the new Governmentwill be too wise to fall into the snare that is laid for them, and strong enough to check and master the bad spirit which isrife in the Northern States. The real difficulty arises from theconviction here, that in the case of M'Leod we are in the right, and the equally strong conviction there, that we are not, and theactual doubt on which side the truth lies. Senior, whom I met theother day, expressed great uncertainty, and he proposes, and haswritten to Government on the subject, that the question ofInternational Law shall be submitted to the decision of a GermanUniversity--that of Berlin, he thinks, would be the best. Thisidea he submitted to Stevenson, who approved of it, but the greatdifficulty would be to agree upon a statement of facts. YesterdayLord Lyndhurst was at the Council Office, talking over the matterwith Sir Herbert Jenner and Justice Littledale, and he said itwas very questionable if the Americans had not right on theirside; and that he thought, in a similar case here, we should beobliged to try the man, and if convicted, nothing but a pardoncould save him. These opinions casting such serious doubts on thequestion of right, are at least enough to restrain indignationand beget caution. 

 [12] [This refers to the case of one M'Leod, who had been engaged as a member of the Colonial forces in repelling the attack made upon Canada from United States territory, and who had consequently acted as an agent of the British Government. But M'Leod was arrested at New York in 1841 upon a charge of the murder of one Durfee, who was killed during the capture of the 'Caroline. ' The American authorities refused to give him up on the demand of the British Minister, who alleged that M'Leod's deed was a legitimate act, done in obedience to his superior officers. He was tried, and fortunately acquitted; but Mr. Webster, the American Secretary of State, subsequently admitted that individuals concerned in a public transaction under the orders of their Government could not be held responsible to the ordinary tribunals of law for their participation in it. See Halleck's _International Law_, vol. I. , p. 430; and Hale's _International Law_, p. 261. ]

Besides China and America, two days ago appeared the Sultan'sfirman restoring the Pasha, but on terms which he was certain notto accept. This document, which arrives just as we are renewingour relations with France, and which carries on the face of itthe strongest marks of Lord Ponsonby's interference andinfluence, is well calculated to obstruct the arrangement, and soit appeared to Clarendon, to Lord Lansdowne, to Melbourne, and toJohn Russell. Clarendon immediately appealed to Lord John, who, however, took it very quietly, and was averse to saying or doinganything; and when he spoke to Melbourne, the latter saidPalmerston had shown him Ponsonby's private letter, in which hesaid that he had nothing to do with it, that it was allStürmer's[13] doing, and that for some time past he had not beenable to make Redschid Pasha mind a word he said. On the otherhand, Lord John also spoke to Palmerston, when Palmerston saidnot a word of Ponsonby's letter, but told him it was the bestpossible arrangement; that Mehemet Ali had not understood it atfirst, but that he would in the end be quite satisfied with it, and that it was the only way of preventing confusion. Of courseMelbourne and Lord John were quite content, and fully partake ofPalmerston's entire satisfaction. Yesterday morning, however, Ifound that Francis Egerton was full of indignation at this freshoutrage, as he considered it, of Ponsonby's, and had taken aresolution to bring the matter forward in the House of Commons, but previously to speak to the Duke and Peel. Nothing was donelast night, and this morning he came and told me that they bothagreed with him, but that the Duke urged the necessity of extremecaution, and of previously ascertaining the sentiments of theother Allies, as we must not do or say anything which mightdisturb our harmony with them. This caution, and not anyindisposition to take the matter up, was the reason no notice wastaken in the House of Commons last night, and they are nowwaiting for further information to determine what course to take. 

 [13] [M. Stürmer was the Austrian Internuncio at Constantinople. ]

March 14th, 1841

[Page Head: BAD EFFECT OF THE HATTI-SHERIF. ]

On Friday, Francis Egerton put questions to Palmerston, and Peeltook a part. He told me that he was much surprised at the way inwhich Palmerston received as well as answered them, as they hadintended nothing hostile and thought it was doing him a service, and affording him an opportunity of explaining away the badeffect of the Hatti-sherif, but that he took it very ill, andanswered with evident embarrassment. From his manner, and the wayin which Labouchere cheered when Palmerston said that theirintention had been to give a _bonâ fide hérédité_ to Mehemet Ali, he inferred there was some disagreement in the Cabinet. 

Yesterday Reeve went off to Paris, having had a conference withLord Lansdowne, who not only expressed his dissatisfaction withthe firman, but authorised him to say so to M. Guizot, and toassure him that this was the sentiment of the Government, andthat it was quite inconsistent with any instructions to Ponsonby_which he had ever seen or heard of_. 

The Tories were extremely dissatisfied with Palmerston's answersthe other night, but they have an extraordinary reluctance toprovoke any discussion on foreign affairs, though he is sovulnerable on all points. It is, however, highly probable thatthe matter will not be suffered to rest here. In such a mannerdoes one bold, unscrupulous, and able man predominate over hiscolleagues, one of whom is John Russell, not less bold at times, and as able as himself; but of a quiet disposition, shrinkingfrom contest, controversy, and above all, I take it, from thelabyrinth of underhand dealing which he must thread anddisentangle, if he insists upon a regular settlement of accountswith Palmerston. There is no other way of accounting for hisacquiescence in the latter's proceedings. As for the rest, Melbourne is too indolent, Lansdowne too timid, and the otherstoo indifferent to interfere. Clarendon has the will and thecourage, but he can do nothing alone, and he cannot rouse anybodyelse to take part with him. If Lord Holland were still alive, something might now be done. 

[Page Head: FRESH OBSTACLES. ]

The other night Peel, who has been a good deal nettled by theattacks on him in a series of letters, signed 'Catholicus, ' inthe 'Times, ' made a very striking speech upon the education andrecreation of the people, which was enthusiastically cheered bythe Whigs, but received in silence by the Tories. He made a sortof reply in this speech to the charges of irreligion insinuatedin these letters, and took the opportunity of expressing thoseliberal sentiments which mark his own identification with theprogress of society, and which render him, from their liberalityand wisdom, the object of such suspicion, fear, and dislike withthe Tory democracy who reluctantly own him for their leader. 

March 16th, 1841 {p. 387}

On Friday last, after the House of Lords was over, theMinisterial Lords gathered on the bench and had a sort ofCabinet, a practice in which Melbourne takes pleasure. Clarendonheld forth about the state of the Eastern Question, and said allhe thought without reserve. He worked up Lansdowne to aconsiderable amount of zeal and resolution to bestir himself. Thenext day Lansdowne called on Melbourne, and he owned to Clarendonthat he was shocked and surprised to find that Melbourne hadnever had any communication with Palmerston on the subject, and, in point of fact, knew very little about what was going on. Thenext day there was a Cabinet, when both Lansdowne and Clarendonexpressed their opinion with vivacity, complaining of theproceeding at Constantinople, and urging the necessity of somedecisive step being taken here to correct its effects. Palmerstonknocked under; that is, he made no defence and no resistance, andostensibly acquiesced in the opinions expressed, and promised toact in conformity with them. Though no reliance can be placed onhim, and none is placed, it would appear as if he was becomeaware of the necessity of making his actions correspond with hisprofessions and with the opinions which have been so stronglyexpressed in all quarters; for I met Bourqueney last night, whotold me that he really did think they were at last makingprogress towards a satisfactory conclusion, that he had receivedhis instructions (which I already knew were to say the FrenchGovernment would hear of nothing till this Hatti-sherif wasdisavowed) and had instantly got the Conference convened, andthat a formal notification had been made by the Four Powers tothe Turkish Ministers of their disapprobation of the firman, andthis seems to have been done in a way he considers satisfactory. 

March 19th, 1841 {p. 388}

The Bishop of Exeter got a heavy fall in the House of Lords theother night on the St. Sulpice question. [14] He brought itforward in an elaborate speech the week before, with his usualability and cunning; and he took the Duke of Wellington in; for, after hearing the Bishop protest, and apparently make out, that'a great blow had been struck at the Reformation, ' he got up, and, in total ignorance of the subject, committed his potentialvoice and opinion to an agreement with the Bishop's dictum. Thetruth, however, was that there was no case at all; the Governmenthad not only done what they were justified in doing, but they hadacted in precise conformity with the conduct held by all theirTory predecessors, colonial secretaries, and with that of theDuke of Wellington himself, who had forgotten all that hadoccurred and the part he had previously taken. The consequencewas that the Tories resolved to throw the Bishop over, and sothey did, greatly to his rage and disgust and to the satisfactionof all the bigots; not even a solitary Bishop or high Tory had aword to say in his favour. He was detected in the course of thedebate of having sent a report to the 'Times' of his formerspeech containing a very essential paragraph which he had omittedin the speech itself. He tried to back out of it, and brought the'Times' reporter as his witness; but he stood convicted ingeneral opinion. 

 [14] [This related to the Catholic foundation of St. Sulpice in Canada. ]

Reeve is gone to Paris. He saw Guizot on his arrival, whoannounced to him what he meant to do. He waits till the FourPowers have settled the Eastern Question, in which he will notmeddle in the slightest degree; and when it is settled, he willbe ready to join in the Convention. Bourqueney has signed thedocument _de bene esse_; this is his wisest and most dignifiedcourse. 

March 30th, 1841 {p. 388}

Nothing new for the last fortnight, the Eastern Questionapparently progressing to a settlement through some not veryimportant obstacles, and, what is of much greater consequence, afair prospect of an amicable arrangement with America. The newPresident's inaugural speech, pedantic and ridiculous as it was, had the merit of being temperate; and Webster had already writtento Evelyn Denison, desiring him not to judge of the realsentiments of America by the trash spoken and the violenceexhibited in Congress, or by the mob of New York. John Bull, too, who had begun to put himself into a superfine passion, and tobluster a good deal in the French vein, is getting more tranquil, and begins to see the propriety of going to work moderately andwithout insisting on having everything his own way. 

[Page Head: DEBATE ON THE POOR LAW. ]

In Parliament there has been nothing of interest but the Poor LawBill, debated with great heat, and the several clauses carried bymajorities very little indicative of the real opinion of themajority of the House. But the truth is that the Tories are(generally) behaving very ill on this question, and theirshabbiness is the more striking because the Government havebehaved so well. The Tories are just as anxious for the passingof the Bill as their opponents, or more so, nevertheless theystay away or abuse and oppose the clauses, in order to curryfavour with their own constituencies and to cast odium on theiropponents, by which they may profit in the event of a generalelection. There is probably not a man of them who would not beannoyed and disappointed to the greatest degree if the Billshould be impaired in its leading principles and materialprovisions. The Government might, if they had chosen it, haveproposed the law as an experimental measure for a short period, so as to cast upon their opponents the ultimate responsibility ofthe measure, but they dealt with it liberally and wisely, andwithout reference to temporary interests or party purposes, which, so far from eliciting a corresponding spirit from theiropponents, only afforded them the opportunity (of which, withoutshame or decency, they are availing themselves) to convert itinto a source of unpopularity against the Government who bring itforward. 

April 5th, 1841 {p. 390}

While the American question looks well, the affairs of the Eastare all unsettled again. The Pasha has, with all humility, declined the conditions of the Sultan's Hatti-sherif, and thewhole thing remains still to be adjusted. Nobody, however, caresor thinks much about it at all, for the Eastern business isbecome as tedious as a twice-told tale. No more danger to thepeace of Europe is apprehended from it; nobody cares a straw forSultan or Pasha, and still less for the repose of the countriesthey misgovern or the happiness of the people they oppress. 

Sir Robert Peel has dined at the Palace for the first time sincethe Bedchamber quarrel, and this is deemed important. Alldomestic interest is absorbed in the blow which has fallen uponLord Granville at Paris, in the shape of a paralytic stroke, which, from the character of the man, his social position, andthe important and unhappy consequences of this affliction to anumerous class of people, excites a very deep and generalinterest. 

May 2nd, 1841 {p. 390}

The approach of the Newmarket meetings usually absorbs mythoughts, oppresses me with its complicated interests, anddestroys all my journalising energies. After a month's interval, I take up my pen to note down the events that have occurred init. I went to Newmarket on Saturday before the Craven Meeting, and on Sunday morning received a letter informing me of thesudden death of my sister-in-law (Mrs. Algernon Greville), whichobliged me to return to town. This grievous affliction, so heavyand irreparable to those whom it immediately concerns, mattersbut little to the mass of society, who for the most part good-naturedly sympathised with the sufferers; but the object, soprecious to the narrow circle of her own family, was toounimportant to the world at large to be entitled to anything morethan a passing expression of regret. I went down to the funeral, and was unutterably disgusted with the ceremony, with thebustling business of the undertaker, mixing so irreverently withthe profound grief of the brothers and other relations whoattended, the decking us out in the paraphernalia of woe, andthus dragging us in mourning coaches through crowds of curiouspeople, by a circuitous route, that as much of us as possiblemight be exhibited to vulgar curiosity. These are thingsmonstrous in themselves, but to which all-reconciling custommakes us submit. 

[Page Head: LOSS OF THE 'PRESIDENT. ']

This is not the only misfortune which has fallen upon individualheads; but of all occurrences that which has excited the greatestinterest has been the loss, as it must now be concluded, of the'President' steamer, with, among others, the Duke of Richmond'syoung son on board. Day after day people have watched andenquired with the most intense interest for the arrival or fornews of this vessel, and are only now slowly and reluctantlyabandoning all hope, while the wretched parents have been forweeks past agitated with all the alternations of hope anddespair, and suffering a protracted torture worse than anycertainty. So much for private woes. 

In the world of politics we have had an interval of repose tillafter the recess, when Government sustained two defeats on theIrish Registration Bill, [15] and Walter came in for Nottingham onan Anti-Poor-Law cry, and by the union of Chartists and Tories todefeat the Whig candidate. After the first division, Clarendonwrote to me as follows: 'The defeat last night was a signal one. We have had a Cabinet about it, and I went there fully expectingthat resignation would be the order of the day--_the word nevercrossed the lips of anyone!_ Various expedients were suggested, but, except by me, the thought of going out was not entertained. The result is, that another trial of strength is to be had, andif we are beaten the Bill is to be withdrawn for the year. HowStanley's is afterwards to be opposed remains to be seen, but forthat we trust to luck and O'Connell's ingenuity in devisingdelays--not very creditable or satisfactory, but as John has todefend his course, he is the best judge of what he should do. Hequite scouted to me afterwards the idea of resigning, though headmitted the Tory chances had advanced prodigiously, and thatPeel's language was quite that of determination, and of a manready to take the government. ' Nobody has a guess what willhappen--whether Government will try and go on, dissolve orresign; and a thousand speculations, and, of course, lies, areafloat. 

 [15] [Lord Morpeth's Irish Registration Bill was withdrawn, two amendments having been carried by the Opposition by 291 to 270 votes. Mr. Walter was elected at Nottingham by a majority of 296 over the Government candidate. ]

The affairs of the East are still unsettled, but there seems achance of their being patched up, though not in a way verycreditable or consistent. Metternich is now threatening thePorte, that unless she consents to what the Conference shallsuggest he will quit the concern. Palmerston, meanwhile, talks ofagain licking Mehemet Ali, while Ponsonby is as furious as everat Constantinople, and would blow up the coals again if he knewhow. The manner in which things are mystified, and factsperverted from the truth, is curiously exemplified in the matterof the recent Hatti-sherif. It was affirmed, when the severity ofits terms was objected to and Ponsonby blamed, that Ponsonby hadhad no hand in it whatever. This was true, but how? He insistedupon a _much more severe_ clause being inserted, on the Pasha'sbeing made a mere stipendiary of the Porte, and his revenue beinglevied by Turkish officers; and because the Turkish Ministerwould not go this length, Ponsonby flew into a rage, and refusedto sanction the Hatti-sherif with his approval unless this clausewas added, so that he had nothing to do with it, only because itwas not so stringent and violent as he wished to make it. 

May 3rd, 1841 {p. 392}

[Page Head: DEFEAT OF THE MINISTRY. ]

Great agitation yesterday at the clubs, and excessive interestand curiosity about coming events, on which hang the existence ofthe Government. The Tories are talking of a vote of want ofconfidence, and wish to follow up their successes by thisdecisive blow. There is the greatest difference of opinion amongthe Whigs as to the necessity of resigning, and, above all, as toa dissolution. The event of the day was the resignation ofGordon, Secretary of the Treasury, who could not stand the Cornalteration that is threatened. Nobody thinks Ministers will carrytheir Budget, and that will probably be their _coup degrâce_. [16]

 [16] [It turned out to be so. On April 30th the Chancellor of the Exchequer introduced his Budget. He proposed to meet the deficiency in the revenue of £2, 421, 000 by an increase of the duty on Colonial timber and a reduction of the duty on Baltic timber, and by a reduction of duty on foreign sugar. The debate lasted eight nights, and on May 18th Ministers were defeated on the sugar question by a majority of 36. On May 7th Lord John Russell had given notice of a resolution to reduce the duties on corn to a fixed sum. On May 24th Sir Robert Peel gave notice of a vote of want of confidence in the Government, on which the House divided on June 4th, Ministers being beaten by a majority of _one_. ]

 APPENDIX. 

 The Royal Precedency Question. 

 [As Mr. Greville's pamphlet on the Precedency Question is now rarely to be met with, it may be convenient to reprint it in this place. It is a tract of considerable originality and research, and it was carefully revised and approved by Lord Wensleydale and some of the most eminent lawyers of the time when it was written. This essay has therefore a substantial legal and historical value. Moreover, its application is not exclusively retrospective or confined to the peculiar case of the precedency of the late Prince Consort at the time of his marriage, which gave rise to warm debates, for it deals with the precedency of the members of the Royal Family, not being sons or daughters of a sovereign, or standing in close propinquity to the throne. In the course of years these personages have become numerous, and for the first time in our history (at least, since the reign of James I. ), between twenty and thirty grandchildren and great-grandchildren of the reigning sovereign are in existence, whose claims to precedency will have to be considered. By the 31st Henry VIII. , which assigns places in Parliament and Council to the sons, brothers, uncles, and nephews of the king, after these degrees are past, peers or others of the blood royal are entitled to no place or precedence, except what belongs to them by their personal rank or dignity. The mere fact of their descent, in a more remote degree, from the sovereign, gives them in law no precedency at all, although it may be conceded to them by custom, and the respect willingly paid to members of the Royal Family. Nor are they entitled to bear the title of 'Royal Highness' unless it be conferred upon them by the Crown. Thus, if I am not mistaken, the late Duke of Gloucester, who was a nephew of George III. , was not a 'Royal Highness' until he married the Princess Mary, the king's daughter, when that distinction was conferred upon him. In two or three generations from the present time it is not improbable that the descendants of Queen Victoria and Prince Albert will exceed a hundred persons, and, although they will doubtless all look back with pride to their illustrious ancestry, they will have no rank or precedency, in the strict sense of the term, except such as may be conferred upon them personally by the Crown. For these reasons, it appears to me that Mr. Greville's remarks on the subject may have some future interest. --H. R. ]

In the House of Lords on Tuesday, 4th February, when PrinceAlbert's Naturalisation Bill was under discussion, Lord Broughamsaid:--

'That these questions of precedence were of a very difficult anddoubtful nature. It was therefore a great convenience to submitthem to the House, because it enabled Parliament to make thatquite certain, which, if dealt with under the common law of thecountry, might be open to objection. '

The interest which has been excited by this question, and thedoubts which prevail, even among the learned in the law, as tothe actual extent of the Royal prerogative in the matter ofgranting precedence, are sufficient to provoke an enquiry intothe opinions of writers upon constitutional law, an examinationof the ancient practice, and of some of the cases which seem tobear immediately upon the point, in order, if possible, to arriveat something like a reasonable conclusion as to the poweractually possessed by the crown, and the manner in which, andextent to which, it might be just and expedient to exercise itupon the present occasion. 

The first question which presents itself is, What have been theancient prerogatives of the Crown in granting dignities or pre-eminencies of any description; and, secondly, In what respect, ifat all, these prerogatives have been limited or restrained by anyParliamentary enactment. By the laws of England, the Sovereign isconsidered the fountain of honour and of privilege, and theconstitution has entrusted to him the sole power of conferringdignities and honours, in confidence that he will bestow them onnone but such as deserve them. [1]

 [1] Blackstone, vol. I. P. 271. 

The King may create new titles, and has the prerogative ofconferring privileges upon private persons, [2] _such as grantingplace or precedence to any of his subjects_. He may make an_Arch_-duke, who would not, however, take place of any duke hisancient. [3]

 [2] Ibid. I. 272, 4th Inst. 361. 

 [3] 4th Inst 363. 

The King could create a peer, and give him precedence over allother peers of the same rank, [4] a prerogative which was notunfrequently exercised in ancient times. Henry VI. Created HenryBeauchamp Earl of Warwick and Praecomes totius Angliae, andafterwards Duke of Warwick, with a right to sit in Parliamentafter the Duke of Norfolk, but _before_ the Duke of Buckingham;the same King created Edmund of Hadham Earl of Richmond, and gavehim precedence over all other earls, and Jasper of Hatfield Earlof Pembroke with precedence next to the said Earl of Richmond. [5]There appears to have been no limit to the authority of the Crownin granting honours, titles, dignities, and offices, exceptingonly that it could not grant new offices with fees annexed, because that would be a tax upon the subject, which can only beimposed by Act of Parliament. Assuming, then, that such was theextent of the prerogative previously to the 31st of Henry VIII. , the next question is, Whether it was restrained by that statute;and if it was, within what limits it was thenceforward confined?The preamble asserts the prerogative of the Crown in thestrongest terms; probably for the express purpose of guardingagainst any inference that it was thereby abridged or restrained. It is difficult to believe that, in passing the Act entitled 'forplacing the Lords, ' Henry VIII. Felt any doubt as to thepossession, or scruple as to the exercise, of the prerogative ofhis progenitors, and still less that he had the remotest idea ofdivesting himself of an iota of his own. The despotic temper ofthe King, the subservient character of his Parliaments, and hishabitual employment of them as the most obsequious instrument ofhis will, make it probable that he adopted this, merely as theeasiest and most convenient mode of settling a difficult andcomplex question, but without the slightest misgiving as to hisown power, or any notion of restraining himself from granting anyprivilege or precedence it might at any subsequent period be hispleasure to bestow. The circumstances under which the provisionsof this Act were carried into operation were remarkable, and giveit much more the appearance of a decree of the King, or aresolution of the Lords, than of an Act of the Three Estates. Theassent of the Commons seems to have been assumed as a matter ofcourse, and as soon as it had passed the Lords (which it did veryhastily), it was immediately put in force, 'Concerning thepassing it, it is observable, that on Monday, 1st May, the LordChancellor quandam introduxit billam concernentem assignationemlocorum, &c. , which was that day read twice; the next day it hada third reading, and on Friday a fourth; on the morrow, the LordCromwell is placed before the Archbishop of Canterbury, and theothers are placed according to the Act, being before placedwithout regard to their offices, but it was not returned from theHouse of Commons with their assent till the Monday following. '[6]

 [4] Ibid. 

 [5] 4th Inst 361. 

 [6] Selden, Titles of Honour, p. 117. 

The preamble of the Act is in the following terms:--

'For in as much as in all great councils, or congregations ofmen, having sundry degrees and offices in the commonwealth, it isvery requisite and convenient that an order should be had andtaken for the sitting of such persons, that they knowing theirplaces may use the same without displeasure, or let of thecouncil, therefore the King's Most Royal Majesty, _tho' itappertaineth unto his prerogative Royal, to give such honour, reputation, and placing to his counsellors, and other hissubjects as shall be seeming to his most excellent wisdom_, is, nevertheless, pleased and contented for an order to be had andtaken in this his Most High Court of Parliament, that it shall beenacted by the authority of the same, in manner and form ashereafter followeth:--'

Then come nine sections settling the places in which the RoyalFamily, great officers of state, and others, are to sit in theParliament Chamber, and the tenth section enacts that, 'as wellin all Parliaments as in the Star Chamber, _and in all otherassemblies and conferences of council_, the Chancellor, LordPresident, Privy Seal (that is the Chancellor, President, andPrivy Seal, above all dukes, not being the king's sons, &c. , andthe Great Chamberlain, Marshal, Lord Steward, Chamberlain, andChief Secretary, being a Baron above all others of the samedegree), shall sit and be placed in such order and fashion as isabove rehearsed, and not in other place by authority of thispresent Act. '

There exists what may be deemed very fair evidence to show thatin those days the Royal prerogative _as to precedence_ was neversupposed to be abridged by this Act, but on the contrary that itstill continued to flourish in undiminished force. Only twomonths afterwards Henry was divorced from Anne of Cleves, when, as is well known, he bribed her into compliance with his wishesby a liberal grant of money and of honours. By his letters patenthe declared her his adopted sister, and gave her _precedence_before all the ladies in England, next his queen and daughters, and therefore before his nieces[7] and their children, who weredirectly in the succession to the crown. [8] On the 3rd November, 1547, Edward VI. Granted to his uncle, the Duke of Somerset, immediately after his victory in Scotland, letters patent ofprecedence, in the following terms:--

 [7] The Duchess of Suffolk, and the Countess of Cumberland, daughter of Charles Brandon and Mary, Queen Dowager of France. 

 [8] Burnet, Hist. Ref. Vol. I. P. 565. 

'As our most dear uncle Edward, Duke of Somerset, by the adviceof the Lords, we have named . .. To be governor of our person andprotector of our realm . .. During our minority, hath no suchplace appropriated and appointed to him in our High Court ofParliament, as is convenient and necessary, as well as inproximity of blood unto us, being our uncle . .. As well as forthe better maintaining and conducting of our affairs. We have, therefore, as well by the consent of our said uncle, as by theadvice of other the Lords and the rest of the Privy Council, willed, ordained, and appointed, that our said uncle shall sitalone, and be placed at all times . .. In our said Court ofParliament, upon the bench or stole standing next our seat royal, in our Parliament Chamber. .. . And further, that he do enjoy allsuch other privileges, pre-eminences, &c. &c. _The statuteconcerning the placing of the Lords in the Parliament Chamber andother assemblies of council, made in the thirty-first year of ourmost dear father, of famous memory, King Henry VIII. ;notwithstanding_. '[9]

 [9] Rymer 15. --Collins' Peerage. 

This instrument must, under the circumstances, be taken as theact of Somerset himself; and it is inconceivable that he shouldhave had the audacity to attempt in his own behalf, that forwhich the plenitude of Henry VIII. 's power had been deemedinsufficient, or to have perpetrated in the name of a minor king, a direct and useless violation of a recent statute--moreespecially when the same object might have been as easilyaccomplished by the authority of Parliament, where theProtector's popularity would have ensured a ready compliance withhis wishes. This view of the case receives confirmation from thetotal absence of any allusion to this grant in the charges whichwere soon afterwards urged against him--everything that malicecould devise was raked together for the purpose of swelling thearticles of impeachment; but neither when he was degraded fromthe Protectorate, nor afterwards when he was deprived of life, was any accusation brought against him, tending to show thatthese letters patent were considered illegal or unconstitutional. Nearly a century later, Lord Coke lays it down that no Act ofParliament can bind the king from any prerogative which isinseparable from his person, 'but that' (Mr. Hallam adds) 'wasbefore he had learned the bolder tone of his decliningyears. '[10]

 [10] Const. Hist. Vol. Iii. P. 84. 

The order of Baronets was a new creation by James I. , but hisdecision of the controversy which arose touching a point ofprecedency thereupon, shows the prevailing notions of the royalprerogative. 

'The King's most excellent Majesty, having taken into his royalaudience and censure a certain controversy, touching place andprecedence, between the younger sons of viscounts and barons, andthe baronets, being a degree by His Majesty recently created, which controversy did arise out of some dark words contained inthe letters patent of the said baronets. His Majesty wellweighing that the letters patent of the Baronets have no specialclause or express words to give them the said precedence, andbeing a witness unto himself, which is a testimony above allexception, that his princely meaning was only to give and advancethe new dignity of His Majesty's creation, but never therewithaltacitly and obscurely to injure a third party. '[11] . .. And thenhe goes on to give precedency to Knights of the Garter, PrivyCouncillors, Judges, &c. ; over the younger sons of Viscounts andBarons, 'in all places, and upon all occasions, any constitution, order, degree, office, service, place, employment, custom, use, or other thing to the contrary notwithstanding. ' From Henry VIII. To James I. Were the high and palmy days of prerogative, when theauthority of the Crown was something even more transcendentalthan that of Parliament itself, and when it was no doubt heldthat, while the Crown could dispense with the provisions of anAct of Parliament, an Act of Parliament could never bind theprerogative of the Crown; but when Lord Coke began to adopt his'bolder tone' he laid down very different law, and he saysexpressly, in speaking of the Act of Henry VIII. , 'But Henry, though standing as much upon his prerogative, as any of hisprogenitors, finding how vexatious it was to himself, anddistasteful to his ancient nobility, to have new raised degrees, raised to precedency of them, and finding that this kind ofcontroversy for precedency was of that nature, that it had manypartakers, spent long time, and hindered the arduous, urgent, andweighty affairs of the Parliament, was content to bind and limithis prerogative by Act of Parliament, concerning the precedencyof his great officers, and his nobility. '[12]

 [11] Titles of Honour, p. 119. 

 [12] 4th Inst. 362. 

Whatever may have been the constitutional notions of thesixteenth or the seventeenth century, there can be no doubt thatthe lawyers of the nineteenth would hold, according to LordCoke's latter dictum, that the prerogative of the Crown islimited and restrained by the 31st Henry VIII. , and it is onlyworth while to ascertain what it previously was, in so far assuch an enquiry can assist in the solution of the presentquestion; for the same lawyers would probably be unanimous indeclaring that, except so far as it was expressly limited andrestrained by that statute, the prerogative still remainsundiminished and in all its pristine vigour--that Queen Victoriapossesses all the power which Henry VIII. Enjoyed, saving that ofwhich he was specifically divested by this Act. 

The Act 'for placing the Lords' restrains the Queen from grantingany precedence in Parliament _or in the Council_, over any of theRoyal and official personages and others, who have placesassigned to them therein. She may make any man a PrivyCouncillor, but she cannot authorise him to sit in a higher placethan that to which he is by law entitled, or above those whoseplaces are marked out by the statute. If Prince Albert, forexample, was to be made a Privy Councillor, not being a peer, hewould, _of absolute right_, be entitled to no place but that of ajunior Privy Councillor, or to such as a Knight of the Gartermight claim; and all the persons specified in the Act would have_an absolute right_ to take precedence of him _in Council_. Andit is worth while to consider in what a curious predicament hemight have been placed, if the Bill for his naturalisation hadpassed with those amendments as to his precedence which are saidto have been contemplated by the Opposition Lords--that is, supposing always the rule of precedence established by law to becarried inflexibly into operation. 

If the status of Prince Albert had been fixed immediately afterall the members of the Royal Family, and immediately before theArchbishop of Canterbury, and if Her Majesty should be hereafterpleased to make both Prince George of Cambridge and Prince Albertmembers of her Most Honourable Privy Council, in what order ofprecedence would these princes be obliged to take theirrespective seats at the board? In order clearly to comprehendthis point, it is necessary to explain the ancient usage as toRoyal precedence, and the manner in which it has been affected bythe 31st Henry VIII. The Royal Family are to be considered in twolights, according to the different senses in which the term_Royal Family_ is used--the larger sense includes all who may_possibly_ inherit the Crown; the confined sense, those within acertain degree of propinquity _to the reigning Prince_, and towhom the law pays an extraordinary respect; but, after thatdegree is past, they fall into the rank of ordinary subjects. Theyounger sons of the king, and other branches of the Royal Family, not in the immediate line of succession, were only so farregarded by the ancient law as to give them a certain degree ofprecedence over peers and other officers, ecclesiastical andtemporal. This was done by the 31st of Henry VIII. , which assignsplaces in the Parliament Chamber and Council to the king's sons, brothers, uncles, and nephews, &c. --'therefore, after thesedegrees are past, peers, or others of the blood royal, areentitled to no place or precedence, except what belongs to themby their personal rank or dignity, which made Sir Edward Walkercomplain that, by the creation of Prince Rupert to be Duke ofCumberland, and of the Earl of Lennox to be duke of that name, previous to the creation of James to be Duke of York, it mighthappen that their grandsons would have precedence of thegrandsons of the Duke of York. '[13]

 [13] Blackstone, vol. I. P. 226. 

Prince George of Cambridge, then, being neither son, brother, uncle, or nephew to the Queen, and having no personal dignity, isnot entitled to any precedence over the Archbishop of Canterbury, or the great officers of state; the 31st Henry VIII. Would placehim below them all; but the 3rd Victoria (supposing such an Actto have passed) would have placed Prince Albert below PrinceGeorge, but above the Archbishop, who is himself above PrinceGeorge, thus giving to the Master of the Ceremonies the solutionof a somewhat difficult problem of precedence--namely, how toplace A above B, B above C, and C above A. This _reductio adabsurdum_ at least proves that the amended Act would not only nothave settled the question of precedence satisfactorily, but wouldnot have settled it at all. 

It may seem surprising or paradoxical to assert, and many maywith difficulty believe, that Prince George of Cambridge isentitled to no precedence of his own, inseparable from his royalbirth, but such, nevertheless, is undoubtedly the fact. By law, he can only take _royal_ rank as the son, brother, uncle, ornephew, of the reigning sovereign, none of which he is, and hederives none whatever from having been nephew of William IV. AndGeorge IV. , and grandson of George III. The princes of the BloodRoyal have, as to precedence, a moveable and not a fixed status, constantly shifting, with their greater or less propinquity tothe actual sovereign; and in the event of Prince George'ssuccession to his father's dukedom, he would only be entitled toa place _in Parliament and in the Council_, according to theancienty of his peerage. 

The practice, however, does not wait upon the right, and isregulated by the universal sense and feeling of the respect anddeference which is due to the Blood Royal of England. TheArchbishop of Canterbury does not take a legal opinion or poreover the 31st of Henry VIII. To discover whether he has a rightto jostle for that precedence with the cousin, which he knows heis bound to concede to the uncle, of the Queen; but he yields itas a matter of course, and so uniform and unquestionable is thecustom, that in all probability neither the Prince nor thePrelate are conscious that it is in the slightest degree atvariance with the right. 

The obscurity which involves the question of precedence, and theprevailing doubts as to the extent of the Royal prerogative, proceed, in a great measure, from the intermixture of law andcustom, by which the practice is regulated and enforced. Thetable of precedence, the authority of which is recognised for allsocial and ceremonial purposes, rests upon statutory enactments, ancient usages, and the king's letters patent; usage creeping into disarrange the order, and break the links of the chain forgedby the law; for, while the 31st of Henry VIII. Places earls aftermarquises, custom interposes and postpones the former to theeldest sons of dukes (and so of Marquis's eldest sons andviscounts), though these are only commoners in the eye of thelaw. Now, as no custom (unless expressly saved) can prevailagainst the force of a statute, this renders it still more clear, that nothing was intended by the 31st Henry VIII. But 'theplacing the Lords' in Parliament, [14] and that the question ofgeneral precedence (with all the prerogatives of the Crownthereunto appertaining) was left untouched by it. [15] In point offact, the royal prerogative always has been, and stillcontinually is exercised, in violation of the order of theestablished table; for when the King, by his Royal warrant, givesto one of his subjects, having neither rank nor dignity, theplace and precedence of a duke's or an earl's son, the individualthus elevated supersedes all those (below that rank) whose placeand precedence is determined either by law or custom. 

 [14] Lord Herbert, in his Life of Henry VIII, says, in allusion to this statute, 'it was declared also how the Lords in Parliament should be placed, ' p. 218. 

 [15] Lord Coke clearly distinguishes between precedence in Parliament and Council and general precedence:--Thus far for avoiding contention about precedency in Parliament, Star Chamber, and all other assemblies, Council, &c. Now, they that desire to know the places and precedency of the nobility and subjects of the realm, as well men as women, and of their children (which we have added the rather, for that the contention about precedency between persons of that sex is even fiery, furious, and sometimes fatal), we will refer you to a record of great authority in the reign of Henry VII. , entitled. '--4th Inst. 363. 

The result, then, appears to be that, in the olden time, the kinghad unlimited power in matters of honour and precedence, andcould confer whatever dignity or pre-eminence he thought fit, upon any of his subjects. That this power has been expresslyrestrained, quoad the Parliament Chamber and the Council, butexists unfettered in all other respects. 

In Parliament (should Prince Albert be created a peer), he wouldonly be entitled to a seat at the bottom of the degree to whichhe might belong, and he would be expressly prohibited fromsitting nearer to the throne. In the Privy Council likewise (ifmade a Privy Councillor) he would be entitled to no especialplace, but everywhere else, at ceremonials of every description, at royal marriages, christenings or funerals, at banquets, processions, and courtly receptions, at installations andinvestitures, at all religious, civil, or military celebrations, upon all occasions, formal or social, public or private, theQueen may grant to her husband an indisputable precedence andpre-eminence over every other subject in the realm. It willprobably be less difficult to obtain a concurrence of opinion asto the extent of the Queen's constitutional right in grantingprecedence, than as to the manner in which it would be morallyfit, and just to others, that this right should be exercised. 

The bill, as originally introduced in the House of Lords, wasundoubtedly liable to serious objections; but it is difficult todiscover any valid reason why the Prince, Consort to the Queen, should not be invested for his own life with the highest personaldignity which it is in the power of the Crown to confer. 

It has been said, that to place Prince Albert before the princesof the blood royal would be an invasion of the _birth right_ ofthese illustrious persons. This seems to be the result of aconfused notion, that a privilege of precedence is identical witha beneficial interest--it may be a man's birth right to succeedin some contingency to the throne, or to a title or to an estate, and it would be injurious, and therefore unjust, to thrust anyinterloper between him and his chance, however remote it mightbe, of such succession. But the same Act which limits theprerogative of the Crown, confers on the Royal Dukes and GreatOfficers of State the only right of precedence which theypossess, and while they can claim no more than was given to them, the Crown is as surely entitled to all that was left to it bythat Act. No individual can insist upon an indefeasible rightnever to be preceded, under any circumstances, by any otherindividual not having a status defined by this Act, and as theuncles of the Queen, and the hereditary Earl Marshal of England, occupy their respective steps in the ladder of precedence, by theself-same title, there would be no greater violation ofbirthright in placing an individual without a status before theDuke of Sussex, than there would in placing him before the Dukeof Norfolk; if there be any injustice at all, the differencewould not be in the principle, but in its local or personalapplication. 

The question, then, is one of expediency, and of propriety, to bedetermined with reference to its own special circumstances, andaccording to the analogies which can be brought to bear upon it;there is not only no case exactly in point to refer to, but thereis none sufficiently analogous to be taken as a precedent. WhenQueen Anne came to the throne, Prince George of Denmark was theonly prince in England (all his children being dead), and no newAct was necessary to give him precedence, if the Queen haddesired it, inasmuch as there was nobody for him to precede. Thecondition of a Queen Consort is certainly very different fromthat of a Prince Consort; but upon the broad principle of moralfitness, there seems no reason why the husband of the Queenregnant should not be invested, by virtue of his _consortium_, with the highest dignity, over other men, just as the wife of theking is participant by virtue of her marriage of diversprerogatives over other women. For the prerogatives with whichthe law invests her are allotted to her not upon her own account, but upon that of the king; she is considered as a _feme sole_, and has certain capacities and rights, 'in order that the kingwhose continual care and study is for the public, should not betroubled and disquieted on account of his wife's domesticaffairs. ' And the law, which out of respect to the king makes ithigh treason to compass or imagine the death of his wife, whenshe becomes a widow ceases to surround her with this protection. It is the king alone, his dignity and his comfort, which the lawregards, and the privileges and pre-eminences of his family areconferred or established in such modes and proportions as may bemost conducive thereto. 

The principle on which precedence is established is that ofpropinquity to the sovereign, and no propinquity can be so closeas that of the husband to the wife, nor does it seem unreasonablethat all other subjects should be required to yield the outwardforms of honour and respect to the man who is elevated to astation so far above them, whom she is herself bound to 'love, honour, serve, and obey, ' and who is superior to her in theirnatural, while still subordinate in their civil and politicalrelations. Many people who are not unwilling to concede a highdegree of precedence to the Prince, are very sensitive about thedignity of the heir apparent, and while they are content that heshould precede his other children, would on no account allow himto be superior in rank to a Prince of Wales. The difficulty inthese cases is to establish a principle; but that difficulty isrendered much greater if, when the principle is once admitted, itis not taken with all its legitimate and necessary consequences. If the Prince is entitled to claim precedency over any of theblood-royal of England, above all others, he may claim it uponevery moral ground over his own children, nor is there any civilor political consideration in reference to the heir apparent, requiring that an exception should be made in his behalf. Thereseem to exist confused notions of something very extraordinaryand transcendant in the status of a Prince of Wales, but thedifference between him and his younger brother is not very great;and the only positive privilege with which the law certainly andexclusively invests the heir apparent, is that of making it hightreason to attempt his life. [16]

 [16] It is also treason to kill certain judicial officers when in actual execution of their offices. --Hale, P. C. 13. 

The heir apparent is Prince of Wales, and Duke of Cornwall, buthe is not necessarily either the one or the other, and except ona certain condition he cannot be the latter. [17] For as the king_creates_ his elder son, or heir apparent, Prince of Wales, hehas the power of withholding such creation, and though the eldestson of the king is Duke of Cornwall by inheritance, the dukedomis limited to the first begotten son of the king. [18]

 [17] Two months elapsed between the death of Frederick Prince of Wales, and the creation of his son, George III. , Prince of Wales. 

 [18] If, for example, George IV. Had died in his youth, his next brother might have been heir apparent, with no other title than that of Bishop of Osnaburgh. Henry VIII. After the death of Prince Arthur, and Charles I. After that of Prince Henry, were Dukes of Cornwall, but by special new creation. --H. , P. C. 13. 

The Prince of Wales has no right or privilege beyond those of anyother subject; he owes the same faith and allegiance to thesovereign; and since 1789 none have ever ventured to assert thathe could claim the regency rather than any other subject. Hispolitical condition, therefore, is little if at all differentfrom that of the rest of the Royal Family. His personalpropinquity to the sovereign must be less than that of hisfather, and the question is, whether there is anything sopeculiar in his status as to supersede those natural relations offather and son, which, according to all human custom, as well asdivine injunction, involve the duty of honour from the latter tothe former. 

The son's enfranchisement from parental rule when he arrives atyears of discretion does not exempt him from the honour he isbound by the law of God and nature to pay to his parents. [19] Theson is under a perpetual obligation to honour his father by alloutward expressions, and from this obligation no state canabsolve him. 'The honour due to parents' (says Locke) 'a monarchon his throne owes his mother, and yet this lessens not hisauthority, nor subjects him to her government. '[20] Themonarchical theory ascribes to the King of England two bodies orcapacities, a natural body, and a politic or mystical body, and'from this mystical union of the ideal with the real king, theenquirer after constitutional information is led through childishreasoning and unintelligible jargon, to practical consequencesfounded on expediency. '[21] These practical consequences are thecomplete subordination of the natural to the politic capacity ofthe sovereign, and that moral revolution which supersedes theduty of the son to the father by the superior duty of the subjectto the sovereign. Nothing less transcendental seems sufficient tocancel the force of this natural obligation, and while father andson are both in the condition of subjects, the filial andparental relations need not be outwardly reversed. 

 [19] Locke, vol. Iv. P. 347. 

 [20] Ibid. Vol. Iv. P. 376. 

 [21] Allen on the Royal Prerogative, p. 29. 

If the Queen, therefore, should be advised to grant to her RoyalConsort letters patent of precedence immediately next to her ownperson, and at the same time make him a Privy Councillor, therewould be no practical difficulty with regard to his place at theCouncil Board, notwithstanding the legal exception; there customhas in a great measure superseded law. The occasions are veryrare when any of the Royal Dukes are present; and upon allothers, the Prince would sit upon the right hand of Her Majesty, and precedence would be conceded to him as a matter of course. The Council Board is no longer what it was in the days of HenryVIII. , at which time the King sat there regularly in person. Thegreater part of the Privy Councillors were in constant attendanceupon him. [22] They resided in the Court, and accompanied himwherever he went; much (though far from all) of the mostimportant business of the State was transacted there, and theorder of sitting, when the members had to deliver their opinionsseriatim, beginning with the lowest, was not unimportant. Councils are now merely formal assemblies, for the expedition ofcertain orders, which must emanate from the sovereign in person. 

 [22] Sir H. Nicholas' Preface to Council Register, vol. I. P. 13. 

When any of the Royal Dukes are present, they sit next the Queenon her right hand, the Lord President always next her on herleft. And, although the Lord President and the Chancellor (whenpresent) sit on either side of the Queen, all the other officersare indiscriminately placed. It would not probably be deemedadvisable to go back to the end of the seventeenth century for aprecedent, or it would be found that Prince George of Denmark satin council, without taking any oaths; not, therefore, as a PrivyCouncillor, but _pro honoris causâ_. He always, however, occupiedthe place of honour, and his attendance was very regular, thoughthere is no record of his having ever taken the oaths; and, atthe accession of King William, when all the other PrivyCouncillors were sworn, it is expressly stated that Prince Georgewas not. [23]

 [23] He was first brought into Council by James II. In person, and placed on his right hand, but not sworn. 

It is much to be regretted that such heat and irritation havebeen manifested in the discussion of this question, and certainlybetween the proceedings in both Houses of Parliament. PrinceAlbert may well have thought his reception neither cordial norflattering; but the truth is, that any mortification which eitherthe Prince or the Queen may have felt (and in her it is onlynatural, whether just or not) is at least as attributable to thereally objectionable nature of the propositions which were made, as to the opposition which they encountered. 

Nothing herein is more to be deplored than that any mistaken zealshould misrepresent the conduct, or any hasty impressionmisconstrue the motives, of the Duke of Wellington. His wholelife has been a continual manifestation of loyalty and ofsuperiority to petty purposes, and unworthy inducements; but hisnotions of loyalty are of a nature which mere courtiers areunable to comprehend, because he always considers the honour andthe interests of the Crown, in preference to the personalinclination of the sovereign. 

Of all men who ever lived he has sought the least the popularityhe has so largely acquired--the tide of which, sometimes divertedby transient causes, has always returned with accumulated force. With him it is no 'echo of folly, and shadow of renown, ' but adeep, affecting, almost sublime national feeling, which exults inhim as the living representative of national glory. If there bean exception in any place to this universal sentiment, let ushope that the impression will not endure, that the cloud ofmomentary error will be dispersed, and that justice, ample andnot tardy, will be rendered to

 'The noblest man That ever lived in the tide of time. '

 END OF THE FIRST VOLUME. 

 INDEX. 

Abbotsford, visit to, iii. 291

Aberdeen, Rt. Hon. Earl of, Foreign Secretary in Sir R. Peel's Administration, ii. 37; and the Spanish quarrels, 73, 74; at the Château d'Eu, 200; communications of, with the 'Times, ' 200; Scotch Church Patronage Bill, 206; handsome behaviour of, to Lord Palmerston, 406; communications of, with the 'Times' on the Corn Laws, 311; reluctance of, to distrust M. Guizot, iii. 53; negotiations with, on the formation of a Government (1851), 383

Acland, Sir Thomas, motion of, i. 92

Adair, Sir Robert, anecdotes, iii. 212

Adelaide, Queen, at Exeter Hall, ii. 97

Afghanistan, expedition to, i. 241; events in (1842), ii. 85, 89; withdrawal from, 99, 101; recapture of Ghuznee and Cabul and release of the prisoners, 123, 125; indignation in England, 136

Aix-la-Chapelle, visit to, ii. 167

'Alarm, ' accident to, at the Derby, ii. 284; wins at Newmarket, 302; wins the Emperor's Cup, 396

Alava, General, i. 241; conversation with, 241, 242

Albert, H. R. H. Prince, betrothal of, to the Queen announced, i. 247; proposed allowance for, 258; naturalisation of, 259; precedence of, 259, 263; refused, 265; Mr. Greville's pamphlet on the Precedence Question, 266, 269; _see_ Appendix, vol. I. ; marriage of, 266, 269, 272; precedence conceded by the Duke of Cambridge, 270; name inserted in the Liturgy, 272; gazetted, 273; introduction of, 305; at Oxford, ii. 13; declines an invitation to the Waterloo Dinner, 15; and the King of Hanover, 192; hunting at Belvoir, 216; conversation with the Duke of Bedford, 264; elected Chancellor of the University of Cambridge, iii. 65; installed, 97; at Balmoral, 296; on Lord Palmerston's conduct of foreign affairs, 317

Aldborough, Lady, at Baden Baden, ii. 183

Alexander, Grand Duke (afterwards Emperor Alexander II. Of Russia), departure of, i. 215; munificence of, 215

Allen, Mr. John, i. 38; death of, ii. 153; account of, 154

Alliance meeting at Hertford, ii. 415

Althorp, library at, ii. 275

Alvanley, Lord, death of, iii. 304; character of, 305

America, case of McLeod, i. 383; boundary question settled, ii. 101; discovery of a missing map, 102

Ampthill, visit to, i. 250

Anglesey, Marquis of, the, speech of, at the Waterloo Dinner, i. 102-104; wounded at Waterloo, 135; visit to, in North Wales, ii. 16-17; reception of, at Carnarvon, 18

Anti-Papal Bill, the objections of the Peelites to, iii. 385, 387; objections to, 392, 393; debate on, 400

Antwerp, visit to, ii. 287

Arbuthnot, Mr. , death of, iii. 362; character of, 363

Arkwright, Mr. , death of, ii. 157

Armstrong, Colonel, ii. 94

Ashburton, Lord, mission of, to the United States, ii. 71; signs the Treaty of Washington, 101

'Atlantic, ' _fête_ on board the, iii. 409

Auchterarder Case, the, ii. 206, 207

Auckland, Lord, great ability of, ii. 63; First Lord of the Admiralty, 405; death of, iii. 254; career of, 255; character of, 255

Augusta, H. R. H. Princess, Royal consent given for the marriage of the, ii. 118

Austin, Mrs. , _salon_ of, in Paris, iii. 38

Austria, revolution in, iii. 155, 158; victories over the Piedmontese, 218; at Novara, 282

Austria, Ferdinand, Emperor of, decision of, iii. 159

Backhouse, Mr. , correspondence of, with Mr. Urquhart, i. 158

Bacourt, M. De, opinion of, of the Treaty of Washington, ii. 101

Baden Baden, arrival at, ii. 176; society at, 177-186; excursions, 178-186; scenery, 179

Bagot, Sir Charles, Governor-General of Canada, ii. 117

Baillie, Right Hon. Henry, motion of, for a Committee of Enquiry on Ceylon, British Guiana, and Mauritius, iii. 269

Ball, fancy, at the Palace, ii. 283

Ballot, The (for debates on, _see_ Lords, House of, and Commons, House of), division on, i. 61; an open question, 216

Balmoral, Council at, iii. 295; the Court at, 296

Bangor Cathedral, service at, ii. 17

Bank Charter Act, the, suspended, iii. 101

Barcelona, bombardment of, ii. 201

Baring, Hon. William Bingham (afterwards second Baron Ashburton), returned for North Staffordshire, i. 17

Baring, Hon. Francis (afterwards third Baron Ashburton), on French politics, iii. 35

Baring, Sir Francis, First Lord of the Admiralty, iii. 260

Barnes, Mr. , i. 123; death of, ii. 2; anecdote, iii. 75

Bath, visit to, i. 222; Mr. Harry Greville at, 222; Abbey Church at, 223

Battersea Schools, the, i. 131; lecture at, 151; visit to the, ii. 86

Battle of the Diamond, the, i. 30, 31

Bavaria, King of, the, abdication of, iii. 155

Beaudesert, party at, i. 48

Beaumaris, visit to, ii. 17

Beaumont, M. Gustave de, appointed French Ambassador to the Court of St. James's, iii. 218

Beauvale, Lord, and Lord Palmerston, iii. 120

Bedchamber, ladies of the, affair of the, i. 201, 209

Bedford, fourth Duke of, diary of, ii. 47

Bedford, sixth Duke of, letter of Lord Brougham to, on education, i. 238

Bedford, seventh Duke of, Devonshire property of, iii. 206

Bedford, Duchess of, resignation of, ii. 32

Bentinck, Lord George, racing transactions of, ii. 160; speech on the Corn Laws, 373; denounces a supposed job, 413; railway scheme defeated, iii. 57; speech on the Cracow affair, 67; attack on Mr. Labouchere, 71; attacked by Lord J. Russell, 197; death of, 222; character of, 223, 232; career of, 224, 234; 'Orlando' trial, 228; political career of, 229; Disraeli's life of, 417, 423

Bentinck, Lady William, death of, and character, ii. 157; funeral of, 159

Berlin, revolution in, iii. 155

Berry, Miss, ii. 201; anecdote of, 202

Berry, Miss Agnes, ii. 201, 202

Bessborough, Right Hon. Earl of, opinion of, on affairs, ii. 353; Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, 405; illness of, iii. 77, 80; letter to Lord J. Russell, 81; death of, 82

Beyrout, bombardment of, i. 328

Birkenhead, visit to, ii. 282

Birthday reflexions, i. 85

Blanc, Louis M. , iii. 152; at dinner, 235

Blessington, the Countess of, society at Gore House, i. 167; works of, 168

Bonaparte, Jérôme, Count de Montfort, at Gore House, i. 277

Bonaparte, Louis Napoleon, afterwards Emperor of the French, _see_ Napoleon

Bordeaux, Duc de, visit to England of the, ii. 211; reception of the, 212, 213

Bourqueney, Baron, letter from M. Guizot to the, i. 348; misreported conversation with Lord Palmerston, 381

Bowood, party at, ii. 69

Bradshaw, Mr. , disloyal speech of, at Canterbury, i. 244; duel with Mr. Horsman, 254, 255

Bresson, Count, instructions to, on the Spanish marriages, iii. 24 (_see_ Spanish Marriages)

Bridgewater House, private theatricals at, ii. 96

Bridgewater Trust, account of the, ii. 303

British Museum, correspondence with the, about the missing Privy Council Registers, ii. 162

Broadlands, visit to, ii. 104

Brocket, visits to, iii. 119, 375; manuscripts at, 376

Broglie, Duc de, speech of the, iii. 37

Brougham, Lord, scene with Lord Melbourne, i. 32; ability of, 33; on the ballot, 59; anecdote of, 59; habits of, 60; and Wakley, 60; at the Council Office, 65; qualities of, 66; in the House of Lords, 69, 71; anti-slavery speech, 73; speech on Small _v. _ Attwood, 83; article on Lady C. Bury's book, 90; and Mr. Handley, 99; contrast to the Duke of Wellington, 111; attacks Lord Durham's Ordinance, 123; pamphlet letter to the Queen, 149; reconciled to Lord Durham, 150; denies the pamphlet, 152; and Lord Melbourne, 152; and the Serjeants-at-Law, 156; anecdote of, and Lord Lyndhurst, 160; on the Bedchamber affair, 211, 212; attacks the Ministers, 213; great speech censuring the Irish policy of the Government, 228; freaks of, at a Greenwich dinner, 229; proposes the health of the Duke of Wellington at the Dover dinner, 237, 240; letter on education, 238; anecdotes of, 240; pretended death of, 243, 245, 247; squabbles with M. De Tocqueville and others, ii. 150, 151; intercourse with the Court, 151; endeavours to obtain an affidavit from Mr. Reeve, 207; Judicial Committee Bill, 225, 234; caprices of, 235; makes eleven speeches in the House of Lords, 242; at the Judicial Committee, 242; executor to Lord Melbourne, iii. 252

Brown, Mr. , M. P. , _fête_ on board the 'Atlantic, ' iii. 409

Brunnow, Baron, mission of, to England, i. 242; letter of, complaining of Lord Palmerston's conduct, iii. 332; on foreign affairs, 345

Buccleuch, the Duke of, Lord Privy Seal, ii. 82; Lord President of the Council, 337

Buccleuch, the Duchess of, Mistress of the Robes, ii. 44

Buckingham, the Duke of, Lord Privy Seal in Sir R. Peel's Administration, ii. 37; resignation of, 79; First Lord of the Admiralty in Lord Derby's Administration, iii. 451

Buckinghamshire, dispute on the appointment of sheriff, ii. 144

Buckinghamshire magistrates, appointment of the, ii. 66; opinion of the Duke of Wellington on, 77

Buckland, Dr. , at the Grange, ii. 264

Bugeaud, Marshal, commands the troops in Paris in 1848, iii. 144

Buller, Charles, Mr. , Radical opinions of, i. 32; appointed by Lord Durham, 109; author of Lord Durham's report, 163; paper of, on Ireland, iii. 221; death of, 241; character of, 249

Bulwer, Rt. Hon. Sir Edward Lytton, play of 'Richelieu, ' i. 173

Bulwer, Sir Henry, expulsion of, from Spain, iii. 169; arrival of, in London, 180; defence, 181; debate in the House of Commons, 190; intrigues in Spain, 194 (_for_ despatches to, _see_ Spanish Marriages)

Burge, William, Mr. , Q. C. , i. 255

Burghersh, Lord (afterwards Earl of Westmorland), opera by, i. 116; mistake of, ii. 275

Burghley, party at, i. 37

Burgoyne, Sir John, letter from the Duke of Wellington to, iii. 107

Burke, Rt. Hon. Edmund, iii. 213

Bury, Lady Charlotte, book by, i. 48; book reviewed by Lord Brougham, 65, 90

Butler, Mrs. , reading of, at Bowood, ii. 69; in the 'Hunchback, ' 96

Cabul, retreat from, ii. 85, 89, 107; recapture of, 123; opinion of the Duke of Wellington on the events at, 137, 138

Cambridge, visit to, ii. 238

Cambridge, University of, H. R. H. Prince Albert elected Chancellor of, iii. 65; installed, 97

Cambridge, H. R. H. Adolphus, Duke of, concedes precedence to Prince Albert, i. 270; death of, iii. 366

Cambridge, H. R. H. George, Duke of, precedence of, iii. 365, 366

Campbell, Lord, Lord Chancellor of Ireland with a peerage, ii. 14; Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, 405; speech of son of, at Cambridge, iii. 89; Lord Chief Justice of England, 327; success in the Court of Queen's Bench, 327

Canada, insurrection in, i. 34; debate on, in the House of Commons, 34; Duke of Wellington on, 37; Lord Durham sent out as Governor-General, 49; state of, 53; discussions on, 55; Lord Durham's Ordinance, 123; disallowed, 125; Lord Durham's Proclamation, 134; report on administration of, 162; bill dealing with the Canada Clergy Reserves, 294; government of, ii. 117; Sir Charles Bagot succeeds Lord Sydenham, 117; Sir Charles Metcalfe appointed Governor-General, 117

Canada Bill, _see_ Commons, House of

Candlish, Dr. , sermon by, iii. 292

Canford, visit to, ii. 105

Canning, Rt. Hon. George, distrust of, ii. 399

Canning, Stratford, Rt. Hon. Sir, opposition of, to Russia, iii. 279

Cannizzaro, Duchess of, death of the, i. 365; account of the, 365, 366

Canterbury, Archbishop of, Dr. Sumner appointed, iii. 125

Capel, Hon. And Rev. William, dispute with the Bishop of London, ii. 113

Capua, Prince of, the, at dinner at Devonshire House, i. 279

Carnarvon, visit to, with Lord Anglesey, ii. 18

Carnot, iii. 153

'Carolus' letter to the 'Times, ' iii. 372, 374; _see_ Appendix B, vol. Iii. 

Catholic Clergy, Endowment question, ii. 199

Cavaignac, General, iii. 199, 205

Cécille, Admiral, Ambassador to the Court of St. James's, iii. 268

Ceylon, committee of enquiry into administration of, iii. 269; witnesses, 308; evidence of Captain Watson, 312

Chantrey, death of, ii. 60; monument by, in Lichfield Cathedral, 60

Charles Albert, King of Sardinia, defeat of, iii. 218; abdication of, 282

Chartists, progress of the, i. 155; precautions in London for great meeting of the (1848), iii. 160, 162, 164; failure of the demonstration, 165; dangerous manifestations in the country, 188; Government measures, 190; agitation, 191; demonstration, 192; establishment near Chenies, 215

Chatham, Rt. Hon. Earl of, anecdotes of the, i. 245

Chatsworth, visit to, ii. 204; visit of the Queen to, 215

Chepstow, visit to, i. 222

Chester, visit to, ii. 16

Chester, Mayor of, question of baronetcy on the birth of the Prince of Wales, ii. 52

Chillianwallah, battle of, iii. 273

China, war with, i. 283; debate on, 283; Duke of Wellington on the war with, 286; annexation of Hong Kong, 383; return of Captain Elliot from, ii. 49, 52; views of Sir George Grey on, 72; treaty of peace with, 123

Chiswick, visit of the Queen and Prince Albert to, ii. 14; _fête_ at, for the Czar, 244

Chloroform, an operation under, iii. 110

Christina, Queen of Spain, intrigues of, ii. 419, 421; M. Guizot's account of, iii. 32; conduct of, 119

Church of Scotland, disruption in the, ii. 206

Circourt, Madame de, _salon_ of, iii. 45

Clanricarde, Marquis of, Postmaster-General, ii. 405

Claremont, council at, for events in the East, i. 328; lent to King Louis Philippe, iii. 154

Clarence, H. R. H. Duke of, _see_ William IV. , King

Clarendon, Rt. Hon. Earl of, office of Governor-General of Canada offered to the, i. 173; first appearance of the, in the House of Lords, 227; Lord Privy Seal, 243; on Eastern policy, 301; dissents from the treaty (1840), 304; conversation with M. Guizot, 305; offers to resign on the Eastern Question, 317; letter of, on Lord Holland's death, and on French affairs, 341; confidence of the Queen in, ii. 403; President of the Board of Trade, 405; Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, iii. 85; requires a Coercion Bill for Ireland, 105; and the Irish Catholics, 195; applies for more powers, 212; Proclamation of, 207; policy of, in Ireland, 217; interview of, with King Louis Philippe, 239; on Irish emigration, 251; on taking high office, 251; Irish relief, 285; conversation with Sir R. Peel, 286; success of the Queen's visit to Ireland, 295; dismissal of Lord Roden, 310; explanation in the House of Lords, 313; Encumbered Estates Act in Ireland, 314; conversation with the Queen and Prince Albert on foreign affairs, 317; conversation with Lord J. Russell, 361; spoken of as Foreign Secretary, 428, 431

Clifton, visit to, i. 222

Cobden, Richard, Mr. Greville's letter to, in the 'Times, ' iii. 123; _see_ Appendix A, vol. Iii. 

Coburg marriage, fear of, in France, iii. 30

Colborne, Sir John, Lieutenant-Governor of Canada, i. 35

Coleridge, Stanza from 'Ode to Tranquillity, ' i. 109

Colloredo, Count, and Lord Palmerston, iii. 282, 283, 288

Cologne, visit to the cathedral at, ii. 167

Commons, House of, select committee on pensions, i. 29; disorder in, 31; debate on insurrection in Canada, 34; discussions on Canada, 55; division on the ballot, 59; scene in, 68; Pendarves' motion, 70; vote of censure on Lord Glenelg, 72; amendment on, 73; Lord Eliot's motion on Spain, 83; motion of Sir George Strickland on emancipation, 84; motion on Lord Durham's expenses, 86; the Appropriation Clause, 93; Irish Municipal Corporation Bill, 100; session of 1838, 127; debate on the Irish policy of the Government, 190; Jamaica Bill, 196; division on, 199; Sir H. Fleetwood's motion, 215; Ballot an open question, 216; the privilege question, 257, 271; Prince Albert's allowance, 258; Ministers defeated on the Irish Registration Bill, 279; debate on vote of censure on measures resulting in Chinese war, 283; debate on the Registration Bill, 287; two new Irish Registration Bills, 373; Government defeated on Lord Morpeth's Bill, 391; division on the Sugar Duties, ii. 8; vote of censure carried by one, 10; dissolution, 14; Sir R. Peel's Corn Bill, 83, 86; attack of Lord J. Russell on Lord Corehouse, 84; Sir R. Peel's Budget, 87; Vote of Thanks to Lord Ashburton, 152; Irish Arms Bill, 188, 194; debate on Ireland, 228, 230; division, 232; the Ten Hours Bill, 236; Government defeated on the Sugar Duties, 246; Maynooth Grant, 276; debate, 279; Sir R. Peel's measure for sliding-scale duties on corn, 357; protracted debate on the Corn Laws, 366, 367, 371; scene in the House, 392; debate on the annexation of Cracow, iii. 67; Irish Poor Law, 69; Mr. Strutt's Railroad Bill, 93, 95; Irish measures (1847), 104, 106; obstruction, 161, 163; mismanagement of, 186; West India Committee, 187; alteration of the Oath Bill, 187, 192; debate on occurrences in Spain, 190; West India Sugar Bill, 193; subsequent crisis, 195; irritation, 197; Irish Bill, 209; Irish grant opposed, 267; committee of enquiry on Ceylon and British Guiana, 269, 309; debate on, 270; Sicilian arms affair, 271, 277; maiden speech of Mr. Frederick Peel, 288; debate on the Poor Laws, 319; Mr. Hutt's motion on the African squadron, 324; Stamp Bill, 325, 327; Mr. Roebuck's vote of confidence, 344; Mr. Locke King's motion, 378; Anti-Papal Bill, 400; Lord Palmerston's dismissal, 446; Militia Bill, 447, 449; dissolution, 454; Reform question, 469

Conference at Constantinople (1840), i. 328, 329

Conroy, Sir John, i. 14, 20

'Constitutionnel, ' indiscreet article in the, iii. 34

Conway Castle, ii. 16

Coplestone, Dr. (Bishop of Llandaff), publishes Lord Dudley's letters, i. 273

Corn Laws, i. 158, 164; allusion to, in the Queen's Speech, ii. 82; Sir R. Peel's Bill, 83; discussions on, 301; repeal of the, announced by the 'Times, ' 309; consequent agitation, 312, 316; Sir R. Peel's Government broken up, 317; Mr. Greville's pamphlet, 350; Duke of Wellington on the, 351; Sir R. Peel's measure for sliding-scale duties, 357; immediate repeal of, discussed, 360, 366; debate on the, 366; protracted discussions, 379

Cornwall, the Duchy of, iii. 67

Coronation of Queen Victoria, i. 105, 106

Cottenham, Lord High Chancellor, ii. 405; resignation of, iii. 338

Council, picture of the Queen's first, i. 82; at Windsor, 145; for declaration of the Queen's marriage, 247; at Windsor on crutches, ii. 203; at Osborne, resignation of Sir R. Peel, 316

Courvoisier, murder of Lord W. Russell, i. 284

Cousin, Victor, visit to, iii. 44

Cowley, Lord, conversation with, in Paris, iii. 19; views of, on the Spanish marriage question, 26

Cowley, Lord (afterwards Earl Cowley), Ambassador at Paris, iii. 441, 446; question of proxy, 472

Cracow, ii. 427; the annexation of, 430, 431; debate on annexation of, iii. 67

Creevey, Mr. , death of, i. 63; offices held by, 63; letters and papers of, 64, 275

Croker, Right Hon. John Wilson, article by, in the 'Quarterly Review, ' i. 103, 105; two anecdotes of the Duke of Wellington, 248; on Sir R. Peel's policy, ii. 200; and the Duke of Wellington, iii. 98; and Sir R. Peel, 98

Cromer, visit to, ii. 120

Curran, anecdote of, i. 153; Master of the Rolls in Ireland, 153

Czartoryski, Prince, at the Hôtel Lambert, iii. 44

Dalhousie, Right Hon. Earl of, President of the Board of Trade, ii. 267; promising speech of, 395

Danton, anecdote of, iii. 111

D'Arblay, Madame, journal of, ii. 127

Day, Sam, the jockey, death of, i. 133

De Grey, Right Hon. Earl, Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland in Sir R. Peel's Administration, ii. 37

Delane, Mr. John T. , succeeds Mr. Barnes as editor of the 'Times, ' ii. 3; information on the Corn Law question from Lord Aberdeen, 310, 315 (_see_ 'Times')

Delessert, M. , on the state of France, iii. 157

Denman, Lord, closes the term, ii. 63

Derby, Right Hon. (fourteenth) Earl of, forms a government, iii. 447; conduct of the Government, 453; dissolution of Parliament, 454; at Goodwood, 463; and Lord Cowley's proxy, 472; efforts to strengthen the Government, 473; _see also_ Stanley

Derby, the, accident to 'Alarm, ' ii. 284

De Ros, Lord, death of, i. 180

Devonshire, Duke of, letters and papers of the, ii. 377

Devonshire House, dinner at, to the Duke of Sussex and the Prince of Capua, i. 278

Dickens, Charles, performance of, at the St. James's Theatre, ii. 302

Disraeli, Right Hon. Benjamin, maiden speech of, i. 26, 30; quarrel with General Peel, ii. 388; Protectionist speech of, 392; and Mr. Moxon, iii. 75; defends Lord G. Bentinck, 197, 198; leader of the Protectionists, 264; 'Life of Lord G. Bentinck, ' 417, 423; Chancellor of the Exchequer in Lord Derby's Administration, 451; speech on the Budget, 451

Dolly's Brae affair, iii. 310, 313

D'Orsay, Count, at Gore House, i. 167; death of, iii. 465; character of, 466

Dost Mahomed, surrender of, i. 360

Downton Castle, visit to, i. 218

Drouyn de Lhuys, M. , French Ambassador in London, iii. 326; on the Greek affair, 326; recall of, 330

Drumlanrig, visit to, iii. 299

Drummond, Mr. Edward, assassination of, ii. 141

Drummond Castle, visit to, iii. 299

Dudley, Lord, letters of, published, i. 273; diary of, destroyed, 275; diary of, iii. 74

Duncannon, Lord, and the apartments in St. James's Palace, i. 280

Duncombe, Mr. Thomas, attack of, on the Post Office, ii. 272

Dundas, Right Hon. Sir David, at Ampthill, i. 250; conversation of, ii. 133; as Solicitor-General, iii. 122

Durham, Right Hon. Earl of, Governor-General of Canada, i. 49, 54; motion on expenses of, 86; behaviour of, 88; appointments of, attacked, 109; entry of, into Quebec, 110; ordinance of, attacked, 123; disallowed, 125; resignation of, 133; proclamation of, 134; return of, from Canada, 137, 141; conduct of, in Canada, 143; excuses of, 158; report of, on the administration of Canada, 162; distributes copies of report, 163; position of, 165; anecdote of, iii. 75

Eastern Question, the, beginning of, i. 242; in 1840, 297; anti- Palmerstonian policy of France, 302; communication of M. De Pontois to the Porte, 304, 306; conduct of ministers at the beginning, 308; protocol signed, 309; conversations with M. Guizot on, 310, 315, 319; indecision of ministers, 312 intentions of Lord John Russell, 313; discussions on, 315, 317, 325; cabinet on, 320; Prince Metternich's suggestion, 325; Lord Holland's remarks, 325; bombardment of Beyrout, and deposition of Mehemet Ali, 328; Lord Palmerston gains his point, 330; Lord Ponsonby's despatch, 334; note from the French Government, 335; surrender of the Emir Beschir, 344; terms of conciliation with France, 351; mission of Baron Monnier, 356; unsettled affairs in Egypt, 361; settlement of (1841), 377-383; protocols signed, 383; the Hatti-sherif, 385; fresh obstacles, 387

Easthope, Sir John, proprietor of the 'Morning Chronicle, ' i. 179

Eastnor Castle, i. 219

Eaton, visit to, ii. 15; lines cut on an hotel window, 16

Eden, Hon. And Rev. Robert (afterwards Bishop of Bath and Wells), Rector of Battersea, i. 131; lecture in Battersea, 151; Battersea Schools, ii. 86

Eden, Hon. Emily, letter of, i. 383; bitterness of, against Lord Ellenborough, ii. 128, 150

Edinburgh, visit to, iii. 291

'Edinburgh Review, ' originators of the, ii. 153

Education question, the, ii. 212

Egerton, Lord Francis, at Ems, ii. 287; house of, at Worsley, 303

Egremont, Right Hon. Earl of, death of the, i. 23; character of the, 24; at Petworth, 25

Egypt, _see_ Eastern Question

Election, general, result of, in 1837, i. 13, 16, 18; in 1841, ii. 15; result of, 20-22; in 1852, iii. 454; result of, 459

Eldon, Right Hon. Earl of, death of the, i. 49

Ellenborough, Right Hon. Earl of, Board of Control in Sir R. Peel's Administration, ii. 37; anecdotes of, 78; proclamation of, 123, 125; attacks on, 128, 136, 138; Duke of Wellington's opinion of, 139; extraordinary behaviour of, 141; position of, 145; vindication of, 148; despatch on the secret committee of the directors, 219; recall of, 238

Ellice, Right Hon. Edward, at Brocket, iii. 375

Elliot, Captain (afterwards Sir Charles), return of, from China, ii. 49, 52

Emir Beschir, _see_ Eastern Question

Ems, visit to, ii. 287

Endsleigh, visit to, iii. 205

Epsom, racing transactions of Lord G. Bentinck and Lord Kelburne, ii. 160

Espartero, downfall of, ii. 201

Eton College case, ii. 411

Eu, Château d', visit to, of Queen Victoria, ii. 196, 200; the agreement at, 201

Evans, Sir De Lacy, made a K. C. B. , i. 65

'Every Man in his Humour, ' performance of, ii. 302

Exchequer Bills, forgery of, ii. 50; anecdotes of, 56, 57

Exchequer, Court of, anecdote, iii. 125

Exeter, Bishop of, attacks the Archbishop, i. 120; on the St. Sulpice question, 388; charge of, ii. 136; attack on Newman, 136; reply to a Privy Council judgement, 136; the Gorham Case, iii. 300

Exeter, visit to, iii. 207

Exhibition, the Great, 1851, opening of, iii. 405

Eyre, Lieutenant, book by, on Cabul, &c. , ii. 137

Faubourg St. Germain, political feeling in the, iii. 42

Faucher, M. Léon, in London, iii. 410

Felbrigg Hall, visit to, ii. 120

Ferdinand I. , Emperor of Austria, political crisis, 1848, iii. 159

FitzGerald and Vesey, Lord, conversation with, i. 46; death of, ii. 158

Fitzroy, Lord Charles, resigns the office of Vice-Chamberlain, i. 86

Fleetwood, Sir H. , motion on £10 householders, i. 216

Foley, Lord, anecdote, i. 217

Foster, Lady Elizabeth, ii. 378

Fox, Right Hon. C. J. , account of the death of, i. 154

Fox, Maule, Right Hon. , Secretary at War, ii. 405

Fox, Mr. William, member for Oldham, iii. 103

Fox, Miss, death of, ii. 274

France, Lord Palmerston's hostility to, i. 347; attempt at conciliation with, 351; debate in the Chamber on Eastern affairs, 354; dispute with, on the Tahiti affair, ii. 253; opinions on change of government in England (1845), 345, 347; estrangement with, on the Spanish marriages question, iii. 10, 11; effect of conciliatory debate in England, 39; threatened rupture with, 62; estrangement from England, 73; revolution in 1848, 132; state of, 148, 152; Provisional Government in, 152; M. Delessert on affairs in, 157; anarchy in, 178; fighting in Paris, 202; tranquillity, 219; Prince Louis Napoleon elected President of the Republic, 253; unsatisfactory condition of the country, 284; share in the English and Greek dispute, 334, 337; _coup d'état_ of Louis Napoleon, 420

France, Bank of, arrangement with the Emperor of Russia, ii. 70

Francis, Sir Philip, at Woburn, ii. 47

Frankfort, visit to, ii. 169; Dannecker's 'Ariadne, ' 170; Rothschild's house, 171; Jews' Street, 173; the mother of the Rothschilds, 173

Frost, Mr. John, a magistrate, i. 250; concerned in a Chartist riot, 250; trial of, 256

Fullerton, Lady Georgiana, novel by, ii. 205

Galiera, Duchesse de, ball at the house of the, iii. 35

Garnier Pagès, iii. 153

George II. , King, anecdote of, ii. 215

George IV. , King, Memoirs of the time of, i. 48

Germany, condition of the country and people of, ii. 180, 181

Ghent, visit to, ii. 285

Girondins, Histoire des, by Lamartine, iii. 111

Gladstone, Rt. Hon. William E. , President of the Board of Trade in Sir R. Peel's Administration, ii. 37; resignation of, on the Maynooth Endowment, 267; explanation, 271

Glasgow, visit to, iii. 292

Glastonbury, Lord, and his peerage, ii. 236

Glenelg, Rt. Hon. Lord, resignation of, i. 161

Gomm, Sir William, Commander-in-Chief in India, iii. 273

Goodrich Castle, i. 220

Goodrich Court, armoury at, i. 221

Goodwood, party at, ii. 408; iii. 463

Gore House, dinner at, i. 166; hoax of Lord Brougham's death, 243; party at, 255; Jérôme Bonaparte at, 277

Gorham _v. _ the Bishop of Exeter, iii. 300-304; judgement, 323

Gorhambury, visit to, ii. 111; Bishop of London at, 111, 112

Goulburn, Rt. Hon. Henry, Chancellor of the Exchequer in Sir R. Peel's Administration, ii. 37

Graham, Rt. Hon. Sir James, conduct of, i. 9; negotiation of, between Sir R. Peel and Lord J. Russell, 185, 189; Home Secretary in Sir R. Peel's Administration, ii. 37; on the state of parties, iii. 51; and the Governor-Generalship of India, 87; on the Cumberland election, 89; declines the Governor- Generalship of India, 92; on colonial matters, 124; on obstruction in the House of Commons, 161; declines the Admiralty, 259; reasons for declining, 262, 264; on administrative reforms, 338; forebodings of, 382; negotiations with the Whigs, 383; on the state of parties, 390; vacillation of, 394; and the Whigs, 398, 401; Lord J. Russell's overtures to, 410; mission of Sir G. C. Lewis to Netherby, 411, 412; on public affairs, and a possible coalition, 435-439

Granby, Marquis of, chosen leader of the Protectionist party, iii. 123; consistent conduct of, 471; appointed Lord-Lieutenant of Lincolnshire, 472

Grange, The, visit to, i. 137

Granville, Rt. Hon. (first) Earl, paralytic seizure of, i. 390

Granville, Rt. Hon. (second) Earl, Foreign Secretary, iii. 428; conversation with Lord Palmerston, 433; paper of, on foreign policy, 442

Greece, disputes with, iii. 308, 311, 314; disputes continued, 325; opinions of M. Drouyn de Lhuys, 326; further disputes, 334; debate in House of Lords on dispute, 341; Lord Palmerston on brigandage in, 418

Green, Mr. , anatomical lecture by, iii. 375

Greenwich dinner, freaks of Lord Brougham at a, i. 229; Lord Normanby's health drunk at a, 237

Gregory, Mr. , house of, near Belvoir, i. 42

Grenville, Thomas, Mr. , anecdote of, i. 80; dinner with, ii. 114; anecdote of Porson, 114; Julio Clovio, 115; recollections and anecdotes, 116; anecdote of Wolfe, 120; death of, iii. 1; character of, 2

Greville, Charles C. , Mr. , pamphlet of, on Prince Albert's Precedence, i. 266, 269, 270 (_see_ Appendix, vol. I. ); book of, on Ireland, ii. 259; criticisms on, 260; publication of, objected to, 261, 266; publication decided on, 274; criticisms on, 276; opinions of the press on, 284; letters to France, 345; pamphlet 'Sir R. Peel and the Corn Law Crisis, ' 350, 368; success of pamphlet, 354; visit to Paris (1847), iii. 16; birthday reflexions, 73; letter to Cobden in the 'Times, ' 123 (_see_ Appendix A, vol. Iii. ); removes to Bruton Street, 277; elected a member of Grillon's Club, 321; letter of 'Carolus, ' 372, 374 (_see_ Appendix B, vol. Iii. )

Greville, Harry, Mr. , at Bath, i. 222

Greville, Mrs. Algernon, death of, i. 390

Grey, Rt. Hon. Earl, prevents the formation of a Whig Government, ii. 330, 331; explanation of conduct of, 341-344, 353; Colonial Secretary, 405; Lord-Lieutenant of Northumberland, iii. 65; remonstrance of, on Lord Palmerston's conduct, 185; speech of, on the suppressed despatches, 200; discredit of, 309

Grey, Rt. Hon. Sir George, Home Secretary, ii. 405

Grey, Sir George (formerly Chief Justice of Bengal), views of, on Chinese affairs, ii. 72

Grillon's Club, dinner at, iii. 321

Grote, George, Mr. , returned for the City of London, i. 13; Radical party reduced to, 215; visit to, iii. 122

Grove, The, visit to, ii. 111; agreeable party at, 289; Macaulay at, 415; return to, iii. 409

Guards, the, question of promotion on the birth of the Prince of Wales, ii. 51

Guernsey duties, affair of the, ii. 292

Guizot, M. , French Ambassador in London, i. 282; on the Eastern Question, 302, 303; at dinner at Windsor, 310; conversations with, on Eastern affairs, 311, 315, 317; on the deposition of Mehemet Ali, 328; difficulty of dealing with Lord Palmerston, 330; conciliatory efforts of, 335; note from the French Government, 335; succeeds M. Thiers (1840), 343; letter of, to Baron Bourqueney, 348; speech in the Chamber, 355; critical position of, ii. 269, 270; amicable meeting with M. Thiers, 278, 288; alarm at possible return of Lord Palmerston to the Foreign Office (1845), 345; conduct of, in the Spanish Marriages affair, 425; iii. 6; note in reply to Lord Palmerston, ii. 433; explanation relating to the Spanish Marriages, iii. 17; conversation with, on the Spanish Marriages, 20-26; complaints of Lord Palmerston, 30; and Lord Palmerston's despatch, 33; indignation of, 42; bad terms of, with Lord Normanby, 42; resentment at Lord Normanby and Lord Palmerston, 46, 47; invited to the British Embassy 'by mistake, ' 59; continuance of the quarrel, 60; the quarrel made up, 66; escape of, to England, 137, 145; conduct of, in the Revolution, 138; narrative of the Revolution, 142-145; dines with Lord Palmerston, 157

Gurwood, Colonel, second of Mr. Bradshaw, i. 254

Habeas Corpus Act suspended in Ireland, iii. 207; suspension of, renewed, 265

Haddington, Rt. Hon. Earl of, the First Lord of the Admiralty in Sir Robert Peel's Administration, ii. 37; declines the Governor-Generalship of India, 46; correspondence of, with the Duke of Wellington, 224

Hampden, Dr. , made Bishop of Hereford, iii. 109; consequent disputes, 112, 114; correspondence of, with the Bishop of Oxford, 115; correspondence on appointment of, as Regius Professor, 116, 117; case of, 118

Hannibal, comparison with the Duke of Wellington, i. 57

Hanover, the King of, proclamation of, i. 12; act of, on his accession, 42; declines to give up the apartments in St. James's Palace, 280; arrival of, ii, 161; in London, 192; anecdote, 192

Hanover, Stade Treaty with, ii. 107

Hardinge, Rt. Hon. Lord, Secretary at War in Sir R. Peel's Administration, ii. 37; Governor-General of India, 240; dinner at the India House, 242; sent to Ireland, iii. 213

Harewood Lodge for Ascot, ii. 11

Harrowby, Rt. Hon. Earl of, death of the, iii. 112

Harrowby, Countess of, the, death of, i. 96; character of, 96, 98

Hastings, Lady Flora, i. 172; death of, 224

Head, Right Hon. Sir Edmund, Poor Law Commissioner, ii. 60

Head, Right Hon. Sir Francis Bond, position of, i. 166; book by, 174

Heidelberg, visit to, ii. 175

Herbert, Right Hon. Sidney, in the Cabinet, ii. 267

Hereford, Bishop of, appointment of, iii. 109, 112; consequent disputes, 114

Herefordshire, state of the constituency, iii. 463

Herrenheim, Château de, visit to the, ii. 287

Herries, Right Hon. John C. , President of the Board of Control in Lord Derby's Administration, iii. 451

Hertford, Marquis of, the, death of, ii. 90; account of, 91, 92; will of, disputed, 111; will case at the Judicial Committee, 231

Hervey, Lord William, pamphlet by, suppressed, ii. 130

Hesse, the Elector of, at Ems, ii. 287

Hillingdon, visit to, ii. 121

Hobhouse, Right Hon. Sir John Cam, conversation with, i. 241; President of the Board of Control, ii. 405

Hodgson, Mr. , i. 48

Holland, Right Hon. Lord, objects to Lord Palmerston's Eastern policy, i. 308, 309; on the Eastern Question, 325, 329; death of, 341; M. Guizot's estimate of, 370

Holland, Lady, death of, ii. 306; character of, 307

Holland House, dinner at, i. 152; anecdotes of George Selwyn, 217; anecdotes, 245; dinner at, after Lord Holland's death, 367; anecdotes, 368; death of John Allen, ii. 153

Hook, Rev. Mr. (afterwards Dean of Chichester), preaches before the Queen, i. 116

Horsman, Mr. , duel of, with Mr. Bradshaw, i. 254, 255

Hôtel de Ville, ball at the, iii. 42

Howick, Lord, _see_ Grey, Earl

Hudson, Mr. , 'The Railway King, ' ruin of, iii. 273

Hullah, John, Mr. , system of teaching vocal music, i. 372; choral meeting at Exeter Hall, ii. 97

'Hunchback, The, ' amateur performance of, ii. 96

Huntington, William, S. S. , story of, i. 369

Huskisson, Right Hon. William, anecdote of, and Sir Robert Peel, iii. 216; conduct of, on the East Retford franchise, 424

Hutt, Mr. , motion of, on the African squadron, iii. 324

India, the Sikh war, ii. 372; terminated, 380; retrospect of the campaign, iii. 214; discussions on the Governor-Generalship of, iii. 87; Governor-Generalship offered to Sir James Graham, 92

Inverary, visit to, iii. 292

Irby, Mr. , death of, ii. 115

Ireland, administration of Lord Normanby, i. 176; state of, ii. 197; debate on, 228, 230; division, 232; Mr. Greville's book on the 'Policy of England to, ' 259, 263; publication of book, 274; criticisms on, 275; opinions of the press on, 284; potato failure, 301; state of, 375, 426, 434, iii. 71; Lord- Lieutenancy discussed, 77, 80; plan for abolishing the office, 80; discussions on the Lord-Lieutenancy of, 81-85; critical state of, 103; Government measures, 104, 106; seditious state of, 156, 160; plans for improvement of, 167; affray at Limerick, 172; proclamation of the Lord-Lieutenant, 207; Habeas Corpus Act suspended, 207; strong measures taken, 209; reported outbreak, 210; flight of Smith O'Brien, 213; and capture, 215; Lord Clarendon's policy in, 217; disaffection in, 220; proposed remedies for, 221; financial difficulties in, 237; emigration scheme, 251; renewal of suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, 265; distress in, 267; relief for, 285; the Queen's visit to, 295; Encumbered Estates Act, 314; proposed abolition of the office of Lord-Lieutenant, 314; Papal Aggression, 367

Irish Arms Bill, ii. 188, 194; proposal for renewing the, 408; given up, 410

Irish Coercion Bill, ii. 375

Irish Poor Law, iii. 69

Irish Registration Bills, i. 373; Government defeated on Lord Morpeth's Bill, 391

Isabella II. , Queen of Spain, marriage of, ii. 418, 420; conduct of, iii. 78; account of, 118; _see_ Spanish Marriages

Isturitz, sent away, iii. 193

Jamaica Bill, the, i. 196

Jarnac, Philippe de Rohan Chabot, Comte de, First Secretary of the French Embassy in London, ii. 409; Spanish marriages affair, 420, 431; on the annexation of Cracow, 430; details of the Spanish marriages, iii. 6; on Lord Normanby, Lord Palmerston, and M. Guizot, 56

Jekyll, Mr. , pun of, ii. 232

Jersey, Right Hon. Earl of, the, Master of the Horse, ii. 37

Jervis, Right Hon. Sir John, Attorney-General, difficulty about his son's election, iii. 122

Journal, reflexions on keeping a, i. 36

Judge and Jury Court, the, ii. 123

Judicial Committee, the, petition of apprentices from British Guiana, i. 80; Amendment Bill, 273; suggestions for, 274; petition of the Serjeants-at-Law, 156-160; James Wood's Will case, ii. 28; Lord Brougham's Bill, 225; working of, 226; Vice- Presidency of, 227; Lord Hertford's Will case, 231; the Gorham case, iii. 300-304; judgement, 323

Junius, letters of, proposed new edition of, ii. 346; Macaulay's opinion on, 416

Kay, Dr. (afterwards Sir James Kay Shuttleworth, Bart. ), visit to Poor Law school of, i. 230; Battersea schools, ii. 86

Kelburne, Viscount (afterwards Lord Glasgow), racing transactions, ii. 160

Kent, H. R. H. The Duchess of, conversation of, with Princesse Lieven, i. 15, 16

King, Locke, Mr. , motion of, for the extension of the suffrage, iii. 378

Kisseleff, Count, and M. Guizot, iii. 46

Kossuth, in England, iii. 413; reception of, 414; speeches of, 416

Labouchere, Right Hon. Henry, Under-Secretary for the Colonies, i. 171; Chief Secretary for Ireland, ii. 405; afterwards Vice- President of the Board of Trade, 405

Ladies of the Bedchamber, affair of the, i. 201, 209; steps taken (1841) to avert recurrence of difficulty, ii. 7, 8

Lahore, death of the King of, i. 360

Lakes, the English, visit to, iii. 409

Lamartine, 'Histoire des Girondins, ' iii. 111; greatness of, in the French revolution, 141; reply to the Irish deputation, 161

Lambert, Hôtel, account of the, iii. 44

Lambeth, dinner at, i. 99

Lancaster, Duchy of, appointment of a council for, ii. 427

Langdale, Right Hon. Lord, at the Judicial Committee, ii. 266

Lansdowne, Right Hon. Marquis of, Lord President of the Council, ii. 405; defence of Lord Palmerston, iii. 174; declines the Premiership, 243; and Count Colloredo, 289; on Reform, 414

Lansdowne House, ball at, i. 282

'Lays of Ancient Rome, ' publication of, ii. 116

Ledru Rollin, iii. 153

Lehzen, Baroness, the, i. 21; at Windsor, 246; leaves Windsor, ii. 110

Le Marchant, Sir Denis, anecdote, iii. 75

Lemoinne, M. , iii. 240

Lemon, Mr. , ii. 162

Lesseps, M. , Consul at Barcelona, iii. 38

Lewis, Right Hon. George Cornewall, Lewis _v. _ Ferrand, ii. 429; mission of, to Netherby, iii. 411, 412; Herefordshire election, 463

Lichfield, Rt. Hon. Earl of, quarrel of, with Mr. Wallace, i. 29

Liège, visit to, ii. 166

Lieven, Princesse, audience of the Queen, i. 15; of the Duchess of Kent, 15; and Lady Palmerston, ii. 130; account of interview between Guizot and Thiers, 287; on the Spanish marriage disputes, iii. 18; conversations with, 36, 42, 48; flight of, 137; account of the Revolution (1848), 137-141; on French affairs, 153; dines with Lord Palmerston, 157

Limerick, affray at, iii. 172

Lincoln, Rt. Hon. Earl of (afterwards fifth Duke of Newcastle), in the Cabinet, ii. 267; Woods and Forests in Sir R. Peel's Administration, 37

Lines cut on an hotel window, ii. 16

Literature, evils of inferior, iii. 208

Livy, character of Hannibal, i. 57

Logan, Dr. , iii. 126

London, Bishop of, at Gorhambury, ii. 111, 112; charge of, 112; dispute of, with the Hon. And Rev. William Capel, 113

Lonsdale, Rt. Hon. Earl of, the, Lord President of the Council in Lord Derby's Administration, iii. 451

Lord Mayor, the, and the picture of the Queen's First Council, i. 79, 82

Lords, House of, debate on Canadian Rebellion, i. 49; debates on the Canada Bill, 51-53; skirmish between Lords Melbourne and Lyndhurst, 68; violence of Lord Brougham, 71; debate on the Coolie question, 73; appeal of Small _v. _ Attwood, 83; debate on affairs in Spain, 102; debate on the naval instructions, 111; the Bishops on the Ecclesiastical Discipline Bill, 120; attack on Lord Durham's Ordinance, 123; review of session of 1838, 126; the Turton case, 170; Lord Roden's motion on the state of Ireland, 175; debate on the Bedchamber affair, 211, 212; Lord Melbourne declines to make Radical concessions, 213; debate, 213; majority against proposed Committee of Council on Education, 224; debate on Irish policy of the Government, 228; naturalisation of Prince Albert, 259; debate on the China question, 286; St. Sulpice question, 388; debate on the Address (1841), ii. 31; vote of thanks to Lord Ashburton, 152; debate on Lord Roden's motion, 194; Lord Aberdeen's Scotch Church Patronage Bill, 206, 207; Lord Brougham's Judicial Committee Bill, 225, 234; debate on the Corn Laws, 370; debate conciliatory to France, iii. 39; defeat of the Protectionists, 59; debate on the Enlistment Bill, 77; Government beaten on the Diplomatic Bill, 126; opening of the session (1849), 263; Sicilian arms affair, 276; debate on the Navigation Bill, 287; affair of Lord Roden, 310, 312; debate and division on the Pacifico affair, 341; Lord Torrington's defence, 402

Louis Philippe, King, policy of, on the Eastern Question, i. 339; receives Queen Victoria at the Château d'Eu, ii. 196, 200; on Spanish affairs, 200; aversion of, to Lord Palmerston, 345; shot at by Lecomte, 388; letter to M. Guizot, 414; conduct of, in the affair of the Spanish marriages, 418-423; Cracow affair, 429; at the Tuileries, iii. 35; and Danton, anecdote of, 111; fall of, 135; arrival of, in England, 137; as Comte de Neuilly, 137; conduct of, during the Revolution, 139, 143; narrative of the Revolution, 150; at Claremont, 154; letter of, on the Spanish marriages, 168; courtesy of Queen Victoria to, 186; on the French generals, 205; reported communication from M. Thiers, 239; interview with Lord Clarendon, 239; and Admiral Cécille, 268; M. Malac's mission, 328; death of, 364

Lowther, Rt. Hon. Lord, Postmaster-General, ii. 37

Ludlow, visit to, i. 217; castle of, 218

Lushington, Rt. Hon. Dr. , negotiation of, with the Duke of Wellington, i. 278

Luttrell, Mr. , death and character of, iii. 425

Lyndhurst, Rt. Hon. Lord, and Lord Melbourne, i. 69; judgement of, in Small _v. _ Attwood, reversed, 80; anecdote of, and Lord Brougham, 160; at Gore House, 255; Lord Chancellor in Sir R. Peel's Administration, ii. 37; exchange of patronage with Lord Ripon, 413; reply to Lord G. Bentinck, 413, 415

Lynedoch, Lord, at Woburn, ii. 46

Macaulay, Rt. Hon. Thomas Babington, return of, from India, i. 112; on the state of parties, 112; talents of, 121; elected at Edinburgh, 215; 'Grote and his wife, ' 215; speech of, 215; a saying of Lord Brougham's, 240; conversational powers of, 367; Mr. Henry Taylor's remark on, 367; anecdotes of, 368; collected ballads, ii. 60; at Bowood, 69, 70; 'Lays of Ancient Rome, ' 116; meets Ranke, 203; Maynooth speech of, 279; attack on the Irish Church, 282; repartee of, 339; on Junius, 416; History of England, iii. 252; elected at Edinburgh, 460

MacDougal, Mr. , Chartist meeting, iii. 193

MacGregor, Mr. , and Lord Ripon, on Free Trade, ii. 53

MacHale, Dr. , appointment of, ii. 217

MacLeod, case of, i. 383

Macready as 'Richelieu, ' i. 173

Maitland, General Sir Thomas, anecdote of mistaken identity, i. 285

Malac, M. , mission of, to Claremont, iii. 328

Malmesbury, Rt. Hon. Earl of, the, Foreign Secretary in Lord Derby's Administration, iii. 451

Malvern, visit to, i. 219

Manchester, riots at, ii. 98; visit to, 305

'Mango, ' trial of, i. 23; wins the St. Leger, 23

Manners, Rt. Hon. Lord John, First Commissioner of Works in Lord Derby's Administration, iii. 451

Marie Amélie, Queen, courage of, iii. 140

Marlborough, Duchess of, letters of the, ii. 67; anecdotes of, 67

Marliani, pamphlet by, i. 251

Mayence, visit to, ii. 169, 174

Maynooth Grant, ii. 276; debate on, 279

Mehemet Ali, _see_ Eastern Question

Melbourne, Rt. Hon. Lord, adviser of the Queen, i. 22; attack of, on Lord Brougham, 33; position of the Government, 62; and Lord Lyndhurst, 69; and the Queen, 130; at Windsor, 147; resigns, 199; the Bedchamber difficulty, 201-209; resumes the Government, 207; declines to make Radical concessions, 213; effect of speech, 214; on Mr. Creevey's Journal, 275; alarmed at affairs in the East, 303, 307; indecision of, 312; asleep at the Cabinet, 321; remarks on Lord Palmerston, 363; advice to the Queen, ii. 23; advice to Sir R. Peel on behaviour to the Queen, 39; attack of palsy, 116; failing health of, 214; and the Court of Rome, 217; on O'Connell's trial, 233; on the Post- Office affairs, 289; nervous condition of, 292; breaks out on the Corn Laws at Windsor, 351; visit to, at Brocket, iii. 119; anecdote of, 121; death of, 240; character of, 241; devotion of, to the Queen, 244; compared to Sallustius Crispus, 246; conversations and opinions, 247; declaration in regard to the Hon. Mrs. Norton, 253; manuscript books of, 376

Melrose, visit to, iii. 291

Metcalfe, Rt. Hon. Sir Charles, on Afghanistan, ii. 99; Governor- General of Canada, 117

Metternich, Prince, on the Eastern Question, i. 306; suggestion of, 325; flight of, iii. 155; fall of, 158

Milman, Very Rev. Dean, dinner at the house of, ii. 60

Minto, Rt. Hon. Earl of, the, Lord Privy Seal, ii. 405; mission of, to Italy, iii. 108

Miraflores, mission of, to Paris, iii. 20

Mirasol, mission of, to London, iii. 183

Mitchell, John, affray at Limerick, iii. 172; conviction of, 182

Molé, M. , opinion of affairs, iii. 20; attempts to form a government, 139, 143

Molesworth, Right Hon. Sir William, moves vote of censure on Lord Glenelg, i. 72

Monmouth, visit to, i. 219; historical interest of, 219

Monmouth convicts, the, i. 261

Montgomery, Mr. Alfred, hoax of Lord Brougham's death, i. 243

Montpensier, H. R. H. Duchesse de, Infanta of Spain, marriage of the, ii. 418; at the Tuileries, iii. 35 (_see_ Spanish Marriages)

'Morning Chronicle, ' the, conduct of, i. 179; ill-timed hostility of, to France, 326, 327; violent article on M. Guizot, iii. 42; attacks on Lord Aberdeen, 52; purchased by the Peelites, 128

Mounier, Baron, mission of, i. 356

Moxon, Mr. , and Mr. Disraeli, iii. 75

Mulgrave, Right Hon. Earl of, Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, i. 30

Munster, Right Hon. Earl of, returns the keys of the Round Tower, i. 17; death of the, ii. 94

Muntz, Mr. , appointed magistrate, i. 227

Murray, Sir George, asked to review the 'Wellington Despatches' in the 'Edinburgh Review, ' i. 38, 57

Napier, Sir Charles, sent to India as Commander-in-Chief, iii. 274, 276, 280

Napier, Admiral, proclamation of, i. 305

Naples, insurrection at, iii. 216; Lord Palmerston's breach of neutrality, 261, 271; Lord Palmerston's claims on, 419

Napoleon, Louis, Prince (afterwards Emperor of the French), at Gore House, i. 167; success of, iii. 239; elected President of the French Republic, 253; position of, 329; _coup d'état_, 1851, 420; M. Thiers' account of, 443; and Lord Normanby, 441

Narvaez, intrigues of, iii. 194

Navigation Laws, the, iii. 283, 287

Netherlands, King of the, at Goodwood, ii. 287

Newcastle, fourth Duke of, dismissed from the Lord-Lieutenancy of Nottinghamshire, i. 194; letter of the, to the Lord Chancellor, 195; interview of the, with the Duke of Wellington, 195

Newport, Mayor of, the, at Court, i. 249

Newport, Chartist riot at, i. 249, 256; result of the trial, 260

Norbury, Right Hon. Earl of, murder of the, i. 157

Norman Court, visit to, i. 133

Normanby, Right Hon. Marquis of, the, succeeds Lord Glenelg at the Colonial Office, i. 161, 164; Irish administration of, 176; at a Greenwich dinner, 237; despatches relating to the Spanish marriages, iii. 17; indiscretion of, 30, 34; relations of, with M. Thiers, 35; communications of, with M. Thiers, 40; bad terms of, with M. Guizot, 43, 46; condition of the Embassy, 49; perplexity of, 58; further misunderstanding, 59, 60; the quarrel made up, 66; more blunders, 69; results in Europe of the squabble, 72; proposed as Ambassador to Rome, 108; resigns, 441, 445; and Louis Napoleon, 442

North, Right Hon. Lord, anecdote of, ii. 116

Nottinghamshire election, iii. 389

Novara, battle of, iii. 282

Oakley Park, visit to, i. 218

O'Brien, Smith, return of, to Ireland, iii. 167; affair at Limerick, 172; search for, 213; capture of, 215

O'Connell, Daniel, speech of, at the 'Crown and Anchor' Tavern, i. 66, 67; declines the Mastership of the Irish Rolls, 101; speech of, 279; conduct of, on Irish measures, ii. 132; proclamation of, prohibiting Repeal meeting, 204; arrest of, 205; trial of, 210, 218; popularity of, 214; advice of, on Ireland, 220, 221; result of the trial of, 228; release of, 255; death of, iii. 82; career of, 85

O'Connor, Feargus, at the Chartist meeting (1848), iii. 166

Odilon Barrot, conduct of, in the French Revolution, iii. 140, 144

Orange, Princess of, the, ii. 287

Orangemen, discomfiture of, i. 30

Orford, Right Hon. Earl of (Horace Walpole), letters of the, to Sir Horace Mann, ii. 202

'Orlando' takes the Derby Stakes, ii. 250; the trial, iii. 228

Orleans, H. R. H. Duchesse d', iii. 35; on the proposed reconciliation between the two branches of the French Royal family, 329

Ossington, visit to, ii. 309

Ostend, passage to, ii. 166

Ovid, quotation from, i. 238

Oxford, Bishop of, anti-slavery speech of, ii. 411; want of tact of, 411; correspondence with Dr. Hampden, iii. 115

Pacifico, Don, the case of, iii. 308, 311; debate on, in the House of Lords, 341

Pakington, Right Hon. Sir John, Colonial Secretary in Lord Derby's Administration, iii. 451

Palace, the, dinner at, i. 77; balls at, 9, 109

Palmerston, Right Hon. Viscount, and Mr. Urquhart. I. 117, 119; and the 'Portfolio, ' 159; policy in the East (1840), 297-304; objections to policy of, 301; coolness of, 304; conduct of, at the outset of the Eastern Question, 308; offers to resign, 308; independence of, at the Foreign Office, 309; the Eastern Question, 312-314; at the Cabinet on the Eastern Question, 321; hostility of, to France, 326; article in the 'Morning Chronicle, ' 326; triumph of, 330; note from the French Government, 335; ignores his colleagues, 345; defends Lord Ponsonby, 347; hostility to France, 347, 353; and the Tories, 363; position of, 364; settlement of the Eastern Question, 377-383; jobbing at the Foreign Office, ii. 48; attack on, in a Berlin newspaper, 75; and consequent misunderstanding, 75; abuses the treaty of Washington, 104, 109; attacks on the Government, 105, 106; and the press, 130; commencement of coalition with M. Thiers, 267; consternation in France at possible return of, to the Foreign Office, 345; visit of, to Paris, 383; letter to King Louis Philippe, 388; Foreign Secretary, 405; incipient disputes with France, 409; Spanish marriages, 418, iii. 6; despatch to Sir H. Bulwer, ii. 424; conversation with, on the Spanish marriages, iii. 15; conduct discussed by M. Guizot, 20, 26; effect of despatch, 25; M. Guizot's complaints of, 30; mismanagement of, 40; and the 'Morning Chronicle, ' 52; threatens a rupture with France, 62; consequences in Europe, 72; anecdote of, 121; dinner to M. Guizot, 157; despatch to Sir H. Bulwer, 169; conduct of, attacked in the House of Lords, 173; omission of, 178; and the Duc de Broglie, 185; Sicilian arms affair, 261, 271, 276; attacks on, 261; and Count Colloredo, 282, 283; suppression of a despatch, 288; the Greek dispute, 308, 311; quarrels with France, 330; Baron Brunnow complains, 332; able speech of, 346; Radical dinner to, 362; conversation with, 374; and Kossuth, 413, 416; Finsbury and Islington deputation, 415; claims on Naples, 419; dismissal of, from the Foreign Office, 426; own version of the affair, 428; succeeded by Earl Granville, 433; complete account of the affair, 434; further details, 444; explanations in Parliament, 446

Palmerston, Lady, conversation with, on Eastern affairs, i. 330

Panic in the money market, iii, 99; proposed measures of the Government, 101

Panshanger, party at, ii. 415

Papal aggression, iii. 366

Paris, visit to (1847), iii. 16-50; Mrs. Austin's _salon_, 38; ball at the Hôtel de Ville, 42; ball at Mme. Pozzo di Borgo's, 42; visit to M. Cousin, 44; the Hôtel Lambert, 44; Mme. De Circourt's _salon_, 45; Mme. De Girardin's _salon_, 45; farewell visits, 48; Revolution (1848), 132; state of, 149, 284; fighting in the streets of, 199; details of fighting, 202; the Archbishop of, killed on a barricade, 200, 203; the _coup d'état_ of Louis Napoleon, 420

Parke, Rt. Hon. Baron, and Lord Brougham, i. 59

Parker, Admiral, instructions to, iii. 216

Parkes, Mr. Joseph, tour of, i. 194

Parliament, dissolution of, debated, ii. 5; resolved on, 9, 12, 13; dissolved, 14; opening of (1842), 81; opening of, and state of parties (1844), 222

Parliamentary proceedings, _see_ Lords, House of, _and_ Commons, House of

Payne, Knight, built Downton Castle, i. 218

Peel, Rt. Hon. Sir Robert, informed of the moderation of Lord J. Russell, i. 188; caution of, 193; sent for by the Queen, 200; the Bedchamber difficulty, 201-209; coldness of, to Lord J. Russell, 259; thrown over on the Canada Bill, by the Duke of Wellington, 294; vote of censure on the Government, ii. 10; sent for to Windsor, 33; forms an administration (1841), 37; conversation with the Queen, 41; Corn Bill (1842), 83; Budget, 87; difficulties of, 189; unpopularity of, 191, 247; Maynooth Grant, 276; resignation of, 317; position of, 324; conduct of, 328; resumes office, 332; vindication of, in Mr. Greville's pamphlet, 350, 368; measure for sliding-scale duties on corn, 357; discussions on the measure, 357-366; position of, 380; anecdote of, 387; conversation with, 389; assailed by the Protectionists, 392; behaviour to Mr. Canning, 397; resigns office, 401; resolution of, not to take office, 433; position of, iii. 94; unpopularity of, in Liverpool, 97; correspondence with Mr. Croker, 98; influence of, 100; position of, 146; on obstruction, 163; reluctance of, to take office, 199; anecdote of, and Huskisson, 216; conversation with Lord Clarendon, 286; on foreign affairs, 315; accident to, 347; death of, 348; character of, 349; career of, 350-358; effects of death of, 358; conduct of, on the East Retford franchise, 424

Peel, Rt. Hon. Gen. Jonathan, affronts Mr. Disraeli, ii. 388

Peel, Frederic (afterwards Rt. Hon. Sir F. Peel, K. C. M. G. ), maiden speech of, iii. 288

Penryn Castle, visit to, ii. 17

Perceval, Rev. Mr. , preaches before the Queen, i. 116

Pereira, Mr. , lecture of, i. 78

Perez, Antonio, anecdote of a manuscript, ii. 129

Phillips, Sir Thomas, at Windsor, i. 249

Phillpotts, _see_ Exeter, Bishop of

Pigou, Mr. , and the Duke of Wellington's letter on the defence of the country, iii. 107

Piscatory, M. , in the French Revolution, iii. 140

Pitt, Rt. Hon. William, peerages, ii. 235

Plas Newydd, visit to Lord Anglesea at, ii. 16

Plunket, Rt. Hon. Lord, compelled to resign the office of Lord Chancellor of Ireland, ii. 14

Plymouth, visit to, iii. 207

Poland, reported annexation of, by Russia, iii. 4

Ponsonby, Rt. Hon. George, Irish Chancellor, i. 153; and Curran, 153

Ponsonby, Viscount, despatch of, announcing Mehemet Ali's deposition, i. 334; recall of, proposed, 346; defended by Lord Palmerston, 347; violence of, 361; conversation with, ii. 110

Pontois, M. De, communication of, to the Porte, i. 304

Porson, anecdote of, ii. 114

'Portfolio, ' the, i. 117, 118, 158

Portland, third Duke of, anecdote of the, iii. 212

Portugal, Donna Maria, Queen of, iii. 79

Portugal, state of affairs in, iii. 76, 77, 79

Post Office, letters opened at the, ii. 249; alleged opening of Mr. Thomas Duncombe's letters, 272; Lord Melbourne's warrants for opening letters, 289

Pozzo di Borgo, Comtesse, ball at the house of, iii. 42

Prandi, at Burnham Beeches, iii. 122

Precedence Question, _see_ H. R. H. Albert, Prince; Mr. Greville's pamphlet on, _see_ Appendix, vol. I. ; of ambassadors, i. 282

'President, ' the, loss of, i. 391

Pritchard, Mr. , and the Tahiti affair, ii. 252

Privilege Question, the, i. 257; disputes on, 270

Privy Council, position of the sons of the Sovereign, i. 274; introduction of Prince Albert, 274

Privy Council Office, correspondence with the British Museum on the missing registers, ii. 162; (_see_ Judicial Committee)

Protectionist party, position of the, iii. 380

Protestant agitation, iii. 368, 369, 373

Protocol signed, 1840, i. 309

Prussia, King of, arrival of the, ii. 77; sight-seeing, 78; at the House of Lords, 81; lunches with Mrs. Fry. 81

Prussia, Prince of, the, flight of, iii. 155; visit of, to Queen Victoria, 179

Prussia, state of, iii. 238; retrospect of 1848, 257

'Punch, ' cartoon in, iii. 407

Quarterly Review, the, article on Sir R. Peel's policy, ii. 200; article on Lord Orford's letters, 202

Rachel, Mlle. , as Hermione, ii. 6; recites at Windsor Castle, 11

Radetzki, Marshal, victory of, iii. 282

Radical party, the, reduced, i. 215; dissatisfaction at Lord J. Russell, 216

Radowitz, General, invited to Windsor, iii. 372

Raglan Castle, visit to, i. 220

Railway, first time of travelling on the, i. 11; speculation, ii. 300

Ranke, Professor, breakfasts with Sir G. C. Lewis, ii. 203

Rapallo, Exchequer Bills, ii. 50; advanced money to Louis Napoleon, 50

Reeve, Henry, Mr. , first acquaintance of, with Mr. Greville, i. 27; goes to Paris, 388; declines to make an affidavit for Lord Brougham, ii. 207; and King Louis Philippe, 216; letters of, from Paris, 345-347

Reform, question of, iii. 469

Repeal magistrates, the, restored, ii. 407

Revolution, the French (1848), iii. 132; details of, 138, 142 (_see_ France)

Revolution in Austria, iii. 155, 158

Rhine, voyage up the, ii. 167

'Richelieu, ' first representation of, i. 173

Riddlesworth, visit to, ii. 205

Ripon, Right Hon. Earl of, the, and Mr. Macgregor at the Board of Trade, ii. 5; President of the Board of Trade in Sir R. Peel's Administration, 37; differs with Mr. Macgregor, 53; exchange of patronage with Lord Lyndhurst, 413

Roden, Right Hon. Earl of, dismissed from the Commission of the Peace, iii. 310

Roebuck, Mr. , vote of confidence in the Government, iii. 344

Rolfe, Right Hon. Baron (afterwards Lord Chancellor Cranworth), at Ampthill, ii. 265; estimate of Lord Eldon, 265

Rolle, Lord, at the Queen's Coronation, i. 107

Rome, retrospect of the year 1848, iii. 257

Romsey, church at, ii. 105

Ross, visit to, i. 219; 'The Man of, ' 219

Rossi, Count, on French affairs, i. 343

Rothschild, house of the family of, at Frankfort, ii. 171, 173

Royal Academy of Arts, lecture at the, iii. 375

Royal Institution, evening at the, i. 78

'Running Rein, ' case of, ii. 250

Russell, Right Hon. Lord John, attack on the Bishop of Exeter, i. 66; finality speech of, 181; position of, 182; sentiments of moderation towards Sir R. Peel, expressed through Sir J. Graham, 183, 189; skilful speech of, 190; threatened by the Radicals, 191; slight to an Irish member, 194; letter to the electors of Stroud, 196; brings in the Jamaica Bill, 196; speech on Sir H. Fleetwood's motion, 216; note to Sir R. Peel, 259; as leader, 293; alarmed, at affairs in the East, 303, 307; opposes Lord Palmerston's policy, 312; Cabinet on the Eastern Question, 320; weakness of, 331; efforts of, to settle affairs in the East, 333; threatens to resign, 344; intentions of (1841), ii. 27; attack on two judges, 84; conversation at Holland House on the Reform Bill, 121; dissatisfaction of, at the American Treaty, 126; sent for by the Queen, 317; difficulties in forming a Government, 319, 331; resigns, 332; promise to the Queen, 361; convokes a meeting of Whig Peers, 394; forms a Government, 405; conversation with, on French affairs, iii. 55; threatened with personal violence, 65; speech on the Irish Poor Law, 69; position of, 96; financial statement of, 126; results, 128; difficulties with Lord Palmerston, 185; West India Sugar Bill, 193; subsequent crisis, 195; peerage suggested for, 281, 285; despatch relating to the Spanish marriages, 298; Government defeated on the Pacifico affair, 341; indecision of, 342; conversation with Lord Clarendon, 361; letter on the Papal aggression, 367, 370; resigns, 378; negotiations for the formation of a government, 383; return of, to office, 389; negotiations with Sir J. Graham, 395, 399, 401; overtures to Sir J. Graham, 410, 412; dismissal of Lord Palmerston, 426, 429; details of the affair, 434, 444; explanations in Parliament, 446; resignation of, 447

Russell, Lord William, murder of, i. 284

Russell, Lord William, G. C. B. , recalled from Berlin, ii. 66

Russia, the Emperor Nicholas of, visit to London, ii. 243; review in Hyde Park, 243; fête at Chiswick, 244; appearance of, 244; arrangement with the Bank of France, iii. 70; and Louis Napoleon, 441; remark of, on the British fleet, 315

Russia, measures in Poland, iii. 5; interference with, 279; complains of Lord Palmerston, 332

Russian Note, the, iii. 323

Rutland, Duke of, birthday festivities of, i. 41, 44, 45

St. Aulaire, Marquis de, French Ambassador in London, ii. 58; dinner with, iii. 54

St. James's Palace, arrangements for the apartments in, i. 280

St. Jean d'Acre, capture of, i. 354

St. Leger, won by 'Mango, ' i. 23

St. Leonards, Right Hon. Lord, Lord Chancellor in Lord Derby's Administration, iii. 451

Salamanca, battle of, Duke of Wellington's account of the, i. 39

Sale, Mrs. , letter of, from Cabul, ii. 85

Salic Law, the, proposed revival of, in Spain, iii. 13

Salisbury, Right Hon. The Marquis of, Lord Privy Seal in Lord Derby's Administration, iii. 451

Salisbury Cathedral, visit to, i. 223

Sampayo, anecdote of a manuscript, ii. 129

Sandwich, Countess of, appointment of, i. 224

Sardinia, defeated by Austria, iii. 282

Schleswig-Holstein question, the, iii. 371

Schwabe, Mr. , on Spain, iii. 38

Scotland, visit to, iii. 291; Balmoral, 295

Scrope, Davies, iii. 47

Seaton, Lord, _see_ Colborne

Sefton, Right Hon. Earl of, death of the, i. 138; character of the, 138, 139

Selwyn, George, anecdotes of, i. 217

Serjeants-at-law, petition of the, i. 156, 160

Serrano, Marshal, intrigues of, iii. 194

Session, review of the (1838), i. 126, (1839) 231, (1840) 291, (1842) ii. 97, 98; opening of the (1849), iii. 263

Sicily, revolution in, iii. 123; Lord Palmerston's breach of neutrality with the Government of, 261, 271, 276

Sikh war, the, ii. 372; termination of, 380; the campaign, iii. 214

Singleton, Archdeacon, death of, ii. 94

Smith, Rev. Sydney, death of, ii. 273

Smith, Bobus, death of, ii. 274

Small _v. _ Attwood, i. 80, 81; judgement in, reversed, 83

Sobraon, victory of, ii. 380

Somerset, Lord Fitzroy (afterwards Lord Raglan), account of the Duke of Wellington's campaigns, i. 135-137

Somerset, Right Hon. Lord Granville, Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster in Sir R. Peel's Administration, ii. 37

Somnauth, Temple of, the gates of the, carried off, ii. 123, 139

Sophia, H. R. H. Princess, death of the, iii. 184

Sotomayor, Duke of, and Lord Palmerston, iii. 169

Soult, Marshal, arrival of, in London, i. 103; at Queen Victoria's coronation, 106; reception of, 113

Southern, Mr. , on Irish affairs, iii. 171

Southwell, Church at, ii. 309

Spain, termination of the Carlist war, i. 241, 242; quarrels in, ii. 73; insurrection in, 201; intrigues in, 421; proposed revival of the Salic Law, iii. 13; political crisis in, 45; affairs in, 78; relations with, 183; debate in the House of Commons, 190; intrigues in, 194; expulsion of Sir H. Bulwer, 169

Spanish Marriages, the, first proposals for the Queen's marriage (1838), i. 251; papers relating to the, iii. 6; detailed account of the affair, 7-11; further details, 15, 17; Princesse Lieven on the quarrels, 18; discussion with M. Guizot, 20-26, 30-33; letters relating to the, 168; beginning of the disputes, 412; account of intrigues, 418-423; indignation at, 425; conversation on, with M. De Jarnac, 431

Speakership, discussion on the, ii. 23

Spencer, Right Hon. Earl, anecdote of, when leader of the House of Commons, ii. 152; death of, 295; character of, 295-298

Spencer, Hon. John, anecdotes of, ii. 67

Spottiswoode Gang, the, i. 31

Stade Dues, the, ii. 107

Staleybridge, riots at, ii. 98

'Standard, ' the, contradicts the 'Times' on the repeal of the Corn Laws, ii. 313

Stanley, Right Hon. Lord (afterwards fourteenth Earl of Derby) at Knowsley, i. 11; Colonial Secretary in Sir R. Peel's Administration, ii. 37; called up to the House of Lords, 256; good speech of, 395; replies to Lord Grey, iii. 200; Steward of the Jockey Club, 205; on the Dolly's Brae affair, 310, 312; negotiations for the formation of a Government, 381, 384, 385; attempt to form a Government, 385; failure of the attempt, 386; at Newmarket, 402 (_see_ Derby, Earl of)

Stanley, Edward Henry, Hon. (afterwards fifteenth Earl of Derby), maiden speech of, iii. 337

Stephen, Right Hon. Sir James, position of, at the Colonial Office, i. 174

Stephens, arrest of, i. 155

Sterling, John, Mr. , and Coleridge, i. 109

Stowe, sale at, iii. 216

Strachan, Lady, ii. 91

Strutt, Right Hon. Edward (afterwards Lord Belper), Railroad Bill of, iii. 93, 95

Sudeley, Lord, loses three forged Exchequer Bills, ii. 57

Sumner, Dr. , appointed Archbishop of Canterbury, iii. 125

Sussex, H. R. H. Duke of, the, claim of, i. 113, 115; at dinner at Devonshire House, 278; dissatisfaction of, 279; death of, ii. 155; funeral of, 156

Sutton Sharpe, anecdotes, ii. 78

Sybilla, Margravine, the residence of, near Baden, ii. 184

Syria, military operations in, i. 328; affairs of, 346, 354

Tahiti affair, the, ii. 252

Talleyrand, death of, and character, i. 94; and Napoleon, ii. 193

Tavistock, Marquis of, i. 10

Taylor, Mr. Henry, paper by, on the West Indies, i. 197

Taymouth, visit to, iii. 292

Temple Church, service at the, ii. 159

Temple, Sir William, award on the claims on Naples, iii. 419

Thiers, M. , resignation of, i. 343; beginning of coalition with Lord Palmerston, ii. 267; amicable meeting with M. Guizot, 278, 288; visit to England, 298; interview with Lord Aberdeen, 299; bitterness of, towards Talleyrand, 299; visit to, and conversation, iii. 27-29; dinner at, 29; cordial relations of, with the British Embassy, 35; communications with Lord Normanby, 40; bitterness of, 48; conduct of, during the Revolution, 140, 144; reported communication of, to King Louis Philippe, 239; visit to London, 407; account of the _coup d'état_, 443

Thomson, Right Hon. Charles Poulett (Lord Sydenham), sent to Canada, i. 235; death of, ii. 117; abilities of, 117

Thynne, Rev. Lord John, visit to, iii, 207

'Times, ' the, on the Corn Laws, i. 158; on Lord Durham's report, 163; on the Eastern Question, 324; and Lord Palmerston, 362; death of Mr. Barnes, ii. 2; Mr. Delane appointed editor, 3; communications with the Government, 200; Mr. Henry Reeve's article on the Duc de Bordeaux, 216; article announcing the repeal of the Corn Laws, 309; contradiction, 312, 314; supports Lord J. Russell's Administration, 406; anecdote, iii. 75; on Lord Palmerston's breach of neutrality, 261, 272; letter of 'Carolus, ' 272, 274, _see_ Appendix B, vol. Iii. , letter to Cobden, Appendix A, vol. Iii. 

Tintern Abbey, visit to, i. 221

Tocqueville, M. De, letter of, i. 362; attacked by Lord Brougham, ii. 150; on the state of parties in France, iii. 41

Torrington, Viscount, attack on, iii. 269; defence of, 402

Tory-Radical, a, i. 19

Tower of London, fire at the, ii. 51

Treason, High, cases of, i. 289

Treaty, July 15, 1840, for settling the affairs of the East, i. 297 (_for results of_ Treaty, _see_ Eastern Question)

Trench, Sir Frederic, and the statue of the Duke of Wellington, i. 106

Troy House, visit to, i. 219; built by Duke of Beaufort, 1689, 219

Tuileries, reception at the, iii. 35

Turton, Mr. , appointed by Lord Durham, i. 110; appointment criticised, 158; debate on, in House of Lords, 170

Underwood, Lady Cecilia, at dinner at Devonshire House, i. 278; created Duchess of Inverness, 282; at a ball at Lansdowne House, 282

Urquhart, Mr. , and Lord Palmerston, i. 117; account of, 119; the 'Portfolio, ' 158

Usk Castle, visit to, i. 220

Usk salmon, i. 220

Ventura, General, ii. 100

Victoria, Her Majesty Queen, accession of, i. 2; praise of, 14, 20; audience to Princesse Lieven, 15; interview of, with the Archbishop of Canterbury and Lord Conyngham, 20; visit to Queen Adelaide, 21; cordiality to Lord Melbourne, 22; picture of first Council of, 83; at a ball at the Palace, 91; Coronation of, 105, 106; two sermons, 116; and Lord Melbourne, 130; life at Windsor, 146; resignation of Lord Melbourne's Cabinet, 200; the Bedchamber difficulty, 201-206; declaration of marriage of, 247; opens Parliament (1840), 253; Marriage of, 266; goes to the Ancient Concert, 275; at a ball at Lansdowne House, 282; shot at, 288; on the Eastern Question, 323; visit to Nuneham and Oxford, ii. 13; visit to Chiswick, 14; visit to Woburn, 26; council for appointing ministers in Sir R. Peel's Administration, 37; admirable behaviour of, 38; appointments in the Household (1841), 42, 43; reception of the new Ministers, 44; birth of the Prince of Wales, 51; the new Ministers, 84; shot at, 96; first visit to Scotland, 108; visit to the Château d'Eu, 196, 200; visit to Chatsworth, 215; fancy ball, 283; absence in Germany, 292; sends for Lord J. Russell, 317; Lord J. Russell's audience, 322, 323; letter on Lord Palmerston's despatch, 424; decorations for the Peninsular soldiers, 434; good order of private affairs of, iii. 67; correspondence on the Spanish marriages, 168; visit of the Prince of Prussia to, 179; affection of, for the Orleans Royal family, 186; annoyance of, at Lord Palmerston's conduct, 289; visit to Ireland, 295; life at Balmoral, 296; on Lord Palmerston's conduct of foreign affairs, 317; sends for the Duke of Wellington, 388; on the crisis, 390

'Victoria and Albert, ' the, Royal yacht, ii. 196

Vienna, outbreak at, iii. 158

Villiers, Right Hon. Charles P. , correspondence with Cobden, ii. 349

Villiers, Hon. Edward, death and character of, ii. 208, 209

Visconti, Madame, i. 365

Wakefield, Mr. Edward Gibbon, appointed by Lord Durham, i. 110

Wakley, Mr. , i. 60

Wales, H. R. H. Prince of, birth of, ii. 51; question of promotion for the officer on guard, 51; question of a baronetcy for the Mayor of Chester, 52; armorial bearings of, 63; gazetted Duke of Saxony, 65

Wales, North, excursion to, ii. 15-20; the inhabitants of, 19

Walewski, Count, mission of, i. 315; opinion of Lord Palmerston, iii. 418

Walpole, Rt. Hon. Spencer, position of, iii. 397; Home Secretary in Lord Derby's Administration, 451; clause in the Militia Bill, 449

Walter, John, Mr. , returned for Nottingham, i. 391; succeeds to the 'Times, ' iii. 64

Washington, the Treaty of, signed, ii. 101; discovery of a missing map, 102; attacked by Lord Palmerston, 101, 104-106; controversy kept up, 109, 111; dissatisfaction of Lord J. Russell at, 126; ratification of, 147

Wellington, Duke of, the, on operations in Canada, i. 37; on his Spanish campaigns, 37-41, 46; advice of, to the King of Hanover, 42; patriotism of, 45; on the Canada Bill, 53; comparison of, with Hannibal, 57; at the Waterloo dinner, 103; meets Marshal Soult, 105; and Mr. Croker, 105; equestrian statue of, 106; contrast to Lord Brougham, 111; panegyric on despatches of, 120, 121; with Lord Anglesey at Waterloo, 135; at Orthez, 135; at Salamanca, 136; lost his army, 136; interview of, with the Duke of Newcastle, 195; assurance of support to Lord Melbourne after moderation of the latter, 213; effect of speech of, 214; angry vein of, 225; at the Dover dinner, 237; Mr. Croker's anecdotes of, 248; serious seizure of, 267; on the Privilege Question, 270; altered appearance of, 271, 275; at Court, 278; instance of failing memory, 278; speech on the China question, 286; conversation with, 287; opposes the Canada Bill, 294; influence of, 296; on Eastern affairs, 300; illness of, 373; self-reliance of, ii. 34; irritability of, 43; chattels of, 59; delusions of, 61; meets the King of Prussia, 77; on events in Afghanistan, 89, 100, 137; at Exeter Hall, 97; opinion of Lord Ellenborough, 139; on the Duke of Marlborough, 192, 193; Talleyrand and Napoleon, 193; on the evils of the press, 220; deference shown to, at the Cabinet, 223; increasing irritability of, 223; correspondence with Lord Haddington, 224; at a review, 243; on the Corn Laws, 351; decorations for the Peninsular soldiers, 434; conversation with, iii. 55; reasons against taking office, 55; on the defence of the country, 76; on the Enlistment Bill, 76, 78; Wyatt's statue of, 91; failing powers of, 97; and Mr. Croker, 98; letter of, on the defence of the country, 107; preparations of, for the great Chartist meeting, 162; death of Mr. Arbuthnot, 362; sent for by the Queen, 388; death and character of, 474

Wells, visit to, iii. 207

West Indies, threatened emancipation of the, i. 84

West India question, the, iii. 175

West India Committee, iii. 187

West India Bill, iii. 193

Westminster Play 'Phormio, ' ii. 216

Wharncliffe, Rt. Hon. Lord, Lord President in Sir R. Peel's Administration, ii. 37; management of the Privy Council Office, 212; contradicts the statement of the 'Times' on the repeal of the Corn Laws, 312-314; death of, 335

Whately, Archbishop of Dublin, in society, iii. 73

Wheatstone, Mr. , i. 79

Whig Government, prospects of the, i. 180; state of the party, 193; split with the Radicals, 192; Government resigns, 199; defeat of the party at the general election (1841), ii. 21-23; negotiations with the Peelites (1851), iii, 383; possible coalition with the Peelites, discussed, 437-440

Wiesbaden, visits to, ii. 171, 285; theatre and society at, 172

'Wilberforce, Life of, ' review of, in the 'Edinburgh Review, ' i. 90

Wilberforce, Archdeacon (afterwards Bishop of Oxford), at the Grange, ii. 264

Wilde, Right Hon. Lord Chief Justice, dinner party at, iii. 125

Wilkie, David, picture of the Queen's First Council, i. 79, 82

William IV. , H. M. King, as Duke of Clarence, i. 2; Lord High Admiral, 3; character of, 3; funeral of, 8

Wilton, visit to, i. 223

Windcliffe, visit to, i. 222

Windsor Castle, invitation to, i. 132; the Queen at, 146; Council at, 246; dinner at, 246; Mayor of Newport at, 249; anecdote of M. Guizot, 310; dinner in St. George's Hall, ii. 11; Council and dinner at, 44, 45

Wiseman, Dr. , ii. 25; conversation on relations with the Pope, iii. 108; manifesto of, 369

Woburn, visit of the Queen to, ii. 26; visit to, 46, 47; party at, 76; fire at, 76; management of the estate, 110; contrasted with Bretby, 416

Wolfe, General, anecdote of, ii. 120

Wolff, Dr. , i. 88

Wood, Right Hon. Sir Charles, Chancellor of the Exchequer, ii. 405; income-tax difficulty, iii. 146

Wood, Mr. , President of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, dismissal of, i. 165

Wood, James, Mr. , will case of, ii. 28

Worms, visit to, ii. 287

Worsley, visit to, ii. 303

Wrest, visit to, i. 250-251

Wyatt, Matthew, statue by, of the Duke of Wellington, i. 106

Wye, the river, scenery on, i. 220, 222

Wyse, Right Hon. Sir Thomas, British Minister at Athens, iii. 334; instructions to, in the Greek dispute, 334

York, Archbishop of (Hon. Edward Harcourt), death of the, iii. 102

Zichy-Ferraris, Countess, ii. 91