THE

HISTORY OF ROME. 

BY

TITUS LIVIUS. 

THE FIRST EIGHT BOOKS. 

LITERALLY TRANSLATED, WITH NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS, BY

D. SPILLAN, A. M. M. D. 

LONDON:

HENRY G. BOHN, YORK STREET, COVENT GARDEN. MDCCCLIII. 

JOHN CHILDS AND SON, BUNGAY

PREFACE. 

In this new English version of the most elegant of the Roman historians, the object of the translator has been, to adhere as closely to theoriginal text as is consistent with the idioms of the respectivelanguages. But while thus providing more especially for the wants of theclassical student, he has not been unmindful of the neatness andperspicuity required to satisfy the English reader. 

There have been several previous translations of our author, but theonly one now before the public, or deserving of particular mention, isthat by Baker, which is undoubtedly a very able performance, and had itbeen more faithful, would have rendered any other unnecessary. 

The edition used for the present translation is that published at Oxfordunder the superintendence of Travers Twiss, whose carefully revised textis by far the best extant. The few notes and illustrations which thelimits of an edition in this popular form permit, are chiefly confinedto the explanation of grammatical difficulties. Historical andantiquarian illustration is now so abundantly supplied by excellentManuals and Dictionaries, that it has been deemed unnecessary to swellthe present volumes by additions in that department. 

Among the manuals of Roman History which may most advantageously be usedby the student, is Twiss's Epitome of Niebuhr, 2 vols. 8vo, a workfrequently referred to in these pages. 

THE

HISTORY OF ROME. 

BOOK I. 

 _The coming of Æneas into Italy, and his achievements there; the reign of Ascanius in Alba, and of the other Sylvian kings. Romulus and Remus born. Amulius killed. Romulus builds Rome; forms a senate; makes war upon the Sabines; presents the_ opima spolia _to Jupiter Feretrius; divides the people into_ curiæ; _his victories; is deified. Numa institutes the rites of religious worship; builds a temple to Janus; and having made peace with all his neighbours, closes it for the first time; enjoys a peaceful reign, and is succeeded by Tullus Hostilius. War with the Albans; combat of the Horatii and Curiatii. Alba demolished, and the Albans made citizens of Rome. War declared against the Sabines; Tullus killed by lightning. Ancus Marcius renews the religious institutions of Numa; conquers the Latins, confers on them the right of citizenship, and assigns them the Aventine hill to dwell on; adds the hill Janiculum to the city; enlarges the bounds of the empire. In his reign Lucumo comes to Rome; assumes the name of Tarquinius; and, after the death of Ancus, is raised to the throne. He increases the senate, by adding to it a hundred new senators; defeats the Latins and Sabines; augments the centuries of knights; builds a wall round the city; makes the common sewers; is slain by the sons of Ancus after a reign of thirty-eight years; and is succeeded by Servius Tullius. He institutes the census; closes the lustrum, in which eighty thousand citizens are said to have been enrolled; divides the people into classes and centuries; enlarges the Pomœrium, and adds the Quirinal, Viminal, and Esquiline hills to the city; after a reign of forty years, is murdered by L. Tarquin, afterwards surnamed Superbus. He usurps the crown. Tarquin makes war on the Volsci, and, with the plunder taken from them, builds a temple to Jupiter Capitolinus. By a stratagem of his son, Sextus Tarquin, he reduces the city of Gabii; after a reign of twenty-five years is dethroned and banished, in consequence of the forcible violation of the person of Lucretia by his son Sextus. L. Junius Brutus and L. Tarquinius Collatinus first created consuls. _

PREFACE. 

Whether in tracing the history of the Roman people, from the foundationof the city, I shall employ myself to a useful purpose, [1] I am neithervery certain, nor, if I were, dare I say: inasmuch as I observe, that itis both an old and hackneyed practice, [2] later authors always supposingthat they will either adduce something more authentic in the facts, or, that they will excel the less polished ancients in their style ofwriting. Be that as it may, it will, at all events, be a satisfaction tome, that I too have contributed my share[3] to perpetuate theachievements of a people, the lords of the world; and if, amidst sogreat a number of historians, [4] my reputation should remain inobscurity, I may console myself with the celebrity and lustre of thosewho shall stand in the way of my fame. Moreover, the subject is both ofimmense labour, as being one which must be traced back for more thanseven hundred years, and which, having set out from small beginnings, has increased to such a degree that it is now distressed by its ownmagnitude. And, to most readers, I doubt not but that the first originand the events immediately succeeding, will afford but little pleasure, while they will be hastening to these later times, [5] in which thestrength of this overgrown people has for a long period been working itsown destruction. I, on the contrary, shall seek this, as a reward of mylabour, viz. To withdraw myself from the view of the calamities, whichour age has witnessed for so many years, so long as I am reviewing withmy whole attention these ancient times, being free from every care[6]that may distract a writer's mind, though it cannot warp it from thetruth. The traditions which have come down to us of what happened beforethe building of the city, or before its building was contemplated, asbeing suitable rather to the fictions of poetry than to the genuinerecords of history, I have no intention either to affirm or refute. Thisindulgence is conceded to antiquity, that by blending things human withdivine, it may make the origin of cities appear more venerable: and ifany people might be allowed to consecrate their origin, and to ascribeit to the gods as its authors, such is the renown of the Roman people inwar, that when they represent Mars, in particular, as their own parentand that of their founder, the nations of the world may submit to thisas patiently as they submit to their sovereignty. --But in whatever waythese and such like matters shall be attended to, or judged of, I shallnot deem of great importance. I would have every man apply his mindseriously to consider these points, viz. What their life and what theirmanners were; through what men and by what measures, both in peace andin war, their empire was acquired[7] and extended; then, as disciplinegradually declined, let him follow in his thoughts their morals, atfirst as slightly giving way, anon how they sunk more and more, thenbegan to fall headlong, until he reaches the present times, when we canneither endure our vices, nor their remedies. This it is which isparticularly salutary and profitable in the study of history, that youbehold instances of every variety of conduct displayed on a conspicuousmonument; that from thence you may select for yourself and for yourcountry that which you may imitate; thence _note_ what is shameful inthe undertaking, and shameful in the result, which you may avoid. Buteither a fond partiality for the task I have undertaken deceives me, orthere never was any state either greater, or more moral, or richer ingood examples, nor one into which luxury and avarice made their entranceso late, and where poverty and frugality were so much and so longhonoured; so that the less wealth there was, the less desire was there. Of late, riches have introduced avarice, and excessive pleasures alonging for them, amidst luxury and a passion for ruining ourselves anddestroying every thing else. But let complaints, which will not beagreeable even then, when perhaps they will be also necessary, be keptaloof at least from the first stage of commencing so great a work. Weshould rather, if it was usual with us (historians) as it is with poets, begin with good omens, vows and prayers to the gods and goddesses tovouchsafe good success to our efforts in so arduous an undertaking. 

[Footnote 1: "Employ myself to a useful purpose, "--_facere operæpretium_, "to do a thing that is worth the trouble, "--"to employ oneselfto a good purpose. "--See Scheller's Lat. Lexicon. ]

[Footnote 2: "A practice, "--_rem_. --Some, as Baker, refer it to _respopuli R. _ Others, as Stroth, to _res pop. Rom. Perscribere_. ]

[Footnote 3: "My share, "--_pro virili parte_, or, "to the best of myability. "]

[Footnote 4: "Historians. "--Those mentioned by Livy himself are Q. Fabius Pictor, Valerius Antias, L. Piso, Q. Ælius Tubero, C. LiciniusMacer, Cœlius, Polybius, etc. ]

[Footnote 5: "Hastening to these later times. "--The history of therecent civil wars would possess a more intense interest for the Romansof the Augustan age. ]

[Footnote 6: "From every care, "--the fear of giving offence byexpressing his opinions freely, and the sorrow, which, as a patriot, hecould not but feel in recording the civil wars of his countrymen. ]

[Footnote 7: "Acquired. "--This refers to the whole period antecedent tothe time when Ap. Claudius carried the Roman arms beyond Italy againstthe Carthaginians; (2) _extended_, from that time till the fall ofCarthage; (3) _sinking_, the times of the Gracchi; (4) _gave way moreand more_, those of Sulla; (5) _precipitate_, those of Cæsar; (6) _thepresent times_, those of Augustus after the battle ofActium. --_Stocker. _]

CHAPTER I. 

Now first of all it is sufficiently established that, Troy having beentaken, the utmost severity was shown to all the other Trojans; but thattowards two, Æneas and Antenor, the Greeks forbore all the rights ofwar, both in accordance with an ancient tie of hospitality, and becausethey had ever been the advisers of peace, and of the restoration ofHelen--then that Antenor after various vicissitudes came into theinnermost bay of the Adriatic Sea, with a body of the Heneti, who havingbeen driven from Paphlagonia in consequence of a civil commotion, werein quest both of a settlement and a leader, their king Pylæmenes havingbeen lost at Troy; and that the Heneti and Trojans, having expelled theEuganei, who dwelt between the sea and the Alps, took possession of thecountry; and the place where they first landed is called Troy; fromwhence also the name of Trojan is given to the canton; but the nation ingeneral is called Veneti: that Æneas was driven from home by a similarcalamity, but the fates leading him to the founding of a greater empire, he came first to Macedonia: that he sailed from thence to Sicily inquest of a settlement: that from Sicily he made for the Laurentineterritory; this place also has the name of Troy. When the Trojans, having disembarked there, were driving plunder from the lands, --as beingpersons to whom, after their almost immeasurable wandering, nothing wasleft but their arms and ships, --Latinus the king, and the Aborigines, who then occupied those places, assembled in arms from the city andcountry to repel the violence of the new-comers. On this point thetradition is two-fold: some say, that Latinus, after being overcome inbattle, made first a peace, and then an alliance with Æneas: others, that when the armies were drawn out in battle-array, before the signalswere sounded, Latinus advanced to the front of the troops and invitedthe leader of the adventurers to a conference. That he then inquired whothey were, whence (they had come), or by what casualty they had lefttheir home, and in quest of what they had landed on the Laurentineterritory: after he heard that the host were Trojans, their chief Æneas, the son of Anchises and Venus, and that, driven from their own countryand their homes, which had been destroyed by fire, they were seeking asettlement and a place for building a town, struck with admiration ofthe noble origin of the nation and of the hero, and their spirit, alikeprepared for peace or war, he confirmed the assurance of futurefriendship by giving his right hand: that upon this a compact was struckbetween the chiefs, and mutual greetings passed between the armies: thatÆneas was hospitably entertained by Latinus: that Latinus, in thepresence of his household gods, added a family league to the public one, by giving Æneas his daughter in marriage. This event confirms theTrojans in the hope of at length terminating their wanderings by a fixedand permanent settlement. They build a town. Æneas calls it Lavinium, after the name of his wife. In a short time, too, a son was the issue ofthe new marriage, to whom his parents gave the name of Ascanius. 

2. The Aborigines and Trojans were soon after attacked together in war. Turnus, king of the Rutulians, to whom Lavinia had been affianced beforethe coming of Æneas, enraged that a stranger had been preferred tohimself, made war on Æneas and Latinus together. Neither side came offfrom that contest with cause for rejoicing. The Rutulians werevanquished; the victorious Aborigines and Trojans lost their leaderLatinus. Upon this Turnus and the Rutulians, diffident of theirstrength, have recourse to the flourishing state of the Etruscans, andtheir king Mezentius; who holding his court at Cœre, at that time anopulent town, being by no means pleased, even from the commencement, atthe founding of the new city, and then considering that the Trojan powerwas increasing much more than was altogether consistent with the safetyof the neighbouring states, without reluctance joined his forces inalliance with the Rutulians. Æneas, in order to conciliate the minds ofthe Aborigines to meet the terror of so serious a war, called bothnations Latins, so that they might all be not only under the same laws, but also the same name. Nor after that did the Aborigines yield to theTrojans in zeal and fidelity towards their king Æneas; relying thereforeon this disposition of the two nations, who were now daily coalescingmore and more, although Etruria was so powerful, that it filled with thefame of its prowess not only the land, but the sea also, through thewhole length of Italy, from the Alps to the Sicilian Strait, though hemight have repelled the war by means of fortifications, yet he led outhis forces to the field. Upon this a battle ensued successful to theLatins, the last also of the mortal acts of Æneas. He was buried, bywhatever name human and divine laws require him to be called, [8] on thebanks of the river Numicius. They call him Jupiter Indiges. 

[Footnote 8: Æneas, being now deified, could not be called by his humanname; and in speaking of his being buried, it would be improper to namehim by his divine title. _---- Indigetem_. He is called by DionysiusΧθόνιος Θεός. ]

3. Ascanius, the son of Æneas, was not yet old enough to take thegovernment upon him; that government, however, remained secure for himtill the age of maturity. In the interim, the Latin state and thekingdom of his grandfather and father was secured for the boy under theregency of his mother (such capacity was there in Lavinia). I have somedoubts (for who can state as certain a matter of such antiquity) whetherthis was the Ascanius, or one older than he, born of Creusa before thefall of Troy, and the companion of his father in his flight from thence, the same whom, being called Iulus, the Julian family call the author oftheir name. This Ascanius, wheresoever and of whatever mother born, (itis at least certain that he was the son of Æneas, ) Lavinium beingoverstocked with inhabitants, left that flourishing and, consideringthese times, wealthy city to his mother or step-mother, and built forhimself a new one at the foot of Mount Alba, which, being extended onthe ridge of a hill, was, from its situation, called Longa Alba. Betweenthe founding of Lavinium and the transplanting this colony to LongaAlba, about thirty years intervened. Yet its power had increased to sucha degree, especially after the defeat of the Etrurians, that not evenupon the death of Æneas, nor after that, during the regency of Lavinia, and the first essays of the young prince's reign, did Mezentius, theEtrurians, or any other of its neighbours dare to take up arms againstit. A peace had been concluded between the two nations on these terms, that the river Albula, now called Tiber, should be the common boundarybetween the Etrurians and Latins. After him Sylvius, the son ofAscanius, born by some accident in a wood, ascends the throne. He wasthe father of Æneas Sylvius, who afterwards begot Latinus Sylvius. Byhim several colonies, called the ancient Latins, were transplanted. Fromthis time, all the princes, who reigned at Alba, had the surname ofSylvius. From Latinus sprung Alba; from Alba, Atys; from Atys, Capys;from Capys, Capetus; from Capetus, Tiberinus, who, being drowned incrossing the river Albula, gave it a name famous with posterity. ThenAgrippa, the son of Tiberinus; after Agrippa, Romulus Silvius ascendsthe throne, in succession to his father. The latter, having been killedby a thunderbolt, left the kingdom to Aventinus, who being buried onthat hill, which is now part of the city of Rome, gave his name to it. After him reigns Proca; he begets Numitor and Amulius. To Numitor, hiseldest son, he bequeaths the ancient kingdom of the Sylvian family. Butforce prevailed more than the father's will or the respect due toseniority: for Amulius, having expelled his brother, seizes the kingdom;he adds crime to crime, murders his brother's male issue; and underpretence of doing his brother's daughter, Rhea Sylvia, honour, havingmade her a vestal virgin, by obliging her to perpetual virginity hedeprives her of all hopes of issue. 

4. But, in my opinion, the origin of so great a city, and theestablishment of an empire next in power to that of the gods, was due tothe Fates. The vestal Rhea, being deflowered by force, when she hadbrought forth twins, declares Mars to be the father of her illegitimateoffspring, either because she believed it to be so, or because a god wasa more creditable author of her offence. But neither gods nor menprotect her or her children from the king's cruelty: the priestess isbound and thrown into prison; the children he commands to be thrown intothe current of the river. By some interposition of providence, [9] theTiber having overflowed its banks in stagnant pools, did not admit ofany access to the regular bed of the river; and the bearers supposedthat the infants could be drowned in water however still; thus, as ifthey had effectually executed the king's orders, they expose the boys inthe nearest land-flood, where now stands the ficus Ruminalis (they saythat it was called Romularis). The country thereabout was then a vastwilderness. The tradition is, that when the water, subsiding, had leftthe floating trough, in which the children had been exposed, on dryground, a thirsty she-wolf, coming from the neighbouring mountains, directed her course to the cries of the infants, and that she held downher dugs to them with so much gentleness, that the keeper of the king'sflock found her licking the boys with her tongue. It is said his namewas Faustulus; and that they were carried by him to his homestead to benursed by his wife Laurentia. Some are of opinion that she was calledLupa among the shepherds, from her being a common prostitute, and thatthis gave rise to the surprising story. The children thus born and thusbrought up, when arrived at the years of manhood, did not loiter awaytheir time in tending the folds or following the flocks, but roamed andhunted in the forests. Having by this exercise improved their strengthand courage, they not only encountered wild beasts, but even attackedrobbers laden with plunder, and afterwards divided the spoil among theshepherds. And in company with these, the number of their youngassociates daily increasing, they carried on their business and theirsports. 

[Footnote 9: _Forte quádam divinitus_. θείᾳ τινι τύχῃ. Plut. ]

5. They say, that the festival of the lupercal, as now celebrated, waseven at that time solemnized on the Palatine hill, which, fromPalanteum, a city of Arcadia, was first called Palatium, and afterwardsMount Palatine. There they say that Evander, who belonged to the tribeof Arcadians, [10] that for many years before had possessed that country, appointed the observance of a feast, introduced from Arcadia, in suchmanner, that young men ran about naked in sport and wantonness, doinghonour to Pan Lycæus, whom the Romans afterwards called Inuus. That therobbers, through rage at the loss of their booty, having lain in waitfor them whilst intent on this sport, as the festival was now wellknown, whilst Romulus vigorously defended himself, took Remus prisoner;that they delivered him up, when taken, to king Amulius, accusing himwith the utmost effrontery. They principally alleged it as a chargeagainst them, that they had made incursions upon Numitor's lands, andplundered them in a hostile manner, having assembled a band of young menfor the purpose. Upon this Remus was delivered to Numitor to bepunished. Now, from the very first, Faustulus had entertained hopes thatthe boys whom he was bringing up were of the blood royal; for he bothknew that the children had been exposed by the king's orders, and thatthe time at which he had taken them up agreed exactly with that period:but he had been unwilling that the matter, as not being yet ripe fordiscovery, should be disclosed, till either a fit opportunity ornecessity should arise. Necessity came first; accordingly, compelled byfear, he discovers the whole affair to Romulus. By accident also, whilsthe had Remus in custody, and had heard that the brothers were twins, oncomparing their age, and _observing_ their turn of mind entirely freefrom servility, the recollection of his grand-children struck Numitor;and on making inquiries[11] he arrived at the same conclusion, so thathe was well nigh recognising Remus. Thus a plot is concerted for theking on all sides. Romulus, not accompanied by a body of young men, (forhe was unequal to open force, ) but having commanded the shepherds tocome to the palace by different roads at a fixed time, forces his way tothe king; and Remus, with another party from Numitor's house, assistshis brother, and so they kill the king. 

[Footnote 10: Scil. "The Pallantean. "]

[Footnote 11: By all his inquiries he arrived at the same conclusion asbefore, viz. That they were his grand-children. ]

6. Numitor, at the beginning of the fray, having given out that enemieshad invaded the city, and assaulted the palace, after he had drawn offthe Alban youth to secure the citadel with a garrison and arms, when hesaw the young men, after they had killed the king, advancing tocongratulate him, immediately called an assembly of the people, andrepresented to them the unnatural behaviour of his brother towards him, the extraction of his grand-children, the manner of their birth andeducation, and how they came to be discovered; then he informed them ofthe king's death, and that he was killed by his orders. When the youngprinces, coming up with their band through the middle of the assembly, saluted their grandfather king, an approving shout, following from allthe people present, ratified to him both that title and the sovereignty. Thus the government of Alba being committed to Numitor, a desire seizedRomulus and Remus to build a city on the spot where they had beenexposed and brought up. And there was an overflowing population ofAlbans and of Latins. The shepherds too had come into that design, andall these readily inspired hopes, that Alba and Lavinium would be butpetty places in comparison with the city which they intended to build. But ambition of the sovereignty, the bane of their grandfather, interrupted these designs, and thence arose a shameful quarrel from abeginning sufficiently amicable. For as they were twins, and the respectdue to seniority could not determine the point, they agreed to leave tothe tutelary gods of the place to choose, by augury, which should give aname to the new city, which govern it when built. 

7. Romulus chose the Palatine and Remus the Aventine hill as theirstands to make their observations. It is said, that to Remus an omencame first, six vultures; and now, the omen having been declared, whendouble the number presented itself to Romulus, his own party salutedeach king; the former claimed the kingdom on the ground of priority oftime, the latter on account of the number of birds. Upon this, havingmet in an altercation, from the contest of angry feelings they turn tobloodshed; there Remus fell from a blow received in the crowd. A morecommon account is, that Remus, in derision of his brother, leaped overhis new-built wall, and was, for that reason, slain by Romulus in apassion; who, after sharply chiding him, added words to this effect: "Soshall every one fare, who shall dare to leap over myfortifications. "[12] Thus Romulus got the sovereignty to himself; thecity, when built, was called after the name of its founder. His firstwork was to fortify the Palatine hill where he had been educated. To theother gods he offers sacrifices according to the Alban rite; toHercules, according to the Grecian rite, as they had been instituted byEvander. There is a tradition, that Hercules, having killed Geryon, drove his oxen, which were extremely beautiful, into those places; andthat, after swimming over the Tiber, and driving the cattle before him, being fatigued with travelling, he laid himself down on the banks of theriver, in a grassy place, to refresh them with rest and rich pasture. When sleep had overpowered him, satiated with food and wine, a shepherdof the place, named Cacus, presuming on his strength, and charmed withthe beauty of the oxen, wished to purloin that booty, but because, if hehad driven them forward into the cave, their footsteps would have guidedthe search of their owner thither, he therefore drew the most beautifulof them, one by one, by the tails, backwards into a cave. Hercules, awaking at day-break, when he had surveyed his herd, and observed thatsome of them were missing, goes directly to the nearest cave, to see ifby chance their footsteps would lead him thither. But when he observedthat they were all turned from it, and directed him no other way, confounded, and not knowing what to do, he began to drive his cattleout of that unlucky place. Upon this, some of the cows, as they usuallydo, lowed on missing those that were left; and the lowings of those thatwere confined being returned from the cave, made Hercules turn that way. And when Cacus attempted to prevent him by force, as he was proceedingto the cave, being struck with a club, he was slain, vainly imploringthe assistance of the shepherds. At that time Evander, who had fled fromthe Peloponnesus, ruled this country more by his credit and reputationthan absolute sway. He was a person highly revered for his wondrousknowledge of letters, [13] a discovery that was entirely new andsurprising to men ignorant of every art; but more highly respected onaccount of the supposed divinity of his mother Carmenta, whom thesenations had admired as a prophetess, before the coming of the Sibyl intoItaly. This prince, alarmed by the concourse of the shepherds hastilycrowding round the stranger, whom they charged with open murder, afterhe heard the act and the cause of the act, observing the person and mienof the hero to be larger, and his gait more majestic, than human, askedwho he was? As soon as he was informed of his name, his father, and hisnative country, he said, "Hail! Hercules! son of Jupiter, my mother, atruth-telling interpreter of the gods, has revealed to me, that thoushalt increase the number of the celestials; and that to thee an altarshall be dedicated here, which some ages hence the most powerful peopleon earth shall call Ara Maxima, and honour according to thy owninstitution. " Hercules having given him his right hand, said, "That heaccepted the omen, and would fulfil the predictions of the fates, bybuilding and consecrating an altar. " There for the first time asacrifice was offered to Hercules of a chosen heifer, taken from theherd, the Potitii and Pinarii, who were then the most distinguishedfamilies that inhabited these parts, having been invited to the serviceand the entertainment. It so happened that the Potitii were present indue time, and the entrails were set before them; when they were eatenup, the Pinarii came to the remainder of the feast. From this time itwas ordained, that while the Pinarian family subsisted, none of themshould eat of the entrails of the solemn sacrifices. The Potitii, beinginstructed by Evander, discharged this sacred function as priests formany ages, until the office, solemnly appropriated to their family, being delegated to public slaves, their whole race became extinct. Thiswas the only foreign religious institution which Romulus adopted, beingeven then an abettor of immortality attained by merit, to which his owndestinies were conducting him. 

[Footnote 12: According to Cato, Rome was founded on the day of the_Palilia_, the 11th of the Calends of May, in the first year of the 7thOlympiad, and 751 B. C. This is two years short of Varro's computation. ]

[Footnote 13: He taught the Italians to read and write. ]

8. The duties of religion having been duly performed, and the multitudesummoned to a meeting, as they could be incorporated into one people byno other means than fixed rules, he gave them a code of laws, andjudging that these would be best respected by this rude class of men, ifhe made himself dignified by the insignia of authority, he assumed amore majestic appearance both in his other appointments, and especiallyby taking twelve lictors to attend him. Some think that he chose thisnumber of officers from that of the birds, which in the augury hadportended the kingdom to him. I do not object to be of the opinion ofthose who will have it that the apparitors (in general), and thisparticular class of them, [14] and even their number, was taken fromtheir neighbours the Etrurians, from whom were borrowed the curulechair, and the gown edged with purple; and that the Etrurians adoptedthat number, because their king being elected in common from twelvestates, each state assigned him one lictor. Meanwhile the city increasedby their taking in various lots of ground for buildings, whilst theybuilt rather with a view to future numbers, than for the population[15]which they then had. Then, lest the size of the city might be of noavail, in order to augment the population, according to the ancientpolicy of the founders of cities, who, after drawing together to them anobscure and mean multitude, used to feign that their offspring sprungout of the earth, he opened as a sanctuary, a place which is nowenclosed as you go down "to the two groves. "[16] Hither fled from theneighbouring states, without distinction whether freemen or slaves, crowds of all sorts, desirous of change: and this was the firstaccession of strength to their rising greatness. When he was now notdissatisfied with his strength, he next sets about forming some means ofdirecting that strength. He creates one hundred senators, either becausethat number was sufficient, or because there were only one hundred whocould name their fathers. They certainly were called Fathers, throughrespect, and their descendants, Patricians. [17]

[Footnote 14: _Apparitores hoc genus_. There is something incorrect inthe language of the original here. In my version I have followedDrakenborch. Walker, in his edition, proposes to read _ut_ for _et_;thus, _quibus ut apparitores et hoc genus ab Etruscis ---- numerumquoque ipsum ductum placet, "who will have it, that as public servantsof this kind, so was their number also, derived from the Etrurians_. "]

[Footnote 15: The population at that time consisted of not more than3, 000 foot, and less than 300 horse. At the death of Romulus, it is saidto have amounted to 46, 000 foot and almost 1, 000 horse. ]

[Footnote 16: τὸ μεταξὺ χωρίον τοῦ τε Καπιτωλίου καὶ τῆς ἄκρας ὅκαλεῖται νῦν κατὰ τὴν Ῥωμαίων διάλεκτον μεθόριον δυοῖν δρυμῶν. Dio. Ii. 15. ]

[Footnote 17: _Ex industria_--_deditâ operá_--ἀπὸ παρασκευῆς. ]

9. And now the Roman state was become so powerful, that it was a matchfor any of the neighbouring nations in war, but, from the paucity ofwomen, its greatness could only last for one age of man; for they had nohope of issue at home, nor had they any intermarriages with theirneighbours. Therefore, by the advice of the Fathers, Romulus sentambassadors to the neighbouring states to solicit an alliance and theprivilege of intermarriage for his new subjects. "That cities, likeevery thing else, rose from very humble beginnings. That those which thegods and their own merit aided, gained great power and high renown. Thathe knew full well, both that the gods had aided the origin of Rome, andthat merit would not be wanting. Wherefore that, as men, they shouldfeel no reluctance to mix their blood and race with men. " No where didthe embassy obtain a favourable hearing: so much did they at the sametime despise, and dread for themselves and their posterity, so great apower growing up in the midst of them. They were dismissed by thegreater part with the repeated question, "Whether they had opened anyasylum for women also, for that such a plan only could obtain themsuitable matches?" The Roman youth resented this conduct bitterly, andthe matter unquestionably began to point towards violence. Romulus, inorder that he might afford a favourable time and place for this, dissembling his resentment, purposely prepares games in honour ofNeptunus Equestris; he calls them Consualia. He then orders thespectacle to be proclaimed among their neighbours; and they prepare forthe celebration with all the magnificence they were then acquaintedwith, or were capable of doing, that they might render the matterfamous, and an object of expectation. Great numbers assembled, from adesire also of seeing the new city; especially their nearest neighbours, the Cæninenses, Crustumini, and Antemnates. Moreover the whole multitudeof the Sabines came, with their wives and children. Having beenhospitably invited to the different houses, when they had seen thesituation, and fortifications, and the city crowded with houses, theybecame astonished that the Roman power had increased so rapidly. Whenthe time of the spectacle came on, and while their minds and eyes wereintent upon it, according to concert a tumult began, and upon a signalgiven the Roman youth ran different ways to carry off the virgins byforce. A great number were carried off at hap-hazard, according as theyfell into their hands. Persons from the common people, who had beencharged with the task, conveyed to their houses some women of surpassingbeauty, destined for the leading senators. They say that one, fardistinguished beyond the others for stature and beauty, was carried offby the party of one Thalassius, and whilst many inquired to whom theywere carrying her, they cried out every now and then, in order that noone might molest her, that she was being taken to Thalassius; that fromthis circumstance this term became a nuptial one. The festival beingdisturbed by this alarm, the parents of the young women retire in grief, appealing to the compact of violated hospitality, and invoking the god, to whose festival and games they had come, deceived by the pretence ofreligion and good faith. Neither had the ravished virgins better hopesof their condition, or less indignation. But Romulus in person wentabout and declared, "That what was done was owing to the pride of theirfathers, who had refused to grant the privilege of marriage to theirneighbours; but notwithstanding, they should be joined in lawfulwedlock, participate in all their possessions and civil privileges, and, than which nothing can be dearer to the human heart, in their commonchildren. He begged them only to assuage the fierceness of their anger, and cheerfully surrender their affections to those to whom fortune hadconsigned their persons. " [He added, ] "That from injuries love andfriendship often arise; and that they should find them kinder husbandson this account, because each of them, besides the performance of hisconjugal duty, would endeavour to the utmost of his power to make up forthe want of their parents and native country. " To this the caresses ofthe husbands were added, excusing what they had done on the plea ofpassion and love, arguments that work most successfully on women'shearts. 

10. The minds of the ravished virgins were soon much soothed, but theirparents by putting on mourning, and tears and complaints, roused thestates. Nor did they confine their resentment to their own homes, butthey flocked from all quarters to Titus Tatius, king of the Sabines; andbecause he bore the greatest character in these parts, embassies weresent to him. The Cæninenses, Crustumini, and Antemnates were people towhom a considerable portion of the outrage extended. To them Tatius andthe Sabines seemed to proceed somewhat dilatorily. Nor even do theCrustumini and Antemnates bestir themselves with sufficient activity tosuit the impatience and rage of the Cæninenses. Accordingly the state ofthe Cæninenses by itself makes an irruption into the Roman territory. But Romulus with his army met them ravaging the country in stragglingparties, and by a slight engagement convinces them, that resentmentwithout strength is of no avail. He defeats and routs their army, pursues it when routed, kills and despoils their king in battle, andhaving slain their general takes the city at the first assault. Fromthence having led back his victorious army, and being a man highlydistinguished by his exploits, and one who could place them in the bestlight, went in state to the capitol, carrying before him, suspended on aframe curiously wrought for that purpose, the spoils of the enemy'sgeneral, whom he had slain, and there after he had laid them down at thefoot of an oak held sacred by the shepherds, together with the offering, he marked out the bounds for a temple of Jupiter, and gave a surname tothe god: "Jupiter Feretrius, " he says, "I, king Romulus, upon myvictory, present to thee these royal arms, and to thee I dedicate atemple within those regions which I have now marked out in my mind, as areceptacle for the grand spoils, which my successors, following myexample, shall, upon their killing the kings or generals of the enemy, offer to thee. " This is the origin of that temple, the first consecratedat Rome. It afterwards so pleased the gods both that the declaration ofthe founder of the temple should not be frustrated, by which heannounced that his posterity should offer such spoils, and that theglory of that offering should not be depreciated by the great number ofthose who shared it. During so many years, and amid so many wars sincethat time, grand spoils have been only twice gained, [18] so rare hasbeen the successful attainment of that honour. 

[Footnote 18: Two, one by A. Cornelius Cossus for slaying L. Tolumnius, king of Veii, U. C. 318, another by M. Claudius Marcellus, for killingViridomarus, king of the Gauls, U. C. 532. ]

11. Whilst the Romans are achieving these exploits, the army of theAntemnates, taking advantage of their absence, makes an incursion intothe Roman territories in a hostile manner. A Roman legion being marchedout in haste against these also, surprise them whilst straggling throughthe fields. Accordingly the enemy were routed at the very first shoutand charge: their town taken; and as Romulus was returning, exulting forthis double victory, his consort, Hersilia, importuned by the entreatiesof the captured women, beseeches him "to pardon their fathers, and toadmit them to the privilege of citizens; that thus his power might bestrengthened by a reconciliation. " Her request was readily granted. After this he marched against the Crustumini, who were commencinghostilities; but as their spirits were sunk by the defeat of theirneighbours, there was still less resistance there. Colonies were sent toboth places, but more were found to give in their names for Crustuminum, because of the fertility of the soil. Migrations in great numbers werealso made from thence to Rome, chiefly by the parents and relatives ofthe ravished women. The last war broke out on the part of the Sabines, and proved by far the most formidable: for they did nothing throughanger or cupidity; nor did they make a show of war, before they actuallybegan it. To prudence stratagem also was added. Sp. Tarpeius commandedthe Roman citadel; Tatius bribes his maiden daughter with gold, to admitarmed soldiers into the citadel: she had gone by chance outside thewalls to fetch water for the sacrifice. Those who were admitted crushedher to death by heaping their arms upon her; either that the citadelmight seem rather to have been taken by storm, or for the purpose ofestablishing a precedent, that no faith should, under any circumstances, be kept with a traitor. A story is added, that the Sabines commonly woreon their left arm golden bracelets of great weight, and large rings setwith precious stones, and that she bargained with them for what they hadon their left hands; hence that their shields were thrown upon herinstead of the golden presents. There are some who say that in pursuanceof the compact to deliver up what was on their left hands, she expresslydemanded their shields, and that appearing to act with treachery, shewas killed by the reward of her own choosing. 

12. The Sabines, however, kept possession of the citadel, and on the dayafter, when the Roman army, drawn up in order of battle, filled up allthe ground lying between the Palatine and Capitoline hills, they did notdescend from thence into the plain, till the Romans, fired withresentment, and with a desire of retaking the citadel, advanced toattack them. Two chiefs, one on each side, animated the battle, viz. Mettus Curtius on the part of the Sabines, Hostus Hostilius on that ofthe Romans. The latter, in the front ranks, supported the Roman cause byhis courage and bravery, on disadvantageous ground. As soon as Hostusfell, the Roman line immediately gave way and was beaten to the old gateof the Palatium. Romulus, himself too carried away with the generalrout, raising his arms to heaven, says, "O Jupiter, commanded by thybirds, I here laid the first foundation of the city on the Palatinehill. The Sabines are in possession of the citadel, purchased by fraud. From thence they are now advancing hither, sword in hand, having alreadypassed the middle of the valley. But do thou, father of gods and men, keep back the enemy at least from hence, dispel the terror of theRomans, and stop their shameful flight. Here I solemnly vow to build atemple to thee as Jupiter Stator, as a monument to posterity, that thiscity was saved by thy immediate aid. " Having offered up this prayer, asif he had felt that his prayers were heard, he cries out, "At this spot, Romans, Jupiter, supremely good and great, commands you to halt, andrenew the fight. " The Romans halted as if they had been commanded by avoice from heaven; Romulus himself flies to the foremost ranks. MettusCurtius, on the part of the Sabines, had rushed down at the head of hisarmy from the citadel, and driven the Romans in disorder over the wholeground now occupied by the forum. He was already not far from the gateof the Palatium, crying out, "We have defeated these perfidiousstrangers, these dastardly enemies. They now feel that it is one thingto ravish virgins, another far different to fight with men. " On him, thus vaunting, Romulus makes an attack with a band of the mostcourageous youths. It happened that Mettus was then fighting onhorseback; he was on that account the more easily repulsed: the Romanspursue him when repulsed: and the rest of the Roman army, encouraged bythe gallant behaviour of their king, routs the Sabines. Mettus, hishorse taking fright at the din of his pursuers, threw himself into alake; and this circumstance drew the attention of the Sabines at therisk of so important a person. He, however, his own party beckoning andcalling to him, acquires new courage from the affection of his manyfriends, and makes his escape. The Romans and Sabines renew the battlein the valley between the hills; but Roman prowess had the advantage. 

13. At this juncture the Sabine women, from the outrage on whom the waroriginated, with hair dishevelled and garments rent, the timidity oftheir sex being overcome by such dreadful scenes, had the courage tothrow themselves amid the flying weapons, and making a rush across, topart the incensed armies, and assuage their fury; imploring theirfathers on the one side, their husbands on the other, "that asfathers-in-law and sons-in-law they would not contaminate each otherwith impious blood, nor stain their offspring with parricide, the one[19]their grandchildren, the other their children. If you aredissatisfied with the affinity between you, if with our marriages, turnyour resentment against us; we are the cause of war, we of wounds and ofbloodshed to our husbands and parents. It were better that we perishthan live widowed or fatherless without one or other of you. " Thecircumstance affects both the multitude and the leaders. Silence and asudden suspension ensue. Upon this the leaders come forward in order toconcert a treaty, and they not only conclude a peace, but form one stateout of two. They associate the regal power, and transfer the entiresovereignty to Rome. The city being thus doubled, that some complimentmight be paid to the Sabines, they were called Quirites, from Cures. Asa memorial of this battle, they called the place where the horse, aftergetting out of the deep marsh, first set Curtius in shallow water, theCurtian Lake. This happy peace following suddenly a war so distressing, rendered the Sabine women still dearer to their husbands and parents, and above all to Romulus himself. Accordingly, when he divided thepeople into thirty curiæ, he called the curiæ by their names. Since, without doubt, the number of the Sabine women was considerably greaterthan this, it is not recorded whether those who were to give their namesto the curiæ were selected on account of their age, or their own ortheir husbands' rank, or by lot. At the same time three centuries ofknights were enrolled, called Ramnenses, from Romulus; Tatienses, fromTitus Tatius. The reason of the name and origin of the Luceres isuncertain. 

[Footnote 19: _Nepotum et liberûm progeniem_ = Nepotes etliberos, --ὕιες Ἀχαιων = οἵ Ἀχαιοι. ]

14. Thenceforward the two kings held the regal power not only in common, but in concord also. Several years after, some relatives of king Tatiusbeat the ambassadors of the Laurentes, and when the Laurentes commencedproceedings according to the law of nations, the influence of hisfriends and their importunities had more weight with Tatius. Hetherefore drew upon himself the punishment due to them; for he is slainat Lavinium, in a tumult which arose on his going thither to ananniversary sacrifice. They say that Romulus resented this with lessseverity than the case required, either by reason of their associationin the kingly power being devoid of cordiality, or because he believedthat he was justly killed. He therefore declined going to war; in order, however, that the ill-treatment of the ambassadors and the murder of theking might be expiated, the treaty was renewed between the cities ofRome and Lavinium. With this party, indeed, peace continued, contrary toexpectation; another war broke out much nearer home, and almost at thevery gates. The Fidenates, thinking that a power too near to themselveswas growing to a height, resolve to make war, before their strengthshould become as great as it was apparent it would be. An armed body ofyoung men being sent in, all the land is laid waste between the city andFidenæ. Then turning to the left, because the Tiber confined them on theright, they continue their depredations to the great consternation ofthe peasantry. The sudden alarm reaching the city from the country, served as the first announcement. Romulus, roused at this circumstance, (for a war so near home could not admit of delay, ) leads out his army:he pitches his camp a mile from Fidenæ. Having left there a smallgarrison, marching out with all his forces, he commanded a party of hissoldiers to lie in ambush in a place [20]hidden by thick bushes whichwere planted around. Then advancing with the greater part of the footand all the horse, and riding up to the very gates of the city in adisorderly and menacing manner, he drew out the enemy, the very thing hewanted. The same mode of fighting on the part of the cavalry likewisemade the cause of the flight, which was to be counterfeited, appear lesssurprising: and when, the horse seeming irresolute, as if indeliberation whether to fight or fly, the infantry also retreated, theenemy suddenly rushed from the crowded gates, after they had made animpression on the Roman line, are drawn on to the place of ambuscade intheir eagerness to press on and pursue. Upon this the Romans, risingsuddenly, attack the enemy's line in flank. The standards of those whohad been left behind on guard, advancing from the camp, further increasethe panic. The Fidenates, thus dismayed with terrors from so manyquarters, turn their backs almost before Romulus, and those who hadaccompanied him on horseback, could wheel their horses round; and thosewho a little before had pursued men pretending to fly, now ran back tothe town in much greater disorder, for their flight was in earnest. Theydid not however get clear of the enemy: the Romans pressing on theirrear rush in as it were in one body before the gates could be shutagainst them. 

[Footnote 20: The original has undergone various changes here: myversion coincides with the reading, _locis circà densa obsita virgultaobscuris_. ]

15. The minds of the Veientes being excited by the contagious influenceof the Fidenatian war, both from the tie of consanguinity, for theFidenates also were Etrurians, and because the very proximity ofsituation, in case the Roman arms should be turned against all theirneighbours, urged them on, they made an incursion on the Romanterritories, more to commit depredations than after the manner of aregular war. Accordingly, without pitching a camp, or awaiting theapproach of the enemy's army, they returned to Veii, carrying with themthe booty collected from the lands; the Roman army on the other side, when they did not find the enemy in the country, being prepared for anddetermined on a decisive action, cross the Tiber. And when the Veientesheard that they were pitching a camp, and intended to advance to thecity, they came out to meet them, that they might rather decide thematter in the open field, than be shut up and fight from their housesand walls. Here the Roman king obtained the victory, his power not beingaided by any stratagem, merely by the strength of his veteran army: andhaving pursued the routed enemies to their walls, he made no attempt onthe city, strong as it was by its fortifications, and well defended byits situation: on his return he lays waste their lands, rather from adesire of revenge than booty. And the Veientes, being humbled by thatloss no less than by the unsuccessful battle, send ambassadors to Rometo sue for peace. A truce for one hundred years was granted them afterthey were fined a part of their land. These are the principaltransactions which occurred during the reign of Romulus, in peace andwar, none of which seem inconsistent with the belief of his divineoriginal, or of the deification attributed to him after death, neitherhis spirit in recovering his grandfather's kingdom, nor his project ofbuilding a city, nor that of strengthening it by the arts of war andpeace. For by the strength attained from that outset under him, itbecame so powerful, that for forty years after it enjoyed a profoundpeace. He was, however, dearer to the people than to the fathers; butabove all others he was most beloved by the soldiers. And he kept threehundred of them armed as a body-guard not only in war but in peace, whomhe called Celeres. 

16. After performing these immortal achievements, while he was holdingan assembly of the people for reviewing his army, in the plain near thelake of Capra, on a sudden a storm having arisen, with great thunder andlightning, enveloped the king in so dense a mist, that it took all sightof him from the assembly. Nor was Romulus after this seen on earth. Theconsternation being at length over, and fine clear weather succeeding soturbulent a day, when the Roman youth saw the royal seat empty, thoughthey readily believed the fathers who had stood nearest him, that he wascarried aloft by the storm, yet, struck with the dread as it were oforphanage, they preserved a sorrowful silence for a considerable time. Then, a commencement having been made by a few, the whole multitudesalute Romulus a god, son of a god, the king and parent of the Romancity; they implore his favour with prayers, that he would be pleasedalways propitiously to preserve his own offspring. I believe that eventhen there were some, who silently surmised that the king had been tornin pieces by the hands of the fathers; for this rumour also spread, butwas not credited; their admiration of the man, and the consternationfelt at the moment, attached importance to the other report. By thecontrivance also of one individual, additional credit is said to havebeen gained to the matter. For Proculus Julius, whilst the state wasstill troubled with regret for the king, and felt incensed against thesenators, a person of weight, as we are told, in any matter howeverimportant, comes forward to the assembly, "Romans, " he says, "Romulus, the father of this city, suddenly descending from heaven, appeared to methis day at day-break. While I stood covered with awe, and filled with areligious dread, beseeching him to allow me to see him face to face, hesaid, Go tell the Romans, that the gods so will, that my Rome shouldbecome the capitol of the world. Therefore let them cultivate the art ofwar, and let them know and hand down to posterity, that no human powershall be able to withstand the Roman arms. Having said this, he ascendedup to heaven. " It is surprising what credit was given to the man on hismaking this announcement, and how much the regret of the common peopleand army, for the loss of Romulus, was assuaged upon the assurance ofhis immortality. 

17. Meanwhile ambition and contention for the throne actuated the mindsof the fathers; factions had not yet sprung up from individuals, because, among a new people, no one person was eminently distinguishedabove the rest: the contest was carried on between the different orders. The descendants of the Sabines wished a king to be elected out of theirbody, lest, because there had been no king on their side since the deathof Tatius, they might lose their claim to the crown[21] according to thecompact of equal participation. The old Romans spurned the idea of aforeign prince. Amid this diversity of views, however, all were anxiousthat there should be a king, they not having yet tasted the sweets ofliberty. Fear then seized the senators, lest the minds of thesurrounding states being incensed against them, some foreign powershould attack the state, now without a government, and the army withouta leader. It was therefore their wish that there should be some head, but no one could bring himself to give way to another. Thus the hundredsenators divide the government among them, ten decuries being formed, and one selected from each decury, who was to have the chief directionof affairs. Ten governed; one only was attended with the insignia ofauthority and the lictors: their power was limited to the space of fivedays, and it passed through all in rotation, and the interval between akingly government lasted a year. From the circumstance it was called anInterregnum, a term which holds good even now. But the people began tomurmur, that their slavery was multiplied, and that they had got ahundred sovereigns instead of one, and they seemed determined to bear noauthority but that of a king, and that one of their own choosing. Whenthe fathers perceived that such schemes were in agitation, thinking itadvisable to offer them, of their own accord, what they were sure tolose; they thus conciliate the favour of the people by yielding to themthe supreme power, yet in such a manner as to grant them no greaterprivilege than they reserved to themselves. For they decreed, that whenthe people should choose a king, the election should be valid, if thesenate approved. And[22] the same forms are observed at this day inpassing laws and electing magistrates, though their efficacy has beentaken away; for before the people begin to vote, the senators declaretheir approbation, whilst the result of the elections is stilluncertain. Then the interrex, having called an assembly of the people, addressed them in this manner: "Do you, Romans, choose yourselves aking, and may it prove fortunate, happy, and auspicious to you; so thefathers have determined. Then, if you choose a prince worthy to succeedRomulus, the fathers will confirm your choice. " This concession was sopleasing to the people, that, not to be outdone in generosity, they onlyvoted, and required that the senate should determine who should be kingof Rome. 

[Footnote 21: Although, according to the terms of the alliance, theSabines and the Romans were to be in all respects on an equal footing. ]

[Footnote 22: The order of the people still requires the sanction of thesenate for its ratification: but that sanction now being givenbeforehand, the order of the people is no longer subject to the controlof the senate, and therefore not precarious as heretofore. ]

18. The justice and piety of Numa Pompilius was at that time celebrated. He dwelt at Cures, a city of the Sabines, and was as eminently learnedin all laws human and divine, as any man could be in that age. Theyfalsely represent that Pythagoras of Samos was his instructor inphilosophy, because there appears no other person to refer to. Now it iscertain that this philosopher, in the reign of Servius Tullius, morethan a hundred years after this, held assemblies of young men, whoeagerly imbibed his doctrine, in the most distant part of Italy, aboutMetapontus, Heraclea, and Croton. But [23]from these places, even had heflourished at the same time, what fame of his (extending) to the Sabinescould have aroused any one to a desire of learning, or by whatintercourse of language (could such a thing have been effected)?Besides, how could a single man have safely passed through so manynations differing in language and customs? I presume, therefore, thathis mind was naturally furnished with virtuous dispositions, and that hewas not so much versed in foreign sciences as in the severe and rigiddiscipline of the ancient Sabines, than which class none was in formertimes more strict. The Roman fathers, upon hearing the name of Numa, although they perceived that the scale of power would incline to theSabines if a king were chosen from them, yet none of them ventured toprefer himself, or any other of his party, or any of the citizens orfathers, to that person, but unanimously resolved that the kingdomshould be conferred on Numa Pompilius. Being sent for, just as Romulusbefore the building of the city obtained the throne by an augury, hecommanded the gods to be consulted concerning himself also. Upon this, being conducted into the citadel by an augur, (to which profession thatoffice was made a public one and perpetual by way of honour, ) he satdown on a stone facing the south: the augur took his seat on his lefthand with his head covered, holding in his light a crooked wand freefrom knots, which they called _lituus_; then taking a view towards thecity and country, after offering a prayer to the gods, he marked out theregions from east to west, the parts towards the south he called theright, those towards the north, the left; and in front of him he set outin his mind a sign as far as ever his eye could reach. Then havingshifted the lituus into his left hand, placing his right hand on thehead of Numa, he prayed in this manner: "O father Jupiter, if it is thywill that this Numa Pompilius, whose head I hold, should be king ofRome, I beseech thee to give sure and evident signs of it within thosebounds which I have marked. " Then he stated in set terms the omens whichhe wished to be sent; and on their being sent, Numa was declared kingand came down from the stand. 

[Footnote 23: _Ex quibus locis, quæ fama in Sabinos, aut quo linguæcommercio ---- quenquam excivisset_. "From which (remote) places, whathigh character of him (could have reached) to the Sabines, or by whatintercourse of language could such high character of him have arousedany one to become a pupil?" Other editions read _quâ famâ_; thus, fromwhich places by what high character for talent, or by what intercourseof language, could he, Pythagoras, have aroused any one, etc. ?]

19. Having thus obtained the kingdom, he sets about establishing anew, on the principles of laws and morals, the city recently established byviolence and arms. When he saw that their minds, as having been renderedferocious by military life, could not be reconciled to those principlesduring the continuance of wars, considering that a fierce people shouldbe mollified by the disuse of arms, he erected at the foot of Argiletuma temple of Janus, as an index of peace and war; that when open, itmight show the state was engaged in war, and when shut, that all theneighbouring nations were at peace with it. Twice only since the reignof Numa hath this temple been shut; once when T. Manlius was consul, atthe end of the first Punic war; and a second time, which the godsgranted our age to see, by the emperor Augustus Cæsar, after the battleof Actium, peace being established by sea and land. This being shut, after he had secured the friendship of the neighbouring states around byalliance and treaties, all anxiety regarding dangers from abroad beingremoved, lest their minds, which the fear of enemies and militarydiscipline had kept in cheek, should become licentious by tranquillity, he considered, that, first of all, an awe of the gods should beinstilled into them, a principle of the greatest efficacy with amultitude ignorant and uncivilized as in those times. But as it couldnot sink deeply into their minds without some fiction of a miracle, hepretends that he holds nightly interviews with the goddess Egeria; thatby her direction he instituted the sacred rites which would be mostacceptable to the gods, and appointed proper priests for each of thedeities. And, first of all, he divides the year into twelve months, according to the course of the moon; and because the moon does not makeup thirty days in each month, and some days are wanting to the completeyear as constituted by the solstitial revolution, he so portioned it outby inserting intercalary months, that every twenty-fourth year, thelengths of all the intermediate years being completed, the days shouldcorrespond to the same place of the sun (in the heavens) whence they hadset out. [24] He likewise made a distinction of the days[25] intoprofane and sacred, because on some it was likely to be expedient thatno business should be transacted with the people. 

[Footnote 24: Romulus had made his year to consist of ten months, thefirst month being March, and the number of days in the year being only304, which corresponded neither with the course of the sun or moon. Numa, who added the two months of January and February, divided the yearinto twelve months, according to the course of the moon. This was thelunar Greek year, and consisted of 354 days. Numa, however, adopted 355days for his year, from his partiality to odd numbers. The lunar year of354 days fell short of the solar year by 11-1/4 days;--this in 8 yearsamounted to (11-1/4 × 8) 90 days. These 90 days he divided into 2 monthsof 22 and 2 of 23 days, ([2 × 22] + [2 × 23] = 90, ) and introduced themalternately every second year for two octennial periods: every thirdoctennial period, however, Numa intercalated only 66 days instead of 90days, _i. E. _ he inserted 3 months of only 22 days each. The reason was, because he adopted 355 days as the length of his lunar year instead of354, and this in 24 years (3 octennial periods) produced an error of 24days; this error was exactly compensated by intercalating only 66 days(90-24) in the third octennial period. The intercalations were generallymade in the month of February, after the 23rd of the month. Theirmanagement was left to the pontiffs--_ad metam eandem solis unde orsiessent_--_dies congruerent_; "that the days might correspond to the samestarting-point of the sun in the heavens whence they had set out. " Thatis, taking for instance the tropic of Cancer for the place orstarting-point of the sun any one year, and observing that he was inthat point of the heavens on precisely the 21st of June, the object wasso to dispense the year, that the day on which the sun was observed toarrive at that same _meta_ or starting-point again, should also becalled the 21st of June:--such was the _congruity_ aimed at by theseintercalations. ]

[Footnote 25:

 _Ille nefastus erit per quem tria verba silentur; Fastus erit, per quem lege licebit agi. _--Ov. F. I. 47. ]

20. Next he turned his attention to the appointment of priests, thoughhe performed many sacred rites himself, especially those which nowbelong to the flamen of Jupiter. But, as he imagined that in a warlikenation there would be more kings resembling Romulus than Numa, and thatthey would go to war in person, he appointed a residentiary priest asflamen to Jupiter, that the sacred functions of the royal office mightnot be neglected, and he distinguished him by a fine robe, and a royalcurule chair. To him he added two other flamines, one for Mars, anotherfor Quirinus. He also selected virgins for Vesta, a priesthood derivedfrom Alba, and not foreign to the family of the founder. That they mightbe constant attendants in the temple, he appointed them salaries out ofthe public treasury; and by enjoining virginity, and other religiousobservances, he made them sacred and venerable. He selected twelve Saliifor Mars Gradivus, and gave them the distinction of an embroideredtunic, and over the tunic a brazen covering for the breast. He commandedthem to carry the celestial shields called [26]Ancilia, and to gothrough the city singing songs, with leaping and solemn dancing. Then hechose out of the number of the fathers Numa Marcius, son of Marcus, aspontiff, [27] and consigned to him an entire system of religious riteswritten out and sealed, (showing) with what victims, upon what days, andin what temples the sacred rites were to be performed; and from whatfunds the money was to be taken for these expenses. He placed allreligious institutions, public and private, under the cognisance of thepontiff to the end that there might be some place where the peopleshould come to consult, lest any confusion in the divine worship mightbe occasioned by neglecting the ceremonies of their own country, andintroducing foreign ones. (He ordained) that the same pontiff shouldinstruct the people not only in the celestial ceremonies, but also in(the manner of performing) funeral solemnities, and of appeasing themanes of the dead; and what prodigies sent by lightning or any otherphenomenon were to be attended to and expiated. To elicit suchknowledge from the divine mind, he dedicated an altar on the Aventine toJupiter [28]Elicius, and consulted the god by auguries as to what(prodigies) should be expiated. 

[Footnote 26: _Ancilia_, from ἄγκυλος. ]

[Footnote 27: _Pontificem_, scil. Maximum. ]

[Footnote 28:

 _Eliciunt cœlo te, Jupiter: unde minores Nunc quoque te celebrant, Eliciumque vocant_. 

Ov. F. Iii. 327. ]

21. The whole multitude having been diverted from violence and arms tothe considering and adjusting these matters, both their minds had beenengaged in doing something, and the constant watchfulness of the godsnow impressed upon them, as the deity of heaven seemed to interestitself in human concerns, had filled the breasts of all with such piety, that faith and religious obligations governed the state, no less thanfear of the laws and of punishment. And while[29] the people weremoulding themselves after the morals of the king, as their best example, the neighbouring states also, who had formerly thought that it was acamp, not a city, situate in the midst of them to disturb the generalpeace, were brought (to feel) such respect for them that they consideredit impious that a state, wholly occupied in the worship of the gods, should be molested. There was a grove, the middle of which was irrigatedby a spring of running water, issuing from a dark grotto. As Numa wentoften thither alone, under pretence of conferring with the goddess, hededicated the place to the Muses, because their meetings with his wifeEgeria were held there. He also instituted a yearly festival to Faithalone, and commanded the priests to be carried to her temple in anarched chariot drawn by two horses, and to perform the divine servicewith their hands wrapt up to the fingers, intimating that Faith ought tobe protected, and that her seat ought to be sacred even in men's righthands. He instituted many other sacred rites, and dedicated places forperforming them, which the priests call Argei. But the greatest of allhis works was his maintenance of peace, during the whole period of hisreign, no less than of his royal prerogative. Thus two kings insuccession, by different methods, the one by war, the other by peace, aggrandized the state. Romulus reigned thirty-seven years, Numaforty-three: the state was both strong and well versed in the arts ofwar and peace. 

[Footnote 29: _Cum ipsi se ---- formarent, tum finitimi etiam_, etc. Some of the editors of Livy have remarked on this passage, that _cum_when answering to _tum_ may be joined to a subjunctive, as here; thefact however is, that _cum_ here does not answer to _tum_ at all; _cum_is here "whilst, "--and so necessarily requires the verb to be in thesubjunctive mood. ]

22. Upon the death of Numa, the administration returned again to aninterregnum. After that the people appointed as king, Tullus Hostilius, the grandson of that Hostilius who had made the noble stand against theSabines at the foot of the citadel. The fathers confirmed the choice. Hewas not only unlike the preceding king, but was even of a more warlikedisposition than Romulus. Both his youth and strength, and the renown ofhis grandfather, stimulated his ambition. Thinking therefore that thestate was becoming languid through quiet, he every where sought forpretexts for stirring up war. It happened that some Roman and Albanpeasants had mutually plundered each other's lands. C. Cluilius at thattime governed Alba. From both sides ambassadors were sent almost at thesame time, to demand restitution. Tullus ordered his to attend tonothing before their instructions. He knew well that the Alban wouldrefuse, and that so war might be proclaimed on just grounds. Theircommission was executed more remissly by the Albans. For beingcourteously and kindly entertained by Tullus, they politely availthemselves of the king's hospitality. Meanwhile the Romans had both beenfirst in demanding restitution, and, upon the refusal of the Albans, hadproclaimed war after an interval of thirty days: of this they giveTullus notice. Upon this he granted the Alban ambassadors an opportunityof stating what they came to demand. They, ignorant of all, waste sometime in making apologies: "That it was with the utmost reluctance theyshould say any thing which was not pleasing to Tullus; but they werecompelled by their orders. That they had come to demand restitution; andif this be not made, they were commanded to declare war. " To this Tullusmade answer, "Go tell your king, that the king of the Romans takes thegods to witness, which of the two nations hath with contempt firstdismissed the ambassadors demanding restitution, that on it they mayvisit all the calamities of this war. " The Albans carry home thesetidings. 

23. War was prepared for on both sides with the utmost vigour, very liketo a civil war, in a manner between parents and children: both beingTrojan offspring; for from Troy came Lavinium, from Lavinium Alba, andthe Romans were descended from the race of Alban kings. But the resultof the war rendered the quarrel less distressing, for they never came toany action; and, when the houses only of one of the cities had beendemolished, the two states were incorporated into one. The Albans firstmade an irruption into the Roman territories with a large army. Theypitch their camp not above five miles from the city, and surround itwith a trench, which, for several ages, was called the Cluilian trench, from the name of the general, till, in process of time, the name, together with the thing itself, were both forgotten. In that campCluilius, the Alban king, dies; the Albans create Mettus[30] Fuffetiusdictator. In the mean time, Tullus being in high spirits, especially onthe death of the king, and giving out that the supreme power of thegods, having begun at the head, would take vengeance on the whole Albannation for this impious war, having passed the enemy's camp in thenight-time, marches with a hostile army into the Alban territory. Thiscircumstance drew out Mettus from his camp likewise; he leads his forcesas near as he can to the enemy; from thence he commands a herald, despatched by him, to tell Tullus that a conference was expedient beforethey came to an engagement; and that if he would give him a meeting, hewas certain he should adduce matters which concerned the interest ofRome not less than that of Alba. Tullus not slighting the proposal, though the advances made were of little avail, draws out his men inorder of battle; the Albans on their part come out also. As both armiesstood in battle-array, the chiefs, with a few of the principal officers, advance into the middle between them. Then the Alban commences thus:[31]"That injuries and the non-restitution of property according totreaty, when demanded, were the cause of this war, methinks I both heardour King Cluilius (assert), and I doubt not, Tullus, but that you statethe same thing. But if the truth is to be told, rather than that whichis plausible, the desire of dominion stimulates two kindred andneighbouring states to arms. Nor do I take upon myself to determinewhether rightly or wrongly: be that his consideration who commenced thewar. The Albans have made me their leader for carrying on the war. Ofthis, Tullus, I would wish to warn you; how powerful the Etruscan stateis around us, and round you particularly, you know better (than we), inasmuch as you are nearer them. They are very powerful by land, extremely so by sea. Recollect that, when you shall give the signal forbattle, these two armies will presently be a spectacle to them; and theymay fall on us wearied and exhausted, victor and vanquished together. Therefore, in the name of heaven, since, not content with certainliberty, we are incurring the dubious risk of sovereignty and slavery, let us adopt some method, whereby, without much loss, without much bloodof either nation, it may be decided which shall rule the other. "--Theproposal is not displeasing to Tullus, though both from the natural bentof his mind, as also from the hope of victory, he was rather inclined toviolence. After some consideration, a plan is adopted on both sides, forwhich Fortune herself afforded the materials. 

[Footnote 30: _Mettus_. Gronovius and Bekker read _Mettius_; Niebuhralso prefers _Mettius_; he conceives that the Latin _prænomina_ and theRoman _nomina_ terminated in _ius_. ]

[Footnote 31: _Injurias et non redditas_, etc. The construction is, _etego videor audisse regem nostrum Cluilium (præ se ferre) injurias et nonredditas res . .. Nec dubito te ferre eadem præ te, Tulle_. ]

24. It happened that there were in each of the two armies threebrothers[32] born at one birth, unequal neither in age nor strength. That they were called Horatii and Curiatii is certain enough; nor isthere any circumstance of antiquity more celebrated; yet in a matter sowell ascertained, a doubt remains concerning their names, to whichnation the Horatii and to which the Curiatii belonged. Authors claimthem for both sides; yet I find more who call the Horatii Romans. Myinclination leads me to follow them. The kings confer with the threebrothers, that they should fight with their swords each in defence oftheir respective country; (assuring them) that dominion would be on thatside on which victory should be. No objection is made; time and placeare agreed on. Before they engaged, a compact is entered into betweenthe Romans and Albans on these conditions, that the state whosechampions should come off victorious in that combat, should rule theother state without further dispute. Different treaties are made ondifferent terms, but they are all concluded in the same general method. We have heard that it was then concluded as follows, nor is there a moreancient record of any treaty. A herald asked king Tullus thus, "Do youcommand me, O king, to conclude a treaty with the pater patratus of theAlban people?" After the king had given command, he said, "I demandvervain of thee, O king. " To which the king replied, "Take some that ispure. " The herald brought a pure blade of grass from the citadel; againhe asked the king thus, "Dost thou, O king, appoint me the royaldelegate of the Roman people, the Quirites? _including_ my vessels andattendants?" The king answered, "That which may be done withoutdetriment to me and to the Roman people, the Quirites, I do. " The heraldwas M. Valerius, who appointed Sp. Fusius pater patratus, touching hishead and hair with the vervain. The pater patratus is appointed "adjusjurandum patrandum, " that is, to ratify the treaty; and he goesthrough it in a great many words, which, being expressed in a long setform, it is not worth while repeating. After setting forth theconditions, he says, "Hear, O Jupiter; hear, O pater patratus of theAlban people, and ye, Alban people, hear. As those (conditions), fromfirst to last, have been recited openly from those tablets or waxwithout wicked fraud, and as they have been most correctly understoodhere this day, from those conditions the Roman people will not be thefirst to swerve. If they first swerve by public concert, by wickedfraud, on that day do thou, O Jupiter, so strike the Roman people, as Ishall here this day strike this swine; and do thou strike them so muchthe more, as thou art more able and more powerful. " When he said this, he struck the swine with a flint stone. The Albans likewise went throughtheir own form and oath by their own dictator and priests. 

[Footnote 32: _Three brothers born at one birth_. Dionys. Iii. 14, describes them as cousin-germans. Vid. Wachsmuth, p. 147. Niebuhr, i. P. 342. ]

25. The treaty being concluded, the twin-brothers, as had been agreed, take arms. Whilst their respective friends exhortingly reminded eachparty "that their country's gods, their country and parents, all theircountrymen both at home and in the army, had their eyes then fixed ontheir arms, on their hands; naturally brave, and animated by theexhortations of their friends, they advance into the midst between thetwo lines. " The two armies sat down before their respective camps, freerather from present danger than from anxiety: for the sovereign powerwas at stake, depending on the valour and fortune of so few. Accordingly, therefore, eager and anxious, they have their attentionintensely riveted on a spectacle far from pleasing. The signal is given:and the three youths on each side, as if in battle-array, rush to thecharge with determined fury, bearing in their breasts the spirits ofmighty armies: nor do the one or the other regard their personal danger;the public dominion or slavery is present to their mind, and thefortune[33] of their country, which was ever after destined to be suchas they should now establish it. As soon as their arms clashed on thefirst encounter, and their burnished swords glittered, great horrorstrikes the spectators; and, hope inclining to neither side, their voiceand breath were suspended. Then having engaged hand to hand, when notonly the movements of their bodies, and the rapid brandishings of theirarms and weapons, but wounds also and blood were seen, two of the Romansfell lifeless, one upon the other, the three Albans being wounded. Andwhen the Alban army raised a shout of joy at their fall, hope entirely, anxiety however not yet, deserted the Roman legions, alarmed for the lotof the one, whom the three Curiatii surrounded. He happened to beunhurt, so that, though alone he was by no means a match for them alltogether, yet he was confident against each singly. In order thereforeto separate their attack, he takes to flight, presuming that they wouldpursue him with such swiftness as the wounded state of his body wouldsuffer each. He had now fled a considerable distance from the placewhere they had fought, when, looking behind, he perceives them pursuinghim at great intervals from each other; and that one of them was not farfrom him. On him he turned round with great fury. And whilst the Albanarmy shouts out to the Curiatii to succour their brother, Horatius, victorious in having slain his antagonist, was now proceeding to asecond attack. Then the Romans encourage their champion with a shoutsuch as is usually (given) by persons cheering in consequence ofunexpected success: he also hastens to put an end to the combat. Wherefore before the other, who was not far off, could come up hedespatches the second Curiatius also. And now, the combat being broughtto an equality of numbers, one on each side remained, but they wereequal neither in hope nor in strength. The one his body untouched by aweapon, and a double victory made courageous for a third contest: theother dragging along his body exhausted from the wound, exhausted fromrunning, and dispirited by the slaughter of his brethren before hiseyes, presents himself to his victorious antagonist. Nor was that afight. The Roman, exulting, says, "Two I have offered to the shades ofmy brothers: the third I will offer to the cause of this war, that theRoman may rule over the Alban. " He thrusts his sword down into histhroat, whilst faintly sustaining the weight of his armour: he stripshim as he lies prostrate. The Romans receive Horatius with triumph andcongratulation; with so much the greater joy, as success had followed soclose on fear. They then turn to the burial of their friends withdispositions by no means alike; for the one side was elated with (theacquisition of) empire, the other subjected to foreign jurisdiction:their sepulchres are still extant in the place where each fell; the twoRoman ones in one place nearer to Alba, the three Alban ones towardsRome; but distant in situation from each other, and just as theyfought. [34]

[Footnote 33: The order is: _fortuna patriæ deinde futura ea quam ipsif. (animo obvers. )_; the fortune of their country, the high or humblecharacter of which for the future depended on their exertions on thatoccasion. ]

[Footnote 34: The two Roman champions, we have seen, fell in the oneplace, _super alium alius_; consequently were buried together; whilstthe Curiatii fell in different places, as Horatius contrived to separatethem to avoid their joint attack. ]

26. Before they parted from thence, when Mettus, in conformity to thetreaty which had been concluded, asked what orders he had to give, Tullus orders him to keep the youth in arms, that he designed to employthem, if a war should break out with the Veientes. After this botharmies returned to their homes. Horatius marched foremost, carryingbefore him the spoils of the three brothers: his sister, a maiden whohad been betrothed to one of the Curiatii, met him before the gateCapena: and having recognized her lover's military robe, which sheherself had wrought, on her brother's shoulders, she tore her hair, andwith bitter wailings called by name on her deceased lover. The sister'slamentations in the midst of his own victory, and of such great publicrejoicings, raised the indignation of the excited youth. Havingtherefore drawn his sword, he run the damsel through the body, at thesame time chiding her in these words: "Go hence, with thy unseasonablelove to thy spouse, forgetful of thy dead brothers, and of him whosurvives, forgetful of thy native country. So perish every Roman womanwho shall mourn an enemy. " This action seemed shocking to the fathersand to the people; but his recent services outweighed its guilt. Nevertheless he was carried before the king for judgment. The king, thathe himself might not be the author of a decision so melancholy, and sodisagreeable to the people, or of the punishment consequent on thatdecision, having summoned an assembly of the people, says, "I appoint, according to law, duumvirs to pass sentence on Horatius for[35]treason. " The law was of dreadful import. [36]"Let the duumvirs passsentence for treason. If he appeal from the duumvirs, let him contend byappeal; if they shall gain the cause, [37] cover his head; hang him by arope from a gallows; scourge him either within the pomœrium orwithout the pomœrium. " When the duumvirs appointed by this law, whodid not consider that, according to the law, they could [38]acquit evenan innocent person, had found him guilty; one of them says, "P. Horatius, I judge thee guilty of treason. Go, lictor, bind his hands. "The lictor had approached him, and was fixing the rope. Then Horatius, by the advice of Tullus, [39] a favourable interpreter of the law, says, "I appeal. " Accordingly the matter was contested by appeal to thepeople. On that trial persons were much affected, especially by P. Horatius the father declaring, that he considered his daughterdeservedly slain; were it not so, that he would by his authority as afather have inflicted punishment on his son. [40] He then entreated thatthey would not render childless him whom but a little while ago they hadbeheld with a fine progeny. During these words the old man, havingembraced the youth, pointing to the spoils of the Curiatii fixed up inthat place which is now called Pila Horatia, "Romans, " said he, "can youbear to see bound beneath a gallows amidst scourges and tortures, himwhom you just now beheld marching decorated (with spoils) and exultingin victory; a sight so shocking as the eyes even of the Albans couldscarcely endure. Go, lictor, bind those hands, which but a little whilesince, being armed, established sovereignty for the Roman people. Go, cover the head of the liberator of this city; hang him on the gallows;scourge him, either within the pomœrium, so it be only amid thosejavelins and spoils of the enemy; or without the pomœrium, only amidthe graves of the Curiatii. For whither can you bring this youth, wherehis own glories must not redeem him from such ignominy of punishment?"The people could not withstand the tears of the father, or theresolution of the son, so undaunted in every danger; and acquitted himmore through admiration of his bravery, than for the justice of hiscause. But that so notorious a murder might be atoned for by someexpiation, the father was commanded to make satisfaction for the son atthe public charge. He, having offered certain expiatory sacrifices, which were ever after continued in the Horatian family, and laid a beamacross the street, made his son pass under it as under a yoke, with hishead covered. This remains even to this day, being constantly repairedat the expense of the public; they call it Sororium Tigillum. A tomb ofsquare stone was erected to Horatia in the place where she was stabbedand fell. 

[Footnote 35: _Perduellio_, (duellum, bellum, ) high treason against thestate or its sovereign; but in those times any offence deserving capitalpunishment was included under that of treason, _Qui Horatioperduellionem judicent_, to pass sentence on Horatius, as beingmanifestly guilty of murder; not to try whether he was guilty or not. ]

[Footnote 36: Duumviri, etc. Niebuhr considers these to be the verywords of the old formula. ]

[Footnote 37: If the sentence (of the duumviri) be confirmed by thepeople. ]

[Footnote 38: The letter of the law allowed of no justification orextenuation of the fact. It left no alternative to the judge. ]

[Footnote 39: He kindly pointed out the loop-hole in the law, which leftan opening for the culprit's acquittal. ]

[Footnote 40: By the laws of Romulus, a father had the power of life anddeath over his children. ]

27. Nor did the peace with Alba continue long. The dissatisfaction ofthe populace, because the fortune of the state had been hazarded onthree soldiers, perverted the weak mind of the dictator; and becausehonourable measures had not turned out well, he began to conciliatetheir affections by perfidious means. Accordingly, as one formerlyseeking peace in war, so now seeking war in peace, because he perceivedthat his own state possessed more courage than strength, he stirs upother nations to make war openly and by proclamation:[41] for his ownpeople he reserves treachery under the mask of alliance. The Fidenates, a Roman colony, having gained over the Veientes as partisans in theconfederacy, are instigated to declare war and take up arms under acompact of desertion on the part of the Albans. When Fidenæ had openly[42]revolted, Tullus, after summoning Mettus and his army from Alba, marches against the enemy. When he crossed the Anio, he pitches his campat the [43]conflux of the rivers. Between that place and Fidenæ, thearmy of the Veientes had crossed the Tiber. These, in line of battle, occupied the right wing near the river; the Fidenates are posted on theleft nearer the mountains. Tullus stations his own men opposite theVeientian foe; the Albans he opposes to the legion of the Fidenates. TheAlban had not more courage than fidelity. Neither daring therefore tokeep his ground, nor to desert openly, he files off slowly to themountains. After this, when he supposed he had gone far enough, he[44]halts his entire army; and being still irresolute in mind, in orderto waste time, he opens his ranks. His design was, to turn his forces tothat side to which fortune should give success. At first the Romans whostood nearest were astonished, when they perceived their flanks wereuncovered by the departure of their allies; then a horseman in fullgallop announces to the king that the Albans were moving off. Tullus, inthis perilous juncture, vowed twelve Salii, and temples to Paleness andPanic. Rebuking the horseman in a loud voice, so that the enemy mighthear him, he orders him to return to the fight, "that there was nooccasion for alarm; that by his order the Alban army was marching roundto fall on the unprotected rear of the Fidenates. " He likewise commandshim to order the cavalry to raise their spears aloft; this expedientintercepted from a great part of the Roman infantry the view of theAlban army retreating. Those who saw it, believing what they had heardthe king say, fought with the greater ardour. The alarm is nowtransferred to the enemy; they had both heard what had been pronouncedso audibly, and a great part of the Fidenates, as having been joined ascolonists to the Romans, understood Latin. Therefore, that they mightnot be intercepted from the town by a sudden descent of the Albans fromthe hills, they take to flight. Tullus presses forward, and havingrouted the wing of the Fidenates, returned with greater fury against theVeientes, disheartened by the panic of the others: nor did they sustainhis charge; but the river, opposed to them behind, prevented aprecipitate flight. Whither when their flight led, some, shamefullythrowing down their arms, rushed blindly into the river; others, whilethey linger on the banks, doubting whether to fly or fight, wereoverpowered. Never before had the Romans a more desperate battle. 

[Footnote 41: The part which he reserves for himself and the Albans isto play the traitors to Tullus in the hour of need, wearing meanwhilethe mark of friendship to Rome. ]

[Footnote 42: The fact is, that the subject population rose up againstthe Roman colonists, drove them out of the town, and asserted theirindependence. Nieb. I. 24. 5. ]

[Footnote 43: The Tiber and the Anio. ]

[Footnote 44: _Erigit_--"he makes it halt, " from the French _fairealte_, or formerly _haut_, because soldiers then stand upright and holdtheir spears erect. ]

28. Then the Alban army, that had been spectators of the fight, wasmarched down into the plains. Mettus congratulates Tullus on his defeatof the enemy; Tullus on his part addresses Mettus with great civility. He orders the Albans to unite their camp with the Romans, which heprayed might prove beneficial to both; and prepares a sacrifice ofpurification for the next day. As soon as it was light, all things beingin readiness, according to custom, he commands both armies to besummoned to an assembly. The heralds, [45] beginning at the outside, summoned the Albans first. They, struck[46] too with the novelty of thething, in order to hear the Roman king harangue, crowded next to him. The Roman legions, under arms, by concert surrounded them; a charge hadbeen given to the centurions to execute their orders without delay. ThenTullus begins as follows: "Romans, if ever before at any other time inany war there was (an occasion) on which you should return thanks, firstto the immortal gods, next to your own valour, that occasion wasyesterday's battle. For the contest was not more with enemies than withthe treachery and perfidy of allies, a contest which is more serious andmore dangerous. For that a false opinion may not influence you, theAlbans retired to the mountains without my orders, nor was that mycommand, but a stratagem and the pretence of a command: that so yourattention might not be drawn away from the fight, you being kept inignorance that you were deserted, and that terror and dismay might bestruck into the enemy, conceiving themselves to be surrounded on therear. Nor does that guilt, which I now state, extend to all the Albans. They followed their leader; as you too would have done, if I had wishedmy army to make a move to any other point from thence. Mettus there isthe leader of that march, the same Mettus is the contriver of this war;Mettus is the violator of the treaty between Rome and Alba. Let anotherhereafter attempt the like conduct, unless I now make of him a signalexample to mankind. " The centurions in arms stand round Mettus, and theking proceeds with the rest as he had commenced: "It is my intention, and may it prove fortunate, auspicious, and happy to the Roman people, to myself, and to you, O Albans, to transplant all the inhabitants ofAlba to Rome: to grant your people the rights of citizenship, and toadmit your nobles into the rank of senators: to make one city, onerepublic; that as the Alban state was formerly divided from one peopleinto two, so it may now return into one. " On hearing this the Albanyouth, unarmed, surrounded by armed men, however divided in theirsentiments, yet restrained by the common apprehension, continue silent. Then Tullus proceeded: "If, Mettus Fuffetius, you were capable oflearning fidelity, and how to observe treaties, that lesson would havebeen taught you by me, while still alive. Now, since your disposition isincurable, do you at least by your punishment teach mankind to considerthose things sacred which have been violated by you. As therefore alittle while since you kept your mind divided between the interest ofFidenæ and of Rome, so shall you now surrender your body to be tornasunder in different directions. " Upon this, two chariots drawn by fourhorses being brought, he ties Mettus extended at full length to theircarriages: then the horses were driven on in different directions, carrying off the mangled body on each carriage, where the limbs had beenfastened by the cords. All turned away their eyes from so shocking aspectacle. That was the first and last instance of a punishment amongthe Romans regardless of the laws of humanity. In other cases we mayboast that no nation whatever adopted milder forms of punishment. 

[Footnote 45: _Præcones ab extremo_. At the farther part of the Romancamp, where it joined that of the Albans. ]

[Footnote 46: As well as by the orders issued by Tullus. ]

29. During these occurrences the cavalry had been despatched onward toAlba to remove the multitude to Rome. The legions were next led thitherto demolish the city. When they entered the gates, there was not indeedthat tumult nor panic, such as usually takes place with captured citieswhen the gates being burst open, or the walls levelled by the ram, orthe citadel taken by assault, the shouts of the enemy and rush of armedmen through the city throws every thing into confusion by fire andsword: but gloomy silence and speechless sorrow so absorbed the minds ofall, that, through fear, forgetting what they should leave behind, whatthey should take with them, all concert failing them, and frequentlymaking inquiries of each other, they now stood at their thresholds, nowwandering about they strayed through their houses, doomed to see themfor that the last time. But as soon as the shouts of the horsemencommanding them to depart now urged them on, the crashing of thedwellings which were being demolished, was now heard in the remotestparts of the city, and the dust, rising in distant places, had filledevery quarter as with a cloud spread over them; hastily snatching upwhatever each of them could, whilst they went forth leaving behind themtheir guardian deity and household gods, and the homes in which each hadbeen born and brought up, a continued train of emigrants soon filled theways, and the sight of others through mutual commiseration renewed theirtears, and piteous cries too were heard, of the women more especially, when they passed by their revered temples now beset with armed men, andleft their gods as it were in captivity. After the Albans had evacuatedthe town, the Roman soldiery level all the public and private edificesindiscriminately to the ground, and one short hour consigned todemolition and ruin the work of four hundred years, during which Albahad stood. The temples of the gods, however, for such had been theorders given by the king, were spared. 

30. In the mean time Rome increases by the demolition of Alba. Thenumber of citizens is doubled. The Cœlian mount is added to the city, and in order that it might be inhabited more populously, Tullus selectsthat situation for his palace and there took up his abode. The leadingpersons among the Albans he enrols among the patricians, that thatbranch of the state also might increase, the Julii, Servilii, Quinctii, Geganii, Curiatii, Clœlii; and as a consecrated place of meeting forthe order augmented by him he built a senate-house, which was calledHostilia even down to the age of our fathers. And that every rank mightacquire some additional strength from the new people, he formed tentroops of horsemen from among the Albans: he likewise recruited the old, and raised new legions from the same source. Confiding in this increaseof strength, Tullus declares war against the Sabines, a nation at thattime the most powerful, next to the Etrurians, in men and in arms. Injuries had been done on both sides, and restitution demanded in vain. Tullus complained that some Roman merchants had been seized in an openmarket near the temple of Feronia; the Sabines, that some of theirpeople had taken refuge in the asylum, and were detained at Rome. Thesewere assigned as the causes of the war. The Sabines, holding inrecollection both that a portion of their strength had been fixed atRome by Tatius, and that the Roman power had also been lately increasedby the accession of the Alban people, began, on their part, to lookaround for foreign aid. Etruria was in their neighbourhood; of theEtrurians the Veientes were the nearest. From thence they drew somevolunteers, their minds being stirred up to a revolt, chiefly inconsequence of the rankling animosities from (former) wars. And pay alsohad its weight with some stragglers belonging to the indigentpopulation. They were assisted by no aid from the government, and thefaith of the truce stipulated with Romulus was strictly observed by theVeientes (for with respect to the others it is less surprising). Whilethey were preparing for war with the utmost vigour, and the matterseemed to turn on this, which should first commence hostilities, Tullusfirst passes into the Sabine territory. A desperate battle ensued at thewood called Malitiosa, [47] in which the Roman army was far superior, both by the strength of their foot, and also by the recent augmentationof their cavalry. The Sabine ranks were thrown into disorder by a suddencharge of the cavalry, nor could either the fight be afterwardsrestored, or a retreat accomplished without great slaughter. 

[Footnote 47: _Malitiosam_. Την ὕλην καλουμένην Κακοῦργον. Dio. Iii. ]

31. After the defeat of the Sabines, when the government of Tullus andthe whole Roman state was in high renown, and in a very flourishingcondition, word was brought to the king and senators, that it rainedstones on the Alban Mount. As this could scarcely be credited, onpersons being sent to inquire into the prodigy, a thick shower of stonesfell from heaven in their sight, just as when hail collected into ballsis pelted down to the earth by the winds. Besides, they imagined thatthey heard a loud voice from the grove on the summit of the hill, requiring the Albans to perform their religious service according to therites of their native country, which they had consigned to oblivion, asif their gods had been abandoned together with their country; and theyhad either adopted the religion of Rome, or, as may happen, enraged attheir evil destiny, had renounced altogether the worship of the gods. Afestival of nine days was instituted publicly by the Romans also onaccount of the same prodigy, either in obedience to the heavenly voicesent from the Alban mount, (for that too is stated, ) or by the advice ofthe aruspices. Certain it is, it continued a solemn observance, thatwhenever the same prodigy was announced, a festival for nine days wasobserved. Not long after, they were afflicted with a pestilence; andthough from this there arose an aversion to military service, yet norespite from arms was granted by this warlike king, who considered thatthe bodies of the young men were even more healthy abroad than at home, until he himself also was seized with a lingering disease. Then, together with his body, those fierce spirits became so broken, that he, who formerly considered nothing less worthy of a king than to devote hismind to religion, suddenly became a slave to every form of superstition, important and trifling, and filled the people's minds also withreligious scruples. The generality of persons, now wishing to recur tothat state of things which had existed under king Numa, thought that theonly relief left for their sickly bodies was, if peace and pardon couldbe obtained from the gods. They say that the king himself, turning overthe commentaries of Numa, after he had found therein that certainsacrifices of a secret and solemn nature had been performed to JupiterElicius, shut himself up and set about the performance of thissolemnity; but that that rite was not duly undertaken or conducted, andthat not only no appearance of heavenly notification was presented tohim, but that he was struck with lightning and burnt to ashes, togetherwith his house, through the anger of Jupiter, exasperated at theimpropriety of the ceremony. Tullus reigned two-and-thirty years withgreat military renown. 

32. On the death of Tullus the government devolved once more upon thesenate, and they nominated an interrex; and on his holding the comitia, the people elected Ancus Marcius king. The fathers confirmed theelection. Ancus Marcius was the grandson of king Numa Pompilius by hisdaughter. As soon as he ascended the throne, reflecting on the renown ofhis grandfather, and that the late reign, glorious in every otherrespect, in one particular had not been sufficiently prosperous, therites of religion having either been utterly neglected, or improperlyperformed; deeming it of the highest importance to perform the publicceremonies of religion as they had been instituted by Numa, he ordersthe pontiff, after he had transcribed them all from the king'scommentaries on white tables, to expose them to public view. Hence, bothhis own subjects, desirous of peace, and the neighbouring nations, entertained a hope that the king would conform to the conduct andinstitutions of his grandfather. Accordingly the Latins, with whom atreaty had been concluded in the reign of Tullus, assumed new courage;and after they had made an incursion upon the Roman lands, return acontemptuous answer to the Romans on their demanding restitution, supposing that the Roman king would spend his reign in indolence amongchapels and altars. The genius of Ancus was of a middle kind, partakingboth of that of Numa and of Romulus; and, besides that, he thought thatpeace was more necessary in his grandfather's reign, considering thepeople were but recent as well as uncivilized, he also (considered) thathe could not, without injury, preserve the tranquillity which had fallento his lot; that his patience was tried, and being tried, was nowdespised; and that the times were more suited to a king Tullus than to aNuma. In order, however, that as Numa had instituted religious rites inpeace, ceremonies relating to war might be transmitted by him, and thatwars might not only be waged, but proclaimed also according to somerite, he borrowed from an ancient nation, the Æquicolae, the form whichthe heralds still preserve, according to which restitution is demanded. The ambassador, when he comes to the frontiers of the people from whomsatisfaction is demanded, having his head covered with a fillet, (thefillet is of wool, ) says, "Hear, O Jupiter, hear, ye confines, (namingthe nation they belong to, ) let Justice hear. I am a public messenger ofthe Roman people; I come justly and religiously deputed, and let mywords gain credit. " He then makes his demands; afterwards he makes asolemn appeal to Jupiter, "If I unjustly or impiously demand thosepersons and those goods to be given up to me, the messenger of the Romanpeople, then never permit me to enjoy my native country. " These words herepeats when he passes over the frontiers; the same to the first man hemeets; the same on entering the gate; the same on entering the forum, some few words in the form of the declaration and oath being changed. Ifthe persons whom he demands are not delivered up, on the expiration ofthirty-three days, for so many are enjoined by the rule, he declareswar, thus: "Hear, Jupiter, and thou, Juno, Romulus, and all yecelestial, terrestrial, and infernal gods, give ear! I call you towitness, that this nation (naming it) is unjust, and does not act withequity; but we will consult the fathers in our own country concerningthese matters, and by what means we may obtain our right. " After thatthe messenger returns to Rome to consult: the king immediately used toconsult the fathers almost in the following words: "Concerning suchmatters, differences, and quarrels, as the pater patratus of the Romanpeople, the Quirites, has conferred with the pater patratus of theancient Latins, and with the ancient Latin people, which matters oughtto be given up, performed, discharged, which matters they have neithergiven up, performed, nor discharged, declare, " says he to him, whoseopinion he first asked, "what think you?" Then he said, "I think thatthey should be demanded by a just and regularly declared war, thereforeI consent, and vote for it. " Then the others were asked in order, andwhen the majority of those present agreed in the same opinion, the warwas resolved on. It was customary for the fecialis to carry in his handa javelin pointed with steel, or burnt at the end and dipped in blood, to the confines of the enemy's country, and in presence of at leastthree grown-up persons, to say, "Forasmuch as the states of the ancientLatins, and the ancient Latin people, have offended against the Romanpeople, the Quirites, forasmuch as the Roman people, the Quirites, haveordered that there should be war with the ancient Latins, and the senateof the Roman people, the Quirites, have given their opinion, consented, and voted that war should be made with the ancient Latins, on thisaccount I and the Roman people declare and make war on the states of theancient Latins, and on the ancient Latin people. " After he had saidthat, he threw the spear within their confines. After this mannerrestitution was demanded from the Latins at that time, and warproclaimed: and that usage posterity have adopted. 

33. Ancus, having committed the care of sacred things to the flaminesand other priests, set out with a new army, which he had levied, andtook Politorium, a city of the Latins, by storm; and following theexample of former kings, who had increased the Roman state by takingenemies into the number of the citizens, he transplanted all the peopleto Rome. And since the Sabines occupied the Capitol and citadel, and theAlbans the Cœlian mount around the Palatium, the residence of the oldRomans, the Aventine was assigned to the new people; not long after, onTelleni and Ficana being taken, new citizens were added in the samequarter. After this Politorium was taken a second time by force of arms, because the ancient Latins had taken possession of it when vacated. Thiswas the cause of the Romans demolishing that city, that it might notever after serve as a receptacle to the enemy. At last, the whole warwith the Latins being concentrated in Medullia, they fought there withvarious fortune, sometimes the one and sometimes the other gaining thevictory; for the town was both well fortified by works, and strengthenedby a strong garrison, and the Latins, having pitched their camp in theopen fields, had several times fought the Romans in close engagement. Atlast Ancus, making an effort with all his forces, obtained a completevictory over them in a pitched battle, and having got a considerablebooty, returned thence to Rome; many thousands of the Latins being thenalso admitted into the city, to whom, in order that the Aventine mightbe joined to the Palatium, a settlement was assigned near the temple ofMurcia. The Janiculum was likewise added, not for want of room, but lestat any time it should become a lodgment for the enemy. It was determinedto join it to the city, not only by a wall, but likewise, for the sakeof the convenience of passage, by a wooden bridge, then for the firsttime built across the Tiber. The Fossa Quiritium, no inconsiderabledefence against the easy access to the city from the low grounds, is thework of king Ancus. The state being augmented by such great accessions, seeing that, amid such a multitude of persons, the distinction of rightand wrong being as yet confounded, clandestine crimes were committed, aprison is built in the heart of the city, overlooking the forum, tointimidate the growing licentiousness. And not only was the cityincreased under this king, but the territory also and the boundaries. The Mæsian forest was taken from the Veientes, the Roman dominion wasextended as far as the sea, and the city of Ostia built at the mouth ofthe Tiber; salt-pits were formed around it, and, in consequence of thedistinguished success achieved in war, the temple of Jupiter Feretriuswas enlarged. 

34. In the reign of Ancus, Lucumo, a rich and enterprising man, came tosettle at Rome, prompted chiefly by the desire and hope of obtaininggreat preferment there, which he had no means of attaining at Tarquinii(for there also he was descended from an alien stock). He was the son ofDemaratus, a Corinthian, who, flying his country for sedition, hadhappened to settle at Tarquinii, and having married a wife there, hadtwo sons by her. Their names were [48]Lucumo and Aruns. Lucumo survivedhis father, and became heir to all his property. Aruns died before hisfather, leaving a wife pregnant. The father did not long survive theson, and as he, not knowing that his daughter-in-law was pregnant, diedwithout taking any notice of his grandchild in his will, to the boy thatwas born after the death of his grandfather, without having any share inhis fortune, the name of Egerius was given on account of his poverty. And when his wealth already inspired Lucumo, on the other hand, the heirof all his father's wealth, with elevated notions, Tanaquil, whom hemarried, further increased such feeling, she being descended from a veryhigh family, and one who would not readily brook the condition intowhich she had married to be inferior to that in which she had been born. As the Etrurians despised Lucumo, because sprung from a foreign exile, she could not bear the affront, and regardless of the innate love of hernative country, provided she might see her husband advanced to honours, she formed the determination to leave Tarquinii. Rome seemedparticularly suited for her purpose. In this state, lately founded, where all nobility is recent and the result of merit, there would beroom for her husband, a man of courage and activity. Tatius a Sabine hadbeen king of Rome: Numa had been sent for from Cures to reign there:Ancus was sprung from a Sabine mother, and rested his nobility on thesingle statue of Numa. She easily persuades him, as being ambitious ofhonours, and one to whom Tarquinii was his country only on the mother'sside. Accordingly, removing their effects they set out together forRome. They happened to have reached the Janiculum; there, as he sat inthe chariot with his wife, an eagle, suspended on her wings, gentlystooping, takes off his cap, and flying round the chariot with loudscreams, as if she had been sent from heaven for the very purpose, orderly replaced it on his head, and then flew aloft. Tanaquil is saidto have received this omen with great joy, being a woman well skilled, as the Etrurians generally are, in celestial prodigies, and embracingher husband, bids him hope for high and elevated fortune: that such birdhad come from such a quarter of the heavens, and the messenger of such agod: that it had exhibited the omen around the highest part of man: thatit had lifted the ornament placed on the head of man, to restore it tothe same, by direction of the gods. Carrying with them these hopes andthoughts, they entered the city, and having purchased a house there, they gave out the name of Lucius Tarquinius Priscus. His being astranger and very rich, caused him to be taken notice of by the Romans. He also promoted his own good fortune by his affable address, by thecourteousness of his invitations, and by conciliating those whom hecould by acts of kindness; until a report of him reached even to thepalace; and by paying court to the king with politeness and address, hein a short time so improved the acquaintance to the footing of intimatefriendship, that he was present at all public and private deliberations, foreign and domestic; and being now tried in every trust, he was atlength, by the king's will, appointed guardian to his children. 

[Footnote 48: The Lucumones were a class of persons among the Etruriansof a warlike sacerdotal character, patricians, not kings. Vid. Niebuhr, i. P. 372. ]

35. Ancus reigned twenty-four years, equal to any of the former kingsboth in the arts and renown of war and peace. His sons were now nighthe age of puberty, for this reason Tarquin was more urgent that theassembly for the election of a king should be held as soon as possible. The assembly being proclaimed, he sent away the boys to hunt towards thetime of their meeting. He is said to have been the first who earnestlysued for the crown, and to have made a set speech for the purpose ofgaining the affections of the people: _he said_ "that he did not aim atany thing unprecedented; for that he was not the first foreigner, (athing at which any one might feel indignation or surprise, ) but thethird who aspired to the sovereignty of Rome. That Tatius not only frombeing an alien, but even an enemy, was made king: that Numa, unacquainted with the city, and without soliciting it, had beenvoluntarily invited by them to the throne. That he, as soon as he washis own master, had come to Rome with his wife and whole fortune, andhad there spent a greater part of that age, in which men are employed incivil offices, than he had in his native country: that he had both inpeace and war thoroughly learned the Roman laws and religious customs, under a master not to be objected to, king Ancus himself; that he hadvied with all in duty and loyalty to his prince, and even with the kinghimself in his bounty to others. " While he was recounting theseundoubted facts, the people by a great majority elected him king. Thesame ambition which had prompted Tarquin, in other respects an excellentman, to aspire to the crown, followed him whilst on the throne. Andbeing no less mindful of strengthening his own power, than of increasingthat of the commonwealth, he elected a hundred into the fathers, whofrom that time were called Minorum Gentium, _i. E. _ of the youngerfamilies: a party hearty in the king's cause, by whose favour they hadgot into the senate. The first war he waged was with the Latins, fromwhom he took the town of Apiolæ by storm, and having brought back thencemore booty than the character of the war would lead one to expect, hecelebrated games with more cost and magnificence than former kings. Theplace for the circus, which is now called Maximus, was then first markedout, and spaces were parted off for the senators and knights, where theymight each erect seats for themselves: they were called fori (benches). They viewed the games from scaffolding which supported seats twelvefeet high from the ground. The show took place; horses and boxers weresent for, chiefly from Etruria. These solemn games afterwards continuedannual, being variously called the Roman and Great (games). By the sameking also spaces round the forum were portioned off for privateindividuals to build on; porticoes and shops were erected. 

36. He was also preparing to surround the city with a stone wall, when aSabine war obstructed his designs. The matter was so sudden, that theenemy had passed the Anio before the Roman army could meet and stopthem; great alarm therefore was produced at Rome. And at first theyfought with dubious success, but with great slaughter on both sides. After this, the enemy's forces being led back into their camp, and theRomans getting time to make new levies for the war, Tarquin, thinkingthat the weakness of his army lay in the want of horse, determined toadd other centuries to the Ramnenses, the Titienses, and Luceres whichRomulus had appointed, and to leave them distinguished by his own name. Because Romulus had done this by augury, Attus Navius, at that time acelebrated soothsayer, insisted that no alteration or new appointment ofthat kind could be made, unless the birds approved of it. The king, enraged at this, and, as it is related, ridiculing the art, said, "Come, thou diviner, tell me, whether what I am thinking on can be done ornot?" When he had tried the matter by divination, he affirmed itcertainly could. "But I was thinking, " says he, "whether you could cutasunder this whetstone with a razor. Take it, and perform what thy birdsportend may be done. " Upon this, as they say, he immediately cut thewhetstone in two. A statue of Attus, with his head veiled, was erectedin the comitium, upon the very steps on the left of the senate-house, onthe spot where the transaction occurred. They say that the whetstonealso was deposited in the same place, that it might remain a monument ofthat miracle to posterity. There certainly accrued so much honour toaugury and the college of augurs, that nothing was undertaken either inpeace or war without taking the auspices. Assemblies of the people, thesummoning of armies, and affairs of the greatest importance were putoff, when the birds would not allow of them. Nor did Tarquin then makeany other alteration in the centuries of horse, except doubling thenumber of men in each of these corps, so that the three centuriesconsisted of one thousand eight hundred knights. Those that were addedwere called "the younger, " but by the same names with the former; which, now that they have been doubled, they call six centuries. 

37. This part of his forces being augmented, a second battle is foughtwith the Sabines. But, besides that the Roman army was thus reinforced, a stratagem also is secretly resorted to, persons having been sent tothrow into the river a great quantity of timber that lay on the banks ofthe Anio, it being first set on fire; and the wood being further kindledby favour of the wind, and the greater[49] part of it (being placed) onrafts, when it stuck firmly impacted against the piers, sets the bridgeon fire. This accident struck terror into the Sabines during the battle, and, after they were routed, impeded their flight; so that many, who hadescaped the enemy, perished in the river. Their arms floating down theTiber, and being recognised at the city, made known the victory, almostbefore any account of it could be carried there. In that action theglory of the cavalry was prominent: they say that, being posted in thetwo wings, when the centre of their own infantry was being beaten, theycharged so briskly in flank, that they not only checked the Sabinelegions who pressed hard on those who retired, but quickly put them toflight. The Sabines made for the mountains with great precipitation, yetfew reached them; for, as we said before, the greatest part were drivenby the cavalry into the river. Tarquin, thinking it advisable to pursuethe enemy closely while in this consternation, after sending the bootyand the prisoners to Rome, piling up and burning the spoils which he hadvowed to Vulcan, proceeds to lead his army onward into the Sabineterritory. And though matters had turned out adversely, nor could theyhope for better success; yet, because the occasion did not allow timefor deliberation, the Sabines came out to meet him with a hastily raisedarmy; and being again defeated there, and matters having now becomedesperate, they sued for peace. 

[Footnote 49: In my version of this passage I have followed the reading, _et pleraque in ratibus, impacta sublicis quum hærerent_, p. I. Theburning logs were not sent down the river one by one, but were placed onrafts, so that being incapable of passing on between the piers of thebridge, they firmly stuck there, and burnt the bridge. This mode ofinterpretation is confirmed by Dion. Iii. 5, 6. The bridge here meant isthe one built by the Sabines at the confluence of the Anio and theTiber----Another reading is, _pleraque in ratibus impacta subliciis quamhærerent_, "most of them being driven against the boats, resting onpiles, stuck there, " &c. ]

38. Collatia and all the land about it was taken from the Sabines, andEgerius, son to the king's brother, was left there with a garrison. Iunderstand that the people of Collatia were thus surrendered, and thatthe form of the surrender was as follows: the king asked them, "Are yeambassadors and deputies sent by the people of Collatia to surrenderyourselves and the people of Collatia?" "We are. " "Are the people ofCollatia their own masters?" "They are. " "Do ye surrender yourselves andthe people of Collatia, their city, lands, water, boundaries, temples, utensils, and every thing sacred or profane belonging to them, into mypower, and that of the Roman people?" "We do. " "Then I receive them. "The Sabine war being ended, Tarquin returned in triumph to Rome. Afterthat he made war upon the ancient Latins, where they came on no occasionto a general engagement; yet by carrying about his arms to the severaltowns, he subdued the whole Latin nation. Corniculum, old Ficulea, Cameria, Crustumerium, Ameriola, Medullia, and Nomentum, towns whicheither belonged to the ancient Latins, or which had revolted to them, were taken. Upon this a peace was concluded. The works of peace werethen set about with greater spirit, even than the efforts with which hehad conducted his wars; so that the people enjoyed no more ease andquiet at home, than they had done abroad: for he both set aboutsurrounding the city with a stone wall, on the side where he had notfortified it, the beginning of which work had been interrupted by theSabine war, and the lower parts of the city round the forum and theother valleys lying between the hills, because they did not easily carryoff the water from the flat grounds, he drains by means of sewers drawnsloping downward into the Tiber. Moreover he levels an area for foundinga temple to Jupiter in the Capitol, which he had vowed to him in theSabine war; his mind even then presaging the future grandeur of theplace. 

39. At that time, a prodigy occurred in the palace, wonderful both inits appearance and in its result. They relate, that the head of a boy, called Servius Tullius, as he lay fast asleep, blazed with fire in thesight of many persons. That by the very great noise made at somiraculous a phenomenon, the royal family were awakened; and when one ofthe servants was bringing water to extinguish the flame, that he waskept back by the queen, and after the confusion was over, that sheforbade the boy to be disturbed till he should awake of his own accord. As soon as he awoke the flame disappeared. Then Tanaquil, taking herhusband into a private place, said, "Do you observe this boy whom webring up in so mean a style? Be assured that hereafter he will be alight to us in our adversity, and a protector to our palace in distress. From henceforth let us, with all our care, train up this youth, who iscapable of becoming a great ornament publicly and privately. " From thistime the boy began to be treated as their own son, and instructed inthose arts by which men's minds are qualified to maintain high rank. Thematter was easily accomplished, because it was agreeable to the gods. The young man turned out to be of a disposition truly royal. Nor, whenthey looked out for a son-in-law for Tarquin, could any of the Romanyouth be compared to him in any accomplishment; therefore the kingbetrothed his own daughter to him. This high honour conferred upon him, from whatever cause, prevents us from believing that he was the son of aslave, and that he had himself been a slave when young. I am rather ofthe opinion of those who say that, on the taking of Corniculum, the wifeof Servius Tullius, who had been the leading man in that city, beingpregnant when her husband was slain, being known among the other femaleprisoners, and, in consequence of her high rank, exempted from servitudeby the Roman queen, was delivered of a child at Rome, in the house ofTarquinius Priscus. Upon this, that both the intimacy between the ladieswas improved by so great a kindness, and that the boy, having beenbrought up in the house from his infancy, was beloved and respected;that his mother's lot, in having fallen into the hands of the enemy, caused him to be considered the son of a slave. 

40. About the thirty-eighth year of Tarquin's reign, Servius Tullius wasin the highest esteem, not only with the king, but also with the senateand people. At this time the two sons of Ancus, though they had beforethat always considered it the highest indignity that they had beendeprived of their father's crown by the treachery of their guardian, that a stranger should be king of Rome, who was not only not of acivic, but not even of an Italian family, yet now felt their indignationrise to a still higher pitch at the notion that the crown would not onlynot revert to them after Tarquin, but would descend even lower to aslave, so that in the same state about the hundredth year[50] afterRomulus, descended from a deity, and a deity himself, occupied thethrone as long as he lived, a slave, and one born of a slave, should nowpossess it. That it would be a disgrace both common to the Roman name, and more especially to their family, if, whilst there was male issue ofking Ancus still living, the sovereignty of Rome should be accessiblenot only to strangers, but even to slaves. They determine therefore toprevent that disgrace by the sword. But both resentment for the injurydone to them incensed them more against Tarquin himself, than againstServius; and (the consideration) that a king was likely to prove a moresevere avenger of the murder, if he should survive, than a privateperson; and moreover, in case of Servius being put to death, whateverother person he might select as his son-in-law, [51] it seemed likelythat he would adopt as his successor on the throne. [52] For thesereasons the plot is laid against the king himself. Two of the mostferocious of the shepherds being selected for the daring deed, with therustic implements to which each had been accustomed, by conductingthemselves in as violent a manner as possible in the porch of thepalace, under pretence of a quarrel, draw the attention of all theking's attendants to themselves; then, when both appealed to the king, and their clamour reached even the interior of the palace, they arecalled in and proceed before the king. At first both bawled aloud, andvied in interrupting each other by their clamour, until being restrainedby the lictor, and commanded to speak in turns, they at length ceaserailing. According to concert, one begins to state the matter. When theking, attentive to him, had turned himself quite that way, the other, raising up his axe, struck it into his head, and leaving the weapon inthe wound, they both rush out of the house. 

[Footnote 50: _The hundredth year_. 138 years had elapsed since thedeath of Romulus: they diminish the number of years designedly, to makethe matter appear still worse. ]

[Footnote 51: _Son-in-law_. Why not one of his two sons, Lucius andAruns? Dio. Iv. 1. If these were not his grandchildren rather, they musthave been infants at the time. Dio. Iv. 4, 6. --At this time infantscould not succeed to the throne. --_Ruperti. _]

[Footnote 52: This sentence has given some trouble to thecommentators. --Some will have it that three distinct reasons are givenfor assassinating Tarquinius rather than Servius Tullius, and that theseare severally marked and distinguished by _et_--_et_--_tum_, the secondonly having _quia_. --Stroth will have it that only two reasons areassigned, one, why the king should be killed, and the other, why ServiusTullius should not be killed, arising from the danger and uselessness ofthe act--the former has not a _quia_, because it was a fact, (_etinjuriæ dolor_, &c. , ) while the latter has it in the first part (thedanger, _et quia gravior_, &c, _quia_ being understood also before theother, the uselessness, _tum_, _Servio occiso_, &c. ) because itcontained the reasoning of the youths. Doering says there were only twopowerful reasons, revenge and fear, and a ratio probabilis introduced by_tum_; which has the force of insuper. According to Dr. Hunter, thereare two formal assertions, one, that resentment stimulated the sons ofAncus against the king himself; the other, that the plot is laid for theking himself upon two considerations, of reason and policy. ]

41. When those who were around had raised up the king in a dying state, the lictors seize on the men who were endeavouring to escape. Upon thisfollowed an uproar and concourse of people, wondering what the matterwas. Tanaquil, during the tumult, orders the palace to be shut, thrustsout all who were present: at the same time she sedulously prepares everything necessary for dressing the wound, as if a hope still remained; atthe same time, in case her hopes should disappoint her, she projectsother means of safety. Sending immediately for Servius, after she hadshowed to him her husband almost expiring, holding his right hand, sheentreats him not to suffer the death of his father-in-law to passunavenged, nor his mother-in-law to be an object of insult to theirenemies. "Servius, " she said, "if you are a man, the kingdom is yours, not theirs, who, by the hands of others, have perpetrated the worst ofcrimes. Exert yourself, and follow the guidance of the gods, whoportended that this head would be illustrious by having formerly shed ablaze around it. Now let that celestial flame arouse you. Now awake inearnest. We, too, though foreigners, have reigned. Consider who you are, not whence you are sprung. If your own plans are not matured by reasonof the suddenness of this event, then follow mine. " When the uproar andviolence of the multitude could scarcely be withstood, Tanaquiladdresses the populace from the upper part of the palace through thewindows facing the new street (for the royal family resided near thetemple of Jupiter Stator). She bids them "be of good courage; that theking was stunned by the suddenness of the blow; that the weapon had notsunk deep into his body; that he was already come to himself again; thatthe wound had been examined, the blood having been wiped off; that allthe symptoms were favourable; that she hoped they would see him verysoon; and that, in the mean time, he commanded the people to obey theorders of Servius Tullius. That he would administer justice, and wouldperform all the functions of the king. " Servius comes forth with thetrabea and lictors, and seating himself on the king's throne, decidessome cases, with respect to others pretends that he will consult theking. Therefore, the death being concealed for several days, thoughTarquin had already expired, he, under pretence of discharging the dutyof another, strengthened his own interest. Then at length the matterbeing made public, and lamentations being raised in the palace, Servius, supported by a strong guard, took possession of the kingdom by theconsent of the senate, being the first who did so without the orders ofthe people. The children of Ancus, the instruments of their villanyhaving been already seized, as soon as it was announced that the kingstill lived, and that the power of Servius was so great, had alreadygone into exile to Suessa Pometia. 

42. And now Servius began to strengthen his power, not more bypublic[53] than by private measures; and lest the feelings of thechildren of Tarquin might be the same towards himself as those of thechildren of Ancus had been towards Tarquin, he unites his two daughtersin marriage to the young princes, the Tarquinii, Lucius and Aruns. Noryet did he break through the inevitable decrees of fate by humanmeasures, so that envy of the sovereign power should not produce generaltreachery and animosity even among the members of his own family. Veryopportunely for maintaining the tranquillity of the present state, a warwas commenced with the Veientes (for the truce had now expired[54]) andwith the other Etrurians. In that war, both the valour and good fortuneof Tullius were conspicuous, and he returned to Rome, after routing agreat army of the enemy, now unquestionably king, whether he tried thedispositions of the fathers or the people. He then sets about a work ofpeace of the utmost importance; that, as Numa had been the author ofreligious institutions, so posterity might celebrate Servius as thefounder of all distinction among the members of the state, and of thoseorders by which a limitation is established between the degrees of rankand fortune. For he instituted the census, a most salutary measure foran empire destined to become so great, according to which the servicesof war and peace were to be performed, not by every person, (indiscriminately, ) as formerly, but in proportion to the amount ofproperty. Then he formed, according to the census, the classes andcenturies, and the arrangement as it now exists, eminently suited eitherto peace or war. 

[Footnote 53: By _public_--_private_. The "public" were the steps takenby Servius to establish his political ascendency, whilst the "private"refer to those intended to strengthen his family connexions. ]

[Footnote 54: _The truce had now expired. _ If the truce concluded withthem by Romulus be here meant, it was long since expired, since about140 years had now elapsed. It is probable, however, that it was renewedin the reign of Tullius. ]

43. Of those who had an estate of a hundred thousand asses or more, hemade eighty centuries, forty of seniors and forty of juniors. All thesewere called the first class, the seniors were to be in readiness toguard the city, the juniors to carry on war abroad. The arms enjoinedthem were a helmet, a round shield, greaves, and a coat of mail, all ofbrass; these were for the defence of their body; their weapons ofoffence were a spear and a sword. To this class were added two centuriesof mechanics, who were to serve without arms; the duty imposed upon themwas to carry the military engines. The second class comprehended allwhose estate was from seventy-five to a hundred thousand asses, and ofthese, seniors and juniors, twenty centuries were enrolled. The armsenjoined them were a buckler instead of a shield, and except a coat ofmail, all the rest were the same. He appointed the property of the thirdclass to amount to fifty thousand asses; the number of centuries was thesame, and formed with the same distinction of age, nor was there anychange in their arms, only greaves were taken from them. In the fourthclass, the property was twenty-five thousand asses, the same number ofcenturies was formed: the arms were changed, nothing was given them buta spear and a long javelin. The fifth class was increased, thirtycenturies were formed; these carried slings and stones for throwing. Among them were reckoned the horn-blowers, and the trumpeters, distributed into three centuries. This whole class was rated at eleventhousand asses. Property lower than this comprehended all the rest ofthe citizens, and of them one century was made up which was exemptedfrom serving in war. Having thus divided and armed the infantry, helevied twelve centuries of knights from among the chief men of thestate. Likewise out of the three centuries, appointed by Romulus, heformed other six under the same names which they had received at theirfirst institution. Ten thousand asses were given them out of the publicrevenue, for the buying of horses, and widows were assigned them, whowere to pay two thousand asses yearly for the support of the horses. Allthese burdens were taken off the poor and laid on the rich. Then anadditional honour was conferred upon them; for the suffrage was not nowgranted promiscuously to all, as it had been established by Romulus, andobserved by his successors, to every man with the same privilege and thesame right, but gradations were established, so that no one might seemexcluded from the right of voting, and yet the whole power might residein the chief men of the state. For the knights were first called, andthen the eighty centuries of the first class; and if they happened todiffer, which was seldom the case, those of the second were called: andthey seldom ever descended so low as to come to the lowest class. Norneed we be surprised, that the present regulation, which now exists, since the tribes were increased to thirty-five, should not agree in thenumber of centuries of juniors and seniors with the amount instituted byServius Tullius, they being now double of what they were at that time. For the city being divided into four parts, according to the regions andhills which were then inhabited, he called these divisions tribes, as Ithink, from the tribute. [55] For the method of levying taxes rateablyaccording to the value of estates was also introduced by him; nor hadthese tribes any relation to the number and distribution of thecenturies. 

[Footnote 55: Varro, de L. L. Iv. 36, thinks, on the contrary, that_tributum_ was so called, as being paid by the _tribes_. ]

44. The census being now completed, which he had expedited by the terrorof a law passed on those not rated, with threats of imprisonment anddeath, he issued a proclamation that all the Roman citizens, horse andfoot, should attend at the dawn of day in the Campus Martius, each inhis century. There he drew up his army and performed a lustration of itby the sacrifices called suovetaurilia, and that was called the closingof the lustrum, because that was the conclusion of the census. Eightythousand citizens are said to have been rated in that survey. FabiusPictor, the oldest of our historians, adds, that such was the number ofthose who were able to bear arms. To accommodate that number the cityseemed to require enlargement. He adds two hills, the Quirinal andViminal; then in continuation he enlarges the Esquiliæ, and takes up hisown residence there, in order that respectability might attach to theplace. He surrounds the city with a rampart, a moat, and a wall: thus heenlarges the pomœrium. They who regard only the etymology of theword, will have the pomœrium to be a space of ground without thewalls; but it is rather a space on each side the wall, which theEtrurians in building cities consecrated by augury, reaching to acertain extent both within and without in the direction they intended toraise the wall; so that the houses might not be joined to it on theinside, as they commonly are now, and also that there might be somespace without left free from human occupation. This space, which it wasnot lawful to till or inhabit, the Romans called the pomœrium, notfor its being without the wall, more than for the wall's being withoutit: and in enlarging the city, as far as the walls were intended toproceed outwards, so far these consecrated limits were likewiseextended. 

45. The state being increased by the enlargement of the city, and everything modelled at home and abroad for the exigencies both of peace andwar, that the acquisition of power might not always depend on mere forceof arms, he endeavoured to extend his empire by policy, and at the sametime to add some ornament to the city. [56]The temple of Diana atEphesus was at that time in high renown; fame represented it to havebeen built by all the states of Asia, in common. When Servius, amid somegrandees of the Latins with whom he had taken pains to form connexionsof hospitality and friendship, extolled in high terms such concord andassociation of their gods, by frequently insisting on the same subject, he at length prevailed so far as that the Latin states agreed to build atemple to Diana at Rome, in conjunction with the Roman people. This wasan acknowledgment that Rome was the head of both nations, concerningwhich they had so often disputed in arms. Though that object seemed tohave been left out of consideration by all the Latins, in consequence ofthe matter having been so often attempted unsuccessfully by arms, fortune seemed to present one of the Sabines with an opportunity ofrecovering the superiority to his country by his own address. A cow issaid to have been calved to a certain person, the head of a family amongthe Sabines, of surprising size and beauty. Her horns, which were hungup in the porch of the temple of Diana, remained, for many ages, amonument of this wonder. The thing was looked upon as a prodigy, as itwas, and the soothsayers declared, that sovereignty would reside in thatstate of which a citizen should immolate this heifer to Diana. Thisprediction had also reached the ears of the high priest of Diana. TheSabine, when he thought the proper time for offering the sacrifice wascome, drove the cow to Rome, led her to the temple of that goddess, andset her before the altar. The Roman priest, struck with the uncommonsize of the victim, so much celebrated by fame, thus accosted theSabine: "What intendest thou to do, stranger?" says he. "Is it withimpure hands to offer a sacrifice to Diana? Why dost not thou first washthyself in running water? The Tiber runs along in the bottom of thatvalley. " The stranger, being seized with a scruple of conscience, anddesirous of having every thing done in due form, that the event mightanswer the prediction, from the temple went down to the Tiber. In themean time the priest sacrificed the cow to Diana, which gave greatsatisfaction to the king, and to the whole state. 

[Footnote 56: _Temple of Diana_. Built on the summit of the Aventinemount towards the Tiber. On its brazen pillar were engraved the laws ofthe treaty, and which were still extant in the time of Augustus. ]

46. Servius, though he had now acquired an indisputable right to thekingdom by long possession, yet as he heard that expressions weresometimes thrown out by young Tarquin, importing, "That he held thecrown without the consent of the people, " having first secured theirgood will by dividing among them, man by man, the lands taken from theirenemies, he ventured to propose the question to the people, whether they"chose and ordered that he should be king, " and was declared king withsuch unanimity, as had not been observed in the election of any of hispredecessors. But this circumstance diminished not Tarquin's hope ofobtaining the throne; nay, because he had observed that the question ofthe distribution of land to the people[57] was carried against the willof the fathers, he felt so much the more satisfied that an opportunitywas now presented to him of arraigning Servius before the fathers, andof increasing his own influence in the senate, he being himselfnaturally of a fiery temper, and his wife, Tullia, at home stimulatinghis restless temper. For the Roman palace also afforded an instance oftragic guilt, so that through their disgust of kings, liberty might comemore matured, and the throne, which should be attained through crime, might be the last. This L. Tarquinius (whether he was the son orgrandson of Tarquinius Priscus is not clear; with the greater number ofauthorities, however, I would say, his son[58]) had a brother, ArunsTarquinius, a youth of a mild disposition. To these two, as has beenalready stated, the two Tulliæ, daughters of the king, had been married, they also being of widely different tempers. It had so happened that thetwo violent dispositions were not united in marriage, through the goodfortune, I suspect, of the Roman people, in order that the reign ofServius might be more protracted, and the morals of the state be firmlyestablished. The haughty Tullia was chagrined, that there was nomaterial in her husband, either for ambition or bold daring. Directingall her regard to the other Tarquinius, him she admired, him she calleda man, and one truly descended of royal blood; she expressed hercontempt of her sister, because, having got a man, she was deficient inthe spirit becoming a woman. Similarity of mind soon draws themtogether, as wickedness is in general most congenial to wickedness. Butthe commencement of producing general confusion originated with thewoman. She, accustomed to the secret conversations of the other'shusband, refrained not from using the most contumelious language of herhusband to his brother, of her sister to (her sister's) husband, andcontended, that it were better that she herself were unmarried, and hesingle, than that they should be matched unsuitably, so that they mustlanguish away through life by reason of the dastardly conduct of others. If the gods had granted her the husband of whom she was worthy, that sheshould soon see the crown in her own house, which she now saw at herfather's. She soon inspires the young man with her own daring notions. Aruns Tarquinius and the younger Tullia, when they had, by immediatesuccessive deaths, made their houses vacant for new nuptials, are unitedin marriage, Servius rather not prohibiting than approving the measure. 

[Footnote 57: This is noticed as the first trace of the Agrariandivision by Niebuhr, i. P. 161. ]

[Footnote 58: _His son_. Dionysius will have it that he was thegrandson. See Nieb. I. P. 367. ]

47. Then indeed the old age of Servius began to be every day moredisquieted, his reign to be more unhappy. For now the woman looked fromone crime to another, and suffered not her husband to rest by night orby day, lest their past murders might go for nothing. "That what she hadwanted was not a person whose wife she might be called, or one with whomshe might in silence live a slave; what she had wanted was one who wouldconsider himself worthy of the throne; who would remember that he wasthe son of Tarquinius Priscus; who would rather possess a kingdom thanhope for it. If you, to whom I consider myself married, are such a one, I address you both as husband and king; but if not, our condition hasbeen changed so far for the worse, as in that person crime is associatedwith meanness. Why not prepare yourself? It is not necessary for you, asfor your father, (coming here) from Corinth or Tarquinii, to strive forforeign thrones. Your household and country's gods, the image of yourfather, and the royal palace, and the royal throne in that palace, constitute and call you king. Or if you have too little spirit for this, why do you disappoint the nation? Why do you suffer yourself to belooked up to as a prince? Get hence to Tarquinii or Corinth. Sink backagain to your (original) race, more like your brother than your father. "By chiding him in these and other terms, she spurs on the young man; norcan she herself rest; (indignant) that when Tanaquil, a foreign woman, could achieve so great a project, as to bestow two successive thrones onher husband, and then on her son-in-law, she, sprung from royal blood, should have no weight in bestowing and taking away a kingdom. Tarquinius, driven on by these frenzied instigations of the woman, began to go round and solicit the patricians, especially those of theyounger families;[59] reminded them of his father's kindness, andclaimed a return for it; enticed the young men by presents; increasedhis interest, as well by making magnificent promises on his own part, asby inveighing against the king at every opportunity. At length, as soonas the time seemed convenient for accomplishing his object, he rushedinto the forum, accompanied by a party of armed men; then, whilst allwere struck with dismay, seating himself on the throne before thesenate-house, he ordered the fathers to be summoned to the senate-houseby the crier to attend king Tarquinius. They assembled immediately, somebeing already prepared for the occasion, some through fear, lest theirnot having come might prove detrimental to them, astounded at thenovelty and strangeness of the matter, and considering that it was nowall over with Servius. Then Tarquinius, commencing his invectivesagainst his immediate ancestors: "that a slave, and born of a slave, after the untimely death of his parent, without an interregnum beingadopted, as on former occasions, without any comitia (being held), without the suffrages of the people, or the sanction of the fathers, hehad taken possession of the kingdom as the gift of a woman. That soborn, so created king, ever a favourer of the most degraded class, towhich he himself belongs, through a hatred of the high station ofothers, he had taken their land from the leading men of the state anddivided it among the very meanest; that he had laid all the burdens, which were formerly common, on the chief members of the community; thathe had instituted the census, in order that the fortune of the wealthiercitizens might be conspicuous to (excite) public envy, and that all wasprepared whence he might bestow largesses on the most needy, whenever hemight please. "

[Footnote 59: _Younger families_. These had been brought into thesenate, as we have seen, by Tarquinius Priscus, and consequentlyfavoured the Tarquinian interest. Nieb. I. P. 372. ]

48. When Servius, aroused by the alarming announcement, came in duringthis harangue, immediately from the porch of the senate-house, he sayswith a loud voice, "What means this, Tarquin? by what audacity hast thoudared to summon the fathers, while I am still alive? or to sit on mythrone?" To this, when he fiercely replied "that he, the son of a king, occupied the throne of his father, a much fitter successor to the thronethan a slave; that he (Servius) had insulted his masters full longenough by his arbitrary shuffling, " a shout arises from the partisans ofboth, and a rush of the people into the senate-house took place, and itbecame evident that whoever came off victor would have the throne. ThenTarquin, necessity itself now obliging him to have recourse to the lastextremity, having much the advantage both in years and strength, seizesServius by the middle, and having taken him out of the senate-house, throws him down the steps to the bottom. He then returns to thesenate-house to assemble the senate. The king's officers and attendantsfly. He himself, almost lifeless, when he was returning home with hisroyal retinue frightened to death, and had arrived at the top of theCyprian street, is slain by those who had been sent by Tarquin, and hadovertaken him in his flight. As the act is not inconsistent with herother marked conduct, it is believed to have been done by Tullia'sadvice. Certain it is, (for it is readily admitted, ) that driving intothe forum in her chariot, and not abashed by the crowd of persons there, she called her husband out of the senate-house, and was the first tostyle him king; and when, on being commanded by him to withdraw fromsuch a tumult, she was returning home, and had arrived at the top of theCyprian street, where Diana's temple lately was, as she was turning tothe right to the Orbian hill, in order to arrive at the Esquiline, theperson who was driving, being terrified, stopped and drew in the reins, and pointed out to his mistress the murdered Servius as he lay. On thisoccasion a revolting and inhuman crime is stated to have been committed, and the place is a monument of it. They call it the Wicked Street, whereTullia, frantic and urged on by the furies of her sister and husband, isreported to have driven her chariot over her father's body, and to havecarried a portion of her father's body and blood to her own and herhusband's household gods, herself also being stained and sprinkled withit; through whose vengeance results corresponding to the wickedcommencement of the reign were soon to follow. Tullius reignedforty-four years in such a manner that a competition with him wouldprove difficult even for a good and moderate successor. But this alsohas been an accession to his glory, that with him perished all just andlegitimate reigns. This authority, so mild and so moderate, yet, becauseit was vested in one, some say that he had it in contemplation toresign, [60] had not the wickedness of his family interfered with himwhilst meditating the liberation of his country. 

[Footnote 60: _To resign_. Niebuhr is of opinion that what is saidregarding the Commentaries of Servius Tullius, chap. 60, has referenceto this. ]

49. After this period Tarquin began his reign, whose actions procuredhim the surname of the Proud, for he refused his father-in-law burial, alleging, that even Romulus died without sepulture. He put to death theprincipal senators, whom he suspected of having been in the interest ofServius. Then, conscious that the precedent of obtaining the crown byevil means might be adopted from him against himself, he surrounded hisperson with armed men, for he had no claim to the kingdom except force, inasmuch as he reigned without either the order of the people or thesanction of the senate. To this was added (the fact) that, as he reposedno hope in the affection of his subjects, he found it necessary tosecure his kingdom by terror; and in order to strike this into thegreater number, he took cognizance of capital cases solely by himselfwithout assessors; and under that pretext he had it in his power to putto death, banish, or fine, not only those who were suspected or hated, but those also from whom he could obtain nothing else but plunder. Thenumber of the fathers more especially being thus diminished, hedetermined to elect none into the senate, in order that the order mightbecome contemptible by their very paucity, and that they might feel theless resentment at no business being transacted by them. For he was thefirst king who violated the custom derived from his predecessors ofconsulting the senate on all subjects; he administered the publicbusiness by domestic counsels. War, peace, treaties, alliances, hecontracted and dissolved with whomsoever he pleased, without thesanction of the people and senate. The nation of the Latins inparticular he wished to attach to him, so that by foreign influence alsohe might be more secure among his own subjects; and he contracted notonly ties of hospitality but affinities also with their leading men. ToOctavius Mamilius of Tusculum he gives his daughter in marriage; (he wasby far the most eminent of the Latin name, being descended, if webelieve tradition, from Ulysses and the goddess Circe, and by this matchhe attaches to himself his numerous kinsmen and friends). 

50. The influence of Tarquin among the chief men of the Latins was nowconsiderable, when he issues an order that they should assemble on acertain day at the grove of Ferentina; that there was business aboutwhich he wished to confer with them touching their common interest. Theyassemble in great numbers at the break of day. Tarquinius himselfobserved the day indeed, but he came a little before sun-set. Manymatters were there canvassed in the meeting in various conversations. Turnus Herdonius, from Aricia, inveighed violently against Tarquin forhis absence. "That it was no wonder the cognomen of Proud was given himat Rome;" for they now called him so secretly and in whispers, but stillgenerally. "Could anything be more proud than thus to trifle with theentire nation of the Latins? After their chiefs had been called at sogreat a distance from home, that he who summoned the meeting did notattend; that no doubt their patience was tried, in order that if theysubmitted to the yoke, he may crush them when at his mercy. For to whomdid it not plainly appear that he was aiming at sovereignty over theLatins? But if his own countrymen did well in intrusting it to him, orif it was intrusted, and not seized on by means of murder, that theLatins also ought to intrust him (though not even so, inasmuch as he wasa foreigner). But if his own subjects are dissatisfied with him, (seeingthat they are butchered one upon another, driven into exile, anddeprived of their property, ) what better prospects are held out to theLatins? If they follow his advice, that they would depart thence, eachto his own home, and take no more notice of the day of meeting than theperson who appointed it. " When this man, turbulent and daring, and onewho had attained influence at home by these means, was pressing theseand other observations having the same tendency, Tarquin came in. Thisput a conclusion to his harangue. All turned away from him to saluteTarquin, who, on silence being enjoined, being advised by those next himto apologize for having come at that time, says, that he had been chosenarbiter between a father and a son; that, from his anxiety to reconcilethem, he had delayed; and because that circumstance had consumed thatday, that on the morrow he would transact the business which he haddetermined on. They say that he did not make even that observationwithout a remark from Turnus; "that no controversy was shorter than onebetween a father and son, and that it might be decided in a fewwords, --unless he submitted to his father, that he must proveunfortunate. "

51. The Arician withdrew from the meeting, uttering these reflectionsagainst the Roman king. Tarquin, feeling the matter much more acutelythan he appeared to do, immediately sets about planning the death ofTurnus, in order that he might inspire into the Latins the same terrorwith which he had crushed the spirits of his own subjects at home; andbecause he could not be put to death openly, by virtue of his authority, he accomplished the ruin of this innocent man by bringing a falseaccusation against him. By means of some Aricians of the oppositefaction, he bribed a servant of Turnus with gold, to suffer a greatnumber of swords to be introduced privately into his lodging. When thishad been completed in the course of one night, Tarquin, having summonedthe chiefs of the Latins to him a little before day, as if alarmed bysome strange occurrence, says, "that his delay of yesterday, having beenoccasioned as it were by some providential care of the gods, had beenthe means of preservation to him and them; that it was told to him thatdestruction was prepared by Turnus for him and the chiefs of the Latins, that he alone might obtain the government of the Latins. That he was tohave made the attempt yesterday at the meeting; that the matter wasdeferred, because the person who summoned the meeting was absent, whomhe chiefly aimed at. That thence arose that abuse of him for beingabsent, because he disappointed his hopes by delaying. That he had nodoubt, but that if the truth were told him, he would come at the breakof day, when the assembly met, attended with a band of conspirators, andwith arms in his hands. That it was said that a great number of swordshad been conveyed to his house. Whether that be true or not, might beknown immediately. He requested that they would accompany him thence toTurnus. " Both the daring temper of Turnus, and his harangue ofyesterday, and the delay of Tarquin, rendered the matter suspicious, because it seemed possible that the murder might have been put off inconsequence of it. They proceed then with minds inclined indeed tobelieve, yet determined to consider every thing false, unless the swordswere detected. When they arrived there, Turnus is aroused from sleep, and guards are placed around him; and the servants, who, from affectionto their master, were preparing to use force, being secured, when theswords, which had been concealed, were drawn out from all parts of thelodging, then indeed the whole matter appeared manifest, and chains wereplaced on Turnus; and forthwith a meeting of the Latins was summonedamid great confusion. There, on the swords being brought forward in themidst, such violent hatred arose against him, that without being alloweda defence, by a novel mode of death, being thrown into the reservoir ofthe water of Ferentina, a hurdle[61] being placed over him, and stonesbeing thrown into that, he was drowned. 

[Footnote 61: _Hurdle_, a mode of punishment in use among theCarthaginians. See Tac. Germ. 12. Similar to the Greek, Καταποντισμός. ]

52. Tarquin, having recalled the Latins to the meeting, and applaudedthose who had inflicted well-merited punishment on Turnus, as oneconvicted of parricide, by his attempting a change of government, spokeas follows: "That he could indeed proceed by a long-established right;because, since all the Latins were sprung from Alba, they were includedin that treaty by which the entire Alban nation, with their colonies, fell under the dominion of Rome, under Tullus. However, for the sake ofthe interest of all parties, he thought rather, that that treaty shouldbe renewed; and that the Latins should, as participators, enjoy theprosperity of the Roman people, rather than that they should beconstantly either apprehending or suffering the demolition of their townand the devastations of their lands, which they suffered formerly in thereign of Ancus, afterwards in the reign of his own father. " The Latinswere persuaded without any difficulty, though in that treaty theadvantage lay on the side of Rome; but they both saw that the chiefs ofthe Latin nation sided and concurred with the king, and Turnus was arecent instance of his danger to each, if he should make any opposition. Thus the treaty was renewed, and notice was given to the young men ofthe Latins, that, according to the treaty, they should attend inconsiderable numbers in arms, on a certain day, at the grove ofFerentina. And when they assembled from all the states according to theedict of the Roman king, in order that they should neither have ageneral of their own, nor a separate command, or their own standards, hecompounded companies of Latins and Romans, so as to make one out of two, and two out of one; the companies being thus doubled, he appointedcenturions over them. 

53. Nor was Tarquin, though a tyrannical prince in peace, a despicablegeneral in war; nay, he would have equalled his predecessors in thatart, had not his [62]degeneracy in other respects likewise detractedfrom his merit here. He began the war against the Volsci, which lastedtwo hundred years after his time, and took from them Suessa Pometia bystorm; and when by the sale of the spoils he had amassed forty talentsof silver and of gold, he designed such magnificence for a temple toJupiter, as should be worthy of the king of gods and men, of the Romanempire, and of the majesty of the place itself: for the building of thistemple he set apart the money arising from the spoils. Soon after a warcame upon him, more tedious than he expected, in which, having in vainattempted to storm Gabii, a city in his neighbourhood, when beingrepulsed from the walls all hopes of taking it by siege also was takenfrom him, he assailed it by fraud and stratagem, arts by no means Roman. For when, as if the war was laid aside, he pretended to be busily takenup with laying the foundation of the temple, and with his other works inthe city, Sextus, the youngest of his three sons, according to concert, fled to Gabii, complaining of the inhuman cruelty of his father, "thathe had turned his tyranny from others against his own family, and wasuneasy at the number of his own children, intending to make the samedesolations in his own house which he had made in the senate, in orderthat he might leave behind him no issue, nor heir to his kingdom. Thatfor his own part, as he had escaped from amidst the swords and otherweapons of his father, he was persuaded he could find no safety anywhere but among the enemies of L. Tarquin. And, that they might not beled astray, that the war, which it is now pretended has been given up, still lies in reserve, and that he would attack them when off theirguard on the occurrence of an opportunity. But if there be no refugefor suppliants among them, that he would traverse all Latium, and wouldapply to the Volscians, and Æquians, and Hernicians, until he shouldcome to those who knew how to protect children from the impious andcruel persecution of parents. That perhaps he would find some ardouralso to take up arms and wage war against this proud king and hishaughty subjects. " As he seemed a person likely to go further onward, incensed with anger, if they paid him no regard, he is received by theGabians very kindly. They bid him not to be surprised, if he were atlast the same to his children as he had been to his subjects andallies;--that he would ultimately vent his rage on himself if otherobjects failed him;--that his coming was very acceptable to them, andthey thought that it would come to pass that by his aid the war would betransferred from the gates of Gabii to the walls of Rome. 

[Footnote 62: _His degeneracy--degeneratum_. This use of the passiveparticiple is of frequent occurrence in Livy. ]

54. Upon this he was admitted into their public councils, where though, with regard to other matters, he professed to submit to the judgment ofthe old inhabitants of Gabii, to whom they were better known, yet heevery now and then advised them to renew the war; to that he pretendedto a superior knowledge, because he was well acquainted with thestrength of both nations, and knew that the king's pride was decidedlybecome hateful to his subjects, which not even his own children couldnow endure. As he thus by degrees stirred up the nobles of the Gabiansto renew the war, went himself with the most active of their youth onplundering parties and expeditions, and ill-grounded credit was attachedto all his words and actions, framed as they were for deception, he isat length chosen general-in-chief in the war. There when, the peoplebeing still ignorant of what was really going on, several skirmisheswith the Romans took place, wherein the Gabians generally had theadvantage, then all the Gabians, from the highest to the lowest, werefirmly persuaded, that Sextus Tarquinius had been sent to them as theirgeneral, by the special favour of the gods. By his exposing himself tofatigues and dangers, and by his generosity in dividing the plunder, hewas so beloved by the soldiers, that Tarquin the father had not greaterpower at Rome than the son at Gabii. When he saw he had got sufficientstrength collected to support him in any undertaking, he sent one ofhis confidants to Rome to ask his father what he wished him to do, seeing the gods had granted him the sole management of all affairs atGabii. To this courier no answer by word of mouth was given, because, Isuppose, he appeared of questionable fidelity. The king going into agarden of the palace, as it were to consider of the matter, followed byhis son's messenger; walking there for some time in silence, he is saidto have struck off the heads of the tallest poppies with his staff. Themessenger, wearied with demanding and waiting for an answer, returned toGabii as if without having accomplished his object, and told what he hadsaid himself, and what he had observed, adding, "that Tarquin, eitherthrough passion, aversion to him, or his innate pride, had not spoke aword. " As soon as it became evident to Sextus what his father wished, and what conduct he recommended by those silent intimations, he put todeath the most eminent men of the city, accusing some of them to thepeople, and others who were exposed by their own unpopularity. Many wereexecuted publicly, and some, against whom an impeachment was likely toprove less specious, were secretly assassinated. Means of escape were tosome allowed, and others were banished, and their estates, as well asthe estates of those who were put to death, publicly distributed. By thesweets of corruption, plunder, and private advantage resulting fromthese distributions, the sense of the public calamities becameextinguished in them, till the state of Gabii, destitute of counsel andassistance, was delivered without a struggle into the hands of the Romanking. 

55. Tarquin, thus put in possession of Gabii, made peace with theÆquians, and renewed the treaty with the Etrurians. Then he turned histhoughts to the business of the city. The chief whereof was that ofleaving behind him the temple of Jupiter on the Tarpeian mount, as amonument of his name and reign; [since posterity would remember] that oftwo Tarquinii, both kings, the father had vowed, the son completed it. And that the area, excluding all other forms of worship, might beentirely appropriated to Jupiter, and his temple, which was to beerected upon it, he resolved to unhallow several small temples andchapels, which had been vowed first by king Tatius, in the heat of thebattle against Romulus, and which he afterwards consecrated anddedicated. In the very beginning of founding this work it is said thatthe gods exerted their divinity to presage the future greatness of thisempire; for though the birds declared for the unhallowing of all theother temples, they did not admit of it with respect to that ofTerminus. This omen and augury were taken to import that Terminus's notchanging his residence, and being the only one of the gods who was notcalled out of the places devoted to their worship, presaged the durationand stability of their empire. This being deemed an omen of theperpetuity, there followed another portending the greatness of theempire. It is reported that the head of a man, with the face entire, appeared to the workmen when digging the foundation of the temple. Thesight of this phenomenon unequivocally presaged that this temple shouldbe the metropolis of the empire, and the head of the world; and sodeclared the soothsayers, both those who were in the city, and thosewhom they had sent for from Etruria, to consult on this subject. Theking was encouraged to enlarge the expense; so that the spoils ofPometia, which had been destined to complete the work, scarcely sufficedfor laying the foundation. On this account I am more inclined to believeFabius Pictor, besides his being the more ancient historian, that therewere only forty talents, than Piso, who says that forty thousand poundsweight of silver were set apart for that purpose; a sum of money neitherto be expected from the spoils of any one city in those times, and onethat would more than suffice for the foundation of any structure, eventhough exhibiting the magnificence of modern structures. 

56. Tarquin, intent upon finishing this temple, having sent for workmenfrom all parts of Etruria, employed on it not only the public money, butthe manual labour of the people; and when this labour, by no meansinconsiderable in itself, was added to their military service, still thepeople murmured less at their building the temples of the gods withtheir own hands; they were afterwards transferred to other works, which, whilst less in show, (required) still greater toil: such as the erectingbenches in the circus, and conducting under ground the principalsewer, [63] the receptacle of all the filth of the city; to which twoworks even modern splendour can scarcely produce any thing equal. Thepeople having been employed in these works, because he both consideredthat such a multitude was a burden to the city when there was noemployment for them, and further, he was anxious that the frontiers ofthe empire should be more extensively occupied by sending colonists, hesent colonists to Signia and Circeii, to serve as defensive barriershereafter to the city by land and sea. While he was thus employed afrightful prodigy appeared to him. A serpent sliding out of a woodenpillar, after causing dismay and a run into the palace, not so muchstruck the king's heart with sudden terror, as filled him with anxioussolicitude. Accordingly when Etrurian soothsayers only were employed forpublic prodigies, terrified at this as it were domestic apparition, hedetermined on sending persons to Delphos to the most celebrated oraclein the world; and not venturing to intrust the responses of the oracleto any other person, he despatched his two sons to Greece through landsunknown at that time, and seas still more so. Titus and Aruns were thetwo who went. To them were added, as a companion, L. Junius Brutus, theson of Tarquinia, sister to the king, a youth of an entirely differentquality of mind from that the disguise of which he had assumed. Brutus, on hearing that the chief men of the city, and among others his ownbrother, had been put to death by his uncle, resolved to leave nothingin his intellects that might be dreaded by the king, nor any thing inhis fortune to be coveted, and thus to be secure in contempt, wherethere was but little protection in justice. Therefore designedlyfashioning himself to the semblance of foolishness, after he sufferedhimself and his whole estate to become a prey to the king, he did notrefuse to take even the surname of Brutus, that, concealed under thecover of such a cognomen, that genius that was to liberate the Romanpeople might await its proper time. He, being brought to Delphos by theTarquinii rather as a subject of sport than as a companion, is said tohave brought with him as an offering to Apollo a golden rod, enclosed ina staff of cornel-wood hollowed out for the purpose, a mystical emblemof his own mind. When they arrived there, their father's commissionbeing executed, a desire seized the young men of inquiring on which ofthem the sovereignty of Rome should devolve. They say that a voice wasreturned from the bottom of the cave, "Young men, whichever of you shallfirst kiss his mother shall enjoy the sovereign power at Rome. " TheTarquinii order the matter to be kept secret with the utmost care, thatSextus, who had been left behind at Rome, might be ignorant of theresponse, and have no share in the kingdom; they cast lots amongthemselves, as to which of them should first kiss his mother, after theyhad returned to Rome. Brutus, thinking that the Pythian response hadanother meaning, as if he had stumbled and fallen, touched the groundwith his lips; she being, forsooth, the common mother of all mankind. After this they all returned to Rome, where preparations were being madewith the greatest vigour for a war against the Rutulians. 

[Footnote 63: _The principal sewer_--the _cloaca maxima_. This isattributed to Tarquinius Priscus by several writers. Dio. Iii. 67, states that it was he who commenced it. See Plin. H. N. Xxxvi. Nieb. I. P. 385. ]

57. The Rutulians, a nation very wealthy, considering the country andage they lived in, were at that time in possession of Ardea. Theirriches gave occasion to the war; for the king of the Romans, beingexhausted of money by the magnificence of his public works, was desirousboth to enrich himself, and by a large booty to soothe the minds of hissubjects, who, besides other instances of his tyranny, were incensedagainst his government, because they were indignant that they had beenkept so long a time by the king in the employments of mechanics, and inlabour fit for slaves. An attempt was made to take Ardea by storm; whenthat did not succeed, the enemy began to be distressed by a blockade, and by works raised around them. As it commonly happens in standingcamps, the war being rather tedious than violent, furloughs were easilyobtained, more so by the officers, however, than the common soldiers. The young princes sometimes spent their leisure hours in feasting andentertainments. One day as they were drinking in the tent of SextusTarquin, where Collatinus Tarquinius, the son of Egerius, was also atsupper, mention was made of wives. Every one commended his own in anextravagant manner, till a dispute arising about it, Collatinus said, "There was no occasion for words, that it might be known in a few hourshow far his Lucretia excelled all the rest. If then, added he, we haveany share of the vigour of youth, let us mount our horses and examinethe behaviour of our wives; that must be most satisfactory to every one, which shall meet his eyes on the unexpected arrival of the husband. "They were heated with wine; "Come on, then, " say all. They immediatelygalloped to Rome, where they arrived in the dusk of the evening. Fromthence they went to Collatia, where they find Lucretia, not like theking's daughters-in-law, whom they had seen spending their time inluxurious entertainments with their equals, but though at an advancedtime of night, employed at her wool, sitting in the middle of the houseamid her maids working around her. The merit of the contest regardingthe ladies was assigned to Lucretia. Her husband on his arrival, and theTarquinii, were kindly received; the husband, proud of his victory, gives the young princes a polite invitation. There the villanous passionfor violating Lucretia by force seizes Sextus Tarquin; both her beauty, and her approved purity, act as incentives. And then, after thisyouthful frolic of the night, they return to the camp. 

58. A few days after, without the knowledge of Collatinus, Sextus cameto Collatia with one attendant only; where, being kindly received bythem, as not being aware of his intention, after he had been conductedafter supper into the guests' chamber, burning with passion, when everything around seemed sufficiently secure, and all fast asleep, he comesto Lucretia, as she lay asleep, with a naked sword, and with his lefthand pressing down the woman's breast, he says, "Be silent, Lucretia; Iam Sextus Tarquin; I have a sword in my hand; you shall die, if youutter a word. " When awaking terrified from sleep, the woman beheld noaid, impending death nigh at hand; then Tarquin acknowledged hispassion, entreated, mixed threats with entreaties, tried the female'smind in every possible way. When he saw her inflexible, and that she wasnot moved even by the terror of death, he added to terror the threat ofdishonour; he says that he will lay a murdered slave naked by her sidewhen dead, so that she may be said to have been slain in infamousadultery. When by the terror of this disgrace his lust, as it werevictorious, had overcome her inflexible chastity, and Tarquin haddeparted, exulting in having triumphed over a lady's honour, Lucretia, in melancholy distress at so dreadful a misfortune, despatches the samemessenger to Rome to her father, and to Ardea to her husband, that theywould come each with one trusty friend; that it was necessary to do so, and that quickly. [64] Sp. Lucretius comes with P. Valerius, the son ofVolesus, Collatinus with L. Junius Brutus, with whom, as he wasreturning to Rome, he happened to be met by his wife's messenger. Theyfind Lucretia sitting in her chamber in sorrowful dejection. On thearrival of her friends the tears burst from her eyes; and to herhusband, on his inquiry "whether all was right, " she says, "By no means, for what can be right with a woman who has lost her honour? The tracesof another man are on your bed, Collatinus. But the body only has beenviolated, the mind is guiltless; death shall be my witness. But give meyour right hands, and your honour, that the adulterer shall not come offunpunished. It is Sextus Tarquin, who, an enemy in the guise of a guest, has borne away hence a triumph fatal to me, and to himself, if you aremen. " They all pledge their honour; they attempt to console her, distracted as she was in mind, by turning away the guilt from her, constrained by force, on the perpetrator of the crime; that it is themind sins, not the body; and that where intention was wanting guiltcould not be. "It is for you to see, " says she, "what is due to him. Asfor me, though I acquit myself of guilt, from punishment I do notdischarge myself; nor shall any woman survive her dishonour pleading theexample of Lucretia. " The knife, which she kept concealed beneath hergarment, she plunges into her heart, and falling forward on the wound, she dropped down expiring. The husband and father shriek aloud. 

[Footnote 64: _To do so, and that quickly_, --a use of the participles_facto_ and _maturato_ similar to that already noticed in chap. 53, _degeneratum_. ]

59. Brutus, while they were overpowered with grief, having drawn theknife out of the wound, and holding it up before him reeking with blood, said, "By this blood, most pure before the pollution of royal villany, Iswear, and I call you, O gods, to witness my oath, that I shall pursueLucius Tarquin the Proud, his wicked wife, and all their race, withfire, sword, and all other means in my power; nor shall I ever sufferthem or any other to reign at Rome. " Then he gave the knife toCollatinus, and after him to Lucretius and Valerius, who were surprisedat such extraordinary mind in the breast of Brutus. However, they alltake the oath as they were directed, and converting their sorrow intorage, follow Brutus as their leader, who from that time ceased not tosolicit them to abolish the regal power. They carry Lucretia's bodyfrom her own house, and convey it into the forum; and assemble a numberof persons by the strangeness and atrocity of the extraordinaryoccurrence, as usually happens. They complain, each for himself, of theroyal villany and violence. Both the grief of the father moves them, asalso Brutus, the reprover of their tears and unavailing complaints, andtheir adviser to take up arms against those who dared to treat them asenemies, as would become men and Romans. Each most spirited of the youthvoluntarily presents himself in arms; the rest of the youth follow also. From thence, after leaving an adequate garrison at the gates atCollatia, and having appointed sentinels, so that no one might giveintelligence of the disturbance to the king's party, the rest set outfor Rome in arms under the conduct of Brutus. When they arrived there, the armed multitude cause panic and confusion wherever they go. Again, when they see the principal men of the state placing themselves at theirhead, they think that, whatever it may be, it was not without goodreason. Nor does the heinousness of the circumstance excite less violentemotions at Rome than it had done at Collatia; accordingly they run fromall parts of the city into the forum, whither, when they came, thepublic crier summoned them to attend the tribune of the celeres, withwhich office Brutus happened to be at that time vested. There anharangue was delivered by him, by no means of that feeling and capacitywhich had been counterfeited up to that day, concerning the violence andlust of Sextus Tarquin, the horrid violation of Lucretia and herlamentable death, the bereavement of Tricipitinus, to whom the cause ofhis daughter's death was more exasperating and deplorable than the deathitself. To this was added the haughty insolence of the king himself, andthe sufferings and toils of the people, buried in the earth in cleansingsinks and sewers; that the Romans, the conquerors of all the surroundingstates, instead of warriors had become labourers and stone-cutters. Theunnatural murder of king Servius Tullius was dwelt on, and hisdaughter's driving over the body of her father in her impious chariot, and the gods who avenge parents were invoked by him. By stating theseand other, I suppose, more exasperating circumstances, which though byno means easily detailed by writers, the heinousness of the casesuggested at the time, he persuaded the multitude, already incensed, todeprive the king of his authority, and to order the banishment of L. Tarquin with his wife and children. He himself, having selected andarmed some of the young men, who readily gave in their names, set outfor Ardea to the camp to excite the army against the king: the commandin the city he leaves to Lucretius, who had been already appointedprefect of the city by the king. During this tumult Tullia fled from herhouse, both men and women cursing her wherever she went, and invoking onher the furies the avengers of parents. 

60. News of these transactions having reached the camp, when the king, alarmed at this sudden revolution, was going to Rome to quell thecommotions, Brutus, for he had notice of his approach, turned out of theway, that he might not meet him; and much about the same time Brutus andTarquin arrived by different routes, the one at Ardea, the other atRome. The gates were shut against Tarquin, and an act of banishmentpassed against him; the deliverer of the state the camp received withgreat joy, and the king's sons were expelled. Two of them followed theirfather, and went into banishment to Cære, a city of Etruria. SextusTarquin, having gone to Gabii, as to his own kingdom, was slain by theavengers of the old feuds, which he had raised against himself by hisrapines and murders. Lucius Tarquin the Proud reigned twenty-five years:the regal form of government continued from the building of the city tothis period of its deliverance, two hundred and forty-four years. Twoconsuls, viz. Lucius Junius Brutus and Lucius Tarquinius Collatinus, were elected by the prefect of the city at the comitia by centuries, according to the commentaries of Servius Tullius. 

BOOK II. 

 _Brutus binds the people by oath, never to suffer any king to reign at Rome, obliges Tarquinius Collatinus, his colleague, to resign the consulship, and leave the state; beheads some young noblemen, and among the rest his own and his sister's sons, for a conspiracy to receive the kings into the city. In a war against the Veientians and Tarquiniensians, he engages in single combat with Aruns the son of Tarquin the Proud, and expires at the same time with his adversary. The ladies mourn for him a whole year. The Capitol dedicated. Porsena, king of Clusium, undertakes a war in favour of the Tarquins. Bravery of Horatius Cocles, and of Mucius. Porsena concludes a peace on the receipt of hostages. Conduct of Clœlia. Ap. Claudius removes from the country of the Sabines to Rome: for this reason the Claudian tribe is added to the former number, which by this means are increased to twenty-one. A. Posthumius the dictator defeats at the lake Regillus Tarquin the Proud, making war upon the Romans with an army of Latins. Secession of the commons to the Sacred Mount; brought back by Menenius Agrippa. Five tribunes of the people created. Corioli taken by C. Martius; from that he is surnamed Coriolanus. Banishment and subsequent conduct of C. M. Coriolanus. The Agrarian law first made. Sp. Cassius condemned and put to death. Oppia, a vestal virgin, buried alive for incontinence. The Fabian family undertake to carry on that war at their own cost and hazard, against the Veientians, and for that purpose send out three hundred and six men in arms, who were all cut off. Ap. Claudius the consul decimates his army because he had been unsuccessful in the war with the Veientians, by their refusing to obey orders. An account of the wars with the Volscians, Æquians, and Veientians, and the contests of the fathers with the commons. _

1. The affairs, civil and military, of the Roman people, henceforwardfree, their annual magistrates, and the sovereignty of the laws, morepowerful than that of men, I shall now detail. --The haughty insolence ofthe late king had caused this liberty to be the more welcome: for theformer kings reigned in such a manner that they all in succession mightbe not undeservedly set down as founders of the parts, at least of thecity, which they added as new residences for the population augmented bythemselves. Nor is there a doubt but that the very same Brutus whoearned so much glory for expelling this haughty monarch, would have doneso to the greatest injury of the public weal, if, through an over-hastydesire of liberty, he had wrested the kingdom from any of the precedingkings. For what would have been the consequence if that rabble ofshepherds and strangers, fugitives from their own countries, having, under the protection of an inviolable asylum, found liberty, or at leastimpunity, uncontrolled by the dread of regal authority, had begun to bedistracted by tribunician storms, and to engage in contests with thefathers in a strange city, before the pledges of wives and children, andlove of the very soil, to which it requires a length of time to becomehabituated, had united their affections. Their affairs not yet maturedwould have been destroyed by discord, which the tranquil moderation ofthe government so cherished, and by proper nourishment brought to suchperfection, that, their strength being now developed, they were able toproduce the wholesome fruits of liberty. But the origin of liberty youmay date from this period, rather because the consular authority wasmade annual, than that any diminution was made from the kinglyprerogative. The first consuls had all their privileges and ensigns ofauthority, only care was taken that the terror might not appear doubled, by both having the fasces at the same time. Brutus was, with the consentof his colleague, first attended by the fasces, who had not been a morezealous assertor of liberty than he was afterwards its guardian. Firstof all he bound over the people, whilst still enraptured with theirnewly-acquired liberty, by an oath that they would suffer no one to beking in Rome, lest afterwards they might be perverted by theimportunities or bribes of the royal family. Next in order, that thefulness of the house might produce more of strength in the senate, hefilled up the number of the senators, diminished by the king's murders, to the amount of three hundred, having elected the principal men of theequestrian rank; and from thence it is said the custom was derived ofsummoning into the senate both those who were patres and those who wereconscripti. [65] Forsooth they styled those who were elected into the newsenate Conscripti. It is wonderful how much that contributed to theconcord of the state, and to attach the affection of the commons to thepatricians. 

[Footnote 65: All were called _Patres conscripti_. Scil. Patres etConscripti, the conjunction being omitted. Nieb. I. P. 517. ]

2. Then attention was paid to religious matters, and as some part of thepublic worship had been performed by the kings in person, that theymight not be missed in any respect, they elect a king of the sacrifices. This office they made subject to the pontiff, that honour being added tothe name might be no infringement on their liberty, which was now theirprincipal care. And I know not whether by fencing it on every side toexcess, even in the most trivial matters, they may not have exceededbounds. For when there was nothing else to offend, the name of one ofthe consuls became an object of dislike to the state. "That theTarquinii had been too much habituated to sovereignty; Priscus firstcommenced; that Servius Tullus reigned next; that though an intervalthus intervened, that Tarquinius Superbus, not losing sight of thekingdom as the property of another, had reclaimed it by crime andviolence, as the hereditary right of his family. That Superbus beingexpelled, the government was in the hands of Collatinus: that theTarquinii knew not how to live in a private station; the name pleasedthem not; that it was dangerous to liberty. "--Such discourses were atfirst gradually circulated through the entire state by persons soundingtheir dispositions; and the people, now excited by jealousy, Brutusconvenes to a meeting. There first of all he recites the people's oath:"that they would suffer no one to be king, nor any thing to be in Romewhence danger might result to liberty. That it ought to be maintainedwith all their might, and nothing that could tend that way ought to beoverlooked; he said it with reluctance, for the sake of the individual;and would not say it, did not his affection for the commonwealthpredominate; that the people of Rome do not believe that entire libertyhas been recovered; that the regal family, the regal name, was not onlyin the state but even in the government; that was unfavourable, that wasinjurious to liberty. Do you, L. Tarquinius, " says he, "do you, of yourown accord, remove this apprehension. We remember, we own it, youexpelled the royal family; complete your kindness; take hence the royalname--your property your fellow citizens shall not only restore you, bymy advice, but if any thing is wanting they will generously supply. Depart in amity. Relieve the state from a dread which is perhapsgroundless. So firmly are they persuaded in mind that only with theTarquinian race will kingly power depart hence. " Amazement at soextraordinary and sudden an occurrence at first impeded the consul'sutterance; then, when he was commencing to speak, the chief men of thestate stand around him, and by many importunities urge the same request. Others indeed had less weight with him. After Sp. Lucretius, superior inage and rank, his father-in-law besides, began to try various methods, by entreating and advising alternately, that he would suffer himself tobe prevailed on by the general feeling of the state, the consul, apprehending lest hereafter these same things might befall him, whenagain in a private station, together with loss of property and otheradditional disgrace, he resigned his consulship; and removing all hiseffects to Lavinium, he withdrew from the state. [66] Brutus, accordingto a decree of the senate, proposed to the people, that all the familyof the Tarquins should be banished from Rome; and in an assembly bycenturies he elected P. Valerius, with whose assistance he had expelledthe kings for his colleague. 

[Footnote 66: Collatinus is supposed to have earned the odium of thepeople, and his consequent expulsion from Rome, by his endeavours tosave his nephews, the Aquillii, from punishment. ]

3. Though nobody doubted that a war was impending from the Tarquins, yetit broke out later than was universally expected; but liberty was wellnigh lost by treachery and fraud, a thing they had never apprehended. There were, among the Roman youth, several young men of no meanfamilies, who, during the regal government, had pursued their pleasureswithout any restraint; being of the same age with, and companions of, the young Tarquins, and accustomed to live in princely style. Longingfor that licentiousness, now that the privileges of all were equalized, they complained that the liberty of others has been converted to theirslavery: "that a king was a human being, from whom you can obtain, whereright, or where wrong may be necessary; that there was room for favourand for kindness; that he could be angry, and could forgive; that heknew the difference between a friend and an enemy; that laws were adeaf, inexorable thing, more beneficial and advantageous for the poorthan the rich; that they allowed of no relaxation or indulgence, if youtransgress bounds; that it was a perilous state, amid so so many humanerrors, to live solely by one's integrity. " Whilst their minds werealready thus discontented of their own accord, ambassadors from theroyal family come unexpectedly, demanding restitution of their effectsmerely, without any mention of return. After their application was heardin the senate, the deliberation on it lasted for several days, (fearing)lest the non-restitution might be a pretext for war, and the restitutiona fund and assistance for war. In the mean time the ambassadors wereplanning different schemes; openly demanding the property, they secretlyconcerted measures for recovering the throne, and soliciting them as iffor the object which appeared to be under consideration, they soundtheir feelings; to those by whom their proposals were favourablyreceived they give letters from the Tarquins, and confer with them aboutadmitting the royal family into the city secretly by night. 

4. The matter was first intrusted to brothers of the name of Vitelliiand those of the name of Aquilii. A sister of the Vitellii had beenmarried to Brutus the consul, and the issue of that marriage were youngmen, Titus and Tiberius; these also their uncles admit into aparticipation of the plot: several young noblemen also were taken in asassociates, the memory of whose names has been lost from distance oftime. In the mean time, when that opinion had prevailed in the senate, which recommended the giving back of the property, and the ambassadorsmade use of this as a pretext for delay in the city, because they hadobtained from the consuls time to procure modes of conveyance, by whichthey might convey away the effects of the royal family; all this timethey spend in consulting with the conspirators, and by pressing theysucceed in having letters given to them for the Tarquins. For otherwisehow were they to believe that the accounts brought by the ambassadors onmatters of such importance were not idle? The letters, given to be apledge of their sincerity, discovered the plot; for when, the day beforethe ambassadors set out to the Tarquins, they had supped by chance atthe house of the Vitellii, and the conspirators there in privatediscoursed much together concerning their new design, as is natural, oneof the slaves, who had already perceived what was going on, overheardtheir conversation; but waited for the occasion when the letters shouldbe given to the ambassadors, the detection of which would prove thetransaction; when he perceived that they were given, he laid the wholeaffair before the consuls. The consuls, having left their home to seizethe ambassadors and conspirators, crushed the whole affair without anytumult; particular care being taken of the letters, lest they shouldescape them. The traitors being immediately thrown into chains, a littledoubt was entertained respecting the ambassadors, and though theydeserved to be considered as enemies, the law of nations howeverprevailed. 

5. The question concerning the restitution of the tyrants' effects, which the senate had formerly voted, came again under consideration. Thefathers, fired with indignation, expressly forbad them either to berestored or confiscated. They were given to be rifled by the people, that after being made participators in the royal plunder, they mightlose for ever all hopes of a reconciliation with the Tarquins. A fieldbelonging to them, which lay between the city and the Tiber, having beenconsecrated to Mars, has been called the Campus Martius. It happenedthat there was a crop of corn upon it ready to be cut down, whichproduce of the field, as they thought it unlawful to use, after it wasreaped, a great number of men carried the corn and straw in baskets, andthrew them into the Tiber, which then flowed with shallow water, as isusual in the heat of summer; that thus the heaps of corn as it stuck inthe shallows became settled when covered over with mud: by these and theafflux of other things, which the river happened to bring thither, anisland was formed by degrees. Afterwards I believe that mounds wereadded, and that aid was afforded by art, that a surface so well raisedmight be firm enough for sustaining temples and porticoes. Afterplundering the tyrants' effects, the traitors were condemned and capitalpunishment inflicted. Their punishment was the more remarkable, becausethe consulship imposed on the father the office of punishing his ownchildren, and him who should have been removed as a spectator, fortuneassigned as the person to exact the punishment. Young men of the highestquality stood tied to a stake; but the consul's sons attracted the eyesof all the spectators from the rest of the criminals, as from personsunknown; nor did the people pity them more on account of the severity ofthe punishment, than the horrid crime by which they had deserved it. "That they, in that year particularly, should have brought themselves tobetray into the hands of Tarquin, formerly a proud tyrant, and now anexasperated exile, their country just delivered, their father itsdeliverer, the consulate which took its rise from the family of theJunii, the fathers, the people, and whatever belonged either to the godsor the citizens of Rome. "[67] The consuls seated themselves in theirtribunal, and the lictors, being despatched to inflict punishment, stripthem naked, beat them with rods, and strike off their heads. Whilstduring all this time, the father, his looks and his countenance, presented a touching spectacle, [68] the feelings of the father burstingforth occasionally during the office of superintending the publicexecution. Next after the punishment of the guilty, that there might bea striking example in either way for the prevention of crime, a sum ofmoney was granted out of the treasury as a reward to the discoverer;liberty also and the rights of citizenship were granted him. He is saidto have been the first person made free by the Vindicta; some think eventhat the term vindicta is derived from him. After him it was observed asa rule, that those who were set free in this manner were supposed to beadmitted to the rights of Roman citizens. [69]

[Footnote 67: Niebuhr will have it that Brutus punished his children byhis authority as a father, and that there was no appeal to the peoplefrom the father. See Nieb. I. P. 488. ]

[Footnote 68: _Animo patris_, the strength of his mind, though that of afather, being even more conspicuous, &c. So Drakenborch understands thepassage, --this sternness of mind, he says, though he was their father, was a more remarkable spectacle than his stern countenance. Thischaracter of Brutus, as inferrible from the words thus interpreted, coincides with that given of him by Dionysius and others. I preferunderstanding the passage with Crevier, scil. Symptoms of paternalaffection to his children displaying themselves during the discharge ofhis duty in superintending the public punishment inflicted on them. ]

[Footnote 69: Previously, by the institution of Servius, only suchmanumitted slaves were admitted to the rights of citizenship as wereregistered by their masters in the census. ]

6. On these things being announced to him, as they had occurred, Tarquin, inflamed not only with grief for the frustration of such greathopes, but with hatred and resentment also, when he saw that the way wasblocked up against stratagem, considering that he should have recourseto war openly, went round as a suppliant to the cities of Etruria, "that they should not suffer him, sprung from themselves, of the sameblood, exiled and in want, lately in possession of so great a kingdom, to perish before their eyes, with the young men his sons. That othershad been invited to Rome from foreign lands to the throne; that he, aking, extending the Roman empire by his arms, was driven out by thosenearest to him by a villanous conspiracy; that they had by violencedivided the parts among themselves, because no one individual among themwas deemed sufficiently deserving of the kingdom; that they had given uphis effects to the people to be pillaged by them, that no one might befree from that guilt. That he was desirous to recover his country andhis kingdom, and to punish his ungrateful subjects. That they shouldbring succour and aid him; that they might also revenge the injuriesdone to them of old, their legions so often slaughtered, their landtaken from them. " These arguments prevailed on the people of Veii, andwith menaces they declare that now at least, under the conduct of aRoman general, their former disgrace should be wiped off, and what theyhad lost in war should be recovered. His name and relation to theminduced the people of Tarquinii to take part with him; it seemed anhonour that their countrymen should reign at Rome. Therefore the twoarmies of these two states followed Tarquin in order to recover hiskingdom, and to take vengeance upon the Romans. When they entered theRoman territories, the consuls marched to meet them. Valerius led up thefoot in a square battalion, and Brutus marched before with his horse toreconnoitre (the enemy). Their cavalry likewise came up first; Aruns, Tarquin's son, commanded it; the king himself followed with the legions. Aruns, when he knew at a distance by the lictors that it was a consul, and on coming nigher discovered for certain that it was Brutus by hisface, all inflamed with rage, he cried out, "There is the villain whohas banished us from our native country! see how he rides in stateadorned with the ensigns of our dignity! now assist me, gods, theavengers of kings. " He put spurs to his horse and drove furiouslyagainst the consul. Brutus perceived the attack made on him; as it washonourable in these days for the generals to engage in combat, heeagerly offered himself to the combat. They encountered one another withsuch furious animosity, neither mindful of protecting his own person, provided he could wound his adversary; so that both, transfixed throughthe buckler by the blow from the opposite direction, fell lifeless fromtheir horses, entangled together by the two spears. The engagementbetween the rest of the horse commenced at the same time, and soon afterthe foot came up. There they fought with doubtful success, and as itwere with equal advantage, and the victory doubtful. The right wings ofboth armies were victorious and the left worsted. The Veientians, accustomed to be discomfited by the Roman soldiers, were routed and putto flight. The Tarquinienses, who were a new enemy, not only stood theirground, but even on their side obliged the Romans to give way. 

7. After the issue of this battle, so great a terror seized Tarquin andthe Etrurians, that both the armies, the Veientian and Tarquinian, giving up the matter as impracticable, departed to their respectivehomes. They annex strange incidents to this battle, --that in the silenceof the next night a loud voice was emitted from the Arsian wood; that itwas believed to be the voice of Silvanus: these words were spoken, "thatmore of the Etrurians by one[70] had fallen in the battle; that theRoman was victorious in the war. " Certainly the Romans departed thenceas victors, the Etrurians as vanquished. For as soon as it was light, and not one of the enemy was now to be seen, P. Valerius the consulcollected the spoils, and returned thence in triumph to Rome. Hiscolleague's funeral he celebrated with all the magnificence thenpossible. But a far greater honour to his death was the public sorrow, singularly remarkable in this particular, that the matrons mourned him ayear, [71] as a parent, because he had been so vigorous an avenger ofviolated chastity. Afterwards the consul who survived, so changeable arethe minds of the people, from great popularity, encountered not onlyjealousy, but suspicion, originating in an atrocious charge. Reportrepresented that he aspired to the crown, because he had not substituteda colleague in the room of Brutus, and was building a house on thesummit of Mount Velia, that there would be there an impregnable fortresson an elevated and well-fortified place. When these things, thuscirculated and believed, affected the consul's mind with indignation, having summoned the people to an assembly, he mounts the rostrum, afterlowering the fasces. It was a grateful sight to the multitude that theinsignia of authority were lowered to them, and that an acknowledgmentwas made, that the majesty and power of the people were greater thanthat of the consul. When they were called to silence, Valerius highlyextolled the good fortune of his colleague, "who after delivering hiscountry had died vested with the supreme power, fighting bravely indefence of the commonwealth, when his glory was in its maturity, and notyet converted into jealousy. That he himself, having survived his glory, now remained as an object of accusation and calumny; that from theliberator of his country he had fallen to the level of the Aquilii andVitellii. Will no merit then, says he, ever be so tried and approved byyou, as to be exempted from the attacks of suspicion. Could I apprehendthat myself, the bitterest enemy of kings, should fall under the chargeof a desire of royalty? Could I believe that, even though I dwelt in thevery citadel and the Capitol, that I could be dreaded by my fellowcitizens? Does my character among you depend on so mere a trifle? Is myintegrity so slightly founded, that it makes more matter where I may be, than what I may be. The house of Publius Valerius shall not stand in theway of your liberty, Romans; the Velian mount shall be secure to you. Iwill not only bring down my house into the plain, but I will build itbeneath the hill, that you may dwell above me a suspected citizen. Letthose build on the Velian mount to whom liberty is more securelyintrusted than to P. Valerius. " Immediately all the materials werebrought down to the foot of the Velian mount, and the house was built atthe foot of the hill where the temple of Victory now stands. 

[Footnote 70: _Uno plus Tuscorum. _ Ὡς ἑνὶ πλείους ἐν τῇ μάχῃ τεθνήκασιΤυῤῥηνῶν ἢ Ῥωμαίων. ]

[Footnote 71: _A year_, scil. Of ten months. ]

8. After this laws were passed, which not only cleared him of allsuspicions of aiming at the regal power, but had so contrary a tendency, that they made him popular. From thence he was surnamed Poplicola. Aboveall, the laws regarding an appeal to the people against the magistrates, and that devoting the life and property of any one who should form adesign of assuming regal authority, were grateful to the people. Andafter he had passed these while sole consul, so that the merit in themwas exclusively his own, he then held an assembly for the election of anew colleague. Sp. Lucretius was elected consul, who being very old, andhis strength being inadequate to discharge the consular duties, dies ina few days. M. Horatius Pulvillus was substituted in the room ofLucretius. In some old writers I find no mention of Lucretius as consul;they place Horatius immediately after Brutus. I believe that, because noimportant event signalized his consulate, it has been unnoticed. Jupiter's temple in the Capitol had not yet been dedicated; the consulsValerius and Horatius cast lots which should dedicate it. It fell by lotto Horatius. Publicola departed to the war of the Veientians. Thefriends of Valerius were more annoyed than they should have been, thatthe dedication of so celebrated a temple should be given toHoratius. [72] Having endeavoured by every means to prevent that, whenall other attempts had been tried in vain, when the consul was nowholding the door-post during his offering of prayer to the gods, theysuddenly announce to him the shocking intelligence that his son wasdead, and that his family being defiled[73] he could not dedicate thetemple. Whether he did not believe the fact, or possessed such greatfirmness of mind, is neither handed down for certain, nor is aconjecture easy. Diverted from his purpose at this intelligence in noother way than to order that the body should be buried, [74] he goesthrough the prayer, and dedicates the temple. These were thetransactions at home and abroad the first year after the expulsion ofthe kings. After this P. Valerius, a second time, and Titus Lucretius, were elected consuls. 

[Footnote 72: The Horatii being of the _minores patres_. Nieb. I. P. 533. ]

[Footnote 73: _Funesta familia_, as having in it an unburied corpse. Thus Misenus, whilst unburied, _incestat funere classem_. Virg. Æn. Vi. 150. ]

[Footnote 74: He here rejected the omen. Cic. I. 7, 14. ; auguria aut_oblativa_ sunt, quæ non poscuntur, aut _impetrativa_, quæ optataveniunt. The latter could not be rejected. ]

9. By this time the Tarquins had fled to Lars[75] Porsena, king ofClusium. There, mixing advice with their entreaties, "They sometimesbesought him not to suffer them, who were descended from the Etrurians, and of the same blood and name, to live in exile and poverty; at othertimes they advised him not to let this commencing practice of expellingkings pass unpunished. That liberty has charms enough in itself; andunless kings defend their crowns with as much vigour as the peoplepursue their liberty, that the highest must be reduced to a level withthe lowest; there will be nothing exalted, nothing distinguished abovethe rest; and hence there must be an end of regal government, the mostbeautiful institution both among gods and men. " Porsena, thinking thatit would be an honour to the Tuscans both that there should be a king atRome, and especially one of the Etrurian nation, marched towards Romewith a hostile army. Never before on any other occasion did so greatterror seize the senate; so powerful was the state of Clusium at thetime, and so great the renown of Porsena. Nor did they only dread theirenemies, but even their own citizens, lest the common people, throughexcess of fear, should, by receiving the Tarquins into the city, acceptpeace even if purchased with slavery. Many conciliatory concessions weretherefore granted to the people by the senate during that period. Theirattention, in the first place, was directed to the markets, and personswere sent, some to the Volscians, others to Cumæ, to buy up corn. Theprivilege[76] of selling salt, also, because it was farmed at a highrent, was all taken into the hands of government, [77] and withdrawn fromprivate individuals; and the people were freed from port-duties andtaxes; that the rich, who were adequate to bearing the burden, shouldcontribute; that the poor paid tax enough if they educated theirchildren. This indulgent care of the fathers accordingly kept the wholestate in such concord amid the subsequent severities in the siege andfamine, that the highest abhorred the name of king not more than thelowest; nor was any single individual afterwards so popular byintriguing practices, as the whole senate then was by their excellentgovernment. 

[Footnote 75: _Lar_. This is generally understood to have been a titleof honour equivalent to our term _Lord_. ]

[Footnote 76: _Arbitrium_ signifies not only the "privilege, " but the"rent" paid for such privilege, or right of monopoly. ]

[Footnote 77: _Was all taken into the hands of government_. In myversion of this passage I have conformed to the emendation of theoriginal first proposed by Gronovius, and admitted by Stroth and Bekker;scil. _in publicum omne sumptum_. --They did not let these salt-works byauction, but took them into their own management, and carried them on bymeans of persons employed to work on the public account. Thesesalt-works, first established at Ostia by Ancus, were, like other publicproperty, farmed out to the publicans. As they had a high rent to pay, the price of salt was raised in proportion; but now the patricians, tocurry favour with the plebeians, did not let the salt-pits to privatetenants, but kept them in the hands of public labourers, to collect allthe salt for the public use; and appointed salesmen to retail it to thepeople at a cheaper rate. See Stocker's ed. ]

10. Some parts seemed secured by the walls, others by the interpositionof the Tiber. The Sublician bridge well nigh afforded a passage to theenemy, had there not been one man, Horatius Cocles, (that defence thefortune of Rome had on that day, ) who, happening to be posted on guardat the bridge, when he saw the Janiculum taken by a sudden assault, andthat the enemy were pouring down from thence in full speed, and that hisown party, in terror and confusion, were abandoning their arms andranks, laying hold of them one by one, standing in their way, andappealing to the faith of gods and men, he declared, "That their flightwould avail them nothing if they deserted their post; if they passed thebridge and left it behind them, there would soon be more of the enemy inthe Palatium and Capitol than in the Janiculum; for that reason headvised and charged them to demolish the bridge, by their sword, byfire, or by any means whatever; that he would stand the shock of theenemy as far as could be done by one man. " He then advances to the firstentrance of the bridge, and being easily distinguished among those whoshowed their backs in retreating from the fight, facing about to engagethe foe hand to hand, by his surprising bravery he terrified the enemy. Two indeed a sense of shame kept with him, Sp. Lartius and T. Herminius, men eminent for their birth, and renowned for their gallant exploits. With them he for a short time stood the first storm of the danger, andthe severest brunt of the battle. But as they who demolished the bridgecalled upon them to retire, he obliged them also to withdraw to a placeof safety on a small portion of the bridge still left. Then casting hisstern eyes round all the officers of the Etrurians in a threateningmanner, he sometimes challenged them singly, sometimes reproached themall; "the slaves of haughty tyrants, who, regardless of their ownfreedom, came to oppress the liberty of others. " They hesitated for aconsiderable time, looking round one at the other, to commence thefight; shame then put the army in motion, and a shout being raised, theyhurl their weapons from all sides on their single adversary; and whenthey all stuck in the shield held before him, and he with no lessobstinacy kept possession of the bridge with firm step, they nowendeavoured to thrust him down from it by one push, when at once thecrash of the falling bridge, at the same time a shout of the Romansraised for joy at having completed their purpose, checked their ardourwith sudden panic. Then Cocles says, "Holy father Tiberinus, I pray thatthou wouldst receive these arms, and this thy soldier, in thy propitiousstream. " Armed as he was, he leaped into the Tiber, and amid showers ofdarts hurled on him, swam across safe to his party, having dared an actwhich is likely to obtain more fame than credit with posterity. Thestate was grateful towards such valour; a statue was erected to him inthe comitium, and as much land was given to him as he ploughed around inone day. The zeal of private individuals also was conspicuous among thepublic honours. For, amid the great scarcity, each person contributedsomething to him according to his supply at home, depriving himself ofhis own support. 

11. Porsena being repulsed in his first attempt, having changed hisplans from a siege to a blockade, after he had placed a garrison inJaniculum, pitched his camp in the plain and on the banks of the Tiber. Then sending for boats from all parts, both to guard the river, so asnot to suffer any provision to be conveyed to Rome, and also totransport his soldiers across the river, to plunder different places asoccasion required; in a short time he so harassed the entire countryround Rome, that not only every thing else from the country, but eventheir cattle, was driven into the city, and nobody durst venture thencewithout the gates. This liberty of action was granted to the Etrurians, not more through fear than from policy; for Valerius, intent on anopportunity of falling unawares upon a number of them, and whenstraggling, a remiss avenger in trifling matters, reserved the weight ofhis vengeance for more important occasions. Wherefore, to decoy thepillagers, he ordered his men to drive their cattle the next day out atthe Esquiline gate, which was farthest from the enemy, presuming thatthey would get intelligence of it, because during the blockade andfamine some slaves would turn traitors and desert. Accordingly they wereinformed of it by a deserter, and parties more numerous than usual, inhopes of seizing the entire body, crossed the river. Then P. Valeriuscommanded T. Herminius, with a small body of men, to lie concealed twomiles from the city, on the Gabian road, and Sp. Lartius, with a partyof light-armed troops, to post himself at the Colline gate till theenemy should pass by, and then to throw himself in their way so thatthere may be no return to the river. The other consul, T. Lucretius, marched out of the Nævian gate with some companies of soldiers; Valeriushimself led some chosen cohorts down from the Cœlian mount, and theywere first descried by the enemy. Herminius, when he perceived thealarm, rose out of the ambush and fell upon the rear of the Tuscans, whohad charged Valerius. The shout was returned on the right and left, fromthe Colline gate on the one hand, and the Nævian on the other. By thisstratagem the plunderers were put to the sword between both, they notbeing a match in strength for fighting, and all the ways being blockedup to prevent escape: this put an end to the Etrurians strolling aboutin so disorderly a manner. 

12. Nevertheless the blockade continued, and there was a scarcity ofcorn, with a very high price. Porsena entertained a hope that bycontinuing the siege he should take the city, when C. Mucius, a youngnobleman, to whom it seemed a disgrace that the Roman people, whenenslaved under kings, had never been confined within their walls in anywar, nor by any enemy, should now when a free people be blocked up bythese very Etrurians whose armies they had often routed, thinking thatsuch indignity should be avenged by some great and daring effort, atfirst designed of his own accord to penetrate into the enemy's camp. Then, being afraid if he went without the permission of the consuls, orthe knowledge of any one, he might be seized by the Roman guards andbrought back as a deserter, the circumstances of the city at the timejustifying the charge, he went to the senate: "Fathers, " says he, "Iintend to cross the Tiber, and enter the enemy's camp, if I can; not asa plunderer, or as an avenger in our turn of their devastations. Agreater deed is in in my mind, if the gods assist. " The senate approvedhis design. He set out with a sword concealed under his garment. When hecame thither, he stationed himself among the thickest of the crowd, nearthe king's tribunal. There, when the soldiers were receiving their pay, and the king's secretary sitting by him, dressed nearly in the samestyle, was busily engaged, and to him they commonly addressedthemselves, being afraid to ask which of them was Porsena, lest by notknowing the king he should discover on himself, as fortune blindlydirected the blow, he killed the secretary instead of the king. When, ashe was going off thence where with his bloody dagger he had made his waythrough the dismayed multitude, a concourse being attracted at thenoise, the king's guards immediately seized and brought him backstanding alone before the king's tribunal; even then, amid such menacesof fortune, more capable of inspiring dread than of feeling it, "I am, "says he, "a Roman citizen, my name is Caius Mucius; an enemy, I wishedto slay an enemy, nor have I less of resolution to suffer death than Ihad to inflict it. Both to act and to suffer with fortitude is a Roman'spart. Nor have I alone harboured such feelings towards you; there isafter me a long train of persons aspiring to the same honour. Therefore, if you choose it, prepare yourself for this peril, to contend for yourlife every hour; to have the sword and the enemy in the very entrance ofyour pavilion; this is the war which we the Roman youth declare againstyou; dread not an army in array, nor a battle; the affair will be toyourself alone and with each of us singly. " When the king, highlyincensed, and at the same time terrified at the danger, in a menacingmanner, commanded fires to be kindled about him, if he did not speedilyexplain the plots, which, by his threats, he had darkly insinuatedagainst him; Mucius said, "Behold me, that you may be sensible of howlittle account the body is to those who have great glory in view;" andimmediately he thrusts his right hand into the fire that was lighted forthe sacrifice. When he continued to broil it as if he had been quiteinsensible, the king, astonished at this surprising sight, after he hadleaped from his throne and commanded the young man to be removed fromthe altar, says, "Be gone, having acted more like an enemy towardsthyself than me. I would encourage thee to persevere in thy valour, ifthat valour stood on the side of my country. I now dismiss you untouchedand unhurt, exempted from the right of war. " Then Mucius, as if making areturn for the kindness, says, "Since bravery is honoured by you, sothat you have obtained by kindness that which you could not by threats, three hundred of us, the chief of the Roman youth, have conspired toattack you in this manner. It was my lot first. The rest will follow, each in his turn, according as the lot shall set him forward, unlessfortune shall afford an opportunity of you. "

13. Mucius being dismissed, to whom the cognomen of Scævola wasafterwards given, from the loss of his right hand, ambassadors fromPorsena followed him to Rome. The risk of the first attempt, from whichnothing had saved him but the mistake of the assailant, and the risk tobe encountered so often in proportion to the number of conspirators, made so strong an impression upon him, that of his own accord he madepropositions of peace to the Romans. Mention was made to no purposeregarding the restoration of the Tarquinii to the throne, rather becausehe had been unable to refuse that to the Tarquinii, than from notknowing that it would be refused to him by the Romans. The condition ofrestoring their territory to the Veientians was obtained by him, and thenecessity of giving hostages in case they wished the garrison to bewithdrawn from the Janiculum was extorted from the Romans. Peace beingconcluded on these terms, Porsena drew his troops out of the Janiculum, and marched out of the Roman territories. The fathers gave Mucius, as areward of his valour, lands on the other side of the Tiber, which wereafterwards called the Mucian meadows. By this honour paid to valour thewomen were excited to merit public distinctions. As the camp of theEtrurians had been pitched not far from the banks of the Tiber, a younglady named Clælia, one of the hostages, deceiving her keepers, swam overthe river, amidst the darts of the enemy, at the head of a troop ofvirgins, and brought them all safe to their relations. When the king wasinformed of this, at first highly incensed, he sent deputies to Rome todemand the hostage Clælia; that he did not regard the others; andafterwards, being changed into admiration of her courage, he said, "thatthis action surpassed those of Cocles and Mucius, " and declared, "as hewould consider the treaty as broken if the hostage were not deliveredup, so, if given up, he would send her back safe to her friends. " Bothsides kept their faith: the Romans restored their pledge of peaceaccording to treaty; and with the king of Etruria merit found not onlysecurity, but honour; and, after making encomiums on the young lady, promised to give her, as a present, half of the hostages, and that sheshould choose whom she pleased. When they were all brought out, she issaid to have pitched upon the young boys below puberty, which was bothconsonant to maiden delicacy, and by consent of the hostages themselvesit was deemed reasonable, that that age which was most exposed to injuryshould be freed from the enemy's hand. The peace being re-established, the Romans marked the uncommon instance of bravery in the woman, by anuncommon kind of honour, an equestrian statue; (the statue representing)a lady sitting on horseback was placed at the top of the Via Sacra. 

14. Inconsistent with this so peaceful a departure of the Etrurian kingfrom the city, is the custom handed down from the ancients, and whichcontinues down to our times among other usages at public sales, (I mean)that of selling the goods of king Porsena; the origin[78] of whichcustom must either have occurred during the war, and was notrelinquished in peace, or it must have increased from a milder sourcethan the form of expression imports, of selling the goods in a hostilemanner. Of the accounts handed down, the most probable is, that Porsena, on retiring from the Janiculum, made a present to the Romans of his campwell stored with provisions conveyed from the neighbouring and fertilefields of Etruria, the city being then exhausted by the long siege; thatthis, lest it should be carried away in a hostile manner, by the peoplebeing admitted in, was then sold, and called the goods of Porsena, theexpression rather importing gratitude for the gift, than an auction ofthe king's property, which never even was in the power of the Romanpeople. Porsena, after ending the Roman war, that his army might notseem to have been led into these parts without effecting any thing, senthis son Aruns with a part of his forces to besiege Aricia. The matternot being expected, the Aricians were at first terrified; afterwardsassistance, which was sent for from the people of Latium and Cumæ, inspired so much hope, that they ventured to meet them in the field. Atthe commencement of the battle the Etrurians attacked the Aricians sofuriously, that they routed them at the first onset. But the Cumancohorts, opposing stratagem to force, moved off a little to one side, and when the enemy were carried beyond them in great disorder, theyfaced about and charged them in the rear. By this means the Etrurians, when they had almost got the victory, were enclosed and cut topieces. [79] A very small part of them, having lost their general, because they had no nearer refuge, came to Rome without their arms, inthe condition and with the air of suppliants. There they were kindlyreceived and provided with lodgings. When their wounds were cured, manyof them went home and told the kind hospitality they had met with. Affection for their hosts and for the city detained many at Rome; aplace was assigned them to dwell in, which they have ever since calledthe Tuscan Street. 

[Footnote 78: _The origin_. Niebuhr mentions a more probable one. SeeNieb. I. P. 541; ii. P. 204. ]

[Footnote 79: Niebuhr thinks, that from this defeat of the Etrurians maybe dated the commencement of the recovery of their liberty by theRomans, and that the flight of the Roman hostages, the sale of Porsena'sgoods, &c. Were subsequent to it. ]

15. Then P. Lucretius and P. Valerius Publicola were elected consuls. This year ambassadors came from Porsena for the last time, regarding therestoration of Tarquin to the throne. And when they were answered, thatthe senate would send deputies to the king; some of the principalpersons of that order were forthwith despatched to represent to him"that it was not because the answer could not have been given in a fewwords, that the royal family would not be received, that select membersof the senate had been deputed to him, rather than an answer given tohis ambassadors at Rome; but (it was done) that all mention of thematter might be put an end to for evermore, and that their minds mightnot be disturbed amid so many mutual acts of kindness, by his requiringwhat was adverse to the liberty of the Roman people, and by theirdenying to him to whom they would willingly deny nothing, unless theywould submit to their own ruin. That the Roman people were not now undera kingly government, but in a state of freedom, and were firmlydetermined rather to open their gates to enemies than to kings. That itwas the wish of all, that their city might have the same period ofexistence as their freedom in that city. Wherefore, if he wished Rome tobe safe, they entreated that he would suffer it to be free. " The king, overcome by modesty, says, "Since it is your firm and fixed resolve, Iwill neither tease you by repeatedly urging these same subjects morefrequently, nor will I disappoint the Tarquinii by holding out hopes ofaid which it is not in my power to give them; whether they have need ofpeace, or of war, let them seek another place from here for their exile, that nothing may disturb the peace between you and me. " To these kindpromises he added actions still more friendly, for he delivered up theremainder of the hostages, and restored to them the land of theVeientians, which had been taken from them by the treaty concluded atJaniculum. Tarquin, all hopes of return being now cut off, went toTusculum to live in exile with his son-in-law Mamilius Octavius. Thusthe peace between Porsena and the Romans was inviolably preserved. 

16. M. Valerius and P. Posthumius were chosen consuls. This year war wascarried on successfully against the Sabines; the consuls received thehonour of a triumph. Upon this the Sabines made preparations for war ona larger scale. To make head against them, and lest any sudden dangermight arise from Tusculum, (whence they suspected a war, though it wasnot yet declared, ) P. Valerius was created consul a fourth time, and T. Lucretius a second time. A disturbance arising among the Sabines, between the advisers of war and of peace, transferred from thence someadditional strength to the Romans. For Attus Clausus, afterwards calledat Rome Appius Claudius, when he himself, being an adviser of peace, washard put to it by those who abetted the war, and was not a match for thefaction, fled from Regillum to Rome, accompanied by a great number ofclients. The rights of citizenship and land on the other side of theAnio were conferred on them. It was called the old Claudian tribe, andwas increased by the addition of some tribesmen who had come from thatcountry. Appius, being chosen into the senate, was soon after advanced, to the highest dignity of that order. The consuls having entered theterritories of the Sabines with a hostile army, after they had, both bylaying waste their country, and afterwards by defeating them in battle, so weakened the power of the enemy, that they had no reason to dreadtheir taking up arms again for a long time, returned to Rome in triumph. The following year, Agrippa Menenius and P. Posthumius being consuls, P. Valerius, allowed by universal consent to be the ablest man in Rome, inthe arts both of peace and war, died in the height of glory, but sopoor, that means to defray the expenses of his funeral were wanting: hewas buried at the public charge. The matrons mourned for him as they haddone for Brutus. The same year two Latin colonies, Pometia and Cora, revolted to the Auruncians. War was commenced against the Auruncians, and after defeating a numerous army of them who boldly met the consulsentering their frontiers, the whole Auruncian war was confined toPometia. Nor, after the battle was over, did they refrain from slaughtermore than in the heat of the action; for a greater number were slainthan taken, and the prisoners they put to death indiscriminately. Nordid the enemy, in their resentment, spare even the three hundredhostages which they had received. This year also the consuls triumphedat Rome. 

17. The following consuls, Opiter Virginius and Sp. Cassius, firstendeavoured to take Pometia by storm, and afterwards by raising vineæand other works. But the Auruncians, prompted more by an irreconcilablehatred against them, than induced by hopes of success, or by afavourable opportunity, sallied out of the town, and though more of themwere armed with lighted torches than swords, filled all places with fireand slaughter. After they had burnt down the vineæ, slain and woundedmany of the enemy, they were near killing one of the consuls, who hadbeen thrown from his horse and severely wounded (which of them authorsdo not mention). Upon this they returned to Rome, foiled in theirobject; the consul was left among many more who were wounded with veryuncertain hopes of his recovery. After a short time, sufficient forcuring their wounds and recruiting their army, they marched againstPometia with redoubled fury and augmented strength. When, the vineæhaving been repaired and the other apparatus of war, the soldiers wereon the point of scaling the walls, the town surrendered. Yet though thetown had surrendered, the leading men of the Auruncians, with no lesscruelty than if it had been taken by assault, were beheadedindiscriminately; the others who were colonists were sold by auction, the town was razed, and the land sold. The consuls obtained a triumphmore from having severely gratified their revenge, than in consequenceof the importance of the war thus brought to a close. 

18. The following year had Postumus Cominius and T. Lartius for consuls. On this year, during the celebration of the games at Rome, as some ofthe courtesans were being carried off by some of the Sabine youth in afrolic, a mob having assembled, a scuffle ensued, and almost a battle;and from this inconsiderable affair the whole nation seemed inclined toa renewal of hostilities. Besides the dread of the Latin war, thisaccession was further made to their fears; certain intelligence wasreceived that thirty different states had entered into a confederacyagainst them, at the instigation of Octavius Mamilius. While the citywas perplexed amid this expectation of such important events, mentionwas made for the first time of nominating a dictator. But in what yearor who the consuls[80] were in whom confidence was not reposed, becausethey were of the Tarquinian faction, (for that also is recorded, ) or whowas elected dictator for the first time, is not satisfactorilyestablished. Among the oldest writers however I find that Titus Lartiuswas appointed the first dictator, and Spurius Cassius master of thehorse. They chose men of consular dignity, for so the law, made for theelection of a dictator, ordained. For this reason, I am more inclined tobelieve that Lartius, who was of consular rank, was annexed to theconsuls as their director and master, rather than Manius Valerius, theson of Marcus and grandson of Volesus, who had not yet been consul. For, had they intended to choose a dictator from that family in particular, they would much rather have chosen his father, Marcus Valerius, aconsular person, and a man of distinguished merit. On the creation ofthe dictator first at Rome, when they saw the axes carried before him, great awe struck the common people, so that they became more submissiveto obey orders. For neither was there now, as under the consuls whopossessed equal power, the assistance of one of the two, nor was thereappeal, nor was there any resource any where but in attentivesubmission. The creation of a dictator at Rome terrified the Sabines, and the more effectually, because they thought he was created on theiraccount. [81] Wherefore they sent ambassadors to sue for peace, to whom, when earnestly entreating the dictator and senate to pardon the youngmen's offence, an answer was given that the young men could easily beforgiven, but not the old men, who continually raised one war afteranother. Nevertheless they continued to treat about a peace, and itwould have been granted, if the Sabines would bring themselves to makegood the expenses incurred on the war (for that was demanded). War wasproclaimed; a tacit truce kept the year quiet. 

[Footnote 80: _Nec quibus consulibus parum creditum sit_, scil. Fidesnon habita fuerit. Arnold in his Roman Hist. Considers this to have beenthe true cause of creating a dictator. ]

[Footnote 81: _Eo magis quod propter se. _ From this one would bedisposed to suspect that the dictator was created to take on him themanagement of war. See Nieb. P. 553, and Niebhr. Epit. By Twiss, Append. P. 355. ]

19. Servius Sulpicius and M. Tullius were consuls the next year: nothingworth mentioning happened. Then T. Æbutius and C. Vetusius. In theirconsulship, Fidenæ was besieged, Crustumeria taken, and Prænesterevolted from the Latins to the Romans. Nor was the Latin war, which hadbeen fomenting for several years, any longer deferred. A. Postumiusdictator, and T. Æbutius his master of the horse, marching with anumerous army of horse and foot, met the enemy's forces at the lakeRegillus, in the territory of Tusculum, and, because it was heard thatthe Tarquins were in the army of the Latins, their rage could not berestrained, but they must immediately come to an engagement. Accordinglythe battle was more obstinate and fierce than usual. For the generalswere present not only to direct matters by their orders, but evencharged one another, exposing their own persons. And there was hardlyany of the principal officers of either side who came off unwoundedexcept the Roman dictator. As Postumius was drawing up his men andencouraging them in the first line, Tarquinius Superbus, though nowenfeebled by age, spurred on his horse with great fury to attack him;but being wounded in the side, he was carried off by a party of his ownmen to a place of safety. In the other wing also, Æbutius, master of thehorse, had charged Octavius Mamilius; nor was his approach unobserved bythe Tusculan general, who also briskly spurred on his horse to encounterhim. And such was their impetuosity as they advanced with hostilespears, that Æbutius was run through the arm and Mamilius struck on thebreast. The Latins received the latter into their second line; but asÆbutius was not able to wield his lance with his wounded arm, he retiredfrom the battle. The Latin general, not in the least discouraged by hiswound, stirs up the fight; and because he saw his own men begin to giveground, sent for a company of Roman exiles to support them, commanded byTarquin's son. This body, inasmuch as they fought with greater fury fromhaving been banished from their country, and lost their estates, restored the battle for a short time. 

20. When the Romans were beginning to give ground on that side, M. Valerius, brother to Poplicola, having observed young Tarquin boldlyfiguring away at the head of his exiles, fired with the renown of hisfamily, that the slaying of the princes might belong to the same familywhose glory their expulsion had been, clapped spurs to his horse, andwith his javelin presented made towards Tarquin. Tarquin retired fromhis violent enemy into a battalion of his own men. As Valerius rushedrashly into the line of the exiles, one of them ran him sideways throughthe body, and as the horse was in no way retarded by the wound of hisrider, the expiring Roman fell to the ground, his arms falling over him. Postumius the dictator, on seeing so distinguished a man slain, theexiles advancing boldly in a body, and his own men disheartened andgiving ground, gives the signal to his own cohort, a chosen body of menwhich he kept for the defence of his person, to treat every Romansoldier whom they should see fly from the battle as an enemy. Upon thisthe Romans, by reason of the danger on both sides, turned from theirflight against the enemy, and, the battle being restored, the dictator'scohort now for the first time engaged in the fight, and with freshvigour and undaunted resolution falling on the wearied exiles, cut themto pieces. Here another engagement took place between the leadingofficers. The Latin general, on seeing the cohort of the exiles almostsurrounded by the Roman dictator, advanced in haste to the front withsome companies of the body of reserve. T. Herminius, alieutenant-general, having seen them moving in a body, and well knowingMamilius, distinguished from the rest by his armour and dress, encountered the leader of the enemy with a force so much superior tothat wherewith the general of the horse had lately done, that at onethrust he ran him through the side and slew him; and while strippingthe body of his enemy, he himself received a wound with a javelin; andthough brought back to the camp victorious, yet he died during the firstdressing of it. Then the dictator flies to the cavalry, entreating themin the most pressing terms, as the foot were tired out with fighting, todismount from their horses and join the fight. They obeyed his orders, dismounted, flew to the front, and taking their post at the first line, cover themselves with their targets. The infantry immediately recoveredcourage, when they saw the young noblemen sustaining a share of thedanger with them, the mode of fighting being now assimilated. Thus atlength were the Latins beaten back, and their line giving way, [82] theyretreated. The horses were then brought up to the cavalry that theymight pursue the enemy, and the infantry likewise followed. On this, thedictator, omitting nothing (that could conciliate) divine or human aid, is said to have vowed a temple to Castor, and likewise to have promisedrewards to the first and second of the soldiers who should enter theenemy's camp. And such was their ardour, that the Romans took the campwith the same impetuosity wherewith they had routed the enemy in thefield. Such was the engagement at the lake Regillus. The dictator andmaster of the horse returned to the city in triumph. 

[Footnote 82: By giving up the advantage of their horses, and forgettingtheir superiority of rank. ]

21. For the next three years there was neither settled peace nor openwar. The consuls were Q. Clælius and T. Lartius. After them A. Sempronius and M. Minucius. In their consulship, a temple was dedicatedto Saturn, and the Saturnalia appointed to be kept as a festival. ThenA. Postumius and T. Virginius were chosen consuls. In some authors Ifind that the battle at the lake Regillus was not fought till this year, and that A. Postumius, because the fidelity of his colleague wassuspected, laid down his office, and thereupon was created dictator. Such great mistakes of dates perplex one with the history of thesetimes, the magistrates being arranged differently in different writers, that you cannot determine what consuls succeeded certain consuls, [83]nor in what particular year every remarkable action happened, by reasonof the antiquity, not only of the facts, but also of the historians. Then Ap. Claudius and P. Servilius were elected consuls. This year wasremarkable for the news of Tarquin's death. He died at Cumæ, whither hehad fled to the tyrant Aristodemus, after the reduction of the power ofthe Latins. The senate and people were elated by this news. But with thesenators their satisfaction was too extravagant, for by the chief menamong them oppression began to be practised on the people to whom theyhad to that day been attentive to the utmost of their power. The sameyear the colony which king Tarquin had sent to Signia was recruited byfilling up the number of the colonists. The tribes at Rome wereincreased to twenty-one. And the temple of Mercury was dedicated thefifteenth of May. 

[Footnote 83: Qui consules secundum quosdam, who were the consuls thatcame after certain consuls. ]

22. During the Latin war, there had been neither peace nor war with thenation of the Volscians; for both the Volscians had raised auxiliarytroops to send to the Latins had not so much expedition been used by theRoman dictator, and the Roman employed this expedition that he might nothave to contend in one and the same battle with the Latin and theVolscian. In resentment of this, the consuls marched their army into theVolscian territory; the unexpected proceeding alarmed the Volscians, whodreaded no chastisement of mere intention; unmindful of arms, they gavethree hundred children of the principal men of Cora and Pometia ashostages. Upon this the legions were withdrawn without coming to anyaction. Not long after their natural disposition returned to theVolscians, now delivered of their fears; they again make secretpreparation for war, having taken the Hernicians into an alliance withthem. They send ambassadors in every direction to stir up Latium. Butthe recent defeat received at the lake Regillus, could scarcely restrainthe Latins from offering violence to the ambassadors through resentmentand hatred of any one who would advise them to take up arms. Havingseized the Volscians, they brought them to Rome. They were theredelivered up to the consuls, and information was given that theVolscians and Hernicians were making preparations for war against theRomans. The matter being referred to the senate, it was so gratifying tothe senators that they both sent back six thousand prisoners to theLatins, and referred to the new magistrates the business regarding thetreaty, which had been almost absolutely refused them. Upon this indeedthe Latins were heartily glad at what they had done, the advisers ofpeace were in high esteem. They send a crown of gold to the Capitol asan offering to Jupiter. Along with the ambassadors and the offeringthere came a great crowd, consisting of the prisoners who had been sentback to their friends. They proceed to the houses of those persons withwhom each had been in servitude, and return thanks for their having beengenerously kept and treated during their calamity. They then formconnexions of hospitality. And never at any former time was the Latinname more closely united to the Roman state, either by public or privateties. 

23. But both the Volscian war was threatening, and the state, beingdisturbed within itself, glowed with intestine animosity between thesenate and people, chiefly on account of those confined for debt. Theycomplained loudly, that whilst fighting abroad for liberty and dominion, they were captured and oppressed at home by their fellow citizens; andthat the liberty of the people was more secure in war than in peace, among enemies than among their fellow citizens; and this feeling ofdiscontent, increasing of itself, the striking sufferings of anindividual still further aggravated. A certain person advanced in yearsthrew himself into the forum with all the badges of his miseries on him. His clothes were all over squalid, the figure of his body still moreshocking, being pale and emaciated. In addition, a long beard and hairhad impressed a savage wildness on his countenance; in such wretchednesshe was known notwithstanding, and they said that he had been acenturion, and compassionating him they mentioned openly otherdistinctions (obtained) in the service: he himself exhibited scars onhis breast, testimonies of honourable battles in several places. Topersons repeatedly inquiring, whence that garb, whence that ghastlyappearance of body, (the multitude having now assembled around himalmost like a popular assembly, ) he says, "that whilst serving in theSabine war, because he had not only been deprived of the produce of hisland in consequence of the depredations of the enemy, but also hisresidence had been burned down, all his effects pillaged, his cattledriven off, a tax imposed on him at a time very distressing to him, hehad incurred debt; that this debt, aggravated by usury, had strippedhim first of his father's and grandfather's farm, then of his otherproperty; lastly that a pestilence, as it were, had reached his person. That he was taken by his creditor, not into servitude, but into a houseof correction and a place of execution. " He then showed his backdisfigured with the marks of stripes still recent. At the hearing andseeing of this a great uproar takes place. The tumult is now no longerconfined to the forum, but spreads through the entire city. Those whowere confined for debt, and those who were now at their liberty, hurryinto the streets from all quarters and implore the protection of thepeople. In no place is there wanting a voluntary associate of sedition. They run through all the streets in crowds to the forum with loudshouts. Such of the senators as happened to be in the forum, fell inwith this mob with great peril to themselves; nor would they haverefrained from violence, had not the consuls, P. Servilius and Ap. Claudius, hastily interfered to quell the disturbance. The multitudeturning towards them, and showing their chains and other marks ofwretchedness, said that they deserved all this, taunting them (theconsuls) each with the military services performed by himself, one inone place, and another in another. They require them with menaces, rather than as suppliants, to assemble the senate, and stand round thesenate-house in a body, determined themselves to be witnesses anddirectors of the public counsels. Very few of the senators, whom chancehad thrown in the way, were forced to attend the consuls; fear preventedthe rest from coming not only to the house, but even to the forum. Norcould any thing be done by reason of the thinness of the senate. Thenindeed the people began to think their demand was eluded, and theredress of their grievances delayed; that such of the senators as hadabsented themselves did so not through chance or fear, but on purpose toobstruct the business. That the consuls themselves trifled with them, that their miseries were now a mere subject of mockery. By this time thesedition was come to such a height, that the majesty of the consulscould hardly restrain the violence of the people. Wherefore, uncertainwhether they incurred greater danger by staying at home, or venturingabroad, they came at length to the senate; but though the house was atlength full, a want of agreement manifested itself, not only among thefathers, but even between the consuls themselves. Appius, a man ofviolent temper, thought the matter was to be done by the authority ofthe consuls, and that if one or two were seized, the rest would bequiet. Servilius, more inclined to moderate measures, thought that whiletheir minds were in this ferment, it would be both more safe and moreeasy to bend than to break them. Amidst these debates, another terror ofa more serious nature presented itself. 

24. Some Latin horse came full speed to Rome, with the alarming newsthat the Volscians were marching with a hostile army, to besiege thecity, the announcement of which (so completely had discord made thestate two from one) affected the senators and people in a far differentmanner. The people exulted with joy, and said, that the gods were comeas avengers of the tyranny of the fathers. They encouraged one anothernot to enrol their names, that it was better that all should perishtogether, than that they should perish alone. That the patricians shouldserve as soldiers, that the patricians should take up arms, so that theperils of war should remain with those with whom the advantages were. But the senate, dejected and confounded by the two-fold terror, thatfrom their own countrymen, and that from the enemy, entreated the consulServilius, whose temper was more conciliating, that he would extricatethe commonwealth beset with such great terrors. Then the consul, dismissing the senate, proceeds into the assembly. There he shows themthat the senate were solicitous that care should be taken for thepeople's interest: but their alarm for the whole commonwealth hadinterrupted their deliberation regarding that which was no doubt thegreatest part, but yet only a part; nor could they, when the enemy werealmost at the gates, allow any thing to take precedence of war: nor, ifthere should be some respite, was it either to the credit of the peoplenot to have taken up arms in defence of their country unless they firstreceive a recompence, nor consistent with the dignity of the senatorsthat they adopted measures of relief for the distresses of theircountrymen through fear rather than afterwards from inclination. He gaveadditional confidence to the assembly by an edict, by which he ordainedthat no one "should detain a Roman citizen either in chains or inprison, so as to hinder his enrolling his name under the consuls. Andthat nobody should either seize or sell the goods of any soldier, whilehe was in the camp, or arrest his children or grandchildren. " Thisordinance being published, the debtors under arrest who were presentimmediately entered their names, and crowds of persons hastening fromall quarters of the city from their confinement, as their creditors hadno right to detain their persons, ran together into the forum to takethe military oath. These made up a considerable body of men, nor was thebravery or activity of the others more conspicuous in the Volscian war. The consul led out his army against the enemy, and pitched his camp at alittle distance from them. 

25. The next night the Volscians, relying on the dissension among theRomans, made an attempt on their camp, to see if any desertion ortreachery might be resorted to during the night. The sentinels on guardperceived them; the army was called up, and the signal being given theyran to arms. Thus that attempt of the Volscians was frustrated; theremainder of the night was dedicated to repose on both sides. The nextmorning at daybreak the Volscians, having filled the trenches, attackedthe rampart. And already the fortifications were being demolished onevery side, when the consul, although all on every side, and moreespecially the debtors, cried out that he should give the signal, havingdelayed a little while for the purpose of trying the feelings of thesoldiers, when their great ardour became sufficiently apparent, havingat length given the signal for sallying forth, he lets out the soldiersnow impatient for the fight. At the very first onset the enemy wererouted; the rear of them who fled was harassed, as long as the infantrywas able to overtake them; the cavalry drove them in consternation totheir very camp. In a little time the camp itself was taken andplundered, the legions having surrounded it, as the panic had driven theVolscians even from thence also. On the next day the legions being ledto Suessa Pometia, whither the enemy had retreated, in a few days thetown is taken; when taken, it was given up for plunder: by these meansthe needy soldiers were somewhat relieved. The consul leads back hisvictorious army to Rome with the greatest glory to himself: as he issetting out for Rome, the deputies of the Ecetrans, (a part) of theVolscians, alarmed for their state after the taking of Pometia, come tohim. By a decree of the senate peace is granted them, but their land istaken from them. 

26. Immediately after the Sabines also caused an alarm to the Romans;but it was rather a tumult than a war. It was announced in the cityduring the night that a Sabine army had advanced as far as the riverAnio, plundering the country: that the country houses there werepillaged and burnt down indiscriminately. A. Postumius, who had beendictator in the Latin war, was immediately sent against them with allthe horse. The consul Servilius followed him with a chosen body of foot. The cavalry cut off most of the stragglers; nor did the Sabine legionmake any resistance against the foot when they came up with them. Beingtired both by their march and their plundering the country in the night, and a great number of them being surfeited with eating and drinking inthe cottages, they had scarcely sufficient strength for flight. TheSabine war being thus heard of and finished in one night, on thefollowing day, amid sanguine hope of peace being secured in everyquarter, ambassadors from the Auruncians come to the senate, proclaimingwar unless the troops are withdrawn from the Volscian territory. Thearmy of the Auruncians had set out from home simultaneously with theambassadors; the report of which having been seen not far from Aricia, excited such a tumult among the Romans, that neither the senate could beconsulted in regular form, nor could they, while themselves taking uparms, give a pacific answer to those advancing against them in arms. They march to Aricia with a determined army, come to an engagement notfar from thence, and in one battle put an end to the war. 

27. After the defeat of the Auruncians, the people of Rome, victoriousin so many wars within a few days, were expecting the promises of theconsul and the engagement of the senate (to be made good). But Appius, both through his natural pride, and in order to undermine the credit ofhis colleague, issued his decrees regarding borrowed money, with allpossible severity. And from this time, both those who had been formerlyin confinement were delivered up to their creditors, and others alsowere taken into custody. When this happened to a soldier, he appealed tothe colleague, and a crowd gathered about Servilius: they represented tohim his promises, severally upbraided him with their services in war, and with the scars they had received. They loudly called upon him to laythe matter before the senate, and that, as consul, he would relieve hisfellow citizens, as a general, his soldiers. These remonstrancesaffected the consul, but the situation of affairs obliged him to backout; so completely had not only his colleague, but the whole body of thepatricians, adopted an entirely opposite course. And thus, by acting amiddle part, he neither escaped the odium of the people, nor gained thefavour of the senators. The fathers looked upon him as a weak, popularity-hunting consul, and the people considered him as a deceiver. And it soon appeared that he was as odious to them as Appius himself. Adispute had happened between the consuls, as to which should dedicatethe temple of Mercury. The senate referred the affair from themselves tothe people, and ordained that to whichsoever of them the dedicationshould be granted by order of the people, he should preside over themarkets, establish a company of merchants, and perform the functions ofa pontifex maximus. The people gave the dedication of the temple to M. Lætorius, the centurion of the first legion, that it might plainlyappear to have been done not so much out of respect to a person on whoman honour above his rank had been conferred, as to affront the consuls. Upon this one of the consuls particularly, and the senators, were highlyincensed. But the people had acquired courage, and proceeded in a mannerquite different from what they had at first intended. For when theydespaired of redress from the consuls and senate, upon seeing a debtorled to the court, they flew together from all quarters. And neither thedecree of the consul could be heard in consequence of the noise andclamour, nor, when he had pronounced the decree, did any one obey it. All was managed by violence, and the entire dread and danger withrespect to personal liberty, was transferred from the debtors to thecreditors, who were severally abused by the crowd in the very sight ofthe consul. In addition to all this, the dread of the Sabine war spread, and when a levy was decreed, nobody gave in his name; Appius beingenraged, and bitterly inveighing against the ambitious arts of hiscolleague, who by his popular silence was betraying the republic, andbesides his not passing sentence against the debtors, likewise neglectedto raise the levies, after they had been voted by the senate. Yet hedeclared, that "the commonwealth was not entirely deserted, nor theconsular authority altogether debased. That he alone would vindicateboth his own dignity and that of the senators. " When a daily mob, emboldened by licentiousness, stood round him, he commanded a notedringleader of the sedition to be apprehended. He, as the lictors werecarrying him off, appealed to the people; nor would the consul haveallowed the appeal, because there was no doubt regarding the judgment ofthe people, had not his obstinacy been with difficulty overcome, ratherby the advice and influence of the leading men, than by the clamours ofthe people; so much resolution he had to bear the weight of their odium. The evil gained ground daily, not only by open clamours, but, which wasfar more dangerous, by a secession and by secret meetings. At length theconsuls, so odious to the commons, went out of office: Servilius likedby neither party, Appius highly esteemed by the senators. 

28. Then A. Virginius and T. Vetusius enter on the consulship. Upon thisthe commons, uncertain what sort of consuls they were to have, heldnightly meetings, some of them upon the Esquiline, and others upon theAventine hill, that they might not be confused by hasty resolutions inthe forum, or take their measures inconsiderately and without concert. The consuls, judging this proceeding to be of dangerous tendency, as itreally was, laid the matter before the senate. But they were not allowedafter proposing it to take the votes regularly; so tumultuously was itreceived on all sides by the clamours and indignation of the fathers, atthe consuls throwing on the senate the odium of that which should havebeen put down by consular authority. "That if there really weremagistrates in the republic, there would have been no council in Romebut the public one. That the republic was now divided and split into athousand senate-houses and assemblies, some of which were held on theEsquiline, others on the Aventine hill. That one man, in truth such asAppius Claudius, for that that was more than a consul, would in a momentdisperse these private meetings. " When the consuls, thus rebuked, askedthem, "What they desired them to do, for that they would act with asmuch energy and vigour as the senators wished, " they resolve that theyshould push on the levies as briskly as possible, that the people werebecome insolent from want of employment. When the house broke up, theconsuls ascend the tribunal and summon the young men by name. But noneof them made any answer, and the people crowding round them, as if in ageneral assembly, said, "That the people would no longer be imposed on. They should never list one soldier till the public faith was made good. That liberty should be restored to each before arms were given, thatthey might fight for their country and fellow citizens, and not forarbitrary lords. " The consuls fully understood the orders they hadreceived from the senate, but they saw none of those who had talked sobig within the walls of the senate-house present themselves to take anyshare with them in the public odium. A desperate contest with thecommons seemed at hand. Therefore, before they would have recourse toextremities, they thought it advisable to consult the senate a secondtime. Then indeed the younger senators flocked in a hurry round thechairs of the consuls, commanding them to abdicate the consulate, andresign an office which they had not courage to support. 

29. Having sufficiently tried both[84] ways, the consuls at length said, "Conscript fathers, lest you may say that you were not forewarned, agreat disturbance is at hand. We require that they who accuse us mostseverely of cowardice, would assist us in raising the levies; we shallproceed according to the resolution of the most intrepid amongst you, since it so pleases you. " They return to their tribunal, and on purposecommanded one of the most factious of the people, who stood in theirview, to be called upon by name. When he stood mute, and a number of menstood round him in a ring, to prevent his being seized, the consuls senta lictor to him. He being repulsed, such of the fathers as attended theconsuls, exclaiming against it as an intolerable insult, ran in a hurryfrom the tribunal to assist the lictor. But when the violence was turnedfrom the lictor, who suffered nothing else but being prevented fromseizing him, against the fathers, the riot was quelled by theinterposition of the consuls, in which however, without stones orweapons, there was more noise and angry words than mischief done. Thesenate, called in a tumultuous manner, is consulted in a manner stillmore tumultuous; such as had been beaten, calling out for an inquiry, and the most violent members declaring their sentiments no less byclamours and noise than by their votes. At length, when their passionhad subsided, the consuls reproaching them with there being as muchdisorderly conduct in the senate as in the forum, the house began tovote in regular order. There were three different opinions: P. Virginiusdid not make the [85]matter general. He voted that they should consideronly those who, relying on the promise of P. Servilius the consul, hadserved in a war against the Auruncans and Sabines. Titius Largius was ofopinion, "That it was not now a proper time to reward services only. That all the people were immersed in debt, and that a stop could not beput to the evil, unless measures were adopted for all. And that if thecondition of different parties be different, the divisions would ratherbe thereby inflamed than composed. " Appius Claudius, who was naturallysevere, and, by the hatred of the commons on the one hand, and praisesof the senators on the other, was become quite infuriated, said, "Thatthese riots proceeded not from distress, but from licentiousness. Thatthe people were rather wanton than violent. That this terrible mischieftook its rise from the right of appeal; since threats, not authority, was all that belonged to the consuls, while permission was given toappeal to those who were accomplices in the crime. Come, " added he, "letus create a dictator from whom there lies no appeal; this madness, whichhath set every thing in a flame, will immediately subside. Let any onedare then to strike a lictor, when he shall know that his back, and evenhis life, are in the power of that person whose authority he hasinsulted. "

[Footnote 84: The determination of the plebeians and senators. ]

[Footnote 85: _rem non vulgabat_, was not for extending the relief toall. ]

30. To many the opinion of Appius appeared, as it really was, severe andviolent. On the other hand, those of Virginius and Largius were not safefor the precedent they established; especially they thought that ofLargius so, as it would destroy all credit. The opinion of Virginius wasreckoned to be most moderate, and a happy medium between the other two. But through the spirit of faction and a regard of private interest, which always have and always will obstruct the public councils, Appiusprevailed, and was himself near being created dictator; which step wouldcertainly have alienated the commons at this most dangerous juncture, when the Volsci, the Æqui, and the Sabines happened to be all in arms atthe same time. But the consuls and elder senators took care that thisoffice, in its own nature uncontrollable, should be committed to a manof moderate temper. They choose Manius Valerius, son of Volesus, dictator. The people, though they saw that this magistrate was createdagainst themselves, yet as they had got the right of appeal by hisbrother's law, dreaded nothing oppressive or tyrannical from thatfamily. An edict of the dictator's, which was almost the same with thatpublished by the consul Servilius, afterwards confirmed their minds. Butjudging it safer to confide in both the man and in the absolute powerwith which he was vested, they gave in their names, desisting from allcontest. Ten legions were levied, a greater army than had ever beenraised before. Each of the consuls had three legions assigned him, andthe dictator commanded four. Nor could the war be deferred any longer. The Æqui had made incursions upon the Latin territory; the deputies ofthe Latins begged the senate either to send them assistance, or to allowthem to arm themselves for the purpose of defending their own frontiers. It seemed safer that the Latins should be defended without arming, thanto allow them to take up arms again. Wherefore Vetusius the consul wassent to their assistance; this immediately put a stop to thedevastations. The Æqui retired from the plains, and depending more onthe advantage of the ground than on their arms, secured themselves onthe summits of the mountains. The other consul, having marched againstthe Volsci, in order that he too might not waste time, challenged theenemy to pitch their camp nigh to his, and to risk an engagement byravaging their lands. Both armies stood in order of battle before theirlines in a plain between the two camps. The Volsci had considerably theadvantage in number. Accordingly they rushed on to the fight, in acareless manner, and as if contemptuously. The Roman consul neitheradvanced his forces, and not suffering the enemy's shouts to bereturned, he ordered them to stand still with their spears fixed in theground, and when the enemy came up, to draw their swords and fall uponthem with all their force. The Volsci, wearied with running andshouting, set upon the Romans as if they had been quite benumbedthrough fear; but when they found the vigorous resistance that was made, and saw their swords glittering before their face, they turned theirbacks in great disorder, just as if they had fallen into an ambuscade. Nor had they strength sufficient even for flight, as they had advancedto the battle in full speed. The Romans, on the other hand, as they hadnot stirred from their ground in the beginning of the action, beingfresh and vigorous, easily overtook the enemy, who were weary, tooktheir camp by assault, and after driving them thence, pursued them toVelitræ, into which the conquered and conquerors entered in a body. Bythe promiscuous slaughter which was here made of all ranks, there wasmore blood spilt than in the battle itself. Quarter was given to a smallnumber of them, who threw down their arms and surrendered. 

31. Whilst these things are going on among the Volsci, the dictatorrouts, puts to flight, and strips of their camp, the Sabines, where byfar the most serious part of the war lay. By a charge of his cavalry hehad thrown into confusion the centre of the enemy's line, where, by thewings extending themselves too far, they had not strengthened their lineby a suitable depth of files. [86] The infantry fell upon them in thisconfusion, by one and the same charge their camp was taken and the warconcluded. There was no other battle in those times more memorable thanthis since the action at the lake Regillus. The dictator is borne intothe city in triumph. Besides the usual honours, a place in the circuswas assigned to him and his descendants, to see the public games; acurule chair was fixed in that place. The lands of Velitræ were takenfrom the conquered Volsci: colonists were sent from the city to Velitræ, and a colony planted there. Soon after there was an engagement with theÆqui, but contrary to the wish of the consul, because they had toapproach the enemy by disadvantageous ground. But the soldierscomplaining that the war was on purpose spun out, that the dictatormight resign his office before they returned home to the city, and sohis promises might fall to the ground without effect, as those of theconsul had done before, forced him at all hazards to march his army upthe hill. This imprudent step, by the cowardice of the enemy, turned outsuccessfully; for before the Romans came within reach of a dart, theÆqui, quite amazed at their boldness, abandoned their camp, which wassituated in a very strong position, and ran down into the valleys on theopposite side. [87] In it abundance of booty was found, and the victorywas a bloodless one. Matters being thus successfully managed in war inthree different directions, anxiety respecting the event of theirdomestic differences had left neither the senators nor the people. Withsuch powerful influence, and with such art also, had the money-lendersmade their arrangements, so as to disappoint not only the people, buteven the dictator himself. For Valerius, after the return of the consulVetusius, first of all matters brought before the senate that relatingto the victorious people, and proposed the question, what it was theirdetermination should be done with respect to those confined for debt. And when this motion was rejected, "I am not acceptable, " says he, "asan adviser of concord. You will ere long wish, depend on it, that thecommons of Rome had patrons similar to me. For my part, I will neitherfurther disappoint my fellow citizens, nor will I be dictator to nopurpose. Intestine dissensions, foreign wars, caused the republic torequire such a magistrate. Peace has been secured abroad, it is impededat home. I will be a witness to disturbance as a private citizen ratherthan as dictator. " Then quitting the senate-house, he abdicated hisdictatorship. The case appeared to the commons, that he had resigned hisoffice indignant at the treatment shown to them. Accordingly, as if hisengagements to them had been fully discharged, since it had not been hisfault that they were not made good, they attended him when returning tohis home with approbation and applause. 

[Footnote 86: i. E. By deepening the files. ]

[Footnote 87: "On the opposite side. " Gronovius proposes instead of_adversus_ to read _aversas_: scil. The valleys behind them, or in theirrear. ]

32. Fear then seized the senators lest, if the army should be dismissed, secret meetings and conspiracies would be renewed; wherefore though thelevy had been held by the dictator, yet supposing that, as they hadsworn obedience to the consuls, the soldiers were bound by their oath, under the pretext of hostilities being renewed by the Æqui, they orderedthe legions to be led out of the city; by which proceeding the seditionwas hastened. And it is said that at first it was in contemplation toput the consuls to death, that they might be discharged from their oath:but that being afterwards informed that no religious obligation could bedissolved by a criminal act, they, by the advice of one Sicinius, retired, without the orders of the consuls, to the sacred mount, beyondthe river Anio, three miles from the city: this account is more generalthan that which Piso has given, that the secession was made to theAventine. There without any leader, their camp being fortified with arampart and trench, remaining quiet, taking nothing but what wasnecessary for sustenance, they kept themselves for several days, neitherbeing attacked, nor attacking others. Great was the panic in the city, and through mutual fear all was suspense. The people left in the citydreaded the violence of the senators; the senators dreaded the peopleremaining in the city, uncertain whether they should prefer them to stayor to depart; but how long would the multitude which had seceded, remainquiet? what were to be the consequences then, if, in the mean time, anyforeign war should break out? they certainly considered no hope left, save in the concord of the citizens; this should be restored to thestate by fair or by unfair means. It was resolved therefore that thereshould be sent as ambassador to the people, Menenius Agrippa, aneloquent man, and one who was a favourite with the people, because hederived his origin from them. He being admitted into the camp, is saidto have related to them merely the following story in that antiquatedand uncouth style; "At a time when all the parts in the human body didnot, as now, agree together, but the several members had each its ownscheme, its own language, the other parts, indignant that every thingwas procured for the belly by their care, labour, and service; that thebelly, remaining quiet in the centre, did nothing but enjoy thepleasures afforded it. They conspired accordingly, that the hands shouldnot convey food to the mouth, nor the mouth receive it when presented, nor the teeth chew it: whilst they wished under the influence of thisfeeling to subdue the belly by famine, the members themselves and theentire body were reduced to the last degree of emaciation. Thence itbecame apparent that the service of the belly was by no means a slothfulone; that it did not so much receive nourishment as supply it, sendingto all parts of the body this blood by which we live and possessvigour, distributed equally to the veins when perfected by the digestionof the food. " By comparing in this way how similar the intestinesedition of the body was to the resentment of the people against thesenators, he made an impression on the minds of the multitude. 

33. Then a commencement was made to treat of a reconciliation, and amongthe conditions it was allowed, "that the commons should have their ownmagistrates, with inviolable privileges, who should have the power ofbringing assistance against the consuls, and that it should not belawful for any of the patricians to hold that office. " Thus two tribunesof the commons were created, Caius Licinius and L. Albinus. Thesecreated three colleagues for themselves. It is clear that among thesewas Sicinius, the adviser of the sedition; with respect to two, who theywere is not so clear. There are some who say, that only two tribuneswere elected on the sacred mount, and that there the devoting law waspassed. During the secession of the commons, Sp. Cassius and PostumusCominius entered on the consulship. During their consulate, the treatywith the Latin states was concluded. To ratify this, one of the consulsremained at Rome; the other being sent to the Volscian war, routs andputs to flight the Volscians of Antium, and continuing his pursuit ofthem, now that they were driven into the town of Longula, he takespossession of the town. Next he took Polusca, also belonging to theVolscians; then he attacked Corioli with all his force. There was thenin the camp, among the young noblemen, C. Marcius, a youth distinguishedboth for intelligence and courage, who afterwards attained the cognomenof Coriolanus. When, as the Roman army was besieging Corioli, and waswholly intent on the townspeople, whom they kept shut up, without anyapprehension of war threatening from without, the Volscian legion, setting out from Antium, suddenly attacked them, and, at the same timethe enemy sallied forth from the town, Marcius happened to be on guard. He with a chosen body of men not only repelled the attack of those whohad sallied out, but boldly rushed in through the open gate, and havingcut down all in the part of the city nearest him, and having hastilyseized some fire, threw it in the houses adjoining to the wall. Uponthis the shouts of the townsmen mingling with the wailings of the womenand children, occasioned by the first fright, [88] as is usual, bothincreased the courage of the Romans, and dispirited the Volscians, seeing the city captured to the relief of which they had come. Thus theVolsci of Antium were defeated, the town of Corioli was taken. And somuch did Marcius by his valour eclipse the reputation of the consul, that had not the treaty concluded with the Latins by Sp. Cassius alone, because his colleague was absent, served as a memorial of it, it wouldhave been forgotten that Postumus Cominius had conducted the war withthe Volscians. The same year dies Agrippa Menenius, a man during all hislife equally a favourite with the senators and commons, still moreendeared to the commons after the secession. To this man, the mediatorand umpire in restoring concord among his countrymen, the ambassador ofthe senators to the commons, the person who brought back the commons tothe city, were wanting the expenses of his funeral. The people buriedhim by the contribution of a sextans from each person. 

[Footnote 88: I have here adopted the reading of Stacker and others, scil. _ad terrorem, ut solet, primum ortus_. ]

34. T. Geganius and P. Minutius were next elected consuls. In this year, when every thing was quiet from war abroad, and the dissensions werehealed at home, another much more serious evil fell upon the state;first a scarcity of provisions, in consequence of the lands lyinguntilled during the secession of the commons; then a famine such asbefals those who are besieged. And it would have ended in thedestruction of the slaves at least, and indeed some of the commons also, had not the consuls adopted precautionary measures, by sending personsin every direction to buy up corn, not only into Etruria on the coast tothe right of Ostia, and through the Volscians along the coast on theleft as far as Cumas, but into Sicily also, in quest of it. So far hadthe hatred of their neighbours obliged them to stand in need of aid fromdistant countries. When corn had been bought up at Cumæ, the ships weredetained in lieu of the property of the Tarquinii by the tyrantAristodemus, who was their heir. Among the Volsci and in the Pomptineterritory it could not even be purchased. The corn dealers themselvesincurred danger from the violence of the inhabitants. Corn came fromEtruria by the Tiber: by means of this the people were supported. Amidthis distressing scarcity they would have been harassed by a veryinconvenient war, had not a dreadful pestilence attacked the Volsci whenabout to commence hostilities. The minds of the enemy being alarmed bythis calamity, so that they were influenced by some terror, even afterit had abated, the Romans both augmented the number of their colonistsat Velitræ, and despatched a new colony to the mountains of Norba, toserve as a barrier in the Pomptine district. Then in the consulship ofM. Minucius, and A. Sempronius, a great quantity of corn was importedfrom Sicily, and it was debated in the senate at what rate it should begiven to the commons. Many were of opinion, that the time was come forputting down the commons, and for recovering those rights which had beenwrested from the senators by secession and violence. In particular, Marcius Coriolanus, an enemy to tribunitian power, says, "If they desirethe former rate of provisions, let them restore to the senators theirformer rights. Why do I, after being sent under the yoke, after being, as it were, ransomed from robbers, behold plebeian magistrates, andSicinius invested with power? Shall I submit to these indignities longerthan is necessary? Shall I, who would not have endured King Tarquin, tolerate Sicinius. Let him now secede, let him call away the commons. The road lies open to the sacred mount and to other hills. Let themcarry off the corn from our lands, as they did three years since. Letthem have the benefit of that scarcity which in their frenzy they haveoccasioned. I will venture to say, that, brought to their senses bythese sufferings, they will themselves become tillers of the lands, rather than, taking up arms and seceding, they would prevent them frombeing tilled. " It is not so easy to say whether it should have beendone, as I think that it might have been practicable for the senators, on the condition of lowering the price of provisions, to have ridthemselves of both the tribunitian power, and all the restraints imposedon them against their will. [89]

[Footnote 89: i. E. I think it might have been done; whether it wouldhave been right to do so, it is not so easy to decide. Livy means to saythat it was possible enough for the senators, by lowering the price ofcorn, to get rid of the tribunes, &c. Such a judgment is easily formed;it is not, however, he says, so easy to determine, whether it would havebeen expedient to follow the advice of Coriolanus. ]

35. This proposal both appeared to the senate too harsh, and fromexasperation well nigh drove the people to arms: "that they were nowassailed with famine, as if enemies, that they were defrauded of foodand sustenance, that the foreign corn, the only support which fortuneunexpectedly furnished to them, was being snatched from their mouth, unless the tribunes were given up in chains to C. Marcius, unless heglut his rage on the backs of the commons of Rome. That in him a newexecutioner had started up, who ordered them to die or be slaves. " Anassault would have been made on him as he left the senate-house, had notthe tribunes very opportunely appointed him a day for trial; by thistheir rage was suppressed, every one saw himself become the judge, thearbiter of the life and death of his foe. At first Marcius heard thethreats of the tribunes with contempt. --"That the right to afford aid, not to inflict punishment, had been granted to that office; that theywere tribunes of the commons and not of the senators. " But the commonshad risen with such violent determination, that the senators wereobliged to extricate themselves from danger by the punishment ofone. [90] They resisted however, in spite of popular odium, and employed, each individual his own powers, and all those of the entire order. Andfirst, the trial was made whether they could upset the affair, byposting their clients (in several places), by deterring individuals fromattending meetings and cabals. Then they all proceeded in a body (youwould suppose that all the senators were on their trial) earnestlyentreating the commons, that if they would not acquit as innocent, theywould at least pardon as guilty, one citizen, one senator. As he did notattend on the day appointed, they persevered in their resentment. Beingcondemned in his absence, he went into exile to the Volsci, threateninghis country, and even then breathing all the resentment of an enemy. TheVolsci received him kindly on his arrival, and treated him still morekindly every day in proportion as his resentful feelings towards hiscountrymen became more striking, and one time frequent complaints, another time threats were heard. He lodged with Attius Tullus. He wasthen the chief man of the Volscian people, and always a determinedenemy of the Romans. Thus, when old animosity stimulated the one, recentresentment the other, they concert schemes for (bringing about) a warwith Rome. They did not at once believe that their people could bepersuaded to take up arms, so often unsuccessfully tried. That by themany frequent wars, and lastly, by the loss of their youth in thepestilence, their spirits were now broken; that they must have recourseto art, in a case where animosity had become blunted from length oftime, that their feelings might become exasperated by some fresh causeof resentment. 

[Footnote 90: i. E. The senate found themselves reduced to the necessityof delivering one up to the vengeance of the people, in order to savethemselves from the further consequences of plebeian rage. ]

36. It happened that preparations were being made at Rome for arepetition of the [91]great games; the cause of repeating them was this:on the morning of the games, the show not yet being commenced, a masterof a family, after flogging his slave loaded with a neck-yoke, haddriven him through the middle of the circus; after this the games werecommenced, as if that circumstance bore no relation to religion. Notlong after Tit. Atinius, a plebeian, had a dream. Jupiter seemed to himto say; "that the person who danced previous to the games had displeasedhim; unless these games were renewed on a splendid scale, that the citywould be in danger; that he should go and announce these things to theconsuls. " Though his mind was not altogether free from superstitiousfeelings, his respectful awe of the dignity of the magistrates overcamehis religious fear, lest he might pass into the mouths of people as alaughing-stock. This delay cost him dear; for he lost his son within afew days; and lest the cause of this sudden calamity should be doubtful, that same phantom, presenting itself to him sorrowful in mind, seemed toask him, whether he had received a sufficient requital for his contemptof the deity; that a still heavier one awaited him, unless he wentimmediately and delivered the message to the consuls. The matter was nowstill more pressing. Hesitating, however, and delaying he was at lengthovertaken by a severe stroke of disease, a sudden paralysis. Then indeedthe anger of the gods aroused him. Wearied out therefore by his pastsufferings and by those threatening him, having convened a meeting ofhis friends, after he had detailed to them all he had seen and heard, and Jupiter's having so often presented himself to him in his sleep, the threats and anger of heaven realized[92] in his own calamities, bythe unhesitating assent of all who were present he is conveyed in alitter into the forum to the consuls; from thence being conveyed intothe senate-house, after he had stated those same particulars to thesenators, to the great surprise of all, behold another miracle: he whohad been conveyed into the senate-house deprived of the use of all hislimbs, is recorded to have returned home on his own feet after hedischarged his duty. 

[Footnote 91: The same as the Circenses. ]

[Footnote 92: _Realized_--_repræsentatas_--quasi præsentes factas, oculis subjectas--presented as it were to the sight. --_Rasch_. ]

37. The senate decreed that the games should be celebrated on as grand ascale as possible. To these games a great number of Volscians came bythe advice of Attius Tullus. Before the games were commenced, Tullus, ashad been concerted at home with Marcius, comes to the consuls. He tellsthem that there were matters on which he wished to treat with them inprivate concerning the commonwealth. All witnesses being removed, hesays, "With reluctance I say that of my countrymen which is ratherdisparaging. [93] I do not however come to allege against them any thingas having been committed by them, but to guard against their committingany thing. The minds of our people are far more fickle than I couldwish. We have felt that by many disasters; seeing that we are stillpreserved, not through our own deserts, but through your forbearance. There is now here a great multitude of Volscians. The games are goingon; the city will be intent on the exhibition. I remember what has beencommitted in this city on a similar occasion by the youth of theSabines. My mind shudders lest any thing should be committedinconsiderately and rashly. I considered, that these matters should bementioned before-hand to you, consuls. With regard to myself, it is mydetermination to depart hence home immediately, lest, if present, I maybe affected by the contagion of any word or deed. " Having said this, hedeparted. When the consuls laid before the senate the matter, doubtfulwith respect to proof, though from credible authority, the authoritymore than the thing itself, as usually happens, urged them to adopt evenneedless precautions; and a decree of the senate being passed, that theVolscians should quit the city, criers are sent in different directionsto order them all to depart before night. A great panic struck them atfirst as they ran about to their lodgings to carry away their effects. Afterwards, when setting out, indignation arose in their breasts: "thatthey, as if polluted with crime and contaminated, were driven away fromthe games, on festival days, from the converse in a manner of men andgods. "

[Footnote 93: _Sequius sit_--otherwise than as it should be. ]

38. As they went along in an almost continuous body, Tullus havingpreceded them to the fountain of Ferentina, accosting the chiefs amongthem according as each arrived, by asking questions and expressingindignation, he led both themselves, who greedily listened to languagecongenial[94] to their angry feelings, and through them the rest of themultitude, into a plain adjoining to the road. There having commenced anaddress after the manner of a public harangue, he says, "Though you wereto forget the former ill treatment of the Roman people and thecalamities of the nation of the Volsci, and all other such matters, withwhat feelings do you bear this outrage offered you to-day, whereon theyhave commenced their games by insulting us? Have you not felt that atriumph has been had over you this day? that you, when departing, were aspectacle to all, citizens, foreigners, so many neighbouring states?that your wives, your children were exhibited before the eyes of men?What do you suppose to have been the sentiments of those who heard thevoice of the crier? what of those who saw you departing? what of thosewho met this ignominious cavalcade? what, except that we are identifiedwith some enormous guilt by which we should profane the games, andrender an expiation necessary; that for this reason we are driven awayfrom the residences of these pious people, from their converse andmeeting? what, does it not strike you that we still live because wehastened our departure? if this is a departure and not a flight. And doyou not consider this to be the city of enemies, where if you haddelayed a single day, you must have all died? War has been declaredagainst you; to the heavy injury of those who declared it, if you aremen. " Thus, being both already charged with resentment, and incited (bythis harangue) they went severally to their homes, and by instigatingeach his own state, they succeeded in making the entire Volscian nationrevolt. 

[Footnote 94: _Audientes secunda iræ verba_--attentively listening towords which fanned (or chimed in with) their anger. --_St_. ]

39. The generals selected for that war by the unanimous choice of allthe states were Attius Tullus and Caius Marcius; in the latter of whomtheir chief hope was reposed. And this hope he by no means disappointed:so that it clearly appeared that the Roman commonwealth was morepowerful by reason of its generals than its army. Having marched toCirceii, he expelled from thence the Roman colonists, and delivered thatcity in a state of freedom to the Volscians. From thence passing acrossthe country through by-roads into the Latin way, he deprived the Romansof their recently acquired towns, Satricum, Longula, Polusca, Corioli. He next retook Lavinium: he then took in succession Corbio, Vitellia, Trebia, Lavici, and Pedum: Lastly he marches from Pedum to the city, [95]and having pitched his camp at the Cluilian trenches five miles from thecity, he from thence ravages the Roman territory, guards being sentamong the devastators to preserve the lands of the patricians intact;whether as being incensed chiefly against the plebeians, or in orderthat dissension might arise between the senators and the people. Andthis certainly would have arisen, so powerfully did the tribunes, byinveighing against the leading men of the state, incite the plebeians, already sufficiently violent of themselves; but their apprehensions ofthe foe, the strongest bond of concord, united their minds, distrustfuland rancorous though they were. The only matter not agreed on was this, that the senate and consuls rested their hopes on nothing else than onarms; the plebeians preferred any thing to war. Sp. Nautius and Sex. Furius were now consuls. Whilst they were reviewing the legions, postingguards along the walls and other places where they had determined thatthere should be posts and watches, a vast multitude of personsdemanding peace terrified them first by their seditious clamour; thencompelled them to convene the senate, to consider the question ofsending ambassadors to C. Marcius. The senate entertained the question, when it became evident that the spirits of the plebeians were givingway, and ambassadors being sent to Marcius concerning peace, broughtback a harsh answer: "If their lands were restored to the Volscians, that they might then consider the question of peace; if they weredisposed to enjoy the plunder of war at their ease, that he, mindfulboth of the injurious treatment of his countrymen, as well as of thekindness of strangers, would do his utmost to make it appear that hisspirit was irritated by exile, not crushed. " When the same persons aresent back a second time, they are not admitted into the camp. It isrecorded that the priests also, arrayed in their insignia, went assuppliants to the enemy's camp; and that they did not influence his mindmore than the ambassadors. 

[Footnote 95: Scil. Rome. Dionysius narrates the expedition ofCoriolanus in a different order from that given by Livy, and says thathe approached the city twice. Niebuhr, ii. P. 94, n. 535, thinks thatthe words "passing across the country into the Latin way" (in Latinamviam transversis itineribus transgressus) have been transposed fromtheir proper place, and that they should come in after "he then took, "&c. (tunc deinceps). ]

40. Then the matrons assemble in a body around Veturia, the mother ofCoriolanus, and his wife, Volumnia: whether that was the result ofpublic counsel, or of the women's fear, I cannot ascertain. Theycertainly carried their point that Veturia, a lady advanced in years, and Volumnia, leading her two sons by Marcius, should go into the campof the enemy, and that women should defend by entreaties and tears acity which men were unable to defend by arms. When they reached thecamp, and it was announced to Coriolanus, that a great body of womenwere approaching, he, who had been moved neither by the majesty of thestate in its ambassadors, nor by the sanctity of religion so strikinglyaddressed to his eyes and understanding in its priests, was much moreobdurate against the women's tears. Then one of his acquaintances, whorecognised Veturia, distinguished from all the others by her sadness, standing between her daughter-in-law and grand-children, says, "Unlessmy eyes deceive me, your mother, children, and wife, are approaching. "When Coriolanus, almost like one bewildered, rushing in consternationfrom his seat, offered to embrace his mother as she met him, the lady, turning from entreaties to angry rebuke, says, "Before I receive yourembrace, let me know whether I have come to an enemy or to a son;whether I am in your camp a captive or a mother? Has length of life anda hapless old age reserved me for this--to behold you an exile, then anenemy? Could you lay waste this land, which gave you birth and nurturedyou? Though you had come with an incensed and vengeful mind, did notyour resentment subside when you entered its frontiers? When Rome camewithin view, did it not occur to you, within these walls my house andguardian gods are, my mother, wife, and children? So then, had I notbeen a mother, Rome would not be besieged: had I not a son, I might havedied free in a free country. But I can now suffer nothing that is notmore discreditable to you than distressing to me; nor however wretched Imay be, shall I be so long. Look to these, whom, if you persist, eitheran untimely death or lengthened slavery awaits. " Then his wife andchildren embraced him: and the lamentation proceeding from the entirecrowd of women, and their bemoaning themselves and their country, atlength overcame the man; then, after embracing his family, he sends themaway; he moved his camp farther back from the city. Then, after he haddrawn off his troops from the Roman territory, they say that he lost hislife, overwhelmed by the odium of the proceeding: different writers sayby different modes of death: I find in Fabius, far the most ancientwriter, that he lived even to old age; he states positively, thatadvanced in years he made use of this phrase, "That exile bore muchheavier on the old man. " The men of Rome were not remiss in awardingtheir praises to the women, so truly did they live without detractingfrom the merit of others; a temple was built also and dedicated tofemale Fortune, to serve as a monument. The Volscians afterwardsreturned in conjunction with the Æqui into the Roman territory: but theÆqui would no longer have Attius Tullus as their leader; hence fromdispute, whether the Volscians or the Æqui should give a general to theallied army, a sedition, and afterwards a furious battle arose. Therethe good fortune of the Roman people destroyed the two armies of theenemy, by a contest no less bloody than obstinate. T. Sicinius and C. Aquillius were made consuls. The Volsci fell as a province to Sicinius;the Hernici (for they too were in arms) to Aquillius. That year theHernici were defeated; they came off with respect to the Volscians onequal terms. 

41. Sp. Cassius and Proculus Virginius were next made consuls; a treatywas struck with the Hernici; two-thirds of their land were taken fromthem: of this the consul Cassius was about to distribute one half amongthe Latins, the other half among the commons. To this donation he wasadding a considerable portion of land, which, though public property, healleged was possessed by private individuals. This proceeding alarmedseveral of the senators, the actual possessors, at the danger of theirproperty; the senators felt, moreover, a solicitude on public grounds, that the consul by his donation was establishing an influence dangerousto liberty. Then, for the first time, the Agrarian law was proposed, which even down to our own recollection was never agitated without thegreatest commotions in the state. The other consul resisted thedonation, the senators seconding him, nor were all the commons opposedto him; they had at first begun to despise a gift which was extendedfrom citizens to allies: in the next place they frequently heard theconsul Virginius in the assemblies as it were prophesying--"that thegift of his colleague was pestilential--that those lands were sure tobring slavery to those who should receive them; that the way was pavingto a throne. " For why was it that the allies were included, and theLatin nation? What was the object of a third of the land that had beentaken being given back to the Hernici so lately our enemies, except thatinstead of Coriolanus being their leader they may have Cassius? Thedissuader and opposer of the agrarian law now began to be popular. Bothconsuls then vied with each other in humouring the commons. Virginiussaid that he would suffer the lands to be assigned, provided they wereassigned to no one but to a Roman citizen. Cassius, because in theagrarian donation he sought popularity among the allies, and wastherefore lowered in the estimation of his countrymen, in order that byanother donation he might conciliate their affections, ordered that themoney received for the Sicilian corn should be refunded to the people. That indeed the people rejected as nothing else than a present bribe forregal authority: so strongly were his gifts spurned in the minds of men, as if they possessed every thing in abundance, in consequence of theirinveterate suspicions of his aiming at sovereign power. As soon as hewent out of office, it is certain that he was condemned and put todeath. There are some who represent his father as the person whoinflicted the punishment: that he, having tried him at home, scourgedhim and put him to death, and consecrated his son's private property toCeres; that out of this a statue was set up and inscribed, "given fromthe Cassian family. " In some authors I find it stated, and that is moreprobable, that a day of trial was assigned him for high treason, by thequestors, Kæso Fabius and Lucius Valerius; and that he was condemned bythe decision of the people; that his house was demolished by a publicdecree: this is the area before the temple of Tellus. But whether thattrial was private or public, he was condemned in the consulship of Ser. Cornelius and Q. Fabius. 

42. The resentment of the people against Cassius was not of longduration. The allurements of the agrarian law, now that its proposer wasgone, were of themselves gaining ground in their minds; and this feelingwas further heightened by the parsimonious conduct of the senators, who, the Volsci and Æqui having been defeated that year, defrauded thesoldiers of the booty; whatever was taken from the enemy, the consulFabius sold, and lodged the proceeds in the treasury. The Fabian namewas odious to the commons on account of the last consul: the senatehowever succeeded in having Kæso Fabius elected consul with L. Æmilius. The commons, still further incensed at this, stirred up foreign war byexciting disturbance at home; civil dissensions were then interrupted bywar. The senators and commons uniting, under the conduct of Æmilius, conquered in battle the Volsci and Æqui who renewed hostilities. Theretreat, however, destroyed more of the enemy than the battle; soperseveringly did the horse pursue them when routed. During the sameyear, on the ides of July, the temple of Castor was dedicated: it hadbeen vowed during the Latin war in the dictatorship of Posthumius: hisson, who was elected duumvir for that special purpose, dedicated it. Inthat year also the minds of the people were excited by the charms of theagrarian law. The tribunes of the people were for enhancing the popularpower (vested in them) by promoting the popular law. The senators, considering that there was enough and more than enough of frenzy in themultitude without any additional incitement, viewed with horrorlargesses and all inducements to temerity: the senators found in theconsuls most energetic abettors in making resistance. That portion ofthe commonwealth therefore prevailed; and not for the present only, butfor the forthcoming year they succeeded in bringing in M. Fabius, Kæso'sbrother, as consul, and one still more detested by the commons for hispersecution of Sp. Cassius, L. Valerius. In that year also there was acontest with the tribunes. The law proved to be a vain project, and theabettors of the law mere boasters, by their holding out a gift that wasnot realized. The Fabian name was from thence held in high repute, afterthree successive consulates, and all as it were uniformly exercised incontending with the tribunes; accordingly, the honour remained for aconsiderable time in that family, as being right well placed. AVeientian war was then commenced; the Volscians, too, renewedhostilities; but for foreign wars their strength was almost more thansufficient, and they abused it by contending among themselves. To thedistracted state of the public mind were added prodigies from heaven, exhibiting almost daily threats in the city and in the country, and thesoothsayers, consulted by the state and by private individuals, onewhile by means of entrails, another by birds, declared that there was noother cause for the divine anger, but that the ceremonies of religionwere not duly attended to. These terrors, however, terminated in this, that Oppia, a vestal virgin, being found guilty of a breach of chastity, was made to suffer punishment. 

43. Quintus Fabius and C. Julius were then made consuls. During thisyear the dissension at home was not abated, and the war abroad was moredesperate. Arms were taken up by the Æquans; the Veientes also enteredthe territory of the Romans committing devastations; the solicitudeabout which wars increasing, Kæso Fabius and Sp. Fusius are createdconsuls. The Æqui were laying siege to Ortona, a Latin city. TheVeientes, now satiated with plunder, threatened that they would besiegeRome itself. Which terrors, when they ought to assuage, increased stillfurther the bad feelings of the commons: and the custom of declining themilitary service was now returning, not of their own accord; but Sp. Licinius, a tribune of the people, thinking that the time was come forforcing the agrarian law on the patricians by extreme necessity, hadtaken on him the task of obstructing the military preparations. But allthe odium of the tribunitian power was turned on the author; nor did theconsuls rise up against him more zealously than his own colleagues; andby their assistance the consuls hold the levy. An army is raised for thetwo wars at the same time; one is given to Fabius to be led against theÆqui, the other to Furius against the Veientians. And with respect tothe Veientians, nothing was done worthy of mention. Fabius had much moretrouble with his countrymen than with the enemy: that one man himself, as consul, sustained the commonwealth, which the army was betraying, faras in them lay, through their hatred of the consul. For when the consul, in addition to his other military talents, which he exhibited amply inhis preparations for and conduct of war, had so drawn up his line thathe routed the enemy's army solely by a charge of his cavalry, theinfantry refused to pursue them when routed: and though the exhortationof their general, whom they hated, could not move them, neither couldeven their own infamy, and the present public disgrace and subsequentdanger, if the enemy should recover courage, oblige them to quickentheir pace, or even to stand in order of battle, if nothing else. Without orders they face about, and with a sorrowful air (you wouldsuppose them beaten) they return to the camp, execrating at one timetheir general, at another time the services rendered by the cavalry. Norwere any remedies sought by the general for this so pestilent anexample; so true is it that the most distinguished talents are morelikely to be deficient in the tact of managing their countrymen than inthat of conquering an enemy. The consul returned to Rome, not having somuch increased his military glory as irritated and exasperated thehatred of his soldiers towards him. The patricians, however, succeededin having the consulship remain in the Fabian family. They elect M. Fabius consul: Cn. Manlius is assigned as a colleague to Fabius. 

44. This year also had a tribune as a proposer of the agrarian law. Itwas Titus Pontificius: he pursuing the same course, as if it hadsucceeded with Sp. Licinius, obstructed the levy for a little time. Thepatricians being once more perplexed, Appius Claudius asserts "that thetribunitian power was put down last year: for the present by the veryact, for the future by the precedent established, and since it was foundthat it could be rendered ineffective by its own strength; for thatthere never would be wanting a tribune who would both be willing toobtain a victory for himself over his colleague, and the favour of thebetter party by advancing the public weal. That both a plurality oftribunes, if there were need of such plurality, would be ready to assistthe consuls; and that even one would be sufficient against all. Only letthe consuls and leading members of the senate take care to gain over, ifnot all, at least some of the tribunes, to the commonwealth and thesenate. " The senators, convinced by the counsels of Appius, bothcollectively addressed the tribunes with kindness and civility, and themen of consular rank, according as each possessed personal influenceover them individually, partly by conciliation, partly by authority, prevailed so far as to make them consent that the powers of thetribunitian office should be beneficial to the state; and by the aid offour tribunes against one obstructor of the public good, the consulscomplete the levy. They then set out to the Veientian war, to whichauxiliaries had flocked from all parts of Etruria, collected not so muchfor the sake of the Veientians, as because they had formed a hope thatthe Roman state might be destroyed by internal discord. And in thecouncils of all the states of Etruria the leading men openly stated, "that the Roman power was eternal, unless they were distracted bydisturbances among themselves. That this was the only poison, this thebane discovered for powerful states, to render great empires mortal. That this evil, a long time retarded, partly by the wise measures of thepatricians, partly by the forbearance of the commons, had now proceededto extremities. That two states were now formed out of one: that eachparty had its own magistrates, its own laws. That though at first theywere accustomed to be turbulent during the levies, still that these sameindividuals had ever been obedient to their commanders during war; thatmilitary discipline being still retained, no matter what might be thestate of the city, it had been possible to withstand the evil; that nowthe custom of not obeying their superior followed the Roman soldier evento the camp. That in the last war in the very field, in the very heat ofbattle, by consent of the army the victory was voluntarily surrenderedto the vanquished Æqui: that the standards were deserted, the generalabandoned on the field, and that the army had returned to the campwithout orders. That without doubt, if perseverance were used, Romemight be conquered by her own soldiery. That nothing else was necessarythan to declare and make a show of war: that the fates and the godswould of themselves manage the rest. " These hopes had armed theEtrurians, who in many vicissitudes had been vanquished and victors. 

45. The Roman consuls also dreaded nothing else, than their ownstrength, and their own arms. The recollection of the destructiveprecedent set in the last war, deterred them from bringing matters tosuch a pass as that they should have to fear two armies at the sametime. Accordingly they kept within their camp, avoiding this doubledanger: "that delay and time itself would soften down resentment, andbring a right way of thinking to their minds. " The Veientian enemy andthe Etrurians proceeded with so much the greater precipitation; theyprovoked them to battle, first riding up to the camp and challengingthem; at length, when they produced no effect by reviling as well theconsuls themselves as the army, they stated, "that the pretence ofinternal dissension was assumed as a cloak for this cowardice; and thatthe consuls distrusted as much the courage as the obedience of theirsoldiers. That silence and inaction among men in arms were a novel formof sedition. " Besides this they threw out reproaches, both true as wellas false, on the upstart quality of their race and origin. Whilst theyvociferated these reproaches beneath the very rampart and gates, theconsuls bore them without impatience: but at one time indignation, atanother time shame, distracted the breasts of the ignorant multitude, and diverted their attention from intestine evils; they were unwillingthat the enemy should come off unpunished; they were unwilling thatsuccess should accrue to the patricians or the consuls; foreign anddomestic hatred struggled for mastery in their breasts; at length theformer prevail, so haughtily and insolently did the enemy revile them;they crowd in a body to the general's tent; they demand battle, theyrequire that the signal be given. The consuls confer together as if todeliberate; they continue the conference for a long time; they weredesirous of fighting, but that desire must be checked and concealed, that by opposition and delay they might increase the ardour of thesoldiery once roused. An answer is returned, "that the matter inquestion was premature, that it was not yet time for fighting: that theyshould keep within their camp. " They then issue a proclamation, "thatthey should abstain from fighting; that if any one fought withoutorders, they should punish him as an enemy. " When they were thusdismissed, their eagerness for fighting increases in proportion as theythink that the consuls were less disposed for it; the enemies moreovercome up much more insolently, as soon as it was known that the consulshad determined not to fight. For they supposed "that they might insultthem with impunity; that their arms were not intrusted to the soldiery. That the matter would explode in a violent mutiny; that a terminationhad come to the Roman empire. " Relying on these hopes, they run up tothe gates, heap reproaches on them, with difficulty refrain fromassaulting the camp. Now indeed the Romans could no longer endure theseinsults; they crowd from every quarter of the camp to the consuls: theyno longer, as formerly, make their demand with reserve, through themediation of the centurions of the first rank; but all proceedindiscriminately with loud clamours. The affair was now ripe; still theyput it off. Fabius then, his colleague giving way in consequence of hisdread of mutiny being now augmented by the uproar, after he hadcommanded silence by sound of trumpet, says, "that these men are able toconquer, Cneius Manlius, I know; that they are willing they themselveshave prevented me from knowing. It is therefore resolved and determinednot to give the signal, unless they swear that they will returnvictorious from this battle. The soldier has once deceived the Romanconsul in the field, the gods he never will deceive. " There was acenturion, Marcus Flavoleius, one of the foremost in demanding battle;he says, "M. Fabius, I will return victorious from the field. " If hedeceived, he invokes the anger of father Jove, Mars Gradivus, and of theother gods. After him the entire army severally take the same oath. Thesignal is given to them when sworn; they take up arms, go into battle, full of rage and of hope. They bid the Etrurians now to cast theirreproaches; they severally require that the enemy, once so ready withthe tongue, should now stand before them armed as they were. On that daythe bravery of all, both commons and patricians, was extraordinary: theFabian name, the Fabian race shone forth most conspicuous: they aredetermined to recover in that battle the affections of the commons, which during many civil contests had been alienated from them. The lineof battle is formed; nor do the Veientian foe and the Etrurian legionsdecline the contest. 

46. An almost certain hope was entertained that they would no more fightwith them than they had done with the Æqui; that even some more seriousattempt was not to be despaired of, considering the irritated state oftheir feelings, and the very critical occasion. The affair turned outaltogether differently; for never before in any other war did the Romansoldiers enter the field with more determined minds (so much had theenemy exasperated them by taunts on the one hand, and the consuls bydelay on the other). The Etrurians had scarcely time to form theirranks, when the javelins having been thrown away at random, in the firsthurry, rather than discharged with aim, the battle had now come to closefighting, even to swords, where the fury of war is most desperate. Amongthe foremost the Fabian family was distinguished for the sight itafforded and the example it presented to their fellow citizens; one ofthese, Q. Fabius, (he had been consul two years before, ) as he wasadvancing at the head of his men against a dense body of Veientians, andwhilst engaged amid numerous parties of the enemy, and therefore notprepared for it, was transfixed with a sword through the breast by aTuscan who presumed on his bodily strength and skill in arms: on theweapon being extracted, Fabius fell forward on the wound. Both armiesfelt the fall of this one man, and the Roman began in consequence togive way, when the consul Marcus Fabius leaped over the body as it lay, and holding up his buckler, said, "Is this what you swore, soldiers, that you would return to the camp in flight? are you thus more afraid ofyour most dastardly enemies, than of Jupiter and Mars, by whom you havesworn? But I who have not sworn will either return victorious, or willfall fighting here beside thee, Q. Fabius. " Then Kæso Fabius, the consulof the preceding year, says to the consul, "Brother, is it by thesewords you think you will prevail on them to fight? the gods by whom theyhave sworn will prevail on them. Let us also, as men of noble birth, asis worthy of the Fabian name, enkindle the courage of the soldiers byfighting rather than by exhorting. " Thus the two Fabii rush forward tothe front with presented spears, and brought on with them the wholeline. 

47. The battle being restored on one side, Cn. Manlius, the consul, withno less ardour, encouraged the fight on the other wing. Where an almostsimilar result took place; for as the soldiers undauntedly followed Q. Fabius on the one wing, so did they follow Manlius on this, as he wasdriving the enemy now nearly routed, and when he, having received asevere wound, retired from the battle, they fell back, supposing that hewas slain, and would have given way, had not the other consul, gallopingat full speed to that quarter with some troops of horse, supported theirdrooping energies, crying out that his colleague was still alive, thathe himself was now come victorious, having routed the other wing. Manlius also shows himself to restore the battle. The well-known voicesof the two consuls rekindle the courage of the soldiers; at the sametime too the enemy's line was now weakened, whilst, relying on theirsuperior numbers, they draw off their reserve and send them to storm thecamp. This being assaulted without much resistance, whilst they losetime in attending to plunder rather than to fighting, the Romantriarii, [96] who had not been able to sustain the first shock, havingsent an account to the consuls of the present position of affairs, return in a compact body to the Prætorium, and of themselves renew thebattle. The consul Manlius also having returned to the camp, and postedsoldiers at all the gates, had blocked up every passage against theenemy. This desperate situation aroused the fury rather than the braveryof the Etrurians; for when rushing on wherever hope held out theprospect of escape, they had frequently advanced with fruitless efforts;one body of young men makes an attack on the consul himself, conspicuousfrom his arms. The first weapons were intercepted by those who stoodaround him; afterwards their force could not be sustained. The consulfalls, having received a mortal wound, and all around him are dispersed. The courage of the Etrurians rises. Terror drives the Romans in dismaythrough the entire camp; and matters would have come to extremities, hadnot the lieutenant-generals, hastily seizing the body of the consul, opened a passage for the enemy at one gate. Through this they rush out;and going away in the utmost disorder, they fall in with the otherconsul who had been victorious; there again they are slain and routed inevery direction. A glorious victory was obtained, saddened however bytwo so illustrious deaths. The consul, therefore, on the senate votinghim a triumph, replied, that "if the army could triumph without theirgeneral, he would readily accede to it in consideration of theirdistinguished behaviour in that war: that for his own part, his familybeing plunged in grief in consequence of the death of his brother Q. Fabius, and the commonwealth being in some degree bereaved by the lossof one of her consuls, he would not accept the laurel blasted by publicand private grief. " The triumph thus resigned was more distinguishedthan any triumph actually enjoyed; so true it is, that glory refused indue season sometimes returns with accumulated lustre. He next celebratesthe two funerals of his colleague and brother, one after the other, hehimself acting as panegyrist in the case of both, when by ascribing tothem his own deserts, he himself obtained the greatest share of them. And not unmindful of that which he had conceived at the commencement ofhis consulate, namely, the regaining the affection of the people, hedistributes the wounded soldiers among the patricians to be cured. Mostof them were given to the Fabii: nor were they treated with greaterattention in any other place. From this time the Fabii began to bepopular, and that not by any practices except such as were beneficial tothe state. 

[Footnote 96: The triarii were veteran soldiers of approved valour: theyformed the third line, whence their name. ]

48. Accordingly Kæso Fabius, having been elected consul with T. Virginius not more with the zealous wishes of the senators than of thecommons, attended neither to wars, nor levies, nor any other object, until the hope of concord being now in some measure commenced, thefeelings of the commons might be consolidated with those of the senatorsas soon as possible. Wherefore at the commencement of the year heproposed: "that before any tribune should stand forth as an abettor ofthe agrarian law, the patricians themselves should be beforehand withthem in performing their duty; that they should distribute among thecommons the land taken from the enemy in as equal a proportion aspossible; that it was but just that those should obtain it, by whoseblood and sweat it was obtained. " The patricians rejected the proposalwith scorn; some even complained that the once brilliant talents of Kæsowere now becoming wanton, and were waning through excess of glory. Therewere afterwards no factions in the city. The Latins were harassed by theincursions of the Æqui. Kæso being sent thither with an army, passesinto the very territory of the Æqui to depopulate it. The Æqui retiredinto the towns, and kept themselves within the walls: on that account nobattle worth mentioning was fought. But a blow was received from theVeientian foe through the temerity of the other consul; and the armywould have been all cut off, had not Kæso Fabius come to theirassistance in time. From that time there was neither peace nor war withthe Veientians; their proceedings had now come very near to the form ofthat of brigands. They retired from the Roman troops into the city; whenthey perceived that the troops were drawn off, they made incursions intothe country, alternately evading war by quiet, quiet by war. Thus thematter could neither be dropped altogether, nor brought to a conclusion;and other wars were impending either at the moment, as from the Æqui andVolsci, who remained inactive no longer than until the recent smart oftheir late disaster should pass away; or it was evident that theSabines, ever hostile, and all Etruria would put themselves in motion:but the Veientians, a constant rather than a formidable enemy, kepttheir minds in constant uneasiness by their insults more frequently thanby any danger apprehended from them; a matter which could at no time beneglected, and which suffered them not to direct their attention to anyother object. Then the Fabian family addressed the senate; the consulspeaks in the name of the family: "Conscript fathers, the Veientian warrequires, as you know, a constant rather than a strong force. Do youattend to other wars: assign the Fabii as enemies to the Veientians. Wepledge ourselves that the majesty of the Roman name shall be safe inthat quarter. That war, as the property of our family, it is ourdetermination to conduct at our own private expense. Let the republic bespared the expense of soldiers and money there. " The warmest thanks werereturned to them. The consul, leaving the senate-house, accompanied bythe Fabii in a body, who had been standing in the porch of thesenate-house, returned home. Being ordered to attend on the followingday in arms at the consul's gate, they retire to their homes. 

49. The rumour spreads through the entire city; they extol the Fabii tothe skies by their encomiums. "That a single family had taken on themthe burden of the state: that the Veientian war had now become a privateconcern, a private quarrel. If there were two families of the samestrength in the city, let them demand, the one the Volsci for itself, the other the Æqui; that all the neighbouring states might be subdued, the Roman people all the time enjoying profound peace. " The dayfollowing, the Fabii take up arms; they assemble where they had beenordered. The consul coming forth in his paludamentum, [97] beholds hisentire family in the porch drawn up in order of march; being receivedinto the centre, he orders the standards to be carried forward. Neverdid an army march through the city, either smaller in number, or moredistinguished in fame and in the admiration of all men. Three hundredand six soldiers, all patricians, all of the one stock, not one of whomthe senate would reject as a leader in its palmiest days, proceeded ontheir march, menacing destruction to the Veientian state by the prowessof a single family. A crowd followed, partly belonging to their kinsmenand friends, who contemplated in mind no moderation either as to theirhopes or anxiety, but every thing on the highest scale; partlyconsisting of individuals not connected with their family, aroused bysolicitude for the public weal, all enraptured with esteem andadmiration. They bid them "proceed in the brave resolve, proceed withhappy omens, bring back results proportioned to their undertaking:thence to expect consulships and triumphs, all rewards, all honours fromthem. " As they passed the Capitol and the citadel, and the other sacrededifices, they offer up prayers to all the gods that presentedthemselves to their sight, or to their mind: that "they would sendforward that band with prosperity and success, and soon send them backsafe into their country to their parents. " In vain were these prayerssent up. Having set out on their luckless road by the right-hand posternof the Carmental gate, they arrive at the river Cremera: this appeareda favourable situation for fortifying a post. L. Æmilius and C. Servilius were then created consuls. And as long as there was nothingelse to occupy them but mutual devastations, the Fabii were not onlysufficiently able to protect their garrison, but through the entiretract, as far as the Etrurian joins the Roman territory, they protectedall their own districts and ravaged those of the enemy, spreading theirforces along both frontiers. There was afterwards an intermission, though not of long duration, to these depredations: whilst both theVeientians, having sent for an army from Etruria, assault the post atthe Cremera, and the Roman troops, led thither by L. Æmilius the consul, come to a close engagement in the field with the Etrurians; although theVeientians had scarcely time to draw up their line: for during the firstalarm, whilst the ranks are posting themselves behind their respectivebanners and they are stationing their reserves, a brigade of Romancavalry charging them suddenly in flank, took away all opportunity notonly of commencing the fight, but even of standing their ground. Thusbeing driven back to the Red Rocks, (there they pitched their camp, )they suppliantly sue for peace; for the obtaining of which they weresorry, from the natural inconsistency of their minds, before the Romangarrison was drawn off from the Cremera. 

[Footnote 97: Before a consul set out on any expedition, he offeredsacrifices and prayers in the Capitol; and then, laying aside hisconsular gown, marched out of the city, dressed in a military robe ofstate, called Paludamentum. ]

50. Again the Veientian state had to contend with the Fabii without anyadditional military armament [on either side]; and there were not merelyincursions into each other's territories, or sudden attacks on thosemaking the incursions, but they fought repeatedly in the open field, andin pitched battles: and one family of the Roman people oftentimes gainedthe victory over an entire Etrurian state, one of the most powerful atthat time. This at first appeared mortifying and humiliating to theVeientians: then (they formed) a design, suggested by the circumstance, of surprising their daring enemy by an ambuscade; they were even gladthat the confidence of the Fabii was increasing by their great success. Wherefore cattle were frequently driven in the way of the plunderingparties, as if they had come there by mere accident, and tracts of landwere abandoned by the flight of the peasants; and troops of armed mensent to prevent the devastations retreated more frequently frompretended than from real fear. And now the Fabii had such a contempt forthe enemy, as to believe that their invincible arms could not bewithstood either in any place or on any occasion: this presumptioncarried them so far, that at the sight of some cattle at a distance fromCremera, with an extensive plain lying between, they ran down to it(although few troops of the enemy were observed); and when incautiousand in disorderly haste they had passed the ambuscade placed on eitherside of the very road; and when dispersed in different directions theybegan to carry off the cattle straying about, as is usual when they arefrightened, the Veientians rise up suddenly from their ambuscade, andthe enemy were in front and on every side. At first the shout that wasraised terrified them; then weapons assailed them from every side; and, the Etrurians closing, they also were compelled, hemmed in as they nowwere by a compact body of soldiers, to contract their own circle withina narrower compass; which circumstance rendered striking both their ownpaucity of numbers, and the superior numbers of the enemy, the ranksbeing crowded in a narrow space. Then the plan of fighting, which theyhad directed equally against every part, being now relinquished, theyall incline their forces towards one point; in that direction strainingevery effort both with their bodies and arms, they forced a passage byforming a wedge. The way led to a hill of moderate acclivity; here theyfirst halted: presently, as soon as the higher ground afforded them timeto gain breath, and to recover from so great a panic, they repulsed themas they advanced up; and the small band by the advantage of the groundwas gaining the victory, had not a party of the Veientians, sent roundthe ridge of the hill, made their way to the summit; thus again theenemy obtained the higher ground; all the Fabii were killed to a man, and the fort was taken: it is agreed on all hands that the three hundredand six were cut off; that one[98] only, who nearly attained the age ofpuberty, was left as a stock for the Fabian race; and that he wasdestined to prove the greatest support in the dangerous emergencies ofthe Roman people both at home and in war. 

[Footnote 98: This statement is rejected by Niebuhr entirely. ]

51. At the time when this disaster was received, C. Horatius and T. Menenius were consuls. Menenius was immediately sent against theEtrurians, elated with victory. Then too an unsuccessful battle wasfought, and the enemy took possession of the Janiculum: and the citywould have been besieged, scarcity of provisions bearing hard upon themin addition to the war, (for the Etrurians had passed the Tiber, ) hadnot the consul Horatius been recalled from the Volsci; and so closelydid that war approach the very walls, that the first battle was foughtnear the temple of Hope with doubtful success, and a second time at theColline gate. There, although the Romans had the advantage in a slightdegree only, yet that contest rendered the soldiers better for futurebattles by restoring to them their former courage. Aulus Virginius andSp. Servilius are created consuls. After the defeat sustained in thelast battle, the Veientians declined an engagement. Ravages werecommitted, and they made incursions in every direction on the Romanterritory from the Janiculum as if from a fortress; no where were thecattle or the husbandmen safe. They were afterwards entrapped by thesame stratagem as that by which they had entrapped the Fabii: havingpursued some cattle that had been driven on designedly for the purposeof decoying them, they fell into an ambuscade; in proportion as theywere more numerous, the slaughter was greater. The violent resentmentresulting from this disaster was the cause and commencement of one stillgreater: for having crossed the Tiber by night, they attempted toassault the camp of the consul Servilius; being repulsed from thencewith great slaughter, they with difficulty made good their retreat intothe Janiculum. The consul himself also crosses the Tiber, fortifies hiscamp at the foot of the Janiculum: at break of day on the followingmorning, both from being somewhat elated by the success of the battle ofthe day before, more however because the scarcity of corn forced himinto measures which, though dangerous, (he adopted) because they weremore expeditious, he rashly marched his army up the steep of theJaniculum to the camp of the enemy, and being repulsed from thence withmore disgrace than he had repulsed them on the preceding day, he wassaved, both himself and his army, by the intervention of his colleague. The Etrurians (hemmed in) between the two armies, when they presentedtheir rear to the one and the other by turns, were entirely cut off. Thus the Veientian war was crushed by a fortunate act of temerity. 

52. Together with the peace, provisions returned to the city in greaterabundance, both by reason of corn having been brought in from Campania, and, as soon as the fear felt by each of future famine left them, thatcorn being brought forward which had been hoarded up. Then their mindsonce more became licentious from their present abundance and ease, andtheir former subjects of complaint, now that there were none abroad, they sought for at home; the tribunes began to excite the commons bytheir poison, the agrarian law: they roused them against the senatorswho opposed it, and not only against them as a body, but also againstparticular individuals. Q. Considius and T. Genucius, the proposers ofthe agrarian law, appoint a day of trial for T. Menenius: the loss ofthe fort of Cremera, whilst the consul had his standing camp at no greatdistance from thence, was the charge against him. They crushed him, though both the senators had exerted themselves in his behalf with noless earnestness than in behalf of Coriolanus, and the popularity of hisfather Agrippa was not yet forgotten. The tribunes, however, went nofurther than a fine: though they had arraigned him for a capitaloffence, they imposed on him, when found guilty, a fine of two thousand_asses_. This proved fatal. They say that he could not submit to thedisgrace, and to the anguish of mind (occasioned by it): that, inconsequence, he was taken off by disease. Another senator, Sp. Servilius, being soon after arraigned, as soon as he went out of office, a day of trial having been appointed for him by the tribunes, L. Cædicius and T. Statius, at the very commencement of the year, in theconsulship of C. Nautius and P. Valerius, did not, like Menenius, meetthe attacks of the tribunes with supplications from himself and thepatricians, but with firm reliance on his own integrity, and hispersonal influence. The battle with the Etrurians at the Janiculum wasthe charge against him also: but being a man of an intrepid spirit, ashe had formerly acted in the case of public peril, so now in that whichwas personal to himself, he dispelled the danger by boldly facing it, byconfuting not only the tribunes but the commons also, by a bold speech, and upbraiding them with the condemnation and death of T. Menenius, bythe good offices of whose father the commons were formerlyre-established, and were now in possession of those laws and thosemagistrates, by means of which they then exercised their insolence; hiscolleague Virginius also, who was brought forward as a witness, aidedhim by assigning to him a share of his own deserts; the condemnation ofMenenius however was of greater service to him (so much had they changedtheir minds). 

53. The contests at home were now concluded. A Veientian war broke out, with whom the Sabines had united their forces. The consul P. Valerius, after auxiliaries were sent for from the Latins and Hernicians, beingdespatched to Veii with an army, immediately attacks the Sabine camp, which had been pitched before the walls of their allies: and occasionedsuch great consternation, that while, dispersed in different directions, they sally forth to repel the assault of the enemy, the gate which theRomans first attacked was taken; then within the rampart there wasrather a carnage than a battle. From the camp the alarm spreads into thecity; the Veientians run to arms in as great a panic as if Veii had beentaken: some come up to the support of the Sabines, others fall upon theRomans, who had directed all their force against the camp. For a littlewhile they were disconcerted and thrown into confusion; then they tooforming two fronts make a stand: and the cavalry, being commanded by theconsul to charge, routs the Etrurians and puts them to flight; and inthe same hour two armies and two of the most influential and powerful ofthe neighbouring states were vanquished. Whilst these transactions aregoing on at Veii, the Volsci and Æqui had pitched their camp in theLatin territory, and laid waste their frontiers. The Latins, by theirown exertions, being joined by the Hernicians, without either a Romangeneral or Roman auxiliaries, stripped them of their camp. Besidesrecovering their own effects, they obtained immense booty. The consul C. Nautius, however, was sent against the Volsci from Rome. The custom, Isuppose, was not pleasing for allies to carry on wars with their ownforces and under their own direction without a Roman general and troops. There was no kind of injury or indignity that was not practised againstthe Volsci; nor could they be prevailed on however to come to anengagement in the field. 

54. Lucius Furius and Caius Manlius were the next consuls. TheVeientians fell to Manlius as his province. War however did not takeplace: a truce for forty years was granted them at their request, cornand pay for the soldiers being demanded of them. Disturbance at homeimmediately succeeds to peace abroad: the commons were goaded by thetribunes with the excitement of the agrarian law. The consuls, nothingintimidated by the condemnation of Menenius, nor by the danger ofServilius, resist with their utmost might; Cn. Genucius, a tribune ofthe people, arraigned the consuls on their going out of office. LuciusÆmilius and Opiter Virginius enter on the consulate. Instead ofVirginius I find Vopiscus Julius consul in some annals. In this year(whatever consuls it had) Furius and Manlius, being summoned to trialbefore the people, go about in suppliant garb not more to the commonsthan to the younger patricians; they advise, they caution them "to keepthemselves from honours and the administration of public affairs, andthat they would consider the consular fasces, the prætexta and curulechair, as nothing else than the decorations of a funeral; that whencovered with these fine insignia, as with fillets, they were doomed todeath. But if the charms of the consulate were so great, they shouldrest satisfied that the consulate was held in captivity and crushed bythe tribunitian power; that every thing was to be done at the nod andcommand of the tribune by the consul, as if he were a tribune's beadle. If he stir, if he have reference to the patricians, if he should thinkfor a moment that there existed any other party in the state but thecommons, let him place before his eyes the banishment of Caius Marcius, the condemnation and death of Menenius. " Fired by these discourses, thepatricians from that time held their consultations not in public, but inprivate, and withdrawn from the knowledge of the many; where when thisone point was agreed on, that the accused must be rescued whether byjust or unjust means, every proposition that was most desperate was mostapproved; nor was an actor wanted for any deed however daring. Accordingly on the day of trial, when the people stood in the forum inanxious expectation, they at first began to feel surprised that thetribune did not come down; then when the delay was now becoming moresuspicious, they considered that he was deterred by the nobles, and theycomplained that the public cause was abandoned and betrayed. At lengththose who had been waiting before the gate of the tribune's residence, bring word that he was found dead in his house. As soon as rumour spreadthis through the whole assembly, just as an army disperses on the fallof its general, so did they separate in different directions. Theprincipal panic seized the tribunes, now warned by their colleague'sdeath what little aid the devoting laws afforded them. Nor did thepatricians bear their joy with sufficient moderation; and so far was anyof them from feeling compunction at the guilty act, that even those whowere innocent wished to be considered to have perpetrated it, and it wasopenly declared that the tribunitian power should be subdued bychastisement. 

55. Immediately after this victory of a most ruinous precedent a levy isproclaimed; and the tribunes being now overawed, the consuls accomplishthe matter without any opposition. Then indeed the commons becameenraged more on account of the silence of the tribunes than the commandof the consuls: and they said "there was an end of their liberty; thatthey were come back again to the old condition of things; that thetribunitian power had died along with Genucius and was buried with him;that other means must be devised and practised, by which to resist thepatricians; and that the only method for that was that the people shoulddefend themselves, since they now had no other aid. That four-and-twentylictors waited on the consuls; and that these very individuals were fromamong the commons; that nothing could be more despicable, nor weaker, ifthere were only persons who could despise them; that each personmagnified those things and made them objects of terror to himself. " Whenthey had excited each other by these discourses, a lictor was despatchedby the consuls to Volero Publilius, a man belonging to the commons, because he stated, that having been a centurion he ought not to be madea common soldier. Volero appeals to the tribunes. When one came to hisassistance, the consuls order the man to be stripped and the rods to begot ready. "I appeal to the people, " says Volero, "since tribunes hadrather see a Roman citizen scourged before their eyes, than themselvesbe butchered by you in their bed. " The more vehemently he cried out, themore violently did the lictor tear off his clothes and strip him. ThenVolero, being both himself of great bodily strength, and being aided byhis partisans, having repulsed the lictor, when the shouts of thoseindignant in his behalf became very intense, betook himself into thethickest part of the crowd, crying out, "I appeal, and implore theprotection of the commons; assist me, fellow citizens; assist me, fellowsoldiers; there is no use in waiting for the tribunes, who themselvesstand in need of your aid. " The men, being much excited, prepare as itwere for battle; and it became manifest that there was urgent danger, that nothing would be held sacred by any one, that there would no longerexist any public or private right. When the consuls faced this soviolent storm, they soon experienced that majesty without strength hadbut little security; the lictors being maltreated, the fasces broken, they are driven from the forum into the senate-house, uncertain how farVolero would push his victory. After that, the disturbance subsiding, when they had ordered the senate to be convened, they complain of theoutrages committed on themselves, of the violence of the people, thedaring of Volero. Many violent measures having been proposed, the eldermembers prevailed, who recommended that the unthinking rashness of thecommons should not be met by the passionate resentment of thepatricians. 

56. The commons having espoused the interest of Volero, with greatwarmth choose him, at the next election, tribune of the people for thatyear, which had Lucius Pinarius and Publius Furius for consuls; and, contrary to the opinion of all men, who thought that he would let loosehis tribuneship in harassing the consuls of the preceding year, postponing private resentment to the public interest, without assailingthe consuls even by a single word, he proposed a law to the people thatplebeian magistrates should be elected at the comitia by tribes. Amatter of no trifling moment was now being brought forward, under anaspect at first sight by no means alarming; but one which in realitydeprived the patricians of all power to elect whatever tribunes theypleased by the suffrages of their clients. The patricians used all theirenergies in resisting this proposition, which was most pleasing to thecommons; and though none of the college could be induced by theinfluence either of the consuls or of the chief members of the senate toenter a protest against it, the only means of resistance which nowexisted; yet the matter, important as it was by its own weight, is spunout by contention till the following year. The commons re-elect Voleroas tribune. The senators, considering that the question would be carriedto the very extreme of a struggle, elect to the consulate AppiusClaudius, the son of Appius, who was both hated by and hated thecommons, ever since the contests between them and his father. TitusQuintius is assigned to him as his colleague. In the very commencementof the year no other question took precedence of that regarding the law. But though Volero was the inventor of it, his colleague, Lætorius, wasboth a more recent abettor of it, as well as a more energetic one. Whilst Volero confined himself to the subject of the law, avoiding allabuse of the consuls, he commenced with accusing Appius and his family, as having ever been most overbearing and cruel towards the Romancommons, contending that he had been elected by the senators, not asconsul, but as executioner, to harass and torture the people; his rudetongue, he being a military man, was not sufficient to express thefreedom of his sentiments. Language therefore failing him, he says, "Romans, since I do not speak with as much readiness as I make good whatI have spoken, attend here to-morrow. I will either die here before youreyes, or will carry the law. " On the following day the tribunes takepossession of the temple; the consuls and the nobility take their placesin the assembly to obstruct the law. Lætorius orders all persons to beremoved, except those going to vote; the young nobles kept their places, paying no regard to the officer; then Lætorius orders some of them to beseized. The consul Appius insisted "that the tribune had no jurisdictionover any one except a plebeian; for that he was not a magistrate of thepeople in general, but only of the commons; for that even he himselfcould not, according to the usage of their ancestors, by virtue of hisauthority remove any person; because the words run thus, _if ye thinkproper, depart, Romans_. " He was able to disconcert Lætorius by arguingfluently and contemptuously concerning the right. The tribune therefore, burning with rage, sends his beadle to the consul; the consul sends hislictor to the tribune, exclaiming that he was a private individual, without power and without magistracy; and the tribune would have beenroughly treated, had not both the entire assembly risen up with greatwarmth in behalf of the tribune against the consul, and a rush ofpersons belonging to the multitude, which was now much excited, takenplace from the entire city into the forum. Appius, however, withstoodso great a storm with obstinacy, and the contest would have ended in abattle, not without blood, had not Quintius, the other consul, aftergiving it in charge to the men of consular dignity to remove hiscolleague from the forum by force, if they could not do it otherwise, himself assuaged the enraged people by entreaties, and implored thetribunes to dismiss the assembly. "That they should give their passiontime to cool; that delay would not deprive them of their power, butwould add prudence to strength; and that the senators would be under thecontrol of the people, and the consul under that of the senators. "

57. With difficulty the people were pacified by Quintius: with much moredifficulty was the other consul by the patricians. The assembly of thepeople being at length dismissed, the consuls convene the senate; where, though fear and resentment by turns had produced a diversity ofopinions, the more they were recalled, after the lapse of time, fromviolence to reflection, the more averse did they become to a continuanceof the dispute, so that they returned thanks to Quintius, because by hisexertions the disturbance had been quieted. Appius is requested "toconsent that the consular dignity should be merely so great as it couldbe in a peaceably conducted state; that as long as the tribune andconsuls were drawing all power, each to his own side, no strength wasleft between; that the object aimed at was in whose hands thecommonwealth should be, distracted and torn as it was, rather than thatit should be safe. " Appius, on the contrary, called gods and men towitness that "the commonwealth was betrayed and abandoned throughcowardice; that it was not the consul that was wanting to the senate, but the senate to the consul; that more oppressive laws were now beingsubmitted to than were sanctioned on the sacred mount. " Overcome howeverby the unanimous feeling of the senators, he desisted: the law iscarried without opposition. 

58. Then for the first time the tribunes were elected in the comitia bytribes. Piso said that three were added to the number, whereas there hadbeen only two before. He names the tribunes also, Caius Sicinius, LuciusNumitorius, Marcus Duilius, Spurius Icilius, Lucius Mecilius. During thedisturbance at Rome, a war with the Volscians and Æquans broke out; theyhad laid waste the lands, so that if any secession of the people shouldtake place, they might find a refuge with them. The differences beingafterwards settled, they removed their camp backwards. Appius Claudiuswas sent against the Volscians; the Æquans fell to Quintius as hisprovince. The severity of Appius was the same in war as at home, beingmore unrestrained because he was free from tribunitian control. He hatedthe commons with more than his father's hatred: he had been defeated bythem: when he was set up as the only consul to oppose the tribunitianinfluence, a law was passed, which former consuls obstructed with lesseffort, amid hopes of the senators by no means so great (as those formedof him). His resentment and indignation at this, excited his imperioustemper to harass the army by the rigour of his command; nor could it(the army) however be subdued by any means; such a spirit of oppositionhad they imbibed. They executed every measure slowly, indolently, negligently, and with stubbornness: neither shame nor fear restrainedthem. If he wished the army to move on with expedition, they designedlywent more slowly: if he came up to them to encourage them in their work, they all relaxed the energy which they before exerted of their ownaccord: when he was present they cast down their eyes, they silentlycursed him as he passed by; so that his mind, invulnerable to plebeianhatred, was sometimes moved. All kind of harsh treatment being tried invain, he no longer held any intercourse with the soldiers; he said thearmy was corrupted by the centurions; he sometimes gibingly called themtribunes of the people and Voleros. 

59. None of these circumstances were unknown to the Volscians, and theypressed on with so much the more vigour, hoping that the Roman armywould entertain the same spirit of opposition against Appius, which theyhad formerly entertained against the consul Fabius. But they were muchmore violent against Appius than against Fabius. For they were not onlyunwilling to conquer, like Fabius' army, but they wished to beconquered. When led out to the field, they made for their camp in anignominious flight, nor did they stand their ground until they saw theVolscians advancing to their fortifications, and making dreadful havocon the rear of their army. Then the obligation to fight was wrung fromthem, in order that the victorious enemy should be dislodged from theirlines; yet it was sufficiently plain that the Roman soldiers were onlyunwilling that their camp should be taken; some of them gloried in theirown defeat and disgrace. When the determined spirit of Appius, undauntedby these things, wished to exercise severity still further, and hesummoned a meeting, the lieutenant-generals and tribunes flock aroundhim, advising him "that he would not determine on venturing a trial ofan authority, the entire strength of which lay in the acquiescence ofthose who were to obey. That the soldiers generally refused to come tothe assembly, and that their clamours were heard in every directiondemanding that the camp should be removed from the Volscian territory. That the victorious enemy were but a little time ago almost at the verygates and rampart; and that not merely a suspicion, but a manifestindication of a grievous disaster presented itself to their eyes. "Yielding at length, (since they would gain nothing save a delay ofpunishment, ) having prorogued the assembly, after he had given ordersthat their march should be proclaimed for the following day, he, at thefirst dawn, gave the signal for departure by sound of trumpet. When thearmy, having just got clear of the camp, were forming themselves, theVolscians, as being aroused by the same signal, fall upon those in therear; from whom the alarm spreading to the van, confounded both thebattalions and ranks with such consternation, that neither the generals'orders could be distinctly heard, nor the lines be drawn up, no onethinking of any thing but flight. In such confusion did they make theirway through heaps of dead bodies and of arms, that the enemy ceased topursue sooner than the Romans to fly. The soldiers being at lengthcollected from their scattered rout, the consul, after he had in vainfollowed his men for the purpose of rallying them, pitched his camp in apeaceful part of the country; and an assembly being convened, afterinveighing not without good reason against the army, as traitors tomilitary discipline, deserters of their posts, frequently asking them, one by one, where were their standards, where their arms; he first beatwith rods and then beheaded those soldiers who had thrown down theirarms, the standard-bearers who had lost their standards, and moreoverthe centurions, and those with the double allowance, who had left theirranks. With respect to the rest of the multitude, every tenth man wasdrawn by lot for punishment. 

60. In a contrary manner to this, the consul and soldiers in the countryof the Æquans vied with each other in courtesy and acts of kindness:both Quintius was naturally milder in disposition, and the ill-fatedseverity of his colleague caused him to indulge more in his own goodtemper. This, such great cordiality between the general and his army, the Æquans did not venture to meet; they suffered the enemy to gothrough their lands committing devastations in every direction. Nor weredepredations committed more extensively in that quarter in any precedingwar. Praises were also added, in which the minds of soldiers find noless pleasure than in rewards. The army returned more reconciled both totheir general, and also on account of the general to the patricians;stating that a parent was assigned to them, a master to the other armyby the senate. The year now passed, with varied success in war, andfurious dissensions at home and abroad, was rendered memorable chieflyby the elections by tribes; the matter was more important from thevictory in the contest entered into, than from any real advantage; forthere was more of dignity abstracted from the elections themselves bythe exclusion of the patricians, than there was influence either addedto the commons or taken from the patricians. 

61. A more turbulent year[99] next followed, Lucius Valerius, TiberiusÆmilius being consuls, both by reason of the struggles between thedifferent orders concerning the agrarian law, as well as on account ofthe trial of Appius Claudius; for whom, as a most active opposer of thelaw, and as one who supported the cause of the possessors of the publicland, as if a third consul, Marcus Duilius and Caius Sicinius appointeda day of trial. [100] Never before was an accused person so hateful tothe commons brought to trial before the people; overwhelmed with theirresentment on his own account, [101] and also on account of his father. The patricians too seldom made equal exertions in behalf of any one:"that the champion of the senate, and the assertor of their dignity, opposed to all the storms of the tribunes and commons, was exposed tothe resentment of the commons, merely for having exceeded bounds in thecontest. " Appius Claudius himself was the only one of the patricians whomade light both of the tribunes and commons and his own trial. Neitherthe threats of the commons, nor the entreaties of the senate, could everpersuade him not only to change his garb, or address persons as asuppliant, but not even so far as to soften or relax any thing from theusual asperity of his style, when his cause was to be pleaded before thepeople. The expression of his countenance was the same; the samestubbornness in his looks, the same spirit of pride in his language; sothat a great part of the commons felt no less awe of Appius whenarraigned, than they had felt of him when consul. He pleaded his causeonce, and with the same spirit of an accuser which he had beenaccustomed to adopt on all occasions: and he so far astounded both thetribunes and the commons by his intrepidity, that, of their own accord, they postponed the day of trial; then they allowed the matter to beprotracted. Nor was the time now very distant; before, however, theappointed day came, he dies of some disease; and when the tribunes ofthe people endeavoured to impede his funeral panegyric, [102] the commonswould not allow that the last day of so great a man should be defraudedof the usual honours; and they listened to the panegyric of him whendead with as patient ears, as they had listened to the charges broughtagainst him when living, and attended his funeral in vast numbers. 

[Footnote 99: Niebuhr, ii. P. 231, thinks that it was in this year theIcilian law was passed, according to which, any person interrupting theproceedings of the tribunes, rendered himself liable to capitalpunishment. --_Twiss. _]

[Footnote 100: Several charges were brought against Appius, according toDion. Ix. 54, who also states that he did not die of any disease, butthat he laid violent hands on himself. --_Ruperti. _]

[Footnote 101: The original has _plenus suarum_--_irarum_, --that is, theanger not of Appius against the commons, but of the commons againsthim. ]

[Footnote 102: Conf. Nieb. Ii. N. 754. It may be well to mention thatNiebuhr considered that this account regarding the death of Appius wasall fictitious. The Greek writers, scil. Dion. Ix. 54, Zonar. Vii. 17, state that he laid violent hands on himself. ]

62. In the same year the consul Valerius, having marched an army againstthe Æquans, when he could not entice the enemy to an engagement, setabout assaulting their camp. A violent storm sent down from heaven withthunder and hail prevented him. Then, on a signal for a retreat beinggiven, their surprise was excited by the return of such fair weather, that they felt a scruple a second time to attack a camp which wasdefended as it were by some divine power; all the rage of war was turnedon the devastation of the land. The other consul, Æmilius, conducted thewar against the Sabines. There also, because the enemy confinedthemselves within their walls, the lands were laid waste. Then, by theburning not only of the country-houses, but of the villages also, whichwere thickly inhabited, the Sabines being aroused, after they met thedepredators, on retreating from an engagement left undecided, on thefollowing day removed their camp into a safer situation. This seemed asufficient reason to the consul why he should leave the enemy asconquered, departing thence the war being still unfinished. 

63. During these wars, whilst dissensions still continued at home, TitusNumicius Priscus, Aulus Virginius, were elected consuls. The commonsappeared determined no longer to brook a delay of the agrarian law, andextreme violence was on the eve of being resorted to, when it wasascertained from the burning of the country-houses and the flight of thepeasants that the Volscians were at hand: this circumstance checked thesedition that was now ripe and almost breaking out. The consuls, havingbeen instantly forced to the war by the senate, [103] after leading forththe youth from the city, rendered the rest of the commons more quiet. And the enemy indeed, having done nothing else except alarming theRomans by groundless fear, depart with great precipitation. Numiciusmarched to Antium against the Volscians, Virginius against the Æquans. Here a signal overthrow being well nigh received from an ambuscade, thebravery of the soldiers restored (the Roman) superiority, which had beenendangered through the carelessness of the consul. The general conductedaffairs better against the Volscians. The enemy were routed in the firstengagement, and forced to fly into the city of Antium, a very wealthyplace considering those times; the consul, not venturing to attack it, took from the people of Antium another town, Ceno, which was by no meansso wealthy. Whilst the Æquans and Volscians engage the attention of theRoman armies, the Sabines advanced in their devastations even to thegates of the city: then they themselves, a few days after, received fromthe two armies heavier losses than they had occasioned, the two consulshaving entered their territories under exasperated feelings. 

[Footnote 103: In the original we read _coacti extemplo ab senatu_. Niebuhr considers this reading to be corrupt, and is satisfied that thecorrect reading is _coacto extemplo senatu_. See ii. N. 555. ]

64. Towards the close of the year there was some peace, but, asfrequently at other times, disturbed by contests between the patriciansand commons. The exasperated commons refused to attend the consularelections: Titus Quintius, Quintus Servilius, were elected consuls bythe patricians and their dependents: the consuls have a year similar tothe preceding, the commencement embroiled, and afterwards tranquil byexternal war. The Sabines marching across the plains of Crustuminum withgreat rapidity, after carrying fire and sword along the banks of theAnio, being repulsed when they had come up nearly to the Colline gateand the walls, drove off however great booty of men and cattle: theconsul Servilius, having pursued them with a determined army, was unableto come up with the main body itself on the campaign country; he carriedhis devastation however so extensively, that he left nothing unmolestedby war, and returned after obtaining plunder much exceeding that carriedoff by the enemy. The public interest was supported extremely wellagainst the Volscians also by the exertions as well of the general as ofthe soldiers. First they fought a pitched battle, on equal ground, withgreat slaughter and much bloodshed on both sides: and the Romans, because the fewness of their numbers was more likely to make the lossfelt, would have given way, had not the consul, by a well-timed fiction, re-animated the army, crying out that the enemy were flying on the otherwing; making a charge, they, by supposing that they were victorious, became so. The consul, fearing lest by pressing too far he might renewthe contest, gave the signal for a retreat. A few days intervened; restbeing taken on both sides as if by a tacit suspension of arms; duringthese days a vast number of persons from all the states of the Volsciansand Æquans came to the camp, certain that the Romans would depart duringthe night, if they should perceive them. Accordingly about the thirdwatch they come to attack the camp. Quintius having allayed theconfusion which the sudden panic had occasioned, after ordering thesoldiers to remain quiet in their tents, leads out a cohort of theHernicians for an advance guard: the trumpeters and horneteers he mountson horseback, and commands them to sound their trumpets before therampart, and to keep the enemy in suspense till daylight: during therest of the night every thing was so quiet in the camp, that the Romanshad even the advantage of sleep. The sight of the armed infantry, whomthey both considered to be more numerous than they were, and to beRomans, the bustle and neighing of the horses, which became restless, both from the strange riders placed on them, and moreover from the soundof the trumpets frightening them, kept the Volscians intently awaitingan attack of the enemy. 

65. When day dawned, the Romans, invigorated and refreshed with sleep, on being marched out to battle, at the first onset overpowered theVolscians, wearied from standing and want of rest; though the enemyrather retired than were routed, because in the rear there were hills towhich there was a secure retreat, the ranks behind the first line beingunbroken. The consul, when they came to the uneven ground, halts hisarmy; the soldiers were kept back with difficulty; they cried out anddemanded to be allowed to pursue the enemy now discomfited. The cavalry, crowding around the general, proceed more violently: they cry out thatthey would proceed before the first line. Whilst the consul hesitates, relying on the valour of his men, yet having little confidence in theplace, they all cry out that they would proceed; and execution followedthe shout. Fixing their spears in the ground, in order that they may belighter to ascend the steeps, they run upwards. The Volscians, havingdischarged their missile weapons at the first onset, fling the stoneslying at their feet on them as they advanced upwards, and having thrownthem into confusion by incessant blows, they drove them from the higherground: thus the left wing of the Romans was nearly overborne, had notthe consul dispelled their fear by exciting a sense of shame as theywere just retreating, chiding at the same time their temerity and theircowardice. At first they stood their ground with determined firmness;then, according as their strength carried them against those inpossession of the ground, they venture to advance themselves; and byrenewing the shout they encourage the whole body to move on; then againmaking a new effort, they force their way up and surmount thedisadvantage of the ground. They were on the point of gaining the summitof the eminence, when the enemy turned their backs, and the pursued andpursuers with precipitate speed rushed into the camp almost in a body. In this consternation the camp is taken; such of the Volscians as wereable to make their escape, take the road to Antium. The Roman army alsowas led to Antium; after being invested for a few days it surrenderswithout any additional force of the besiegers, [104] but because theirspirits had sunk ever since the unsuccessful battle and the loss oftheir camp. 

[Footnote 104: _Additional force of the_, &c. Crovier understands thisto signify that the Romans did not employ a greater force for besiegingAntium, than they had employed the preceding year, and which at thattime seemed insufficient for the purpose. Others understand the words tosignify that they surrendered without waiting for the Romans to make anyadditional efforts to take the town. ]

BOOK III

 _Disturbances about the agrarian laws. The Capitol surprised by exiles and slaves. Quintius Cincinnatus called from the cultivation of his farm in the country, made dictator, and appointed to conduct the war against the Æquans. He conquers the enemy, and makes them pass under the yoke. The number of the tribunes increased to ten. Decemvirs, appointed for the purpose of digesting and publishing a body of laws. These having promulgated a code of laws contained in ten tables, obtain a continuation of their authority for another year, during which they add two more to the former ten tables. Refusing to resign their office, they retain it a third year. Their conduct at first equitable and just; afterwards arbitrary and tyrannical. The commons, in consequence of the base attempt of Appius Claudius, one of them, to debauch the daughter of Virginius, seize on the Aventine mount, and oblige them to resign. Appius and Oppius, two of the most obnoxious, are thrown into prison, where they put an end to their own lives; the rest are driven into exile. War with the Sabines, Volscians, and Æquans. --Unfair decision of the Roman people, who being chosen arbitrators between the people of Ardea and Aricia concerning some disputed lands, adjudge them to themselves. _

1. After the taking of Antium, Titus Æmilius and Quintus Fabius areelected consuls. This was the Fabius Quintus who alone had survived thefamily cut off at Cremera. Already, in his former consulate, Æmilius hadbeen an adviser of giving land to the people. Accordingly in his secondconsulate also both the abettors of the agrarian law had raisedthemselves to the hope of carrying the measure, and the tribunes, supposing that a matter frequently attempted in opposition to bothconsuls might be obtained with the assistance at least of one consul, take it up, and the consul remained stedfast in his sentiments. Thepossessors and a considerable part of the patricians complaining that aperson at the head of the state was recommending himself by histribunitial proceedings, and that he was making himself popular bygiving away other persons' property, had transferred the odium of theentire affair from the tribunes to the consul. A violent contest was athand, had not Fabius set the matter straight, by an expedientdisagreeable to neither party, "that under the conduct and auspices ofTitus Quintius, there was a considerable tract of land taken thepreceding year from the Volscians; that a colony might be sent toAntium, a neighbouring, convenient, and maritime city; that the commonsmight come in for lands without any complaints of the present occupiers, that the state might remain in quiet. " This proposition was accepted. Heappoints as triumvirs for distributing the land, Titus Quintius, AulusVirginius, and Publius Furius: those who wished to obtain land wereordered to give in their names. The gratification of their aim begatdisgust, as usually happens; so few gave in their names that Volsciancolonists were added to fill up the number: the rest of the peoplepreferred clamouring for land in Rome, rather than receive it elsewhere. The Æquans sued for peace from Quintus Fabius, (he was sent thither withan army, ) and they themselves broke it by a sudden incursion into theLatin territory. 

2. In the following year Quintus Servilius, (for he was consul withSpurius Posthumius, ) being sent against the Æquans, fixed his camp inthe Latin territory: inaction necessarily kept the army within the camp, involved as they were in a distemper. The war was protracted to thethird year, Quintus Fabius and Titus Quintius being consuls. To Fabius, because he, as conqueror, had granted[105] peace to the Æquans, thatprovince was assigned by an extraordinary commission: who, setting outwith certain hope that the fame of his name would reduce the Æquans tosubmission, sent ambassadors to the council of the nation, and orderedthem to say "that Quintus Fabius, the consul, stated that he had broughtpeace to Rome from the Æquans, that from Rome he now brought war to theÆquans, that same right hand being armed, which he had formerly given tothem in amity; that the gods were now witnesses, and would presently beavengers of those by whose perfidy and perjury that was brought to pass. That he, however, be matters as they might, would even now prefer thatthe Æquans should repent of their own accord than be subject to thevengeance of an enemy. If they repent, that there would be a saferetreat in that clemency already experienced; but if they stilldelighted in perjury, they would wage war with the angry gods ratherthan with enemies. " This statement had so little effect on any of them, that the ambassadors were near being ill-treated, and an army was sentto Algidum against the Romans. When these tidings were brought to Rome, the indignity of the affair, rather than the danger, called out theother consul from the city; thus two consular armies advanced againstthe enemy in order of battle, so that they might at once engage. But asit so happened that much of the day did not now remain, a person fromthe advanced guard of the enemy cries out, "This is making a display ofwar, Romans, not waging it; you draw up your army in line of battle, when night is at hand; we require a greater length of day-light for thecontest which is to come on. To-morrow by sun-rise return to the field:you shall have an opportunity of fighting, never fear. " The soldiers, stung by these threats, are marched back into the camp till thefollowing day; thinking that the approaching night was tedious, whichwould cause delay to the contest. Then indeed they refresh their bodieswith food and sleep: on the following day, when it was light, the Romanarmy took their post considerably sooner. At length the Æquans also cameforward. The battle was obstinate on both sides, because both the Romansfought under the influence of resentment and hatred; and a consciousnessof danger brought on by misconduct, and despair of obtaining futureconfidence afterwards, obliged the Æquans to exert and have recourse tothe most desperate efforts. The Æquans however did not withstand theRoman troops, and when on being beaten they had betaken themselves totheir own territories, the outrageous multitude, with dispositions notat all more disposed to peace, began to chide their leaders: "that theirinterest was committed to the hazard of a pitched battle, in which modeof fighting the Romans were superior. That the Æquans were better fittedfor depredations and incursions, and that several parties acting indifferent directions conducted wars more successfully than the unwieldymass of one single army. "

[Footnote 105: _Dederat_. The _oratio obliqua_ would require _dederit_here, but such instances of the indicative being used for thesubjunctive are by no means infrequent. ]

3. Having left therefore a guard on the camp, they marched out andattacked the Roman frontiers with such fury, as to carry terror even tothe city: the unexpected nature of the thing also caused more alarm, because nothing could be less apprehended, than that an enemy, vanquished and almost besieged in their camp, should entertain a thoughtof depredation: and the peasants, in a panic pouring in at the gates, cried out, that it was not mere plundering, nor small parties ofdepredators, but, exaggerating every thing through groundless fear, thatwhole armies and legions of the enemy were advancing, and that they werepushing forward to the city determined for an assault. Those who werenearest (the gates) carried to others the accounts heard from these, uncertain as they were, and therefore the more groundless; and the hurryand confused clamour of those calling to arms bore no distantresemblance to the panic of a city taken by storm. It so happened thatthe consul Quintius had returned to Rome from Algidum; this was somerelief for their terror; and the tumult being calmed, and after chidingthem for being in dread of a vanquished enemy, he posted a guard on thegates. Then having convened the senate, when he set out to defend thefrontiers, a suspension[106] of civil business having been proclaimed bya decree of the senate, leaving Quintus Servilius behind as prefect ofthe city, he found no enemy in the country. Matters were conducted withdistinguished success by the other consul; who having attacked theenemy, wherever he knew that they were to come, laden with booty, andproceeding therefore with their army the more encumbered, made theirdepredation prove fatal to them. Few of the enemy escaped from theambuscade; all the booty was recovered; thus the return of the consulQuintius to the city put a termination to the justitium, which lastedonly four days. A census was then held, and the lustrum was closed byQuintius: the number of citizens rated are said to have been one hundredand twenty-four thousand two hundred and fourteen, besides orphans ofboth sexes. Nothing memorable occurred afterwards among the Æquans; theybetook themselves into their towns, suffering their possessions to beconsumed by fire and to be devastated. The consul, after he hadrepeatedly carried depredation through the entire country of the enemy, returned to Rome with great glory and booty. 

[Footnote 106: _Justitium_--a jure sistendo. ]

4. Then Aulus Posthumius Albus and Spurius Furius Fusus were consuls. Furii some writers have written Fusii; this I mention, lest any one mayimagine that the change, which is only in the names, may be in thepersons themselves. There was no doubt but that one of the consuls wouldcommence hostilities against the Æquans. The Æquans accordingly soughtaid from the Volscians of Ecetra; which being granted readily, (sokeenly did these states vie in inveterate hatred against the Romans, )preparations for war were made with the utmost vigour. The Hernicianscame to the knowledge of it, and warned the Romans that the Ecetrans hadrevolted to the Æquans; the colony of Antium also was suspected, becausewhen the town was taken, a great number of the inhabitants had fledthence for refuge to the Æquans: and these proved the bravest soldiersduring the war with the Æquans. Afterwards the Æquans being driven intothe towns, this rabble withdrawing privately, when they returned toAntium, seduced from the Romans the colonists who were already disposedto treachery of their own accord. The matter not being yet ripe, when itwas announced to the senate that a defection was intended, the consulswere charged to inquire into the business by summoning to Rome theleading men of the colony. When those persons attended withoutreluctance, being conducted to the senate by the consuls, they soanswered to the questions put to them, that they were dismissed moresuspected than they had come. Upon this war was considered asinevitable. Spurius Fusius, one of the consuls to whom that province hadfallen, having marched against the Æquans, found the enemy committingdepredations in the country of the Hernicians; and being ignorant oftheir numbers, because they had never been seen all together, he rashlyhazarded an engagement with an army not a match for their forces. Beingbeaten from his ground at the first onset, he betook himself to hiscamp: nor was that an end of the danger: for both on the next night andthe following day, his camp was beset and assaulted with such vigour, that not even a messenger could be sent from thence to Rome. TheHernicians brought an account both that a defeat had taken place, andthat the army was besieged: and they struck such terror into the senate, that a charge was given to the other consul Posthumius, that he should"take care that the commonwealth sustained no injury, "[107] which formof a decree has ever been deemed to be one of extreme exigency. Itseemed most advisable that the consul himself should remain at Rome toenlist all who were able to bear arms: that Titus Quintius should besent as pro-consul[108] to the relief of the camp with the army of theallies: to complete that army the Latins and Hernicians, and the colonyof Antium, were ordered to supply Quintius with subitary soldiers (sothey then called auxiliaries raised for sudden emergencies). 

[Footnote 107: According to Stroth, this is the first instance we haveof a decree of the senate arming the consul with almost dictatorialpower. ]

[Footnote 108: _Pro-consul_:--the first mention of a pro-consul inLivy. ]

5. During those days many movements and many attempts were made oneither side, because the enemy, having the advantage in numbers, attempted to weaken the Roman strength by dividing it into many parts, as not being likely to suffice for all points of attack. At the sametime the camp was besieged, at the same time a part of the army was sentto devastate the Roman territory, and to attempt the city itself, iffortune should favour. Lucius Valerius was left to guard the city: theconsul Postumius was sent to repel the attacks on the frontiers. Therewas no abatement in any part either in vigilance or activity; watches inthe city, out-posts before the gates, and guards stationed along thewalls: and a justitium was observed for several days (a thing which wasnecessary in such general confusion). In the mean time the consulFurius, after he had at first passively endured the siege in his camp, burst forth from the Decuman gate on the enemy when off their guard; andthough he might have pursued them, he stopped through fear, lest anattack should be made on the camp from the other side. Thelieutenant-general Furius (he was the consul's brother) was carried awaytoo far by his ardour; nor did he, from his eagerness to pursue, observehis own party returning, nor the attack of the enemy on his rear: thusbeing shut out, after repeatedly making many unavailing efforts to forcehis way to the camp, he fell, fighting bravely. And the consul, turningabout to renew the fight, on hearing the account that his brother wassurrounded, rushing into the thick of the fight rather rashly than withsufficient caution, received a wound, and was with difficulty rescued bythose around him. This both damped the courage of his own men, andrendered the enemy more daring; who, being encouraged by the death ofthe lieutenant-general, and by the consul's wound, could not afterwardsbe withstood by any force, so as to prevent the Romans from being drivenwithin their camp and again submitting to a siege, as being a match forthem neither in hopes nor in strength; and every thing would have beenendangered, had not T. Quintius come to their relief with foreign troopsfrom the Latin and Hernician army. He attacked the Æquans on their rearwhilst intent on the Roman camp, and insultingly displaying the head ofthe lieutenant-general, and, a sally being made at the same time fromthe camp on a signal given at a distance by him, he surrounded a greatnumber of the enemy. Of the Æquans on the Roman territory the slaughterwas less, their dispersion was more complete. On these as they straggledin different directions, and were driving plunder before them, Postumiusmade an attack in several places, where he had posted convenientdetachments; these straying about and pursuing their flight in greatdisorder, fell in with the victorious Quintius as he was returning withthe wounded consul. Then did the consular army by their distinguishedbravery take ample vengeance for the consul's wound, and for the deathof the lieutenant-general and the cohorts; heavy losses were bothinflicted and received on both sides during those days. In a matter ofsuch antiquity it is difficult to state with certainty the exact numberof those who fought or fell: Antias Valerius, however, ventures to sumthem up; that in the Hernician territory there fell five thousand threehundred Romans; that of the predatory parties of the Æquans, who strayedthrough the Roman frontiers for the purpose of plundering, two thousandfour hundred were slain by the consul Postumius; that the rest of thebody that were driving booty before them, and which fell in withQuintius, by no means got off with so light a loss: that of these fourthousand, and by way of stating the number exactly, two hundred andthirty, were slain. After this they returned to Rome; the order for thejustitium was discharged. The sky seemed to be all on fire; and otherprodigies either actually presented themselves to their sight, orexhibited imaginary appearances to their affrighted minds. To avertthese terrors, a solemn festival of three days was proclaimed, duringwhich, all the temples were filled with a crowd of men and women, earnestly imploring the protection of the gods. After this the Latin andHernician cohorts were sent back to their respective homes, thankshaving been returned to them for their spirited military services. Thethousand soldiers from Antium were dismissed almost with disgrace, because they had come after the battle with assistance then too late. 

6. The elections were then held: Lucius Æbutius and Publius Serviliusbeing elected consuls, enter on their office on the calends of August, which was then considered as the commencement of the year. [109] This wasa distressing time, and it so happened that the season was pestilentialto the city and country, and not more to men than to cattle; and theyincreased the malignity of the distemper, by admitting[110] the cattleand the peasants into the city through dread of devastation. Thiscollection of animals of every kind mixed together, distressed both thecitizens by the unusual stench, and the peasants crowded together intotheir close apartments, with heat, want of sleep, and their attendanceon each other, and contact itself propagated the disease. Whilst withdifficulty sustaining these calamities, ambassadors from the Hernicianssuddenly bring word that the Æquans and Volscians, having united theirforces, had pitched their camp in their territory, that from thence theywere depopulating their frontiers with an immense army. Besides that thethinness of the senate was a proof to the allies that the state wasprostrated by the pestilence, they further received this melancholyanswer: "That the Hernicians, with the Latins, must now defend theirpossessions by their own exertions. That the Roman city, through thesudden anger of the gods, was now depopulated by disease. If any respitefrom that calamity should come, that they would afford aid to theirallies, as they had done the year before, and always on otheroccasions. " The allies departed, carrying home, instead of themelancholy news (they had brought), news still more melancholy, as beingpersons who were now obliged to sustain by their own means a war, whichthey had sustained with difficulty when backed by the power of Rome. Theenemy did not confine themselves any longer to the Hernician territory. They proceed thence with determined hostility into the Romanterritories, which were already devastated without the injuries of war. Where, when there was no one to meet them, not even an unarmed person, and they passed through every place destitute not only of troops, buteven of the cultivation of the husbandman, they reached as far as thethird stone on the Gabinian road. Æbutius, the Roman consul, was dead;his colleague, Servilius, was dragging out life with slender hope ofrecovery; most of the leading men, the chief part of the patricians, allof the military age, were lying sick, so that strength was wanting notonly for the expeditions, which, amid such an alarm the conjuncturerequired, but scarcely had they sufficient even for quietly mountingguard. The senators whose age and health permitted them, dischargedpersonally the duty of sentinels. The going around[111] and attending tothese was assigned to the ædiles of the people; on them devolved thechief administration of affairs and the majesty of the consularauthority. 

[Footnote 109: Of the year, --i. E. The consular year, not the civil one, which commenced in January. ]

[Footnote 110: A similar measure was adopted at Athens. See Thucyd. Ii. 52. ]

[Footnote 111: _Circuitio_. Stroth observes, that this is what weunderstand by 'the Round. ']

7. The commonwealth thus desolate, without a head, without strength, theguardian gods and good fortune of the city saved, which inspired theVolscians and Æquans with the disposition of banditti rather than ofenemies; for so far was any hope not only of taking but even ofapproaching the walls of Rome[112] from taking possession of theirminds, and so thoroughly did the sight of the houses in the distance, and the adjacent hills, divert their thoughts, (from such an attempt, )that, a murmur having arisen in every direction throughout the entirecamp, "why they should waste time in indolence without booty in a wildand desert land, amid the putrid decay of cattle and of human beings, when they might repair to places uninjured by infection, the Tusculanterritory abounding in wealth?" they suddenly tore up their standards, and by journeys across the country, they passed through the Lavicanterritory to the Tusculan hills; and to that quarter was the wholeviolence and storm of the war directed. In the mean time the Herniciansand Latins, influenced not only by compassion but by shame, if theyneither gave opposition to the common enemy, when making for the cityof Rome with a hostile army, nor afforded any aid to their allies whenbesieged, march to Rome with their forces united. Where, when they didnot find the enemy, following their tracks as indicated by rumour, theymeet them as they are coming down from the Tusculan territory into theAlban valley: there a battle was fought under circumstances by no meansequal; and their fidelity proved by no means favourable to the alliesfor the present. The mortality at Rome by disease was not less than thatof the allies by the sword (of the enemy); the only surviving consuldies; other eminent characters also died, Marcus Valerius, TitusVirginius Rutilus, the augurs; Servius Sulpicius, principal curio; andthrough persons of inferior note the virulence of the disease spreadextensively: and the senate, destitute of human aid, directed thepeople's attention to the gods and to prayers; they were ordered to goto supplicate with their wives and children, and earnestly to implorethe protection of heaven. Besides that their own sufferings obliged eachto do so, when called on by public authority, they fill all the shrines;the prostrate matrons in every quarter sweeping the temples with theirhair, beg for a remission of the divine displeasure, and a terminationto the pestilence. 

[Footnote 112: According to Dionysius, the Volsci attacked Rome on thisoccasion. ]

8. From this time, whether it was from the favour of the gods beingobtained, or that the more unhealthy season of the year was now passed, the bodies of the people having shaken off disease, gradually began tobe more healthy, and their attention being now directed to publicconcerns, when several interregna had expired, Publius ValeriusPublicola, on the third day after he had entered on his office ofinterrex, causes Lucretius Tricipitinus, and Titus Veturius Geminus, (orVelusius, ) to be elected consuls. They enter on their consulship on thethird day of the Ides of August, the state being now sufficientlystrong, not only to repel a hostile attack, but even to act itself onthe offensive. Therefore when the Hernicians brought an account that theenemy had made an incursion into their frontiers, assistance was readilypromised; two consular armies were enlisted. Veturius was sent againstthe Volscians to carry on an offensive war. Tricipitinus being appointedto protect the territory of the allies from devastation, proceeds nofurther than into the country of the Hernicians. Veturius routs and putsto flight the enemy in the first engagement. A party of plundererswhich had marched over the Prænestine mountains, and from thencedescended into the plains, escaped the notice of Lucretius, whilst helay encamped amongst the Hernicians. These laid waste all the countryaround Præneste and Gabii: from the Gabinian territory they turn theircourse towards the heights of Tusculum; great alarm was excited in thecity of Rome also, more from the suddenness of the affair, than thatthere was not sufficient strength to repel violence. Quintus Fabius hadthe command in the city;[113] he, by arming the young men and postingguards, rendered things secure and tranquil. The enemy thereforecarrying off plunder from the adjacent places, not venturing to approachthe city, when they were returning by a circuitous route, their cautionbeing now more relaxed, in proportion as they removed to a greaterdistance from the enemy's city, fall in with the consul Lucretius, whohad already explored their motions, drawn up in battle-array anddetermined on an engagement. Accordingly having attacked them withpredetermined resolution whilst struck with sudden panic, thoughconsiderably fewer in numbers, they rout and put to flight theirnumerous army, and having driven them into the deep valleys, when anegress from thence was not easy, they surround them. There the Volsciannation was almost entirely cut off. In some histories I find thatthirteen thousand four hundred and seventy fell in the field and in thepursuit, that one thousand two hundred and fifty were taken alive, thattwenty-seven military standards were carried off; where, though theremay have been some exaggeration in the number, there certainly was greatslaughter. The victorious consul having obtained immense booty returnedto the same standing camp. Then the consuls join their camps. TheVolscians and Æquans also unite their shattered strength. This was thethird battle on that year; the same good fortune gave them victory; theenemy being beaten, their camp was also taken. 

[Footnote 113: As _præfectus urbis_. ]

9. Thus affairs at Rome returned to their former state; and successesabroad immediately excited commotions in the city. Caius TerentillusArsa[114] was tribune of the people in that year: he, considering thatan opportunity was afforded for tribunitian intrigues during the absenceof the consuls, after railing against the arrogance of the patriciansfor several days before the people, inveighed chiefly against theconsular authority, as being exorbitant and intolerable in a free state:"for that, in name only, it was less invidious, in reality almost moreoppressive than that of kings. For that two masters had been adoptedinstead of one, with unbounded, unlimited power; who, themselvesunrestrained and unbridled, directed all the terrors of the law, and allkinds of severity against the commons. " Now, in order that thislicentious power might not continue perpetual, he would propose a law, that five persons be appointed to draw up laws regarding the consularpower. That the consul should use that right which the people may givehim over them; that they should not hold their own caprice andlicentiousness as law. This law being published, when the patriciansbecame afraid, lest, in the absence of the consuls, they should besubjected to the yoke, the senate is convened by Quintus Fabius, præfectof the city, who inveighed so vehemently against the bill and the authorof it, that nothing was omitted of threats and intimidation, even thoughboth the consuls in all their exasperation surrounded the tribune, "thathe had lain in wait, and, watching his opportunity, he made an attack onthe commonwealth. If the gods in their anger had given them any tribunelike him on the preceding year, during the pestilence and war, he couldnot have been withstood. Both the consuls being dead, and the exhaustedstate lying enfeebled in universal confusion, that he would haveproposed laws to abolish the consular government altogether from thestate; that he would have headed the Volscians and Æquans to attack thecity. What? if the consuls adopted any tyrannical or cruel proceedingsagainst any of the citizens, was it not competent to him to appoint aday of trial for him; to arraign him before those very judges againstany one of whom severity may have been exercised? That it was not theconsular authority but the tribunitian power that he was renderinghateful and insupportable: which having been peaceable and reconciled tothe patricians, was now about to be brought back anew to its formermischievous habits. Nor would he entreat him not to go on as hecommenced. Of you, the other tribunes, says Fabius, we request, thatyou will first of all consider that that power was provided for the aidof individuals, not for the ruin of the community: that you were createdtribunes of the commons, not enemies of the patricians. To us it isdistressing, to you a source of odium, that the republic, now bereft ofits chief magistrates, should be attacked; you will diminish not yourrights, but the odium against you. Confer with your colleague, that hemay postpone this business till the arrival of the consuls; even theÆquans and the Volscians, when our consuls were carried off bypestilence last year, did not press on us with a cruel and tyrannicalwar. " The tribunes confer with Terentillus, and the bill being to allappearance deferred, but in reality abandoned, the consuls wereimmediately sent for. 

[Footnote 114: Niebuhr n. 24, 634, would have us read _Terentilius_, theRoman family names always, he says, ending in _ius_. He also thinks thatfor _Arsa_, we should read _Harsa_. ]

10. Lucretius returned with immense spoil, and much greater glory; andthis glory he increased on his arrival, by exposing all the booty in theCampus Martius, so that each person might, during three days, recognisehis own and carry it away; the remainder was sold, for which no ownersappeared. A triumph was by universal consent due to the consul: but thematter was deferred, the tribune still pressing his law; this to theconsul seemed of greater importance. The business was discussed forseveral days, both in the senate and before the people: at length thetribune yielded to the majesty of the consul, and desisted; then the duehonour was rendered to the general and his army. He triumphed over theVolscians and Æquans: his troops followed him in his triumph. The otherconsul was allowed to enter the city in ovation without his soldiers. Onthe following year the Terentillian law having been taken up by theentire college, assailed the new consuls; the consuls were PubliusVolumnius and Servius Sulpicius. On that year the sky seemed to be onfire; a violent earthquake also occurred; it was now believed that an oxspoke, which circumstance had not obtained credit on the year before;among other prodigies it rained flesh also;[115] which shower a greatnumber of birds is reported to have carried off by flying so as tointercept it; that which did fall, is said to have lain scattered aboutfor several days, so that its smell evinced no change. The books[116]were consulted by the duumviri for sacred rites: dangers of attacksbeing made on the highest parts of the city, and of bloodshed thenceresulting, were predicted as about to come from an assemblage ofstrangers; among other things, an admonition was given that allintestine disturbances should be abandoned. The tribunes alleged thatthat was done to obstruct the law, and a desperate contest was at hand. Lo! (that the same circle of events may revolve every year) theHernicians bring word that the Volscians and the Æquans, though theirstrength was much impaired, were recruiting their armies: that theirchief dependence was Antium; that the inhabitants of Antium openly heldcouncils at Ecetra: that that was the source--there the strength--forthe war. As soon as this announcement was made in the senate, a levy wasordered: the consuls were commanded to divide the management of the warbetween them; that the Volscians should be the province of the one, theÆquans that of the other. The tribunes cried out to their faces in theforum, "That the Volscian war was all a concerted farce: that theHernicians were instructed to act their parts; that the liberty of theRoman people was now no longer crushed by manly efforts, but that it wasbaffled by cunning; because all probability was now gone that theVolscians, who were almost exterminated, and the Æquans, would ofthemselves commence hostilities, new enemies were sought for: that aloyal colony, and one in their very vicinity, was being renderedinfamous: that war was proclaimed against the unoffending people ofAntium, and in reality waged with the commons of Rome, which afterloading them with arms they were determined to drive out of the citywith precipitous haste, wreaking their vengeance on the tribunes, by theexile and expulsion of their fellow-citizens. That by these means, andlet them not think that there was any other object contemplated, the lawwas defeated; unless, whilst the matter was still in abeyance, whilstthey were still at home and in the garb of citizens, they would takeprecaution that they may not be driven out of possession of the city, and be subjected to the yoke. If they only had spirit, that supportwould not be wanting; that all the tribunes were unanimous; that therewas no apprehension from abroad, no danger. That the gods had takencare, on the preceding year, that their liberty could now be defendedwith safety. " Thus far the tribunes. 

[Footnote 115: Niebuhr, ii. N. 631, asks whether it was worms. Σαρκῶνθραύσματα. Dion. X. 2. ]

[Footnote 116: The Sibylline books. ]

11. But, on the other side, the consuls, having placed their chairswithin view of them, were proceeding with the levy; thither the tribuneshasten, and draw the assembly along with them; a few were cited, by wayof making an experiment, and instantly violence commenced. Whomsoeverthe lictor laid hold of by order of the consul, him the tribune orderedto be discharged; nor did his own proper jurisdiction set a limit toeach, but whatever you set your mind upon, was to be attained by thehope of strength and by force. Just as the tribunes had behaved inimpeding the levy, in the same manner did the consuls conduct themselvesin obstructing the law which was brought on every assembly day. Thecommencement of the riot was, when the tribunes ordered the people toproceed to the vote, because the patricians refused to withdraw. Theelder citizens scarcely attended the contest, inasmuch as it was onelikely not to be directed by prudence, but abandoned to temerity anddaring. The consuls also generally kept out of the way, lest in thegeneral confusion they should expose their dignity to any insult. Therewas a young man, Cæso Quintius, a daring youth, as well by the nobilityof his descent, as by his personal size and strength; to thoseendowments granted by the gods he himself had added many militaryhonours, and eloquence in the forum; so that no person in the state wasconsidered more efficient either in speaking or in acting. When thisperson took his place in the centre of a body of the patricians, conspicuous above the rest, carrying as it were in his eloquence andbodily strength dictatorships and consulships combined, he alonewithstood the storms of the tribunes and the populace. Under hisguidance the tribunes were frequently driven from the forum, the commonsrouted and dispersed; such as came in his way, went off after beingill-treated and stripped; so that it became sufficiently evident, that, if he were allowed to proceed in this way, the law would be defeated. Then the other tribunes being now almost thrown into despair, AulusVirginius, one of the college, institutes a criminal prosecution on acapital charge against Cæso. By this proceeding he rather irritated thanintimidated his violent temper: so much the more vigorously did heoppose the law, annoyed the commons, and persecuted the tribunes, as itwere by a regular war. The prosecutor suffered the accused to rush onheadlong, and to heighten the charges against him by the flame andmaterial of the popular odium thus incurred: in the mean time heproceeded with the law, not so much in the hope of carrying it through, as to provoke the temerity of Cæso. There many inconsiderate expressionsand actions passing among the young men, are charged on the temper ofCæso, through the prejudice raised against him; still the law wasresisted. And Aulus Virginius frequently remarks to the people, "Are youeven now sensible that you cannot have Cæso, as a fellow-citizen, withthe law which you desire? Though why do I say law? he is an opponent ofyour liberty; he surpasses all the Tarquins in arrogance. Wait till heis made consul or dictator, whom, though but a private citizen, you nowsee exercising kingly sway over you by his strength and audacity. " Manyassented, complaining that they had been beaten by him: and stronglyurged on the tribune to go through with the prosecution. 

12. The day of trial now approached, and it was evident that persons ingeneral considered that their liberty depended on the condemnation ofCæso: then, at length being forced to it, he addressed the commonsindividually, though with a strong feeling of indignation; his relativesfollowed him, the principal members of the state. Titus QuintiusCapitolinus, who had been thrice consul, after he recounted manysplendid achievements of his own, and of his family, stated, thatneither in the Quintian family, nor in the Roman state, had thereappeared such promising genius of such early valour. "That he had firstbeen his soldier, that he had often in his sight fought against theenemy. " Spurius Furius declared, that "he having been sent to him byQuintius Capitolinus, had come to his aid when in the midst of danger;that there was no individual by whose exertions he considered the commonweal more effectually re-established. " Lucius Lucretius, the consul ofthe preceding year, in the full splendour of recent glory, shared hisown services with Cæso; he recounted his battles, detailed hisdistinguished exploits, both on expeditions and in the field; he advisedand recommended that they would prefer this extraordinary young man, endowed with all the advantages of nature and of rank, and (one whowould prove) of the utmost importance to the interest of that state intowhich he should come, to be their fellow-citizen, rather than thecitizen of a foreign state. "That with respect to that which may beoffensive in him, heat and vehemence, time would diminish daily; thatthe prudence, which may be wanting in him, was increasing daily; that ashis faults were declining and his virtues ripening to maturity, theyshould allow so distinguished a man to become old in their state. " Amongthese his father, Lucius Quintius, who bore the surname of Cincinnatus, without dwelling on his merits, lest he should heighten public hatred, but soliciting pardon for his errors and his youth, implored of them toforgive his son for his sake, who had not given offence to any one byeither word or deed. But some, through respect or fear, turned away fromlistening to his entreaties; others complaining that themselves andtheir friends had been ill-treated, by the harshness of their answerdeclared their sentence beforehand. 

13. Independently of the general odium, one charge bore heavily on theaccused; that Marcus Volscius Fictor, who some years before had beentribune of the people, had come forward as a witness: "that not longafter the pestilence had been in the city, he had fallen in with a partyof young men rioting in the Suburra; that a scuffle arose there; andthat his elder brother, not yet perfectly recovered from his illness, had fallen down almost dead, being struck with the fist by Cæso; that hewas carried home between the hands of some persons, and that heconsidered that he died from that blow; and that it had not beenpermitted to him by the consuls of former years to follow up thematter. " In consequence of Volscius vociferating these charges, thepeople became so excited, that Cæso was near being killed through theviolence of the people. Virginius orders him to be seized and carried toprison. The patricians oppose force to force. Titus Quintius exclaims, "that a person for whom a day of trial for a capital offence has beenappointed, and whose trial was now at hand, ought not to be outragedbefore trial and without sentence being passed. " The tribune says, "thathe would not inflict punishment[117] on him before condemnation, that hewould however keep him in prison until the day of trial; that the Romanpeople may have an opportunity of inflicting punishment on one who hadkilled a man. " The tribunes being appealed to, secure their prerogativeby adopting a middle course;[118] they forbid his being thrown intoconfinement, and declare it to be their wish that the accused shouldappear on his trial, and that a sum of money should be promised to thepeople, in case he should not appear. How large a sum of money ought tobe promised, came under discussion: that is referred to the senate. Theaccused was detained in the public assembly, until the patricians shouldbe consulted: it was determined that he should give bail:[119] each bailthey bound to the amount of three thousand _asses_; how many should begiven, was left to the tribunes; they limited the number to ten; for tensureties the prosecutor discharged the accused. He was the first whogave public sureties. Being discharged from the forum, he went thefollowing night into exile among the Etrurians. When on the day of trialit was pleaded that he had quitted his home in order to go into exile, Virginius notwithstanding holding the comitia, his colleagues whenappealed to dismissed the assembly: the fine was rigorously exacted[120]from the father; so that after selling all his effects, he lived for aconsiderable time in a solitary cottage on the other side of the Tiber, as if in exile. This trial and the proposing of the law gave fullemployment to the state: there was quiet from foreign arms. 

[Footnote 117: Niebuhr denies that the tribunes had the power before theestablishment of the decemviri to commit patricians to prison. Seehowever Dion. Vii. 17. ]

[Footnote 118: In the original the words are, _Medio decreto jus auxiliisui expediunt_. The tribunes were afraid lest, if they allowed Cæso togo entirely at large, the commons might become irritated; whilst if theyrefused to listen to the application of a patrician when he craved theirassistance, they feared lest they should lose an excellent opportunityof establishing their influence and increasing their power. By adoptinga line of conduct then which conceded something both to the commons andto Cæso, they as it were _extricate_ (expediunt) their power from thisdouble danger. ]

[Footnote 119: _Vadis publicos_. According to Gronovius, _publico_, scil. _plebi_. Niebuhr prefers this reading. ]

[Footnote 120: _Rigorously exacted_. See Niebuhr ii. P. 289, whoexpresses a different opinion on the matter. ]

14. When the tribunes, flushed as it were with victory, imagined thatthe law was in a manner passed, the patricians being now dismayed by thebanishment of Cæso, and when, with respect to the seniors of thepatricians, they had relinquished all share in the administration of thecommonwealth; the juniors, more especially those who were the intimatefriends of Cæso, redoubled their resentful feelings against thecommons, and suffered not their spirits to droop; but the greatestimprovement was made in this particular, that they tempered theiranimosity by a certain degree of moderation. When for the first timeafter Cæso's banishment the law began to be brought forward, arrayed andwell prepared with a numerous body of clients, they attacked thetribunes, on their affording a pretext for it by attempting to removethem, in such a manner, that no one individual carried home from thenceany prominent share either of glory or ill-will; the people complainedthat for one Cæso a thousand had started up. During the intermediatedays, when the tribunes made no stir regarding the law, nothing could bemore mild or peaceable than those same persons; they saluted theplebeians courteously, entered into conversation, and invited them home;they attended the forum, and suffered the tribunes themselves to holdtheir meetings without interruption: they never were uncivil to any oneeither in public or in private, unless when the business respecting thelaw began to be agitated. On other occasions the young men were popular. And not only did the tribunes transact all their other affairs withoutdisturbance, but they were even re-elected for the following year, without one offensive expression, much less any violence being employed. By soothing and managing the commons they gradually rendered themtractable. By these methods the law was evaded for the entire year. 

15. The consuls Caius Claudius, the son of Appius, and Publius ValeriusPublicola, found the state in a more tranquil condition. The new yearhad brought with it nothing new; the thoughts about carrying the law, orsubmitting to it, engrossed all the members of the state. The more theyounger members of the senate endeavoured to insinuate themselves intofavour with the commons, the more strenuously did the tribunes strive tothwart them, so that they rendered them suspicious in the eyes of thecommons by alleging: "that a conspiracy was formed; that Cæso was inRome; that plans were concerted for assassinating the tribunes, andbutchering the commons. That the commission assigned by the eldermembers of the patricians was, that the young men should abolish thetribunitian power from the state, and the form of government should bethe same as it had been before the sacred mount had been takenpossession of. " Both a war from the Volsci and Æqui, which was now astated thing, and one that was a regular occurrence for almost everyyear, was apprehended, and another evil nearer home started upunexpectedly. The exiles and slaves to the number of four thousand andfive hundred men took possession of the Capitol and citadel during thenight, under the command of Appius Herdonius, a Sabine. Immediately amassacre took place in the citadel of those who had evinced anunwillingness to enter into the conspiracy and to take up arms. Some, during the alarm, run down to the forum, driven precipitately throughthe panic; the cries, "to arms, " and "the enemy are in the city, " wereheard alternately. The consuls were both afraid to arm the commons, andto suffer them to remain unarmed; uncertain what sudden calamity hadassailed the city, whether external or intestine, whether from thehatred of the commons or the treachery of the slaves: they were forquieting the tumults, by such endeavours they sometimes exasperatedthem; for the populace, panic-stricken and terrified, could not bedirected by authority. They give out arms, however, notindiscriminately; only so that, the enemy being still uncertain, [121]there might be a protection sufficient to be relied on for allemergencies. The remainder of the night they passed in posting guardsthrough proper places through the entire city, anxious and uncertain, asto who the persons might be, and how great the number of the enemy was. Day-light then disclosed the war and the leader of the war. AppiusHerdonius summoned the slaves to liberty from the Capitol: "that he hadespoused the cause of every most unfortunate individual, in order tobring back to their country those driven out by oppression, and toremove the grievous yoke from the slaves. That he had rather that weredone under the authority of the Roman people. If there be no hope inthat quarter, that he would rouse the Volscians and Æqui, and would tryall extremities. "

[Footnote 121: _Incerto hoste_, it being as yet uncertain who the enemywas. ]

16. The matter began to disclose itself more clearly to the patriciansand the consuls; besides those things, however, which were openlydeclared, they dreaded lest this might be a scheme of the Veientes orSabines; and, as there were so many of the enemy in the city, lest theSabine and Etrurian troops might come on according to a concerted plan;and then lest their eternal enemies, the Volscians and Æqui, shouldcome, not to ravage their territories, as before, but to their verycity, already in part taken. Many and various were their fears; amongothers, the most prominent was their dread of the slaves, lest eachmight harbour an enemy in his own house, one whom it was neithersufficiently safe to trust, nor to deny[122] confidence to him lest, bynot trusting him, he might become more incensed. And (the evil) seemedscarcely capable of being resisted by perfect harmony (between thedifferent orders of the state); only no one apprehended the tribunes orcommons, other evils predominating and constantly starting up; thatappeared an evil of a mild nature, and one always arising during thecessation of other evils, and it then appeared to be lulled to rest byexternal terror. Yet that was almost the only one that most aggravatedtheir distressing circumstances: for such madness took possession of thetribunes, that they contended that not war, but the empty appearance ofwar had taken possession of the Capitol, to avert the people's mindsfrom attending to the law; that these friends and clients of thepatricians would depart in greater silence than they came, if they onceperceived that, by the law being passed, they had raised these tumultsin vain. They then held a meeting for passing the law, having calledaway the people from their arms. In the mean time, the consuls convenethe senate, another dread presenting itself on the part of the tribunes, greater than that which the nightly foe had occasioned. 

[Footnote 122: _Fidem abrogare_, --non habere fidem, non credere. _Noncredendo_ here seems superfluous. ]

17. When it was announced that their arms were being laid aside, andthat the men were quitting their posts, Publius Valerius, his colleaguestill detaining the senate, hastens from the senate-house; he comesthence into the meeting to the tribunes: "What is all this, " says he, "tribunes? Are you determined to overthrow the commonwealth under theguidance and auspices of Appius Herdonius? Has he been so successful incorrupting you, who, by his authority, has not influenced your slaves?When the enemies are over our heads, is it your pleasure that armsshould be given up, and laws be proposed?" Then directing his discourseto the populace: "If, Romans, no concern for your city, for yourselves, moves you, at least revere the gods of your country, now made captive bythe enemy. Jupiter, the best and greatest, Queen Juno, and Minerva, theother gods and goddesses, are besieged; the camp of slaves now holds thetutelary gods of the state. Does this seem to you the form of a state inits senses? Such a crowd of enemies is not only within the walls, but inthe citadel, commanding the forum and senate-house: in the mean whilemeetings are being held in the forum; the senate is in the senate-house, just as when perfect tranquillity prevails; the senator gives hisopinion, the other Romans give their votes. Would it not behove all thepatricians and commons, consuls, tribunes, citizens, and all classes ofpersons, to bring aid with arms in their hands, to run into the Capitol, to liberate and restore to peace that most august residence of Jupiter, the best and greatest? O Father Romulus! do thou infuse into thy progenythat determination of thine, by which you once recovered from these sameSabines the citadel, when obtained by gold. Order them to pursue thissame path, which thou, as leader, and thy army, pursued. Lo! I, asconsul, shall be the first to follow thee and thy footsteps, as far as amortal can follow a god. " The close of his speech was: "That he wouldtake up arms, that he invited every citizen of Rome to arms; if any oneshould oppose, that he, [123]forgetful of the consular authority, thetribunitian power, and the devoting laws, would consider him as anenemy, whoever he may, wheresoever he may, in the Capitol, or in theforum. That the tribunes might order arms to be taken up against PubliusValerius the consul, since they forbid it against Appius Herdonius; thathe would venture to act in that manner in the case of the tribunes, inwhich the founder of his family had ventured to act in the case ofkings. " It now became apparent that extreme violence was about to takeplace, and that a disturbance among the Romans would be exhibited as asight to the enemy; the law, however, could neither be prepared, norcould the consul proceed to the Capitol: night quashed the contest thathad commenced; the tribunes yielded to the night, dreading the arms ofthe consuls. The fomenters of the disturbances being removed fromthence, the patricians went about among the commons, and introducingthemselves into their circles of conversation, they introducedobservations suited to the occasion: they advised them "to beware intowhat hazard they were bringing the commonwealth; that the contest wasnot between the patricians and commons, but that patricians and commonstogether, the fortress of the city, the temples of the gods, theguardian gods of the state and of private families, were being deliveredup to the enemy. " Whilst these affairs are going on in the forum for thepurpose of appeasing the disturbances, the consuls in the mean time hadarmed the several gates and the walls, lest the Sabines or the Veientianenemy should make any move. 

[Footnote 123: _Forgetful of the consular, &c. _--i. E. Forgetful of thelimits of the consular authority; acting in the same manner as if itspower were unbounded, and admitted no appeal. ]

18. On the same night, messengers come to Tusculum announcing that thecitadel was taken, and the Capitol seized, and the other state ofdisturbance in the city. Lucius Mamilius was at that time dictator atTusculum; he, having immediately convoked the senate and introduced themessengers, earnestly advises: "That they should not wait untilambassadors came from Rome, suing for assistance; that the very dangerand risk, and the social gods, and the faith of treaties, demanded it;that the gods would never afford them an equal opportunity of obligingso powerful a state and so near a neighbour. " It is determined thatassistance should be sent: the young men are enrolled; arms are given tothem. Coming to Rome at break of day, they at a distance exhibited theappearance of enemies. The Æqui or Volscians appeared to be coming. Thenwhen the groundless alarm was removed, they are admitted into the city, and descend in a body into the forum. There Publius Valerius, havingleft his colleague to guard the gates, was now drawing up in order ofbattle. The great influence of the man had produced an effect, when heaffirmed that, "the Capitol being recovered, and the city restored topeace, if they would allow themselves to be convinced what lurking fraudwas concealed under the law proposed by the tribunes, that he wouldoffer no obstruction to the meeting of the people, mindful of hisancestors, mindful of his surname, and that the province of protectingthe people had been handed down to him as hereditary by his ancestors. "Following him as their leader, notwithstanding the tribunes cried outagainst it, they direct their march up the Capitoline hill. The Tusculantroops also joined them. Allies and citizens vied with each other whichof them should appropriate to themselves the honour of recovering thecitadel. Each leader encourages his own men. Then the enemy becameterrified, and placed no dependence on any but the place. The Romans andallies advance on them whilst in this state of alarm. They had nowbroken into the porch of the temple, when Publius Valerius is slainanimating the fight at the head of his men. Publius Volumnius, a man ofconsular rank, saw him falling. Having directed his men to cover thebody, he rushes forward to the place and office of consul. Through theirardour and impetuosity the perception of so heavy a blow did not reachthe soldiers; they conquered before they perceived that they conqueredwithout a leader. Many of the exiles defiled the temple with theirblood; many were taken alive; Herdonius was slain. Thus the Capitol wasrecovered. With respect to the prisoners, [124] punishment was inflictedon each according to his station, whether he was a freeman or a slave. The commons are stated to have thrown farthings into the consul's house, that he might be buried with greater solemnity. 

[Footnote 124: Niebuhr thinks that Cæso was among the number. See cap. 25, where we read "Cæsonem neque Quintiæ familiæ, neque reipublicærestitui posse. " Comp. Niebuhr ii. N. 673, Wachsmuth, p. 347. ]

19. Peace being established, the tribunes then pressed on the patriciansto fulfil the promise of Publius Valerius; they pressed on Claudius, tofree the shade of his colleague from breach of faith, and to allow thebusiness of the law to proceed. The consul asserted that he would sufferthe discussion on the law to go on, till he had a colleague appointed inthe room of the deceased. These disputes held on until the elections forsubstituting a consul. In the month of December, [125] by the mostzealous exertions of the patricians, Lucius Quintius Cincinnatus, Cæso'sfather, is elected consul to enter on his office without delay. Thecommons were dismayed at their being about to have as consul a manincensed against them, powerful by the support of the patricians, by hisown merit, and by three sons, not one of whom yielded to Cæso ingreatness of spirit; "whilst they were superior to him by theirexercising prudence and moderation, when the occasion required. " When heentered on his office, in his frequent harangues from the tribunal, hewas not more vehement in restraining the commons than in reproving thesenate, "by the listlessness of which body the tribunes of the commons, now become perpetual, by means of their tongues and prosecutionsexercised regal authority, not as in a republic of the Roman people, butas if in an ill-regulated family. That with his son Cæso, fortitude, constancy, all the splendid qualifications of youth in war or in peace, had been driven and exiled from the city of Rome: that talkative andturbulent men, sowers of discord, twice and even thrice re-electedtribunes, lived in the most destructive practices with regal tyranny. Did that Aulus Virginius, " says he, "deserve less punishment than AppiusHerdonius, because he was not in the Capitol? considerably more, byJove, (in the mind of any one) who would judge the matter fairly. Herdonius, if nothing else, by avowing himself an enemy, in a mannergave you notice to take up arms: this man, by denying the existence ofwar, took arms out of your hands, and exposed you defenceless to yourslaves and exiles. And did you, (without any offence to Caius Claudiusand to Publius Valerius, now no more let me say it, ) did you advanceagainst the Capitoline hill before you expelled those enemies from theforum. It is shameful before gods and men. When the enemy were in thecitadel, in the very Capitol, when the leader of the exiles and slaves, after profaning every thing, took up his residence in the shrine ofJupiter, the best and greatest, arms were taken up in Tusculum soonerthan in Rome. It was a matter of doubt whether Lucius Mamilius, theTusculan leader, or Publius Valerius and Caius Claudius, the consuls, recovered the Roman citadel, and we, who formerly did not suffer theLatins to touch arms, even in their own defence, when they had the enemyin their very frontiers, should have been taken and destroyed now, hadnot the Latins taken up arms of their own accord. Tribunes, is thisbringing aid to the commons, to expose them in a defenceless state to bebutchered by the enemy. Now, if any one, even the humblest individual ofyour commons, (which portion you have as it were broken off from therest of the state, and made it your country and peculiar commonwealth, )if any one of these persons were to bring word that his house was besetby an armed band of slaves, you would think that assistance should beafforded to him. Was Jupiter, the best and greatest, when surrounded bythe arms of exiles and of slaves, deserving of no human aid? And dothese persons require that they be considered sacred andinviolable, [126] with whom the gods themselves are neither sacred norinviolable? But, steeped as ye are in crimes against both gods and men, do ye say that you will pass your law this year? Verily then the day onwhich I was created consul was a disastrous day for the commonwealth, much more so even than that on which Publius Valerius the consul fell, if ye should carry it. Now, first of all, " says he, "Romans, it is theintention of myself and of my colleague to march the legions against theVolsci and the Æqui. I know not by what fatality we find the gods morepropitious when we are at war than in peace. How great the danger fromthose states would have been, had they known that the Capitol wasbesieged by exiles, it is better to conjecture from the past, than tofeel from actual experience. "

[Footnote 125: The consuls under ordinary circumstances used to commencetheir office at this time on the Calends of August. ]

[Footnote 126: _Neque sacri neque sancti_. Whatever is consecrated byreligion is said to be _sacrum_; whilst _sanctum_ is said of that whichthe law states to be inviolable. ]

20. The consul's harangue had a great effect on the commons; thepatricians, recovering their spirits, considered the state asre-established. The other consul, more eager as a seconder than as thefirst mover (of a measure), readily suffering his colleague to take thefirst lead in a matter of so much importance, claimed to himself hisshare of the consular duty in executing the plan. Then the tribunes, mocking these declarations as empty, went on inquiring "by what meansthe consuls would lead out the army, as no one would allow them to holda levy?" "But, " says Quintius, "we have no occasion for a levy; since atthe time Publius Valerius gave arms to the commons to recover theCapitol, they all took an oath to him, that they would assemble on anorder from the consul, and would not depart without an order. Wetherefore publish our order that all of you, who have sworn, attendto-morrow under arms at the lake Regillus. " The tribunes then began tocavil, and wished to absolve the people from their obligation; thatQuintius was a private person at the time at which they were bound bythe oath. But that disregard of the gods which prevails in the presentage had not yet arrived; nor did every one, by his own interpretation, accommodate oaths and laws to his own purposes, but rather adapted hisconduct to them. Wherefore the tribunes, as there was no hope ofobstructing the matter, attempted to delay the departure (of the army)the more earnestly on this account, because a report had gone out "boththat the augurs had been ordered to attend at the lake Regillus, and toconsecrate a place, where business might be transacted with the peoplewith the benefit of auspices; that whatever had been passed at Rome bytribunitian violence, might be repealed there in an assembly. That allwould agree to that which the consuls wished; for that there was noappeal at a distance greater than that of a mile from the city: and thatthe tribunes, if they should come there, would, among the rest of thecrowd, be subjected to the consular authority. " These matters alarmedthem; but the greatest terror which acted on their minds was, thatQuintius frequently said, "that he would not hold an election ofconsuls. That the state was affected with such a disease, as could notbe stopped by the ordinary remedies. That the commonwealth required adictator, so that whoever should stir a step to disturb the peace of thestate, might feel that the dictatorship was without appeal. "

21. The senate was assembled in the Capitol. Thither the tribunes comewith the commons in great consternation: the populace, with loudclamours, implore the protection now of the consuls, now of thepatricians: nor could they make the consul recede from hisdetermination, until the tribunes promised that they would be under thedirection of the patricians. Then on the consul's laying before them thedemands of the tribunes and commons, decrees of the senate are passed, "That neither the tribunes should propose the law during that year, andthat the consuls should not lead the army from the city--that for thetime to come, the senate decided that it was to the injury of thecommonwealth, that the same magistrates should be continued, and thesame tribunes be re-appointed. " The consuls conformed to the authorityof the senate, the tribunes were re-appointed notwithstanding theremonstrances of the consuls. The patricians also, that they might notyield to the commons in any particular, re-elected Lucius Quintiusconsul. No proceeding of the consul was urged with more warmth duringthe entire year. "Can I be surprised, " says he, "if your authority is oflittle weight, conscript fathers? yourselves are disparaging it. Forsooth, because the commons have violated a decree of the senate, byre-appointing their magistrates, you yourselves also wish it to beviolated, lest ye should yield to the populace in rashness; as if topossess greater power in the state consisted in having more ofinconstancy and irregularity; for it is certainly more inconstant andgreater folly, to do away with one's own decrees and resolutions, thanthose of others. Imitate, conscript fathers, the inconsideratemultitude; and ye, who should be an example to others, transgress by theexample of others, rather than others should act correctly by yours, provided I imitate not the tribunes, nor suffer myself to be re-electedconsul, contrary to a decree of the senate. But I advise you, CaiusClaudius, that both you on your part restrain the Roman people from thislicentiousness, and that you be persuaded of this on my part, that Ishall so take it, as not to consider that my honour has been obstructedby you, but that the glory of declining the honour has been augmented, and the odium, which would hang over me from its being continued, hasbeen lessened. " Upon this they issue this order jointly: "That no oneshould attempt to make Lucius Quintius consul: if any one should do so, that they would not allow that vote. "

22. The consuls elected were Quintus Fabius Vibulanus, a third time, andLucius Cornelius Maluginensis. The census was performed that year; itwas a matter of religious scruple that the lustrum should be closed, onaccount of the Capitol having been taken and the consul slain. In theconsulate of Quintus Fabius and Lucius Cornelius, disturbances broke outimmediately at the commencement of the year. The tribunes were urging onthe commons. The Latins and Hernici brought word that a formidable warwas in preparation on the part of the Volscians and Æqui; that thetroops of the Volscians were now at Antium. Great apprehension was alsoentertained, that the colony itself would revolt: and with difficultywere the tribunes prevailed on to allow the war to take precedence. Theconsuls then divided the provinces between them. It was assigned toFabius to march the legions to Antium; to Cornelius, to protect thecity; lest any part of the enemy, as was the practice of the Æqui, should come to commit depredations. The Hernici and Latins were orderedto supply soldiers in conformity to the treaty; and in the army twoparts consisted of allies, one part of natives. When the allies came tothe day already appointed, the consul pitches his camp outside theCapuan gate. Then, after the army was purified, he set out for Antium, and encamped not far from the town, and standing camp of the enemy. Where, when the Volscians, not venturing to risk an engagement, werepreparing to protect themselves quietly within their ramparts, on thefollowing day Fabius drew up not one mixed army of allies and citizens, but three separate bodies of the three states around the enemy's works. He himself was in the centre with the Roman legions. He ordered them towatch for the signal from thence, so that the allies might both commencethe action together, and retire together, if he should sound a retreat. He placed their cavalry in the rear of each division. Having thusassailed the camp in three different points, he surrounds it; and whenhe pressed on from every side, he dislodges from the rampart theVolscians, not able to sustain his attack. Having then crossed thefortifications, he expels from the camp the crowd who were dismayed andinclining towards one direction. Upon this the cavalry, who could noteasily pass over the rampart, having stood by up to that period merespectators of the fight, having come up with them whilst flying indisorder on the open plain, enjoys a share of the victory, by cuttingdown the affrighted troops. The slaughter of them as they fled wasgreat, both in the camp and outside the lines; but the booty was stillgreater, because the enemy were scarcely able to carry off their armswith them; and their entire army would have been destroyed, had not thewoods covered them in their flight. 

23. Whilst these transactions are taking place at Antium, the Æqui, inthe mean while, sending forward the main strength of their youth, surprise the citadel of Tusculum by night, and with the rest of theirarmy they sit down at no great distance from the walls of Tusculum, soas to divide the forces of the enemy. This account being quickly broughtto Rome, and from Rome to Antium, affect the Romans not less than if itwas told them that the Capitol was taken; so recent were both theservices of the Tusculans, and the very similitude of the danger seemedto require a return of the aid that had been afforded. Fabius, giving upevery other object, removes the booty hastily from the camp to Antium. Having a small garrison there, he hurries on his army by forced marchesto Tusculum. The soldiers were allowed to carry nothing but their arms, and whatever dressed provision was at hand. The consul Cornelius sendsprovisions from Rome. The war was carried on at Tusculum for severalmonths. With one part of his army the consul assailed the camp of theÆqui; a part he had given to the Tusculans to recover their citadel. They never could have made their way to it by force. Famine at lengthwithdrew the enemy from it. And when they came to this at last, theywere all sent under the yoke by the Tusculans, unarmed and naked. These, when betaking themselves home by an ignominious flight, were overtakenby the Roman consul on Algidum and cut off to a man. After this victory, having marched back[127] his army to Columen, (that is the name of theplace, ) he pitches his camp. The other consul also, as soon as the Romanwalls ceased to be in danger, the enemy being defeated, set out fromRome. Thus the consuls, having entered the territories of the enemies ontwo different sides, strenuously vie with each other in depopulating theVolscians on the one hand, the Æqui on the other. I find in some writersthat the people of Antium revolted[128] the same year. That LuciusCornelius, the consul, conducted that war and took the town, I would notventure to affirm for certain, because no mention is made of the matteramong the older writers. 

[Footnote 127: _Exercitu relicto_ is the ordinary reading. Crevierobserves that _reducto_ is the more correct. ]

[Footnote 128: This account does not seem to be correct. See Niebuhr ii. P. 254. ]

24. This war being concluded, a tribunitian war at home alarms thesenate. They exclaim, "that the detaining the army abroad was done for afraudulent motive: that such frustration was for the purpose of doingaway with the law; that they, however, would go through with the matterundertaken by them. " Publius Lucretius, however, the præfect of thecity, so far prevailed that the proceedings of the tribunes werepostponed till the arrival of the consuls. A new cause of disturbancealso arose. Aulus Cornelius and Quintus Servilius, quæstors, appoint aday of trial for Marcus Volscius, because he had come forward as amanifestly false witness against Cæso. For it appeared by many proofs, that the brother of Volscius, from the time he first became ill, notonly never appeared in public, but that he had not even arisen from hissick bed, and that he died of an illness of several months' standing;and that at the time to which the witness had referred the commission ofthe crime, Cæso had not been seen at Rome: those who served in the armywith him, positively stating that at that time he had constantlyattended at his post with them without any leave of absence. Manypersons proposed on their own private responsibility to Volscius to havea judicial decision on the matter. [129] As he would not venture to go totrial, all these matters coinciding rendered the condemnation ofVolscius no less certain than that of Cæso had been on the testimony ofVolscius. The tribunes occasioned a delay, who said that they would notsuffer the quæstors to hold the assembly[130] concerning the accused, unless it was first held concerning the law. Thus both matters were spunout till the arrival of the consuls. When they entered the city intriumph with their victorious army, because silence was (observed) withregard to the law, many thought that the tribunes were struck withdismay. But they, (for it was now the close of the year, ) desirous ofobtaining a fourth tribuneship, had turned away their efforts from thelaw to canvassing for the elections; and when the consuls strove with noless strenuousness than if the law in question were proposed for thepurpose of lessening their own dignity, the victory in the contest wason the side of the tribunes. On the same year peace was granted to theÆqui on their suing for it. The census, a matter commenced on thepreceding year, is completed. The number of citizens rated were onehundred and seventeen thousand three hundred and nineteen. The consulsobtained great glory this year both at home and in war, because theyboth re-established peace abroad and at home; though the state was notin a state of absolute concord, yet it was less disturbed than at othertimes. 

[Footnote 129: _Ni ita esset_, a legal form of expression, amounting inthis place to "if Volscius attempted to deny it. " _Privatim_. Besidesthe quæstors who by virtue of their office were to prosecute Volscius, many persons on their own account, and on their private responsibility, cited him into court, and challenged him to discuss the case before ajudge. A prosecutor was said _ferre judicem res_, when he proposed tothe accused person some one out of the _judices selecti_, before whomthe case might be tried; if the accused person consented to the personnamed by prosecutor, then the judge was said _convenisse_, to have beenagreed on. Sometimes the accused was allowed to select his own judge, _judicem dicere_. When both the prosecutor and the accused agreed as tothe judge, they presented a joint petition to the prætor that he wouldappoint (_ut daret_) that person to try the cause; at the same time theyboth bound themselves to pay a certain sum, the one if he did notestablish his charge, _ni ita esset_; the other if he did not prove hisinnocence. ]

[Footnote 130: _Comitia_, i. E. _curiata_, which exercised authority inthe cases of persons accused of inflicting injuries on the patricians. ]

25. Lucius Minucius and Caius Nautius being next elected consuls, tookup the two causes which lay over since the preceding year. The consulsobstructed the law, the tribunes the trial of Volscius in the samemanner: but in the new quæstors there was greater power, and greaterinfluence. With Marcus Valerius, son of Valerius and grandson ofVolesus, Titus Quintius Capitolinus, who had been thrice consul, wasappointed quæstor. Since Cæso could neither be restored to the Quintianfamily, nor could he, though a most promising young man, be restored tothe state, he justly, and as in duty bound, prosecuted the false witnesswho had deprived an innocent person of the power of pleading his cause. When Virginius in particular and the (other) tribunes were promoting thepassing of the law, the space of two months was allowed to the consulsto examine into the law: so that, when they had satisfied the people, asto what secret designs were concealed under it, they should then allowthem to give their votes. The granting this respite establishedtranquillity in the city. The Æqui however did not allow them long rest;who, in violation of the treaty which had been made with the Romans theyear before, confer the chief command on Gracchus Clælius. He was thenthe leading man amongst the Æqui. Under the command of Gracchus theycarry hostile depredations into the district of Lavici, from thence intothat of Tusculum, and laden with booty they pitch their camp at Algidum. To that camp Quintus Fabius, Publius Volumnius, Aulus Posthumius, cometo complain of the wrongs committed, and to demand restitution inaccordance with the treaty. The general of the Æqui commands them "todeliver to the oak whatever instructions they brought from the Romansenate; that he in the mean time should attend to other matters. " Alarge oak tree hung over the prætorium, the shade of which constituted apleasant seat. Then one of the ambassadors, when departing, says, "Letboth this consecrated oak and all the gods hear the treaty violated byyou, and favour both our complaints now, and our arms presently, when weshall simultaneously avenge the rights of gods and men as violated byyou. " As soon as the ambassadors returned to Rome, the senate orderedone of the consuls to lead his army against Gracchus at Algidum, to theother they assigned as his province the laying waste of the country ofthe Æqui. The tribunes, according to their practice, attempted toobstruct the levy; and probably would have eventually prevented it, buta new cause of alarm was suddenly added. 

26. A large body of Sabines, committing dreadful devastation, approachedvery close to the walls of the city. The fields were laid waste, thecity was struck with terror. Then the commons cheerfully took up arms;two large armies were raised, the tribunes remonstrating to no purpose. Nautius led the one against the Sabines; and having pitched his camp atEretum, by small detachments, generally by nightly incursions, heeffected such desolation in the Sabine land, that, when compared to it, the Roman territories seemed intact by an enemy. Minucius had neitherthe same success nor the same energy of mind in conducting his business;for after he had pitched his camp at no great distance from the enemy, without having experienced any considerable loss, he kept himselfthrough fear within the camp. When the enemy perceived this, theirboldness increased, as sometimes happens, from others' fears; and havingattacked his camp by night, when open force did not succeed well, theyon the following day drew lines of circumvallation around it. Beforethese could close up all the passes, by a vallum being thrown up on allsides, five horsemen being despatched between the enemies' posts, brought the account to Rome, that the consul and his army were besieged. Nothing could have happened so unexpected, nor so unlooked-for. Accordingly the panic and the alarm was as great as if the enemybesieged the city, not the camp. They send for the consul Nautius; inwhom when there seemed to be but insufficient protection, and they weredetermined that a dictator should be appointed to retrieve theirembarrassed affairs, Lucius Quintius Cincinnatus is appointed byuniversal consent. It is worth those persons' while to listen, whodespise all things human in comparison with riches, and who suppose"that there is no room for exalted honour, nor for virtue, unless whereriches abound in great profusion. " Lucius Quintius, the sole hope of theRoman people, cultivated a farm of four acres, at the other side of theTiber, which are called the Quintian meadows, opposite to the very placewhere the dock-yard now is. There, whether leaning on a stake in a ditchwhich he was digging, or in the employment of ploughing, engaged atleast on some rural work, as is certain, after mutual salutations hadpassed, being requested by the ambassadors to put on his gown, andlisten to the commands of the senate, (with wishes) that it might behappy both to him and to the commonwealth, being astonished, and askingfrequently "whether all was safe, " he bids his wife Racilia immediatelyto bring his toga from his hut. As soon as he put this on and cameforward, after first wiping off the dust and sweat, the ambassadors, congratulating him, unite in saluting him as dictator: they call himinto the city; explain to him what terror now exists in the army. Avessel was prepared for Quintius by order of government, and his threesons having come out to meet him, receive him on his landing at theother side; then his other relatives and friends; then the greater partof the patricians. Accompanied by this numerous attendance, and thelictors going before him, he was conducted to his residence. There was anumerous concourse of the commons also; but they by no means looked onQuintius with equal pleasure, considering both the extent of hisauthority as too great, and the man vested with such authority ratherarbitrary. And during that night indeed nothing was done in the citybesides posting guards. 

27. On the next day the dictator, after he had come into the forumbefore day-light, names a master of the horse, Lucius Tarquitius, a manof patrician family, but one who, though he had served his campaignsamong the foot by reason of his scanty means, was yet considered by manydegrees the first in military skill among the Roman youth. With hismaster of the horse he came into the assembly, proclaims a suspension ofcivil business, orders the shops to be closed throughout the city, andforbids any one to attend to any private affairs. Then he commands thatall, whoever were of the military age, should attend under arms, in theCampus Martius, before sun-set, with dressed provisions for five daysand twelve palisades, and he commanded that whose age was too faradvanced for military service, should dress their victuals for thesoldiers in their vicinity, whilst the latter were preparing arms, andprocuring the palisade. Accordingly, the young men run in differentdirections to procure the palisades; they took them wherever they werenearest to them; no one was prevented, and they all attended punctuallyaccording to the dictator's order. Then the troops being formed, notmore fitted for the march than for an engagement, should the occasionrequire it, the dictator himself marches at the head of the legions, themaster of the horse at the head of his cavalry. In both bodies therewere such exhortations as the juncture itself required; that "theyshould quicken their pace; that there was need of expedition, that theymight reach the enemy by night; that the consul and the Romans werebesieged; that they had been shut up now three days: that it wasuncertain what each day or night might bring with it; that the issue ofthe most important affairs often depended on a moment of time. " They, toplease their leaders, exclaimed among themselves, "Standard-bearer, hasten on; follow, soldier. " At midnight they reach Algidum: and, assoon as they perceived that they were near the enemy, they halted. 

28. There the dictator, having rode about, and having observed, as faras could be ascertained by night, what the situation of the camp was, and what its form, commanded the tribunes of the soldiers to order thebaggage to be thrown into one place, and that the soldiers with theirarms and palisades should return to their ranks. What he commanded wasexecuted. Then, with the regularity which they had observed on themarch, he draws the entire army in a long column around the enemies'camp, and directs that, when the signal was given, they should all raisea shout; and that on the shout being raised, each man should throw up atrench before his post, and fix his palisade. The orders being issued, the signal followed: the soldiers perform what they were commanded; theshout resounds around the enemy: it then passes beyond the camp of theenemy, and reaches the consul's camp: it occasions panic in one place, great joy in another. The Romans, observing to each other withexultation, "that this was the shout of their countrymen, and that aidwas at hand, " from their watch-guards and out-posts intimidate the enemyon their part. The consul says, that there must be no delay: "that bythat shout not only their arrival was intimated, but that proceedingswere already commenced by their friends; and that it would be a wonderif the enemies' camp were not attacked on the outside. " He thereforeorders his men to take up arms and follow him. The battle was commencedby the legions during the night: they give notice to the dictator by ashout, that on that side also the action was commenced. The Æquans werenow preparing to prevent the works from being brought around them, [131]when, the battle being commenced by the enemy from within, turning theirattention from those employed on the fortifications to those who werefighting on the inside, lest a sally should be made through the centreof their camp, they left the night to remain without interruption forthe finishing of the work; and they continued the fight with the consultill daylight. At the break of day they were now encompassed by thedictator's works, and were scarcely able to maintain the fight againstone army. Then their lines were attacked by Quintius's army, whoimmediately after completing their work returned to their arms. Here anew fight pressed on them: the former one had suffered no relaxation. Then the twofold peril pressing hard on them, turning from fighting toentreaties, they implored the dictator on the one hand, the consul onthe other, not to make the victory consist in their general slaughter, that they would suffer them to depart without arms. When they were bidby the consul to go to the dictator, he, incensed against them, addedignominy (to defeat). He orders Gracchus Cloelius, their general, andother leaders to be brought to him in chains, and that they shouldevacuate the town of Corbio; "that he wanted not the blood of theÆquans: that they were allowed to depart; but that the confession may beat length extorted, that their nation was defeated and subdued, thatthey should pass under the yoke. " The yoke is formed with three spears, two fixed in the ground, and one tied across between the upper ends ofthem. Under this yoke the dictator sent the Æquans. 

[Footnote 131: _Ad prohibenda circumdari opera_. Stroth observes that itshould be more properly _ad prohibenda circumdanda opera_, i. E. Adprohibendum, ne opera circumdarentur. ]

29. The enemy's camp being taken, which was full of every thing, (for hehad sent them away naked, ) he distributed all the booty among his ownsoldiers only: chiding the consul's army and the consul himself, hesays, "Soldiers, ye shall do without any portion of the spoil taken fromthat enemy to which you were well nigh becoming a spoil: and you, LuciusMinutius, until you begin to assume the spirit of a consul, shallcommand these legions as lieutenant-general. " Minutius accordinglyresigns his office of consul, and remains with the army, as he had beencommanded. But so meekly obedient were the minds of men at that time toauthority combined with superior merit, that this army, mindful of thekindness (conferred) rather than of the slur (cast on them), both voteda golden crown of a pound weight to the dictator, and saluted him astheir patron when setting out. The senate at Rome, being convened byQuintus Fabius, præfect of the city, ordered Quintius to enter the cityin triumph, in the order of march in which he was coming. The leaders ofthe enemy were led before his car: the military standards were carriedbefore him: his army followed laden with spoil. Tables with provisionsare said to have been laid out before the houses of all, and (thesoldiers) partaking of the entertainment, followed the car with thetriumphal hymn and the usual jests, after the manner of revellers. Onthat day the freedom of the state was granted to Lucius Mamilius ofTusculum, with universal approbation. The dictator would have laid downhis office, had not the assembly for the trial of Marcus Volscius, thefalse witness, detained him; the fear of the dictator prevented thetribunes from obstructing it. Volscius was condemned and went into exileto Lanuvium. Quintius laid down his dictatorship on the sixteenth day, having received it for six months. During those days the consul Nautiusengages the Sabines at Eretum with distinguished success. Besides thedevastation of their lands, this additional blow also befell theSabines. Fabius Quintus was sent to Algidum as successor to Minucius. Towards the end of the year the tribunes began to agitate the questionof the law; but because two armies were abroad, the patricians carriedthe point, that no business should be proposed to the people. Thecommons succeeded in electing the same tribunes for the fifth time. They report that wolves seen in the Capitol were driven away by dogs;that on account of that prodigy the Capitol was purified. Such were thetransactions in that year. 

30. Quintus Minucius and Caius Horatius Pulvillus follow as the nextconsuls. At the commencement of this year, when there was peace abroad, the same tribunes and the same law occasioned disturbances at home; andparties would have proceeded further, (so highly were their passionsinflamed, ) had not, as if for the very purpose, news been brought, thatby an attack of the Æquans the garrison at Corbio had been cut off. Theconsuls convene the senate; they are ordered to raise a hasty levy andto proceed to Algidum. Then the contest about the law being given up, anew dispute arose regarding the levy. And the consular authority[132]was about to be overpowered by tribunitian influence, when an additionalcause of alarm comes on them: that the Sabine army had made a descentinto the Roman lands to commit depredations; that from thence they wereadvancing to the city. This fear influenced the tribunes to allow thelevy to proceed, not without a stipulation, however, that since they hadbeen foiled for five years, and as that was but little protection to thecommons, ten tribunes of the people should henceforward be elected. Necessity wrung this from the patricians; this exception only they made, that they should not hereafter re-elect the same tribunes. The electionfor the tribunes was held immediately, lest that measure also, likeothers, might prove a delusion after the war. On the thirty-sixth yearafter the first tribunes, ten were elected, two from each class; andprovision was made that they should be elected in this manner for thefuture. The levy being then held, Minucius marched out against theSabines, and found no enemy. Horatius, after the Æquans, having put thegarrison at Corbio to the sword, had taken Ortona also, fights a battleat Algidum; he slays a great number; drives the enemy not only fromAlgidum, but from Corbio and Ortona also. Corbio he razed to the groundfor their having betrayed the garrison. 

[Footnote 132: _Consulare, imperium tribunicio auxilio_. --The consulspossessed _imperium_. The tribunes could not be said to possess it. Their province was confined to _auxilii latio_, sc. Adversus consules. ]

31. Marcus Valerius and Spurius Virginius are next elected consuls. Quiet prevailed at home and abroad. They laboured under a scarcity ofprovisions on account of the excessive rains. A law was proposedregarding the making Mount Aventine public property. The same tribunesof the people being re-elected on the following year, Titus Romilius andCaius Veturius being consuls, strongly recommended the law[133] in alltheir harangues, "That they were ashamed of their number increased to nopurpose, if that question should lie for their two years in the samemanner as it had lain for the whole preceding five. " Whilst they weremost busily employed in these matters, an alarming account comes fromTusculum, that the Æquans were in the Tusculan territory. The recentservices of that state made them ashamed of delaying relief. Both theconsuls were sent with an army, and find the enemy in their usual postin Algidum. A battle was fought there; upwards of seven thousand of theenemy were slain; the rest were routed; immense booty was obtained. Thisthe consuls sold on account of the low state of the treasury; theproceeding was the cause of dissatisfaction to the army, and it alsoafforded to the tribunes materials for bringing a charge against theconsuls before the commons. Accordingly, as soon as they went out ofoffice, in the consulship of Spurius Tarpeius and Aulus Aterius, a daywas appointed for Romilius by Caius Claudius Cicero, tribune of thepeople; for Veturius, by Lucius Alienus, plebeian ædile. They were bothcondemned, to the great mortification of the patricians; Romilius to payten thousand _asses_; Veturius, fifteen thousand. Nor did thismisfortune of their predecessors render the new consuls more remiss. They said that they too might be condemned, and that the commons andtribunes could not carry the law. Then having thrown up the law, which, in its repeated publication, had now grown old, the tribunes adopted amilder mode of proceeding with the patricians. "That they should atlength put an end to their disputes. If plebeian laws displeased them, at least they should suffer legislators (chosen) in common, both fromthe commons and from the patricians, who would propose measuresadvantageous to both parties, and such as might tend to theequalization of liberty. " This proposal the patricians did not reject. They said that "no one should propose laws, except some of thepatricians. " When they agreed with respect to the laws, and differedonly with respect to the proposer; ambassadors were sent to Athens, Spurius Posthumius Albus, Aulus Manlius, Publius Sulpicius Camerinus;and they were ordered to copy out the celebrated laws of Solon, and tobecome acquainted with the institutions, customs, and laws of the otherstates of Greece. 

[Footnote 133: It is extraordinary that Livy makes no mention here ofSiccius Dentatus, and his strenuous exertions in endeavouring to carrythe agrarian law, as well as of his angry contentions with the consuls. For his character, see Dion. X. 31, 32. ]

32. The year was undisturbed by foreign wars; the following one wasstill more quiet, Publius Curiatius and Sextus Quintilius being consuls, the tribunes observing uninterrupted silence, which was occasioned inthe first place by their waiting for the ambassadors who had gone toAthens, and for the foreign laws; in the next place, two heavycalamities arose at the same time, famine and pestilence, (which proved)destructive to man, and equally so to cattle. The lands were leftdesolate; the city exhausted by a constant succession of deaths. Manyand illustrious families were in mourning. The Flamen Quirinalis, Servilius Cornelius, died; as also the augur, Caius Horatius Pulvillus;into whose place the augurs elected Caius Veturius, the more eagerly, because he had been condemned by the commons. The consul Quintiliusdied, and four tribunes of the people. The year was rendered amelancholy one by these manifold disasters; but from an enemy there wasperfect quiet. Then Caius Menenius and Publius Sestius Capitolinus wereelected consuls. Nor was there in that year any external war:disturbances arose at home. The ambassadors had now returned with theAthenian laws; the tribunes pressed the more urgently, that acommencement should at length be made of compiling the laws. It wasresolved that decemvirs should be elected without appeal, and that thereshould be no other magistrate during that year. There was, for aconsiderable time, a dispute whether plebeians should be admitted amongthem: at length the point was given up to the patricians, provided thatthe Icilian law regarding the Aventine and the other devoting laws werenot repealed. 

33. In the three hundred and first year after Rome was built, the formof the government was a second time changed, the supreme power beingtransferred from consuls to decemvirs, as it had passed before fromkings to consuls. The change was less remarkable, because not of longduration; for the joyous commencement of that government became toolicentious. So much the sooner did the matter fall, and (the usage) wasrecurred to, that the name and authority of consuls was committed to twopersons. The decemvirs appointed were, Appius Claudius, Titus Genucius, Publius Sestius, Lucius Veturius, Caius Julius, Aulus Manlius, ServiusSulpicius, Publius Curiatius, Titus Romilius, Spurius Postumius. OnClaudius and Genucius, because they had been elected consuls for thatyear, the honour was conferred in compensation for the honour (of theconsulate); and on Sestius, one of the consuls of the former year, because he had proposed that matter to the senate against the will ofhis colleague. Next to these were considered the three ambassadors whohad gone to Athens; at the same time that the honour might serve as arecompence for so distant an embassy; at the same time they consideredthat persons acquainted with the foreign laws would be of use indigesting the new code of regulations. Other persons made up the number. They say that persons advanced in years were appointed by the lastsuffrages, in order that they might oppose with less warmth the opinionsof others. The direction of the entire government was rested in Appiusthrough the favour of the commons, and he had assumed a demeanour sonew, that from a severe and harsh reviler of the people, he becamesuddenly a protector of the commons, and a candidate for popular favour. They administered justice to the people one every tenth day. On that daythe twelve fasces attended the præfect of justice; one beadle attendedeach of his nine colleagues, and in the singular harmony amongthemselves, which unanimity might sometimes prove prejudicial to privatepersons, the strictest equity was shown to others. It will suffice toadduce a proof of their moderation by instancing one matter. Though theyhad been appointed without (the privilege of) appeal, yet a dead bodyhaving been found buried in the house of Publius Sestius, a man ofpatrician rank, and this having been brought forward in an assembly, ina matter equally clear and atrocious, Caius Julius, a decemvir, appointed a day of trial for Sestius, and appeared before the people asprosecutor (in a matter) of which he was legally a judge; andrelinquished his right, so that he might add what had been taken fromthe power of the office to the liberty of the people. 

34. Whilst the highest and lowest alike experienced from them thisprompt administration of justice, impartial, as if from an oracle, thentheir attention was devoted to the framing of laws; and the ten tablesbeing proposed amid the intense expectation of all, they summoned thepeople to an assembly: and "what may prove favourable, advantageous, andhappy to the commonwealth themselves, and to their children, orderedthem to go and read the laws that were exhibited. " "That they hadequalized the rights of all, both the highest and the lowest, as far ascould be devised by the abilities of ten men; that the understanding andcounsels of a greater number might prove more successful; that theyshould turn in their minds each particular within themselves, canvass itin conversation; and bring together under public discussion whatevermight seem an excess or deficiency under each particular. That the Romanpeople should have such laws, as the general consent might appear not somuch to have ratified when proposed, as to have proposed fromthemselves. " When they appeared sufficiently corrected according topublic opinion (as expressed) regarding each chapter of the laws as itwas published, the laws of the ten tables were passed at the assemblyvoting by centuries; which, even at the present time, amid this immenseheap of laws crowded one upon the other, still remain the source of allpublic and private jurisprudence. A rumour was then spread that twotables were wanting; on the addition of which a body, as it were, of thewhole Roman law might be completed. The expectation of this, as the dayof election approached, created a desire to appoint decemvirs again. Thecommons now, besides that they detested the name of consuls as much asthat of kings, required not even the tribunitian aid, as the decemvirsin turn submitted to appeal. 

35. But when the assembly for electing decemvirs was proclaimed for thethird market-day, so strong a flame of ambition blazed forth, that thefirst men of the state began to canvass individuals, (through fear, Isuppose, lest the possession of such high authority might becomeaccessible to persons not sufficiently worthy, if the post were leftunoccupied by themselves, ) suppliantly soliciting for an honour, whichhad been opposed by them with all their might, from that commons withwhom they had so often contended. Their dignity now lowered to the riskof a contest, at such an age, and after passing through such honours, stimulated the exertions of Appius Claudius. You would not know whetherto reckon him among the decemvirs or the candidates; he resembled moreclosely one canvassing for the office than one invested with it; heaspersed the nobility, extolled every most insignificant and humblecandidate; surrounded by the Duilii and Icilii who had been tribunes, hebustled about the forum, through their means he recommended himself tothe commons; until his colleagues even, who till then had been extremelydevoted to him, turned their eyes on him, wondering what he meant. Itwas evident to them, that there was no sincerity in it; "that certainlysuch affability amid such pride would not be for nothing. That thisexcessive lowering of himself, and putting himself on a level withprivate citizens, was not so much the conduct to be expected from onehastening to go out of office, as of one seeking the means of continuingthat office. " Not daring openly to oppose his wishes, they set aboutbaffling his ardour by humouring it. They by common consent confer onhim, as being the youngest, the office of presiding at the elections. This was an artifice, that he might not appoint himself; which no oneever did, except the tribunes of the people, and that too with the veryworst precedent. He, however, declaring that with the favour of fortunehe would preside at the elections, seized on the (intended)obstacle[134] as a happy occasion; and having by a coalition foiled thetwo Quintii, Capitolinus and Cincinnatus, and his own uncle, CaiusClaudius, a man most stedfast in the interest of the nobility, and othercitizens of the same eminence, he appoints as decemvirs men by no meansequal in rank of life: himself in the first instance, which proceedinghonourable men disapproved so much the more, as no one had imagined thathe would have the daring to act so. With him were elected MarcusCornelius-Maluginensis, Marcus Sergius, Lucius Minutius, Quintus FabiusVibulanus, Quintus Pœtelius, Titus Antonius Merenda, Cæso Duilius, Spurius Oppius Cornicen, Manius Rabuleius. [135]

[Footnote 134: _Impedimentum_. The fact of his presiding at the meetingshould have been a bar to his being elected a decemvir. ]

[Footnote 135: Niebuhr will have it that five of these were of plebeianrank. ]

36. This was the end of Appius's assumption of a character not his own. Henceforward he began to live according to his own natural disposition, and to mould to his own temper his new colleagues before they shouldenter on their office. They held daily meetings remote from witnesses:then, furnished with their schemes of tyranny, [136] which they digestedapart from others, no longer dissembling their arrogance, difficult ofaccess, morose to all who addressed them, they carried out the matter tothe ides of May. The ides of May were at that time the usual period forcommencing office. At the commencement then of their magistracy, theyrendered the first day of their office remarkable by making anexhibition of great terror. For when the preceding decemvirs hadobserved the rule, that only one should have the fasces, and that thisemblem of royalty should pass through all in rotation, to each in histurn, they all suddenly came forth with the twelve fasces. One hundredand twenty lictors filled the forum, and carried before them the axestied up with the fasces: and they explained that it was of noconsequence that the axe should be taken away, as they had beenappointed without the privilege of appeal. [137] There was the appearanceof ten kings, and terrors were multiplied not only in the humblestindividuals, but even in the principal men among the patricians, whothought that a pretext and commencement of bloodshed were sought for; sothat if any one should utter a word favourable to liberty, either in thesenate or in a meeting of the people, the rods and axes would beinstantly brought forward, even to intimidate the rest. For besides thatthere was no protection in the people, the right of appeal being doneaway with, they had also by mutual consent prohibited interference witheach other:[138] whereas the preceding decemvirs had allowed the pointsof law decided by themselves to be amended by appeal to a colleague, andhad referred to the people some points which might seem to come withintheir own jurisdiction. For a considerable time the terror seemedequalized among all ranks; gradually it began to turn entirely on thecommons. They spared the patricians; arbitrary and cruel treatment wasshown to the humbler classes: they were wholly respective of the person, not of the cause: as being persons with whom interest usurped the forceof justice. Their decisions they concerted at home, and pronounced inthe forum. If any person appealed to a colleague, he left the one towhom he had appealed in such a manner as to regret that he had notabided by the sentence of the former. An opinion also had gone abroadwithout an authority, that they had conspired in their tyranny not onlyfor the present time, but that a clandestine league had been struckamong them (accompanied) with an oath, that they would not hold thecomitia, and that by perpetuating the decemvirate they would retain thepower now in their possession. 

[Footnote 136: _Impotentibus_, sc. Immoderatis--_rari aditus_, thegenitive singular. --_Stroth. _]

[Footnote 137: _Nec attinuisse demi securim, quum sine provocationecreati essent, interpretabantur_. Valerius Publicola had introduced thecustom of not having the axes tied up with the fasces when carriedbefore the consuls in the city. But the decemvirs said that this was, because an appeal from the consuls to the people was allowed. Whence, since their jurisdiction allowed of no appeal, they _interpreted_, i. E. By interpreting the meaning or intention of this custom, they concludedthat they were not bound by it, and that there was no reason why theyshould remove the axes from the fasces. --_Crev. _]

[Footnote 138: _Provocatione_--intercessionem. The _provocatio_ was tothe people, whilst the _intercessio_ referred to the decemvirs against acolleague. ]

37. The plebeians then began to watch narrowly the countenances of thepatricians, and (hoped) to catch the breeze of liberty from thatquarter, by apprehending slavery from which, they had brought therepublic into its present condition. The leading members of the senatedetested the decemvirs, detested the commons; they neither approved ofwhat was going on, and they considered that what befell the latter wasnot without their deserving it. They were unwilling to assist men who, by rushing too eagerly towards liberty, had fallen into slavery: theyeven heaped injuries on them, that, from their disgust at the presentstate of things, two consuls and the former mode of government may atlength become desirable. The greater part of the year was now passed, and two tables of laws had been added to the ten tables of the formeryear; and if these laws also were once passed in an assembly of thecenturies, there now remained no reason why the republic should requirethat form of government. They were anxiously waiting to see how soonthe assembly would be proclaimed for the election of consuls. Thecommons were only devising by what means they should re-establish thetribunitian power, that bulwark of their liberty, a thing now so longdiscontinued. When in the mean time no mention was made of theelections, and the decemvirs, who had at first exhibited themselves tothe people, surrounded by men of tribunitian rank, because that wasdeemed popular, now guarded themselves by collecting young patricians;troops of these beset the tribunals. These seized and drove about thecommons, and the effects of the commons; when success attended the morepowerful individual, as far as obtaining any thing he might covet. [139]And now they spared not even their backs. Some were beaten with rods;others had to submit to the axe; and lest such cruelty might go fornothing, a grant of his effects followed the punishment of the owner. Corrupted by such bribes, the young nobility not only made no oppositionto oppression, but openly avowed their preference of their owngratification to the general liberty. 

[Footnote 139: _Quum fortuna, qua quicquid cupitum foret, potentiorisesset_. Stroth considers this passage to be corrupt: he proposes to read_cum fortuna_, so that _portentioris esset_ may refer to _quicquidcupitum foret_, i. E. With such favourable success, that every thingwhich the more powerful person might covet, became his. ]

38. The ides of May came. No new election of magistrates having takenplace, private persons came forth as decemvirs, without any abatementeither in their determination to enforce their authority, [140] or anydiminution in the emblems employed to make a parade of their station. This indeed seemed to be regal tyranny. Liberty is now deplored as lostfor ever; nor does any champion stand forth, or appear likely to do so. And not only they themselves sunk into despondence, but they began to belooked down upon by the neighbouring states; and they felt indignantthat dominion should exist where liberty was lost. The Sabines with anumerous body of men made an incursion on the Roman territory; andhaving committed extensive devastations, after they had driven withimpunity booty of men and cattle, they recalled their troops which hadbeen dispersed in different directions to Eretum, and pitch their campthere, grounding their hopes on the dissensions at Rome; (and trusting)that they would prove an obstruction to the levy. Not only the couriers, but the flight of the country people through the city, occasioned alarm. The decemvirs consult what should be done. Whilst they were thus leftdestitute between the hatred of the patricians and people, fortuneadded, moreover, another cause of alarm. The Æquans on the opposite sidepitch their camp at Algidum; and ambassadors from Tusculum, imploringrelief, bring accounts that the Tusculan land was ravaged by detachmentsfrom thence. The panic occasioned hereby urged the decemvirs to consultthe senate, two wars at the same time surrounding the city. They orderthe patricians to be summoned into the senate-house, well aware what astorm of resentment was ready to break upon them; that all would heap onthem the causes of the land laid waste, and of the dangers whichthreatened them; and that that would occasion an attempt to abolishtheir office, if they did not unite in resisting, and by enforcing theirauthority with severity on a few of an intractable spirit repress theefforts of others. When the voice was heard in the forum of the criersummoning the senators into the senate-house before the decemvirs; as amatter altogether new, because they had long since laid aside the customof consulting the senate, it attracted the attention of the people, whoexpressed their surprise: "What could have happened, that after so longan interval they should revive a practice now discontinued. That theyhad reason to return thanks to the enemy and to war, that any thing wasdone that used to be done when their state was free. " They looked aroundfor a senator through all parts of the forum, and seldom recognised oneany where: they then directed their attention to the senate-house, andto the solitude around the decemvirs: whilst both they themselvesreferred the non-assembling of the patricians to their own universallydetested government, and the commons (would have it, that the cause ofthe non-assembling was) because, being but private citizens, they (thedecemvirs) had no right to convene the senate;[141] "that a head wasnow formed of those who would demand back their liberty, if the commonswould but accompany the senate, and as the patricians, when summoned, did not attend the senate, so the commons also should refuse to enlist. "Such were the remarks of the commons. There was scarcely any of thepatricians in the forum, and but very few in the city. In disgust withthe state of affairs, they had retired into the country, and wereattending to their own affairs, renouncing all public concerns, considering that they themselves were aloof from ill-treatment inproportion as they should remove themselves from the meeting andconverse of their imperious masters. When those who had been summoneddid not assemble, apparitors were despatched to their houses, both tolevy the penalties, [142] and to ascertain whether they declinedattendance through design? They bring back word that the senate was inthe country. This was more pleasing to the decemvirs, than if theybrought word that they were present and refused obedience to theircommands. They command them all to be sent for, and proclaim a meetingof the senate for the following day; which congregated together in muchgreater numbers than they themselves had expected. By which proceedingthe commons considered that their liberty was betrayed by thepatricians, because the senate had obeyed those persons, as if they hada right to compel them, who had already gone out of office; and were butprivate individuals, were it not for the violence employed by them. [143]

[Footnote 140: _Inhibendum_, sc. _adhibendum_--the term _inhibeo_ occursfrequently in this sense, as below, _imperioque inhibendo_. Theadjective _imminutis_ also refers evidently to _honorisinsignibus_. --_Stroth. _]

[Footnote 141: The words are, _quum et ipsi invisum consensu imperium, et plebs, quid privatis jus non esset vocandi senatum, non convenirepatres interpretarentur_, i. E. While, on the one hand, the decemvirsthemselves accounted for the staying away of the senators from themeeting, by the fact of their (the decemvirs') government being dislikedby them; whilst, on the other hand, the commons accounted for thenon-appearance of the senators by the fact, that being now mere privatecitizens, their time of office being passed, they (the decemvirs) had noright whatever to convene the senate. --_Stroth. _]

[Footnote 142: The senators were obliged to attend the meeting of thesenate when convened by the magistrate; otherwise a fine was imposed, toinsure the payment of which pledges were exacted, which were sold incase of non-payment. See Cicero de Orat. Iii. 1. Philip. I. 5. ]

[Footnote 143: In the original the words are: _quod iis qui jammagistratu abissent, privatisque, si vis abesset_, &c. , i. E. Whodiffered in no other respect from mere private citizens, except thatthey had recourse to violence, which it was competent for the magistrateonly to do. ]

39. But they showed more obedience in coming into the senate thanservility in the sentiments expressed by them, as we have learned. Itis recorded that, after Appius's stating the subject of the meeting, andbefore the opinions were demanded in order, Lucius Valerius Potitusexcited a commotion, by demanding permission to express his sentimentsconcerning the state, and when the decemvirs were prohibiting him withthreats, declaring that he would present himself before the people. (Wehave also heard) that Marcus Horatius Barbatus entered the lists with noless boldness, calling them "ten Tarquins, " and reminding them, "thatunder the leadership of the Valerii and Horatii[144] the kings had beenexpelled. Nor was it of the mere name that men were then tired, it beingthat by which it was usual to style Jupiter, and by which Romulus, thefounder of the city, and his successors were also styled; a name toowhich has been retained even in the ceremonies of religion, as a solemnone; that it was the tyranny and arrogance of a king they then detested, which if they were not to be tolerated in one who was both a kinghimself and the son of a king, who was to tolerate it in so many privatecitizens? that they should beware lest, by preventing persons fromspeaking their sentiments freely in the senate, they might oblige themto raise their voice outside the senate-house. Nor could he see how itwas less allowable for him, a private citizen, to summon the people toan assembly, than for them to convene the senate. They might try, whenever they pleased, how much more determined a sense of wrong will befound to be in vindicating one's own liberty, than ambition in(vindicating) usurped domination. That they proposed the questionconcerning the Sabine war, as if the Roman people had any more importantwar on hand, than that against those who, having been elected for thepurpose of framing laws, had left no law in the state; who had abolishedelections, annual magistrates, the regular change of rulers, which wasthe only means of equalizing liberty; who, though private citizens, still possess the fasces and regal dominion. That on the expulsion ofthe kings, patrician magistrates were appointed, and subsequently, after the secession of the people, plebeian magistrates. To which party, he asked, did they belong? To the popular party? What had they ever donewith the concurrence of the people? were they nobles? who for now nearlyan entire year have not held a meeting of the senate; and then hold onein such a manner, that they actually prevent numbers from expressingtheir sentiments regarding the commonwealth; that they should not placetoo much hope in the fears of others; that the grievances which they aresuffering now appear to men more oppressive than any they may have toapprehend. "

[Footnote 144: Livy's own account of the matter does not justify thisclaim of the Horatii to having been at the head of the revolution whichbanished the kings. But Dionysius of Halicarnassus informs us that itwas Marcus Horatius who made the army revolt against TarquiniusSuperbus, and that the same in his second consulate rendered unavailingall the efforts of Porsenna to restore the Tarquins. ]

40. Whilst Horatius was exclaiming in this manner, "and the decemvirscould not discover any limit either to their anger or forbearance, norcould they see to what the thing would come, Caius Claudius, who wasuncle to Appius the decemvir, delivered an address more like entreatiesthan reproach, beseeching him by the shade of his own brother and of hisfather, that he would hold in recollection the civil society in which hehad been born rather than the confederacy nefariously entered into withhis colleagues; that he besought this much more on Appius's own account, than for the sake of the commonwealth. For that the commonwealth wouldassert its rights in spite of them, if it could not obtain them withtheir consent. But that from great contests great animosities arise; theresult of the latter he dreads. " Though the decemvirs forbad them tospeak on any other subject than that which they had submitted to them, they felt too much respect for Claudius to interrupt him. He thereforeconcluded his address by moving that it was their wish that no decree ofthe senate should be passed. And all understood the matter thus, thatthey were judged by Claudius to be private citizens; and many of the menof consular standing expressed their assent. Another measure proposed, more harsh in appearance, possessed much less efficacy; one whichordered the patricians to assemble to elect an interrex; for by passingany resolution they judged, that those persons who convened the senatewere magistrates of some kind or other, whilst the person whorecommended that no decree of the senate should be passed, had therebydeclared them private citizens. When the cause of the decemvirs was nowsinking, Lucius Cornelius Maluginensis, brother of Marcus Cornelius thedecemvir, having been purposely reserved from among the consular men toclose the debate, by affecting an anxiety about the war, defended hisbrother and his colleagues thus: saying, "he wondered by what fatalityit had occurred, that those who had been candidates for the decemvirate, should attack the decemvirs, either as secondaries, [145] or asprincipals: or when no one disputed for so many months whilst the statewas disengaged, whether legal magistrates had the management of affairs, why do they now sow discord, when the enemies are nearly at the gate;unless that in a state of confusion they think that what they are aimingat will be less seen through. " But that it was not just that any oneshould prejudice so important a cause, whilst our minds are occupiedwith a more momentous concern. It was his opinion, that the point whichValerius and Horatius urged, viz. That the decemvirs had gone out ofoffice before the ides of May, should be discussed in the senate, whenthe wars which are now impending are over, and the commonwealth has beenrestored to tranquillity: and that Appius Claudius should now prepare totake notice that an account is to be rendered by him of the comitiawhich he himself held for electing decemvirs, whether they were electedfor one year, or until the laws which were wanting were ratified. It washis opinion that all other matters should be laid aside for the present, except the war; and if they thought that the reports regarding it werepropagated without foundation, and that not only the couriers, but theambassadors of the Tusculans also had stated what was false, he thoughtthat scouts should be despatched to bring back more certain information;but if credit were given both to the couriers and the ambassadors, thatthe levy should be held at the very earliest opportunity; that thedecemvirs should lead the armies, whither it may seem proper to each;and that no other matter should take precedence. 

[Footnote 145: The original here is rather obscure. _Aut socii, aut himaxime. _ Crevier prefers to read _aut soli aut hi maxime_. Strothexplains _socii, se socios præbendo_. ]

41. The junior patricians succeeded in having this opinion carried. Valerius and Horatius rising again with greater vehemence demandedaloud, "that it should be allowed them to express their sentimentsconcerning the republic; that they would address the people, if by afaction they were not allowed to do so in the senate. For that privateindividuals, either in the senate or in a general assembly, could notprevent them; nor would they yield to their imaginary fasces. " Appiusthen considering that the crisis was now nigh at hand, when theirauthority would be overpowered, unless their violence were resisted withequal boldness: "It will be better, " says he, "not to utter a word onany subject, except that which we are now considering: and to Valerius, when he refused to be silent for a private individual, he commands alictor to proceed. " When Valerius, on the threshold of the senate-house, now craved the protection of the citizens, Lucius Cornelius, embracingAppius, put an end to the dispute, not consulting the interest of himwhose interest he affected to consult; and permission to speak hissentiments being obtained for Valerius through Cornelius, when thisliberty did not extend beyond words, the decemvirs obtained theirobject. The consulars also and senior members, from the hatred oftribunitian power still rankling in their bosoms, the desire of whichthey considered was much more keenly felt by the commons than that ofthe consular power, almost had rather that the decemvirs themselvesshould voluntarily resign their office at some future period, than thatthe people should rise once more into consequence through theirunpopularity. If the matter, conducted with gentleness, should againreturn to the consuls without popular turbulence, that the commons mightbe induced to forget their tribunes, either by the intervention of warsor by the moderation of the consuls in exercising their authority. Alevy is proclaimed amid the silence of the patricians; the young menanswer to their names, as the government was without appeal. The legionsbeing enrolled, the decemvirs set about arranging among themselves whoshould set out to the war, who command the armies. The leading men amongthe decemvirs were, Quintus Fabius and Appius Claudius. There appeared amore serious war at home than abroad. They considered the violence ofAppius as better suited to suppress commotions in the city; that Fabiuspossessed a disposition rather inconstant in good pursuits thanstrenuous in bad ones. For this man, formerly distinguished at home andabroad, his office of decemvir and his colleagues had so changed, thathe chose rather to be like to Appius than like himself. To him the waragainst the Sabines was committed, his colleagues, Manius Rabuleius andQuintus Pætelius, being sent with him. Marcus Cornelius was sent toAlgidum with Lucius Menucius and Titus Antonius, and Cæso Duilius andMarcus Sergius: they determine on Spurius Oppius as an assistant toAppius Claudius to protect the city, their authority being equal to thatof all the decemvirs. 

42. The republic was managed with no better success in war than at home. In this the only fault in the generals was, that they had renderedthemselves objects of hatred to their fellow citizens: in other respectsthe whole fault lay with the soldiers; who, lest any enterprise shouldsucceed under the conduct and auspices of the decemvirs, sufferedthemselves to be beaten, to their own disgrace, and that of them (thegenerals). Their armies were routed by the Sabines at Eretum, and inAlgidum by the Æquans. Having fled from Eretum during the silence of thenight, they fortified their camp nearer to the city, on an elevatedsituation between Fidenæ and Crustumeria; no where encountering theenemy, who pursued them, on equal ground, they protected themselves bythe nature of the place and a rampart, not by valour or arms. Greaterdisgrace and greater loss were sustained in Algidum, their camp also waslost; and the soldiers, stripped of all their utensils, betookthemselves to Tusculum, determined to procure the means of subsistencefrom the good faith and compassion of their hosts; which, however, didnot disappoint them. Such alarming accounts were brought to Rome, thatthe patricians, having laid aside their hatred of the decemvirs, passedan order that watches should be held in the city; commanded that all whowere able by reason of their age to carry arms, should mount guard onthe walls, and form out-posts before the gates; they also voted arms tobe sent to Tusculum, besides a reinforcement; that the decemvirs alsoshould come down from the citadel of Tusculum and keep their troopsencamped; that the other camp should be removed from Fidenæ into theSabine territory; and that the enemy might be deterred, by thusattacking them first, from entertaining any intentions of attacking thecity. 

43. To the calamities received from the enemy, the decemvirs add twoflagitious deeds, one abroad, and the other in the city. In the Sabinedistrict, Lucius Siccius, who, during the unpopularity of thedecemvirs, introduced, in secret conversation with the common soldiers, mention of electing tribunes and of a secession, was sent forwards toselect a place for a camp: instructions were given to the soldiers whomthey had sent to accompany him in that expedition, to attack him in aconvenient place and slay him. They did not kill him with impunity; forseveral of the assassins fell around him resisting them, whilst, possessing great personal strength and with a courage equal to thatstrength, he was defending himself against them, now surrounded as hewas. The rest bring an account into the camp that Siccius, when fightingbravely, had fallen into an ambush, and that some soldiers were lostwith him. At first the narrators were believed; afterwards a cohort, which went by permission of the decemvirs to bury those who had fallen, when they observed that none of the bodies there were stripped, thatSiccius lay in the middle with his arms, all the bodies being turnedtowards him, whilst there was neither any body of the enemy, nor evenany traces of them as going away; they brought back his body, saying, that he had certainly been slain by his own men. The camp was now filledwith indignation, and it was being determined that Siccius should beforthwith brought to Rome, had not the decemvirs hastened to perform amilitary funeral for him at the public expense. He was buried amid thegreat grief of the soldiery, and with the worst possible reputation ofthe decemvirs among the common people. 

44. Another atrocious deed follows in the city, originating in lust, attended with results not less tragical than that deed which drove theTarquins from the city and the throne through the injured chastity andviolent death of Lucretia: so that the decemvirs not only had the sameend as the kings had, but the same cause also of losing their power. Appius Claudius was seized with a criminal passion for violating theperson of a young woman of plebeian condition. Lucius Virginius, thegirl's father, held an honourable rank among the centurions at Algidum, a man of exemplary good conduct both at home and in the service. Hiswife had been educated in a similar manner, as also were their children. He had betrothed his daughter to Lucius Icilius, who had been a tribune, a man of spirit and of approved zeal in the interest of the people. Thisyoung woman, in the bloom of youth, distinguished for beauty, Appius, burning with desire, attempted to seduce by bribes and promises; andwhen he perceived that all the avenues (to the possession of her) werebarred by modesty, he turned his thoughts to cruel and tyrannicalviolence. He instructed a dependent of his, Marcus Claudius, to claimthe girl as his slave, and not to yield to those who might demand herinterim retention of liberty; considering that, because the girl'sfather was absent, there was an opportunity for committing the injury. The tool of the decemvir's lust laid hands on the girl as she was cominginto the forum (for there in the sheds the literary schools were held);calling her "the daughter of his slave and a slave herself, " hecommanded her to follow him; that he would force her away if shedemurred. The girl being stupified with terror, a crowd collects at thecries of the girl's nurse, who besought the protection of the citizens. The popular names of her father, Virginius, and of her spouse, Icilius, are in the mouths of every one. Their regard for them gains over theiracquaintances, whilst the heinousness of the proceeding gains over thecrowd. She was now safe from violence, when the claimant says, "thatthere was no occasion for raising a mob; that he was proceeding by law, not by force. " He cites the girl into court. Those who stood by heradvising her to follow him, they now reached the tribunal of Appius. Theclaimant rehearses the farce well known to the judge, as being theauthor of the plot, "that a girl born in his house, and clandestinelytransferred from thence to the house of Virginius, had been fathered onthe latter. " That he stated a thing ascertained by certain evidence, andwould prove it to the satisfaction even of Virginius himself, whom theprincipal portion of that loss would concern. That it was but just thatin the interim the girl should accompany her master. The advocates forVirginia, after they had urged that Virginius was absent on business ofthe state, that he would be here in two days if word were sent to him, that it was unfair that in his absence he should run any risk regardinghis children, demand that he adjourn the whole matter till the arrivalof the father; that he should allow the claim for her interim libertyaccording to the law passed by himself, and not allow a maiden of ripeage to encounter the risk of her reputation before that of her liberty. 

45. Appius prefaced his decree by observing that the very law, whichVirginius's friends were putting forward as the ground of their demand, clearly showed how much he favoured liberty. But that liberty would findsecure protection in it on this condition, that it varied[146] neitherwith respect to cases or persons. [147] For with respect to thoseindividuals who were claimed as free, that point of law was good, because[148] any person may proceed by law (and act for them); withrespect to her who is in the hands of her father, that there was noother person (than her father) to whom her master need relinquish hisright of possession. That it was his determination, therefore, that herfather should be sent for: in the mean time, that the claimant shouldsuffer no loss of his right, but that he should carry off the girl withhim, and promise that she should be produced on the arrival of him whowas called her father. When many rather murmured against the injusticeof this decision than any one individual ventured to protest against it, the girl's uncle, Publius Numitorius, and her betrothed spouse, Icilius, just come in; and way being made through the crowd, the multitudethinking that Appius might be most effectually resisted by theintervention of Icilius, the lictor declares that "he had decided thematter, " and removes Icilius, when he attempted to raise his voice. Injustice so atrocious would have fired even a cool temper. "By thesword, Appius, " says he, "I must be removed hence, that you may carryoff in silence that which you wish to be concealed. This young woman Iam about to marry, determined to have a lawful and chaste wife. Wherefore call together all the lictors even of your colleagues; orderthe rods and axes to be had in readiness; the betrothed wife of Iciliusshall not remain without her father's house. Though you have taken fromus the aid of our tribunes, and the power of appeal to the commons ofRome, the two bulwarks for maintaining our liberty, absolute dominionhas not therefore been given to you over our wives and children. Ventyour fury on our backs and necks; let chastity at least be secure. Ifviolence be offered to her, I shall implore the protection of thecitizens here present in behalf of my spouse; Virginius will implorethat of the soldiers in behalf of his only daughter; we shall allimplore the protection of gods and men, nor shall you carry thatsentence into effect without our blood. I demand of you, Appius, consider again and again to what lengths you are proceeding. LetVirginius, when he comes, consider what conduct he should pursue withrespect to his daughter. Let him only be assured of this, that if heyield to the claims of this man, he will have to seek out another matchfor his daughter. As for my part, in vindicating the liberty of myspouse, life shall leave me sooner than my honour. "

[Footnote 146: Appius here contrasts two classes of persons, oneconsisting of individuals, who are in their own power; the other, ofthose who are not _sui juris_, but are under the control either of aparent, or some other person. If the question arise concerning a personwho is _sui juris_, whether he is to be consigned to slavery, or to berestored to liberty, then "_id juris esse_, " sc. That he remain freetill the decision is made, _because any person_, as being _homo suijuris_, and consequently he himself, "may proceed by law;" but he says, that this does not hold good with respect to a person who is not _suijuris_, but is in the hands of others; such a person, he says, cannot bepronounced free, but must be subject to the power, either of the parentor master, so that no injury be done to either. Wherefore, since thegirl is not _sui juris_, she must be in the power, either of Virginius, who says he is her father, or of Claudius, who says he is her master. But since Virginius is not present, that she can be in the power of noone but Claudius, until Virginius arrive. 

I cannot resist the temptation of giving in full Mr. Gunn's note on thepassage, as found in his very neat edition of our author. 

"Appius for his own purposes, in interpreting his own law, introduces adistinction betwixt those who were _sui juris_, entirely free, and thosewho were subject to the _patria potestas_. The law, according to him, can apply only to the former, because in them only is there a true claimfor liberty, and in them only could a judge give an interim decision_secundum libertatem_. To give such a decision in favour of Virginia, would be a _variatio personarum_; it would be introducing as entitled tothe benefit of the law a class of persons, who were, even according totheir own statements, not entitled to _vindiciæ secundum libertatem_. Besides, and most important of all, the law could act in the former, asany citizen was entitled to plead the cause of one presumptively free. But in this case no one could plead, but either the father as master onthe one hand, or the alleged master on the other: as the father was notpresent, consequently no one had any legal claim to urge the law. "]

[Footnote 147: _Si nec causis nec personis variet. _ Sc. Lex variet. Someunderstand _libertas_ as the nominative to variet. ]

[Footnote 148: _Because any person_. "As the law permits any strangersto interpose in vindicating an individual's liberty, they have anundoubted right so to do. But the question is not whether this maiden isfree: that she cannot be in any case; for she belongs either to herfather or her master. Now as her father is not present to take charge ofher, no one here but her master can have any title to her. " Appiusargues that he could not pronounce in favour of her temporary liberty, without prejudice to her father's right and power over her: as there wasno one present, who claimed a legal right to the possession of her butM. Claudius, the judge had no alternative but to award her during theinterim to his safe keeping. --_Stocker. _]

46. The multitude was now excited, and a contest seemed likely to ensue. The lictors had taken their stand around Icilius; nor did they, however, proceed beyond threats, when Appius said, "that it was not Virginia thatwas defended by Icilius, but that, being a restless man, and even nowbreathing the spirit of the tribuneship, he was seeking an occasion fora disturbance. That he would not afford him material on that day; but inorder that he may now know that the concession has been made not to hispetulance, but to the absent Virginius, to the name of father and toliberty, that he would not decide the cause on that day, nor interpose adecree: that he would request of Marcus Claudius to forego somewhat ofhis right, and suffer the girl to be bailed till the next day. Butunless the father attended on the following day, he gave notice toIcilius and to men like Icilius, that neither the founder would bewanting to his own law, nor firmness to the decemvir; nor would heassemble the lictors of his colleagues to put down the promoters ofsedition; that he would be content with his own lictors. " When the timeof this act of injustice was deferred, and the friends of the maiden hadretired, it was first of all determined, that the brother of Icilius andthe son of Numitorius, both active young men, should proceed thencestraightforward to the gate, and that Virginius should be brought fromthe camp with all possible haste. That the safety of the girl dependedon his being present next day at the proper time, as her protector frominjury. They proceed according to directions and with all speed carrythe account to her father. When the claimant of the maiden was pressingIcilius to become defendant, and give sureties, [149] and Icilius saidthat that was the very thing he was doing, designedly spinning out thetime, until the messengers sent to the camp might gain time for theirjourney, the multitude raised their hands on all sides, and every oneshowed himself ready to go surety for Icilius. And he with tears in hiseyes says, It is very kind of you; on to-morrow I will avail myself ofyour assistance; at present I have sufficient sureties. Thus Virginia isbailed on the security of her relations. Appius having delayed a shorttime, that he might not appear to have sat on account of the presentcase, when no one applied, all other concerns being given up by reasonof their solicitude about the one, betook himself home, and writes tohis colleagues to the camp, "not to grant leave of absence to Virginius, and even to keep him in confinement. " This wicked scheme was late, as itdeserved to be; for Virginius, having already obtained his leave, hadset out at the first watch, while the letter regarding his detention wasdelivered on the following morning to no purpose. 

[Footnote 149: _Sureties_--sponsores. The preliminary bail. ]

47. But in the city, when the citizens were standing in the forum erectwith expectation, Virginius, clad in mourning, by break of day conductshis daughter, also attired in weeds, attended by some matrons, into theforum, with a considerable body of advocates. He then began to go roundand to solicit individuals; and not only to entreat their aid as a boonto his prayers, but demanded it as due to him: "that he stood daily inthe field of battle in defence of their children and wives, nor wasthere any other man, to whom a greater number of brave and intrepiddeeds in war can be ascribed than to him. What availed it, if, whilstthe city was still secure, their children would be exposed to suffer theseverest hardships which would have to be dreaded if it was taken?"Delivering these observations like one haranguing in an assembly, hesolicited them individually. Similar arguments were used by Icilius: thefemale attendants produced more effect by their silent tears than anylanguage. With a mind utterly insensible to all this, (such, a paroxysmof madness, rather than of love, had perverted his mind, ) Appiusascended the tribunal; and when the claimant began to complain briefly, that justice had not been administered to him on the preceding daythrough a desire to please the people, before either he could go throughwith his claim, or an opportunity of reply was afforded to Virginius, Appius interrupts him. The preamble with which he prefaced the sentence, ancient authors may have handed down perhaps with truth; because I nowhere find any one that was likely (to have been used) on so scandalousa business, it seems, that the naked fact should be stated as being apoint which is agreed on, viz. That he passed a sentence[150] consigningher to slavery. At first all were astounded with amazement at soheinous a proceeding; then silence prevailed for some time. Then whenMarcus Claudius proceeded to seize the maiden, the matrons standingaround her, and was received with piteous lamentation of the women, Virginius, menacingly extending his hands towards Appius, says, ToIcilius, and not to you, Appius, have I betrothed my daughter, and formatrimony, not prostitution, have I brought her up. Do you wish men togratify their lust promiscuously, like cattle and wild beasts? Whetherthese persons will endure such things, I know not; I hope that thosewill not who have arms in their hands. When the claimant of the girl wasrepulsed by the crowd of women and advocates who were standing aroundher, silence was commanded by the crier. 

[Footnote 150: _He passed a sentence_, &c. In the original it is, "decresse vindicias secundum servitutem. " This decision relates to thedefinitive bail. Appius the day before had made up his mind to thisdecision. He had calculated, however, on the non-appearance of thefather; yet did not now choose to be foiled by his unexpectedpresence. --_Stocker. _]

48. The decemvir, engrossed in mind by his lustful propensities, statesthat not only from the abusive language of Icilius yesterday, and theviolence of Virginius, of which he had the entire Roman people aswitnesses, but from authentic information also he ascertained, thatcabals were held in the city during the whole night to stir up asedition. Accordingly that he, being aware of that danger, had come downwith armed soldiers; not that he would molest any peaceable person, butin order to punish suitably to the majesty of the government personsdisturbing the tranquillity of the state. It will, therefore, be betterto remain quiet. Go, lictor, says he, remove the crowd; and make way forthe master to lay hold of his slave. When, bursting with passion, he hadthundered out these words, the multitude themselves voluntarilyseparated, and the girl stood deserted a prey to injustice. ThenVirginius, when he saw no aid any where, says, I beg you, Appius, firstpardon a father's grief, if I have said any thing too harsh against you:in the next place, suffer me to question the nurse before the maiden, what all this matter is? that if I have been falsely called her father, I may depart hence with a more resigned mind. Permission being granted, he draws the girl and the nurse aside to the sheds near the temple ofCloacina, which now go by the name of the new sheds: and there snatchingup a knife from a butcher, "In this one way, the only one in my power, do I secure to you your liberty. " He then transfixes the girl's breast, and looking back towards the tribunal, he says, "With this blood Idevote thee, Appius, and thy head. " Appius, aroused by the cry raised atso dreadful a deed, orders Virginius to be seized. He, armed with theknife, cleared the way whithersoever he went, until, protected by thecrowd of persons attending him, he reached the gate. Icilius andNumitorius take up the lifeless body and exhibit it to the people: theydeplore the villany of Appius, the fatal beauty of the maiden, and thedire necessity of the father. The matrons who followed exclaim, "Wasthis the condition of rearing children? were these the rewards ofchastity?" and other things which female grief on such occasionssuggests, when their complaints are so much the more affecting, inproportion as (their grief) is more intense from the natural tendernessof their minds. The voice of the men, and more especially of Icilius, entirely turned on the tribunitian power, on the right of appeal to thepeople which had been taken from them, and on the indignities thrownupon the state. 

49. The multitude was excited partly by the atrocious nature of thedeed, partly by the hope of recovering their liberty through afavourable opportunity. Appius now orders Icilius to be summoned beforehim, now on refusing to come to be seized; at length, when anopportunity of approaching him was not afforded to the beadles, hehimself proceeding through the crowd with a body of young patricians, orders him to be taken into confinement. Now not only the multitude, butLucius Valerius and Marcus Horatius, the leaders of the multitude, stoodaround Icilius: who, having repulsed the lictor, stated, that "if hemeant to proceed by law, they would protect Icilius from one who was buta private citizen; if he desired to employ force, that they would be nobad match for him even then. " Hence arises a furious scuffle. Thedecemvir's lictor attacks Valerius and Horatius: the fasces are brokenby the people. Appius ascends the tribunal; Horatius and Valerius followhim. To them the assembly pays attention, they drown with clamour thevoice of the decemvir. Now Valerius authoritatively ordered the lictorsto depart from one who was but a private citizen: when Appius, whosespirits were now broken, being alarmed for his life, betook himself intoa house in the vicinity of the forum, unknown to his enemies, with hishead covered up. Spurius Oppius, in order to assist his colleague, rushes into the forum from the opposite side; he sees their authorityoverpowered by force. Distracted then by various counsels between whichhe wavered, by assenting to several advisers from every side, heeventually ordered the senate to be convened. Because the proceedings ofthe decemvirs seemed to be displeasing to the greater portion of thepatricians, this step quieted the people with the hope that thegovernment would be abolished through the senate. The senate gave theiropinion that neither the commons should be exasperated, and much morethat care should be taken that the arrival of Virginius should notoccasion any commotion in the army. 

50. Accordingly some of the junior patricians, being sent to the campwhich was at that time on Mount Vecilius, announce to the decemvirs"that by every means in their power they should keep the soldiers frommutinying. " Where Virginius occasioned greater commotion than he hadleft behind him in the city. For besides that he was seen coming with abody of near four hundred men, who, fired at the heinous enormity of theoccurrence, had accompanied him from the city; the unsheathed weapon andhimself besmeared with blood, attracted to him the entire camp; and thegowns[151] seen in the different parts of the camp, had caused thenumber of people from the city to appear much greater than it reallywas. When they asked him what was the matter, in consequence of hisweeping he uttered not a word. At length, as soon as the crowd of thoserunning together became still, and silence took place, he related everything in order as it occurred. Then extending his hands towards heaven, addressing his fellow soldiers, he begged of them, "not to impute to himthat which was the crime of Appius, not to abhor him as the murderer ofhis children. " To him the life of his daughter was dearer than his own, if she had been allowed to live in freedom and chastity. When he beheldher dragged to prostitution as if a slave, thinking it better that hischild should be lost by death than by dishonour, through compassion forher he fell into an appearance of cruelty. Nor would he have survivedhis daughter, had he not placed hope of avenging her death in the aid ofhis fellow soldiers. For that they too had daughters, sisters, andwives; nor was the lust of Appius Claudius extinguished with hisdaughter; but in proportion as it escaped with impunity, so much themore unbridled would it be. That in the calamities of others a warningwas given to them to guard against a similar injury. That for his ownpart, his wife had been taken from him by fate; his daughter, becauseshe no longer could live in chastity, died an unfortunate but honourabledeath; that there was no longer in his house an opportunity for Appius'slust; that from any other violence of his he would defend his personwith the same spirit with which he vindicated that of his daughter. Thatothers should take care of themselves and of their children. ToVirginius, uttering these words in a loud voice, the multitude respondedwith a shout, "that they would not be backward, with respect either tohis wrongs or their own liberty. And the gown-men mixing with the crowdof soldiers, both by narrating with sorrow those same circumstances, andby showing how much more shocking they must have appeared when seen thanwhen merely heard, and also by telling them that matters were nowdesperate at Rome; those also who followed (the persons that accompaniedVirginius from Rome) and alleged that Appius, having with difficultyescaped with life, had gone into exile;[152] all these individuals sofar influenced them that there was a general cry to arms, they snatchedup their standards, and set out for Rome. " The decemvirs, being alarmedat the same time both by what they now saw, as well as by those thingswhich they had heard had taken place at Rome, ran about to differentparts of the camp to quell the commotion. Whilst they proceeded withmildness no answer was returned to them. If any of them attempted toexert authority over them, the answer given was, that "they were men andhad arms. " They go in a body to the city and post themselves on theAventine; encouraging the commons, according as each person met them, toreassume their liberty, and elect tribunes of the people; no otherviolent expression was heard. Spurius Oppius holds a meeting of thesenate; it is resolved that no harsh proceedings should be adopted, asoccasion for the sedition had been given by themselves. Three men ofconsular rank, Spurius Tarpeius, Caius Julius, Publius Sulpicius, aresent as ambassadors, to inquire, in the name of the senate, by whoseorders they had deserted the camp? or what they intended in postingthemselves on the Aventine in arms, and in turning away their arms fromthe enemy and taking their own country? They were at no loss for ananswer; they wanted some one to give the answer, there being as yet nocertain leader, and individuals not being forward enough to exposethemselves to the invidious office. The multitude only called out withone voice, that they should send Lucius Valerius and Marcus Horatius tothem: that to them they would give their answer. 

[Footnote 151: The dress of the citizens. ]

[Footnote 152: Two classes of persons are here intended: 1. Those whoaccompanied Virginius into the camp. 2. Others who followed themsubsequently. ]

51. The ambassadors being dismissed, Virginius reminds the soldiers"that a little time before they had been embarrassed in a matter of novery great difficulty, because the multitude was without a head; andthat the answer given, though not inexpedient, was the result rather ofan accidental concurrence than of a concerted plan. His opinion was, that ten persons be elected, who should preside in the management oftheir affairs, and, in the style of military dignity, that they shouldbe called tribunes of the soldiers. " When that honour was offered tohimself in the first instance, he replied, "Reserve for an occasion morefavourable to you and to me those your kind opinions of me. My daughterbeing unavenged, neither allows any honour to be satisfactory to me, norin the disturbed state of things is it useful that those should be atyour head who are most obnoxious to party malice. If there will be anyuse of me, such use will be derived not in a less degree from me in aprivate station. " They then elect military tribunes ten in number. Norwas the army among the Sabines inactive. There also, at the instance ofIcilius and Numitorius, a secession from the decemvirs took place, thecommotion of men's minds on recollecting the murder of Siccius being notless than that, which the recent account of the barbarous attempt madeon the maiden to gratify lust had enkindled. When Icilius heard thattribunes of the soldiers were elected on Mount Aventine, lest theelection-assembly in the city might follow the precedent of the militaryassembly, by electing the same persons tribunes of the commons, beingwell versed in popular intrigues and having an eye to that office, healso takes care, before they proceeded to the city, that the same numberbe elected by his own party with an equal power. They entered the citythrough the Colline gate in military array, and proceeded in a body tothe Aventine through the middle of the city. There, joined to the otherarmy, they commissioned the twenty tribunes of the soldiers to selecttwo out of their number, who should hold the command in chief. Theychoose Marcus Oppius and Sextus Manilius. The patricians, alarmed forthe general safety, though there was a meeting every day, waste the timein wrangling more frequently than in deliberation. The murder ofSiccius, the lust of Appius, and the disgraces incurred in war wereurged as charges against the decemvirs. It was resolved that Valeriusand Horatius should proceed to the Aventine. They refused to go on anyother conditions, than that the decemvirs should lay down the badges ofthat office, which had expired the year before. The decemvirs, complaining that they were now being degraded, stated that they wouldnot resign their office, until those laws were passed on account ofwhich they had been appointed. 

52. The people being informed through Marcus Duilius, who had beentribune of the people, that by reason of their continual contentions nobusiness was transacted, passes from the Aventine to the Sacred mount;Duilius affirming that serious concern for business would not enter theminds of the patricians, until they saw the city deserted. That theSacred mount would remind them of the people's firmness; that they wouldthen know, that matters could not be restored to concord without therestoration of (the tribunitian) power. Having set out along theNomentan way, which was then called the Ficulnean, they pitched theircamp on the Sacred mount, imitating the moderation of their fathers bycommitting no violence. The commons followed the army, no one whose agewould permit him declining to go. Their wives and children attendedtheir steps, piteously asking to whom would they leave them, in a cityin which neither chastity nor liberty were respected? When the unusualsolitude rendered every place in Rome void; when there was in the forumno one but a few old men; when, the patricians being convened into thesenate, the forum appeared deserted; more now besides Horatius andValerius began to exclaim, "What will ye now wait for, conscriptfathers? If the decemvirs do not put an end to their obstinacy, will yesuffer all things to go to wreck and ruin? What power is that, decemvirs, which ye embrace and hold so firmly? do you mean toadminister justice to walls and mere houses? Are you not ashamed that analmost greater number of your lictors is to be seen in the forum than ofthe other citizens? What are ye to do, in case the enemy should approachthe city? What, if the commons should come presently in arms, if we seemnot to be moved by their secession? do you mean to conclude your powerby the fall of the city? But (the case is this, ) either we must not havethe commons, or they must have their tribunes. We would sooner dispensewith our patrician magistrates, than they with their plebeian. Thatpower, when new and untried, they wrested from our fathers; much lesswill they, now that they have tested the sweets of it, endure its loss:more especially since we make not a moderate use of our power, so thatthey may not stand in need of (tribunitian) aid. " When these argumentswere thrown out from every quarter, the decemvirs, overpowered by theunited opinions of all, declare that, since such seems to be thefeeling, they would submit to the authority of the patricians. All theyask is, that they may be protected from popular rage; they give awarning, that they should not through shedding their blood habituate thepeople to inflict punishment on the patricians. 

53. Then Valerius and Horatius, having been sent to bring back thepeople on such terms as might seem fit, and to adjust all differences, are directed to make provision also for the decemvirs from theresentment and violence of the multitude. They set forward and arereceived into the camp with great joy by the people, as being theirliberators beyond all doubt, both at the commencement of the disturbanceand at the termination of the matter. In consideration of these things, thanks were returned to them on their arrival. Icilius speaks in thename of the people. When the terms came to be considered, theambassadors inquiring what were the demands of the people, the sameindividual, having already concerted the plan before the arrival of theambassadors, stated demands of such a nature, that it became evident, that more hope was placed in the justice of their case than in arms. Forthey demanded back the tribunitian office and the right of appeal, which, before the appointment of decemvirs, had been the props of thepeople, and that it should not be visited with injury to any one, tohave instigated the soldiers or the commons to seek back their libertyby a secession. Concerning the punishment only of the decemvirs wastheir demand immoderate; for they thought it but just that they shouldbe delivered up to them; and they threatened that they would burn themalive. In answer the ambassadors say, the demands which have been theresult of deliberation are so reasonable, that they should bevoluntarily offered to you; for you seek them as safeguards to yourliberty, not as means of licentious power to assail others. Yourresentment we must rather pardon than indulge; seeing that from yourhatred of cruelty ye rush into cruelty, and almost before you are freeyourselves, you wish already to lord it over your enemies. Shall ourstate never enjoy rest from punishments, either of the patricians on theRoman commons, or of the commons on the patricians? you have occasionfor a shield rather than for a sword. He is sufficiently and abundantlyhumble, who lives in a state on an equal footing, neither inflicting norsuffering injury. Moreover, "should you feel disposed to renderyourselves formidable, when, having recovered your magistrates and laws, decisions on our lives and fortunes shall be in your hands; then youshall determine according to the merits of each case; now it issufficient that your liberty be restored. "

54. All permitting them to act just as they think proper, theambassadors assure them that they would speedily return, havingcompleted every matter. When they went and laid before the patriciansthe message of the commons, the other decemvirs, since, contrary totheir own expectation, no mention was made of their punishment, raisedno objection. Appius, being of a truculent disposition and a particularobject of detestation, measuring the rancour of others towards him byhis own towards them, says, "I am aware of the fate which hangs over me. I see that the contest against us is deferred, until our arms aredelivered up to our adversaries. Blood must be offered up to popularrage. Not even do I demur to resign my decemvirate. " A decree of thesenate is then passed, "that the decemvirs should without delay resigntheir office; that Quintus Furius, chief pontiff, should hold anelection of plebeian tribunes, and that the secession of the soldiersand commons should not be visited on any one. " These decrees beingfinished, the senate being dismissed, the decemvirs come forth into theassembly, and resign their office, to the great joy of all. News of thisis carried to the commons. All the people remaining in the city escortthe ambassadors. This crowd was met by another joyous body from thecamp; they congratulate each other on the restoration of peace andconcord to the state. The deputies address the assembly: "Be itadvantageous, fortunate, and happy for you and the republic, return intoyour country to your household gods, your wives and children; but carryinto the city the same modesty which you observed here, where, amid theconsumption of so many matters necessary for so large a number ofpersons, no man's field has been injured. Go to the Aventine, whence yeset out. In that auspicious place, where ye took the first step towardsliberty, ye shall elect tribunes of the people. The chief pontiff willbe at hand to hold the elections. " Great was their assent and joy, asevinced in their approbation of every measure. They then hastily raisetheir standards, and having set out for Rome, vie in exultation with allthey met. There, the chief pontiff holding the meeting for theelections, they elected as their tribunes of the people, first of all A. Virginius, then Lucius Icilius, and Publius Numitorius the uncle ofVirginia, the advisers of the secession. Then Caius Sicinius, theoffspring of him who is recorded to have been elected first tribune ofthe commons on the Sacred mount; and Marcus Duilius, who had passedthrough a distinguished tribuneship before the creation of thedecemvirs, and was never wanting to the commons in their contests withthe decemvirs. Marcus Titinius, Marcus Pomponius, Caius Apronius, Publius Villius, and Caius Oppius, were elected more from hope(entertained of them) than from any services (performed). When heentered on his tribuneship, Lucius Icilius proposed to the commons, andthe commons ordered, that the secession from the decemvirs which hadtaken place should not prove detrimental to any individual. Immediatelyafter Duilius carried a proposition for electing consuls, with right ofappeal. All these things were transacted in an assembly of the commonsin the Flaminian meadows, which they now call the Flaminian circus. 

55. Then through an interrex Lucius Valerius and Marcus Horatius wereelected consuls, who immediately entered on their office; whoseconsulship was popular without any actual injury to the patricians, though not without their displeasure; for whatever provision was madefor securing the liberty of the commons, that they considered to be adiminution made in their own power. First of all, when it was as it werea point in controversy, whether patricians were bound by regulationsenacted in an assembly of the commons, they proposed a law in theassembly of the centuries, that whatever the commons orderedcollectively, should bind the entire people; by which law a mostkeen-edged weapon was given to motions introduced by tribunes. Thenanother law made by a consul concerning the right of appeal, a singularsecurity to liberty, and subverted by the decemviral power, they notonly restore, but guard it also for the time to come, by enacting a newlaw, "that no one should appoint any magistrate without a right ofappeal; if any person should so elect, it would be lawful and right thathe be put to death; and that such killing should not be deemed a capitaloffence. " And when they had sufficiently secured the commons by theright of appeal on the one hand, by tribunitian aid on the other, theyrenewed for the tribunes themselves (the privilege) that they should beheld sacred and inviolable, the memory of which matter had now beenalmost lost, reviving certain ceremonies which had been long disused;and they rendered them inviolable both by the religious institution, aswell as by a law, enacting, that "whoever should offer injury totribunes of the people, ædiles, judges, decemvirs, his person should bedevoted to Jupiter, and his property be sold at the temple of Ceres, Liber and Libera. " Commentators deny that any person is by this lawsacrosanct; but that he who may do an injury to any of them, is deemedto be devoted; therefore that an ædile may be arrested and carried toprison by superior magistrates, which, though it be not expresslywarranted by law, for an injury is done to a person to whom it is notlawful to do an injury according to this law, yet it is a proof that anædile is not considered as sacred; that the tribunes were sacred andinviolable by an ancient oath of the commons, when first they createdthat office. There have been persons who supposed that by this sameHoratian law provision was made for the consuls also and the prætors, because they were elected under the same auspices as the consuls; forthat a consul was called a judge. Which interpretation is refuted, because at this time it was not yet the custom for the consul to bestyled judge, but the prætor. These were the laws proposed by theconsuls. It was also regulated by the same consuls, that decrees of thesenate should be deposited with the ædiles of the commons in the templeof Ceres; which before that used to be suppressed and altered at thepleasure of the consuls. Marcus Duilius then, tribune of the commons, proposed to the people, and the people ordered, that "whoever left thepeople without tribunes, and whoever caused a magistrate to be electedwithout the right of appeal, should be punished with stripes andbeheaded. " All these matters, though against the feelings of thepatricians, passed off without opposition from them, because no severitywas aimed at any particular individual. 

56. Then both the tribunitian power and the liberty of the commons beingfirmly established, the tribunes now deeming it both safe and seasonableto attack individuals, single out Virginius as the first prosecutor andAppius as defendant. When Virginius appointed a day for Appius, andAppius came down to the forum, accompanied by some young patricians, thememory of his most profligate exercise of power was instantly revived inthe minds of all, as soon as they beheld himself and his satellites. Then Virginius says, "Long speeches have been invented for matters of adoubtful nature. Accordingly I shall neither waste time in dwelling onthe guilt of this man before you, from whose cruelty ye have rescuedyourselves by force of arms, nor shall I suffer him to add impudence tohis other enormous crimes in defending himself. Wherefore, AppiusClaudius, I remit to you the accumulated impious and nefarious deeds youhave had the effrontery to commit for the last two years; with respectto one charge only, unless you will appoint a judge, (and prove) thatyou have not, contrary to the laws, sentenced a free person to be aslave, I order that you be taken into custody. " Neither in the aid ofthe tribunes, nor in the judgment of the people, could Appius place anyhope: still he both appealed to the tribunes, and, when no one regardedhim, being seized by the bailiff, he exclaims, "I appeal. " The hearingof this one expression, that safeguard of liberty, uttered from thatmouth by which a free citizen was so recently consigned to slavery, occasioned general silence. And, whilst they observe to each other, that "at length there are gods, and that they do not disregard humanaffairs; and that punishments await tyranny and cruelty, which, thoughlate, are still by no means light; that he now appealed, who hadabolished all right of appeal; and that he implored the protection ofthe people, who had trampled down all the rights of the people; and thathe was dragged off to prison, destitute of the rights of liberty, whohad doomed a free person to slavery. " Amid the murmurs of the assembly, the voice of Appius was heard imploring the protection of the Romanpeople. He enumerated the services of his ancestors to the state, athome and abroad; his own unfortunate zeal towards the Roman commons;that he had resigned the consulship, to the great displeasure of thepatricians, for the purpose of equalizing the laws; (he then mentioned)his laws; which, though they still remained in force, the framer of themwas dragged to a prison. But the peculiar advantages and disadvantagesof his case he would then make trial of, when an opportunity would beafforded him of stating his defence. At present, he, a Roman citizen, demanded, by the common right of citizenship, that he be allowed tospeak on the day appointed, and to appeal to the judgment of the Romanpeople. That he did not dread popular rage so much as not to place anyhope in the equity and compassion of his fellow citizens. But if he wereled to prison without being heard, that he once more appealed to thetribunes of the people, and warned them not to imitate those whom theyhated. But if the tribunes acknowledge themselves bound in the sameconfederacy for abolishing the right of appeal, which they charged thedecemvirs with having formed, then he appealed to the people: heimplored the benefit of the laws passed that very year, both by theconsuls and tribunes, regarding the right of appeal. For who wouldappeal, if this were not allowed a person as yet uncondemned, whose casehas not been heard? what plebeian and humble individual would findprotection in the laws, if Appius Claudius could not? that he wouldafford a proof, whether tyranny or liberty was established by the newlaws; and whether the right of appeal and of challenge against theinjustice of magistrates was only held out in empty words, oreffectually granted. 

57. Virginius, on the other hand, affirmed that Appius Claudius was theonly person not entitled to a participation in the laws, nor in civil orhuman society. That men should look to the tribunal, the fortress of allvillanies; where that perpetual decemvir, venting his fury on theproperties, backs, and blood of the citizens, threatening all with hisrods and axes, a despiser of gods and men, attended with executioners, not lictors, changing his mind from rapine and murder to lust, beforethe eyes of the Roman people, tore a free-born maiden, as if a prisonerof war, from the embraces of her father, and gave her as a present to adependant, the pander to his secret pleasures. Where by a cruel decree, and by a most villainous decision, he armed the right hand of the fatheragainst the daughter: where he ordered the spouse and uncle, on theirraising the lifeless body of the girl, to be taken off to a prison;moved more at the interruption to his sensual gratification than at heruntimely death. That the prison was built for him also, which he used tocall the domicile of the Roman commons. Wherefore, though he may appealagain and oftener, he would as frequently refer him to a judge, on thecharge of having sentenced a free person to slavery; if he would not gobefore a judge, that he ordered him to be taken to prison as onecondemned. He was thrown into prison, and though without thedisapprobation of any individual, yet not without considerable emotionsof the public mind, when, in consequence of the punishment of sodistinguished a man, their own liberty began to appear to the commonsthemselves as excessive. The tribune deferred the day of trial. Whilstthese matters are going on, ambassadors from the Hernicians and Latinscame to Rome to present their congratulations on the harmony subsistingbetween the patricians and commons; and as an offering on that accountto Jupiter, the best and greatest, they brought into the Capitol agolden crown, of small weight, as riches at that time did not abound, and the duties of religion were performed rather with piety thanmagnificence. From the same source it was ascertained that the Æquansand Volscians were preparing for war with the utmost energy. The consulswere therefore ordered to divide the provinces between them. The Sabinesfell to the lot of Horatius, the Æquans and Volscians to that ofValerius. On their proclaiming a levy for these wars, through the goodwishes of the commons, not only the younger men, but of those who hadserved out their time, a considerable portion as volunteers, attended togive in their names: and hence the army was stronger not only by thenumber, but also by the kind of soldiers, veterans being mixed withthem. Before they marched out of the city, they engraved on brass, andfixed up in public view, the decemviral laws, which have received thename of "the twelve tables. " There are some who state that the ædilesdischarged that office by order of the tribunes. 

58. Caius Claudius, who, detesting the crimes of the decemvirs and, above all, incensed at the arrogant conduct of his brother's son, hadretired to Regillum, the country of his forefathers, having returned, though now advanced in years, to deprecate the dangers impending overthat man, whose vices he had shunned, now clad in a mourning garment, with the members of his family and his clients, went about the forum, and solicited the interest of the citizens individually, "That theywould not cast such a stain on the Claudian family, as to consider themdeserving of imprisonment and chains; that a man whose image would bemost highly honoured with posterity, the framer of their laws and thefounder of Roman jurisprudence, lay in chains amongst nightly thievesand robbers. (He begged) that they would turn away their minds fromresentment for a while to examination and reflection; and rather pardonone at the intercession of so many members of the Claudian family, thanthrough a hatred of one spurn the entreaties of many; that he himselfalso paid this tribute to the family and the name; nor had he beenreconciled to him, whose unfortunate situation he wished to relieve;that by fortitude liberty had been recovered; by clemency the harmony ofthe several orders might be established. " Some there were whom heinfluenced more by his warm attachment to his family than for the sakeof him for whom he interceded. But Virginius begged that "they wouldrather pity him and his daughter; and that they would listen to theentreaties, not of the Claudian family, which had assumed a sort ofsovereignty over the commons, but those of the near friends of Virginiaand of the three tribunes; who having been created for the aid of thecommons, were now themselves imploring the protection and aid of thecommons. " These tears appeared more just. Accordingly, all hope beingcut off, Appius put a period to his life, before the day arrivedappointed for his trial. Soon after, Spurius Oppius, the next object ofpublic indignation, as having been in the city when the unjust decisionwas given by his colleague, was arraigned by Publius Numitorius. However, an act of injustice committed by Oppius brought more odium onhim, than the not preventing one (in the case of Appius). A witness wasbrought forward, who, after reckoning up twenty campaigns, after havingbeen particularly honoured eight different times, and wearing thesehonours in the sight of the Roman people, tore open his garment andexhibited his back torn with stripes, asking no other conditions but"that, if the accused could name any one guilty act of his, he might, though a private individual, once more repeat his severity on him. "Oppius was also thrown into prison, where he put a period to his lifebefore the day of trial. The tribunes confiscated the property of Appiusand Oppius. Their colleagues left their homes to go into exile; theirproperty was confiscated. Marcus Claudius, the claimant of Virginia, being condemned on the day of his trial, was discharged and went awayinto exile to Tibur, Virginius himself remitting the penalty as far asit affected his life; and the shade of Virginia, more fortunate afterdeath than when living, after having roamed through so many families inquest of vengeance, at length rested in peace, no guilty person beingleft unpunished. 

59. Great alarm seized the patricians, and the countenances of thetribunes were now the same as those of the decemvirs had been, whenMarcus Duilius, tribune of the people, having put a salutary check totheir immoderate power, says, "There has been both enough of liberty onour own part, and of vengeance on our enemies; wherefore for this year Iwill neither suffer a day of trial to be appointed for any one, nor anyperson to be thrown into prison. For it is neither pleasing to me thatold crimes now forgotten should be again brought forward, seeing thatthe recent ones have been atoned for by the punishment of the decemvirs;and the unremitting care of both the consuls in defending yourliberties, is ample security that nothing will be committed which willcall for tribunitian interference. " This moderation of the tribune firstrelieved the patricians from their fears, and at the same time increasedtheir ill-will towards the consuls; for they had been so devoted to thecommons, that even a plebeian magistrate took an earlier interest inthe safety and liberty of the patricians, than one of patrician rank;and their enemies would have been surfeited with inflicting punishmentson them, before the consuls, to all appearance, would have resistedtheir licentious career. And there were many who said that a want offirmness was shown, inasmuch as the fathers had given their approbationto the laws proposed; nor was there a doubt, but that in this troubledstate of public affairs they had yielded to the times. 

60. The business in the city being settled, and the rights of thecommons being firmly established, the consuls departed to theirrespective provinces. Valerius prudently deferred all warlike operationsagainst the armies of the Æquans and the Volscians, which had now formeda junction at Algidum. But if he had immediately committed the result tofortune, I know not but that, such were the feelings both of the Romansand of their enemies since the unfavourable auspices of the decemvirs, the contest would have stood them in a heavy loss. Having pitched hiscamp at the distance of a mile from the enemy, he kept his men quiet. The enemy filled the space lying between the two camps with their armyin order of battle, and not a single Roman made them any answer whenthey challenged them to battle. At length, wearied from standing andfrom waiting in vain for a contest, the Æquans and Volscians, considering that the victory was in a manner conceded to them, go off, some to the Hernicians, some to the Latins, to commit depredations. There was left in the camp rather a garrison for its defence thansufficient force for a contest. When the consul perceived this, heretorted the terror previously occasioned to his men, and drawing up histroops in order of battle, he now in his turn provokes the enemy tofight. When they, from a feeling of the absence of their forces, declined battle, the courage of the Romans immediately increased, andthey considered as vanquished those who stood panic-stricken withintheir rampart. After having stood for the entire day prepared for thecontest, they retired at night. And the Romans, now full of hope, setabout refreshing themselves. The enemy, in by no means equal spirits, being now in trepidation, despatch messengers in every direction to callback the plundering parties. Those in the nearest places return thence;those who were farther off were not found. When the day dawned, theRomans leave the camp, determining on assaulting the rampart unless anopportunity of fighting were afforded; and when the day was now faradvanced, and no movement was made by the enemy, the consul orders themto advance; and the troops being put in motion, the Æquans and theVolscians became indignant, that victorious armies were to be defendedby a rampart rather than by valour and arms. Wherefore they alsoearnestly demanded the signal for battle from their generals, andreceived it. And now half of them had got out of the gates, and theothers in succession were observing order, marching down each to his ownpost, when the Roman consul, before the enemy's line could be drawn up, supported by their entire strength, advanced on them; and havingattacked them before they were all as yet led forth, and when those whowere so had not their ranks sufficiently arranged, he falls on theunsteady crowd of them, running in trepidation from one place toanother, and throwing around their eyes on themselves and on theirfriends, a shout and violent onset adding to the already confused stateof their minds. The enemy at first gave way; then, when they had ralliedtheir spirits, and their generals on every side reprovingly asked them, whether they were about to yield to their vanquished foes, the battlewas restored. 

61. On the other side, the consul desired the Romans to remember that"on that day, for the first time, they fought as free men in defence ofRome, now a free city. That it was for themselves they were to conquer, and not that they should be the prize of the decemvirs, afterconquering. That it was not under the command of Appius that the actionwas being conducted, but under their consul Valerius, descended from theliberators of the Roman people, himself too a liberator. That theyshould show that in former battles it had been the fault of thegenerals, and not of the soldiers, that they did not conquer. That itwas shameful to have had more courage against their own countrymen thanagainst their enemies, and to have dreaded slavery more at home thanabroad. That Virginia was the only person whose chastity was in dangerin time of peace: that Appius was the only citizen of dangerous lust. But if the fortune of war should turn against them, all their childrenwould be in danger from so many thousands of enemies. That he wouldnot, on account of the omen, mention things which may neither Jupiternor their father Mars suffer to befall a city built under suchauspices. " He reminded them of the Aventine and the Sacred mount; and"that they should bring back dominion unimpaired to that spot, wheretheir liberty had been established but a few months before: and thatthey should show that the Roman soldiers retained the same abilitiesafter the expulsion of the decemvirs, which they had possessed beforethey were appointed; and that the valour of the Roman people was notdeteriorated after the laws were equalized. " After he uttered thesewords among the battalions of the infantry, he flies from them to thecavalry. "Come, young men, surpass in valour the infantry, as youalready surpass them in honour and in rank. The infantry at the firstonset have made the enemy give way: now that they have given way, do yougive reins to your horses and drive them from the field. They will notstand your charge: even now they rather hesitate than resist. " They spuron their horses, and drive in amongst the enemy who were already throwninto confusion by the attack of the infantry; and having broken throughthe ranks, and pushed on to the rear of their line, a part wheelinground in the open space, turn most of them away from the camp to whichthey were now flying from all sides, and by riding on before they deterthem from that direction. The line of infantry, and the consul himself, and the main body of the army make for the camp, and having taken itwith considerable slaughter, they get possession of a great quantity ofbooty. The fame of this battle was carried not only to the city, but tothe other army also among the Sabines. In the city it was celebratedonly with public rejoicing; in the camp it fired the courage of thesoldiers to emulate such glory. Horatius, by training them inexcursions, and making trial of them in slight skirmishes, hadaccustomed them to trust in themselves rather than to remember theignominy incurred under the command of the decemvirs, and these littleencounters had now gone so far as to insure to them the consummation ofall their hopes. The Sabines, elated at their success on the precedingyear, ceased not to provoke and urge them (to fight, ) constantly askingthem why they wasted time, sallying forth in small numbers and returninglike marauders, and why they parcelled out the grand effort of a singlewar on a number of insignificant skirmishes? why did they not engagethem in the field, and consign the result to fortune to be determined atonce?

62. Besides that they had already of themselves recovered a sufficientdegree of courage, the Romans were fired with exasperation "that theother army would soon return victorious to the city; that the enemy werenow wantonly insulting them by contumelies; when would they be a matchfor the enemy, if they were not so then?" When the consul ascertainedthat the soldiers gave expression to these sentiments in the camp, having summoned an assembly: "How matters have gone on in Algidum, " sayshe, "I suppose that you, soldiers, have already heard. As became thearmy of a free people to behave, so have they behaved: through thejudicious conduct of my colleague and the valour of the soldiers, thevictory has been gained. For my part, the plan and determination which Iam to maintain, you yourselves shall suggest. The war may be bothprolonged with advantage, and be brought to a speedy conclusion. If itis to be prolonged, I shall take care by the same discipline with whichI have commenced, that your hopes and your valour may increase everyday. If you have now sufficient courage, and it is your wish that thematter be decided, come on, raise here that shout such as you will raisein the field of battle, the index at once of your inclination and yourvalour. " When the shout was raised with great alacrity, he assures them"that with the good favour of heaven, he would comply with their wishesand lead them next day to the field. " The remainder of the day is spentin preparing their arms. On the following day, as soon as the Sabinessaw the Roman army being drawn up in order of battle, they too, as beinglong since eager for the encounter, come forward. The battle was such aone as may be expected between two armies confident in themselves, theone animated by the glory of former and uninterrupted glory, the otherlately so by an unusual instance of success. The Sabines aided theirstrength by stratagem also; for having formed a line equal (to that ofthe enemy, ) they kept two thousand men in reserve, to make an attack onthe left wing of the Romans in the heat of the battle. When these, by anattack in flank, were overpowering that wing, now almost surrounded, about six hundred of the cavalry of two legions leap down from theirhorses, and rush forward in front of their men, now giving way; and theyat the same time both oppose the progress of the enemy, and incite thecourage of the infantry, first sharing the danger equally with them, andthen by arousing in them a sense of shame. It was a matter of shame thatthe cavalry should fight in their own proper character and in that ofothers; and that the infantry should not be equal to the cavalry evenwhen dismounted. 

63. They press forward therefore to the fight, which had been suspendedon their part, and endeavour to regain the ground which they had lost, and in a moment not only is the battle restored, but one of the wings ofthe Sabines gives way. The cavalry, covered between the ranks of thefoot, return to their horses; they then gallop across to the otherdivision to announce their success to their party; at the same time alsothey make a charge on the enemy, now disheartened by the discomfiture oftheir stronger wing. The valour of none shone more conspicuous in thatbattle. The consul provided for all emergencies; he applauded the brave, rebuked wherever the battle seemed to slacken. When reproved, theydisplayed immediately the energy of brave men; and a sense of shamestimulated them as much as praises excited the others. The shout beingraised anew, and making a united effort, they drive the enemy back; norcould the Roman power be any longer resisted. The Sabines, driven inevery direction through the country, leave behind them their camp asplunder for the enemy. There the Roman recovers the effects not of theallies, as at Algidum, but his own property, which had been lost by thedevastations of their lands. For this double victory, obtained in twobattles, in two different places, the senate through jealousy decreedmerely supplications in the name of the consuls for one day only. Thepeople went, however, on the second day also in great numbers of theirown accord to offer thanksgiving; and this unauthorized and popularsupplication was even more zealously attended. The consuls by concertcame to the city within the same two days, and called out the senate tothe Campus Martius. Where, when they were relating the servicesperformed by themselves, the chiefs of the patricians complained thatthe senate was convened among the soldiers designedly for the purpose ofintimidation. The consuls therefore, lest there might be any foundationfor such a charge, called away the senate to the Flaminian meadows, where the temple of Apollo now is (even then they called itApollinaris). Where, when a triumph was refused by a large majority ofthe patricians, Lucius Icilius, tribune of the commons, proposed to thepeople regarding the triumph of the consuls, many persons coming forwardto argue against the measure, but in particular Caius Claudius, exclaiming, "That it was over the senate, not over the enemy, theconsuls wished to triumph; and that it was intended as a return for aprivate service to a tribune, and not as an honour due to valour. Thatnever before was the matter of a triumph managed through the people; butthat the consideration concerning the honour and the disposal of it, always lay with the senate; that not even the kings had infringed on themajesty of this highest order. That the tribunes should not thus occupyevery department with their own authority, so as to allow the existenceof no public council; that the state would be free, and the lawsequalized by these means only, if each rank would retain its own rights, its own dignity. " Though much had been said by the other seniorpatricians also to the same purpose, all the tribes approved thatproposition. Then for the first time a triumph was celebrated by orderof the people, without the authority of the senate. 

64. This victory of the tribunes and people was well nigh terminating inan extravagance of a by no means salutary tendency, a conspiracy beingformed among the tribunes to have the same tribunes re-elected, and inorder that their ambition might be the less conspicuous, to continuetheir office to the consuls. They pleaded, as a cause, the combinationof the patricians by which the privileges of the commons were attemptedto be undermined by the affronts thrown upon the consuls. What would bethe consequence, before the laws are yet firmly established, if consulsshould through their factions attack the new tribunes. For that Horatiiand Valerii would not always be consuls, who would postpone their owninterest to the liberty of the people. By some concurrence ofcircumstances, useful at the time, it fell by lot to Marcus Duiliusabove any one else to preside at the elections, a man of prudence, andwho perceived the storm of public odium that was hanging over them fromthe continuance of their office. And when he stated that he would takeno notice of the former tribunes, and his colleagues strenuouslyinsisted that he should allow the tribes to be at liberty to vote, orshould give up the office of presiding at the elections to hiscolleagues, who would hold the election according to law rather thanaccording to the pleasure of the patricians; a contention being nowexcited, when Duilius had sent for the consuls to his seat and askedthem what they contemplated doing with respect to the consularelections, and they answered that they would appoint new consuls, havingfound popular supporters of a measure by no means popular, he proceededwith them into the assembly. Where, when the consuls, being broughtforward before the people, and asked, whether if the Roman people, mindful of their liberty recovered at home through them, mindful also oftheir military services, should again elect them consuls, what theywould do, made no change in their sentiments; he held the election, after eulogizing the consuls, because they persevered to the last inbeing unlike the decemvirs; and five tribunes of the people beingelected, when, through the zealous exertions of the nine tribunes whoopenly pushed their canvass, the other candidates could not make up therequired number of tribes, he dismissed the assembly; nor did he holdone after for the purpose of an election. He said that he had fulfilledthe law, which without any where specifying the number of tribunes, onlyenacted that tribunes should be left; and recommended that colleagues bechosen by those who had been elected. And he recited the terms of thelaw, in which (it is said, ) "If I shall propose ten tribunes of thecommons, if you elect this day less than ten tribunes of the people, then that those whom they may have chosen as colleagues for themselvesbe legitimate tribunes of the people, by the same law as those whom youhave this day elected tribunes of the people. " When Duilius perseveredto the last, stating that the republic could not have fifteen tribunesof the people, after baffling the ambition of his colleagues, heresigned his office, being equally approved by the patricians andpeople. 

65. The new tribunes of the people in electing their colleagues evinceda disposition to gratify the wishes of the patricians; they even electedtwo who were patricians, and even consulars, Spurius Tarpeius and AulusAterius. The consuls then elected, Largius Herminius, Titus VirginiusCælimontanus not very much inclined to the cause either of thepatricians or commons, had perfect tranquillity both at home and abroad. Lucius Trebonius, tribune of the commons, incensed against thepatricians, because, as he said, he was imposed on by them in the affairof choosing colleagues, and betrayed by his colleagues, carried aproposal, "that whoever took the votes of the commons in electingtribunes of the people, he should go on taking the votes, until heelected ten tribunes of the people;" and he spent his tribuneship inworrying the patricians, whence the cognomen of Asper was given him. Next Marcus Geganius Macerinus, and Caius Julius, being elected consuls, quieted some combinations of the tribunes against the youth of thenobility, without any harsh proceeding against that power, and stillpreserving the dignity of the patricians; by proclaiming a levy for thewar against the Volscians and Æquans, they kept the people from riots bykeeping matters in abeyance; affirming, that every thing was quietabroad, there being harmony in the city, and that through civil discordthe enemies assumed new courage. Their anxiety for peace was also thecause of concord at home. But each of the orders ever took advantage ofmoderation in the other. Acts of injustice began to be committed by theyounger patricians on the commons when perfectly quiet. When thetribunes would assist the weaker party, at first it was of little use;then not even themselves escaped being ill-treated; particularly in thelatter months, when injustice was committed through the combinationsamong the more powerful, and the vigour of every magistracy becomesconsiderably more lax in the latter part of the year; and now thecommons placed hopes in the tribuneship, only on the condition that theyhad tribunes like Icilius; that for the last two years they had had onlymere names. On the other hand, the elder members of the patrician order, though they considered their young men to be too overbearing, yet wouldrather, if bounds were to be exceeded, that a redundancy of spiritshould exist in their own order than in their adversaries. So difficulta thing is moderation in maintaining liberty, whilst by pretending todesire equalization, every person raises himself in such a manner as todepress another; and men, by their very precautions against fear, causethemselves to become objects of dread; and we saddle on others injusticethrown off from ourselves, as if it were actually necessary either tocommit injustice or to submit to it. 

66. Titus Quintius Capitolinus, for the fourth time, and Agrippa Furiusbeing then elected consuls, found neither disturbance at home nor warabroad; both, however, were impending. The discord of the citizens couldnow no longer be checked, both tribunes and commons being exasperatedagainst the patricians, when a day of trial being appointed for any ofthe nobility always embroiled the assemblies with new contests. On thefirst noise of which the Æquans and Volscians, as if they had received asignal, took up arms; at the same time because their leaders, desirousof plunder, had persuaded them that the levy proclaimed two yearspreviously could not be proceeded with, the commons now refusingobedience; that on that account no armies were sent against them; thatmilitary discipline was subverted by licentiousness; and that Rome wasno longer considered as their common country; that whatever resentmentand animosity they may have entertained against foreigners, was nowturned against each other; that now an occasion offered for destroyingthose wolves blinded by intestine rage. Having united their forces, theyfirst laid waste the Latin territory: when no resistance was foundthere, then indeed, to the great exultation of the advisers of the war, they approached the very walls of Rome, carrying their depredations intothe district around the Esquiline gate, pointing out to the city thedevastation of the land by way of insult. Whence when they marched backto Corbio unmolested, and driving the prey before them, Quintius theconsul summoned the people to an assembly. 

67. There I find that he spoke to this purport: "Though I am consciousto myself of no fault, Romans, yet with the greatest shame I have comeforward to your assembly. That you should know this; that this should behanded down on record to posterity, that the Æquans and Volscians, ashort time since scarcely a match for the Hernicians, have with impunitycome with arms in their hands to the walls of Rome, in the fourthconsulate of Titus Quintius. Had I known that this ignominy was reservedfor this particular year, (though we are now long living in such amanner, such is the state of affairs, that my mind could augur nothinggood, ) I would have avoided this honour either by exile or by death, ifthere were no other means of escaping it. Then if men of courage hadthose arms, which were at our gates, could Rome be taken in myconsulate? I have had sufficient honours, enough and more than enough oflife: I should have died in my third consulate. Whom did these mostdastardly enemies despise? us, consuls, or you, citizens? If the faultis in us, take away the command from us as unworthy persons; and if thatis insufficient, further inflict punishment on us. If in you, may therebe none of gods or men who will punish your offences; do you only repentof them. It is not your cowardice they have despised, nor their ownvalour they have confided in; for having been so often routed and put toflight, stripped of their camp, amerced in their land, sent under theyoke, they know both themselves and you. The discord among the severalorders is the bane of this city; the contests of the patricians andcommons have raised their spirits; whilst we have neither bounds in thepursuit of power, nor you in that of liberty, whilst you are tired ofpatrician, these of plebeian magistrates. In the name of heaven, whatwould ye have? You coveted tribunes of the commons; we conceded them forthe sake of concord. Ye longed for decemvirs; we suffered them to becreated. Ye became weary of decemvirs; we compelled them to resign theoffice. Your resentment against these same persons when they becameprivate citizens still continuing, we suffered men of the highestfamilies and rank to die or go into exile. Ye wished again to createtribunes of the commons; ye created them. Though we saw that it wasunjust to the patricians to create consuls in your own interest, we haveeven seen a patrician magistracy conceded as an offering to the people. The aid of tribunes, right of appeal to the people, the acts of thecommons made binding on the patricians under the pretext of equalizingthe laws, the subversion of our privileges, we have borne and stillbear. What termination is there to be to our dissensions? when shall itbe allowed us to have a united city? when to have one common country?When defeated we submit with more resignation than you when victorious. Is it enough for you, that you are objects of terror to us? The Aventineis taken against us; against us the Sacred mount is seized. When theEsquiliæ is almost taken by the enemy, and when the Volscian foe isscaling your rampart, there is no one to dislodge him: against us yeare men, against us ye take up arms. 

68. "Come, when ye have blockaded the senate-house here, and have madethe forum the seat of war, and filled the prison with the leading men ofthe state, march forth through the Esquiline gate, with that samedetermined spirit; or if ye do not even venture thus far, behold fromyour walls the lands laid waste with fire and sword, booty driven off, the houses set on fire in every direction and smoking. But (I may betold) it is the public weal that is in a worse condition through theseresults: the land is burned, the city is besieged, all the glory of thewar is centred in the enemy. What in the name of heaven? in what stateis your own private interest? just now his own private losses wereannounced to each of you from the lands. What, pray, is there at home, whence you may recruit them? Will the tribunes restore and compensateyou for what ye have lost? Of sound and words they will heap on you asmuch as ye please, and of charges against the leading men, and laws oneupon another, and of public meetings. But from these meetings never hasone of you returned home more increased in substance or in fortune. Hasany one ever brought back to his wife and children aught save hatred, quarrels, grudges public and private? from which (and their effects) youhave been ever protected, not by your own valour and integrity, but bythe aid of others. But, when you served under the guidance of usconsuls, not under your tribunes, and the enemy trembled at your shoutin the field of battle, not the Roman patricians in the assembly, bootybeing obtained, land taken from the enemy, with a plentiful stock ofwealth and glory, both public and private, you used to return home toyour household gods in triumph: now you allow the enemy to go off ladenwith your property. Continue immovably tied to your assemblies, live inthe forum; the necessity of taking the field, which ye avoid, stillfollows you. Was it too hard on you to march against the Æquans and theVolscians? The war is at your gates: if it is not repelled from thence, it will soon be within your walls, and will scale the citadel andCapitol, and follow you into your very houses. Two years ago the senateordered a levy to be held, and the army to march to Algidum; yet we sitdown listless at home, quarrelling with each other like women;delighting in present peace, and not seeing that after that short-livedintermission complicated wars are sure to return. That there are othertopics more pleasing than these, I well know; but even though my ownmind did not prompt me to it, necessity obliges me to speak that whichis true instead of that which is pleasing. I would indeed be anxious toplease you, Romans; but I am much more anxious that ye should bepreserved, whatever sentiments ye shall entertain towards me. It hasbeen so ordained by nature, that he who addresses a multitude for hisown private interest, is more pleasing than the man whose mind hasnothing in view but the public interest. Unless perhaps you suppose thatthose public sycophants, those flatterers of the commons, who neithersuffer you to take up arms nor to live in peace, incite and work you upfor your own interests. When excited, you are to them sources either ofhonour or of profit: and because, during concord between the severalorders, they see that themselves are of no importance on any side, theywish to be leaders of a bad cause rather than of no cause whatever, oftumults, and of sedition. Of which state of things, if a tedium can atlength enter your minds, and if ye are willing to resume the modes ofacting practised by your forefathers, and formerly by yourselves, Isubmit to any punishment, if I do not rout and put to flight, and stripof their camp, those ravagers of our lands, and transfer from our gatesand walls to their cities this terror of war, by which you are nowthrown into consternation. "

69. Scarcely ever was the speech of a popular tribune more acceptable tothe commons, than was this of a most strict consul on that occasion. Theyoung men also, who during such alarming emergencies had been accustomedto employ the refusal to enlist as the sharpest weapon against thepatricians, began to direct their thoughts to war and arms: and theflight of the rustics, and those who had been robbed on the lands andwounded, announcing matters more revolting even than what was exhibitedto view, filled the whole city with a spirit of vengeance. When thesenate assembled, these all turning to Quintius, looked on him as theonly champion of Roman majesty; and the leading senators declared "hisharangue to be worthy of the consular authority, worthy of so manyconsulships formerly borne by him, worthy of his whole life, which wasfull of honours frequently enjoyed, more frequently deserved. Thatother consuls had either flattered the commons by betraying the dignityof the patricians, or by harshly maintaining the rights of their order, had rendered the multitude more difficult to subdue: that Titus Quintiushad delivered a speech mindful of the dignity of the patricians, of theconcord of the different orders, and above all, of the times. Theyentreated him and his colleague to take up the interest of thecommonwealth; they entreated the tribunes, that by acting in concertwith the consuls they would join in repelling the war from the city andthe walls, and that they would induce the commons to be obedient to thesenate in so perilous a conjuncture: that, their lands being devastated, and their city in a manner besieged, their common country appealed tothem as tribunes, and implored their aid. " By universal consent the levyis decreed and held. When the consuls gave public notice "that there wasno time for examining into excuses, that all the young men should attendon the following morning at the first dawn in the Campus Martius; thatwhen the war was over, they should afford time for inquiring into theexcuses of those who had not given in their names; that the man shouldbe held as a deserter, with whose excuse they might not be satisfied;"the entire youth attended on the following day. The cohorts chose eachtheir centurions: two senators were placed at the head of each cohort. We have heard that all these measures were perfected with suchexpedition, that the standards, having been brought forth from thetreasury on that very day by the quæstors and conveyed to the Campus, began to move from thence at the fourth hour; and the newly raised armyhalted at the tenth stone, followed by a few cohorts of veteran soldiersas volunteers. The following day brought the enemy within view, and campwas joined to camp near Corbio. On the third day, when resentment urgedon the Romans, a consciousness of guilt for having so often rebelled, and despair (of pardon) urged them on the other side, there was no delaymade in coming to an engagement. 

70. In the Roman army, though the two consuls were invested with equalauthority, the supreme command was by the concession of Agrippa resignedto his colleague, a thing which is most salutary in the management ofmatters of great importance; and he who was preferred politelyresponded to the ready condescension of him who lowered himself, bycommunicating to him all his measures and sharing with him his honours, and by equalizing himself to him no longer his equal. On the field ofbattle Quintius commanded the right, Agrippa the left wing; the commandof the central line is intrusted to Spurius Postumius Albus, aslieutenant-general. Servius Sulpicius, the other lieutenant-general, they place over the cavalry. The infantry on the right wing fought withdistinguished valour, with stout resistance from the Volscians. ServiusSulpicius broke with his cavalry through the centre of the enemy's line;whence though he might have returned in the same way to his own party, before the enemy could have restored their broken ranks, it seemed moreadvisable to attack the enemy's rear, and by attacking the rear he wouldin a moment have dispersed the enemy by the twofold attack, had not thecavalry of the Volscians and Æquans intercepted him and kept him engagedby a mode of fighting similar to his own. Then indeed Sulpicius assertedthat "there was no time for delaying, " crying out that "they weresurrounded and cut off from their own friends, unless they united alltheir efforts and despatched the engagement with the cavalry. Nor was itenough to rout the enemy without disabling them; that they should slayhorses and men, lest any might return to the fight or renew the battle;that they could not resist them, before whom a compact body of infantryhad given way. " His orders were addressed to by no means deaf ears; byone charge they routed the entire cavalry, dismounted great numbers, andkilled with their javelins both the men and the horses. This put atermination to the battle with the cavalry. Then attacking the enemy'sline, they send an account to the consuls of what they had done, wherethe enemy's line was now giving way. The news both gave new spirits tothe Romans who were now conquering, and dismayed the Æquans as they werebeginning to give way. They first began to be beaten in the centre, where the charge of the cavalry had broken their ranks. Then the leftwing began to lose ground before the consul Quintius; there was mostdifficulty on the right. Then Agrippa, buoyed up by youth and vigour, onseeing matters going more favourably in every part of the battle than inhis own quarter, took some of the standards from the standard-bearersand carried them on himself, some even he began to throw into the thickof the enemy. The soldiers, urged on by the fear of this disgrace, attacked the enemy; thus the victory was equalized in every quarter. News then came from Quintius that he, being now victorious, was about toattack the enemy's camp; that he was unwilling to break into it beforehe learned that they were beaten in the left wing also. If he had routedthe enemy, that he should now join him, that all the army together mighttake possession of the booty. Agrippa being victorious came with mutualcongratulations to his victorious colleague and to the enemy's camp. There being but few to defend it, and these being routed in a moment, they break into the fortifications without a struggle; and they marchback the army after it obtained a large share of spoil, having recoveredalso their own effects, which had been lost by the devastation of thelands. I have not ascertained that either they themselves demanded atriumph, nor that such was conferred on them by the senate; nor is anycause assigned for the honour being either overlooked or not hoped for. As far as I can conjecture at so great a distance of time, when atriumph had been refused to the consuls Horatius and Valerius, who, inaddition to the Æquans and Volscians, had gained the glory of finishingthe Sabine war, the consuls were ashamed to demand a triumph for onehalf of the services done by them; lest if they even should obtain it, regard of persons rather than of merit might appear to have beenentertained. 

71. A disgraceful decision of the people regarding the boundaries oftheir allies disgraced the honourable victory obtained over theirenemies. The states of Aricia and of Ardea, having frequently contendedin arms concerning a disputed piece of land, and being wearied out bymany mutual losses, appointed the Roman people as arbitrators. When theycame to support their claims, an assembly of the people being grantedthem by the magistrates, a debate ensued conducted with great warmth. And the witnesses being now produced, when the tribes were to be called, and the people were to give their votes, Publius Scaptius, a plebeianadvanced in years, rises up and says; "Consuls, if it is permitted me tospeak on the public interest, I will not suffer the people to be ledinto a mistake in this matter. " When the consuls said that he, asunworthy of attention, was not to be heard and, on his exclaiming "thatthe public interest was being betrayed, " ordered him to be put aside, heappeals to the tribunes. The tribunes, as they are always directed bythe multitude, rather than they direct them, indulged the people, whowere anxious to hear him, in granting Scaptius leave to say what hepleased. He then commences: "That he was in his eighty-third year, andthat he had served in that district which was now in dispute, not eventhen a young man as he was serving his twentieth campaign, whenoperations were going on at Corioli. He therefore adduced a factforgotten by length of time, but one deeply fixed in his own memory: thedistrict now in dispute had belonged to the territory of Corioli, andafter the taking of Corioli, it became by right of war the publicproperty of the Roman people. That he was surprised how the states ofArdea and Aricia should hope to intercept from the Roman people, whomfrom being the right owners they made arbitrators, a district the rightto which they never claimed whilst the state of Corioli subsisted. Thathe for his part had but a short time to live; he could not however bringhimself, old as he now was, to decline claiming by his voice, the onlymeans he now had, a district which, as a soldier, he had contributed toacquire, as far as an individual could. That he strenuously advised thepeople not to damn their own interest by an improper feeling ofdelicacy. "

72. The consuls, when they perceived that Scaptius was listened to notonly in silence, but even with approbation, appealing to gods and men, that an enormous and disgraceful act was being committed, send for theprincipal senators: with these they went around to the tribunes;entreated, "that, as judges, they would not be guilty of a most heinouscrime, with a still worse precedent, by converting the dispute to theirown interest, more especially when, even though it may be lawful for ajudge to protect his own emolument, so much would by no means beacquired by keeping the land, as would be lost by alienating theaffections of their allies by injustice; for that the losses ofcharacter and of reputation were greater than could be estimated. Werethe ambassadors to carry home this answer; was this to go out to theworld; were their allies to hear this; were their enemies to hearit--with what sorrow the one--with what joy the other party? Could theysuppose, that the neighbouring states would impute this proceeding toScaptius, an old babbler at assemblies? that Scaptius would be rendereddistinguished by this statue: that the Roman people would assume thecharacter of a usurper and intercepter of the claims of others. For whatjudge in a private cause ever acted in this way, so as to adjudge tohimself the property in dispute? That even Scaptius himself would notact so, though he has now outlived all sense of shame. " Thus theconsuls, thus the senators exclaimed; but covetousness, and Scaptius, the adviser of that covetousness, had more influence. The tribes, whenconvened, decided that the district was the public property of the Romanpeople. Nor is it denied that it might have been so, if they had gone toother judges; now the disgrace of the decision is certainly not at alldiminished by the fairness of the title: nor did it appear moredisgraceful or more hideous to the people of Aricia and of Ardea, thanit did to the Roman senate. The remainder of the year continued freefrom either city or foreign commotions. 

BOOK IV. 

 _A law was passed concerning the intermarriage of the patricians and plebeians, after strong resistance on the part of the patricians. Military tribunes with consular power. Censors created. Restoration of the lands unjustly taken from the people of Ardea. Spurius Melius, suspected of aiming at regal power, is slain by C. Servilius Ahala by order of Quintius Cincinnatus, dictator. Cornelius Cossus, having killed Tolumnius, king of the Veientes, offers the second_ spolia opima. _Duration of the censorship, originally five years, limited to one year and a half. Fidenæ reduced, and a colony settled there. The colonists destroyed by the Fidenatians, who are subsequently conquered by Mamercus Æmilius, dictator. A conspiracy of the slaves put down. Postumius, a military tribune, slain by the army for his cruelties. Pay from the treasury first given to the soldiers. Operations against the Volscians, Fidenatians, and Faliscians. _

1. Marcus Genucius and Caius Curtius followed these as consuls. The yearwas disturbed both at home and abroad. For at the commencement of theyear Caius Canuleius, tribune of the people, proposed a law concerningthe intermarriage of the patricians and commons; by which the patriciansconsidered that their blood would be contaminated, and the privileges ofbirth would be confounded; and a hint at first lightly suggested by thetribunes, that it should be lawful that one of the consuls should beelected from the commons, afterwards proceeded so far, that the ninetribunes proposed a bill, "that the people should have the power ofelecting the consuls, whether they wished, from the commons or thepatricians. But they thought that if that were done, the supremeauthority would not only be shared with the lowest ranks, but be whollytransferred from the nobility to the commons. With joy therefore thepatricians heard that the people of Ardea had revolted in consequence ofthe injustice of the taking away their land, and that the Veientians hadlaid waste the frontiers of the Roman territory, and that the Volsciansand Æquans murmured on account of the fortifying of Verrago; so much didthey prefer an unsuccessful war to an ignominious peace. " These tidingstherefore being received and with exaggerations, in order that duringthe din of so many wars the tribunitian proceedings might be suspended, they order the levies to be held, preparations to be made for war andarms with the utmost activity; with more energy, if possible, than hadbeen used in the consulship of Titus Quintius. Then Caius Canuleiusdeclared aloud in brief terms in the senate, that "the consuls wished invain to divert the commons from attention to the new laws; that theynever should hold a levee while he lived, before the commons had firstratified the laws proposed by him and his colleagues;" and he instantlysummoned them to an assembly. 

2. Both the consuls incited the senate against the tribune, and thetribune the people against the consuls at one and the same time. Theconsuls denied "that tribunitian frenzies could any longer be endured;that they were now come to a crisis; that more hostilities were beingstirred up at home than abroad. That this happened not more through thefault of the commons than of the patricians; nor more through that ofthe tribunes than of the consuls. That the matter for which there was areward in the state thrived always with the greatest proficiency; thatthus it was that men became meritorious in peace, thus in war. That atRome the highest reward was for sedition; that had ever been the sourceof honour both to individuals and to collective bodies. They shouldremember in what condition they had received the majesty of the senatefrom their forefathers, in what condition they were about to transmit itto their children; that, like the commons, they should have it in theirpower to boast that it was improved in degree and in splendour. Thatthere was no end, nor would there be, so long as the promoters ofsedition were rewarded with honour in proportion as sedition wassuccessful. What and how important schemes Caius Canuleius had set onfoot! that he was introducing confounding of family rank, a disturbanceof the auspices both public and private, that nothing may remain pure, nothing uncontaminated; that, all distinction being abolished, no onemight know either himself or those he belonged to. For what othertendency had those promiscuous intermarriages, except that intercoursebetween commons and patricians might be made common after the manner ofwild beasts; so that of the offspring each may be ignorant of what bloodhe may be, of what form of religion he was; that he may belong half tothe patricians, half to the commons, not being homogeneous even withhimself? That it appeared not enough, that all things divine and humanshould be confounded; that those disturbers of the common people werenow preparing to (seize) the consulship; and first that they soundedpeople's sentiments in mere conversation on the project of having oneconsul appointed from the commons; that now the proposition was broughtforward, that the people may appoint the consuls, whether they pleasedfrom the patricians or from the people; and that they would appoint nodoubt every most turbulent person. The Canuleii, therefore, and theIcilii would be consuls. (They expressed a hope) that Jupiter, the bestand greatest, would not suffer the imperial majesty of the sovereignpower to descend to that; and that they would certainly die a thousanddeaths rather than such a disgrace should be incurred. They were certainthat their ancestors, could they have divined that the commons wouldbecome not more placable to them, but more intractable, by makingsuccessive demands still more unreasonable, after they had obtained thefirst, would have rather submitted to any struggle, than have sufferedsuch laws to be saddled on them. Because it was then conceded to themwith respect to tribunes, the concession was made a second time. Therewas no end to it; tribunes of the commons and patricians could notsubsist in the same state; either the one order or the other office mustbe abolished; and that a stop should be put to presumption and temerityrather late than never. (Was it right) that they, by sowing discord, should with impunity stir up the neighbouring states against us? andthen prevent the state from arming and defending itself against thoseevils which they may have brought on us? and after they have almost sentfor the enemy, not suffer the armies to be levied against the enemies?But Canuleius may have the audacity to declare openly in the senatethat, unless the patrician suffer the laws proposed by himself asvictorious, to be enacted, he would prevent the levy from being held. What else was this, but threatening that he would betray his country;that he would suffer it to be attacked and captured? What courage wouldthat expression afford, not to the Roman commons, but to the Volscians, Æquans, and the Veientians! would they not hope that, under thegeneralship of Canuleius, they should be able to scale the Capitol andcitadel, if with the deprivation of privilege and majesty, the tribunesshould rob the patricians of their courage also? That the consuls wereprepared to act against the wicked schemes of their countrymen, beforethey would act against the arms of the enemy. "

3. Just when these matters were going on in the senate, Canuleius thusdeclaimed in favour of his laws and against the consuls: "Frequentlyeven before now I think I have observed how much the patricians despisedyou, Romans, how unworthy they deemed you to dwell in the one city andwithin the same walls with them; but on the present occasion mostclearly, in their having risen up so determinedly in opposition to thosepropositions of ours: in which what else do we do, but remind them thatwe are their fellow citizens, and that though we possess not the samepower, we inhabit the same city? In the one we demand intermarriage, athing which is usually granted to neighbours and foreigners: we havegranted even to vanquished enemies the right of citizenship, which ismore than the right of intermarriage. In the other we propose nothingnew; we only reclaim and demand that which is the people's; that theRoman people may confer honours on whomsoever they may please. And whatin the name of goodness is it for which they embroil heaven and earth?why was almost an attack made on me just now in the senate? why do theysay that they will not restrain themselves from violence, and threatenthat they will insult an office, sacred and inviolable? Shall this cityno longer be able to stand, and is the empire at stake, if the right offree suffrage is granted to the Roman people, to confer the consulshipon whomsoever they may please, and if a plebeian, though he may beworthy of the highest honour, is not precluded from the hope ofattaining that honour? and is this of the same import, whether aplebeian be made a consul, as if any one were to propose a slave or theson of a slave to be consul? Do you perceive in what contempt you live?they would take from you a participation in this light, if it werepermitted them. That you breathe, that you enjoy the faculty of speech, that you possess the forms of human beings, excites their indignation. Nay even, as I hope for mercy, they say that it is contrary to religionthat a plebeian should be made consul. I pray, though we are notadmitted to the annals, nor to the commentaries of the pontiffs, do wenot know even those things which strangers know? that consuls havesucceeded kings? and that they possess no privilege, no majesty whichwas not formerly inherent in kings? Do you suppose that we ever heard itmentioned that Numa Pompilius, who not only was not a patrician, but noteven a citizen of Rome, was sent for from the country of the Sabines byorder of the people, with the approbation of the senate, and that he wasmade king at Rome? that afterwards Lucius Tarquinius, who was not onlynot of Roman, but not even of Italian extraction, the son of Damaratusof Corinth, an emigrant from Tarquinii, was made king, even whilst thesons of Ancus still lived? that after him Servius Tullius, the son of acaptive woman of Corniculum, with his father unknown, his mother aslave, attained the throne by his ability and merit? For what shall Isay of Titus Tatius the Sabine, whom Romulus himself, the founder of ourcity, admitted into partnership of the throne? Accordingly, whilst noclass of persons is disdained, in whom conspicuous merit may be found, the Roman dominion increased. You do well to be dissatisfied now with aplebeian consul, when your ancestors disdained not foreigners as kings, and when, even after the expulsion of kings, the city was not shutagainst foreign merit. After the expulsion of the kings, we certainlyadmitted the Claudian family from the Sabine country not only intocitizenship, but even into the number of the patricians. Can a man froma foreigner be made a patrician, then a consul? shall a Roman citizen, if he belong to the commons, be precluded from all hope of theconsulate? Do we then deem it impossible that a man of the commons canbe a person of fortitude and activity, qualified to excel both in peaceand war, tyke to Numa, Lucius Tarquinius, and Servius Tullius? Or, should such appear, shall we not suffer him to meddle with the helm ofgovernment? or shall we have consuls like the decemvirs, the mostabandoned of mortals, who were, however, all patricians, rather thanlike the best of kings, though new men?

4. "But (I may be told) no commoner has been consul since the expulsionof the kings. What then? ought no innovation to be introduced? and whathas not yet been practised, (and in a new state there are many thingsnot yet practised, ) ought not even such measures, even though they beuseful, be adopted? During the reign of Romulus there were no pontiffs, nor augurs: they were appointed by Numa Pompilius. There was no censusin the state, nor the distribution of centuries and classes; it wasintroduced by Servius Tullius: there never had been consuls; they werecreated after the expulsion of the kings. Of a dictator neither theoffice nor the name had existed; it commenced its existence among thesenators. There were no tribunes of the people, ædiles, nor quæstors: itwas resolved that those officers should be appointed. Within the lastten years we both created decemvirs for compiling laws, and we abolishedthem. Who can doubt but that in a city doomed for eternal duration, increasing to an immense magnitude, new civil offices, priesthoods, rights of families and of individuals, may be established? This verymatter, that there should not be the right of intermarriage betweenpatricians and commons, did not the decemvirs introduce within the lastfew years to the utmost injury of the commons, on a principle mostdetrimental to the public? Can there be a greater or more marked insult, than that one portion of the state, as if contaminated, should be deemedunworthy of intermarriage? What else is it than to suffer exile withinthe same walls, actual rustication? They wish to prevent our being mixedwith them by affinity or consanguinity; that our blood be not mingledwith theirs. What? if this cast a stain on that nobility of yours, whichmost of you, the progeny of Albans or Sabines, possess, not in right ofbirth or blood, but by co-optation into the patricians, having beenelected either by the kings, or after the expulsion of kings, by orderof the people, could ye not keep it pure by private regulations, byneither marrying into the commons, and by not suffering your daughtersor sisters to marry out of the patricians. No one of the commons wouldoffer violence to a patrician maiden; such lust as that belongs to thepatricians. None of them would oblige any man against his will to enterinto a marriage contract. But really that such a thing should beprevented by law, that the intermarriage of the patricians and plebeiansshould be interdicted, that it is which is insulting to the commons. Whydo you not combine in enacting a law that there shall be nointermarriage between rich and poor? That which has in all places andalways been the business of private regulations, that a woman mightmarry into whatever family she has been engaged to, and that each manmight take a wife out of whatever family he had contracted with, that yeshackle with the restraints of a most tyrannical law, by which ye severthe bonds of civil society and split one state into two. Why do ye notenact a law that a plebeian shall not dwell in the neighbourhood of apatrician? that he shall not go the same road with him? that he shallnot enter the same banquet with him? that he shall not stand in the sameforum? For what else is there in the matter, if a patrician man wed aplebeian woman, or a plebeian a patrician? What right, pray, is therebychanged? the children surely go with the father. Nor is there any thingwhich we seek from intermarriage with you, except that we may be held inthe number of human beings and fellow citizens; nor is there any reasonwhy ye contest the point, except that it delights you to strive forinsult and ignominy to us. 

5. "In a word, whether is the supreme power belonging to the Romanpeople, or is it yours? Whether by the expulsion of kings has dominionbeen acquired for you or equal liberty for all? It is fitting that theRoman people should be allowed to enact a law, if it please. Or will yedecree a levy by way of punishment, according as each bill shall beproposed? and as soon as I, as tribune, shall begin to call the tribesto give their votes, will you, forthwith, as consul, force the youngermen to take the military oath, and lead them out to camp? and will youthreaten the commons? will you threaten the tribune? What, if you hadnot already twice experienced how little those threats availed againstthe united sense of the people? Of course it was because you wished toconsult for our interest, that you abstained from force. Or was there nocontest for this reason, that the party which was the stronger was alsothe more moderate? Nor will there be any contest now, Romans: they willtry your spirit; your strength they will not make trial of. Wherefore, consuls, the commons are prepared to accompany you to these wars, whether real or fictitious, if, by restoring the right of intermarriage, you at length make this one state; if they can coalesce, be united andmixed with you by private ties; if the hope, if the access to honoursbe granted to men of ability and energy; if it is lawful to be in apartnership and share of the government; if, what is the result of equalfreedom, it be allowed in the distribution of the annual offices to obeyand to govern in their turns. If any one shall obstruct these measures, talk about wars, multiply them by report; no one will give in his name, no one will take up arms, no one will fight for haughty masters, withwhom there is no participation of honours in public, nor ofintermarriage in private. "

6. When both the consuls came forward into the assembly, and the matterhad changed from a long series of harangues to altercation, the tribune, on asking why it was not right that a plebeian should be made a consul, an answer was returned truly perhaps, though by no means expediently forthe present contest, "that no plebeian could have the auspices, and forthis reason the decemvirs had prohibited the intermarriage, lest fromuncertainty of descent the auspices might be vitiated. " The commons werefired with indignation at this above all, because, as if hateful to theimmortal gods, they were denied to be qualified to take auspices. Andnow (as the commons both had a most energetic supporter in the tribune, and they themselves vied with him in perseverance) there was no end ofthe contentions, until the patricians, being at length overpowered, agreed that the law regarding intermarriage should be passed, judgingthat by these means most probably the tribunes would either give upaltogether or postpone till after the war the question concerning theplebeian consuls; and that in the mean time the commons, content withthe intermarriage-law (being passed, ) would be ready to enlist. WhenCanuleius was now in high repute by his victory over the patricians andby the favour of the commons, the other tribunes being excited tocontend for their bill, set to work with all their might, and, theaccounts regarding the war augmenting daily, obstruct the levy. Theconsuls, when nothing could be transacted through the senate inconsequence of the opposition of the tribunes, held meetings of theleading men at their own houses. It was becoming evident that they mustconcede the victory either to the enemies or to their countrymen. Valerius and Horatius alone of the consulars did not attend themeetings. The opinion of Caius Claudius was for arming the consulsagainst the tribunes. The sentiments of the Quintii, both Cincinnatusand Capitolinus, were averse to bloodshed, and to violating (persons)whom by the treaty concluded with the commons they had admitted to besacred and inviolable. Through these meetings the matter was brought tothis, that they suffered tribunes of the soldiers with consularauthority to be elected from the patricians and commons withoutdistinction; that with respect to the election of consuls no changeshould be made; and with this the tribunes were content, as were alsothe commons. An assembly is now proclaimed for electing three tribuneswith consular power. This being proclaimed, forthwith whoever hadcontributed to promote sedition by word or deed, more particularly menwho had been tribunes, began to solicit support and to bustle about theforum as candidates; so that despair, in the first instance, ofobtaining the honour, by reason of the irritated state of the people'smind, then indignation at having to hold the office with such persons, deterred the patricians; at length however, being forced, they stood ascandidates, lest they might appear to have relinquished all share in thegovernment. The result of this election showed that the sentiments ofpersons in the struggle for liberty and dignity are different from thosethey feel when the contest is laid aside, the judgment being unbiassed;for the people elected all patricians as tribunes, content with this, that the plebeians had been taken into account. Where could you now findin an individual such moderation, disinterestedness, and elevation ofmind, as was then displayed by the entire people?

7. In the three hundred and tenth year after the city of Rome was built, for the first time military tribunes in the room of consuls enter intooffice, Aulus Sempronius Atratinus, Lucius Atilius, Titus Clælius; inwhose office the concord prevailing at home afforded peace also abroad. There are some who, without mentioning the proposal of the lawconcerning the election of consuls from among the commons, say thatthree military tribunes were elected on account of the Veientian warbeing added to the war of the Æquans and the Volscians and to the revoltof the Ardeates, because two consuls could not execute so many warstogether, these tribunes being invested also with the authority andinsignia of consuls. The jurisdiction of that office however did notstand on a firm footing, because the third month after they entered onthe office, they resigned the honour, in pursuance of a decree of theaugurs, as if unduly elected; because Caius Curtius, who had presided atthe election, had not selected his tent with due regard to ceremony. Ambassadors came to Rome from Ardea complaining of the injustice in sucha manner, that it appeared that, if it were redressed, they wouldcontinue in amity and the observance of the treaty, on the restitutionof their land. The answer returned by the senate was: "that the judgmentof the people could not be rescinded by the senate, besides such ameasure could not be adopted on precedent or with justice;, as anadditional reason also for the purpose of preserving concord between theseveral orders of the state. If the Ardeans were willing to abide aseasonable conjuncture, and leave to the senate the mode of redressingthe injustice done to them, that the consequence would be that theywould rejoice for having moderated their resentment, and that theyshould be convinced that the patricians were equally anxious that noinjustice should arise against them, and that any which may have arisenshould not be lasting. " Thus the ambassadors, saying that they shouldlay the whole matter anew before their friends, were dismissedcourteously. The patricians, now that the republic was without anycurule magistrate, assembled together and elected an interrex. Thecontest whether consuls or military tribunes should be elected, kept thematter for several days in a state of interregnum. The interrex andsenate strive that the elections of consuls be held; the tribunes of thepeople, and the people themselves, that elections of the militarytribunes be held. The patricians succeeded, because both the commons, sure to confer the one or the other honour on patricians, gave up aneedless contest, and the leaders of the commons preferred thoseelections at which no account was to be taken of them (as candidates) tothose at which they should be passed by as unworthy. The tribunes of thecommons also gave up the contest without a decision, as a compliment tothe chiefs of the patricians. Titus Quintius Barbatus, the interrex, elects consuls Lucius Papirius Mugillanus, Lucius Sempronius Atratinus. During their consulship, the treaty was renewed with the Ardeans; andthat is a record to prove, that they were consuls in that year, thoughthey are not to be found among the ancient annals, nor in the books ofthe magistrates. I suppose because military tribunes existed at thecommencement of the year, on that account, though these consuls weresubstituted, the names of the consuls were left out, just as if themilitary tribunes were the entire year in office. Licinius Macer states, that they were found both in the Ardean treaty and in the linen books atthe temple of Moneta. There was tranquillity both at home and abroad, though so many alarms were held out by the neighbouring states. 

8. This year (whether it had tribunes only, or consuls substituted inthe room of tribunes) is followed by a year when there were undoubtedlyconsuls, scil. Marcus Geganius Macerinus a second time, Titus QuintiusCapitolinus a fifth time. This same year was the commencement of thecensorship, a thing which arose from an humble origin, which afterwardsincreased so much in importance, that in it was vested the regulation ofthe morals and discipline of Rome, the senate and the centuries of theknights, the distinction of honour and of ignominy were under the swayof that office, the legal right to public and private places, therevenues of the Roman people fell under their beck and jurisdiction. Theinstitution of the thing originated in this, that the people not havingbeen subjected to a survey for several years, the census could neitherbe deferred, nor had the consuls leisure to discharge their duty, whenwars impended from so many states. An observation was made by thesenate, "that an office laborious in itself, and one little suited tothe consular office, required a magistrate for itself, to whoseauthority should be submitted the duties of the several scribes, thecustody and care of the records, as well as the adjustment of the formto be adopted in the census. " And inconsiderable though the proposalmight be, still the senate received it with great pleasure, because itincreased the number of patrician magistrates in the state, judging alsothat that would come to pass, which really did occur, viz. That theinfluence of those who should preside, and the honour of the officewould derive on it additional authority and dignity. The tribunes also, considering the discharge of the duty (as was really the case) asnecessary rather than the duty itself, as being attended with lustre, did not indeed offer opposition, lest they should through perversenessshow a disposition to thwart them even in trifles. After the honour wasrejected by the leading men of the state, the people by their suffragesappointed to the office of conducting the census Papirius andSempronius, concerning whose consulate doubts are entertained, that inthat magistracy they might have some recompence for the incompletenessof their consulate. They were called censors from the nature of theiroffice. 

9. Whilst these matters are transacting at Rome, ambassadors come fromArdea, imploring aid for their city, which was nearly destroyed, inconsideration of their very ancient alliance, and of the treaty recentlyrenewed. For by intestine wars they were not allowed to enjoy the peacewith Rome, which they had by the soundest policy preserved; the causeand origin of which is said to have arisen from a struggle betweenfactions; which have proved and ever will prove more a cause ofdestruction to several states, than foreign wars, famine, or disease, orany of the other evils which men refer to the anger of heaven, as theseverest of public calamities. Two young men courted a maiden of aplebeian family, highly distinguished for beauty: one of them on a levelwith the maid in point of birth, and favoured by her guardians, who werethemselves of the same rank; the other of noble birth, captivated bynothing but her beauty. The latter was aided by the good wishes of thenobles, through which party disputes made their way even into the girl'sfamily. The nobleman was preferred in the judgment of the mother, whowas anxious that her daughter should have the most splendid matchpossible: the guardians, mindful of party even in that transaction, strove for the person of their own order. As the matter could not besettled within the walls of the house, they proceeded to a court ofjustice. On hearing the claim of the mother and of the guardians, themagistrate decides the right of marriage in conformity with the wish ofthe mother. But violence was the more powerful. For the guardians, having harangued openly in the forum among persons of their own faction, on the injustice of the decree, collected a party and carry off the girlfrom her mother's house: against whom a body of nobles having arisenmore incensed than before, attends the young man rendered furious by theoutrage. A desperate battle takes place; the commons in no respect liketo the Roman commons were worsted, and having set out from the city inarms, and taken possession of a hill, make excursions into the lands ofthe nobles with fire and sword. The city too, which had been previouslyfree from all contest, they set about besieging, having induced, by thehope of plunder, a multitude of artisans to join them: nor was anyappearance or calamity of war absent; as if the whole state wereinfested by the mad rage of the two young men, who sought theaccomplishment of the fatal match through their country's ruin. The armsand war at home seemed insufficient to both parties. The nobles calledin the Romans to the relief of their besieged city; the commons calledupon the Volscians to join them in storming Ardea. The Volscians, underthe command of Clælius, an Æquan, came first to Ardea, and drew a lineof circumvallation around the enemy's walls. When news of this wasbrought to Rome, Marcus Geganius, the consul, having set out immediatelyat the head of an army, selected a place for his camp about three milesfrom the enemy; and the day being now fast declining, he orders hissoldiers to refresh themselves; then at the fourth watch he puts histroops in motion; and the work, once commenced, was expedited in such amanner, that at sun-rise the Volscians found themselves enclosed by theRomans with stronger works than the city was by themselves. The consulhad also at another place connected an arm to the wall of Ardea, throughwhich his friends might pass to and from the town. 

10. The Volscian general, who up to that period had maintained his army, not out of provisions which had been previously provided, but with cornbrought in daily from the plunder of the country, when now encompassedby a rampart he perceives himself suddenly destitute of every thing, calling the consul to a conference, says, that "if the Roman came forthe purpose of raising the siege, he would withdraw the Volscians fromthence. " To this the consul made answer, that "the vanquished had toaccept terms, not to dictate them; and as the Volscians came at theirown discretion to attack the allies of the Roman people, they should notgo off in the same same way. " He orders, "that their general be givenup, their arms laid down, acknowledging themselves vanquished, and readyto submit to his further orders: otherwise, whether they went away orstayed, that he would prove a determined enemy, and would prefer tocarry to Rome a victory over the Volscians than an insidious peace. "The Volscians, determined on trying the slender hope they had in arms, all other being now cut off, besides many other disadvantages, havingcome to an engagement in a place unfavourable for fighting, and stillmore so for retreat, when they were being cut down on every side, fromfighting have recourse to entreaties; having given up their general andsurrendered their arms, they are sent under the yoke and dismissed fullof disgrace and suffering, with one garment each. And when they haltednot far from the city of Tusculum, in consequence of an old grudge ofthe Tusculans they were surprised, unarmed as they were, and sufferedsevere punishment, a messenger being scarcely left to bring an accountof their defeat. The Roman general quieted the disturbed state ofaffairs at Ardea, beheading the principal authors of that commotion, andconfiscating their effects to the public treasury of the Ardeans; theArdeans considered the injustice of the decision completely repaired bysuch kindness on the part of the Roman people; it seemed to the senate, however, that something remained to be done to obliterate theremembrance of public avarice. The consul returns to the city intriumph, Clælius, the general of the Volscians, being led before hischariot, and the spoils being carried before him, of which he hadstripped the enemy's army after he had sent them under the yoke. Quintius the consul, by his civil administration, equalled, which is noeasy matter, the glory attained by his colleague in war; for he soregulated the domestic care of harmony and peace, by dispensing justicewith moderation to the highest and the lowest, that both the patriciansconsidered him a strict consul, and the commons, as one sufficientlylenient. Against the tribunes too he carried his measures more by hisinfluence than by striving against them. Five consulships conducted withthe same even tenor of conduct, and every part of his life being passedin a manner worthy of the consular dignity, rendered himself almost morevenerable than the high office itself. On this account no mention wasmade of the military tribunes during this consulate. 

11. They appoint as consuls Marcus Fabius Vibulanus, Publius ÆbutiusCornicen. Fabius and Æbutius, the consuls, inasmuch as they perceivedthat they succeeded to a greater glory of achievements performed at homeand abroad, (the year was rendered particularly remarkable among theneighbouring states, both friendly and hostile, because relief had beenafforded to the Ardeans in their perilous situation with so much zeal, )the more strenuously exerted themselves in obtaining a decree of thesenate, that they might completely efface the infamy of the decisionfrom the memory of men, to the effect that since the state of theArdeans had been reduced to a few by intestine war, a colony should besent thither as a protection against the Volscians. This is what wasstated publicly on the tables, that the intention entertained ofrescinding the decision might escape the knowledge of the commons andtribunes. But they had agreed that, a much greater number of Rutuliancolonists being enrolled than of Romans, no land should be distributed, except that which had been intercepted by the infamous decision; andthat not a sod of it should be assigned to any Roman, until all theRutulians had had their share. In this way the land returned to theArdeans. The commissioners appointed to transplant the colony to Ardeawere Agrippa Menenius, Titus Clælius Siculus, and Marcus Æbutius Elva. When they, in the discharge of their by no means popular office, hadgiven offence to the commons by assigning to the allies the land whichthe Roman people had decided to be their own, and were not even muchsupported by the patricians, because they had not deferred in any way tothe influence of any one, a day having been appointed for them by thetribunes to appear before the people, they escaped all vexatiousannoyance by enrolling themselves as settlers and remaining in thecolony, which they now had as a testimony of their integrity andjustice. 

12. There was peace at home and abroad both this and the following year, Caius Furius Pacilus and Marcus Papirius Crassus being consuls. Thegames which had been vowed by the decemvirs, in pursuance of a decree ofthe senate on occasion of the secession of the commons from thepatricians, were performed this year. An occasion for sedition wassought in vain by Pætelius, who, having been made a tribune of thecommons a second time, by denouncing these same threats, could neitherprevail on the consuls to submit to the senate the questions concerningthe division of the lands among the people; and when, after a hardstruggle, he had succeeded so far that the patricians should beconsulted as to whether it was their pleasure that an election should beheld of consuls or of tribunes, consuls were ordered to be elected; andthe menaces of the tribune were now laughed at, when he threatened thathe would stop the levy, inasmuch as the neighbouring states being nowquiet, there was no occasion either for war or for preparations for war. This tranquil state of things is followed by a year, in which ProculusGeganius Macerinus, Lucius Menenius Lanatus were consuls, remarkable fora variety of disasters and dangers, also for disturbances, famine, fortheir having almost submitted their necks to the yoke of arbitrary powerthrough the allurement of largesses. Foreign war alone was wanting, bywhich if matters had been aggravated, they could scarcely have stood outagainst them by the aid of all the gods. Their misfortunes began withfamine; whether it was that the season was unfavourable to the crops, orthat the cultivation of the land was relinquished for the allurements ofthe city, and of public harangues; for both causes are assigned. And thepatricians accused the commons as being idle; the tribunes of thecommons complained sometimes of the fraud, at other times of thenegligence of the consuls. At length the commons prevailed, withoutopposition on the part of the senate, that Lucius Minutius should beappointed president of the market; doomed to be more successful in thatoffice in preserving liberty than in the discharge of his own peculiarprovince: although in the end he bore away the well-earned gratitude ofthe people as well as the glory of having lowered the price ofprovisions. When he had made but slight advance in relieving the marketsby sending embassies around the neighbouring states by land and sea tono purpose, except that an inconsiderable quantity of corn was importedfrom Etruria, and applying himself to the careful dispensations of theirscanty stock, by obliging persons to show their supply, and to sellwhatever was over and above a month's provision, and by depriving theslaves of one half of their daily allowance; then by censuring andholding up to the resentment of the people the corn-hoarders, he ratherdiscovered the great scarcity of grain than relieved it by this rigorousinquisition. Many of the commons, all hope being lost, rather than betortured by dragging out existence, muffled up their heads andprecipitated themselves into the Tiber. 

13. Then Spurius Mælius, of the equestrian order, extremely richconsidering these times, set about a project useful in itself, buthaving a most pernicious tendency, and a still more pernicious motive. For having, by the assistance of his friends and clients, bought up cornfrom Etruria at his private expense, (which very circumstance, I think, had been an impediment in the endeavour to reduce the price of corn bythe exertions of the state, ) he set about giving out largesses of corn:and having won over the commons by this munificence, he drew them withhim wherever he went, conspicuous and consequential beyond the rank of aprivate citizen, insuring to him as undoubted the consulship by thefavour (they manifested towards him) and the hopes (they excited inhim. ) He himself, as the mind of man is not to be satiated with thatwhich fortune holds out the hope of, began to aspire to things stillhigher, and altogether unwarrantable; and since even the consulshipwould have to be taken from the patricians against their will, he beganto set his mind on kingly power;--that that would be the only prizeworthy of such grand designs and of the struggle which would have to beendured. The consular elections were now coming on, which circumstancedestroyed him completely, his plans being not yet arranged orsufficiently matured. Titus Quintius Capitolinus was elected consul forthe sixth time, a man by no means well suited to answer the views of onemeditating political innovations: Agrippa Menenius is attached to him ascolleague, who bore the cognomen of Lanatus: and Lucius Minutius aspresident of the markets, whether he was re-elected, or created for anindefinite period, as long as circumstances should require; for there isnothing certain in the matter, except this, his name was entered aspresident in the linen books among the magistrates for both years. HereMinucius, conducting the same office in a public capacity which Mæliushad undertaken to conduct in a private character, the same class ofpersons frequenting the houses of both, having ascertained the matter, lays it before the senate, "that arms were collecting in the house ofMælius, and that he held assemblies in his house: and that his designswere unquestionably bent on regal dominion: that the time for theexecution of the project was not yet fixed: that all other matters weresettled; and that the tribunes were bought over for hire to betray thepublic liberty, and that the several parts were assigned to the leadersof the multitude. That he laid these things before them almost laterthan was consistent with safety, lest he might be the reporter of anything uncertain or ill-grounded. " When these things were heard, thechiefs of the patricians both rebuked the consuls of the former year, for having suffered those largesses and meetings of the people to go onin a private house, as well as the new consuls for having waited until amatter of such importance should be reported to the senate by thepresident of the markets, which required the consul to be not only thereporter, but the punisher also; then Titus Quintius said, "that theconsuls were unfairly censured, who being fettered by the lawsconcerning appeal, enacted to weaken their authority, by no meanspossessed as much power in their office as will, to punish thatproceeding according to its atrocity. That there was wanting a man notonly determined in himself, but one who was unshackled and freed fromthe fetters of those laws. That he would therefore appoint LuciusQuintius dictator; that in him there would be a determination suitableto so great a power. " Whilst all approved, Quintius at first refused;and asked them what they meant, in exposing him in the extremity of ageto such a contest. Then when they all said that in that aged mind therewas not only more wisdom, but more energy also, than in all the rest, and went on loading him with deserved praises, whilst the consul relaxednot in his original determination; Cincinnatus at length having prayedto the immortal gods, that his old age might not prove a detriment ordisgrace to the republic at so dangerous a juncture, is appointeddictator by the consul: he himself then appoints Caius Servilius Ahalahis master of the horse. 

14. On the next day, having stationed proper guards, when he had gonedown to the forum, and the attention of the commons was attracted to himby the strangeness and extraordinary nature of the thing, and Mælius'sfriends and himself their leader perceived that the power of such highauthority was directly aimed at them; when, moreover, those who were notaware of the designs on regal power, went on asking, "what tumult, whatsudden war, had called for either the dictatorial authority, orQuintius, after his eightieth year, administrator of affairs, "Servilius, master of the horse, being sent by the dictator to Mælius, says, "The dictator summons you. " When he, being alarmed, asked what hemeant, and Servilius stated that "he must stand a trial, " and answer thecharge brought against him before the senate by Minucius, Mælius drewback into the band of his adherents, and at first, looking around him, he began to skulk off: at length when the beadle, by order of the masterof the horse, was bringing him off, being rescued by those present, andrunning away, he implored the protection of the Roman people, andalleged that he was persecuted by a conspiracy of the patricians becausehe had acted kindly towards the people: he besought them that they wouldassist him in this critical emergency, and not suffer him to bebutchered before their eyes. Ahala Servilius overtook and slew himwhilst exclaiming in this manner; and smeared with the blood of theperson so slain, and surrounded by a body of young nobles, he carriesback word to the dictator that Mælius having been summoned to him, andcommencing to excite the multitude after he had repulsed the beadle, hadreceived condign punishment. "Thou hast acted nobly, Caius Servilius, "said the dictator, "in having saved the republic. "

15. He then ordered the multitude, who were much agitated, not knowingwhat judgment to form of the deed, to be called to an assembly: and heopenly declared, "that Mælius had been justly put to death, even thoughhe may have been innocent of the charge of aiming at regal power, who, when summoned to attend the dictator by the master of the horse, had notcome. That he himself had taken his seat to examine into the case; that, after it had been investigated, Mælius should have met a resultcorresponding to his deserts; that when employing force, in order thathe might not commit himself to a trial, he had been checked by force. Nor should they proceed with him as with a citizen, who, born in a freestate amid laws and rights, in a city from which he knew that kings hadbeen expelled, and on the same year the sons of the king's sister andthe children of the consul, the liberator of his country, had been putto death by their father, on a plot for readmitting the royal familyinto the city having been discovered, from which Collatinus Tarquiniusthe consul, through a hatred of his name, was ordered to resign hisoffice and go into exile; in which capital punishment was inflicted onSpurius Cassius several years after for forming designs to assume thesovereignty; in which the decemvirs were recently punished withconfiscation, exile, and death, in consequence of regal tyranny in thatcity, Spurius Mælius conceived a hope of attaining regal power. And whowas this man? Although no nobility, no honours, no deserts should opento any man the road to domination, yet still the Claudii and Cassii, byreason of the consulates, the decemvirates, the honours of their own andthose of their ancestors, and from the splendour of their families, hadraised their aspiring minds to heights to which it was impious to raisethem: that Spurius Mælius, to whom a tribuneship of the commons shouldrather be an object of wishes than of hope, a wealthy corn-merchant, hadconceived the hope to purchase the liberty of his countrymen for twopounds of corn; had supposed that a people victorious over all theirneighbours could be cajoled into servitude by throwing them a morsel offood; so that a person whom the state could scarcely digest as asenator, it should tolerate as king, possessing the ensigns andauthority of Romulus their founder, who had descended from and hadreturned to the gods. This was to be considered not more criminal thanit was monstrous: nor was it sufficiently expiated by his blood; unlessthe roof and walls within which so mad a project had been conceived, should be levelled to the ground, and his effects were confiscated, asbeing contaminated with the price of purchasing kingly domination. Heordered, therefore, that the quæstors should sell this property anddeposit the proceeds in the treasury. "

16. He then ordered his house to be immediately razed, that the vacantground might serve as a monument of nefarious hopes destroyed. This wascalled Æquimælium. Lucius Minucius was presented with a gilded ox on theoutside of the gate Trigemina, and this not even against the will of thecommons, because he distributed Mælius's corn, after valuing it at one_as_ per bushel. In some writers I find that this Minucius had changedsides from the patricians to the commons, and that having been chosen aseleventh tribune of the people, he quieted a commotion which arose onthe death of Mælius. But it is scarcely credible that the patricianswould have suffered the number of the tribunes to be increased, and thatsuch a precedent should be introduced more particularly in the case of aman who was a patrician; or that the commons did not afterwardsmaintain, or at least attempt, that privilege once conceded to them. Butthe legal provision made a few years before, viz. That it should not belawful for the tribunes to choose a colleague, refutes beyond everything else the false inscription on the statue. Quintus Cæcilius, Quintus Junius, Sextus Titinius, were the only members of the college oftribunes who had not been concerned in passing the law for conferringhonours on Minucius; nor did they cease both to throw out censures onetime on Minucius, at another time on Servilius, before the commons, andto complain of the unmerited death of Mælius. They succeeded, therefore, in having an election held for military tribunes rather than forconsuls, not doubting but that in six places, for so many were nowallowed to be elected, some plebeians also might be appointed, by theirprofessing to be avengers of the death of Mælius. The commons, thoughthey had been agitated that year by many and various commotions, neitherelected more than three tribunes with consular power; and among themLucius Quintius, son of Cincinnatus, from the unpopular nature of whosedictatorship an occasion for disturbance was sought. Mamercus Æmilius, aman of the highest dignity, was voted in, prior to Quintius. In thethird place they appoint Lucius Julius. 

17. During their office Fidenæ, a Roman colony, revolted to LarsTolunmius, king of the Veientians, and to the Veientians. To the revolta more heinous crime was added. By order of Tolumnius they put to deathCaius Fulcinius, Clælius Tullus, Spurius Antius, Lucius Roscius, Romanambassadors, who came to inquire into the reason of this new line ofconduct. Some palliate the guilt of the king; that an ambiguousexpression of his, during a lucky throw of dice, having been mistaken bythe Fidenatians, as if it seemed to be an order for their execution, hadbeen the cause of the ambassadors' death. An incredible tale; that histhoughts should not have been drawn away from the game on the arrival ofthe Fidenatians, his new allies, when consulting him on a murder tendingto violate the law of nations; and that the act was not afterwardsviewed by him with horror. It is more probable that he wished the stateof the Fidenatians to be so compromised by their participation in sogreat a crime, that they might not afterwards look to any hope from theRomans. Statues of the ambassadors, who were slain at Fidenæ, were setup in the rostra at the public expense. A desperate struggle was comingon with the Veientians and Fidenatians, who, besides that they wereneighbouring states, had commenced the war with so heinous aprovocation. Therefore, the commons and their tribunes being now quiet, so as to attend to the general welfare, there was no dispute withrespect to the electing of Marcus Geganius Macerinus a third time, andLucius Sergius Fidenas, as consuls; so called, I suppose, from the warwhich he afterwards conducted. For he was the first who fought asuccessful battle with the king of the Veientians on this side of theAnio, nor did he obtain an unbloody victory. Greater grief was thereforefelt from the loss of their countrymen, than joy from the defeat of theenemy: and the senate, as in an alarming crisis, ordered MamercusÆmilius to be appointed dictator. He appointed as his master of thehorse from the college of the preceding year, in which there had beentribunes of the soldiers with consular power, Lucius QuintiusCincinnatus, a youth worthy of his parent. To the levy held by theconsuls were added the old centurions well versed in war, and the numberof those lost in the late battle was made up. The dictator orderedLucius Quintius Capitolinus and Marcus Fabius Vibulanus to attend him ashis lieutenants-general. Both the higher powers, and the man suitable tosuch powers, caused the enemy to move from the Roman territory to theother side of the Anio, and continuing their retrograde movement, theytook possession of the hills between Fidenæ and the Anio, nor did theydescend into the plains until the troops of the Faliscians came to theiraid; then at length the camp of the Etrurians was pitched before thewalls of Fidenæ. The Roman dictator took his post at no great distancefrom thence at the conflux on the banks of both rivers, lines being runacross between them, as far as he was able to follow by a fortification. Next day he marched out his army into the field. 

18. Among the enemy there was a diversity of opinion. The Faliscians, impatient of the hardships of war at a distance from home, andsufficiently confident of their own strength, earnestly demandedbattle; the Veientians and Fidenatians placed more hope in protractingthe war. Tolumnius, though the measures of his own subjects were moreagreeable to him, proclaims that he would give battle on the followingday, lest the Faliscians might not brook the service at so great adistance from their home. The dictator and the Romans took additionalcourage from the fact of the enemy having declined giving battle: and onthe following day, the soldiers exclaiming that they would attack thecamp and the city, if an opportunity of fighting were not afforded them, the armies advance on both sides into the middle of a plain between thetwo camps. The Veientians, having the advantage in numbers, sent arounda party behind the mountains to attack the Roman camp during the heat ofthe battle. The army of the three states stood drawn up in such amanner, that the Veientians occupied the right wing, the Faliscians theleft, whilst the Fidenatians constituted the centre. The dictatorcharged on the right wing against the Faliscians, Quintius Capitolinuson the left against the Veientians, and the master of the horse with thecavalry advanced in the centre. For a short time all was silence andquiet, the Etrurians being determined not to engage unless they werecompelled, and the dictator looking back towards a Roman fort, until asignal should be raised, as had been agreed on, by the augurs, as soonas the birds had given a favourable omen. As soon as he perceived this, he orders the cavalry first to charge the enemy, after raising a loudshout; the line of infantry following, engaged with great fury. In noquarter did the Etrurian legions withstand the shock of the Romans. Thecavalry made the greatest resistance; and the king himself, far thebravest of the cavalry, charging the Romans whilst they were pursuing indisorder in every direction, prolonged the contest. 

19. There was then among the cavalry, Aulus Cornelius Cossus, a tribuneof the soldiers, distinguished for the beauty of his person, and equallyso for courage and great strength of body, and mindful of his rank, which, having received in a state of the highest lustre, he left to hisposterity still greater and more distinguished. He perceiving that theRoman troops gave way at the approach of Tolumnius, wherever he directedhis charge, and knowing him as being remarkable by his royal apparel, ashe flew through the entire line, exclaims, "Is this the infringer ofhuman treaties and the violator of the law of nations? This victim Ishall now slay, (provided the gods wish that there should be any thingsacred on earth, ) and shall offer him up to the manes of theambassadors. " Having clapped spurs to his horse, he advances againstthis single foe with spear presented; and after having struck andunhorsed him, he immediately, by help of his lance, sprung on theground. And as the king attempted to rise, he throws him back again withthe boss of his shield, and with repeated thrusts pins him to the earth. He then stripped off the spoils from the lifeless body; and having cutoff his head and carrying it on the point of his spear, he puts theenemy to rout through terror on seeing their king slain. Thus the lineof cavalry, which alone had rendered the combat doubtful, was beaten. The dictator pursues closely the routed legions, and drove them to theircamp with slaughter. The greater number of the Fidenatians, throughtheir knowledge of the country, made their escape to the mountains. Cossus, having crossed the Tiber with the cavalry, carried off greatplunder from the Veientian territory to the city. During the battlethere was a fight also at the Roman camp against a party of the forces, which, as has been already mentioned, had been sent by Tolumnius to thecamp. Fabius Vibulanus first defends his lines by a ring; then, whilstthe enemy were wholly taken up with the entrenchment, sallying out fromthe principal gate on the right, he suddenly attacks them with thetriarii: and a panic being thus struck into them there was lessslaughter, because they were fewer, but their flight was no lessdisorderly than it had been on the field of battle. 

20. Matters being managed successfully in every direction, the dictator, by a decree of the senate and order of the people, returned to the cityin triumph. By far the most remarkable object in the triumph was Cossus, bearing the _spolia opima_ of the king he had slain. The soldierschaunted their uncouth verses on him, extolling him as equal to Romulus. With the usual form of dedication, he presented, as an offering, thespoils in the temple of Jupiter Feretrius, near the spoils of Romulus, which, having been the first called _opima_, were the only ones at thattime; and he attracted the eyes of all the citizens from the dictator'schariot to himself, and enjoyed almost solely the honour of that day'ssolemnity. The dictator offered up to Jupiter in the Capitol a goldencrown a pound in weight, at the public expense, by order of the people. Following all the Roman writers, I have represented Aulus CorneliusCossus as a military tribune, when he carried the second _spolia opima_to the temple of Jupiter Feretrius. But besides that those spoils arerightly considered _opima_, which one general has taken from another;and we know no general but the person under whose auspices the war isconducted, the inscription itself written on the spoils proves, againstboth me and them, that Cossus was consul when he took them. Having onceheard Augustus Cæsar, the founder or restorer of all our temples, onentering the temple of Jupiter Feretrius, which being dilapidated bytime he rebuilt, aver that he himself had read the said inscription onthe linen breastplate, I thought it would be next to sacrilege to robCossus of such a testimony respecting his spoils as that of Cæsar, therenovator of the temple itself. Whether the mistake is chargeable on thevery ancient annals and the linen books of the magistrates, deposited inthe temple of Moneta, and which Licinius Macer occasionally cites asauthorities, which have Aulus Cornelius Cossus consul with TitusQuintius Pennus, in the ninth year after this, every person may form hisown opinion. For there is this additional proof, that a battle socelebrated could not be transferred to that year; that the three yearsbefore and after the consulship of Aulus Cornelius were entirely freefrom war, in consequence of a pestilence and a scarcity of grain; sothat some annals, as if in mourning, present nothing but the names ofthe consuls. The third year from the consulship of Cossus has him asmilitary tribune with consular power; in the same year as master of thehorse, in which office he fought another distinguished horse battle. Conjecture is open on the matter; but, as I think, idle surmises may beturned to support any opinion: when the hero of the fight, having placedthe recent spoils in the sacred repository, having before him Jovehimself, to whom they were consecrated, and Romulus, no contemptiblewitnesses in case of a false inscription, entitled himself AulusCornelius Cossus consul. 

21. Marcus Cornelius Maluginensis and Lucius Papirius Crassus beingconsuls, the armies were led into the territories of the Veientians andFaliscians; numbers of men and cattle were driven off as spoil; theenemy was no where to be found on the land, and no opportunity offighting was afforded; the cities however were not attacked, because apestilential disorder ran through the people. Disturbances were alsosought at home, but not actually excited, however, by Spurius Mælius, tribune of the people; who thinking that he might create some tumultthrough the popularity of his name, had both appointed a day of trialfor Minucius, and had also proposed a law for confiscating the propertyof Servilius Ahala: alleging that Mælius had been circumvented throughfalse impeachments by Minucius, charging Servilius with the killing of acitizen on whom no sentence had been passed; charges which, when broughtbefore the people, proved to be more idle than the author himself. Butthe virulence of the disease now becoming worse, was more an object ofconcern to them, as also the terrors and prodigies, more especiallybecause accounts were being brought, that houses were falling throughoutthe country, in consequence of frequent earthquakes. A supplication wastherefore performed by the people, according to the form dictated by thedecemvirs. [153] The year being still more pestilential, Caius Julius asecond time and Lucius Virginius being consuls, occasioned such dread ofdesolation through the city and country, that not only no one left theRoman territory for the purpose of committing depredations, and not onlydid none of the patricians or commons entertain an idea of commencingany military aggressions; but the Fidenatians, who at first had shutthemselves up either within their town, or mountains, or fortifications, now descended without provocation to commit depredations on the Romanterritory. Then the army of the Veientians being called in to their aid, (for the Faliscians could be induced to renew the war neither by thedistresses of the Romans, nor by the remonstrances of their allies, ) thetwo states crossed the Anio; and displayed their ensigns at no greatdistance from the Colline gate. Great consternation arose therefore, notmore in the country than in the city. Julius the consul draws up histroops on the rampart and walls; the senate is consulted by Virginius inthe temple of Quirinus. It is determined that Aulus Servilius beappointed dictator, who some say had the cognomen of Priscus, othersthat of Structus. Virginius having delayed whilst he consulted hiscolleague, with his permission, named the dictator at night. He appointsPostumus Æbutius Elva his master of the horse. 

[Footnote 153: In the performance of such rites, the slightest mistakeof a word or syllable was deemed highly inauspicious; to prevent which, the regular form of words was pronounced by a priest, and repeated afterhim by the persons officiating. ]

22. The dictator orders all to attend at break of day outside theColline gate. All whosoever had sufficient strength to bear arms, attended; the standards were quickly brought forth from the treasury andconveyed to the dictator. Whilst these matters were going on, theenemies retired to the higher grounds; thither the dictator follows themwith a determined army; and having come to a general engagement not farfrom Nomentum, he routed the Etrurian legions; he then drove them intothe city of Fidenæ, and surrounded it with a rampart. But neither couldthe city be taken by storm as being high and well fortified, nor wasthere any effect in a blockade, because corn was supplied to them inabundance not only for necessary consumption, but for plenty also, inconsequence of that previously laid up. Thus all hope being lost oftaking it by assault, or of forcing it to a surrender, the dictatordetermined on carrying a sap into the citadel in places which were wellknown to him on account of their near situation on the remote side ofthe city, as being most neglected because it was best protected byreason of its own nature; he himself by advancing up to the walls inplaces most remote, with his army divided into four sections, which wereto succeed each other in the action, by continuing the fight day andnight continuously he prevented the enemy from perceiving the work;until the mountain being dug through from the camp, a passage was openedup into the citadel; and the Etrurians being diverted from the realdanger by the idle threats, the shouting of the enemy over their headsproved to them that their city was taken. On that year Caius FuriusPacilus and Marcus Geganius Macerinus, censors, approved of the publicedifice[154] in the Campus Martius, and the census of the people wasthere performed for the first time. 

[Footnote 154: _Villa publica_. It was destined to public uses, such asholding the _census_, or survey of the people, the reception ofambassadors, &c. ]

23. That the same consuls were re-elected on the following year, Juliusfor the third time, Virginius for the second time, I find in LiciniusMacer. Valerius Antias and Quintus Tubero state that Marcus Manlius andQuintus Sulpicius were, the consuls for that year. But inrepresentations so different both Tubero and Macer cite the linen booksas their authority; neither of them denies that it was said by ancienthistorians that there were military tribunes on that year. Liciniusthinks that we should unhesitatingly follow the linen books; and Tuberois uncertain as to the truth. But this also is left unsettled amongother points not ascertained from length of time. Alarm was raised inEtruria after the capture of Fidenæ, not only the Veientians beingterrified by the apprehension of similar ruin, but the Faliscians also, from the recollection of the war having first commenced with them, although they had not joined with those who renewed hostilities. Accordingly when the two nations, having sent ambassadors around to thetwelve states, succeeded so far that a general meeting was proclaimedfor all Etruria at the temple of Voltumna; the senate, apprehending agreat attack threatening from that quarter, ordered Mamercus Æmiliusagain to be appointed dictator. Aulus Postumius Tubertus was appointedby him as master of the horse; and preparations for war were made withso much the more energy than on the last occasion, in proportion asthere was more danger from the whole body of Etruria than from two ofits states. 

24. That matter passed off much more quietly than any one expected. Therefore when word was brought by certain traders, that aid was refusedto the Veientians, and that they were bid to prosecute with their ownstrength a war entered into on their own separate views, and not to seekout persons as sharers in their distresses, to whom they had notcommunicated their hopes when flourishing; the dictator, that hisappointment might not be in vain, all opportunity of acquiring militaryglory being now taken from him, desirous of performing during peace somework which might serve as a memorial of his dictatorship, sets aboutlimiting the censorship, either judging its powers excessive, ordisapproving of the duration rather than the extent of the office. Accordingly, having summoned a meeting, he says "that the immortal godshad taken on themselves that the public affairs should be managedexternally, and that the general security should be insured; that withrespect to what was to be done within the walls, he would provide forthe liberty of the Roman people. But that the most effectual guarding ofit was, that offices of great power should not be of long continuance;and that a limit of time should be set to those to which a limit ofjurisdiction could not be set. That other offices were annual, that thecensorship was quinquennial; that it was a grievance to be subject tothe same individuals for such a number of years in a considerable partof the affairs of life. That he would propose a law, that the censorshipshould not last longer than a year and half. " Amid the great approbationof the people he passed the law on the following day, and says, "thatyou may know, Romans, in reality, how little pleasing to me are officesof long duration, I resign the dictatorship. " Having laid down his ownoffice, and set a limit to the office of others, he was escorted homewith the congratulation and great good will of the people. The censorsresenting Mamercus' conduct for his having diminished the duration ofone of the offices of the Roman people, degraded him from his tribe, andincreasing his taxes eight-fold, disfranchised[155] him. They say thathe bore this with great magnanimity, as he considered the cause of thedisgrace, rather than the disgrace itself; that the principal patriciansalso, though they had been averse to the curtailing the privileges ofthe censorship, were much displeased at this instance of censorialseverity; inasmuch as each saw that he would be longer and morefrequently subjected to the censors, than he should hold the office ofcensor. Certain it is that such indignation is said to have arisen onthe part of the people, that violence could not be kept off from thecensors through the influence of any person except of Mamercus himself. 

[Footnote 155: _ærarium facere_, signifies to strip a person of all theprivileges of a citizen, on which he became _civis ærarius_, a citizenonly so far as he paid taxes. ]

25. The tribunes of the people, by preventing the election of consuls byincessant harangues, succeeded at length, after the matter had been wellnigh brought to an interregnum, in having tribunes of the soldierselected with consular authority: as for the prize of their victory, which was the thing sought, _scil. _ that a plebeian should be elected, there was none. All patricians were elected, Marcus Fabius Vibulanus, Marcus Foslius, Lucius Sergius Fidenas. The pestilence during that yearafforded a quiet in other matters. A temple was vowed to Apollo for thehealth of the people. The duumvirs did much, by direction of the books, for the purpose of appeasing the wrath of heaven and averting the plaguefrom the people; a great mortality however was sustained in the city andcountry, by the death of men and of cattle promiscuously. Apprehending afamine for the agriculturists, they sent into Etruria, and the Pomptinedistrict, and to Cumæ, and at last to Sicily also to procure corn. Nomention was made of electing consuls. Military tribunes with consularauthority were appointed, all patricians, Lucius Pinarius Mamercinus, Lucius Furius Medullinus, Spurius Postumius Albus. In this year theviolence of the distemper abated, nor was there any danger from ascarcity of corn, because provision had been previously made against it. Schemes for exciting wars were agitated in the meetings of the Æquansand Volscians, and in Etruria at the temple of Voltumna. Here the matterwas postponed for a year, and by a decree it was enacted, that nomeeting should be held before that time, the Veientian state in vaincomplaining that the same destiny hung over Veii, as that by whichFidenæ was destroyed. Meanwhile at Rome the chiefs of the commons, whohad now for a long time been vainly pursuing the hope of higher dignity, whilst there was tranquillity abroad, appointed meetings to be held inthe houses of the tribunes of the commons. There they concerted plans insecret: they complained "that they were so despised by the commons, thatthough tribunes of the soldiers, with consular authority, were nowappointed for so many years, no plebeian ever obtained access to thathonour. That their ancestors had shown much foresight in providing thatplebeian offices should not be open to any patrician; otherwise theyshould be forced to have patricians as tribunes of the commons; sodespicable were they even with their own party, and were not lessdespised by the commons than by the patricians. " Others exculpated thecommons, and threw the blame on the patricians, --"that by theirintriguing and schemes it happened that the road to honour was barredagainst the commons. If the commons were allowed to breathe from theirmixed entreaties and menaces, that they would enter on their suffrageswith a due regard to men of their own party; and, assistance beingalready procured, that they would assume a share in the governmentalso. " It is determined that, for the purpose of doing away with allintriguing, the tribunes should propose a law, that no person be allowedto add white to his garment for the purposes of canvassing. The mattermay now appear trivial and scarcely deserving serious consideration, which then enkindled such strife between the patricians and commons. Thetribunes, however, prevailed in carrying the law; and it appearedevident, that in their present state of irritation, the commons wouldincline their support to men of their own party; and lest this should beoptional with them, a decree of the senate is passed, that the electionfor consuls should be held. 

26. The cause was the rising, which the Hernicians and Latins announcedas about to take place on the part of the Æquans and Volscians. TitusQuintius Cincinnatus, son of Lucius, (to the same person the cognomen ofPennus also is annexed, ) and Caius Julius Mento were elected consuls:nor was the terror of war longer deferred. A levy being held under thedevoting law, which with them is the most powerful instrument of forcingmen into service, powerful armies set out from thence, and met atAlgidum; and there the Æquans and Volscians fortified their campsseparately; and the general took greater care than ever before tofortify their posts and train their soldiers; so much the more terrordid the messengers bring to Rome. The senate wished that a dictatorshould be appointed, because though these nations had been oftenconquered, yet they renewed hostilities with more vigorous efforts thanever before, and a considerable number of the Roman youth had beencarried off by sickness. Above all, the perverseness of the consuls, andthe disagreement between them, and their contentions in all thecouncils, terrified them. There are some who state that an unsuccessfulbattle was fought by these consuls at Algidum, and that such was thecause of appointing a dictator. This much is certain, that, thoughdiffering in other points, they perfectly agreed in one against thewishes of the patricians, not to nominate a dictator; until whenaccounts were brought, one more alarming than another, and the consulswould not be swayed by the authority of the senate, Quintus ServiliusPriscus, who had passed through the highest honours with singularhonour, says, "Tribunes of the people, since we are come toextremities, the senate calls on you, that you would, by virtue of yourauthority, compel the consuls to nominate a dictator in so critical aconjuncture of the state. " On hearing this, the tribunes, conceivingthat an opportunity was presented to them of extending their power, retire together, and declare for their college, that "it was their wishthat the consuls should be obedient to the instruction of the senate; ifthey persisted further against the consent of that most illustriousorder, that they would order them to be taken to prison. " The consulswere better pleased to be overcome by the tribunes than by the senate, alleging that the prerogatives of the highest magistracy were betrayedby the patricians and the consulship subjugated to tribunitian power, inasmuch as the consuls were liable to be overruled by a tribune in anyparticular by virtue of his power, and (what greater hardship could aprivate man have to dread?) even to be carried off to prison. The lot tonominate the dictator (for the colleagues had not even agreed on that)fell on Titus Quintius. He appointed a dictator, Aulus PostumiusTubertus, his own father-in-law, a man of the utmost strictness incommand: by him Lucius Julius was appointed master of the horse: asuspension of civil business is also proclaimed; and, that nothing elseshould be attended to throughout the city but preparations for war, theexamination of the cases of those who claimed exemption from themilitary service is deferred till after the war. Thus even doubtfulpersons are induced to give in their names. Soldiers were also enjoinedof the Hernicians and Latins: the most zealous obedience is shown to thedictator on both sides. 

27. All these measures were executed with great despatch: and CaiusJulius the consul being left to guard the city, and Lucius Julius masterof the horse, for the sudden exigencies of the war, lest any thing whichthey might want in the camp should cause delay, the dictator, repeatingthe words after Aulus Cornelius the chief pontiff, vowed the great gameson account of the sudden war; and having set out from the city, afterdividing his army with the consul Quintius, he came up with the enemy. As they had observed two separate camps of the enemy at a small distanceone from the other, they in like manner encamped separately about a milefrom them, the dictator towards Tusculum, the consul towards Lanuvium. Thus they had their four armies, as many fortified posts, having betweenthem a plain sufficiently extended not only for excursions to skirmish, but even for drawing up the armies on both sides in battle-array. Fromthe time camp was brought close to camp, they ceased not from lightskirmishing, the dictator readily allowing his soldiers, by comparingstrength, to entertain beforehand the hope of a general victory, afterthey had gradually essayed the result of slight skirmishes. Whereforethe enemy, no hope being now left in a regular engagement, attacked theconsuls' camp in the night, and bring the matter to the chance of adoubtful result. The shout which arose suddenly awoke not only theconsuls' sentinels and then all the army, but the dictator also. Whencircumstances required instant exertion, the consul evinced nodeficiency either in spirit or in judgment. One part of the troopsreinforce the guards at the gates, another man the rampart around. Inthe other camp with the dictator, inasmuch as there is less ofconfusion, so much the more readily is it observed, what is required tobe done. Despatching then forthwith a reinforcement to the consuls'camp, to which Spurius Postumius Albus is appointed lieutenant-general, he himself with a part of his forces, making a small circuit, proceedsto a place entirely sequestered from the bustle, whence he mightsuddenly attack the enemy's rear. Quintus Sulpicius, hislieutenant-general, he appoints to take charge of the camp; to MarcusFabius as lieutenant he assigns the cavalry, and orders that thosetroops, which it would be difficult to manage amid a nightly conflict, should not stir before day-light. All the measures which any otherprudent and active general could order and execute at such a juncture, he orders and executes with regularity; that was an extraordinaryspecimen of judgment and intrepidity, and one deserving of no ordinarypraise, that he despatched Marcus Geganius with some chosen troops toattack the enemy's camp, whence it had been ascertained that they haddeparted with the greater part of their troops. When he fell on thesemen, wholly intent on the result of the danger of their friends, andincautious with respect to themselves, the watches and advanced guardsbeing even neglected, he took their camp almost before the enemy wereperfectly sure that it was attacked. Then when the signal given withsmoke, as had been agreed on, was perceived by the dictator, heexclaims that the enemy's camp was taken, and orders it to be announcedin every direction. 

28. And now day was appearing, and every thing lay open to view; andFabius had made an attack with his cavalry, and the consul had salliedfrom the camp on the enemy now disconcerted; when the dictator on theother side, having attacked their reserve and second line, threw hisvictorious troops, both horse and foot, in the way of the enemy as theyturned themselves about to the dissonant shouts and the various suddenassaults. Thus surrounded on every side, they would to a man havesuffered the punishment due to their reassumption of hostilities, hadnot Vectius Messius, a Volscian, a man more ennobled by his deeds thanhis extraction, upbraiding his men as they were forming a circle, calledout with a loud voice, "Are ye about offering yourselves here to theweapons of the enemy, undefended, unavenged? why is it then ye havearms? or why have you undertaken an offensive war, ever turbulent inpeace, and dastardly in war? What hopes have you in standing here? doyou expect that some god will protect you and bear you hence? With thesword way must be opened. Come on ye, who wish to behold your homes, your parents, your wives, and your children, follow me in the way inwhich you shall see me lead you on. It is not a wall, not a rampart, butarmed men that stand in your way with arms in your hands. In valour youare equal to them; in necessity, which is the ultimate and mosteffective weapon, superior. " As he uttered these words and was puttingthem into execution, they, renewing the shout and following him, make apush in that quarter where Postumius Alba had opposed his troops tothem: and they made the victor give ground, until the dictator came up, as his own men were now retreating. To that quarter the whole weight ofthe battle was now turned. On Messius alone the fortune of the enemydepends. Many wounds and great slaughter now took place on both sides. By this time not even the Roman generals themselves fight withoutreceiving wounds, one of them, Postumius, retired from the field havinghis skull fractured by a stroke of a stone; neither the dictator couldbe removed by a wound in the shoulder, nor Fabius by having his thighalmost pinned to his horse, nor the consul by his arm being cut off, from the perilous conflict. 

29. Messius, with a band of the bravest youths, by a furious chargethrough heaps of slaughtered foes, was carried on to the camp of theVolscians, which had not yet been taken: the same route the entire bodyof the army followed. The consul, pursuing them in their disorderedflight to the very rampart, attacks both the camp and the rampart; inthe same direction the dictator also brings up his forces on the otherside. The assault was conducted with no less intrepidity than the battlehad been. They say that the consul even threw a standard within therampart, in order that the soldiers might push on the more briskly, andthat the first impression was made in recovering the standard. Thedictator also, having levelled the rampart, had now carried the fightinto the camp. Then the enemy began in every direction to throw downtheir arms and to surrender: and their camp also being taken, all theenemy were set up to sale, except the senators. [156] Part of the plunderwas restored to the Latins and Hernicians, when they demanded theirproperty; the remainder the dictator sold by auction: and the consul, being invested with the command of the camp, he himself, entering thecity in triumph, resigned his dictatorship. Some writers cast a gloom onthe memory of this glorious dictatorship, when they state that his son, though victorious, was beheaded by Aulus Postumius, because, tempted bya favourable opportunity of fighting to advantage, he had left his postwithout orders. We are disposed to refuse our belief; and we arewarranted by the variety of opinions on the matter. And it is anargument against it, that such orders have been entitled "Manlian, " not"Postumian, " since the person who first set on foot so barbarous aprecedent, was likely to obtain the signal title of cruelty. Besides, the cognomen of "Imperiosus" was affixed to Manlius: Postumius has notbeen marked by any hateful brand. Caius Julius the consul, in theabsence of his colleague, without casting lots, dedicated the temple ofApollo: Quintius resenting this, when, after disbanding his army, hereturned into the city, made a complaint of it in the senate to nopurpose. 

To the year marked by great achievements is added an event which seemedto have no relation to the interest of Rome, viz. That theCarthaginians, destined to be such formidable enemies, then, for thefirst times on the occasion of some disturbances among the Sicilians, transported an army into Sicily in aid of one of the parties. 

[Footnote 156: _Senators. _ Niebuhr, ii. Note 995, seems to doubt whetherthese belonged to single cities or were the senators of the entireVolscian nation. ]

30. In the city efforts were made by the tribunes of the people thatmilitary tribunes with consular power should be elected; nor could thepoint be carried. Lucius Papirius Crassus and Lucius Junius were madeconsuls. When the ambassadors of the Æquans solicited a treaty from thesenate, and instead of a treaty a surrender was pointed out to them, they obtained a truce for eight years. The affairs of the Volscians, inaddition to the disaster sustained at Algidum, were involved in strifesand seditions by an obstinate contention between the advocates for peaceand those for war. The Romans enjoyed tranquillity on all sides. Theconsuls, having ascertained through the information of one of thecollege, that a law regarding the appraising of the fines, [157] whichwas very acceptable to the people, was about to be introduced by thetribunes, took the lead themselves in proposing it. The new consuls wereLucius Sergius Fidenas a second time, and Hostus Lucretius Tricipitinus. During their consulate nothing worth mentioning occurred. The consulswho followed them were Aulus Cornelius Cossus and Titus Quintius Pennusa second time. The Veientians made excursions into the Roman territory. A report existed that some of the youth of the Fidenatians had beenparticipators in that depredation; and the cognizance of that matter wasleft to Lucius Sergius, and Quintus Servilius and Mamercus Æmilius. Someof them were sent into banishment to Ostia, because it did not appearsufficiently clear why during these days they had been absent fromFidenæ. A number of new settlers was added, and the land of those whohad fallen in war was assigned to them. There was very great distressthat year in consequence of drought; there was not only a deficiency ofrain; but the earth also destitute of its natural moisture, scarcelyenabled the rivers to flow. In some places the want of water occasionedheaps of cattle, which had died of thirst, around the springs andrivulets which were dried up; others were carried off by the mange; andthe distempers spread by infection to the human subject, and firstassailed the husbandmen and slaves; soon after the city becomes filledwith them; and not only were men's bodies afflicted by the contagion, but superstitions of various kinds, and most of them of foreign growth, took possession of their minds; persons, to whom minds enslaved bysuperstition were a source of gain, introducing by pretending todivination new modes of sacrificing; until a sense of public shame nowreached the leading men of the state, seeing in all the streets andchapels extraneous and unaccustomed ceremonies of expiation for thepurpose of obtaining the favour of the gods. A charge was then given tothe ædiles, that they should see that no other than Roman gods should beworshipped, nor in any other manner, save that of the country. Theirresentment against the Veientians was deferred till the following year, Caius Servilius Ahala and Lucius Papirius Mugillanus being consuls. Thenalso superstitious influences prevented the immediate declaration of waror the armies being sent; they deemed it necessary that heralds shouldbe first sent to demand restitution. There had been battles foughtlately with the Veientians at Nomentum and Fidenæ; and after that atruce, not a peace, had been concluded; of which both the time hadexpired and they had renewed hostilities before the expiration. Heraldshowever were sent; and when, according to ancient usage, they were swornand demanded restitution, their application was not listened to. Thenarose a dispute whether a war should be declared by order of the people, or whether a decree of the senate would be sufficient. The tribunes, bythreatening that they would stop the levy, so far prevailed that theconsuls should take the sense of the people concerning the war. All thecenturies voted for it. In this particular also the commons showed asuperiority by gaining this point, that consuls should not be electedfor the next year. 

[Footnote 157: _Fines_. The fines imposed in early times were certainnumbers of sheep or oxen; afterwards it was ordered by law that thesefines should be appraised and the value paid in money. Another law fixeda certain rate at which the cattle should be estimated, 100 asses for anox, 10 for a sheep. ]

31. Four military tribunes with consular authority were elected--TitusQuintius Pennus, from the consulship, Caius Furius, Marcus Postumius, and Aulus Cornelius Cossus. Of these Cossus held the command in thecity. The other three, after the levy was held, set out to Veii, andwere an instance how mischievous in military affairs is a plurality ofcommanders. By insisting each on his own plans, whilst they severallyentertained different views, they left an opportunity open to the enemyto take them at advantage. For the Veientians, taking an opportunity, attacked their line whilst still uncertain as to their movements, someordering the signal to be given, others a retreat to be sounded: theircamp, which was nigh at hand, received them in their confusion andturning their backs. There was more disgrace therefore than loss. Thestate, unaccustomed to defeat, was become melancholy; they hated thetribunes, they insisted on a dictator, the hopes of the state now seemedto rest on him. When a religious scruple interfered here also, lest adictator could not be appointed except by a consul, the augurs on beingconsulted removed that scruple. Aulus Cornelius nominated MamercusÆmilius, and he himself was nominated by him master of the horse. Solittle did censorial animadversion avail, so as to prevent them fromseeking a regulator of their affairs from a family unmeritedly censured, as soon as the condition of the state stood in need of genuine merit. The Veientians elated with their success, having sent ambassadors aroundthe states of Etruria, boasting that three Roman generals had beenbeaten by them in an engagement, though they could not effect a publicco-operation in their designs, procured volunteers from all quartersallured by the hope of plunder. The state of the Fidenatians alonedetermined on renewing hostilities; and as if it would be an impiety tocommence war unless with guilt, after staining their arms with the bloodof the new settlers there, as they had on a former occasion with that ofthe ambassadors, they join the Veientians. After this the leading men ofthe two states consulted whether they should select Veii or Fidenæ asthe seat of war. Fidenæ appeared the more convenient. Accordingly, having crossed the Tiber, the Veientians transferred the war thither. There was great consternation at Rome. The army being recalled fromVeii, and that same army dispirited in consequence of their defeat, thecamp is pitched before the Colline gate, and armed soldiers are postedalong the walls, and a suspension of all civil business is proclaimed inthe forum, and the shops were closed; and every place becomes more liketo a camp than a city. 

32. Then the dictator, having sent criers through the streets, andhaving summoned the alarmed citizens to an assembly, began to chide them"that they allowed their minds to depend on such slight impulses offortune, that, on the receipt of a trifling loss, which itself wassustained not by the bravery of the enemy, nor by the cowardice of theRoman army, but by the disagreement of the generals, they now dreadedthe Veientian enemy, six times vanquished, and Fidenæ, which was almosttaken oftener than attacked. That both the Romans and the enemies werethe same as they were for so many ages: that they retained the samespirits, the same bodily strength, the same arms. That he himself, Mamercus Æmilius, was also the same dictator, who formerly defeated thearmies of the Veientians and Fidenatians, with the additional support ofthe Faliscians, at Nomentum. That his master of the horse, AulusCornelius, would be the same in the field, he who, as military tribunein a former war, slew Lar Tolumnius, king of the Veientians, in thesight of both armies, and brought the _spolia opima_ into the temple ofJupiter Feretrius. Wherefore that they should take up arms, mindful thatwith them were triumphs, with them spoils, with them victory; with theenemy the guilt of murdering the ambassadors contrary to the law ofnations, the massacre of the Fidenatian colonists in time of peace, theinfraction of truces, a seventh unsuccessful revolt. As soon as theyshould bring their camp near them, he was fully confident that the joyof these most impious enemies at the disgrace of the Roman army wouldnot be of long continuance, and that the Roman people would be convincedhow much better those persons deserved of the republic, who nominatedhim dictator for the third time, than those who, in consequence of hisabolishing the despotism of the censorship, would cast a slur on hissecond dictatorship. " Having offered up his vows and set out on hismarch, he pitches his camp fifteen hundred paces on this side of Fidenæ, covered on his right by mountains, on his left by the river Tiber. Heorders Titus Quintius Pennus to take possession of the mountains, and topost himself secretly on some eminence which might be in the enemy'srear. On the following day, when the Etrurians had marched out to thefield, full of confidence in consequence of their accidental success ofthe preceding day, rather than of their good fighting, he himself, having delayed a little until the senate brought back word that Quintiushad gained an eminence nigh to the citadel of Fidenæ, puts his troopsinto motion and led on his line of infantry in order of battle in theirquickest pace against the enemy: the master of the horse he directs notto commence the fight without orders; that, when it would be necessary, he would give the signal for the aid of the cavalry; then that he wouldconduct the action, mindful of his fight with the king, mindful of therich oblation, and of Romulus and Jupiter Feretrius. The legions beginthe conflict with impetuosity. The Romans, fired with hatred, gratifiedthat feeling both with deeds and words, calling the Fidenatian impious, the Veientian robbers, truce-breakers, stained with the horrid murder ofambassadors, sprinkled with the blood of their own brother-colonists, treacherous allies, and dastardly enemies. 

33. In the very first onset they had made an impression on the enemy;when on a sudden, the gates of Fidenæ flying open, a strange sort ofarmy sallies forth, unheard of and unseen before that time. An immensemultitude armed with fire and all blazing with fire-brands, as if urgedon by fanatical rage, rush on the enemy: and the form of this unusualmode of fighting frightened the Romans for the moment. Then thedictator, having called to him the master of the horse and the cavalry, and also Quintius from the mountains animating the fight, hastenshimself to the left wing, which, more nearly resembling a conflagrationthan a battle, had from terror given way to the flames, and exclaimswith a loud voice, "Vanquished by smoke, driven from your ground as if aswarm of bees, will ye yield to an unarmed enemy? will ye not extinguishthe fires with the sword? or if it is with fire, not with weapons, weare to fight, will ye not, each in his post, snatch those brands, andhurl them on them? Come, mindful of the Roman name, of the valour ofyour fathers, and of your own, turn this conflagration against the cityof your enemy, and destroy Fidenæ by its own flames, which ye could notreclaim by your kindness. The blood of your ambassadors and colonistsand the desolation of your frontiers suggest this. " At the command ofthe dictator the whole line advanced; the firebrands that weredischarged are partly caught up; others are wrested by force: the armieson either side are now armed with fire. The master of the horse too, onhis part, introduces among the cavalry a new mode of fighting; hecommands his men to take the bridles off their horses: and he himself attheir head, putting spurs to his own, dashing forward, is carried by theunbridled steed into the midst of the fires: the other horses also beingurged on carry their riders with unrestrained speed against the enemy. The dust being raised and mixed with smoke excluded the light from theeyes of both men and horses. That appearance which had terrified thesoldiers, no longer terrified the horses. The cavalry therefore, wherever they penetrated, produced a heap of bodies like a ruin. A newshout then assailed their ears; and when this attracted the attention ofthe two armies looking with amazement at each other, the dictator criesout "that his lieutenant-general and his men had attacked the enemy onthe rear:" he himself, on the shout being renewed, advances against themwith redoubled vigour. When two armies, two different battles pressed onthe Etrurians, now surrounded, in front and rear, and there was now nomeans of flight back to their camp, nor to the mountains, where newenemies were ready to oppose them, and the horses, now freed from theirbridles, had scattered their riders in every direction, the principalpart of the Veientians make precipitately for the Tiber. Such of theFidenatians as survived, bend their course to the city of Fidenæ. Theirflight hurries them in their state of panic into the midst of slaughter;they are cut to pieces on the banks; others, when driven into the water, were carried off by the eddies; even those who could swim were weigheddown by fatigue, by their wounds, and by fright; a few out of the manymake their way across. The other party make their way through the campinto the city. In the same direction their impetuosity carries theRomans in pursuit; Quintius more especially, and with him those who hadjust come down from the mountain, being the soldiers who were freshestfor labour, because they had come up towards the close of theengagement. 

34. These, after they entered the gate mixed with the enemy, make theirway to the walls, and raise from their summit a signal to their friendsof the town being taken. When the dictator saw this, (for he had nowmade his way into the deserted camp of the enemy, ) he leads on thesoldiers, who were now anxious to disperse themselves in quest of booty, entertaining a hope of a greater spoil in the city, to the gate; andbeing admitted within the walls, he proceeds to the citadel, whither hesaw the crowds of fugitives hurrying. Nor was the slaughter in the cityless than in the battle; until, throwing down their arms, beggingnothing but their life, they surrendered to the dictator. The city andcamp are plundered. On the following day, one captive being allotted toeach horseman and centurion, and two to those whose valour had beenconspicuous, and the rest being sold by auction, the dictator in triumphled back to Rome his army victorious and enriched with spoil; and havingordered the master of the horse to resign his office, he immediatelyresigned his own on the sixteenth day (after he had obtained it);surrendering in peace that authority which he had received during warand trepidations. Some annals have reported that there was a navalengagement with the Veientians at Fidenæ, a thing as difficult as it wasincredible, the river even now not being broad enough for such apurpose; and at that time, as we learn from old writers, beingconsiderably narrower: except that perhaps in disputing the passage ofthe river, magnifying, as will happen, the scuffle of a few ships, theysought the empty honour of a naval victory. 

35. The following year had as military tribunes with consular powerAulus Sempronius Atratinus, Lucius Quintius Cincinnatus, Lucius FuriusMedullinus, Lucius Horatius Barbatus. To the Veientians a truce fortwenty years was granted, and one for three years to the Æquans, thoughthey had solicited one for a longer term. There was quiet also from cityriots. The year following, though not distinguished either by war abroador by disturbance at home, was rendered celebrated by the games whichhad been vowed during the war, both through the magnificence displayedin them by the military tribunes, and also through the concourse of theneighbouring states. The tribunes with consular power were AppiusClaudius Crassus, Spurius Nautilus Rutilus, Lucius Sergius Fidenas, Sextus Julius Iulus. The exhibition, besides that they had come with thepublic concurrence of their states, was rendered still more grateful tothe strangers by the courtesy of their hosts. After the games seditiousharangues were delivered by the tribunes of the commons upbraiding themultitude; "that stupified with admiration of those persons whom theyhated, they kept themselves in a state of eternal bondage; and they notonly had not the courage to aspire to the recovery of their hopes of ashare in the consulship, but even in the electing of military tribunes, which elections lay open to both patricians and commons, they neitherthought of themselves nor of their party. That they must therefore ceasefeeling surprised why no one busied himself about the interests of thecommons: that labour and danger would be expended on objects whenceemolument and honour might be expected. That there was nothing men wouldnot attempt if great rewards were proposed for those who make greatattempts. That any tribune of the commons should rush blindly at greatrisk and with no advantage into contentions, in consequence of which hemay rest satisfied that the patricians against whom he should strive, will persecute him with inexpiable war, whilst with the commons in whosebehalf he may have contended he will not be one whit the more honoured, was a thing neither to be expected nor required. That by great honoursminds became great. That no plebeian would think meanly of himself, whenthey ceased to be despised by others. That the experiment should be atlength made in the case of one or two, whether there were any plebeiancapable of sustaining a high dignity, or whether it were next to amiracle and a prodigy that any one sprung from the commons should be abrave and industrious man. That by the utmost energy the point had beengained, that military tribunes with consular power might be chosen fromamong the commons also. That men well approved both in the civil andmilitary line had stood as candidates. That during the first years theywere hooted at, rejected, and ridiculed by the patricians: that atlength they had ceased to expose themselves to insult. Nor did he forhis part see why the law itself might not be repealed; by which that wasmade lawful which never could take place; for that there would be lesscause for blushing at the injustice of the law, than if they were to bepassed over through their own want of merit. "

36. Harangues of this kind, listened to with approbation, induced somepersons to stand for the military tribuneship, each avowing that if inoffice he would propose something to the advantage of the commons. Hopeswere held out of a distribution of the public land, of colonies to beplanted, and of money to be raised for the pay of the soldiers, by a taximposed on the proprietors of estates. Then an opportunity was laidhold of by the military tribunes, so that during the absence of mostpersons from the city, when the patricians who were to be recalled by aprivate intimation were to attend on a certain day, a decree of thesenate might be passed in the absence of the tribunes of the commons;that a report existed that the Volscians had gone forth into the landsof Hernici to commit depredations, the military tribunes were to set outto examine into the matter, and that an assembly should be held for theelection of consuls. Having set out, they leave Appius Claudius, son ofthe decemvir, as prefect of the city, a young man of great energy, andone who had ever from his cradle imbibed a hatred of the tribunes andthe commons. The tribunes of the commons had nothing for which theyshould contend, either with those persons now absent, who had procuredthe decree of the senate, nor with Appius, the matter being now allover. 

37. Caius Sempronius Atratinus, Quintus Fabius Vibulanus were electedconsuls. An affair in a foreign country, but one deserving of record, isstated to have happened in that year. Vulturnum, a city of theEtrurians, which is now Capua, was taken by the Samnites; and was calledCapua from their leader, Capys, or, what is more probable, from itschampaign grounds. But they took possession of it, after having beenadmitted into a share of the city and its lands, when the Etrurians hadbeen previously much harassed in war; afterwards the new-comers attackedand massacred during the night the old inhabitants, when on a festivalday they had become heavy with wine and sleep. After those transactionsthe consuls whom we have mentioned entered on office on the ides ofDecember. Now not only those who had been expressly sent, reported thata Volscian war was impending; but ambassadors also from the Latins andHernicians brought word, "that never at any former period were theVolscians more intent either in selecting commanders, or in levying anarmy; that they commonly observed either that arms and war were to befor ever consigned to oblivion, and the yoke to be submitted to; or thatthey must not yield to those, with whom they contended for empire, either in valour, perseverance, or military discipline. " The accountsthey brought were not unfounded; but neither the senate were so muchaffected by the circumstance; and Caius Sempronius, to whom the provincefell by lot, relying on fortune, as if a most constant object, becausehe was the leader of a victorious state against one frequentlyvanquished, executed all his measures carelessly and remissly; so thatthere was more of the Roman discipline in the Volscian than in the Romanarmy. Success therefore, as on many other occasions, attended merit. Inthe first battle, which was entered on by Sempronius without eitherprudence or caution, they met, without their lines being strengthened byreserves, or their cavalry being properly stationed. The shout was thefirst presage which way the victory would incline; that raised by theenemy was louder and more continued; that by the Romans, beingdissonant, uneven, and frequently repeated in a lifeless manner, betrayed the prostration of their spirits. The enemy advancing the moreboldly on this account, pushed with their shields, brandished theirswords; on the other side the helmets drooped, as the men looked around, and disconcerted they waver, and keep close to the main body. Theensigns at one time standing their ground are deserted by theirsupporters, at another time they retreat between their respectivecompanies. As yet there was no absolute flight, nor was there victory. The Romans rather covered themselves than fought. The Volsciansadvanced, pushed against their line, saw more of the enemy slain thanrunning away. 

38. They now give way in every direction, the consul Sempronius in vainchiding and exhorting them; neither his authority nor his dignityavailed any thing; and they would presently have turned their backs tothe enemy, had not Sextus Tempanius, a commander of a troop of horse, with great presence of mind brought them support, when matters were nowdesperate. When he called out aloud, "that the horsemen who wished forthe safety of the commonwealth should leap from their horses, " thehorsemen of all the troops being moved, as if by the consul's orders, hesays, "unless this cohort by its arms can stop the progress of theenemy, there is an end of the empire. Follow my spear as your standard. Show to the Romans and Volscians, that no cavalry are equal to you ascavalry, nor infantry to you as infantry. " When this exhortation wasapproved by a loud shout, he advances, holding his spear aloft. Whereverthey go, they open a passage for themselves; putting forward theirtargets they force on to the place where they saw the distress of theirfriends greatest. The fight is restored in every part, as far as theironset reached; nor was there a doubt but that if so few could, accomplish every thing at the same time, the enemy would have turnedtheir backs. 

39. And when they could now be withstood in no part, the Volsciancommander gives a signal, that an opening should be made for thetargeteers, the enemy's new cohort; until carried away by theirimpetuosity they should be cut off from their own party. When this wasdone, the horsemen were intercepted; nor were they able to force theirway in the same direction as that through which they had passed; theenemy being thickest in that part through which they had made their way;and the consul and Roman legions, when they could no where see thatparty which had lately been a protection to the entire army, lest theenemy should cut down so many men of distinguished valour by cuttingthem off, push forward at all hazards. The Volscians, forming twofronts, sustained the attack of the consul and the legions on the onehand, with the other front pressed on Tempanius and the horsemen: andwhen they after repeated attempts were unable to force their way totheir own party, they took possession of an eminence, and defendedthemselves by forming a circle, not without taking vengeance on theirenemies. Nor was there an end of the battle before night. The consulalso, never relaxing his efforts as long as any light remained, kept theenemy employed. The night at length separated them undecided as tovictory; and such a panic seized both camps, from their uncertainty asto the issue, that, leaving behind their wounded and a great part of thebaggage, both armies, as if vanquished, betook themselves to theadjoining mountains. The eminence, however, continued to be besiegedtill beyond midnight; but when word was brought to the besiegers thatthe camp was deserted, supposing that their own party had been defeated, they too fled, each whithersoever his fears carried him in the dark. Tempanius, through fear of an ambush, detained his men till daylight. Then having himself descended with a few men to look about, when heascertained by inquiring from some of the wounded enemy that the camp ofthe Volscians was deserted, he joyously calls down his men from theeminence, and makes his way into the Roman camp: where, when he foundevery thing waste and deserted, and the same unsightliness as with theenemy, before the discovery of this mistake should bring back theVolscians, taking with him all the wounded he could, and not knowingwhat route the consul had taken, he proceeds by the shortest roads tothe city. 

40. The report of the unsuccessful battle and of the abandonment of thecamp had already reached there; and, above all other objects, thehorsemen were mourned not more with private than with public grief; andthe consul Fabius, the city also being now alarmed, stationed guardsbefore the gates; when the horsemen, seen at a distance, not withoutsome degree of terror by those who doubted who they were, but soon beingrecognised, from a state of dread produced such joy, that a shoutpervaded the city, of persons congratulating each other on the horsemenhaving returned safe and victorious; and from the houses a little beforein mourning, as they had given up their friends for lost, persons wereseen running into the street; and the affrighted mothers and wives, forgetful of all ceremony through joy, ran out to meet the band, eachone rushing up to her own friends, and through extravagance of delightscarcely retaining power over body or mind. The tribunes of the peoplewho had appointed a day of trial for Marcus Postumius and TitusQuintius, because of the unsuccessful battle fought near Veii by theirmeans, thought that an opportunity now presented itself for renewing thepublic odium against them by reason of the recent displeasure feltagainst the consul Sempronius. Accordingly, a meeting being convened, when they exclaimed aloud that the commonwealth had been betrayed atVeii by the generals, that the army was afterwards betrayed by theconsul in the country of the Volscians, because they had escaped withimpunity, that the very brave horsemen were consigned to slaughter, thatthe camp was shamefully deserted; Caius Julius, one of the tribunes, ordered the horseman Tempanius to be cited, and in presence of them hesays, "Sextus Tempanius, I ask of you, whether do you think that CaiusSempronius the consul either commenced the battle at the proper time, orstrengthened his line with reserves, or that he discharged any duty of agood consul? or did you yourself, when the Roman legions were beaten, ofyour own judgment dismount the cavalry and restore the fight? then whenyou and the horsemen with you were cut off from our army, did either theconsul himself come to your relief, or did he send you succour? Thenagain, on the following day, had you any assistance any where? or didyou and your cohort by your own bravery make your way into your camp?Did you find a consul or an army in the camp, or did you find the campforsaken, the wounded soldiers left behind? These things are to bedeclared by you this day, as becomes your valour and honour, by whichalone the republic has stood its ground on this day. In a word, where isCaius Sempronius, where are our legions? Have you been deserted, or haveyou deserted the consul and the army? In a word, have we been defeated, or have we gained the victory?"

41. In answer to these questions the language of Tempanius is said tohave been entirely devoid of elegance, but firm as became a soldier, notvainly parading his own merits, nor exulting in the inculpation ofothers: "How much military skill Caius Sempronius possessed, that it wasnot his business as a soldier to judge with respect to his commander, but the business of the Roman people when they were choosing consuls atthe election. Wherefore that they should not require from him a detailof the plans to be adopted by a general, nor of the qualifications to belooked for in a consul; which matters required to be considered by greatminds and great capacities; but what he saw, that he could state. Thatbefore he was separated from his own party, he saw the consul fightingin the first line, encouraging his men, actively employed amid the Romanensigns and the weapons of the enemy; that he was afterwards carried outof sight of his friends. That from the din and shouting he perceivedthat the contest was protracted till night; nor did he think itpossible, from the great numbers of the enemy, that they could forcetheir way to the eminence which he had seized on. Where the army mightbe, he did not know; he supposed that as he protected himself and hismen, by advantage of situation when in danger, in the same way theconsul, for the purpose of preserving his army, had selected a moresecure place for his camp. Nor did he think that the affairs of theVolscians were in a better condition than those of the Roman people. That fortune and the night had occasioned a multitude of mistakes onboth sides:" and then when he begged that they would not detain him, fatigued with toil and wounds, he was dismissed with high encomiums, notmore on his bravery than his modesty. While these things were going on, the consul was at the temple of Rest on the road leading to Lavici. Waggons and other modes of conveyance were sent thither from the city, and took up the army, exhausted by the action and the travelling bynight. Soon after the consul entered the city, not more anxious toremove the blame from himself, than to bestow on Tempanius the praisesso well deserved. Whilst the citizens were still sorrowful inconsequence of their ill success, and incensed against their leaders, Marcus Postumius, being arraigned and brought before them, he who hadbeen military tribune with consular power at Veii, is condemned in afine of ten thousand _asses_ in weight, of brass. His colleague, TitusQuintius, who endeavoured to shift the entire blame of that period onhis previously condemned colleague, was acquitted by all the tribes, because both in the country of the Volscians, when consul, he hadconducted business successfully under the auspices of the dictator, Postumius Tubertus, and also at Fidenæ, as lieutenant-general of anotherdictator, Mamercus Æmilius. The memory of his father, Cincinnatus, a manhighly deserving of veneration, is said to have been serviceable to him, as also Capitolinus Quintius, now advanced in years, humbly entreatingthat they would not suffer him who had so short a time to live to be thebearer of such dismal tidings to Cincinnatus. 

42. The commons elected as tribunes of the people, though absent, SextusTempanius, Aulus Sellius, Sextus Antistius, and Spurius Icilius, whomthe horsemen by the advice of Tempanius had appointed to command them ascenturions. The senate, inasmuch as the name of consuls was now becomingdispleasing through the hatred felt towards Sempronius, ordered thatmilitary tribunes with consular power should be elected. Those electedwere Lucius Manlius Capitolinus, Quintus Antonius Merenda, LuciusPapirius Mugillanus. At the very commencement of the year, LuciusHortensius, a tribune of the people, appointed a day of trial for CaiusSempronius, a consul of the preceding year, and when his fourcolleagues, in sight of the Roman people, entreated him that he wouldnot involve in vexation their unoffending general, in whose casenothing but fortune could be blamed, Hortensius took offence, thinkingit to be a trying of his perseverance, and that the accused depended noton the entreaties of the tribunes, which were merely used for show, buton their protection. Therefore now turning to him, he asked, "Where werethose patrician airs, where the spirit supported and confiding inconscious innocence; that a man of consular dignity took shelter underthe shade of the tribunes?" Another time to his colleagues, "What do youintend doing, if I go on with the prosecution; will you wrest theirjurisdiction from the people and overturn the tribunitian authority?"When they said that, "both with respect to Sempronius and all others, the power of the Roman people was supreme; that they had neither thewill nor the power to do away with the judgment of the people; but iftheir entreaties for their commander, who was to them in the light of aparent, were to prove of no avail, that they would change their apparelalong with him:" then Hortensius says, "The commons of Rome shall notsee their tribunes in the garb of culprits. To Caius Sempronius I havenothing more to say, since when in office he has attained this goodfortune, to be so dear to his soldiers. " Nor was the dutiful attachmentof the four tribunes more grateful alike to the commons and patricians, than was the temper of Hortensius, which yielded so readily to theirjust entreaties. Fortune no longer indulged the Æquans, who had embracedthe doubtful victory of the Volscians as their own. 

43. In the year following, when Numerius Fabius Vibulanus and TitusQuintius Capitolinus, son of Capitolinus, were consuls, nothing worthmentioning was performed under the conduct of Fabius, to whom thatprovince had fallen by lot. When the Æquans had merely showed theirdastardly army, they were routed by a shameful flight, without any greathonour to the consul; therefore a triumph is refused. However inconsequence of having effaced the ignominy of Sempronius's defeat, hewas allowed to enter the city with an ovation. As the war was terminatedwith less difficulty than they had apprehended, so in the city, from astate of tranquillity, an unexpected mass of dissensions arose betweenthe commons and patricians, which commenced with doubling the number ofquæstors. When the patricians approved most highly of this measure, (viz. That, besides the two city quæstors, two should attend theconsuls to discharge some duties of the military service, ) after it wasmoved by the consuls, the tribunes of the commons contended inopposition to the consuls, that half of the quæstors should be appointedfrom the commons; for up to that time all patricians were appointed. Against this proceeding both the consuls and patricians at first strovewith all their might; then by making a concession that the will of thepeople should be equally free in the case of quæstors, as they enjoyedin the election of tribunes with consular power, when they produced butlittle effect, they gave up the entire matter about increasing thenumber of quæstors. When relinquished, the tribunes take it up, andother seditious schemes are continually started, among which is that ofthe agrarian law. On account of these disturbances the senate wasdesirous that consuls should be elected rather than tribunes, but nodecree of the senate could be passed in consequence of the protests ofthe tribunes; the government from being consular came to an interregnum, and not even that without a great struggle (for the tribunes preventedthe patricians from meeting). When the greater part of the followingyear was wasted in contentions by the new tribunes of the commons andsome interreges, the tribunes at one time hindering the patricians fromassembling to declare an interrex, at another time preventing theinterrex from passing a decree regarding the election of consuls; atlength Lucius Papirius Mugillanus, being nominated interrex, censuringnow the patricians, now the tribunes of the people, asserted "that thestate, deserted and forsaken by man, being taken up by the providenceand care of the gods, subsisted by the Veientian truce and thedilatoriness of the Æquans. From which quarter if any alarm of danger beheard, did it please them that the state, left without a patricianmagistrate, should be taken by surprise? that there should be no army, nor general to enlist one? Will they repel a foreign war by an intestineone? And if they both meet, the Roman state can scarcely be saved, evenby the aid of the gods, from being overwhelmed. That they, by resigningeach a portion of their strict right, should establish concord by acompromise; the patricians, by suffering military tribunes with consularauthority to be elected; the tribunes of the commons, by ceasing toprotest against the four quæstors being elected promiscuously from thecommons and patricians by the free suffrage of the people. "

44. The election of tribunes was first held. There were chosen tribuneswith consular power, Lucius Quintius Cincinnatus a third time, LuciusFurius Medullinus a second time, Marcus Manlius, Aulus SemproniusAtratinus. On the last-named tribune presiding at the election ofquæstors, and among several other plebeians a son of Antistius, aplebeian tribune, and a brother of Sextus Pompilius, also a tribune ofthe commons, becoming candidates, neither the power nor interest of thelatter at all availed so as to prevent those, whose fathers andgrandfathers they had seen consuls, from being preferred for their highbirth. All the tribunes of the commons became enraged, above allPompilius and Antistius were incensed at the rejection of theirrelatives. "What could this mean? that neither through their ownkindnesses, nor in consequence of the injurious treatment of thepatricians, nor even through the natural desire of making use of theirnew right, as that is now allowed which was not allowed before, was anyindividual of the commons elected if not a military tribune, not even aquæstor. That the prayers of a father in behalf of a son, those of onebrother in behalf of another, had been of no avail, though proceedingfrom tribunes of the people, a sacrosanct power created for the supportof liberty. There must have been some fraud in the matter, and AulusSempronius must have used more of artifice at the elections than wascompatible with honour. " They complained that by the unfairness of hisconduct their friends had been kept out of office. Accordingly as noattack could be made on him, secured by his innocence and by the officehe then held, they turned their resentment against Caius Sempronius, uncle to Atratinus; and, with the aid of their colleague MarcusCornelius, they entered a prosecution against him on account of thedisgrace sustained in the Volscian war. By the same tribunes mention wasfrequently made in the senate concerning the division of the lands, (which scheme Caius Sempronius had always most vigorously opposed, ) theysupposing, as was really the case, that the accused, should he give upthe question, would become less valued among the patricians, or bypersevering up to the period of trial he would give offence to thecommons. He preferred to expose himself to the torrent of popularprejudice, and to injure his own cause, than to be wanting to the publiccause; and he stood firm in the same sentiment, "that no largess shouldbe made, which was sure to turn to the benefit of the three tribunes;that it was not land was sought for the people, but odium for him. Thathe too would undergo that storm with a determined mind; nor shouldeither himself, nor any other citizen, be of so much consequence to thesenate, that in showing tenderness to an individual, a public injury maybe done. " When the day of trial came, he, having pleaded his own causewith a spirit by no means subdued, is condemned in a fine of fifteenthousand _asses_, though the patricians tried every means to make thepeople relent. The same year Postumia, a Vestal virgin, is tried for abreach of chastity, though guiltless of the charge; having fallen undersuspicion in consequence of her dress being too gay and her manners lessreserved than becomes a virgin, not avoiding the imputation withsufficient care. The case was first deferred, she was afterwardsacquitted; but the chief pontiff, by the instruction of the college, commanded her to refrain from indiscreet mirth, and to dress with moreregard to sanctity than elegance. In the same year Cumæ, a city whichthe Greeks then occupied, was taken by the Campanians. 

45. The following year had for military tribunes with consular power, Agrippa Menenius Lanatus, Publius Lucretius Tricipitinus, SpuriusNautius Rutilus: to the good fortune of the Roman people, the year wasremarkable rather by great danger than by losses. The slaves conspire toset fire to the city in several quarters, and whilst the people shouldbe intent in bearing assistance to the houses in every direction, totake up arms and seize the citadel and Capitol. Jupiter frustrated theirhorrid designs; and the offenders, being seized on the information oftwo (accomplices), were punished. Ten thousand _asses_ in weight ofbrass paid out of the treasury, a sum which at that time was consideredwealth, and their freedom, was the reward conferred on the parties whodiscovered. The Æquans then began to prepare for a renewal ofhostilities; and an account was brought to Rome from good authority, that new enemies, the Lavicanians, were forming a coalition with the oldones. The state had now become habituated, as it were, to theanniversary arms of the Æquans. When ambassadors were sent to Laviciand brought back from thence an evasive answer, from which it becameevident that neither war was intended there, nor would peace be of longcontinuance, instructions were given to the Tusculans, that they shouldobserve attentively, lest any new commotion should arise at Lavici. Tothe military tribunes, with consular power, of the following year, Lucius Sergius Fidenas, Marcus Papirius Mugillanus, Caius Servilius theson of Priscus, in whose dictatorship Fidenæ had been taken, ambassadorscame from Tusculum, just as they entered on their office. Theambassadors brought word that the Lavicanians had taken arms, and havingravaged the Tusculan territory in conjunction with the army of theÆquans, that they had pitched their camp at Algidum. Then war wasproclaimed against the Lavicanians; and a decree of the senate havingbeen passed, that two of the tribunes should proceed to the war, andthat one should manage affairs at Rome, a contest suddenly sprung upamong the tribunes. Each represented himself as a fitter person to takethe lead in the war, and scorned the management of the city asdisagreeable and inglorious. When the senate beheld with surprise theindecent contention between the colleagues, Quintus Servilius says, "Since there is no respect either for this house, or for thecommonwealth, parental authority shall set aside this altercation ofyours. My son, without having recourse to lots, shall take charge of thecity. I wish that those who are so desirous of managing the war, mayconduct it with more consideration and harmony than they covet it. "

46. It was determined that the levy should not be made out of the entirebody of the people indiscriminately. Ten tribes were drawn by lot; thetwo tribunes enlisted the younger men out of these, and led them to thewar. The contentions which commenced between them in the city, were, through the same eager ambition for command, carried to a much greaterheight in the camp: on no one point did they think alike; they contendedstrenuously for their own opinion; they desired their own plans, theirown commands only to be ratified; they mutually despised each other, andwere despised, until, on the remonstrances of the lieutenant-generals, it was at length so arranged, that they should hold the supreme commandon alternate days. When an account of these proceedings was brought toRome, Quintus Servilius, taught by years and experience, is said tohave prayed to the immortal gods, that the discord of the tribunes mightnot prove more detrimental to the commonwealth than it had done at Veii:and, as if some certain disaster was impending over them, he pressed hisson to enlist soldiers and prepare arms. Nor was he a false prophet. Forunder the conduct of Lucius Sergius, whose day of command it was, beingsuddenly attacked by the Æquans on disadvantageous ground near theenemy's camp, after having been decoyed thither by the vain hope oftaking it, because the enemy had counterfeited fear and betakenthemselves to their rampart, they were beaten down a declivity, andgreat numbers were overpowered and slaughtered by their tumbling oneover the other rather than by flight: and the camp, retained withdifficulty on that day, was, on the following day, deserted by ashameful flight through the opposite gate, the enemy having invested itin several directions. The generals, lieutenant-generals, and such ofthe main body of the army as kept near the colours, made their way toTusculum; others, dispersed in every direction through the fields, hastened to Rome by different roads, announcing a heavier loss than hadbeen sustained. There was less of consternation, because the resultcorresponded to the apprehensions of persons; and because thereinforcements, which they could look to in this distressing state ofthings, had been prepared by the military tribune: and by his orders, after the disturbance in the city was quieted by the inferiormagistrates, scouts were instantly despatched, and brought intelligencethat the generals and the army were at Tusculum; that the enemy had notremoved their camp. And, what raised their spirits most, QuintusServilius Priscus was created dictator in pursuance of a decree of thesenate; a man whose judgment in public affairs the state had experiencedas well on many previous occasions, as in the issue of that war, becausehe alone had expressed his apprehensions of the result of the disputesamong the tribunes, before the occurrence of the misfortune; he havingappointed for his master of the horse, by whom, as military tribune, hehad been nominated dictator, his own son, as some have stated, (forothers mention that Ahala Servilius was master of the horse that year;)and setting out to the war with his newly-raised army, after sending forthose who were at Tusculum, chose ground for his camp at the distanceof two miles from the enemy. 

47. The arrogance and negligence arising from success, which hadpreviously existed in the Roman generals, were now transferred to theÆquans. Accordingly, when in the very first engagement the dictator hadthrown the enemy's van into disorder by a charge of his cavalry, heimmediately ordered the infantry to advance, and slew one of his ownstandard-bearers who hesitated in so doing. So great was the ardour tofight, that the Æquans did not stand the shock; and when, vanquished inthe field, they made for their camp in a precipitate flight, the takingof it was shorter in time and less in trouble than the battle had been. After the camp had been taken and plundered, and the dictator had givenup the spoil to the soldiers, and the cavalry, who had pursued the enemyin their flight, brought back intelligence that all the Lavicanians werevanquished, and that a considerable number of the Æquans had fled toLavici, the army was marched to Lavici on the following day; and thetown, being invested on all sides, was taken by storm and plundered. Thedictator, having marched back his victorious army to Rome, resigned hisoffice on the eighth day after he had been appointed; and beforeagrarian disturbances could be raised by the tribunes of the commons, allusion having been made to a division of the Lavicanian land, thesenate very opportunely voted in full assembly that a colony should beconducted to Lavici. One thousand five hundred colonists were sent fromthe city, and received each two acres. Lavici being taken, andsubsequently Agrippa Menenius Lanatus, and Lucius Servilius Structus, and Publius Lucretius Tricipitinus, all these a second time, and SpuriusRutilius Crassus being military tribunes with consular authority, and onthe following year Aulus Sempronius Atratinus a third time, and MarcusPapirius Mugillanus and Spurius Nautius Rutilus both a second time, affairs abroad were peaceable for two years, but at home there wasdissension from the agrarian laws. 

48. The disturbers of the commons were Spurius Mæcilius a fourth time, and Spurius Mætilius a third time, tribunes of the people, both electedduring their absence. And after they had proposed a bill, that the landtaken from the enemy should be divided man by man, and the property ofa considerable part of the nobles would be confiscated by such ameasure; for there was scarcely any of the land, considering the cityitself was built on a strange soil, that had not been acquired by arms;nor had any other persons except the commons possession of that whichhad been sold or publicly assigned, a violent contest between thecommons and patricians seemed to be at hand; nor did the militarytribunes discover either in the senate, or in the private meetings ofthe nobles, any line of conduct to pursue; when Appius Claudius, thegrandson of him who had been decemvir for compiling the laws, being theyoungest senator of the meeting, is stated to have said; "that hebrought from home an old and a family scheme, for that hisgreat-grandfather, Appius Claudius, had shown the patricians one methodof baffling tribunitian power by the protests of their colleagues; thatmen of low rank were easily led away from their opinions by theinfluence of men of distinction, if language were addressed to themsuitable to the times, rather than to the dignity of the speakers. Thattheir sentiments were regulated by their circumstances. When they shouldsee that their colleagues, having the start in introducing the measure, had engrossed to themselves the whole credit of it with the commons, andthat no room was left for them, that they would without reluctanceincline to the interest of the senate, through which they may conciliatethe favour not only of the principal senators, but of the whole body. "All expressing their approbation, and above all, Quintius ServiliusPriscus eulogizing the youth, because he had not degenerated from theClaudian race, a charge is given, that they should gain over as many ofthe college of the tribunes as they could, to enter protests. On thebreaking up of the senate the tribunes are applied to by the leadingpatricians: by persuading, admonishing, and assuring them "that it wouldbe gratefully felt by them individually, and gratefully by the entiresenate, they prevailed on six to give in their protests. " And on thefollowing day, when the proposition was submitted to the senate, as hadbeen preconcerted, concerning the sedition which Mæcilius and Mætiliuswere exciting by urging a largess of a most mischievous precedent, suchspeeches were delivered by the leading senators, that each declared"that for his part he had no measure to advise, nor did he see anyother resource in any thing, except in the aid of the tribunes. That tothe protection of that power the republic, embarrassed as it was, fledfor succour, just as a private individual in distress. That it washighly honourable to themselves and to their office that there residednot in the tribuneship more strength to harass the senate and to excitedisunion among the several orders, than to resist their perversecolleagues. " Then a shout arose throughout the entire senate, when thetribunes were appealed to from all parts of the house: then silencebeing established, those who had been prepared through the interest ofthe leading men, declare that they will protest against the measurewhich had been proposed by their colleagues, and which the senateconsiders to tend to the dissolution of the state. Thanks were returnedto the protestors by the senate. The movers of the law, having conveneda meeting, and styling their colleagues traitors to the interests of thecommons and the slaves of the consulars, and after inveighing againstthem in other abusive language, relinquished the measure. 

49. The following year, on which Publius Cornelius Cossus, CaiusValerius Potitus, Quintus Quintius Cincinnatus, Numerius FabiusVibulanus were military tribunes with consular power, would have broughtwith it two continual wars, had not the Veientian campaign been deferredby the religious scruples of the leaders, whose lands were destroyed, chiefly by the ruin of the country-seats, in consequence of the Tiberhaving overflowed its banks. At the same time the loss sustained threeyears before prevented the Æquans from affording assistance to theBolani, a state belonging to their own nation. Excursions had been madefrom thence on the contiguous territory of Lavici, and hostilities werecommitted on the new colony. As they had expected to be able to defendthis act of aggression by the concurrent support of all the Æquans, whendeserted by their friends they lost both their town and lands, after awar not even worth mentioning, through a siege and one slight battle. Anattempt made by Lucius Sextius, tribune of the people, to move a law bywhich colonists might be sent to Bolæ also, in like manner as to Lavici, was defeated by the protests of his colleagues, who declared openly thatthey would suffer no order of the commons to be passed, unless with theapprobation of the senate. On the following year the Æquans, havingrecovered Bolæ, and sent a colony thither, strengthened the town withadditional fortifications, the military tribunes with consular power atRome being Cneius Cornelius Cossus, Lucius Valerius Potitus, QuintusFabius Vibulanus a second time, Marcus Postumius Regillensis. The waragainst the Æquans was intrusted to the latter, a man of depraved mind, which victory manifested more effectually than war. For having withgreat activity levied an army and marched it to Bolæ, after breakingdown the spirits of the Æquans in slight engagements, he at lengthforced his way into the town. He then turned the contest from the enemyto his countrymen; and when during the assault he had proclaimed, thatthe plunder should belong to the soldiers, after the town was taken hebroke his word. I am more inclined to believe that this was the cause ofthe displeasure of the army, than that in a city lately sacked and in acolony still young there was less booty found than the tribune hadrepresented. An expression of his heard in the assembly, which was verysilly and almost insane, after he returned into the city on being sentfor on account of some tribunitian disturbances, increased this badfeeling; on Sextus, a tribune of the commons, proposing an agrarian law, and at the same time declaring that he would also propose that colonistsshould be sent to Bolæ; for that those who had taken them by their armswere deserving that the city and lands of Bolæ should belong to them, heexclaimed, "Woe to my soldiers, if they are not quiet;" which words, when heard, gave not greater offence to the assembly, than they did soonafter to the patricians. And the plebeian tribune being a sharp man andby no means devoid of eloquence, having found among his adversaries thishaughty temper and unbridled tongue, which by irritating and exciting hecould urge into such expressions as might prove a source of odium notonly to himself, but to his cause and to the entire body, he strove todraw Postumius into discussion more frequently than any of the collegeof military tribunes. Then indeed, after so brutal and inhuman anexpression, "Romans, " says he, "do ye hear him threatening woe to hissoldiers as to slaves? Yet this brute will appear to you more deservingof so high an honour than those who send you into colonies, after havinggranted to you cities and lands; who provide a settlement for your oldage, who fight against such cruel and arrogant adversaries in defenceof your interests. Begin then to wonder why few persons now undertakeyour cause. What are they to expect from you? is it honours which yougive to your adversaries rather than to the champions of the Romanpeople. You felt indignant just now, on hearing an expression of thisman? What matters that, if you will prefer this man who threatens woe toyou, to those who are desirous to secure for you lands, settlements, andproperty?"

50. This expression of Postumius being conveyed to the soldiers, excitedin the camp much greater indignation. "Did the embezzler of the spoilsand the defrauder threaten woe also to the soldiers?" Accordingly, whenthe murmur of indignation now became avowed, and the quæstor, PubliusSestius, thought that the mutiny might be quashed by the same violenceby which it had been excited; on his sending a lictor to one of thesoldiers who was clamorous, when a tumult and scuffle arose from thecircumstance, being struck with a stone he retired from the crowd; theperson who had given the blow, further observing with a sneer, "That thequæstor got what the general had threatened to the soldiers. " Postumiusbeing sent for in consequence of the disturbance, exasperated everything by the severity of his inquiries and the cruelty of hispunishment. At last, when he set no bounds to his resentment, a crowdcollecting at the cries of those whom he had ordered to be put to deathunder a hurdle, he himself madly ran down from his tribunal to those whowere interrupting the execution. There, when the lictors, endeavouringto disperse them, as also the centurions, irritated the crowd, theirindignation burst forth to such a degree, that the military tribune wasoverwhelmed with stones by his own army. When an account was brought toRome of so heinous a deed, the military tribunes endeavouring to procurea decree of the senate for an inquiry into the death of their colleague, the tribunes of the people entered their protest. But that contentionbranched out of another subject of dispute; because the patricians hadbecome uneasy lest the commons, through dread of the inquiries andthrough resentment, might elect military tribunes from their own body:and they strove with all their might that consuls should be elected. When the plebeian tribunes did not suffer the decree of the senate topass, and when they also protested against the election of consuls, theaffair was brought to an interregnum. The victory was then on the sideof the patricians. 

51. Quintus Fabius Vibulanus, interrex, presiding in the assembly, AulusCornelius Cossus, Lucius Furius Medullinus were elected consuls. Duringtheir office, at the commencement of the year, a decree of the senatewas passed that the tribunes should, at the earliest opportunity, propose to the commons an inquiry into the murder of Postumius, and thatthe commons should appoint whomsoever they thought proper to conduct theinquiry. The office is intrusted to the consuls by the commons with theconsent of the people at large, who, after having executed the task withthe utmost moderation and lenity by punishing only a few, who there aresufficient grounds for believing put a period to their own lives, stillcould not succeed so as to prevent the people from feeling the utmostdispleasure. "That constitutions, which were enacted for theiradvantages, lay so long unexecuted; while a law passed in the mean timeregarding their blood and punishment was instantly put into executionand possessed full force. " This was a most seasonable time, after thepunishment of the mutiny, that the division of the territory of Bolæshould be presented as a soother to their minds; by which proceedingthey would have diminished their eagerness for an agrarian law, whichtended to expel the patricians from the public land unjustly possessedby them. Then this very indignity exasperated their minds, that thenobility persisted not only in retaining the public lands, which theygot possession of by force, but would not even distribute to the commonsthe unoccupied land lately taken from the enemy, and which would, likethe rest, soon become the prey of a few. The same year the legions wereled out by the consul Furius against the Volscians, who were ravagingthe country of the Hernicians, and finding no enemy there, they tookFerentinum, whither a great multitude of the Volscians had betakenthemselves. There was less plunder than they had expected; because theVolscians, seeing small hopes of keeping it, carried off their effectsand abandoned the town. It was taken on the following day, being nearlydeserted. The land itself was given to the Hernicians. 

52. The year, tranquil through the moderation of the tribunes, wassucceeded by one in which Lucius Icilius was plebeian tribune, QuintusFabius Ambustus, Caius Furius Pacilus being consuls. When this man, atthe very commencement of the year, began to excite disturbances by thepublication of agrarian laws, as if such was the task of his name andfamily, a pestilence broke out, more alarming however than deadly, whichdiverted men's thoughts from the forum and political disputes to theirdomestic concerns and the care of their personal health; and personsthink that it was less mischievous than the disturbance would haveproved. The state being freed from this (which was attended) with a verygeneral spread of illness, though very few deaths, the year ofpestilence was followed by a scarcity of grain, the cultivation of theland having been neglected, as usually happens, Marcus PapiriusAtratinus, Caius Nautius Rutilus being consuls. The famine would nowhave proved more dismal than the pestilence, had not the scarcity beenrelieved by sending envoys around all the states, which border on theTuscan Sea and the Tiber, to purchase the corn. The envoys wereprevented from trading in an insolent manner by the Samnitians, who werein possession of Capua and Cumæ; on the contrary, they were kindlyassisted by the tyrants of Sicily. The Tiber brought down the greatestsupplies, through the very active zeal of the Etrurians. In consequenceof the sickness, the consuls laboured under a paucity of hands inconducting the government; when not finding more than one senator foreach embassy, they were obliged to attach to it two knights. Except fromthe pestilence and the scarcity, there was no internal or externalannoyance during those two years. But as soon as these causes of anxietydisappeared, all those evils by which the state had hitherto beendistressed, started up, discord at home, war abroad. 

53. In the consulship of Mamercus Æmilius and Caius Valerius Potitus, the Æquans made preparations for war; the Volscians, though not bypublic authority, taking up arms, and entering the service as volunteersfor pay. When on the report of these enemies having started up, (forthey had now passed into the Latin and Hernican land, ) Marcus Mænius, aproposer of an agrarian law, would obstruct Valerius the consul whenholding a levy, and when no one took the military oath against his ownwill under the protection of the tribune; an account is suddenly broughtthat the citadel of Carventa had been seized by the enemy. The disgraceincurred by this event was both a source of odium to Mænius in the handsof the fathers, and it moreover afforded to the other tribunes, alreadypre-engaged as protestors against an agrarian law, a more justifiablepretext for resisting their colleague. Wherefore after the matter hadbeen protracted for a long time by wrangling, the consuls calling godsand men to witness, that whatever disgrace or loss had either beenalready sustained or hung over them from the enemy, the blame of itwould be imputed to Mænius, who hindered the levy; Mænius, on the otherhand, exclaiming "that if the unjust occupiers would yield up possessionof the public land, he would cause no delay to the levy:" the ninetribunes interposing a decree, put an end to the contest; and theyproclaimed as the determination of their college, "that they would, forthe purposes of the levy, in opposition to the protest of theircolleague, afford their aid to Caius Valerius the consul in inflictingfines and other penalties on those who refused to enlist. " When theconsul, armed with this decree, ordered into prison a few who appealedto the tribune, the rest took the military oath from fear. The army wasmarched to the citadel of Carventa, and though hated by and dislikingthe consul, they on their first arrival recovered the citadel in aspirited manner, having dislodged those who were protecting it; some inquest of plunder having straggled away through carelessness from thegarrison, afforded an opportunity for attacking them. There wasconsiderable booty from the constant devastations, because all had beencollected into a safe place. This the consul ordered the quæstors tosell by auction and carry it into the treasury, declaring that the armyshould then participate in the booty, when they had not declined theservice. The exasperation of the commons and soldiers against the consulwas then augmented. Accordingly, when by a decree of the senate theconsul entered the city in an ovation, rude verses in couplets werethrown out with military licence; in which the consul was severelyhandled, whilst the name of Mænius was cried up with encomiums, when atevery mention of the tribune the attachment of the surrounding peoplevied by their applause and commendation with the loud praises of thesoldiers. And that circumstance occasioned more anxiety to thepatricians, than the wanton raillery of the soldiers against theconsul, which was in a manner a usual thing; and the election of Mæniusamong the military tribunes being deemed as no longer questionable, ifhe should become a candidate, he was kept out of it by an election forconsuls being appointed. 

54. Cneius Cornelius Cossus and Lucius Furius Medullinus were electedconsuls. The commons were not on any other occasion more dissatisfied atthe election of tribunes not being conceded to them. This sense ofannoyance they both manifested at the nomination of quæstors, andavenged by then electing plebeians for the first time as quæstors; sothat in electing four, room was left for only one patrician; whilstthree plebeians, Quintus Silius, Publius Aelius, and Publius Pupius, were preferred to young men of the most illustrious families. I learnthat the principal advisers of the people, in this so independent abestowing of their suffrage, were the Icilii, three out of this familymost hostile to the patricians having been elected tribunes of thecommons for that year, by their holding out the grand prospect of manyand great achievements to the people, who became consequently mostardent; after they had affirmed that they would not stir a step, if thepeople would not, even at the election of quæstors, the only one whichthe senate had left open to the commons and patricians, evincesufficient spirit to accomplish that which they had so long wished for, and which was allowed by the laws. This therefore the people consideredan important victory; and that quæstorship they estimated not by theextent of the honour itself; but an access seemed opened to new men tothe consulship and the honours of a triumph. The patricians, on theother hand, expressed their indignation not so much at the honours ofthe state being shared, but at their being lost; they said that, "ifmatters be so, children need no longer be educated; who being drivenfrom the station of their ancestors, and seeing others in the possessionof their dignity, would be left without command or power, as mere saliiand flamens, with no other employment than to offer sacrifices for thepeople. " The minds of both parties being irritated, since the commonshad both assumed new courage, and had now three leaders of the mostdistinguished reputation for the popular side; the patricians seeingthat the result of all the elections would be similar to that forquæstors, wherever the people had the choice from both sides, strovevigorously for the election of consuls, which was not yet open to them. The Icilii, on the contrary, said that military tribunes should beelected, and that posts of honour should be at length imparted to thecommons. 

55. But the consuls had no proceeding on hand, by opposing which theycould extort that which they desired; when by an extraordinary andfavourable occurrence an account is brought that the Volscians andÆquans had proceeded beyond their frontiers into the Latin and Hernicanterritory to commit depredations. For which war when the consulscommence to hold a levy in pursuance of a decree of the senate, thetribunes then strenuously opposed them, affirming that such a fortunateopportunity was presented to them and to the commons. There were three, and all very active men, and of respectable families, considering theywere plebeians. Two of them choose each a consul, to be watched by themwith unremitting assiduity; to one is assigned the charge sometimes ofrestraining, sometimes of exciting, the commons by his harangues. Neither the consuls effected the levy, nor the tribunes the electionwhich they desired. Then fortune inclining to the cause of the people, expresses arrive that the Æquans had attacked the citadel of Carventa, the soldiers who were in garrison having straggled away in quest ofplunder, and had put to death the few left to guard it; that others wereslain as they were returning to the citadel, and others who weredispersed through the country. This circumstance, prejudicial to thestate, added force to the project of the tribunes. For, assailed byevery argument to no purpose that they would then at length desist fromobstructing the war, when they yielded neither to the public storm, norto the odium themselves, they succeed so far as to have a decree of thesenate passed for the election of military tribunes; with an expressstipulation, however, that no candidate should be considered, who wastribune of the people that year, and that no one should be re-electedplebeian tribune for the year following; the senate undoubtedly pointingat the Icilians, whom they suspected of aiming at the consulartribuneship as the reward of their turbulent tribuneship of the commons. Then the levy began to proceed, and preparations for war began to bemade with the concurrence of all ranks. The diversity of the statementsof writers leaves it uncertain whether both the consuls set out for thecitadel of Carventa, or whether one remained behind to hold theelections; those facts in which they do not disagree are to be receivedas certain, that they retired from the citadel of Carventa, after havingcarried on the attack for a long time to no purpose: that Verrugo in theVolscian country was taken by the same army, and that great devastationhad been made, and considerable booty captured both amongst the Æquansand in the Volscian territory. 

56. At Rome, as the commons gained the victory so far as to have thekind of elections which they preferred, so in the issue of the electionsthe patricians were victorious; for, contrary to the expectation of all, three patricians were elected military tribunes with consular power, Caius Julius Julus, Publius Cornelius Cossus, Caius Servilius Ahala. They say that an artifice was employed by the patricians (with which theIcilii charged them even at the time); that by intermixing a crowd ofunworthy candidates with the deserving, they turned away the thoughts ofthe people from the plebeian through the disgust excited by theremarkable meanness of some. Then tidings are brought that the Volsciansand Æquans, whether the retention of the citadel of Carventa raisedtheir hopes, or the loss of the garrison at Verrugo excited theirresentment, united in making preparations for war with the utmostenergy: that the Antians were the chief promoters of the project; thattheir ambassadors had gone about the states of both these nations, upbraiding their dastardly conduct; that shut up within their walls, they had on the preceding year suffered the Romans to carry theirdepredations throughout their country, and the garrison of Verrugo to beoverpowered. That now not only armed troops but colonies also were sentinto their territories; and that not only the Romans distributed amongthemselves and kept their property, but that they had made a present tothe Hernici of Ferentinum what had been taken from them. After theirminds were inflamed by these remonstrances, according as they madeapplications to each, a great number of young men were enlisted. Thusthe youth of all the states were drawn together to Antium: there theypitched their camp and awaited the enemy. When these accounts arereported at Rome with much greater alarm than the circumstancewarranted, the senate instantly ordered a dictator to be nominated, which was their last resource in perilous circumstances. They say thatJulius and Cornelius were much offended at this proceeding, and that thematter was accomplished with great warmth of temper: when the leadingmen of the patricians, complaining fruitlessly that the militarytribunes would not conform to the judgment of the senate, at lastappealed even to the tribunes of the commons, and stated that force hadbeen used even with the consuls by that body on a similar occasion. Theplebeian tribunes, overjoyed at the dissension among the patricians, said, "that there was no support in persons who were not held in therank of citizens, nor even of human beings; if ever the posts of honourwere open, and the administration of government were shared, that theyshould then see that the decrees of the senate should not be invalidatedby the arrogance of magistrates; that in the mean while, the patricians, unrestrained as they were by respect for laws or magistrates, mustmanage the tribunitian office also by themselves. "

57. This contention occupied men's thoughts at a most unseasonable time, when a war of such importance was on hand: until when Julius andCornelius descanted for a long time by turns, on "how unjust it was thata post of honour conferred on them by the people was now to be wrestedfrom them, since they were generals sufficiently qualified to conductthat war. " Then Ahala Servilius, military tribune, says, "that he hadremained silent for so long a time, not because he was uncertain as tohis opinion, (for what good citizen can separate his own interests fromthose of the public, ) but because he wished that his colleagues shouldof their own accord yield to the authority of the senate, rather thansuffer the tribunitian power to be suppliantly appealed to against them. That even then, if circumstances permitted, he would still give themtime to retract an opinion too pertinaciously adhered to. But since theexigences of war do not await the counsels of men, that the public wealwas of deeper importance to him than the good will of his colleagues, and if the senate continued in the same sentiments, he would, on thefollowing night, nominate a dictator; and if any one protested against adecree of the senate being passed, that he would be content with itsauthority. "[158] When by this conduct he bore away the well-meritedpraises and good will of all, having named Publius Cornelius dictator, he himself being appointed by him as master of the horse, served as aninstance to those who considered his case and that of his colleagues, how much more attainable public favour and honour sometimes were tothose who evinced no desire for them. The war was in no respect amemorable one. The enemy were beaten at Antium in one, and that an easybattle; the victorious army laid waste the Volscian territory; theirfort at the lake Fucinus was taken by storm, and in it three thousandmen made prisoners; the rest of the Volscians being driven within thewalls, and not defending the lands. The dictator having conducted thewar in such a manner as to show that he was not negligent of fortune'sfavours, returned to the city with a greater share of success than ofglory, and resigned his office. The military tribunes, without makingany mention of an election of consuls, (through pique, I suppose, forthe appointment of a dictator, ) issued a proclamation for the electionof military tribunes. Then indeed the perplexity of the patriciansbecame still greater, as seeing their cause betrayed by their own party. Wherefore, as on the year before, by bringing forward as candidates themost unworthy individuals from amongst the plebeians, they produced adisgust against all, even those who were deserving; so then by engagingsuch of the patricians as were most distinguished by the splendour oftheir character and by their influence to stand as candidates, theysecured all the places; so that no plebeian could get in. Four wereelected, all of them men who had already served the office, LuciusFurius Medullinus, Caius Valerius Potitus, Numerius Fabius Vibulanus, Caius Servilius Ahala. The last had the honour continued to him byre-election, as well in consequence of his other deserts, as on accountof his recent popularity, acquired by his singular moderation. 

[Footnote 158: The passing of a _senatus-consultum_, or decree of thesenate, might be prevented in several ways; as, for instance, by thewant of a sufficiently full meeting, &c. ; in such cases the judgment ofthe majority was recorded, and that was called _auctoritas senatûs_. ]

58. In that year, because the term of the truce with the Veientiannation was expired, restitution began to be demanded through ambassadorsand heralds, who on coming to the frontiers were met by an embassy fromthe Veientians. They requested that they would not proceed to Veii, until they should first have access to the Roman senate. They obtainedfrom the senate, that, because the Veientians were distressed byintestine dissension, restitution would not be demanded from them; sofar were they from seeking, in the troubles of others, an opportunityfor advancing their own interest. In the Volscian territory also adisaster was sustained in the loss of the garrison at Verrugo; where somuch depended on time, that when the soldiers who were besieged there, and were calling for succour, might have been relieved, if expeditionhad been used, the army sent to their aid only came in time to surprisethe enemy, who were straggling in quest of plunder, just after theirputting [the garrison] to the sword. The cause of the dilatoriness wasless referrible to the tribunes than to the senate, who, because wordwas brought that they were holding out with the most vigorousresistance, did not duly reflect that there is a limit to humanstrength, which no bravery can exceed. These very gallant soldiers, however, were not without revenge, both before and after their death. Inthe following year, Publius and Cneius Cornelius Cossus, Numerius FabiusAmbustus, and Lucius Valerius Potitus, being military tribunes withconsular power, the Veientian war was commenced on account of aninsolent answer of the Veientian senate, who, when the ambassadorsdemanded restitution, ordered them to be told, that if they did notspeedily quit the city and the territories, they should give them whatLars Tolumnius had given them. The senate, indignant at this, decreedthat the military tribunes should, on as early a day as possible, propose to the people the proclaiming war against the Veientians. Whenthis was first made public, the young men expressed theirdissatisfaction. "That the war with the Volscians was not yet over; thata little time ago two garrisons were utterly destroyed, and that [one ofthe forts] was with great risk retained. That there was not a year inwhich they had not to fight in the field: and, as if they weredissatisfied at the insufficiency of these toils, a new war was now seton foot with a neighbouring and most powerful nation, who were likely torouse all Etruria. " These discontents, first discussed among themselves, were further aggravated by the plebeian tribunes. These constantlyaffirm that the war of the greatest moment was that between thepatricians and commons. That the latter was designedly harassed bymilitary service, and exposed to be butchered by the enemy; that theywere kept at a distance from the enemy, and as it were banished, lestduring the enjoyment of rest at home, mindful of liberty and ofestablishing colonies, they may form plans for obtaining some of thepublic land, or for giving their suffrages freely; and taking hold ofthe veterans, they recounted the campaigns of each, and their wounds andscars, frequently asking what sound spot was there on their body for thereception of new wounds? what blood had they remaining which could beshed for the commonwealth? When by discussing these subjects in privateconversations, and also in public harangues, they produced in the peoplean aversion to undertaking a war, the time for proposing the law wasadjourned; which would obviously have been rejected, if it had beensubjected to the feeling of discontent then prevailing. 

59. In the mean time it was determined that the military tribunes shouldlead an army into the Volscian territory. Cneius Cornelius alone wasleft at Rome. The three tribunes, when it became evident that theVolscians had not established a camp any where, and that they would notventure an engagement, separated into three different parties to laywaste the country. Valerius makes for Antium, Cornelius for Ecetræ. Wherever they came, they committed extensive devastations on the housesand lands, so as to separate the Volscians: Fabius, without committingany devastation, proceeded to attack Auxur, which was a principal objectin view. Auxur is the town now called Tarracinæ; a city built on adeclivity leading to a morass: Fabius made a feint of attacking it onthat side. When four cohorts sent round under Caius Servilius Ahala tookpossession of a hill which commanded the city, they attacked the wallswith a loud shout and tumult, from the higher ground where there was noguard of defence. Those who were defending the lower parts of the cityagainst Fabius, astounded at this tumult, afforded him an opportunity ofapplying the scaling ladders, and every place soon became filled withthe enemy, and a dreadful slaughter continued for a long time, indiscriminately of those who fled and those who resisted, of the armedor unarmed. The vanquished were therefore obliged to fight, there beingno hope for those who gave way, when a proclamation suddenly issued, that no persons except those with arms in their hands should be injured, induced all the remaining multitude voluntarily to lay down their arms;of whom two thousand five hundred are taken alive. Fabius kept hissoldiers from the spoil, until his colleagues should come; affirmingthat Auxur had been taken by these armies also, who had diverted theother Volscian troops from the defence of that place. When they came, the three armies plundered the town, which was enriched with wealth ofmany years' accumulation; and this generosity of the commanders firstreconciled the commons to the patricians. It was afterwards added, by aliberality towards the people on the part of the leading men the mostseasonable ever shown, that before any mention should be made of it bythe commons or tribunes, the senate should decree that the soldiersshould receive pay out of the public treasury, whereas up to that periodevery one had discharged that duty at his own expense. 

60. It is recorded that nothing was ever received by the commons with somuch joy; that they ran in crowds to the senate-house, and caught thehands of those coming out, and called them fathers indeed; acknowledgingthat the result of such conduct was that no one would spare his personor his blood, whilst he had any strength remaining, in defence of acountry so liberal. Whilst the prospect of advantage pleased them, thattheir private property should remain unimpaired at the time during whichtheir bodies should be devoted and employed for the interest of thecommonwealth, it further increased their joy very much, and renderedtheir gratitude for the favour more complete, because it had beenoffered to them voluntarily, without ever having been agitated by thetribunes of the commons, or made the subject of a demand in their ownconversations. The tribunes of the commons, the only parties who did notparticipate in the general joy and harmony prevailing through thedifferent ranks, denied "that this measure would prove so much a matterof joy, or so honourable to the patricians, [159] as they themselvesmight imagine. That the measure at first sight was better than it wouldprove by experience. For from what source was that money to be raised, except by levying a tax on the people. That they were generous to sometherefore at the expense of others; and even though others may endureit, those who had already served out their time in the service, wouldnever endure that others should serve on better terms than theythemselves had served; and that these same individuals should have tobear the expense of their own service, and then that of others. " Bythese arguments they influenced a part of the commons. At last, when thetax was now announced, the tribunes publicly declared, that they wouldafford protection to any one who should refuse to contribute hisproportion for the pay of the soldiers. The patricians persisted insupporting a matter so happily commenced. They themselves were the firstto contribute; and because there was as yet no coined silver, some ofthem conveying their weighed brass to the treasury in waggons, renderedtheir contribution very showy. After the senate had contributed with theutmost punctuality according to their rated properties, the principalplebeians, friends of the nobility, according to a concerted plan, beganto contribute. And when the populace saw these men highly applauded bythe patricians, and also looked up to as good citizens by men of themilitary age, scorning the support of the tribunes, an emulationcommenced at once about paying the tax. And the law being passed aboutdeclaring war against the Veientians, the new military tribunes withconsular power marched to Veii an army consisting in a great measure ofvolunteers. 

[Footnote 159: The reading of the original here is decidedly incorrect. Various emendations have been attempted, but none can be deemedsatisfactory. ]

61. The tribunes were Titus Quintius Capitolinus, Publius QuintiusCincinnatus, Caius Julius Julus a second time, Aulus Manlius, LuciusFurius Medullinus a second time, and Manius Æmilius Mamercinus. By theseVeii was first invested. A little before the commencement of this siege, when a full meeting of the Etrurians was held at the temple of Voltumna, it was not finally determined whether the Veientians were to besupported by the public concurrence of the whole confederacy. The siegewas less vigorous in the following year, some of the tribunes and theirarmy being called off to the Volscian war. The military tribunes withconsular power in this year were Caius Valerius Potitus a third time, Manius Largius Fidenas, Publius Cornelius Maluginensis, Cneius CorneliusCossus, Kæso Fabius Ambustus, Spurius Nautius Rutilus a second time. Apitched battle was fought with the Volscians between Ferentinum andEcetra; the result of the battle was favourable to the Romans. Artenathen, a town of the Volscians, began to be besieged by the tribunes. Thence during an attempt at a sally, the enemy being driven back intothe town, an opportunity was afforded to the Romans of forcing in; andevery place was taken except the citadel. Into the fortress, wellprotected by nature, a body of armed men retired. Beneath the fortressmany were slain and made prisoners. The citadel was then besieged; norcould it either be taken by storm, because it had a garrison sufficientfor the size of the place, nor did it hold out any hope of surrender, all the public corn having been conveyed to the citadel before the citywas taken; and they would have retired from it, being wearied out, hadnot a slave betrayed the fortress to the Romans: the soldiers beingadmitted by him through a place difficult of access, took it; by whomwhen the guards were being killed, the rest of the multitude, overpowered with sudden panic, surrendered. After demolishing both thecitadel and city of Artena, the legions were led back from the Volscianterritory; and the whole Roman power was turned against Veii. To thetraitor, besides his freedom, the property of two families was given asa reward. His name was Servius Romanus. There are some who think thatArtena belonged to the Veientians, not to the Volscians. What occasionsthe mistake is that there was a city of the same name between Cære andVeii. But the Roman kings destroyed it; and it belonged to theCæretians, not to the Veientians. The other of the same name, thedemolition of which has been mentioned, was in the Volscian territory. 

BOOK V. 

 _During the siege of Veii winter dwellings erected for the soldiers. This being a novelty, affords the tribunes of the people a pretext for exciting discontent. The cavalry for the first time serve on horses of their own. Furius Camillus, dictator, takes Veii after a siege of ten years. In the character of military tribune, whilst laying siege to Falisci, he sends back the children of the enemy, who were betrayed into his hands. Furius Camillus, on a day being appointed for his trial, goes into exile. The Senonian Gauls lay siege to Clusium. Roman ambassadors, sent to mediate peace between the Clusians and Gauls, are found to take part with the former; in consequence of which the Gauls march directly against Rome, and after defeating the Romans at Allia take possession of the city with the exception of the Capitol. They scaled the Capitol by night, but are discovered by the cackling of geese, and repulsed, chiefly by the exertions of Marcus Manlius. The Romans, compelled by famine, agree to ransom themselves. Whilst the gold is being weighed to them, Camillus, who had been appointed dictator, arrives with an army, expels the Gauls, and destroys their army. He successfully opposes the design of removing to Veii. _

1. Peace being established in every other quarter, the Romans andVeientians were still in arms with such rancour and animosity, that itwas evident that ruin awaited the vanquished party. The elections in thetwo states were conducted in very different methods. The Romansaugmented the number of military tribunes with consular power. Eight, anumber greater than on any previous occasion, were appointed, ManiusÆmilius Mamercinus a second time, Lucius Valerius Potitus a third time, Appius Claudius Crassus, Marcus Quintilius Varus, Lucius Julius Iulus, Marcus Postumius, Marcus Furius Camillus, Marcus Postumius Albinus. TheVeientians, on the contrary, through disgust at the annual intriguingwhich was sometimes the cause of dissensions, elected a king. That stepgave offence to the feelings of the states of Etruria, not more fromtheir hatred of kingly government than of the king himself. He hadbefore this become obnoxious to the nation by reason of his wealth andarrogance, because he had violently broken off the performance of someannual games, the omission of which was deemed an impiety: when throughresentment of a repulse, because another had been preferred to him as apriest by the suffrages of the twelve states, he suddenly carried off, in the middle of the performance, the performers, of whom a great partwere his own slaves. The nation, therefore, devoted beyond all others toreligious performances, because they excelled in the method ofconducting them, passed a decree that aid should be refused to theVeientians, as long as they should be subject to a king. All allusion tothis decree was suppressed at Veii through fear of the king, who wouldhave considered the person by whom any such matter might be mentioned asa leader of sedition, not as the author of an idle rumour. Althoughmatters were announced to the Romans as being quiet in Etruria, yetbecause it was stated that this matter was being agitated in all theirmeetings, they so managed their fortifications, that there should besecurity on both sides; some were directed towards the city and thesallies of the townsmen; by means of others a front looking towardsEtruria was opposed to such auxiliaries as might happen to come fromthence. 

2. When the Roman generals conceived greater hopes from a blockade thanfrom an assault, winter huts also, a thing quite new to the Romansoldier, began to be built; and their determination was to continue thewar by wintering there. After an account of this was brought to Rome tothe tribunes of the people, who for a long time past had found nopretext for exciting disturbances, they run forward into the assembly, stir up the minds of the commons, saying that "this was the motive forwhich pay had been established for the soldiers, nor had it escapedtheir knowledge, that such a present from the enemies was tainted withpoison. That the liberty of the commons had been sold; that their youthremoved for ever, and exiled from the city and the republic, did not noweven yield to the winter and to the season of the year, and visit theirhomes and private affairs. What could they suppose was the cause forcontinuing the service without intermission? That undoubtedly theyshould find none other than [the fear] lest any thing might be done infurtherance of their interests by the attendance of those youths inwhom the entire strength of the commons lay. Besides that they wereharassed and worked much more severely than the Veientians. For thelatter spent the winter beneath their own roofs, defending their city bystrong walls and its natural situation, whilst the Roman soldier, in themidst of toil and hardship, continued beneath the covering of skins, overwhelmed with snow and frost, not laying aside his arms even duringthe period of winter, which is a respite from all wars by land and sea. Neither kings, nor those consuls, tyrannical as they were before theinstitution of the tribunitian office, nor the stern authority of thedictator, nor the overbearing decemvirs, ever imposed such slavery asthat they should perform unremitting military service, which degree ofregal power the military tribunes now exercised over the Roman commons. What would these men have done as consuls or dictators, who haveexhibited the picture of the proconsular office so implacable andmenacing? but that all this happened justly. Among eight militarytribunes there was no room even for one plebeian. Formerly thepatricians filled up three places with the utmost difficulty; now theywent in file eight deep to take possession of the various offices; andnot even in such a crowd is any plebeian intermixed; who, if he did noother good, might remind his colleagues, that it was freemen and fellowcitizens, and not slaves, that constituted the army, who ought to bebrought back during winter at least to their homes and roofs; and tocome and see at some part of the year their parents, children, andwives, and to exercise the rights of freedom, and to take part inelecting magistrates. " While they exclaimed in these and such terms, they found in Appius Claudius an opponent not unequal to them, who hadbeen left behind by his colleagues to check the turbulence of thetribunes; a man trained even from his youth in contests with theplebeians; who several year's before, as has been mentioned, recommendedthe dissolution of the tribunitian power by means of the protests oftheir colleagues. 

3. He, not only endowed with good natural powers, but well trained alsoby experience, on that particular occasion, delivered the followingaddress: "If, Romans, there was ever reason to doubt, whether thetribunes of the people have ever promoted sedition for your sake ortheir own, I am certain that in the course of this year that doubt musthave ceased to exist; and while I rejoice that an end has at length comeof a mistake of such long continuance, I in the next place congratulateyou, and on your account the republic, that this delusion has beenremoved during a course of prosperous events. Is there any person whocan feel a doubt that the tribunes of the commons were never so highlydispleased and provoked by any wrongs done to you, if ever such didhappen, as by the munificence of the patricians to the commons, when paywas established for those serving in the army. What else do you supposethat they either then dreaded, or now wish to disturb, except the unionbetween the orders, which they think contributes most to the dissolutionof the tribunitian power? Thus, by Jove, like workers in iniquity, theyare seeking for work, who also wish that there should be always somediseased part in the republic, that there may be something for the cureof which they may be employed by you. For, [tribunes, ] whether do youdefend or attack the commons? whether are you the enemies of those inthe service, or do you plead their cause? Unless perhaps you say, whatever the patricians do, displeases us; whether it is for thecommons, or against the commons; and just as masters forbid their slavesto have any dealing with those belonging to others, and deem it rightthat they should equally refrain from having any commerce with them, either for kindness or unkindness; ye, in like manner, interdict us thepatricians from all intercourse with the people, lest by ourcourteousness and munificence we may challenge their regard, and theybecome tractable and obedient to our direction. And if there were in youany thing of the feeling, I say not of fellow-citizens, but of humanbeings, how much more ought you to favour, and, as far as in you lay, topromote rather the kindly demeanour of the patricians and thetractability of the commons! And if such concord were once permanent, who would not venture to engage, that this empire would in a short timebecome the highest among the neighbouring states?

4. "I shall hereafter explain to you how not only expedient, but evennecessary has been this plan of my colleagues, according to which theywould not draw off the army from Veii until the business has beencompleted. For the present I am disposed to speak concerning thecondition of the soldiers. Which observations of mine I think wouldappear reasonable not only before you, but even, if they were deliveredin the camp, in the opinion of the soldiers themselves; on which subjectif nothing could suggest itself to my own mind to say, I certainlyshould be satisfied with that which is suggested by the arguments of myadversaries. They lately said, that pay should not be given to thesoldiers because it had never been given. How then can they now feeldispleased, that additional labour should be imposed in due proportionon those to whom some addition of profit has been added? In no case isthere either labour without emolument, nor emolument in general withoutthe expense of labour. Toil and pleasure, in their natures most unlike, are yet linked together by a sort of natural connexion. Formerly thesoldier thought it a hardship that he gave his labour to thecommonwealth at his own expense; at the same time he was glad for a partof the year to till his own ground; to acquire that means whence hemight support himself and family at home and in war. Now he feels apleasure that the republic is a source of advantage to him, and gladlyreceives his pay. Let him therefore bear with patience that he is alittle longer absent from home and his family affairs, to which no heavyexpense is now attached. Whether if the commonwealth should call him toa settlement of accounts, would it not justly say, You have pay by theyear, perform labour by the year? do you think it just to receive awhole year's pay for six months' service? Romans, with reluctance do Idwell on this topic; for so ought those persons proceed who employmercenary troops. But we wish to treat as with fellow-citizens, and wethink it only just that you treat with us as with the country. Eitherthe war should not have been undertaken, or it ought to be conductedsuitably to the dignity of the Roman people, and brought to a close assoon as possible. But it will be brought to a conclusion if we press onthe besieged; if we do not retire until we have consummated our hopes bythe capture of Veii. In truth, if there were no other motive, the verydiscredit of the thing should impose on us perseverance. In former timesa city was kept besieged for ten years, on account of one woman, by allGreece. At what a distance from their homes! how many lands, how manyseas distant! We grumble at enduring a siege of a year's duration withintwenty miles of us, almost within sight of our own city; because, Isuppose, the cause of the war is trifling, nor is there resentmentsufficiently just to stimulate us to persevere. Seven times they haverebelled: in peace they never acted faithfully. They have laid waste ourlands a thousand times: the Fidenatians they forced to revolt from us:they have put to death our colonists there: contrary to the law ofnations, they have been the instigators of the impious murder of ourambassadors: they wished to excite all Etruria against us, and are atthis day busily employed at it; and they scarcely refrained fromviolating our ambassadors when demanding restitution. With such peopleought war to be conducted in a remiss and dilatory manner?

5. "If such just resentment have no influence with us, will not, Ientreat you, the following considerations influence you? Their city hasbeen enclosed with immense works, by which the enemy is confined withintheir walls. They have not tilled their land, and what was previouslytilled has been laid waste in the war. If we withdraw our army, who isthere who can doubt that they will invade our territory not only from adesire of revenge, but from the necessity also imposed on them ofplundering from the property of others, since they have lost their own?By such measures then we do not put off the war, but admit it within ourown frontiers. What shall I say of that which properly interests thesoldiers, for whose interests those worthy tribunes of the commons, allon a sudden, are now so anxious to provide, after they have endeavouredto wrest their pay from them? How does it stand? They have formed arampart and a trench, both works of great labour, through so great anextent of ground; they have erected forts, at first only a few, afterwards very many, when the army became increased; they have raiseddefenders not only towards the city, but towards Etruria also, againstany succours which may come from thence. What need I mention towers, vineæ, and testudines, and the other apparatus used in attacking towns?When so much labour has been expended, and they have now at lengthreached the end of the work, do you think that all these preparationsshould be abandoned that, next summer, the same course of toil may haveto be undergone again in forming them anew? How much less trouble tosupport the works already done, and to press on and persevere, and toget rid of our task! For certainly the matter is of short duration, ifit be conducted with a uniform course of exertions; nor do we by theseintermissions and interruptions expedite the attainment of our hopes. Iam now speaking of labour and of loss of time. What? do these suchfrequent meetings in Etruria on the subject of sending aid to Veiisuffer us to disregard the danger which we encounter by procrastinatingthe war? As matters stand now, they are incensed, they dislike them, they refuse to send any; as far as they are concerned, we are at libertyto take Veii. Who can promise that their temper will be the samehereafter, if the war is suspended? when, if you suffer any relaxation, more respectable and more frequent embassies will go; when that whichnow displeases the Etrurians, the establishment of a king at Veii, may, after an interval, be done away with, either by the joint determinationof the state that they may recover the good will of the Etrurians, or bya voluntary act of the king, who may be unwilling that his reign shouldstand in the way of the welfare of his countrymen. See how manycircumstances, and how detrimental, follow that line of conduct: theloss of works formed with so great labour; the threatening devastationof our frontiers; an Etruscan excited instead of a Veientian war. These, tribunes, are your measures, pretty much the same, in truth, as if aperson should render a disease tedious, and perhaps incurable, for thesake of present meat or drink, in a patient who, by resolutely sufferinghimself to be treated, might soon recover his health. 

6. "If, by Jove, it were of no consequence with respect to the presentwar, yet it certainly would be of the utmost importance to militarydiscipline, that our soldiers should be accustomed not only to enjoy thevictory obtained by them; but even though matters should proceed moreslowly than was anticipated, to brook the tediousness and await theissue of their hopes, however tardy; and if the war be not finished inthe summer, to wait for the winter, and not, like summer birds, in thevery commencement of autumn look out for shelter and a retreat. I prayyou, the eagerness and pleasure of hunting hurries men into snow andfrost, over mountains and woods; shall we not employ that patience onthe exigencies of war, which even sport and pleasure are wont to callforth? Are we to suppose that the bodies of our soldiers are soeffeminate, their minds so feeble, that they cannot hold out for onewinter in a camp, and be absent from home? that, like persons who wage anaval war, by taking advantage of the weather, and observing the seasonof the year, they are able to endure neither heat nor cold? They wouldcertainly blush, should any one lay these things to their charge; andwould maintain that both their minds and their bodies were possessed ofmanly endurance, and that they were able to conduct war equally well inwinter and in summer; and that they had not consigned to the tribunesthe patronage of indolence and sloth, and that they remembered thattheir ancestors had created this very power, neither in the shade norbeneath their roofs. Such sentiments are worthy of the valour of yoursoldiers, such sentiments are worthy of the Roman name, not to considermerely Veii, nor this war which is now pressing us, but to seek areputation for hereafter for other wars and for other states. Do youconsider the difference of opinion likely to result from this matter astrivial? Whether, pray, are the neighbouring states to suppose that theRoman people is such, that if any one shall sustain their first assault, and that of very short continuance, they have nothing afterwards tofear? or whether such should be the terror of our name, that neither thetediousness of a distant siege, nor the inclemency of winter, candislodge the Roman army from a city once invested, and that they know noother termination of war than victory, and that they carry on wars notmore by briskness than by perseverance; which is necessary no doubt inevery kind of war, but more especially in besieging cities; most ofwhich, impregnable both by their works and by natural situation, timeitself overpowers and reduces by famine and thirst; as it will reduceVeii, unless the tribunes of the commons shall afford aid to the enemy, and the Veientians find in Rome reinforcements which they seek in vainin Etruria. Is there any thing which can happen so much in accordancewith the wishes of the Veientians, as that first the Roman city, thenthe camp, as it were by contagion, should be filled with sedition? But, by Jove, among the enemy so forbearing a state of mind prevails, thatnot a single change has taken place among them, either through disgustat the length of the siege nor even of the kingly form of government;nor has the refusal of aid by the Etrurians aroused their tempers. Forwhoever will be the abettor of sedition, will be instantly put to death;nor will it be permitted to any one to utter those sentiments whichamongst you are expressed with impunity. He is sure to receive thebastinade, who forsakes his colours or quits his post. Persons advisingnot one or two soldiers, but whole armies to relinquish their colours orto forsake their camp, are openly listened to in your public assemblies. Accordingly whatever a tribune of the people says, although it tends tothe ruin of the country or the dissolution of the commonwealth, you areaccustomed to listen to with partiality; and captivated with the charmsof that authority, you suffer all sorts of crimes to lie concealedbeneath it. The only thing that remains is, that what they vociferatehere, the same projects do they realize in the camp and among thesoldiers, and seduce the armies, and not suffer them to obey theirofficers; since that and that only is liberty in Rome, to show nodeference to the senate, nor to magistrates, nor laws, nor the usages ofancestors, nor the institutions of our fathers, nor militarydiscipline. "

7. Even already Appius was a match for the tribunes of the people in thepopular assemblies; when suddenly a misfortune sustained before Veii, from a quarter whence no one could expect it, both gave Appius thesuperiority in the dispute, produced also a greater harmony between thedifferent orders, and greater ardour to carry on the siege of Veii withmore pertinacity. For when the trenches were now advanced to the verycity, and the machines were almost about to be applied to the walls, whilst the works are carried on with greater assiduity by day, than theyare guarded by night, a gate was thrown open on a sudden, and a vastmultitude, armed chiefly with torches, cast fire about on all sides; andafter the lapse of an hour the flames destroyed both the rampart and themachines, the work of so long a time, and great numbers of men, bearingassistance in vain, were destroyed by the sword and by fire. When theaccount of this circumstance was brought to Rome, it inspired sadnessinto all ranks; into the senate anxiety and apprehension, lest thesedition could no longer be withstood either in the city or in the camp, and lest the tribunes of the commons should insult over thecommonwealth, as if vanquished by them; when on a sudden, those whopossessed an equestrian fortune, but to whom horses had not beenassigned by the public, having previously held a meeting together, wentto the senate; and having obtained permission to speak, promise thatthey will serve on their own horses. And when thanks were returned tothem by the senate in the most complimentary terms, and the report ofthis proceeding spread through the forum and the city, there suddenlyensues a concourse of the commons to the senate-house. They say that"they are now of the pedestrian order, and they preferred their servicesto the commonwealth, though not compelled to serve, whether they wishedto march them to Veii, or to any other place. If they were led to Veii, they affirm, that they would not return from thence, until the city ofthe enemy was taken. " Then indeed they with difficulty set bounds to thejoy which now poured in upon them; for they were not ordered, as in thecase of the horsemen, to be publicly eulogized, the order for so doingbeing consigned to the magistrates, nor were they summoned into thesenate-house to receive an answer; nor did the senate confine themselveswithin the threshold of their house, but every one of them individuallywith their voice and hands testified from the elevated ground the publicjoy to the multitude standing in the assembly; they declared that bythat unanimity the Roman city would be happy, and invincible andeternal; praised the horsemen, praised the commons; extolled the dayitself by their praises; they acknowledged that the courtesy andkindness of the senate was outdone. Tears flowed in abundance throughjoy both from the patricians and commons; until the senators beingcalled back into the house, a decree of the senate was passed, "that themilitary tribunes, summoning an assembly, should return thanks to theinfantry and cavalry; and should state that the senate would be mindfulof their affectionate attachment to their country. But that it was theirwish that their pay should go on for those who had, out of their turn, undertaken voluntary service. " To the horsemen also a certain stipendwas assigned. Then for the first time the cavalry began to serve ontheir own horses. This army of volunteers being led to Veii, not onlyrestored the works which had been lost, but also erected new ones. Supplies were conveyed from the city with greater care than before; lestany thing should be wanting for the accommodation of an army whodeserved so well. 

8. The following year had military tribunes with consular authority, Caius Servilius Ahala a third time, Quintus Servilius, Lucius Virginius, Quintus Sulpicius, Aulus Manlius a second time, Manius Sergius a secondtime. During their tribuneship, whilst the solicitude of all wasdirected to the Veientian war, the garrison at Anxur was neglected inconsequence of the absence of the soldiers on leave, and from theindiscriminate admission of Volscian traders was overpowered, the guardsat the gates being suddenly betrayed. Less of the soldiers perished, because they were all trafficking through the country and city likesuttlers. Nor were matters conducted more successfully at Veii, whichwas then the chief object of all public solicitude. For both the Romancommanders had more quarrels among themselves, than spirit against theenemy; and the severity of the war was exaggerated by the sudden arrivalof the Capenatians and the Faliscians. These two states of Etruria, because they were contiguous in situation, judging that in case Veii wasconquered, they should be next to the attacks of the Romans in war; theFaliscians also, incensed from a cause affecting themselves, becausethey had already on a former occasion mixed themselves up in aFidenatian war, being bound together by an oath by reciprocal embassies, marched unexpectedly with their armies to Veii. It so happened, theyattacked the camp in that quarter where Manius Sergius, militarytribune, commanded, and occasioned great alarm; because the Romansimagined that all Etruria was aroused and were advancing in a greatmass. The same opinion aroused the Veientians in the city. Thus theRoman camp was attacked on both sides; and crowding together, whilstthey wheeled round their battalions from one post to another, they wereunable either to confine the Veientians within their fortifications, orrepel the assault from their own works, and to defend themselves fromthe enemy on the outside. The only hope was, if succour could be broughtfrom the greater camp, that the different legions should fight, someagainst the Capenatians and Faliscians, others against the sallies ofthe townsmen. But Virginius had the command of that camp, who, frompersonal grounds, was hateful to and incensed against Sergius. Thisman, when word was brought that most of the forts were attacked, thefortifications scaled, and that the enemy were pouring in on both sides, kept his men under arms, saying that if there was need of assistance, his colleague would send to him. His arrogance was equalled by theobstinacy of the other; who, that he might not appear to have sought anyaid from an adversary, preferred being defeated by an enemy toconquering through a fellow-citizen. His men were for a long time cutdown between both: at length, abandoning their works, a very smallnumber made their way to the principal camp; the greater number, withSergius himself, made their way to Rome. Where, when he threw the entireblame on his colleague, it was resolved that Virginius should be sentfor from the camp, and that lieutenant-generals should take the commandin the mean time. The affair was then discussed in the senate, and thedispute was carried on between the colleagues with (mutual)recriminations. But few took up the interests of the republic, (thegreater number) favoured the one or the other, according as privateregard or interest prejudiced each. 

9. The principal senators were of opinion, that whether so ignominious adefeat had been sustained through the misconduct or the misfortune ofthe commanders, "the regular time of the elections should not be waitedfor, but that new military tribunes should be created immediately, whoshould enter into office on the calends of October. " Whilst they wereproceeding to intimate their assent to this opinion, the other militarytribunes offered no opposition. But Sergius and Virginius, on whoseaccount it was evident that the senate were dissatisfied with themagistrates of that year, at first deprecated the ignominy, thenprotested against the decree of the senate; they declared that theywould not retire from office before the ides of December, the usual dayfor persons entering on magisterial duties. Upon this the tribunes ofthe plebeians, whilst in the general harmony and in the prosperous stateof public affairs they had unwillingly kept silence, suddenly becomingconfident, began to threaten the military tribunes, that unless theyconformed to the order of the senate, they would order them to be throwninto prison. Then Caius Servilius Ahala, a military tribune, observed, "With respect to you, tribunes of the commons, and your threats, Iwould with pleasure put it to the test, how there is not more ofauthority in the latter than of spirit in yourselves. But it is impiousto strive against the authority of the senate. Wherefore do you cease toseek amid our quarrels for an opportunity of doing mischief; and mycolleagues will either do that which the senate thinks fit, or if theyshall persist with too much pertinacity, I will immediately nominate adictator, who will oblige them to retire from office. " When this speechwas approved with general consent, and the patricians rejoiced, thatwithout the terrors of the tribunitian office, another and a superiorpower had been discovered to coerce the magistrates, overcome by theuniversal consent, they held the elections of military tribunes, whowere to commence their office on the calends of October, and before thatday they retired from office. 

10. During the military tribuneship of Lucius Valerius Potitus for thefourth time, Marcus Furius Camillus for the second time, Manius ÆmiliusMamercinus a third time, Cneius Cornelius Cossus a second time, KæsoFabius Ambustus, Lucius Julius Iulus, much business was transacted athome and abroad. For there was both a complex war at the same time, atVeii, at Capena, at Falerii, and among the Volscians, that Anxur mightbe recovered from the enemy; and at the same time there was somedifficulty experienced both in consequence of the levy, and of thecontribution of the tax: there was also a contention about theappointment of plebeian tribunes; and the two trials of those, who alittle before had been invested with consular authority, excited notrifling commotion. First of all the tribunes of the soldiers took carethat the levy should be held; and not only the juniors were enlisted, but the seniors also were compelled to give in their names, to serve asa garrison to the city. But in proportion as the number of the soldierswas augmented, so much the greater sum of money was required for pay;and this was collected by a tax, those who remained at home contributingagainst their will, because those who guarded the city had to performmilitary service also, and to serve the commonwealth. The tribunes ofthe commons, by their seditious harangues, caused these things, grievousin themselves, to seem more exasperating, by their asserting, "that paywas established for the soldiers with this view, that they might wearout one half of the commons by military service, the other half by thetax. That a single war was being waged now for the third year, onpurpose that they may have a longer time to wage it. That armies hadbeen raised at one levy for four different wars, and that boys even andold men were dragged from home. That neither summer nor winter now madeany difference, so that there may never be any respite for theunfortunate commons, who were now even at last made to pay a tax; sothat after they brought home their bodies wasted by hardship, wounds, and eventually by age, and found their properties at home neglected bythe absence of the proprietors, had to pay a tax out of their impairedfortunes, and to refund to the state in a manifold proportion themilitary pay which had been as it were received on interest. " Betweenthe levy and the tax, and their minds being taken up by more importantconcerns, the number of plebeian tribunes could not be filled up at theelections. A struggle was afterwards made that patricians should beelected into the vacant places. When this could not be carried, still, for the purpose of weakening the Trebonian law, it was managed thatCaius Lacerius and Marcus Acutius should be admitted as tribunes of thecommons, no doubt through the influence of the patricians. 

11. Chance so directed it, that this year Cneius Trebonius was tribuneof the commons, and he considered that he undertook the patronage of theTrebonian law as a debt due to his name and family. He crying out aloud, "that a point which some patricians had aimed at, though baffled intheir first attempt, had yet been carried by the military tribunes; thatthe Trebonian law had been subverted, and tribunes of the commons hadbeen elected not by the suffrages of the people but by the mandate ofthe patricians; and that the thing was now come to this, that eitherpatricians or dependants of patricians were to be had for tribunes ofthe commons; that the devoting laws were taken away, the tribunitianpower wrested from them; he alleged that this was effected by someartifice of the patricians, by the villany and treachery of hiscolleagues. " While not only the patricians, but the tribunes of thecommons also became objects of public resentment; as well those who wereelected, as those who had elected them; then three of the college, Publius Curiatius, Marcus Metilius, and Marcus Minucius, alarmed fortheir interests, make an attack on Sergius and Virginius, militarytribunes of the former year; they turn away the resentment of thecommons, and public odium from themselves on them, by appointing a dayof trial for them. They observe that "those persons by whom the levy, the tribute, the long service, and the distant seat of the war was feltas a grievance, those who lamented the calamity sustained at Veii; suchas had their houses in mourning through the loss of children, brothers, relatives, and kinsmen, had now through their means the right and powerof avenging the public and private sorrow on the two guilty causes. Forthat the sources of all their sufferings were centred in Sergius andVirginius: nor did the prosecutor advance that charge moresatisfactorily than the accused acknowledged it; who, both guilty, threwthe blame from one to the other, Virginius charging Sergius with runningaway, Sergius charging Virginius with treachery. The folly of whoseconduct was so incredible, that it is much more probable that the affairhad been contrived by concert, and by the common artifice of thepatricians. That by them also an opportunity was formerly given to theVeientians to burn the works for the sake of protracting the war; andthat now the army was betrayed, and the Roman camp delivered up to theFaliscians. That every thing was done that the young men should grow oldbefore Veii, and that the tribunes should not be able to consult thepeople either regarding the lands or the other interests of the commons, and to give weight to their measures by a numerous attendance [ofcitizens], and to make head against the conspiracy of the patricians. That a previous judgment had been already passed on the accused both bythe senate and the Roman people and by their own colleagues. For that bya decree of the senate they had been removed from the administration ofaffairs, and when they refused to resign their office they had beenforced into it by their colleagues; and that the Roman people hadelected tribunes, who were to enter on their office not on the ides ofDecember, the usual day, but instantly on the calends of October, because the republic could no longer subsist, these persons remaining inoffice. And yet these individuals, overwhelmed and already condemned byso many decisions against them, presented themselves for trial beforethe people; and thought that they were done with the matter, and hadsuffered sufficient punishment, because they were reduced to the stateof private citizens two months sooner [than ordinary]: and did notconsider that the power of doing mischief any longer was then taken fromthem, that punishment was not inflicted; for that the official power oftheir colleagues also had been taken from them who certainly hadcommitted no fault. That the Roman citizens should resume thosesentiments which they had when the recent disaster was sustained, whenthey beheld the army flying in consternation, covered with wounds, andin dismay pouring into the gates, accusing not fortune nor any of thegods, but these their commanders. They were certain, that there was nota man present in the assembly who did not execrate and detest thepersons, families, and fortunes of Lucius Virginius and Manius Sergius. That it was by no means consistent that now, when it was lawful andtheir duty, they should not exert their power against persons, on whomthey had severally imprecated the vengeance of the gods. That the godsthemselves never laid hands on the guilty; it was enough if they armedthe injured with the means of taking revenge. "

12. Urged on by these discourses the commons condemn the accused [in afine] of ten thousand _asses_ in weight, Sergius in vain throwing theblame on fortune and the common chance of war, Virginius entreating thathe might not be more unfortunate at home than he had been in the field. The resentment of the people being turned against them, obliterated theremembrance of the assumption of the tribunes and of the fraud committedagainst the Trebonian law. The victorious tribunes, in order that thepeople might reap an immediate benefit from the trial, publish a form ofan agrarian law, and prevent the tax from being contributed, since therewas need of pay for so great a number of troops, and the enterprises ofthe service were conducted with success in such a manner, that in noneof the wars did they reach the consummation of their hope. At Veii thecamp which had been lost was recovered and strengthened with forts and agarrison. Here M. Æmilius and Kæso Fabius, military tribunes, commanded. None of the enemy were found outside the walls by Marcus Furius in theFalisean territory, and Cneius Cornelius in the Capenatian district:spoil was driven off, and the country laid waste by burning of thehouses and the fruits of the earth: the towns were neither assaultednor besieged. But among the Volscians, their territory beingdepopulated, Anxur, which was situate on an eminence, was assaulted, butto no purpose; and when force was ineffectual, they commenced tosurround it with a rampart and a trench. The province of the Volscianshad fallen [to the lot of] Valerius Potitus. In this state of militaryaffairs an intestine disturbance broke out with greater violence thanthe wars were proceeded with. And when it was rendered impossible by thetribunes to have the tax paid, and the payment [of the army] was notremitted to the generals, and the soldiers became importunate for theirpay, the camp also was well nigh being involved in the contagion of thesedition in the city. Amid this resentment of the commons against thepatricians, though the tribunes asserted that now was the time forestablishing liberty, and transferring the sovereign dignity from theSergii and Virginii to plebeians, men of fortitude and energy, stillthey proceeded no further than the election of one of the commons, Publius Licinius Calvus, military tribune with consular power for thepurpose of establishing their right by precedent: the others electedwere patricians, Publius Mænius, Lucius Titinius, Publius Mælius, LuciusFurius Medullinus, Lucius Publius Volscus. The commons themselves weresurprised at having gained so important a point, and not merely he whohad been elected, being a person who had filled no post of honourbefore, being only a senator of long standing, and now weighed down withyears. Nor does it sufficiently appear, why he was elected first and inpreference to any one else to taste the sweets of the new dignity. Somethink that he was raised to so high a dignity through the influence ofhis brother, Cneius Cornelius, who had been military tribune on thepreceding year, and had given triple pay to the cavalry. Others [say]that he had himself delivered a seasonable address equally acceptable tothe patricians and commons, concerning the harmony of the several orders[of the state]. The tribunes of the commons, exulting in this victory atthe election, relaxed in their opposition regarding the tax, a matterwhich very much impeded the progress of public business. It was paid inwith submission, and sent to the army. 

13. In the country of the Volscians Anxur was soon retaken, the guardingof the city having been neglected during a festival day. This year wasremarkable for a cold and snowy winter, so that the roads wereimpassable, and the Tiber not navigable. The price of provisionsunderwent no change, in consequence of the abundance previously laid in. And because Publius Licinius, as he obtained his office without anyrioting, to the greater joy of the commons than annoyance of thepatricians, so also did he administer it; a rapturous desire of electingplebeians at the next election took possession of them. Of thepatricians Marcus Veturius alone obtained a place: almost all thecenturies appointed the other plebeian candidates as military tribuneswith consular authority. Marcus Pomponius, Caius Duilius, VoleroPublilius, Cneius Genucius, Lucius Atilius. The severe winter, whetherfrom the ill temperature of the air [arising] from the abrupt transitionto the contrary state, or from whatsoever other cause, was followed byan unhealthy summer, destructive to all species of animals; and whenneither the cause nor termination of this intractable pestilence couldbe discovered, the Sibylline books were consulted according to a decreeof the senate. The duumvirs for the direction of religious matters, thelectisternium being then for the first time introduced into the city ofRome, for eight days implored the favour of Apollo and Latona, Diana andHercules, Mercury and Neptune, three couches being laid out with thegreatest magnificence that was then possible. The same solemn rite wasobserved also by private individuals. The doors lying open throughoutthe entire city, and the use of every thing lying out in common, theysay that all passengers, both those known and those unknownindiscriminately, were invited to lodgings, and that conversation wasadopted between persons at variance with complaisance and kindness, andthat they refrained from disputes and quarrels; their chains were alsotaken off those who were in confinement during those days; thatafterward a scruple was felt in imprisoning those to whom the gods hadbrought such aid. In the mean while the alarm was multiplied at Veii, three wars being concentred in the one place. For as the Capenatians andFaliscians had suddenly come with succour [to the Veientians], they hadto fight against three armies on different sides in the same manner asformerly, through the whole extent of their works. The recollection ofthe sentence passed on Sergius and Virginius aided them above everything else. Accordingly some forces being led around in a short timefrom the principal camp, where some delay had been made on the formeroccasion, attack the Capenatians on their rear, whilst they were engagedin front against the Roman rampart. The fight commencing in this quarterstruck terror into the Faliscians also, and a sally from the campopportunely made put them to flight, thrown into disorder as they nowwere. The victors, having then pursued them in their retreat, made greatslaughter amongst them. And soon after those who had been devastatingthe territory of Capena, having met them as it were by chance, entirelycut off the survivors of the fight as they were straggling through thecountry: and many of the Veientians in their retreat to the city wereslain before the gates; whilst, through fear lest the Romans shouldforce in along with them, they excluded the hindmost of their men byclosing the gates. 

14. These were the transactions of that year. And now the election ofmilitary tribunes approached; about which the patricians felt moreintense solicitude than about the war, inasmuch as they saw that thesupreme authority was not only shared with the commons, but almost lostto themselves. Wherefore the most distinguished individuals being, byconcert, prepared to stand candidates, whom they thought [the people]would feel ashamed to pass by, they themselves, nevertheless, as if theywere all candidates, trying every expedient, strove to gain over notonly men, but the gods also, raising religious scruples about theelections held the two preceding years; that, in the former of thoseyears, a winter set in intolerably severe, and like to a prodigy fromthe gods; on the next year [they had] not prodigies, but events, apestilence inflicted on both city and country through the manifestresentment of the gods: whom, as was discovered in the books of thefates, it was necessary to appease, for the purpose of warding off thatplague. That it seemed to the gods an affront that honours should beprostituted, and the distinctions of birth confounded, in an electionwhich was held under proper auspices. The people, overawed as well bythe dignity of the candidates as by a sense of religion, elected all themilitary tribunes with consular power from among the patricians, thegreater part being men who had been most highly distinguished by honour;Lucius Valerius Potitus a fifth time, Marcus Valerius Maximus, MarcusFurius Camillus a third time, Lucius Furius Medullinus a third time, Quintus Servilius Fidenas a second time, Quintus Sulpicius Camerinus asecond time. During this tribunate, nothing very memorable was performedat Veii. All their force was employed in depopulating the country. Twoconsummate commanders, Potitus from Falerii, Camillus from Capena, carried off great booty, nothing being left undestroyed which could beinjured by sword or by fire. 

15. In the mean time many prodigies were announced; the greater part ofwhich were little credited or even slighted, because individuals werethe reporters of them, and also because, the Etrurians being now at warwith them, they had no aruspices through whom they might attend to them. The attention of all was turned to a particular one: the lake in theAlban grove swelled to an unusual height without any rain, or any othercause which could account for the matter independently of a miracle. Commissioners were sent to the Delphic oracle to inquire what the godsportended by this prodigy; but an interpreter of the fates was presentedto them nearer home in a certain aged Veientian, who, amid the scoffsthrown out by the Roman and Etrurian soldiers from the out-posts andguards, declared, after the manner of one delivering a prophecy, thatuntil the water should be discharged from the Alban lake, the Romansshould never become masters of Veii. This was disregarded at first ashaving been thrown out at random, afterwards it began to be canvassed inconversation; until one of the Roman soldiers on guard asked one of thetownsmen who was nearest him (a conversational intercourse having nowtaken place in consequence of the long continuance of the war) who hewas, who threw out those dark expressions concerning the Alban lake?After he heard that he was an aruspex, being a man whose mind was notwithout a tincture of religion, pretending that he wished to consult himon the expiation of a private portent, if he could aid him, he enticedthe prophet to a conference. And when, being unarmed, they had proceededa considerable distance from their respective parties without anyapprehension, the Roman youth having the advantage in strength, took upthe feeble old man in the sight of all, and amid the ineffectual bustlemade by the Etrurians, carried him away to his own party. When he wasconducted before the general, and sent from thence to Rome to thesenate, to those who asked him what that was which he had statedconcerning the Alban lake, he replied, "that undoubtedly the gods wereangry with the Veientian people on that day, on which they had inspiredhim with the resolve to disclose the ruin of his country as destined bythe fates. Wherefore what he then declared urged by divine inspiration, he neither could recall so that it may be unsaid; and perhaps byconcealing what the immortal gods wished to be published, no less guiltwas contracted than by openly declaring what ought to be concealed. Thustherefore it was recorded in the books of the fates, thus in theEtrurian doctrine, that whensoever the Alban water should rise to agreat height, then, if the Romans should discharge it in a propermanner, victory was granted them over the Veientians: before thatoccurred, that the gods would not desert the walls of Veii. " He thendetailed what would be the legitimate method of draining. But the senatedeeming his authority as but of little weight, and not to be entirelydepended on in so important a matter, determined to wait for thedeputies and the responses of the Pythian oracle. 

16. Before the commissioners returned from Delphos, or an expiation ofthe Alban prodigy was discovered, the new military tribunes withconsular power entered on their office, Lucius Julius Iulus, LuciusFurius Medullinus for the fourth time, Lucius Sergius Fidenas, AulusPostumius Regillensis, Publius Cornelius Maluginensis, and AulusManlius. This year a new enemy, the Tarquinians, started up. Becausethey saw the Romans engaged in many wars together, that of the Volsciansat Anxur, where the garrison was besieged, that of the Æquans at Lavici, who were attacking the Roman colony there, moreover in the Veientian, Faliscan, and Capenatian war, and that matters were not more tranquilwithin the walls, by reason of the dissensions between the patriciansand commons; considering that amid these [troubles] there was anopportunity for an attack, they send their light-armed cohorts to commitdepredations on the Roman territory. For [they concluded] either thatthe Romans would suffer that injury to pass off unavenged, that theymight not encumber themselves with an additional war, or that they wouldresent it with a scanty army, and one by no means strong. The Romans[felt] greater indignation, than alarm, at the inroads of theTarquinians. On this account the matter was neither taken up with greatpreparation, nor was it delayed for any length of time. Aulus Postumiusand Lucius Julius, having raised a body of men, not by a regular levy, (for they were prevented by the tribunes of the commons, ) but [a bodyconsisting] mostly of volunteers, whom they had aroused by exhortations, having proceeded by cross marches through the territory of Cære, fellunexpectedly on the Tarquinians, as they were returning from theirdepredations and laden with booty; they slew great numbers, strippedthem all of their baggage, and, having recovered the spoils of their ownlands, they return to Rome. Two days were allowed to the owners toreclaim their effects. On the third day, that portion not owned (formost of it belonged to the enemies themselves) was sold by publicauction; and what was produced from thence, was distributed among thesoldiers. The other wars, and more especially the Veientian, were ofdoubtful issue. And now the Romans, despairing of human aid, began tolook to the fates and the gods, when the deputies returned from Delphos, bringing with them an answer of the oracle, corresponding with theresponse of the captive prophet: "Roman, beware lest the Alban water beconfined in the lake, beware of suffering it to flow into the sea in itsown stream. Thou shalt let it out and form a passage for it through thefields, and by dispersing it in channels thou shalt consume it. Thenpress boldly on the walls of the enemy, mindful that the victory isgranted to you by these fates which are now revealed over that citywhich thou art besieging for so many years. The war being ended, dothou, as victorious, bring ample offerings to my temples, and havingrenewed the religious institutions of your country, the care of whichhas been given up, perform them in the usual manner. "

17. Upon this the captive prophet began to be held in high esteem, andCornelius and Postumius, the military tribunes, began to employ him forthe expiation of the Alban prodigy, and to appease the gods in due form. And it was at length discovered wherein the gods found fault with theneglect of the ceremonies and the omission of the customary rites; thatit was undoubtedly nothing else, than that the magistrates, having beenappointed under some defect [in their election], had not directed theLatin festival and the solemnities on the Alban mount with dueregularity. The only mode of expiation in the case was, that themilitary tribunes should resign their office, the auspices be takenanew, and an interregnum be adopted. All these things were performedaccording to a decree of the senate. There were three interreges insuccession, Lucius Valerius, Quintus Servilius Fidenas, Marcus FuriusCamillus. In the mean time disturbances never ceased to exist, thetribunes of the commons impeding the elections until it was previouslystipulated, that the greater number of the military tribunes should beelected out of the commons. Whilst these things are going on, assembliesof Etruria were held at the temple of Voltumna, and the Capenatians andFaliscians demanding that all the states of Etruria should by commonconsent and resolve aid in raising the siege of Veii, the answer givenwas: "that on a former occasion they had refused that to the Veientians, because they had no right to demand aid from those from whom they hadnot solicited advice on so important a matter. That for the presenttheir own condition instead of themselves[160] denied it to them, moreespecially in that part of Etruria. That a strange nation, the Gauls, were become new neighbours, with whom they neither had a sufficientlysecure peace, nor a certainty of war: to the blood, however, and thename and the present dangers of their kinsmen this [mark of respect] waspaid, that if any of their youth were disposed to go to that war, theywould not prevent them. " Hence there was a report at Rome, that a greatnumber of enemies had arrived, and in consequence the intestinedissensions began to subside, as is usual, through alarm for the generalsafety. 

[Footnote 160: So I have rendered _pro se_--or it may be rendered, "considering their circumstances, " scil. The external circumstances inwhich they were placed. ]

18. Without opposition on the part of the patricians, the prerogativetribe elect Publius Licinius Calvus military tribune without his suingfor it, a man of tried moderation in his former tribunate, but now ofextreme old age; and it was observed that all were re-elected in regularsuccession out of the college of the same year, Lucius Titinius, PubliusMænius, Publius Mælius, Cneius Genucius, Lucius Atilius: before thesewere proclaimed, the tribes being summoned in the ordinary course, Publius Licinius Calvus, by permission of the interrex, spoke asfollows: "Romans, I perceive that from the recollection of ouradministration you are seeking an omen of concord, a thing mostimportant at the present time, for the ensuing year. If you re-elect thesame colleagues, improved also by experience, in me you no longer beholdthe same person, but the shadow and name of Publius Licinius now left. The powers of my body are decayed, my senses of sight and hearing aregrown dull, my memory falters, the vigour of my mind is blunted. Beholdhere a youth, " says he, holding his son, "the representation and imageof him whom ye formerly made a military tribune, the first from amongthe commons. This youth, formed under my own discipline, I present anddedicate to the commonwealth as a substitute for myself. And I beseechyou, Romans, that the honour readily offered by yourselves to me, youwould grant to his suit, and to my prayers added in his behalf. " Thefavour was granted to the request of the father, and his son, PubliusLicinius, was declared military tribune with consular power along withthose whom I have mentioned above. Titinius and Genucius, militarytribunes, proceeded against the Faliscians and Capenatians, and whilstthey conduct the war with more courage than conduct, they fall into anambush. Genucius, atoning for his temerity by an honourable death, fellamong the foremost in front of the standards. Titinius, having collectedhis men from the great confusion [into which they were thrown] on arising ground, restored their order of battle; nor did he, however, venture to engage the enemy on even ground. More of disgrace than ofloss was sustained; which was well nigh proving a great calamity; somuch alarm was excited not only at Rome, whither an exaggerated accountof it had reached, but in the camp also at Veii. There the soldiers werewith difficulty restrained from flight, as a report had spread throughthe camp that, the generals and army having been cut to pieces, thevictorious Capenatians and Faliscians and all the youth of Etruria werenot far off. At Rome they gave credit to accounts still more alarmingthan these, that the camp at Veii was now attacked, that a part of theenemy was now advancing to the city prepared for an attack: they crowdedto the walls, and supplications of the matrons, which the public panichad called forth from their houses, were offered up in the temples; andthe gods were petitioned by prayers, that they would repel destructionfrom the houses and temples of the city and from the walls of Rome, andthat they would avert that terror to Veii, if the sacred rites had beenduly renewed, if the prodigies had been expiated. 

19. The games and the Latin festival had now been performed anew; nowthe water from the Alban lake had been discharged upon the fields, andthe fates were demanding [the ruin of] Veii. Accordingly a generaldestined for the destruction of that city and the preservation of hiscountry, Marcus Furius Camillus, being nominated dictator, appointedPublius Cornelius Scipio his master of the horse. The change of thegeneral suddenly produced a change in every thing. Their hopes seemeddifferent, the spirits of the people were different, the fortune also ofthe city seemed changed. First of all, he punished according to militarydiscipline those who had fled from Veii in that panic, and took measuresthat the enemy should not be the most formidable object to the soldier. Then a levy being proclaimed for a certain day, he himself in the meanwhile makes an excursion to Veii to strengthen the spirits of thesoldiers: thence he returns to Rome to enlist the new army, not a singleman declining the service. Youth from foreign states also, Latins andHernicians, came, promising their service for the war: after thedictator returned them thanks in the senate, all preparations being nowcompleted for the war, he vowed, according to a decree of the senate, that he would, on the capture of Veii, celebrate the great games, andthat he would repair and dedicate the temple of Mother Matuta, which hadbeen formerly consecrated by King Servius Tullius. Having set out fromthe city with his army amid the high expectation[161] rather than merehopes of persons, he first encountered the Faliscians and Capenatians inthe district of Nepote. Every thing there being managed with consummateprudence and skill, was attended, as is usual, with success. He not onlyrouted the enemy in battle, but he stripped them also of their camp, andobtained a great quantity of spoil, the principal part of which washanded over to the quæstor; not much was given to the soldiers. Fromthence the army was marched to Veii, and additional forts close to eachother were erected; and by a proclamation being issued, that no oneshould fight without orders, the soldiers were taken off from thoseskirmishes, which frequently took place at random between the wall andrampart, [so as to apply] to the work. Of all the works, far thegreatest and more laborious was a mine which they commenced to carryinto the enemies' citadel. And that the work might not be interrupted, and that the continued labour under ground might not exhaust the sameindividuals, he divided the number of pioneers into six companies; sixhours were allotted for the work in rotation; nor by night or day didthey give up, until they made a passage into the citadel. 

[Footnote 161: _Expectatione, &c. _ With confident expectations on thepart of his countrymen, rather than simple hope. ]

20. When the dictator now saw that the victory was in his hands, that amost opulent city was on the point of being taken, and that there wouldbe more spoil than had been obtained in all previous wars takentogether, that he might not incur either the resentment of the soldiersfrom a parsimonious partition of the plunder, or displeasure among thepatricians from a prodigal lavishing of it, he sent a letter to thesenate, "that by the kindness of the immortal gods, his own measures, and the perseverance of the soldiers, Veii would be soon in the power ofthe Roman people. " What did they think should be done with respect tothe spoil? Two opinions divided the senate; the one that of the elderPublius Licinius, who on being first asked by his son, as they say, proposed it as his opinion, that a proclamation should be openly sentforth to the people, that whoever wished to share in the plunder, shouldproceed to the camp before Veii; the other that of Appius Claudius, [162]who, censuring such profusion as unprecedented, extravagant, partial, and one that was unadvisable, if they should once judge it criminal, that money taken from the enemy should be [deposited] in the treasurywhen exhausted by wars, advised their pay to be paid to the soldiers outof that money, so that the commons might thereby have to pay less tax. For that "the families of all would feel their share of such a bounty inequal proportion; that the hands of the idlers in the city, ever greedyfor plunder, would not then carry off the prizes due to brave warriors, as it generally so happens that according as each individual is wont toseek the principal part of the toil and danger, so is he the leastactive as a plunderer. " Licinius, on the other hand, argued that themoney in that case would ever prove the source of jealousy andanimosity, and that it would afford grounds for charges before thecommons, and thence for seditions and new laws. "That it was moreadvisable therefore that the feelings of the commons should beconciliated by that bounty; that succour should be afforded them, exhausted and drained by a tax of so many years, and that they shouldfeel the fruits arising from a war, in which they had in a manner grownold. What each took from the enemy with his own hand and brought homewith him would be more gratifying and delightful, than if he were toreceive a much larger share at the will of another. " That the dictatorhimself wished to shun the odium and recriminations arising from thematter; for that reason he transferred it to the senate. The senate, too, ought to hand the matter thus referred to them over to the commons, and suffer every man to have what the fortune of war gave to him. Thisproposition appeared to be the safer, as it would make the senatepopular. A proclamation was therefore issued, that those who choseshould proceed to the camp to the dictator for the plunder of Veii. 

[Footnote 162: According to Niebuhr, (vol. Ii. P. 233, ) this fear putinto the mouth of Claudius, is attributable to ignorance orforgetfulness on the part of Livy, of the early usage in the dividing ofspoils, which had ceased to be observed in the time of Augustus. According to former Roman usage, half of the conquering army wasemployed, under the sanction of a solemn oath, to subtract nothing, incollecting the spoil, which was then partly divided by lot, partly sold, and the proceeds, if promised to the soldiers, disbursed to them man byman, if otherwise, it was brought into the treasury. Both schemesmentioned here by Livy, it will be observed, contemplated compensationto the people for the war-tax which they had so long paid; but that ofLicinius was more favourable, especially to the poor, as the ordinarycitizens would receive equal shares, and the compensation would bedirect and immediate. --_Gunne. _]

21. The vast multitude who went filled the camp. Then the dictator, going forth after taking the auspices, having issued orders that thesoldiers should take arms, says, "Under thy guidance, O Pythian Apollo, and inspired by thy divinity, I proceed to destroy the city of Veii, andI vow to thee the tenth part of the spoil. [163] Thee also, queen Juno, who inhabitest Veii, I beseech, that thou wilt accompany us, whenvictors, into our city, soon to be thine, where a temple worthy of thymajesty shall receive thee. "[164] Having offered up these prayers, therebeing more than a sufficient number of men, he assaults the city onevery quarter, in order that the perception of the danger threateningthem from the mine might be diminished. The Veientians, ignorant thatthey had already been doomed by their own prophets, already by foreignoracles, that the gods had been already invited to a share in theirplunder, that some, called out by vows from their city, were lookingtowards the temple of the enemy and new habitations, and that they werespending that the last day [of their existence], fearing nothing lessthan that, their walls being undermined, the citadel was now filled withenemies, briskly run to the walls in arms, wondering what could be thereason that, when no one had stirred from the Roman posts for so manydays, then, as if struck with sudden fury, they should run heedlessly tothe walls. A fabulous narrative is introduced here, that, when the kingof the Veientians was offering sacrifice, the voice of the aruspex, declaring that the victory was given to him who should cut up theentrails of that victim, having been heard in the mine, incited theRoman soldiers to burst open the mine, carry off the entrails, and bringthem to the dictator. But in matters of such remote antiquity, I shoulddeem it sufficient, if matters bearing a resemblance to truth beadmitted as true. Such stories as this, more suited to display on thestage, which delights in the marvellous, than to historic authenticity, it is not worth while either to affirm or refute. The mine, at this timefull of chosen men, suddenly discharged the armed troops in the templeof Juno which was in the citadel of Veii. [165] Some of them attack therear of the enemy on the walls; some tore open the bars of the gates;some set fire to the houses, while stones and tiles were thrown downfrom the roofs by the women and slaves. Clamour, consisting of thevarious voices of the assailants and the terrified, mixed with thecrying of women and children, fills every place. The soldiers being inan instant beaten off from the walls, and the gates being thrown open, some entering in bodies, others scaling the deserted walls, the citybecome filled with enemies, fighting takes place in every quarter. Then, much slaughter being now made, the ardour of the fight abates; and thedictator commands the heralds to proclaim that the unarmed should bespared. This put an end to bloodshed. Then laying down their arms, theycommenced to surrender; and, by permission of the dictator, the soldiersdisperse in quest of plunder. And when this was collected before hiseyes, greater in quantity and in the value of the effects than he hadhoped or expected, the dictator, raising his hands to heaven, is said tohave prayed, "that, if his success and that of the Roman people seemedexcessive to any of the gods and men, it might be permitted to the Romanpeople to appease that jealousy with as little detriment as possible tohimself and the Roman people. "[166] It is recorded that, when turningabout during this prayer, he stumbled and fell; and to persons judgingof the matter by subsequent events, that seemed to refer as an omen toCamillus' own condemnation, and the disaster of the city of Rome beingakin, which happened a few years after. And that day was consumed inslaughtering the enemy and in the plunder of this most opulent city. 

[Footnote 163: "This vow frequently occurs in Grecian history, like thatmade of the Persian booty, but this is the only instance in the historyof Rome. "--_Niebuhr_, vol. Ii. 239. ]

[Footnote 164: _Evocatos_. When the Romans besieged a town, and thoughtthemselves sure of taking it, they used solemnly to call out of it thegods in whose protection the place was supposed to be. ]

[Footnote 165: The idea of the Romans working a mine, even through thesoil of Veii, so as to be sure of reaching not only the town and thecitadel, and even the temple, is considered by Niebuhr as extremelyridiculous. He deems the circumstance a clear proof of the fiction thatattaches to the entire story of the capture of Veii. The whole seems tobe an imitation of the siege of Troy. --_Gunne. _]

[Footnote 166: The passage in the original, in the generality ofeditions, is read as follows: _ut eam invidium lenire, quàm minimo suoprivato incommodo publicoque, populo Romano liceret_: i. E. That bothhimself and the Roman people may get over the evil consequences of thejealousy of the gods with as little detriment as possible to either:_populi Romani_ seems preferable here: i. E. "that it might be allowedto lighten that jealousy, by the least possible injury to his ownprivate interest, and to the public interests of the Roman people. "There were certainly two persons concerned in the _invidia_ and_incommodum_ here, Camillus himself, and the Roman people; to whomrespectively the _damnatio_, and _elades captæ urbis_, afterwardsmentioned, obviously refer. Some editions read, _invidiam lenire suoprivato incommodo, quàm minimo publico populi Romani liceret_. This isthe reading adopted by Crevier; i. E. "to appease the jealousy by hisown private loss, rather than the least public loss. " This is more inaccordance with the account given of Camillus by Plutarch, and containsa sentiment certainly more worthy both of Livy and of Camillus. Sentiments ascribed by Plutarch to Camillus, will have suo privatoincommodo, quam minimo publico P. R. , giving him the patriotic wish torender light the odium by his own private loss, _rather than_ the leastpublic loss; or, by his own private loss, but if not, _by_ as small apublic loss as possible. Pop-_li_ R-_i_, better than _o_, _o_, as_liceret_ would, in the latter case, apply only to one of the parties;in the former both are understood. ]

22. On the following day the dictator sold the inhabitants of freecondition by auction: that was the only money applied to public use, notwithout resentment on the part of the people: and for the spoil theybrought home with them, they felt no obligation either to theircommander, who, in his search for abettors of his own parsimony, hadreferred to the senate a matter within his own jurisdiction, or to thesenate, but to the Licinian family, of which the son had laid the matterbefore the senate, and the father had been the proposer of so popular aresolution. When all human wealth had been carried away from Veii, theythen began to remove the offerings to their gods and the godsthemselves, but more after the manner of worshippers than of plunderers. For youths selected from the entire army, to whom the charge ofconveying queen Juno to Rome was assigned, after having thoroughlywashed their bodies and arrayed themselves in white garments, enteredher temple with profound adoration, applying their hands at first withreligious awe, because, according to the Etrurian usage, no one but apriest of a certain family had been accustomed to touch that statue. Then when some one, moved either by divine inspiration, or in youthfuljocularity, said, "Juno, art thou willing to go to Rome, " the restjoined in shouting that the goddess had nodded assent. To the story anaddition was afterwards made, that her voice was heard, declaring that"she was willing. " Certain it is, we are informed that, having beenraised from her place by machines of trifling power, she was light andeasily removed, like as if she [willingly] followed; and that she wasconveyed safe to the Aventine, her eternal seat, whither the vows of thedictator had invited her; where the same Camillus who had vowed it, afterwards dedicated a temple to her. Such was the fall of Veii, thewealthiest city of the Etrurian nation, which even in its finaloverthrow demonstrated its greatness; for having been besieged for tensummers and winters without intermission, after it had inflictedconsiderably greater losses than it had sustained, eventually, fate nowat length urging [its destruction], it was carried after all by thecontrivances of art, not by force. 

23. When news was brought to Rome that Veii was taken, although boththe prodigies had been expiated, and the answers of the prophets and thePythian responses were well known, and though they had selected as theircommander Marcus Furius, the greatest general of the day, which wasdoing as much to promote success as could be done by human prudence; yetbecause the war had been carried on there for so many years with varioussuccess, and many losses had been sustained, their joy was unbounded, asif for an event not expected; and before the senate could pass anydecree, all the temples were crowded with Roman matrons returning thanksto the gods. The senate decrees supplications for the space of fourdays, a number of days greater than [was prescribed] in any former war. The dictator's arrival also, all ranks pouring out to meet him, wasbetter attended than that of any general before, and his triumphconsiderably surpassed all the ordinary style of honouring such a day. The most conspicuous of all was himself, riding through the city in achariot drawn by white horses; and that appeared unbecoming, not to saya citizen, but even a human being. The people considered it an outrageon religion that the dictator's equipage should emulate that of Jupiterand Apollo; and for that single reason his triumph was rather splendidthan pleasing. He then contracted for a temple for queen Juno on MountAventine, and consecrated that of Mother Matuta: and, after havingperformed these services to the gods and to mankind, he laid down hisdictatorship. They then began to consider regarding the offering toApollo; and when Camillus stated that he had vowed the tenth part of thespoil to him, and the pontiff declared that the people ought todischarge their own obligation, a plan was not readily struck out ofordering the people to refund the spoil, so that the due proportionmight be set aside out of it for sacred purposes. At length they hadrecourse to this which seemed the easiest course, that, whoever wishedto acquit himself and his family of the religious obligation, after hehad made his own estimate of his portion of the plunder, should pay intothe treasury the value of the tenth part, so that out of it a goldenoffering worthy of the grandeur of the temple and the divinity of thegod might be made, suitable to the dignity of the Roman people. Thiscontribution also tended to alienate the affections of the commons fromCamillus. During these transactions ambassadors came from the Volsciansand Æquans to sue for peace; and peace was obtained, rather that thestate wearied by so tedious a war might obtain repose, than that thepetitioners were deserving of it. 

24. After the capture of Veii, the following year had six militarytribunes with consular power, the two Publii Cornelii, Cossus andScipio, Marcus Valerius Maximus a second time, Kæso Fabius Ambustus athird time, Lucius Furius Medullinus a fifth time, Quintus Servilius athird time. To the Cornelii the Faliscian war, to Valerius and Serviliusthe Capenatian war, fell by lot. By them no cities were attempted bystorm or by siege, but the country was laid waste, and the plunder ofthe effects on the lands was driven off; not a single fruit tree, not avegetable was left on the land. These losses reduced the people ofCapena; peace was granted to them on their suing for it. The war amongthe Faliscians still continued. At Rome in the mean time sedition becamemultiplied; and for the purpose of assuaging this they resolved that acolony should be sent off to the Volscian country, for which threethousand Roman citizens should be enrolled; and the triumvirs appointedfor the purpose, distributed three acres and seven-twelfths to each man. This donation began to be scorned, because they thought that it wasoffered as a solace for the disappointment of higher hopes. For why werethe commons to be sent into exile to the Volscians, when the magnificentcity of Veii was still in view, and the Veientian territory, morefertile and extensive than the Roman territor? The city also theyextolled as preferable to the city of Rome, both in situation, in thegrandeur of its enclosures, and buildings, both public and private. Nay, even that scheme was proposed, which after the taking of Rome by theGauls was still more strongly urged, of removing to Veii. But theydestined Veii to be inhabited by half the commons and half the senate;and that two cities of one common republic might be inhabited by theRoman people. [167] When the nobles strove against these measures sostrenuously, as to declare "that they would sooner die in the sight ofthe Roman people, than that any of these things should be put to thevote; for that now in one city there were so many dissensions; whatwould there be in two? Would any one prefer a vanquished to a victoriouscity; and suffer Veii now after being captured to enjoy greaterprosperity than it had before its capture? Lastly, that they may beforsaken in their country by their fellow-citizens; that no power shouldever oblige them to forsake their country and fellow-citizens, andfollow Titus Licinius (for he was the tribune of the commons whoproposed the measure) as a founder to Veii, abandoning the divineRomulus, the son of a god, the parent and founder of the city of Rome. "When these proceedings were going on with shameful contentions, (for thepatricians had drawn over, one half of the tribunes of the commons totheir sentiments, ) nothing else obliged the commons to refrain fromviolence, but that whenever a clamour was set up for the purpose ofcommencing a riot, the principal members of the senate, presentingthemselves among the foremost to the crowd, ordered that they themselvesshould be attacked, struck, and put to death. Whilst they abstained fromviolating their age, dignity, and honourable station, their respect forthem checked their rage even with respect to similar attempts on others. 

[Footnote 167: "A proposal so absurd would have justified the mostvehement opposition of the senate. But it is much more probable, thatthe scope of the proposition was, that on this occasion the whole of theconquered land should be divided, but amongst the whole nation, so thatthe patricians also and their clients should receive a share as absoluteproperty. "--_Neibuhr_, vol. Ii. P. 248. ]

25. Camillus, at every opportunity and in all places, stated publicly, "that this was not at all surprising; that the state was gone mad;which, though bound by a vow, yet felt greater concern in all othermatters than in acquitting itself of its religious obligations. He wouldsay nothing of the contribution of an alms more strictly speaking thanof a tenth; since each man bound himself in his private capacity by it, the public was set free. However, that his conscience would not permithim to pass this over in silence, that out of that spoil only whichconsisted of movable effects, a tenth was set apart; that no mention wasmade of the city and captured land, which were also included in thevow. " As the discussion of this point seemed difficult to the senate, itwas referred to the pontiffs; Camillus being invited [to the council], the college decided, that whatever had belonged to the Veientians beforethe uttering of the vow, and had come into the power of the Roman peopleafter the vow was made, of that a tenth part was sacred to Apollo. Thusthe city and land were brought into the estimate. The money was issuedfrom the treasury, and the consular tribunes of the soldiers werecommissioned to purchase gold with it. And when there was not asufficient quantity of this [metal], the matrons having held meetings todeliberate on the subject, and by a general resolution having promisedthe military tribunes their gold and all their ornaments, brought theminto the treasury. This circumstance was peculiarly grateful to thesenate, and they say that in return for this generosity the honour wasconferred on the matrons, that they might use covered chariots [whengoing] to public worship and the games, and open chaises on festival andcommon days. A certain weight of gold being received from each andvalued, in order that the price might be paid for it, it was resolvedthat a golden bowl should be made of it, which was to be carried toDelphos as an offering to Apollo. As soon as they disengaged their mindsfrom the religious obligation, the tribunes of the commons renew theirseditious practices; the populace are excited against all the nobles, but above all against Camillus: that "he by confiscating andconsecrating the plunder of Veii had reduced it to nothing. " The absent[nobles] they abuse in violent terms: they evince a respect for them intheir presence, when they voluntarily presented themselves to theirfury. As soon as they perceived that the business would be protractedbeyond that year, they re-elect as tribunes of the commons for thefollowing year the same abettors of the law; and the patricians stroveto accomplish the same thing with respect to those who were opponents ofthe law. Thus the same persons in a great measure were re-electedtribunes of the commons. 

26. At the election of military tribunes the patricians succeeded bytheir utmost exertions in having Marcus Furius Camillus elected. Theypretended that he was wanted as a commander on account of the wars; buthe was intended as an opponent to the tribunes in their profusion. Themilitary tribunes with consular authority elected with Camillus were, Lucius Furius Medullinus a sixth time, Caius Æmilius, Lucius ValeriusPublicola, Spurius Postumius, Publius Cornelius a second time. At thecommencement of the year the tribunes of the commons took not a stepuntil Marcus Furius Camillus should set out to the Faliscians, as thatwar had been assigned to him. Then by delaying the project cooled; andCamillus, whom they chiefly dreaded as an antagonist, acquired anincrease of glory among the Faliscians. For when the enemy at firstconfined themselves within the walls, considering it the safest plan, bylaying waste their lands and burning their houses, he compelled them tocome forth from the city; but their fears prevented them from proceedingto any considerable length. At about a mile from the town they pitchtheir camp; trusting that it was sufficiently secure from no othercause, than the difficulty of the approaches, the roads around beingrough and craggy, in some parts narrow, in others steep. But Camillushaving followed the direction of a prisoner belonging to the country ashis guide, decamping at an advanced hour of the night, at break of dayshows himself on ground considerably higher [than theirs]. The Romansworked at the fortifications in three divisions: the rest of the armystood prepared for battle. There he routs and puts to flight the enemywhen they attempted to interrupt his works; and such terror was struckinto the Faliscians in consequence, that, in their precipitate flightpassing by their own camp which lay in their way, they made for thecity. Many were slain and wounded, before that in their panic they couldmake their way through the gates. Their camp was taken; the spoil wasgiven up to the quæstors, to the great dissatisfaction of the soldiers;but overcome by the strictness of his authority, they both hated andadmired the same firmness of conduct. Then a regular siege of the citytook place, and the lines of circumvallation were carried on, andsometimes occasional attacks were made by the townsmen on the Romanposts, and slight skirmishes took place: and the time was spent, no hope[of success] inclining to either side, whilst corn and other provisionswere possessed in much greater abundance by the besieged than thebesiegers from [the store] which had been previously laid in. And theirtoil appeared likely to prove just as tedious as it had at Veii, had notfortune presented to the Roman general at once both an opportunity fordisplaying his virtuous firmness of mind already tested in warlikeaffairs, and a speedy victory. 

27. It was the custom among the Faliscians to employ the same person aspreceptor and private tutor for their children; and, as continues theusage to this day in Greece, several youths were intrusted to the careof one man. The person who appeared to excel in knowledge, instructed, as it is natural to suppose, the children of the leading men. As he hadestablished it as a custom during peace to carry the boys out beyond thecity for the sake of play and of exercise; that custom not having beendiscontinued during the existence of the war; then drawing them awayfrom the gate, sometimes in shorter, sometimes in longer excursions, advancing farther than usual, when an opportunity offered, by varyingtheir play and conversation, he led them on between the enemy's guards, and thence to the Roman camp into his tent to Camillus. There to theatrocious act he added a still more atrocious speech: that "he haddelivered Falerii into the hands of the Romans, when he put into theirpower those children, whose parents are there at the head of affairs. "When Camillus heard this, he says, "Wicked as thou art, thou hast comewith thy villanous offering neither to a people nor a commander likethyself. Between us and the Faliscians there exists not that form ofsociety which is established by human compact; but between both theredoes exist, and ever will exist, that which nature has implanted. Thereare laws of war as well of peace; and we have learned to wage themjustly not less than bravely. We carry arms not against that age whichis spared even when towns are taken, but against men who are themselvesarmed, and who, not having been injured or provoked by us, attacked theRoman camp at Veii. Those thou hast surpassed, as far as lay in you, byan unprecedented act of villany: I shall conquer them, as I did Veii, byRoman arts, by bravery, labour, and by arms. " Then having stripped himnaked, and tied his hands behind his back, he delivered him up to theboys to be brought back to Falerii; and supplied them with rods toscourge the traitor and drive him into the city. At which spectacle, acrowd of people being assembled, afterwards the senate being convened bythe magistrates on the extraordinary circumstance, so great a change wasproduced in their sentiments, that the entire state earnestly demandedpeace at the hands of those, who lately, outrageous by hatred and anger, almost preferred the fate of the Veientians to the peace of theCapenatians. The Roman faith, the justice of the commander, are cried upin the forum and in the senate-house; and by universal consentambassadors set out to the camp to Camillus, and thence by permission ofCamillus to Rome to the senate, in order to deliver up Falerii. Whenintroduced before the senate, they are represented as having spokenthus: "Conscript fathers, overcome by you and your commander by avictory at which neither god nor man can feel displeasure, we surrenderourselves to you, considering that we shall live more happily under yourrule than under our own law, than which nothing can be more glorious fora conqueror. In the result of this war, two salutary examples have beenexhibited to mankind. You preferred faith in war to present victory: we, challenged by your good faith, have voluntarily given up to you thevictory. We are under your sovereignty. Send men to receive our arms, our hostages, our city with its gates thrown open. You shall never haveto repent of our fidelity, nor we of your dominion. " Thanks werereturned to Camillus both by the enemy and by his own countrymen. Moneywas required of the Faliscians to pay off the soldiers for that year, that the Roman people might be relieved from the tribute. Peace beinggranted, the army was led back to Rome. 

28. When Camillus returned home, signalized by much more solid glorythan when white horses had drawn him through the city, having vanquishedthe enemy by justice and good faith, the senate did not conceal theirsense of respect for him, but immediately set about acquitting him ofhis vow; and Lucius Valerius, Lucius Sergius, Aulus Manlius, being sentin a ship of war as ambassadors to carry the golden bowl to Delphos asan offering to Apollo, were intercepted by the pirates of the Liparensesnot far from the Sicilian Strait, and carried to Liparæ. It was thecustom of the state to make a division of all booty which was acquired, as it were, by public piracy. On that year it so happened that oneTimasitheus filled the office of chief magistrate, a man more like theRomans than his own countrymen. Who, himself reverencing the name ofambassadors, and the offering, and the god to whom it was sent, and thecause of the offering, impressed the multitude also, who almost on alloccasions resemble their ruler, with [a sense] of religious justice; andafter having brought the ambassadors to a public entertainment, escortedthem with the protection of some ships to Delphos, and from thencebrought them back in safety to Rome. By a decree of the senate a leagueof hospitality was formed with him, and presents were conferred on himby the state. During the same year the war with the Æquans wasconducted with varying success; so that it was a matter of doubt bothamong the troops themselves and at Rome, whether they had beenvictorious or were vanquished. The Roman commanders were Caius Æmiliusand Spurius Postumius, two of the military tribunes. At first they actedin conjunction; then, after the enemy were routed in the field, it wasagreed that Æmilius should take possession of Verrugo with a certainforce, and that Postumius should devastate the country. There, as thelatter proceeded rather negligently, and with his troops irregularlydrawn up, he was attacked by the Æquans, and an alarm being occasioned, he was driven to the nearest hill; and the panic spread from thence toVerrugo to the other detachment of the army. When Postumius, havingwithdrawn his men to a place of safety, summoned an assembly andupbraided them with their fright and flight; with having been beaten bya most cowardly and dastardly enemy; the entire army shout aloud thatthey deserved to hear all this, and admitted the disgrace they hadincurred; but [they promised] that they would make amends, and that theenemy's joy should not be of long duration. Demanding that he wouldinstantly lead them from thence to the camp of the enemy, (this lay inthe plain within their view, ) they submitted to any punishment, if theydid not take it before night. Having praised them, he orders them totake refreshment, and to be in readiness at the fourth watch. And theenemy, in order to prevent the flight of the Romans from the hillthrough the road which led to Verrugo, were posted to meet them; and thebattle commenced before daylight, (but the moon was up all the night, )and was not more confused than a battle fought by day. But the shouthaving reached Verrugo, when they thought that the Roman camp wasattacked, occasioned such a panic, that in spite of the entreaties ofÆmilius and his efforts to stop them, they fled to Tusculum in greatdisorder. From thence a report was carried to Rome that "Postumius andhis army were cut to pieces. " When the dawn of day had removed allapprehension of an ambuscade in case of a hasty pursuit, after ridingthrough the ranks, by demanding [the performance of] their promises heinfused such ardour into them, that the Æquans could no longer withstandtheir impetuosity. Then the slaughter of them in their flight, such astakes place when matters are conducted more under the influence ofanger than of courage, was continued even to the total destruction ofthe enemy, and the melancholy news from Tusculum, the state having beenalarmed without cause, was followed by a letter from Postumius deckedwith laurel, (announcing) that "the victory belonged to the Romanpeople; that the army of the Æquans was destroyed. "

29. As the proceedings of the plebeian tribunes had not yet attained atermination, both the commons exerted themselves to continue theiroffice for the promoters of the law, and the patricians to re-elect theopponents of the law; but the commons were more successful in theelection of their own magistrates. Which annoyance the patriciansavenged by passing a decree of the senate that consuls should beelected, magistrates detested by the commons. After an interval offifteen years, Lucius Lucretius Flavus and Servius Sulpicius Camerinuswere appointed consuls. In the beginning of this year, whilst thetribunes of the commons united their efforts to pass the law, becausenone of their college were likely to oppose them, and the consulsresisted them with no less energy, the Æquans storm Vitellia, a Romancolony in their territory. The chief part of the colonists made theirway in safety to Rome, because the town, having been taken by treacheryin the night, afforded an unimpeded mode of escape by the remote side ofthe city. That province fell to the lot of Lucius Lucretius the consul. He having set out with his army, vanquished the enemy in the field; andreturned victorious to Rome to a much more serious contest. A day oftrial had been appointed for Aulus Virginius and Quintus Pomponius, plebeian tribunes of the two preceding years, in whose defence by thecombined power of the patricians, the honour of the senate was involved. For no one laid against them any other impeachment, either of their modeof life or of their conduct in office, save that, to gratify thepatricians, they had protested against the tribunitian law. Theresentment of the commons, however, prevailed over the influence of thesenate; and by a most pernicious precedent these men, though innocent, were condemned [to pay a fine of] ten thousand _asses_ in weight. Atthis the patricians were very much incensed. Camillus openly charged thecommons with gross violation of duty, "who, now turning their venomagainst their own body, did not feel that by their iniquitous sentenceon the tribune they abolished the right of protesting; that abolishingthis right of protesting, they had upset the tribunitian authority. Forthey were mistaken in expecting that the patricians would tolerate theunbridled licentiousness of that office. If tribunitian violence couldnot be repelled by tribunitian aid, that the patricians would find outsome other weapon. " The consuls he also blamed, because they had insilence suffered those tribunes who had followed the authority of thesenate to be deceived by [their reliance] on the public faith. By openlyexpressing these sentiments, he every day still further exasperated theangry feelings of the people. 

30. But he ceased not to urge the senate to oppose the law; "that whenthe day for proposing the law had arrived they should go down to theforum with no other feeling than as men who remembered that they had tocontend for their altars and homes, and the temples of the gods, and thesoil in which they had been born. For that as far as he himselfindividually was concerned, if during this contest [to be sustained] byhis country it were allowable for him to think of his own glory, itwould even reflect honour on himself, that a city captured by him shouldbe densely inhabited, that he would daily enjoy the monument of hisglory, and that he would have before his eyes a city borne by him in histriumph, that all would tread in the footsteps of his renown. But thathe deemed it an impiety that a city deserted and forsaken by theimmortal gods should be inhabited; that the Roman people should residein a captive soil, and that a vanquished should be taken in exchange fora victorious country. " Stimulated by these exhortations of their leader, the patricians, both young and old, entered the forum in a body, whenthe law was about to be proposed: and dispersing themselves through thetribes, each earnestly appealing to the members of their own tribe, began to entreat them with tears "not to desert that country for whichthey themselves and their fathers had fought most valiantly andsuccessfully, " pointing to the Capitol, the temple of Vesta, and theother temples of the gods around; "not to drive the Roman people, exilesand outcasts, from their native soil and household gods into the city ofthe enemy; and not to bring matters to such a state, that it was betterthat Veii were not taken, lest Rome should be deserted. " Because theyproceeded not by violence, but by entreaties, and in the midst of theseentreaties frequent mention was [made] of the gods, the greatest part[of the people] were influenced by religious scruples: and more tribesby one rejected the law than voted for it. And so gratifying was thisvictory to the patricians, that on the following day, on a motion madeby the consuls, a decree of the senate was passed, that seven acres aman of Veientian territory should be distributed to the commons; and notonly to the fathers of families, but so that all persons in their housein a state of freedom should be considered, and that they might bewilling to rear up their children with that prospect. 

31. The commons being won over by such a boon, no opposition was made toholding the elections for consuls. Lucius Valerius Potitus, and MarcusManlius, who afterwards obtained the surname of Capitolinus, wereelected consuls. These consuls celebrated the great games which MarcusFurius, when dictator, had vowed in the Veientian war. In the same yearthe temple of imperial Juno, vowed by the same dictator and during thesame war, is dedicated; and they state that the dedication was attendedwith great zeal by the matrons. A war scarcely worth mentioning waswaged with the Æquans at Algidum, the enemies taking to flight almostbefore they commenced the fight. To Valerius, because he was morepersevering in slaughtering them in their flight, a triumph was granted;it was decreed that Manlius should enter the city with an ovation. Thesame year a new war broke out with the Volsinians; whither an army couldnot be led, on account of a famine and pestilence in the Romanterritories, which arose from drought and excessive heat; on account ofwhich the Volsinians forming a junction with the Salpinians, beingelated with pride, made an unprovoked incursion into the Romanterritories. War was then proclaimed against the two states. CaiusJulius died during his censorship; Marcus Cornelius was substituted inhis room; a proceeding which was afterwards considered as offensive toreligion; because during that lustrum Rome was taken. Nor since thattime has a censor ever been substituted in the room of one deceased. Andthe consuls being seized by the distemper, it was determined that theauspices should be taken anew during an interregnum. 

32. Therefore when in pursuance of a decree of the senate the consulsresigned their office, Marcus Furius Camillus is created interrex, whoappointed Publius Cornelius Scipio interrex, and he afterwards LuciusValerius Potitus. By him were appointed six military tribunes withconsular power; so that, though any one of them should be incommoded bybad health, the state might have a sufficient number of magistrates. Onthe calends of July, the following entered on their office, LuciusLucretius, Servius Sulpicius, Marcus Æmilius, Lucius Furius Medullinus aseventh time, Agrippa Furius, Caius Æmilius a second time. Of these, Lucius Lucretius and Caius Æmilius got the Volsinians as their province;the Salpinians fell to the lot of Agrippa Furius and Servius Sulpicius. The first engagement was with the Volsinians. The war, important fromthe number of the enemy, was without difficulty brought to a close. Atthe first onset, their army was put to flight. Eight thousand soldiers, hemmed in by the cavalry, laid down their arms and surrendered. Theaccount received of that war had the effect of preventing the Salpiniansfrom hazarding an engagement; the troops secured themselves within theirtowns. The Romans drove spoil in every direction, both from theSalpinian and Volsinian territory, there being no one to repel thataggression; until a truce for twenty years was granted to theVolsinians, exhausted by the war, on this condition, that they shouldmake restitution to the Roman people, and furnish the pay of the armyfor that year. During the same year, Marcus Cædicius, a plebeian, announced to the tribunes that in the New Street, where the chapel nowstands, above the temple of Vesta, he had heard in the silence of thenight a voice louder than that of a human being, which ordered themagistrates to be told, that the Gauls were approaching. This, as isusual, was disregarded, on account of the humble station of the author, and also because the nation was a remote one, and therefore the lessknown. And not only were the warnings of the gods disregarded, fate nowimpending; but further, the only human aid which was left them, MarcusFurius, they drove away from the city; who, on a day [of trial] beingappointed for him by Lucius Appuleius, a tribune of the people, inreference to the Veientian spoil, he having also lost his son, a youngman, about the same time, when he summoned to his house the members ofhis tribe and his dependents, (they constituted a considerable portionof the commons, ) and having sounded their sentiments, he received foranswer, "that they would contribute whatever fine he should be condemnedto pay; that to acquit him they were unable, "[168] retired into exile;after praying to the immortal gods, "that if that outrage was done tohim without his deserving it, they would at the earliest opportunitygive cause to his ungrateful country to regret his absence. " In hisabsence he was fined fifteen thousand _asses_ in weight. 

[Footnote 168: Niebuhr and Arnold understand these words to signify, that these persons had already made up their minds not to acquit him, orassist him by voting in favour of him--in fact, that they could notconscientiously do so. It may, however, signify simply, that the peoplewere so incensed against him, that there existed not a rational prospectof acquittal for him. ]

33. That citizen being driven away, who being present, Rome could not becaptured, if any thing is certain regarding human affairs; the destinedruin now approaching the city, ambassadors came from the Clusinians, soliciting aid against the Gauls. A report is current that that nation, allured by the delightfulness of the crops, and more especially of thewine, an enjoyment then new to them, crossed the Alps, and tookpossession of the lands formerly cultivated by the Etrurians; and thatAruns, a native of Clusium, introduced wine into Gaul for the purpose ofenticing the nation, through resentment for his wife's having beendebauched by Lucumo, whose guardian he himself had been, a veryinfluential young man, and on whom vengeance could not be taken, unlessforeign aid were resorted to; that this person served as a guide to themwhen crossing the Alps, and advised them to lay siege to Clusium. Iwould not indeed deny that the Gauls were brought to Clusium by Aruns orany other native of Clusium; but that those persons who laid siege toClusium were not they who first crossed the Alps, is sufficientlycertain. For two hundred years before they laid siege to Clusium andcaptured the city of Rome, the Gauls passed over into Italy. Nor werethese the first of the Etrurians with whom the Gauls fought, but longbefore that they frequently fought with those who dwelt between theApennines and the Alps. Before the Roman empire the sway of the Tuscanswas much extended by land and by sea; how very powerful they were inthe upper and lower seas, by which Italy is encompassed like an island, the names [of these seas] is a proof; the one of which the Italiannations have called the Tuscan sea, the general appellation of thepeople; the other the Hadriatic, from Hadria, a colony of Tuscans. TheGreeks call these same seas the Tyrrhenian and Hadriatic. This peopleinhabited the country extending to both seas in twelve cities, coloniesequal in number to the mother cities having been sent, first on thisside the Apennines towards the lower sea, afterwards to the other sideof the Apennines; who obtained possession of all the district beyond thePo, even as far as the Alps, except the corner of the Venetians, whodwell round the extreme point of the [Hadriatic] sea. The Alpine nationsalso have this origin, more especially the Rhætians; whom their verysituation has rendered savage, so as to retain nothing of theiroriginal, except the accent of their language, and not even that withoutcorruption. 

34. Concerning the passage of the Gauls into Italy we have heard asfollows. In the reign of Tarquinius Priscus at Rome, the supremegovernment of the Celts, who compose the third part of Gaul, was in thehands of the Biturigians: they gave a king to the Celtic nation. Thiswas Ambigatus, one very much distinguished by his merit, and both hisgreat prosperity in his own concerns and in those of the public; forunder his administration Gaul was so fruitful and so well peopled, thatso very great a population appeared scarcely capable of being restrainedby any government. He being now advanced in years, and anxious torelieve his kingdom of so oppressive a crowd, declares his intention tosend his sister's sons, Bellovesus and Sigovesus, two enterprisingyouths, into whatever settlements the gods should grant them by augury:that they should take out with them as great a number of men as theypleased, so that no nation might be able to obstruct them in theirprogress. Then to Sigovesus the Hercynian forest was assigned by theoracle: to Bellovesus the gods marked out a much more cheering routeinto Italy. He carried out with him from the Biturigians, theArvernians, the Senonians, the Æduans, the Ambarrians, the Carnutians, and the Aulercians, all that was superfluous in their population. Havingset out with an immense force of horse and foot, he arrived in thecountry of the Tricastinians. Next the Alps were opposed [to theirprogress], and I am not surprised that they should seem impassable, asthey had never been climbed over through any path as yet, as far atleast as tradition can extend, unless we are disposed to believe thestories regarding Hercules. When the height of the mountains kept theGauls there penned up as it were, and they were looking around [todiscover] by what path they might pass into another world between thesummits, which joined the sky, a religious scruple detained them, ithaving been announced to them that strangers in search of lands wereattacked by the nation of the Salyans. These were the Massilians, whohad come by sea from Phocæa. The Gauls considering this an omen of theirown fortune, assisted them in fortifying the ground which they had takenpossession of on their first landing, covered with spacious woods. Theythemselves crossed the Alps through the Taurinian and pathless forests;and having defeated the Etrurians not far from the Ticinus, on hearingthat the land in which they had posted themselves was called Insubria, the same name as the Insubres, a canton of the Ædui: embracing the omenof the place, they built a city there, and called it Mediolanum. 

35. Some time after another body, consisting of Cenomanians, havingfollowed the tracks of the former under the conduct of Elitovius, crossed the Alps through the same forest, with the aid of Bellovesus, and settle themselves where the cities of Brixia and Verona now stand(the Libuans then possessed these places). After these came theSalluvians, who fix themselves near the ancient canton of the Ligurianscalled Lævi, inhabiting the banks of the Ticinus. Next the Boians andLingonians, having made their way over through the Penine pass, all thetract between the Po and the Alps being occupied, crossed the Po onrafts, and drove out of the country not only the Etrurians, but theUmbrians also: they confined themselves however within the Apennines. Then the Senonians, the latest of these emigrants, took possession ofthe track [extending] from the Utens to the Æsis. I find that it wasthis nation that came to Clusium, and thence to Rome; whether alone, oraided by all the nations of the Cisalpine Gauls, is not dulyascertained. The Clusians, terrified at their strange enemy, onbeholding their great numbers, the forms of the men such as they hadnever seen, and the kind of arms [they carried], and on hearing thatthe troops of the Etrurians had been frequently defeated by them on bothsides of the Po, sent ambassadors to Rome to solicit aid from thesenate, though they had no claim on the Roman people, in respect eitherof alliance or friendship, except that they had not defended theirrelations the Veientians against the Roman people. No aid was obtained:three ambassadors were sent, sons of Marcus Fabius Ambustus, to treatwith the Gauls in the name of the senate and Roman people; that theyshould not attack the allies and friends of the Roman people from whomthey had received no wrong. That they should be supported by the Romanseven by force of arms, if circumstances obliged them; but it seemedbetter that war itself should be kept aloof, if possible; and that theGauls, a nation strangers to them, should be known by peace, rather thanby arms. 

36. The embassy was a mild one, had it not been consigned to ambassadorstoo hot in temper, and who resembled Gauls more than Romans. To whom, after they delivered their commission in the assembly of the Gauls, thefollowing answer is returned: Though the name of the Romans was new totheir ears, yet they believed them to be brave men, whose aid wasimplored by the Clusians in their perilous conjuncture. And since theychose to defend their allies against them by negociation rather than byarms, that they on their part would not reject the pacific terms whichthey propose, if the Clusians would give up to the Gauls in want ofland, a portion of their territories which they possessed to a greaterextent than they could cultivate; otherwise peace could not be obtained:that they wished to receive an answer in presence of the Romans; and ifthe land were refused them, that they would decide the matter with thesword in presence of the same Romans; that they might have anopportunity of carrying home an account how much the Gauls excelled allother mortals in bravery. On the Romans asking what right they had todemand land from the possessors, or to threaten war [in case ofrefusal], and what business the Gauls had in Etruria, and on theirfiercely replying, that they carried their right in their swords, thatall things were the property of the brave, with minds inflamed on bothsides they severally have recourse to arms, and the battle is commenced. Here, fate now pressing hard on the Roman city, the ambassadors, contrary to the law of nations, take up arms; nor could this be done insecret, as three of the noblest and bravest of the Roman youth fought inthe van of the Etrurians; so conspicuous was the valour of theforeigners. Moreover Quintus Fabius, riding out beyond the line, slew ageneral of the Gauls who was furiously charging the very standards ofthe Etrurians, having run him through the side with his spear: and theGauls recognised him when stripping him of his spoils; and a signal wasgiven throughout the entire line that he was a Roman ambassador. Givingup therefore their resentment against the Clusians, they sound aretreat, threatening the Romans. Some gave it as their opinion that theyshould proceed forthwith to Rome. The seniors prevailed, thatambassadors should be sent to complain of the injuries done them, and todemand that the Fabii should be given up to them in satisfaction forhaving violated the law of nations. When the ambassadors had statedmatters, according to the instructions given to them, the conduct of theFabii was neither approved by the senate, and the barbarians seemed tothem to demand what was just: but in the case of men of such stationparty favour prevented them from decreeing that which they felt to beright. Wherefore lest the blame of any misfortune, which might happen tobe received in a war with the Gauls, should lie with them, they referthe consideration of the demands of the Gauls to the people, whereinfluence and wealth were so predominant, that those persons, whosepunishment was under consideration, were elected military tribunes withconsular power for the ensuing year. At which proceeding the Gauls beingenraged, as was very natural, openly menacing war, return to their ownparty. With the three Fabii the military tribunes elected were QuintusSulpicius Longus, Quintus Servilius a fourth time, Servius CorneliusMaluginensis. 

37. Though danger of such magnitude was impending (so completely doesFortune blind the minds of men when she wishes not her threateningstroke to be foiled) a state, which against the Fidenatian and Veientianenemies, and other neighbouring states, had recourse to aid even fromthe most extreme quarters, and had appointed a dictator on many tryingoccasions, that same state now, when an enemy, never before seen orheard of, from the ocean and remotest regions of the earth, wasadvancing in arms against them, looked not for any extraordinary commandor aid. Tribunes, by whose temerity the war had been brought on them, were appointed to the chief direction of affairs, and even making lessof the war than fame had represented it, held the levy with no greaterdiligence than used to be exercised for ordinary wars. In the mean whilethe Gauls, on hearing that honour was even conferred on the violators ofhuman law, and that their embassy was slighted, inflamed withresentment, over which that nation has no control, immediately snatchedup their standards, and enter on their march with the utmost expedition. When the cities, alarmed at the tumult occasioned by them as they passedprecipitately along, began to run to arms, and the peasants took toflight, they indicated by a loud shout that they were proceeding toRome, taking up an immense space of ground, wherever they passed, withtheir horses and men, their troops spreading widely in every direction. But fame and the messengers of the Clusians, and then of the otherstates one after another, preceding them, the rapid advance of the enemybrought the greatest consternation to Rome; for, with their tumultuarytroops hastily led on, they met them within the distance of the eleventhmile-stone, where the river Allia, descending from the Crustuminianmountains in a very deep channel, joins the river Tiber not far belowthe road. Already all places in front and on each side were crowded withthe enemy, and this nation, which has a natural turn for causelessconfusion, by their harsh music and discordant clamours, filled allplaces with a horrible din. 

38. There the military tribunes, without having previously selected aplace for their camp, without having previously raised a rampart towhich they might have a retreat, unmindful of their duty to the gods, tosay nothing of that to man, without taking auspices or offeringsacrifices, draw up their line, which was extended towards the flanks, lest they should be surrounded by the great numbers of the enemy. Stilltheir front could not be made equal to that of the enemy, though bythinning their line they rendered their centre weak and scarcelyconnected. There was on the right a small eminence, which it wasdetermined to fill with bodies of reserve; and that circumstance, as itwas the first cause of their dismay and flight, so it proved their onlymeans of safety in their flight. For Brennus, the chieftain of theGauls, being chiefly apprehensive of some design[169] being intended inthe small number of the enemy, thinking that the high ground had beenseized for this purpose, that, when the Gauls had been engaged in frontwith the line of the legions, the reserve was to make an attack on theirrear and flank, directed his troops against the reserve; certain, thatif he had dislodged them from their ground, the victory would be easy inthe plain for a force which had so much the advantage in point ofnumbers: thus not only fortune, but judgment also stood on the side ofthe barbarians. In the opposite army there appeared nothing like Romans, either in the commanders, or in the soldiers. Terror and dismay hadtaken possession of their minds, and such a forgetfulness of everything, that a far greater number of them fled to Veii, a city of theirenemy, though the Tiber stood in their way, than by the direct road toRome, to their wives and children. Their situation defended the reservefor some time; throughout the remainder of the line as soon as the shoutwas heard, by those who stood nearest on their flank, and by those at adistance on their rear, almost before they could look at the enemy asyet untried, not only without attempting to fight, but without evenreturning the shout, fresh and unhurt they took to flight. Nor was thereany slaughter of them in the act of fighting; but their rear was cut topieces, whilst they obstructed their flight by their struggling one withanother. Great slaughter was made on the bank of the Tiber, whither theentire left wing, having thrown down their arms, directed their flight;and many who did not know how to swim, or were exhausted, being weigheddown by their coats of mail and other defensive armour, were swallowedup in the current. The greatest part however escaped safe to Veii;whence not only no reinforcement, but not even an account of theirdefeat, was forwarded to Rome. Those on the right wing which had beenposted at a distance from the river, and rather near the foot of themountain, all made for Rome, and, without even shutting the gates, fledinto the citadel. 

[Footnote 169: In my translation of this passage I have differed fromBaker, who thus renders: "thinking, that as his enemies were few innumber, their skill was what he had chiefly to guard against. " Dureau DeLamalle thus translates: "supposant de la ruse aux ennemis, a raison deleur petit nombre. " This is obviously the correct version. ]

39. The miraculous attainment of so sudden a victory held even the Gaulsin a state of stupefaction. And at first they stood motionless withpanic, as if not knowing what had happened; then they apprehended astratagem; at length they began to collect the spoils of the slain, andto pile up the arms in heaps, as is their custom. Then, at length, whenno appearance of any thing hostile was any where observed, havingproceeded on their journey, they reach the city of Rome not long beforesun-set: where when some horsemen, who had advanced before, brought backword that the gates were not shut, that no guard was posted before thegates, no armed troops on the walls, another cause of amazement similarto the former made them halt; and dreading the night and ignorance ofthe situation of the city, they posted themselves between Rome and theAnio, after sending scouts about the walls and the several gates toascertain what plans the enemy would adopt in their desperatecircumstances. With respect to the Romans, as the greater part had goneto Veii from the field of battle, and no one supposed that any survivedexcept those who had fled back to Rome, being all lamented as lost, boththose living and those dead, they caused the entire city to be filledwith wailings. The alarm for the public interest stifled private sorrow, as soon as it was announced that the enemy were at hand. Presently thebarbarians patrolling around the walls in troops, they heard their yellsand the dissonant clangour of their arms. All the interval up to thenext day kept their minds in such a state of suspense, that an assaultseemed every moment about to be made on the city: on their firstapproach, when they arrived at the city, [it was expected;] for if thiswere not their design, that they would have remained at the Allia; thentowards sunset, because there was not much of the day remaining, theyimagined that they would attack them before night; then that the designwas deferred until night, in order to strike the greater terror. Atlength the approach of light struck them with dismay; and the calamityitself followed closely upon their continued apprehension of it, whenthe troops entered the gates in hostile array. During that night, however, and the following day, the state by no means bore anyresemblance to that which which had fled in so dastardly a manner at theAllia. For as there was not a hope that the city could be defended, sosmall a number of troops now remaining, it was determined that theyouth fit for military service, and the abler part of the senate withtheir wives and children, should retire into the citadel and Capitol;and having collected stores of arms and corn, and thence from afortified post, that they should defend the deities, and theinhabitants, and the Roman name: that the flamen [Quirinalis] and thevestal priestesses should carry away far from slaughter andconflagration the objects appertaining to the religion of the state: andthat their worship should not be intermitted, until there remained noone who should continue it. If the citadel and Capitol, the mansion ofthe gods, if the senate, the source of public counsel, if the youth ofmilitary age, should survive the impending ruin of the city, the losswould be light of the aged, the crowd left behind in the city, and whowere sure to perish[170] under any circumstances. And in order that theplebeian portion of the multitude might bear the thing with greaterresignation, the aged men, who had enjoyed triumphs and consulships, openly declared that they would die along with them, and that they wouldnot burden the scanty stores of the armed men with those bodies, withwhich they were now unable to bear arms, or to defend their country. Such was the consolation addressed to each other by the aged nowdestined to death. 

[Footnote 170: The aged were doomed to perish under any circumstances, (_utique_, ) from scarcity of provisions, whether they retired into theCapitol with the military youth, or were left behind in the city. ]

40. Their exhortations were then turned to the band of young men, whomthey escorted to the Capitol and citadel, commending to their valour andyouth whatever might be the remaining fortune of a city, which for threehundred and sixty years had been victorious in all its wars. When thosewho carried with them all their hope and resources, parted with theothers, who had determined not to survive the ruin of their capturedcity; both the circumstance itself and the appearance [it exhibited] wasreally distressing, and also the weeping of the women, and theirundecided running together, following now these, now those, and askingtheir husbands and children what was to become of them, [all together]left nothing that could be added to human misery. A great many of them, however, escorted their friends into the citadel, no one eitherpreventing or inviting them; because the measure which was advantageousto the besieged, that of reducing the number of useless persons, was butlittle in accordance with humanity. The rest of the crowd, chieflyplebeians, whom so small a hill could not contain, nor could they besupported amid such a scarcity of corn, pouring out of the city as if inone continued train, repaired to the Janiculum. From thence some weredispersed through the country, some made for the neighbouring cities, without any leader or concert, following each his own hopes, his ownplans, those of the public being given up as lost. In the mean time theFlamen Quirinalis and the vestal virgins, laying aside all concern fortheir own affairs, consulting which of the sacred deposits should becarried with them, which should be left behind, for they had notstrength to carry them all, or what place would best preserve them insafe custody, consider it best to put them into casks and to bury themin the chapel adjoining to the residence of the Flamen Quirinalis, wherenow it is profane to spit out. The rest they carry away with them, afterdividing the burden among themselves, by the road which leads by theSublician bridge to the Janiculum. When Lucius Albinius, a Romanplebeian, who was conveying his wife and children in a waggon, beheldthem on that ascent among the rest of the crowd which was leaving thecity as unfit to carry arms; even then the distinction of things divineand human being preserved, considering it an outrage on religion, thatthe public priests and sacred utensils of the Roman people should go onfoot and be carried, that he and his family should be seen in acarriage, he commanded his wife and children to alight, placed thevirgins and sacred utensils in the vehicle, and carried them on to Cære, whither the priests had intended to go. 

41. Meanwhile at Rome all arrangements being now made, as far as waspossible in such an emergency, for the defence of the citadel, the crowdof aged persons having returned to their houses, awaited the enemy'scoming with minds firmly prepared for death. Such of them as had bornecurule offices, in order that they may die in the insignia of theirformer station, honours, and merit, arraying themselves in the mostmagnificent garments worn by those drawing the chariots of the gods inprocession, or by persons riding in triumph, seated themselves in theirivory chairs, in the middle of their halls. Some say that they devotedthemselves for their country and the citizens of Rome, Marcus Fabius, the chief pontiff, dictating the form of words. The Gauls, both becauseby the intervention of the night they had abated all angry feelingsarising from the irritation of battle, and because they had on nooccasion fought a well-disputed fight, and were then not taking the cityby storm or violence, entering the city the next day, free fromresentment or heat of passion, through the Colline gate which lay open, advance into the forum, casting their eyes around on the temples of thegods, and on the citadel, which alone exhibited any appearance of war. From thence, after leaving a small guard, lest any attack should be madeon them whilst scattered, from the citadel or Capitol, they dispersed inquest of plunder; the streets being entirely desolate, rush some of themin a body into the houses that were nearest; some repair to those whichwere most distant, considering these to be untouched and abounding withspoil. Afterwards being terrified by the very solitude, lest anystratagem of the enemy should surprise them whilst being dispersed, theyreturned in bodies into the forum and the parts adjoining to the forum, where the houses of the commons being shut, and the halls of the leadingmen lying open, almost greater backwardness was felt to attack the openthan the shut houses; so completely did they behold with a sort ofveneration men sitting in the porches of the palaces, who besides theirornaments and apparel more august than human, bore a strikingresemblance to gods, in the majesty which their looks and the gravity oftheir countenance displayed. Whilst they stood gazing on these as onstatues, it is said that Marcus Papirius, one of them, roused the angerof a Gaul by striking him on the head with his ivory, while he wasstroking his beard, which was then universally worn long; and that thecommencement of the bloodshed began with him, that the rest were slainin their seats. After the slaughter of the nobles, no person whateverwas spared; the houses were plundered, and when emptied were set onfire. 

42. But whether it was that all were not possessed with a desire ofdestroying the city, or it had been so determined by the leading men ofthe Gauls, both that some fires should be presented to their view, [tosee] if the besieged could be forced into a surrender through affectionfor their dwellings, and that all the houses should not be burned down, so that whatever portion should remain of the city, they might hold asa pledge to work upon the minds of the enemy; the fire by no meansspread either indiscriminately or extensively on the first day, as isusual in a captured city. The Romans beholding from the citadel the cityfilled with the enemy, and their running to and fro through all thestreets, some new calamity presenting itself in every different quarter, were neither able to preserve their presence of mind, nor even to haveperfect command of their ears and eyes. To whatever direction the shoutsof the enemy, the cries of women and children, the crackling of theflames, and the crash of falling houses, had called their attention, thither, terrified at every incident, they turned their thoughts, faces, and eyes, as if placed by fortune to be spectators of their fallingcountry, and as if left as protectors of no other of their effects, except their own persons: so much more to be commiserated than anyothers who were ever besieged, because, shut out from their country, they were besieged, beholding all their effects in the power of theenemy. Nor was the night, which succeeded so shockingly spent a day, more tranquil; daylight then followed a restless night; nor was thereany time which failed to produce the sight of some new disaster. Loadedand overwhelmed by so many evils, they did not at all abate theirdetermination, [resolved, ] though they should see every thing in flamesand levelled to the dust, to defend by their bravery the hill which theyoccupied, small and ill provided as it was, being left [as a refuge] forliberty. And now, as the same events recurred every day, as ifhabituated to misfortunes, they abstracted their thoughts from allfeeling of their circumstances, regarding their arms only, and theswords in their right hands, as the sole remnants of their hopes. 

43. The Gauls also, after having for several days waged an ineffectualwar against the buildings of the city, when they saw that among thefires and ruins of the captured city nothing now remained except armedenemies, neither terrified by so many disasters, nor likely to turntheir thoughts to a surrender, unless force were employed, determine tohave recourse to extremities, and to make an attack on the citadel. Asignal being given at break of day, their entire multitude is marshalledin the forum; thence, after raising the shout and forming a testudo, they advance to the attack. Against whom the Romans, acting neitherrashly nor precipitately, having strengthened the guards at everyapproach, and opposing the main strength of their men in that quarterwhere they saw the battalions advancing, suffer the enemy to ascend, judging that the higher they ascended, the more easily would they bedriven back down the steep. About the middle of the ascent they metthem: and making a charge thence from the higher ground, which of itselfbore them against the enemy, they routed the Gauls with slaughter anddestruction, so that never after, either in parties or with their wholeforce, did they try that kind of fighting. Laying aside all hope ofsucceeding by force of arms, they prepare for a blockade; of whichhaving had no idea up to that time, they had, whilst burning the city, destroyed whatever corn had been therein, and during those very days allthe provisions had been carried off from the land to Veii. Accordingly, dividing their army, they resolved that one part should plunder throughthe neighbouring states, that the other part should carry on the siegeof the citadel, so that the ravagers of the country might supply thebesiegers with corn. 

44. The Gauls, who marched from the city, were led by fortune herself, to make trial of Roman valour, to Ardea, where Camillus was in exile:who, more distressed by the fortune of the public than his own, whilsthe now pined away arraigning gods and men, fired with indignation, andwondering where were now those men who with him had taken Veii andFalerii, who had conducted other wars rather by their own valour than bythe favour of fortune, hears on a sudden that the army of the Gauls wasapproaching, and that the people of Ardea in consternation were met incouncil on the subject. And as if moved by divine inspiration, after headvanced into the midst of the assembly, having hitherto been accustomedto absent himself from such meetings, he says, "People of Ardea, myfriends of old, of late my fellow-citizens also, since your kindness soordered it, and my good fortune achieved it, let no one of you supposethat I have come forward here forgetful of my condition; but the[present] case and the common danger obliges every one to contribute tothe common good whatever service he can in our present alarmingsituation. And when shall I repay you for your so very importantservices to me, if I now be remiss? or where will you derive benefitfrom me, if not in war? By this accomplishment I maintained my rank inmy native country: and, unconquered in war, I was banished during peaceby my ungrateful fellow-citizens. To you, men of Ardea, a favourableopportunity has been presented of making a return for all the formerfavours conferred by the Roman people, such as you yourselves remember, (for which reason, as being mindful of them, you are not to be upbraidedwith them, ) and of obtaining great military renown for this your cityover the common enemy. The nation, which now approaches in disorderlymarch, is one to which nature has given great spirits and bodies ratherhuge than firm. Let the disaster of Rome serve as a proof. They capturedthe city when lying open to them; a small handful of men from thecitadel and Capitol withstand them. Already tired out by the slowprocess of a siege, they retire and spread themselves through thecountry. Gorged with food and wine hastily swallowed, when night comeson they stretch themselves indiscriminately, like brutes, near streamsof water, without entrenchment, without guards or advanced posts; moreincautious even now than usual in consequence of success. If you thenare disposed to defend your own walls, and not to suffer all theseplaces to become Gaul, take up arms in a full body at the first watch:follow me to slaughter, not to battle. If I do not deliver them up toyou fettered by sleep, to be butchered like cattle, I decline not thesame issue of my affairs at Ardea as I had at Rome. "

45. Both friends and enemies were satisfied that there existed no whereat that time a man of equal military talent. The assembly beingdismissed, they refresh themselves, carefully watching the moment thesignal should be given; which being given, during the silence of thebeginning of the night they attended Camillus at the gates. Having goneforth to no great distance from the city, they found the camp of theGauls, as had been foretold, unprotected and neglected on every side, and attack it with a shout. No fight any where, but slaughter everywhere; their bodies, naked and relaxed with sleep, are cut to pieces. Those most remote, however, being roused from their beds, not knowingwhat the tumult was, or whence it came, were directed to flight, andsome of them, without perceiving it, into the midst of the enemy. Agreat number flying into the territory of Antium, an attack being madeon them in their straggling march by the townspeople, were surroundedand cut off. A like carnage was made of the Tuscans in the Veientianterritory; who were so far from compassionating the city which had nowbeen its neighbour for nearly four hundred years, overpowered as it nowwas by a strange and unheard-of enemy, that at that very time they madeincursions on the Roman territory; and laden with plunder, had it incontemplation to lay siege to Veii, the bulwark and last hope of theRoman race. The Roman soldiers had seen them straggling over thecountry, and collected in a body, driving the spoil before them, andthey perceived their camp pitched at no great distance from Veii. Uponthis, first self-commiseration, then indignation, and after thatresentment, took possession of their minds: "Were their calamities to bea subject of mockery to the Etrurians, from whom they had turned off theGallic war on themselves?" Scarce could they curb their passions, so asto refrain from attacking them at the moment; and being restrained byQuintus Cædicius, the centurion, whom they had appointed theircommander, they deferred the matter until night. A leader equal toCamillus was all that was wanted; in other respects matters wereconducted in the same order and with the same fortunate result. Andfurther, under the guidance of some prisoners, who had survived thenightly slaughter, they set out to Salinæ against another body ofTuscans, they suddenly made on the following night still greater havoc, and returned to Veii exulting in their double victory. 

46. Meanwhile, at Rome, the siege, in general, was slow, and there wasquiet on both sides, the Gauls being intent only on this, that none ofthe enemy should escape from between their posts; when, on a sudden, aRoman youth drew on himself the admiration both of his countrymen andthe enemy. There was a sacrifice solemnized at stated times by theFabian family on the Quirinal hill. To perform this Caius Fabius Dorsohaving descended from the Capitol, in the Gabine cincture, carrying inhis hands the sacred utensils, passed out through the midst of theenemy's post, without being at all moved by the calls or threats of anyof them, and reached the Quirinal hill; and after duly performing therethe solemn rites, coming back by the same way with the same firmcountenance and gait, confident that the gods were propitious, whoseworship he had not even neglected when prohibited by the fear of death, he returned to the Capitol to his friends, the Gauls being eitherastounded at such an extraordinary manifestation of boldness, or movedeven by religious considerations, of which the nation is by no meansregardless. In the mean time, not only the courage, but the strength ofthose at Veii increased daily, not only those Romans repairing thitherfrom the country who had strayed away after the unsuccessful battle, orthe disaster of the city being taken, but volunteers also flowing infrom Latium, to come in for share of the spoil. It now seemed high timethat their country should be recovered and rescued from the hands of theenemy. But a head was wanting to this strong body. The very spot putthem in mind of Camillus, and a considerable part consisted of soldierswho had fought successfully under his guidance and auspices: andCædicius declared that he would not give occasion that any one, whethergod or man, should terminate his command rather than that, mindful ofhis own rank, he would himself call (for the appointment of) a general. With universal consent it was resolved that Camillus should be sent forfrom Ardea, but not until the senate at Rome were first consulted: sofar did a sense of propriety regulate every proceeding, and so carefullydid they observe the distinctions of things in their almost desperatecircumstances. They had to pass at great risk through the enemy'sguards. For this purpose a spirited youth, Pontius Cominius, offered hisservices, and supporting himself on cork was carried down the Tiber tothe city. From thence, where the distance from the bank was shortest, hemakes his way into the Capitol over a portion of the rock that wascraggy, and therefore neglected by the enemy's guard: and beingconducted to the magistrates, he delivers the instructions received fromthe army. Then having received a decree of the senate, both thatCamillus should be recalled from exile at the comitia curiata, and beforthwith appointed dictator by order of the people, and that thesoldiers should have the general whom they wished, he passed out thesame way and proceeded with his despatches to Veii; and deputies beingsent to Camillus to Ardea, conducted him to Veii: or else the law waspassed by the curiæ, and he was nominated dictator in his absence; for Iam more inclined to believe that he did not set out from Ardea until hefound that the law was passed; because he could neither change hisresidence without an order of the people, nor hold the privilege of theauspices in the army until he was nominated dictator. 

47. Whilst these things were going on at Veii, in the mean while thecitadel and Capitol of Rome were in great danger. For the Gauls eitherhaving perceived the track of a human foot where the messenger from Veiihad passed, or having of themselves remarked the easy ascent by the rockat the temple of Carmentis, on a moonlight night, after they had atfirst sent forward an unarmed person, to make trial of the way, delivering their arms, whenever any difficulty occurred, alternatelysupported and supporting each other, and drawing each other up, according as the ground required, they reached the summit in suchsilence, that they not only escaped the notice of the sentinels, but ofthe dogs also, an animal extremely wakeful with respect to noises bynight. The notice of the geese they did not escape, which, as beingsacred to Juno, were spared though they were in the greatest scarcity offood. Which circumstance was the cause of their preservation. For MarcusManlius, who three years before had been consul, a man distinguished inwar, being aroused from sleep by their cackling and the clapping oftheir wings, snatched up his arms, and at the same time calling theothers to do the same, proceeds to the spot; and whilst the others arethrown into confusion, he struck with the boss of his shield and tumblesdown a Gaul, who had already got footing on the summit; and when thefall of this man as he tumbled threw down those who were next him, heslew others, who in their consternation had thrown away their arms, andcaught hold of the rocks to which they clung. And now the others alsohaving assembled beat down the enemy by javelins and stones, and theentire band, having lost their footing, were hurled down the precipicein promiscuous ruin. The alarm then subsiding, the remainder of thenight was given up to repose, (as far as could be done considering thedisturbed state of their minds, ) when the danger, even though past, still kept them in a state of anxiety. Day having appeared, the soldierswere summoned by sound of trumpet to attend the tribunes in assembly, when recompence was to be made both to merit and to demerit; Manlius wasfirst of all commended for his bravery and presented with gifts, notonly by the military tribunes, but with the consent of the soldiers, forthey all carried to his house, which was in the citadel, a contributionof half a pound of corn and half a pint of wine: a matter trifling inthe relation, but the [prevailing] scarcity had rendered it a strongproof of esteem, when each man, depriving himself of his own food, contributed in honour of one man a portion subtracted from his body andfrom his necessary requirements. Then the guards of that place where theenemy had climbed up unobserved, were summoned; and when QuintusSulpicius declared openly that he would punish all according to theusage of military discipline, being deterred by the consentient shout ofthe soldiers who threw the blame on one sentinel, he spared the rest. The man, who was manifestly guilty of the crime, he threw down from therock, with the approbation of all. From this time forth the guards onboth sides became more vigilant; on the part of the Gauls, because arumour spread that messengers passed between Veii and Rome, and on thatof the Romans, from the recollection of the danger which occurred duringthe night. 

48. But beyond all the evils of siege and war, famine distressed botharmies; pestilence, moreover, [oppressed] the Gauls, both as beingencamped in a place lying between hills, as well as heated by theburning of the houses, and full of exhalations, and sending up not onlyashes but embers also, whenever the wind rose to any degree; and as thenation, accustomed to moisture and cold, is most intolerant of theseannoyances, and, suffering severely from the heat and suffocation, theywere dying, the diseases spreading as among cattle, now becoming wearyof burying separately, they heaped up the bodies promiscuously andburned them; and rendered the place remarkable by the name of Gallicpiles. A truce was now made with the Romans, and conferences were heldwith the permission of the commanders; in which when the Gaulsfrequently alluded to the famine, and referred to the urgency of that asa further motive for their surrendering, for the purpose of removingthat opinion, bread is said to have been thrown in many places from theCapitol, into the advanced posts of the enemy. But the famine couldneither be dissembled nor endured any longer. Accordingly, whilst thedictator is engaged in person in holding a levy, in ordering his masterof the horse, Lucius Valerius, to bring up the troops from Veii, inmaking preparations and arrangements, so that he may attack the enemy onequal terms, in the mean time the army of the Capitol, wearied out withkeeping guard and with watches, having surmounted all human sufferings, whilst nature would not suffer famine alone to be overcome, lookingforward from day to day, to see whether any succour would come from thedictator, at length not only food but hope also failing, and their armsweighing down their debilitated bodies, whilst the guards were beingrelieved, insisted that there should be either a surrender, or that theyshould be bought off, on whatever terms were possible, the Gaulsintimating in rather plain terms, that they could be induced for no verygreat compensation to relinquish the siege. Then the senate was held andinstructions were given to the military tribunes to capitulate. Uponthis the matter was settled between Quintus Sulpicius, a militarytribune, and Brennus, the chieftain of the Gauls, and one thousandpounds' weight of gold was agreed on as the ransom of a people, who weresoon after to be the rulers of the world. To a transaction veryhumiliating in itself, insult was added. False weights were brought bythe Gauls, and on the tribune objecting, his sword was thrown in inaddition to the weight by the insolent Gaul, and an expression was heardintolerable to the Romans, "Woe to the vanquished!"

49. But both gods and men interfered to prevent the Romans from livingon the condition of being ransomed; for by some chance, before theexecrable price was completed, all the gold being not yet weighed inconsequence of the altercation, the dictator comes up, and orders thegold to be removed, and the Gauls to clear away. When they, holding outagainst him, affirmed that they had concluded a bargain, he denied thatthe agreement was a valid one, which had been entered into with amagistrate of inferior authority without his orders, after he had beennominated dictator; and he gives notice to the Gauls to get ready forbattle. He orders his men to throw their baggage in a heap, and to getready their arms, and to recover their country with steel, not withgold, having before their eyes the temples of the gods, and their wivesand children, and the soil of their country disfigured by the calamitiesof war, and all those objects which they were solemnly bound to defend, to recover, and to revenge. He then draws up his army, as the nature ofthe place admitted, on the site of the half-demolished city, and whichwas uneven by nature, and he secured all those advantages for his ownmen, which could be prepared or selected by military skill. The Gauls, thrown into confusion by the unexpected event, take up arms, and withrage, rather than good judgment, rushed upon the Romans. Fortune had nowchanged; now the aid of the gods and human prudence assisted the Romancause. At the first encounter, therefore, the Gauls were routed with nogreater difficulty than they had found in gaining the victory at Allia. They were afterwards beaten under the conduct and auspices of the sameCamillus, in a more regular engagement, at the eighth stone on theGabine road, whither they had betaken themselves after their defeat. There the slaughter was universal: their camp was taken, and not evenone person was left to carry news of the defeat. The dictator, afterhaving recovered his country from the enemy, returns into the city intriumph; and among the rough military jests which they throw out [onsuch occasions] he is styled, with praises by no means undeserved, Romulus, and parent of his country, and a second founder of the city. His country, thus preserved by arms, he unquestionably saved a secondtime in peace, when he hindered the people from removing to Veii, boththe tribunes pressing the matter with greater earnestness after theburning of the city, and the commons of themselves being more inclinedto that measure; and that was the cause of his not resigning hisdictatorship after the triumph, the senate entreating him not to leavethe commonwealth in so unsettled a state. 

50. First of all, he proposed matters appertaining to the immortal gods;for he was a most scrupulous observer of religious duties; and heprocures a decree of the senate, "that all the temples, as the enemy hadpossessed them, should be restored, their bounds traced, and expiationsmade for them, and that the form of expiation should be sought in thebooks by the decemvirs; that a league of hospitality should be enteredinto by public authority with the people of Cære, because they hadafforded a reception to the sacred utensils of the Roman people and totheir priests; and because, by the kindness of that people, the worshipof the immortal gods had not been intermitted; that Capitoline gamesshould be exhibited, for that Jupiter, supremely good and great, hadprotected his own mansion and the citadel of the Roman people when indanger; and that Marcus Furius, the dictator, should establish a collegefor that purpose, out of those who should inhabit the Capitol andcitadel. " Mention was also introduced of expiating the voice heard bynight, which had been heard announcing the calamity before the Gallicwar, and neglected, and a temple was ordered in the New Street to AiusLocutius. The gold, which had been rescued from the Gauls, and that alsowhich during the alarm had been collected from the other temples intothe recess of Jupiter's temple, the recollection being confused as tothe temples to which it should be carried back, was all judged to besacred, and ordered to be placed under the throne of Jupiter. Alreadythe religious scruples of the state had appeared in this, that when goldwas wanting for public uses, to make up for the Gauls the amount of theransom agreed upon, they had accepted that which was contributed by thematrons, so that they might not touch the sacred gold. Thanks werereturned to the matrons, and to this was added the honour of theirhaving funeral orations pronounced on them after death, in the samemanner as the men. Those things being finished which appertained to thegods, and such measures as could be transacted through the senate, then, at length, as the tribunes were teasing the commons by their unceasingharangues, to leave the ruins, to remove to Veii, a city ready preparedfor them, being escorted by the entire senate, he ascends the tribunal, and spoke as follows:

51. "Romans, so disagreeable to me are contentions with the tribunes ofthe people, that in my most melancholy exile, whilst I resided at Ardea, I had no other consolation than that I was removed from these contests;and for this same reason I would never have returned, even though yourecalled me by a decree of the senate, and by order of the people. Norhas it been any change in my own sentiments, but in your fortune, thathas persuaded me to return now. For the question was that my countryshould remain in its own established seat, not that I should reside inmy country. And on the present occasion I would gladly remain quiet andsilent, were not the present struggle also appertaining to my country'sinterests, to be wanting to which, as long as life lasts, were base inothers, in Camillus impious. For why have we recovered it? Why have werescued it when besieged out of the hands of the enemy, if we ourselvesdesert it when recovered? And when, the Gauls being victorious, theentire city captured, both the gods and the natives of Rome stillretained and inhabited the Capitol and citadel, shall even the citadeland the Capitol be deserted, now when the Romans are victorious and thecity has been recovered? And shall our prosperous fortune cause moredesolation to this city than our adverse caused? Truly if we had noreligious institutions established together with the city, and regularlytransmitted down to us, still the divine power has so manifestlyinterested itself in behalf of the Roman state on the present tryingoccasion, that I should think that all neglect of the divine worship wasremoved from the minds of men. For consider the events of these latteryears one after the other, whether prosperous or adverse; you will findthat all things succeeded favourably with us whilst we followed thegods, and unfavourably when we neglected them. Now, first of all theVeientian war--of how many years' duration, with what immense labourwaged!--was not brought to a termination, until the water was dischargedfrom the Alban lake by the admonition of the gods. What, in the name ofheaven, regarding this recent calamity of our city? did it arise, untilthe voice sent from heaven concerning the approach of the Gauls wastreated with slight? until the law of nations was violated by ourambassadors, and until such violation was passed over by us with thesame indifference towards the gods, when it should have been punished byus? Accordingly vanquished, made captives and ransomed, we have sufferedsuch punishments at the hands of gods and men, as that we are now awarning to the whole world. Afterwards our misfortunes reminded us ofour religious duties. We fled for refuge to the gods, to the seat ofJupiter supremely good and great; amid the ruin of all our effects oursacred utensils we partly concealed in the earth; part of them wecarried away to the neighbouring cities and removed from the eyes of theenemy. Though deserted by gods and men, still we intermitted not theworship of the gods. Accordingly they have restored to us our country, and victory, our ancient renown in war which had been lost, and on ourenemies, who, blinded by avarice, have violated the faith of a treatywith respect to the weight of gold, they have turned dismay, and flight, and slaughter. 

52. "When you behold such striking instances of the effects of honouringor neglecting the deity, do you perceive what an act of impiety we areabout to perpetrate, scarcely emerging from the wreck of our formermisconduct and calamity? We possess a city founded under auspices andauguries; not a spot is there in it that is not full of religious ritesand of the gods: the days for the anniversary sacrifices are not moredefinitely stated, than are the places in which they are to beperformed. All these gods, both public and private, do ye, Romans, pretend to forsake. What similarity does your conduct bear [to that]which lately during the siege was beheld with no less admiration by theenemy than by yourselves in that excellent Caius Fabius, when hedescended from the citadel amid the Gallic weapons, and performed on theQuirinal hill the solemn rites of the Fabian family? Is it your wishthat the family religious rites should not be intermitted even duringwar, but that the public rites and the Roman gods should be desertedeven in time of peace, and that the pontiffs and flamens should be morenegligent of public religious ceremonies, than a private individual inthe anniversary rite of a particular family? Perhaps some one may say, that we will either perform these duties at Veii, or that we will sendour priests hither from thence in order to perform them; neither ofwhich can be done, without infringing on the established forms. For notto enumerate all the sacred rites severally and all the gods, whether inthe banquet of Jupiter can the lectisternium be performed in any otherplace, save in the Capitol? What shall I say of the eternal fire ofVesta, and of the statue, which, as the pledge of empire, is kept underthe safeguard of her temple? What, O Mars Gradivus, and you, fatherQuirinus, of your Ancilia? Is it right that these sacred things, coevalwith the city, some of them more ancient than the origin of the city, should be abandoned to profanation? And, observe the difference existingbetween us and our ancestors. They handed down to us certain sacredrites to be performed by us on the Alban and on the Lavinian mounts. Wasit in conformity with religion that these sacred rites were transferredto us to Rome from the cities of our enemies? shall we transfer themhence to Veii, an enemy's city, without impiety? Come, recollect howoften sacred rites are performed anew, because some ceremony of ourcountry had been omitted through negligence or accident. On a lateoccasion, what circumstance, after the prodigy of the Alban lake, proveda remedy to the state distressed by the Veientian war, but therepetition of the sacred rites and the renewal of the auspices? Butfurther, as if duly mindful of ancient religious usages, we have bothtransferred foreign deities to Rome, and have established new ones. Veryrecently, imperial Juno was transferred from Veii, and had herdedication performed on a day how distinguished for the extraordinaryzeal of the matrons, and with what a full attendance! We have directed atemple to be erected to Aius Locutius, in consequence of the heavenlyvoice heard in the New Street. To our other solemnities we have addedthe Capitoline games, and, by direction of the senate, we have founded anew college for that purpose. Which of these things need we have done, if we were to leave the Roman city together with the Gauls? if it wasnot voluntarily we remained in the Capitol for so many months of siege;if we were retained by the enemy through motives of fear? We arespeaking of the sacred rites and of the temples; what, pray, of thepriests? Does it not occur to you, what a degree of profaneness would becommitted in respect of them. The Vestals, forsooth, have but that onesettlement, from which nothing ever disturbed them, except the captureof the city. It is an act of impiety for the flamen Dialis to remain fora single night without the city. Do ye mean to make them Veientianinstead of Roman priests? And shall the virgins forsake thee, O Vesta?And shall the flamen by living abroad draw on himself and on his countrysuch a weight of guilt every night? What of the other things, all ofwhich we transact under auspices within the Pomærium, to what oblivion, to what neglect do we consign them? The assemblies of the Curias, whichcomprise military affairs; the assemblies of the Centuries, at which youelect consuls and military tribunes, when can they be held underauspices, unless where they are wont [to be held]? Shall we transferthem to Veii? or whether for the purpose of holding their electionsshall the people assemble at so great inconvenience into a city desertedby gods and men?

53. "But the case itself forces us to leave a city desolated by fire andruin, and remove to Veii, where all things are entire, and not todistress the needy commons by building here. But that this is only heldout as a pretext, rather than that it is the real motive, I think isevident to you, though I should say nothing on the subject; for youremember that before the arrival of the Gauls, when the buildings, bothpublic and private, were still unhurt, and the city still stood insafety, this same question was agitated, that we should remove to Veii. Observe then, tribunes, what a difference there is between my way ofthinking and yours. Ye think that though it may not have been advisableto do it then, still that now it ought certainly to be done; I, on thecontrary, (and be not surprised until you shall have heard the state ofthe case, ) admitting it were advisable to remove when the entire citywas safe, would not vote for relinquishing these ruins now. For thenvictory would be the cause of our removing into a captured city, onethat would be glorious to ourselves and our posterity; whilst now thissame removal would be wretched and disgraceful to us, and glorious tothe Gauls. For we shall appear not to have left our country asconquerors, but to have lost it from having been vanquished; the flightat Allia, the capture of the city, the blockading of the Capitol, [willseem] to have imposed this necessity on us of forsaking our householdgods, of having recourse to exile and flight from that place which wewere unable to defend. And have the Gauls been able to demolish Rome, which the Romans shall be deemed to have been unable to restore? Whatremains, but that if they should now come with new forces, (for it isevident that their number is scarcely credible, ) and should they feeldisposed to dwell in this city, captured by them, and deserted by you, would you suffer them? What, if not the Gauls, but your old enemies, theÆquans and Volscians, should form the design of removing to Rome; wouldyou be willing that they should become Romans, you Veientians? Would yeprefer that this should be a desert in your possession, or a city of theenemy? For my part I can see nothing more impious. Is it because ye areaverse to building, ye are prepared to incur this guilt, this disgrace?Even though no better, no more ample structure could be erectedthroughout the entire city than that cottage of our founder, is it notbetter to dwell in cottages, like shepherds and rustics, amid yoursacred places and your household gods, than to go publicly into exile?Our forefathers, strangers and shepherds, when there was nothing inthese places but woods and marshes, erected a new city in a very shorttime; do we, with a Capitol and citadel safe, and the temples of thegods still standing, feel it irksome to build up what has been burnt?and what we individually would have done, if our private residence hadbeen burned down, shall we as a body refuse to do in the case of apublic conflagration?

54. "What, if by some evil design of accident a fire should break out atVeii, and the flames spread by the wind, as may happen, should consume aconsiderable portion of the city; are we then to seek Fidenæ, or Gabii, or any other city to remove to? Has our native soil so slight a hold onus, or this earth which we call mother; or does our love of country liemerely in the surface and in the timber of the houses? For my part, Iwill acknowledge to you, whilst I was absent, though I am less disposedto remember this as the effect of your injustice than of my ownmisfortune, as often as my country came into my mind, all thesecircumstances occurred to me, the hills, the plains, the Tiber, the faceof the country familiar to my eyes, and this sky, beneath which I hadbeen born and educated; may these now induce you, by their endearinghold on you, to remain in your present settlement, rather than theyshould cause you to pine away through regret, after having left them. Not without good reason did gods and men select this place for foundinga city: these most healthful hills; a commodious river, by means ofwhich the produce of the soil may be conveyed from the inland countries, by which maritime supplies may be obtained; close enough to the sea forall purposes of convenience, and not exposed by too much proximity tothe dangers of foreign fleets; a situation in the centre of the regionsof Italy, singularly adapted by nature for the increase of a city. Thevery size of so new a city is a proof. Romans, the present year is thethree hundred and sixty-fifth year of the city; for so long a time areyou waging war amid nations of such long standing; yet not to mentionsingle cities, neither the Volscians combined with the Æquans, so manyand such strong towns, nor all Etruria, so potent by land and sea, occupying the breadth of Italy between the two seas, can cope with youin war. And as the case is so, where, in the name of goodness, is thewisdom in you who have tried [this situation] to make trial now of someother, when, though your own valour may be removed elsewhere, thefortune of this place certainly cannot be transferred? Here is theCapitol, where, a human head being found, it was foretold that in thatplace would be the head of the world, and the chief seat of empire. Here, when the Capitol was to be freed by the rites of augury, Juventasand Terminus, to the very great joy of our fathers, suffered notthemselves to be moved. Here is the fire of Vesta, here the Ancilia sentdown from heaven, here are all the gods propitious to you if you stay. "

55. Camillus is said to have moved them as well by other parts of hisspeech, but chiefly by that which related to religious matters. But anexpression seasonably uttered determined the matter whilst stillundecided; for when a meeting of the senate, a little after this, wasbeing held in the Curia Hostilia regarding these questions, and sometroops returning from relieving guard passed through the forum in theirmarch, a centurion in the comitium cried out, "Standard-bearer, fix yourstandard! it is best for us to remain here. " Which expression beingheard, both the senate came out from the senate-house, and all cried outthat "they embraced the omen, " and the commons, who were collectedaround, joined their approbation. The law [under discussion] beingrejected, the building of the city commenced in several parts at once. Tiles were supplied at the public expense. The privilege of hewing stoneand felling timber wherever each person wished was granted, securitybeing taken that they would finish the buildings on that year. Theirhaste took away all attention to the regulating the course of thestreets, whilst, setting aside all distinction of property, they buildon any part that was vacant. That is the reason why the ancient sewers, at first conducted through the public streets, now in many places passunder private houses, and why the form of the city appears more like onetaken up by individuals, than regularly portioned out [bycommissioners]. 

BOOK VI. 

 _Successful operations against the Volscians, and Æquans, and Prænestines. Four tribes were added. Marcus Manlius, who had defended the Capitol from the Gauls, being condemned for aspiring to regal power, is thrown from the Tarpeian rock; in commemoration of which circumstance a decree of the senate was passed, that none of the Manlian family should henceforward bear the cognomen of Marcus. Caius Licinius and Lucius Sextius, tribunes of the people, proposed a law that consuls might be chosen from among the commons; and after a violent contest, succeeded in passing that law, notwithstanding the opposition of the patricians, the same tribunes of the commons being for five years the only magistrates in the state; and Lucius Sextius was the first consul elected from the commons. _

1. The transactions of the Romans, from the building of the city of Rometo the capture of the same city, first under kings, then under consuls, and dictators, and decemvirs, and consular tribunes, their wars abroad, their dissensions at home, I have exhibited in five books: mattersobscure, as well by reason of their very great antiquity, like objectswhich from their great distance are scarcely perceptible, as alsobecause in those times the use of letters, the only faithful guardian ofthe memory of events, was inconsiderable and rare: and, moreover, whatever was contained in the commentaries of the pontiffs, and otherpublic and private records, were lost for the most part in the burningof the city. Henceforwards, from the second origin of the city, whichsprung up again more healthfully and vigorously, as if from its root, its achievements at home and abroad, shall be narrated with moreclearness and authenticity. But it now stood erect, leaning chiefly onthe same support, Marcus Furius, by which it had been first raised; nordid they suffer him to lay down the dictatorship until the end of theyear. It was not agreeable to them, that the tribunes during whose timeof office the city had been taken, should preside at the elections forthe following year: the administration came to an interregnum. Whilstthe state was kept occupied in the employment and constant labour ofrepairing the city, in the mean time a day of trial was named by CaiusMarcius, tribune of the people, for Quintus Fabius, as soon as he wentout of office, because whilst an ambassador he had, contrary to the lawof nations, appeared in arms against the Gauls, to whom he had been sentas a negotiator; from which trial death removed him so opportunely thatmost people thought it voluntary. The interregnum commenced. PubliusCornelius Scipio was interrex, and after him Marcus Furius Camillus. Henominates as military tribunes with consular power, Lucius ValeriusPublicola a second time, Lucius Virginius, Publius Cornelius, AulusManlius, Lucius Æmilius, Lucius Postumius. These having entered on theiroffice immediately after the interregnum, consulted the senate on noother business previous to that which related to religion. In the firstplace they ordered that the treaties and laws which could be found, should be collected; (these consisted of the twelve tables, and somelaws made under the kings. ) Some of them were publicly promulgated; butsuch as appertained to religious matters were kept secret chiefly by thepontiffs, that they might hold the minds of the people fettered by them. Then they began to turn their attention to the subject of desecrateddays; and the day before the fifteenth day of the calends of August, remarkable for a double disaster, (as being the day on which the Fabiiwere slain at Cremera, and afterwards the disgraceful battle attendedwith the ruin of the city had been fought at Allia, ) they called theAllian day from the latter disaster, and they rendered it remarkable fortransacting no business whether public or private. Some persons think, that because Sulpicius, the military tribune, had not duly offeredsacrifice on the day after the ides of July, and because, without havingobtained the favour of the gods, the Roman army had been exposed to theenemy on the third day after, an order was also made to abstain from allreligious undertakings on the day following the ides: thence the samereligious observance was derived with respect to the days following thecalends and the nones. 

2. But it was not long allowed them to consult in quiet regarding themeans of raising the city, after so grievous a fall. On the one sidetheir old enemies, the Volscians, had taken arms, to extinguish theRoman name: on the other, some traders brought [intelligence] that aconspiracy of the leading men of Etruria from all the states had beenformed at the temple of Voltumna. A new cause of terror also had beenadded by the defection of the Latins and Hernicians, who, since thebattle fought at the lake Regillus, had remained in friendship with theRoman people with fidelity not to be questioned. Accordingly, when suchgreat alarms surrounded them on every side, and it became apparent toall that the Roman name laboured not only under hatred with theirenemies, but under contempt also with their allies; it was resolved thatthe state should be defended under the same auspices, as those underwhich it had been recovered, and that Marcus Furius should be nominateddictator. He, when dictator, nominated Caius Servilius Ahala master ofthe horse; and a suspension of all public business being proclaimed, heheld a levy of the juniors, in such a manner as to divide them intocenturies after they had sworn allegiance to him. The army, when raisedand equipped with arms, he divided into three parts. One part he opposedto Etruria in the Veientian territory; another he ordered to pitch theircamp before the city. A military tribune, Aulus Manlius, commanded thelatter; those who were sent against the Etrurians, Lucius Æmiliuscommanded. The third part he led in person against the Volscians; andnot far from Lanuvium, (the place is called ad Mæcium, ) he set aboutstorming their camp. Into these, who set out to the war from motives ofcontempt, because they thought that all the Roman youth were cut off bythe Gauls, the fact of having heard that Camillus was appointed to thecommand struck such terror, that they fenced themselves with a rampart, and the rampart itself with trees piled up together, lest the enemymight by any means reach to the works. When Camillus observed this, heordered fire to be thrown into the fence opposed to him; and it sohappened that a very strong wind was turned towards the enemy. Hetherefore not only opened a passage by the fire, but the flames beingdirected against the camp, by the vapour also and the smoke, and by thecrackling of the green timber as it burned, he so confounded the enemythat the Romans had less difficulty in passing the rampart into thecamp of the Volscians, than they had experienced in climbing over thefence which had been consumed by the fire. The enemy being routed andcut down, after the dictator had taken the camp by assault, he gave upthe booty to the soldiers, which was so much the more agreeable, as itwas less expected, the commander being by no means profusely generous. Then having pursued them in their flight, after he had depopulated theentire Volscian land, he at length in the seventieth year forced theVolscians to a surrender. After his victory he passed from the Volsciansto the Æquans, who were also preparing for hostilities: he surprisedtheir army at Bolæ, and having attacked not only their camp, but theircity also, he took them at the first onset. 

3. When such fortune manifested itself on that side where Camillus, thelife and soul of the Roman interest, was, a great alarm had fallen onanother quarter. For almost all Etruria, taking up arms, were besiegingSutrium, allies of the Roman people, whose ambassadors having applied tothe senate, imploring aid in their distress, obtained a decree, that thedictator should at the earliest opportunity bear aid to the Sutrians. And when the circumstances of the besieged would not suffer them tobrook the delay of this hope, and the small number of the townsmen werespent with labour, watching, and wounds, all which fell heavily on thesame individuals, and when, the city being delivered up to the enemy bya capitulation, they were leaving their habitations in a miserabletrain, being discharged without their arms with only a single garment;at that juncture Camillus happened to come up at the head of the Romanarmy. And when the mournful crowd prostrated themselves at his feet, andthe address of the leading men, wrung from them by extreme necessity, was followed by the weeping of women and boys, who were dragged along bythe companions of their exile, he bade the Sutrians to give over theirlamentations: that he brought with him grief and tears to the Etrurians. He then orders the baggage to be deposited, and the Sutrians to remainthere with a small guard left with them, and the soldiers to follow himin arms. Having thus proceeded to Sutrium with his army disencumbered, he found, as he expected, every thing in disorder, as usually happens insuccess; no advanced guard before the walls, the gates lying open, andthe conquerors dispersed, carrying out the booty from the houses of theenemy. Sutrium is therefore taken a second time on the same day; theEtrurians, lately victorious, are cut down in every quarter by their newenemy, nor is time afforded them to collect and form one body, or evento take up arms. When each pushed eagerly towards the gates, to try ifby any chance they could throw themselves into the fields, they foundthe gates shut; for the dictator had given those orders in the firstinstance. Upon this some took up arms, others, who happened to be armedbefore the tumult came on them, called their friends together in orderto make battle; which would have been kindled by the despair of theenemy, had not criers, sent in every direction through the city, issuedorders that their arms should be laid down, that the unarmed should bespared, and that no one should be injured except those who were armed. Then even those whose minds had been, in their last hope, obstinatelybent on fighting, when hopes of life were offered, threw down their armsin every direction, and surrendered themselves unarmed to the enemy, which fortune had rendered the safer method. Their number beingconsiderable, they were distributed among several guards; the town wasbefore night restored to the Sutrians uninjured and free from all thecalamities of war, because it had not been taken by force but deliveredup on terms. 

4. Camillus returned to the city in triumph, being victorious in threewars at the same time. By far the greatest number of the prisoners whomhe led before his chariot were from among the Etrurians. And these beingsold by auction, such a sum of money was raised, that after paying thematrons the price of their gold, out of that which was over and above, three golden bowls were made; which, inscribed with the name ofCamillus, it is certain, lay, before the burning of the Capitol, in therecess of Jupiter's temple at the feet of Juno. On that year such of theVeientians, Capenatians, and Faliscians as had come over to the Romansduring the wars with those nations, were admitted into the state, andland was assigned to these new citizens. Those also were recalled by adecree of the senate from Veii, who, from a dislike to building at Rome, had betaken themselves to Veii, and had seized on the vacant housesthere. And at first there was a murmuring on their part disregarding theorder; then a day having been appointed, and capital punishment[denounced against any one] who did not return to Rome, from beingrefractory as they were collectively, rendered them when taken singlyobedient, each through fear for himself. And Rome both now increased innumbers, and rose throughout its entire extent by its buildings, thestate assisting in the expenses, and the ædiles urging on the work as ifpublic, and private persons (for the want felt of accommodationstimulated them) hastening to complete the work; and within a year a newcity was erected. At the termination of the year an election was held ofmilitary tribunes with consular power. Those elected were, TitusQuinctius Cincinnatus, Quintus Servilius Fidenas a fifth time, LuciusJulius Iulus, Lucius Aquillius Corvus, Lucius Lucretius Tricipitinus, Servius Sulpicius Rufus. They led one army against the Æquans, not towar, (for they owned themselves conquered, ) but from motives ofanimosity, to lay waste their territories, lest they should leave themany strength for new designs; the other into the territory of Tarquinii. Here Cortuosa and Contenebra, towns belonging to the Etrurians, weretaken by storm and demolished. At Cortuosa there was no contest; havingattacked it by surprise, they took it at the first shout and onset; thetown was plundered and burned. Contenebra sustained a siege for a fewdays; and it was continual labour, abated neither by night nor by day, that reduced them. When the Roman army, having been divided into sixparts, each [division] relieved the other in the battle one hour in sixin rotation, and the paucity of numbers exposed the same individualtownsmen, wearied as they were, to a contest ever new, they at lengthyielded, and an opportunity was afforded to the Romans of entering thecity. It was the wish of the tribunes that the spoil should be madepublic property; but the order [that such should be so] was too late fortheir determination. Whilst they hesitate, the spoil already became theproperty of the soldiers; nor could it be taken from them, except bymeans calculated to excite dissatisfaction. On the same year, that thecity should not increase by private buildings only, the lower parts ofthe Capitol also were built of hewn stone; a work deserving ofadmiration even amid the present magnificence of the city. 

5. Now, whilst the state was busily occupied in building, the tribunesof the commons endeavoured to draw crowds to their harangues by[proposing] the agrarian laws. The Pomptine territory was then, for thefirst time since the power of the Volscians had been reduced byCamillus, held out to them as their indisputable right. They alleged itas a charge, that "that district was much more harassed on the part ofthe nobility than it had been on that of the Volscians, for thatincursions were made by the one party on it, only as long as they hadstrength and arms; that persons belonging to the nobility encroached onthe possession of land that was public, nor would there be any room init for the commons, unless a division were now made, before they seizedon all. " They made not much impression on the commons, who through theiranxiety for building attended the forum only in small numbers, and weredrained by their expenses on the same object, and were thereforecareless about land for the improvement of which means were wanting. Thestate being full of religious impressions, and then even the leading menhaving become superstitious by reason of their recent misfortunes, inorder that the auspices might be taken anew, the government had oncemore recourse to an interregnum. The successive interreges were, MarcusManlius Capitolinus, Servius Sulpicius Camerinus, and Lucius ValeriusPotitus. The last at length held an election of military tribunes withconsular power. He nominates Lucius Papirius, Caius Cornelius, CaiusSergius, Lucius Æmilius a second time, Lucius Menenius, and LuciusValerius Publicola a third time. These entered on their office after theinterregnum. This year the temple of Mars, vowed in the Gallic war, wasdedicated by Titus Quinctius, duumvir for performing religious rites. Four tribes were added from the new citizens, the Stellatine, theTormentine, the Sabatine, and the Arnian, and they made up the number oftwenty-five tribes. 

6. Regarding the Pomptine land the matter was pressed by LuciusSicinius, plebeian tribune, on the people, who now attended in greaternumbers, and more readily aroused to the desire of land than they hadbeen. And mention having been introduced in the senate regarding waragainst the Latins and Hernicians, the matter was deferred inconsequence of their attending to a more important war, because Etruriawas up in arms. Matters reverted to their electing Camillus militarytribune with consular power. Five colleagues were added, ServiusCornelius Maluginensis, Quintus Servilius Fidenas a sixth time, LuciusQuinctius Cincinnatus, Lucius Horatius Pulvillus, and Publius Valerius. At the commencement of the year the attention of the people was drawnaway from the Etrurian war, because a body of fugitives from thePomptine district, suddenly entering the city, brought word that theAntians were up in arms; and that the states of the Latins privatelysent their youth to that war, denying that there was any public concertin it, they alleging that volunteers were only not prevented fromserving in whatever quarter they pleased. They had now ceased to despiseany wars. Accordingly the senate returned thanks to the gods, becauseCamillus was in office; for (they knew) that it would have beennecessary to nominate him dictator, if he were in a private station. Andhis colleagues agreed that when any terror with respect to warthreatened, the supreme direction of every thing should be vested in oneman, and that they had determined to consign their authority into thehands of Camillus; and that they did not consider, that any concessionthey should make to the dignity of that man, derogated in any way fromtheir own. The tribunes having been highly commended by the senate, Camillus himself also, covered with confusion, returned thanks. He thensaid that "a heavy burden was laid on him by the Roman people, by theirhaving now nominated him dictator for the fourth time; a great one bythe senate, by reason of such flattering judgments of that houseconcerning him; the greatest of all, however, by the condescension ofsuch distinguished colleagues. Where if any addition could be made tohis diligence and vigilance, that, vying with himself, he would striveto render the opinion of the state, [expressed] with such unanimityregarding him, as permanent as it was most honourable. " In reference tothe war and to the people of Antium, that there was more of threatsthere than of danger; that he, however, would advise that, as theyshould fear nothing, so should they despise nothing. That the city ofRome was beset by the ill-will and hatred of its neighbours: thereforethat the commonwealth should be maintained by a plurality, both ofgenerals and of armies. "It is my wish, " said he, "that you, PubliusValerius, as my associate in command and counsel, should lead the troopswith me against the enemy at Antium; that you, Quintus Servilius, afterraising and equipping another army, shall encamp in the city, ready toact, whether Etruria, as lately, or these new causes of anxiety, theLatins and Hernicians, should bestir themselves. I deem it as certainthat you will conduct matters, as is worthy of your father andgrandfather, and of yourself and six tribuneships. Let a third army beraised by Lucius Quinctius, out of those excused from service and theseniors, [those past the military age, ] who may protect the city and thewalls. Let Lucius Horatius provide arms, weapons, corn, and whatever theother exigencies of the war shall demand. You, Servius Cornelius, weyour colleagues appoint the president of this council of the state, theguardian of religion, of the assemblies, of the laws, and of all matterspertaining to the city. " All cheerfully promising their utmostendeavours in the discharge of their apportioned offices, Valerius, chosen as his associate in command, added, "that Marcus Furius should beconsidered by him as dictator, and that he would act as master of thehorse to him. Wherefore, that they should entertain hopes regarding thewar, proportioned to the opinion they formed of their sole commander. "The senate, elated with joy, cry out, that "they entertained good hopes, both regarding war, and peace, and the republic in general; and that therepublic would never have need of a dictator, if it were to have suchmen in office, united together in such harmony of sentiments, preparedalike to obey and to command, and who were laying up praise as commonstock, rather than taking it from the common fund to themselvesindividually. "

7. A suspension of civil business being proclaimed, and a levy beingheld, Furius and Valerius set out to Satricum; to which place theAntians had drawn together not only the youth of the Volscians, selectedout of the new generation, but immense numbers of the Latins andHernicians, out of states which by a long [enjoyment of] peace were inthe most unimpaired condition. The new enemy then added to the old shookthe spirits of the Roman soldiers. When the centurions reported this toCamillus, whilst forming his line of battle, that "the minds of thesoldiers were disturbed, that arms were taken up by them withbackwardness, and that they left the camp with hesitation andreluctance; nay, that some expressions were heard, that they should eachhave to fight with one hundred enemies, and that such numbers, even ifunarmed, much less when furnished with arms, could with difficulty bewithstood, " he leaped on his horse, and in front of the troops, turningto the line, and riding between the ranks, "What dejection of mind isthis, soldiers, what backwardness? Is it with the enemy, or me, oryourselves you are unacquainted? What else are the enemy, but theconstant subject of your bravery and your glory? on the other hand, withme as your general, to say nothing of the taking of Falerii and Veii, you have lately celebrated a triple triumph for a three-fold victoryover these self-same Volscians and Æquans, and Etruria. Do you notrecognise me as your general, because I gave you the signal, not asdictator, but as tribune? I neither feel the want of the highestauthority over you, and you should look to nothing in me but myself; forthe dictatorship neither added to my courage, any more than exile tookit from me. We are all therefore the same individuals; and as we bringto this war the same requisites as we brought to former wars, let uslook for the same result of the war. As soon as you commence the fight, each will do that which he has learned and been accustomed to do. Youwill conquer, they will run. "

8. Then having given the signal, he leaps from his horse, and seizingthe standard-bearer who was next him by the hand, he hurries him on withhim against the enemy, calling aloud, "Soldiers, advance the standard. "And when they saw Camillus himself, now disabled through age for bodilyexertion, advancing against the enemy, they all rush forwards together, having raised a shout, each eagerly crying out, "Follow the general. "They say further that the standard was thrown into the enemy's line byorder of Camillus, and that the van was then exerted to recover it. Thatthere first the Antians were forced to give way, and that the panicspread not only to the first line, but to the reserve troops also. Norwas it merely the ardour of the soldiers animated by the presence oftheir general that made this impression, but because nothing was moreterrible to the minds of the Volscians, than the sight of Camillus whichhappened to present itself. Thus, in whatever direction he went, hecarried certain victory with him. This was particularly evident, when, hastily mounting his horse, he rode with a footman's shield to the leftwing, which was almost giving way, by the fact of showing himself herestored the battle, pointing out the rest of the line gaining thevictory. Now the result was decided, but the flight of the enemy wasimpeded by their great numbers, and the wearied soldiers would have hadtedious work in putting so great a number to the sword, when rainsuddenly falling with a violent storm, put an end to the pursuit of thevictory which was now decided, rather than to the battle. Then thesignal for retreat being given, the fall of night put an end to the war, without further trouble to the Romans. For the Latins and Hernicians, having abandoned the Volscians, marched to their homes, having attainedresults corresponding to their wicked measures. The Volscians, when theysaw themselves deserted by those through reliance on whom they hadresumed hostilities, abandoned their camp, and shut themselves up withinthe walls of Satricum. Camillus at first prepared to surround them bylines of circumvallation, and to prosecute the siege by a mound andother works. But seeing that this was obstructed by no sally from thetown, and considering that the enemy possessed too little spirit for himto wait in tedious expectation of victory under the circumstances, afterexhorting his soldiers not to waste themselves by tedious labours, as[they had done] when besieging Veii, that the victory was in theirhands, he attacked the walls on every side, amid the great alacrity ofthe soldiers, and took the town by scalade. The Volscians, having throwndown their arms, surrendered themselves. 

9. But the general's thoughts were fixed on a higher object, on Antium:[he knew] that that was the great aim of the Volscians, and main sourceof the late war. But because so strong a city could not be taken withoutgreat preparations, engines and machines, leaving his colleague with thearmy, he set out for Rome, in order to advise the senate to have Antiumdestroyed. In the middle of his discourse, (I suppose that it was thewish of the gods that the state of Antium should last a longer time, )ambassadors came from Nepete and Sutrium, soliciting aid against theEtrurians, urging that the time for giving them aid would soon pass by. Thither did fortune avert the force of Camillus from Antium; for asthose places were situate opposite Etruria, and were barriers or gatesas it were on that side, both they had a wish to get possession of them, whenever they meditated any new enterprise, and the Romans to recoverand secure them. Wherefore the senate resolved to treat with Camillus, that he would relinquish Antium and undertake the Etrurian war. The citytroops, which Quinctius had commanded, are decreed to him. Though hewould have preferred the army which was in the Volscian territory, asbeing tried and accustomed to him, he made no objection: he onlydemanded Valerius as his associate in command. Quinctius and Horatiuswere sent against the Volscians, as successors to Valerius. Furius andValerius, having set out from the city to Sutrium, found one part of thetown already taken by the Etrurians, and on the other part, theapproaches to which were barricaded, the townsmen with difficultyrepelling the assault of the enemy. Both the approach of aid from Rome, as also the name of Camillus, universally respected both with the enemyand the allies, sustained their tottering state for the present, andafforded time for bringing them relief. Accordingly Camillus, havingdivided his army, orders his colleague to lead round his troops to thatside which the enemy already possessed, and to assault the walls; not somuch from any hope that the city could be taken by scalade, as that, byturning away the enemy's attention to that quarter, both the townsmenwho were wearied with fighting might have some relaxation of their toil, and that he himself might have an opportunity of entering the citywithout a contest. This having been done on both sides, and the doubleterror now surrounding the Etrurians, when they saw that the walls wereassailed with the utmost fury, and that the enemy were within the walls, they threw themselves out in consternation, in one body, by a gate whichalone happened not to be guarded. Great slaughter was made on them asthey fled, both in the city and through the fields. The greater numberwere slain within the walls by Furius' soldiers: those of Valerius weremore alert for the pursuit; nor did they put an end to the slaughteruntil night, which prevented them from seeing. Sutrium being recoveredand restored to the allies, the army was led to Nepete, which havingbeen received by capitulation, was now entirely in the possession of theEtrurians. 

10. It appeared probable, that there would be more of labour inrecovering the city, not only for this reason, because it was all inpossession of the enemy, but also because the surrender had been made inconsequence of a party of the Nepesinians having betrayed the state. Itwas determined, however, that a message should be sent to their leadingmen, to separate themselves from the Etrurians, and that they themselvesshould evince that strict fidelity, which they had implored from theRomans. Whence as soon as an answer was brought that there was nothingin their power, that the Etrurians occupied the walls and the guards ofthe gates, first, terror was struck into the townsmen by laying wastetheir land; then, when the faith of the capitulation was morereligiously observed than that of the alliance, the army was led up tothe walls with fascines of bushes collected from the fields, and theditches being filled, the scaling ladders were raised, and the town wastaken at the first shout and attack. Proclamation was then made to theNepesinians, that they should lay down their arms, and orders were giventhat the unarmed should be spared. The Etrurians, armed and unarmed, were put to the sword without distinction: of the Nepesinians also theauthors of the surrender were beheaded. To the unoffending multitudetheir property was restored, and the town was left with a garrison. Thushaving recovered two allied cities from the enemy, the tribunes marchedback their victorious army to Rome. During the same year restitution wasdemanded from the Latins and Hernicians, and the cause was asked whythey had not during some years supplied soldiers according tostipulation. An answer was given in a full assembly of both nations, "that neither the blame was public, nor was there any design in thecircumstance of some of their youth having served among the Volscians. That these individuals, however, suffered the penalty of their improperconduct, and that none of them had returned. But that the cause of theirnot supplying the soldiers had been their continual terror from theVolscians, which pest adhering to their side, had not been capable ofbeing destroyed by so many successive wars. " Which answer being reportedto the senate, they decided that there was wanting rather a seasonabletime for declaring war than sufficient grounds for it. 

11. In the following year, Aulus Manlius, Publius Cornelius, Titus andLucius Quintii Capitolini, Lucius Papirius Cursor a second time, CaiusSergius a second time, being military tribunes with consular power, agrievous war broke out abroad, a still more grievous disturbance athome; the war originated on the part of the Volscians, to which wasadded a revolt of the Latins and Hernicians; the sedition from one fromwhom it could be least of all apprehended, a man of patrician birth anddistinguished character, Marcus Manlius Capitolinus; who being tooaspiring in mind, whilst he despised the other leading men, envied one, who was peculiarly distinguished both by honours and by merit, MarcusFurius: he became indignant that he should be the only man among themagistrates; the only man at the head of the armies; that he nowattained such eminence that he treated not as colleagues but as meretools the persons elected under the same auspices; though, in the meantime, if any one would form a just estimate, his country could not havebeen recovered by Marcus Furius from the siege of the enemy, had not theCapitol and citadel been first preserved by him; and the other attackedthe Gauls, whilst their attention was distracted between receiving thegold and the hope of peace, when he himself drove them off when armedand taking the citadel; of the other's glory, a man's share appertainedto all the soldiers who conquered along with him; that in his victory noman living was a sharer. His mind puffed by these notions, and moreover, from a viciousness of disposition being vehement and headstrong, when heperceived that his influence among the patricians did not stand forth asprominent as he thought it should, he, the first of all the patricians, became a plebeian partisan, and formed plans in conjunction with theplebeian magistrates; and by criminating the fathers, and alluring thecommons to his side, he now came to be carried along by the tide ofpopular applause, not by prudence, and preferred to be of a great, rather than of a good character: and not content with agrarian laws, which had ever served the tribunes of the commons as material fordisturbances, he now began to undermine public credit; for [he wellknew] "that the incentives of debt were sharper, as not only threateningpoverty and ignominy, but intimidated personal liberty with stocks andchains. " And the amount of the debt was immense, contracted by building, a circumstance most destructive even to the rich. The Volscian wartherefore, heavy in itself, charged with additional weight by thedefection of the Latins and Hernicians, was held out as a colourablepretext, for having a higher authority resorted to. But it was ratherthe reforming plans that drove the senate to create a dictator. AulusCornelius Cossus having been elected dictator, nominated Titus QuinctiusCapitolinus his master of the horse. 

12. The dictator, though he perceived that a greater struggle wasreserved for him at home than abroad; still, either because there wasneed of despatch for the war, or supposing that by a victory and atriumph he should add to the powers of the dictatorship itself, held alevee and proceeds into the Pomptine territory, where he had heard thatthe Volscians had appointed their army to assemble. I doubt not butthat, in addition to satiety, to persons reading of so many wars wagedwith the Volscians, this same circumstance will suggest itself, whichoften served as an occasion of surprise to me when perusing the writerswho lived nearer to the times of these occurrences, from what source theVolscians and Æquans, so often vanquished, could have procured suppliesof soldiers. And as this has been unnoticed and passed over in silenceby ancient writers; on which matter what can I state, except mereopinion, which every one may from his own conjecture form for himself?It seems probable, either that they employed, as is now practised in theRoman levies, successive generations of their young men one after theother, during the intervals between the wars; or that the armies werenot always recruited out of the same states, though the same nation mayhave made war; or that there was an innumerable multitude of free-men inthose places, which, at the present day, Roman slaves save from being adesert, a scanty seminary of soldiers being scarcely left. Certain itis, (as is agreed upon among all authors, ) although their power was verymuch impaired under the guidance and auspices of Camillus, the forces ofthe Volscians were strong: besides, the Latins and Hernicians had beenadded, and some of the Circeians, and some Roman colonists also fromVelitræ. The dictator, having pitched his camp on that day, and oncoming forth on the day following after taking the auspices, and having, by sacrificing a victim, implored the favour of the gods, with joyfulcountenance presented himself to the soldiers, who were now taking armsat day-break, according to orders, on the signal for battle beingdisplayed. "Soldiers, " says he, "the victory is ours, if the gods andtheir prophets see aught into futurity. Accordingly, as it becomes menfull of well-grounded hope, and who are about to engage with theirinferiors, let us place our spears at our feet, and arm our right handsonly with our swords. I would not even wish that any should push forwardbeyond the line; but that, standing firm, you receive the enemy's chargein a steady posture. When they shall have discharged their ineffectivemissives, and, breaking their ranks, they shall rush on you as you standfirm, then let your swords glitter, and let each man recollect, thatthere are gods who aid the Roman; those gods, who have sent us intobattle with favourable omens. Do you, Titus Quinctius, keep back thecavalry, attentively observing the very commencement of the contest; assoon as you observe the armies closed foot to foot, then, whilst theyare taken up with another panic, strike terror into them with yourcavalry, and by making a charge on them, disperse the ranks of thoseengaged in the fight. " The cavalry, the infantry conduct the fight, justas he had ordered them. Nor did either the general disappoint thelegions, nor fortune the general. 

13. The army of the enemy, relying on nothing but on their number, andmeasuring both armies merely by the eye, entered on the battleinconsiderately, and inconsiderately gave it over: fierce only in theirshout and with their missive weapons, and at the first onset of thefight, they were unable to withstand the swords, and the closeengagement foot to foot, and the looks of the enemy, darting firethrough their ardour for the fight. Their front line was driven in, andconfusion spread to the reserve troops, and the cavalry occasioned alarmon their part: the ranks were then broken in many places, every thingwas set in motion, and the line seemed as it were fluctuating. Thenwhen, the foremost having fallen, each saw that death was about to reachhimself, they turn their backs. The Roman followed close on them; and aslong as they went off armed and in bodies, the labour in the pursuitfell to the infantry; when it was observed that their arms were thrownaway in every direction, and that the enemy's line was scattered inflight through the country; then squadrons of horse were sent out, intimation being given that they should not, by losing time with themassacre of individuals, afford an opportunity in the mean time to themultitude to escape: it would be sufficient that their speed should beretarded by missive weapons and by terror, and that the progress oftheir forces should be detained by skirmishing, until the infantryshould be able to overtake and despatch the enemy by regular slaughter. There was no end of the flight and slaughter before night; on the sameday the camp of the Volscians was taken also and pillaged, and all theplunder, save the persons of free condition, was given up to thesoldiers. The greatest part of the prisoners consisted of Latins andHernicians, and these not men of plebeian rank, so that it could besupposed that they had served for hire, but some young men of rank werefound among them: an evident proof that the Volscian enemies had beenaided by public authority. Some of the Circeians also were recognised, and colonists from Velitræ; and being all sent to Rome, on beinginterrogated by the leading senators, plainly revealed the samecircumstances as they had done to the dictator, the defection each ofhis respective state. 

14. The dictator kept his army in the standing camp, not at all doubtingthat the senate would order war with these states; when a more momentousdifficulty having occurred at home, rendered it necessary that he shouldbe sent for to Rome, the sedition gaining strength every day, which thefomenter was now rendering more than ordinarily formidable. For now itwas easy to see from what motives proceeded not only the discourses ofManlius, but his actions also, apparently suggested by popular zeal, butat the same time tending to create disturbance. When he saw a centurion, illustrious for his military exploits, leading off to prison by reasonof a judgment for debt, he ran up with his attendants in the middle ofthe forum and laid hands on him; and exclaiming aloud against theinsolence of the patricians, the cruelty of the usurers, and thegrievances of the commons, and the deserts and misfortunes of the man. "Then indeed, " said he, "in vain have I preserved the Capitol andcitadel by this right hand, if I am to see my fellow-citizen andfellow-soldier, as if captured by the victorious Gauls, dragged intoslavery and chains. " He then paid the debt to the creditor openly beforethe people, and having purchased his freedom with the scales and brass, he sets the man at liberty, whilst the latter implored both gods andmen, that they would grant a recompence to Marcus Manlius, hisliberator, the parent of the Roman commons; and being immediatelyreceived into the tumultuous crowd, he himself also increased thetumult, displaying the scars received in the Veientian, Gallic, andother succeeding wars: "that he, whilst serving in the field, andrebuilding his dwelling which had been demolished, though he had paidoff the principal many times over, the interest always keeping down theprincipal, had been overwhelmed with interest: that through the kindinterference of Marcus Manlius, he now beheld the light, the forum, andthe faces of his fellow-citizens: that he received from him all the kindservices usually conferred by parents; that to him therefore he devotedwhatever remained of his person, of his life, and of his blood; whateverties subsisted between him and his country, public and private guardiandeities, were all centred in that one man. " When the commons, workedupon by these expressions, were now wholly in the interest of the oneindividual, another circumstance was added, emanating from a schemestill more effectually calculated to create general confusion. A farm inthe Veientian territory, the principal part of his estate, he subjectedto public sale: "that I may not, " says he, "suffer any of you, Romans, as long as any of my property shall remain, to be dragged off to prison, after judgment has been given against him, and he has been consigned toa creditor. " That circumstance, indeed, so inflamed their minds, thatthey seemed determined on following the assertor of their freedomthrough every thing, right and wrong. Besides this, speeches [were made]at his house, as if he were delivering an harangue, full of imputationsagainst the patricians; among which he threw out, waving all distinctionwhether he said what was true or false, that treasures of the Gallicgold were concealed by the patricians; that "they were now no longercontent with possessing the public lands, unless they appropriated thepublic money also; if that were made public, that the commons might befreed from their debt. " When this hope was presented to them, thenindeed it seemed a scandalous proceeding, that when gold was to becontributed to ransom the state from the Gauls, the collection was madeby a public tribute; that the same gold, when taken from the Gauls, hadbecome the plunder of a few. Accordingly they followed up the inquiry, where the furtive possession of so enormous a treasure could be kept;and when he deferred, and told them that he would inform them at theproper time, all other objects being given up, the attention of all wasdirected to this point; and it became evident that neither theirgratitude, if the information were true, nor their displeasure if itproved false, would know any bounds. 

15. Matters being in this state, the dictator, being summoned home fromthe army, came into the city. A meeting of the senate being held on thefollowing day, when, having sufficiently sounded the inclinations of thepeople, he forbade the senate to leave him, attended by that body, heplaced his throne in the comitium, and sent his sergeant to MarcusManlius; who on being summoned by the dictator's order, after he hadgiven intimation to his party that a contest was at hand, came to thetribunal, attended by a numerous party. On the one side stood thesenate, on the other the people as if in battle-array, attentivelyobserving, each party, their respective leader. Then silence being made, the dictator said, "I wish that I and the Roman patricians may agreewith the commons on all other matters, as I am confident we shall agreeon the business which regards you, and on that about which I am about tointerrogate you. I perceive that hopes have been raised by you in theminds of the citizens, that, with safety to the public credit, theirdebts may be paid off out of the Gallic treasures, which it is allegedthe leading patricians are secreting. To which proceeding so far am Ifrom being any obstruction, that on the contrary, Marcus Manlius, Iexhort you to free the Roman commons from the weight of interest; and totumble from their secreted spoil, those who lie now brooding on thosepublic treasures. If you refuse to do this, whether because you yourselfdesire to be a sharer in the spoil, or because the information isunfounded, I shall order you to be carried off to prison, nor will I anylonger suffer the multitude to be disquieted by you with delusivehopes. " To this Manlius replied, "That it had not escaped him, that itwas not against the Volscians, who were enemies as often as it suitedthe interests of the patricians, nor against the Latins and Hernicians, whom they were driving into hostilities by false charges, but againsthim and the Roman commons, that he was appointed dictator. Now the warbeing dropped, which was only feigned, that an attack was being madeagainst himself; that the dictator now professed to defend the usurersagainst the commons; that now a charge and destruction was sought forhim out of the favour of the multitude. Does the crowd that surrounds myperson offend you, " said he, "Aulus Cornelius, and you, conscriptfathers? Why then do you not draw it away from me, each of you by yourown acts of kindness? by becoming surety, by delivering yourfellow-citizens from the stocks, by preventing those cast in law-suits, and assigned over to their creditors, from being dragged away to prison, by sustaining the necessities of others out of your own superfluities?But why do I exhort you to expend out of your own property? Fix somecapital; deduct from the principal what has been paid in interest; soonwill my crowd not be a whit more remarkable than that of any otherperson. But [I may be asked] why do I alone thus interest myself inbehalf of my fellow-citizens? I have no other answer to give, than ifyou were to ask me, why in the same way did I alone preserve the Capitoland the citadel. Both then I afforded the aid which I could to allcollectively, and now I will afford it to each individually. Now withrespect to the Gallic treasures, the mode of interrogation rendersdifficult a matter which in itself is easy. For why do you ask thatwhich you know? why do you order that which is in your own laps to beshaken out of them rather than resign it, unless some fraud lurksbeneath? The more you require your own impositions to be examined into, the more do I dread lest you should blind the eyes of those narrowlywatching you. Wherefore, it is not I that am to be compelled to discoveryour hoard, but you must be forced to produce it to the public. "

16. When the dictator ordered him to lay aside evasion, and urged him toprove the truth of his information, or to own the guilt of havingadvanced a false accusation against the senate, and of having exposedthem to the odium of a lying charge of concealment; when he refused tospeak, to meet the wishes of his enemies, he ordered him to be carriedoff to prison. When arrested by the sergeant, he said, "O Jupiter, supremely great and good, imperial Juno, and Minerva, and ye other godsand goddesses, who inhabit the Capitol and citadel, do ye suffer yoursoldier and defender to be thus harassed by his enemies? Shall thisright hand, by which I beat off the Gauls from your temples, be now inbonds and chains?" Neither the eyes nor ears of any one could wellendure the indignity [thus offered him], but the state, most patient oflegitimate authority, had rendered certain offices absolute tothemselves; nor did either the tribunes of the commons, nor the commonsthemselves, dare to raise their eyes or utter a sentence in oppositionto the dictatorial power. On Manlius being thrown into prison, itappears that a great part of the commons put on mourning, that a greatmany persons had let their hair and beard grow, and that a dejectedcrowd presented itself at the entrance of the prison. The dictatortriumphed over the Volscians; and that triumph was the occasion ratherof ill-will than of glory. For they murmured that "it had been acquiredat home, not abroad, and that it was celebrated over a citizen, not overan enemy; that only one thing was wanting to his arrogance, that Manliuswas not led before his car. " And now the affair fell little short ofsedition, for the purpose of appeasing which, the senate, without thesolicitation of any one, suddenly becoming bountiful of their ownfree-will, decreed that a colony of two thousand Roman citizens shouldbe conducted to Satricum; two acres and half of land were assigned toeach. And when they considered this, both as scanty in itself, conferredon a few, and as a bribe for betraying Marcus Manlius, the sedition wasirritated by the remedy. And now the crowd of Manlius' partisans wasbecome more remarkable, both by their squalid attire and by theappearance of persons under prosecutions, and terror being removed bythe resignation of the dictatorship, after the triumph had set both thetongues and thoughts of men at liberty. 

17. Expressions were therefore heard freely uttered of personsupbraiding the multitude, that "by their favour they always raised theirdefenders to a precipice, then at the very critical moment of dangerthey forsook them. That in this way Spurius Cassius, when inviting thecommons to a share in the lands, in this way Spurius Mælius, whenwarding off famine from the mouths of his fellow-citizens at his ownexpense, had been undone; thus Marcus Manlius was betrayed to hisenemies, whilst drawing forth to liberty and light one half of thestate, when sunk and overwhelmed with usury. That the commons fattenedtheir favourites that they might be slaughtered. Was this punishment tobe suffered, if a man of consular rank did not answer at the nod of adictator? Suppose that he had lied before, and that on that account hehad had no answer to make; what slave was ever imprisoned in punishmentof a lie? Did not the memory of that night present itself, which waswell nigh the last and an eternal one to the Roman name? nor any idea ofthe band of Gauls climbing up the Tarpeian rock? nor that of MarcusManlius himself, such as they had seen him in arms, covered with sweatand blood, after having in a manner rescued Jupiter himself from thehands of the enemy? Was a recompence made to the preserver of theircountry with their half pounds of corn? and would they suffer a person, whom they almost deified, whom they had set on a footing with Jupiter, at least with respect to the surname of Capitolinus, to drag out anexistence subject to the will of an executioner, chained in a prison andin darkness? Was there thus sufficient aid in one person for all; and norelief for one in so many?" The crowd did not disperse from that placeeven during the night, and they threatened that they would break openthe prison; when that being conceded which they were about to take byforce, Manlius was discharged from prison by a decree of the senate; bywhich proceeding the sedition was not terminated, but a leader wassupplied to the sedition. About the same time the Latins and Hernicians, as also the colonists of Circeii and Velitræ, when striving to clearthemselves of the charge [of being concerned] in the Volscian war, anddemanding back the prisoners, that they may punish them according totheir own laws, received a harsh answer; the colonists the severer, because being Roman citizens they had formed the abominable design ofattacking their own country. They were therefore not only refused withrespect to the prisoners, but notice was given them in the name of thesenate, who however forbore from such a proceeding in the case of theallies, instantly to depart from the city, from the presence and sightof the Roman people; lest the law of embassy, provided for theforeigner, not for the citizen, should afford them no protection. 

18. The sedition excited by Manlius reassuming its former violence, onthe expiration of the year the election was held, and military tribuneswith consular power were elected from among the patricians; they wereServius Cornelius Maluginensis a third time, Publius Valerius Potitus asecond time, Marcus Furius Camillus, Servius Sulpicius Rufus a secondtime, Caius Papirius Crassus, Titus Quinctius Cincinnatus a second time. At the commencement of which year peace with foreign countries affordedevery opportunity both to the patricians and plebeians: to theplebeians, because not being called away by any levy, they conceivedhopes of destroying usury, whilst they had so influential a leader; tothe patricians, because their minds were not called away by any externalterror from relieving the evils existing at home. Accordingly, as bothsides arose much more strenuous then ever, Manlius also was present forthe approaching contest. Having summoned the commons to his house, heholds consultations both by night and day with the leading men amongstthem with respect to effecting a revolution of affairs, being filledwith a much higher degree both of spirit and of resentment than he hadbeen before. The recent ignominy had lighted up resentment in a mindunused to affront; it gave him additional courage, that the dictator hadnot ventured to the same extent against him, as Quinctius Cincinnatushad done in the case of Spurius Mælius, and because the dictator had notonly endeavoured to avoid the unpopularity of his imprisonment byabdicating the dictatorship, but not even the senate could bear upagainst it. Elated by these considerations, and at the same timeexasperated, he set about inflaming the minds of the commons, alreadysufficiently heated of themselves: "How long, " says he, "will you beignorant of your own strength, which nature has not wished even thebrutes to be ignorant of? At least count how many you are, and how manyenemies you have. Even if each of you were to attack an individualantagonist, still I should suppose that you would strive more vigorouslyin defence of liberty, than they in defence of tyranny. For as many ofyou as have been clients around each single patron, in the same numberwill ye be against a single enemy. Only make a show of war; ye shallhave peace. Let them see you prepared for open force; they themselveswill relax their pretensions. Collectively you must attempt something, or individually submit to every thing. How long will you look to me? Ifor my part will not be wanting to any of you: do you see that myfortune fail not. I, your avenger, when my enemies thought well of it, was suddenly reduced to nothing; and you all in a body beheld thatperson thrown into chains, who had warded off chains from each one ofyou. What am I to hope, if my enemies attempt more against me? Am I toexpect the fate of Cassius and Mælius? You acted kindly in appearingshocked at it: the gods will avert it: but never will they come downfrom heaven on my account: they must inspire you with a determination toavert it; as they inspired me, in arms and in peace, to defend you frombarbarous foes and tyrannical fellow-citizens. Is the spirit of so greata people so mean, that aid against your adversaries always satisfiesyou? And are you not to know any contest against the patricians, excepthow you may suffer them to domineer over you? Nor is this implanted inyou by nature; but you are theirs by possession. For why is it you bearsuch spirit with respect to foreigners, as to think it meet that youshould rule over them? because you have been accustomed to vie with themfor empire, against these to essay liberty rather than to maintain it. Nevertheless, whatsoever sort of leaders you have, whatever has beenyour own conduct, ye have up to this carried every thing which ye havedemanded, either by force, or your own good fortune. It is now time toaim at still higher objects. Only make trial both of your own goodfortune, and of me, who have been, as I hope, already tried to youradvantage. Ye will with less difficulty set up some one to rule thepatricians, than ye have set up persons to resist their rule. Dictatorships and consulships must be levelled to the ground, that theRoman commons may be able to raise their heads. Wherefore stand by me, prevent judicial proceedings from going on regarding money. I professmyself the patron of the commons--a title with which my solicitude andzeal invests me. If you will dignify your leader by any moredistinguishing title of honour or command, ye will render him still morepowerful to obtain what ye desire. " From this his first attempt is saidto have arisen with respect to the obtaining of regal power; but nosufficiently clear account is handed down, either with whom [he acted], or how far his designs extended. 

19. But, on the other side, the senate began to deliberate regarding thesecession of the commons into a private house, and that, as it sohappened, situate in the citadel, and regarding the great danger thatwas threatening liberty. Great numbers cry out, that a Servilius Ahalawas wanted, who would not irritate a public enemy by ordering him to beled to prison, but would finish an intestine war with the loss of onecitizen. They came to a resolution milder in terms, but possessing thesame force, that the magistrates should see that "the commonwealthreceived no detriment from the designs of Marcus Manlius. " Then theconsular tribunes, and the tribunes of the commons, (for these also hadsubmitted to the authority of the senate, because they saw that thetermination of their own power and of the liberty of all would be thesame, ) all these then consult together as to what was necessary to bedone. When nothing suggested itself to the mind of any, except violenceand bloodshed, and it was evident that that would be attended with greatrisk; then Marcus Mænius, and Quintus Publilius, tribunes of thecommons, say, "Why do we make that a contest between the patricians andcommons, which ought to be between the state and one pestilent citizen?Why do we attack, together with the commons, a man whom it is safer toattack through the commons themselves, that he may fall overpowered byhis own strength? We have it in contemplation to appoint a day of trialfor him. Nothing is less popular than regal power; as soon as themultitude shall perceive that the contest is not with them, and thatfrom advocates they are to be made judges, and shall behold theprosecutors from among the commons, the accused a patrician, and thatthe charge between both parties is that of aiming at regal power, theywill favour no object more than their own liberty. "

20. With the approbation of all, they appoint a day of trial forManlius. When this took place, the commons were at first excited, especially when they saw the accused in a mourning habit, and with himnot only none of the patricians, but not even any of his kinsmen orrelatives, nay, not even his brothers Aulus and Titus Manlius; acircumstance which had never occurred before, that at so critical ajuncture a man's nearest friends did not put on mourning. When AppiusClaudius was thrown into prison [they remarked], that Caius Claudius, who was at enmity with him and the entire Claudian family, appeared inmourning; that this favourite of the people was about to be destroyed bya conspiracy, because he was the first who had come over from thepatricians to the commons. When the day arrived, I find in no author, what acts were alleged by the prosecutors against the accused bearingproperly on the charge of aspiring to kingly power, except hisassembling the multitude, and his seditious expressions and hislargesses, and pretended discovery; nor have I any doubt that they wereby no means unimportant, as the people's delay in condemning him wasoccasioned not by the merits of the cause, but by the place of trial. This seems deserving of notice, that men may know what great andglorious achievements his depraved ambition of regal power rendered notonly bereft of all merit, but absolutely hateful. He is said to havebrought forward near four hundred persons to whom he had lent moneywithout interest, whose goods he had prevented from being sold, whom hehad prevented from being carried off to prison after being adjudged totheir creditors. Besides this, that he not only enumerated also hismilitary rewards, but also produced them to view; spoils of enemiesslain up to thirty; presents from generals to the number of forty; inwhich the most remarkable were two mural crowns and eight civic. Inaddition to this, that he brought forward citizens saved from the enemy, amongst whom was mentioned Caius Servilius, when master of the horse, now absent. Then after he had recounted his exploits in war, in pompouslanguage suitable to the dignity of the subject, equalling his actionsby his eloquence, he bared his breast marked with scars received inbattle: and now and then, directing his eyes to the Capitol, he calleddown Jupiter and the other gods to aid him in his present lot; and heprayed, that the same sentiments with which they had inspired him whenprotecting the fortress of the Capitol, for the preservation of theRoman people, they would now inspire the Roman people with in hiscritical situation: and he entreated them singly and collectively, thatthey would form their judgment of him with their eyes fixed on theCapitol and citadel and their faces turned to the immortal gods. As thepeople were summoned by centuries in the field of Mars, and as theaccused, extending his hands towards the Capitol, directed his prayersfrom men to the gods; it became evident to the tribunes, that unlessthey removed the eyes of men also from the memory of so great anexploit, the best founded charge would find no place in mindsprejudiced by services. Thus the day of trial being adjourned, a meetingof the people was summoned in the Pœteline grove outside the Nomentangate, from whence there was no view of the Capitol; there the charge wasmade good, and their minds being now unmoved [by adventitiouscircumstances], a fatal sentence, and one which excited horror even inhis judges, was passed on him. There are some who state that he wascondemned by duumvirs appointed to inquire concerning cases of treason. The tribunes cast him down from the Tarpeian rock: and the same place inthe case of one man became a monument of distinguished glory and ofextreme punishment. Marks of infamy were offered to him when dead: one, a public one; that, when his house had been that where the temple ofMoneta and the mint-office now stand, it was proposed to the people, that no patrician should dwell in the citadel and Capitol: the otherappertaining to his family; it being commanded by a decree that no oneof the Manlian family should ever after bear the name of Marcus Manlius. Such was the fate of a man, who, had he not been born in a free state, would have been celebrated with posterity. In a short time, when therewas no longer any danger from him, the people, recollecting only hisvirtues, were seized with regret for him. A pestilence too which soonfollowed, no causes of so great a calamity presenting themselves, seemedto a great many to have arisen from the punishment inflicted on Manlius:"The Capitol" [they said] "had been polluted with the blood of itspreserver; nor was it agreeable to the gods that the punishment of himby whom their temples had been rescued from the hands of the enemy, hadbeen brought in a manner before their eyes. "

21. The pestilence was succeeded by a scarcity of the fruits of theearth, and the report of both calamities by spreading [was followed] bya variety of wars in the following year, Lucius Valerius a fourth time, Aulus Manlius a third time, Servius Sulpicius a third time, LuciusLucretius, Lucius Æmilius a third time, Marcus Trebonius, being militarytribunes with consular power. Besides the Volscians, assigned by somefatality to give eternal employment to the Roman soldiery, and thecolonies of Circeii and Velitræ, long meditating a revolt, and Latiumwhich had been suspected, new enemies suddenly sprung up in the peopleof Lanuvium, which had been a most faithful city. The fathers, considering that this arose from contempt, because the revolt of theirown citizens, the people of Velitræ, had been so long unpunished, decreed that a proposition should be submitted to the people at theearliest opportunity on the subject of declaring war against them: andin order that the commons might be the more disposed for that service, they appointed five commissioners for distributing the Pomptine land, and three for conducting a colony to Nepete. Then it was proposed to thepeople that they should order a declaration of war; and the plebeiantribunes in vain endeavouring to dissuade them, all the tribes declaredfor war. That year preparations were made for war; the army was not ledout into the field on account of the pestilence. And that delay affordedfull time to the colonists to deprecate the anger of the senate; and agreat number of the people were disposed that a suppliant embassy shouldbe sent to Rome, had not the public been involved, as is usual, with theprivate danger, and the abettors of the revolt from the Romans, throughfear, lest they, being alone answerable for the guilt, might be given upas victims to the resentment of the Romans, dissuaded the colonies fromcounsels of peace. And not only was the embassy obstructed by them inthe senate, but a great part of the commons were excited to makepredatory excursions into the Roman territory. This new injury broke offall hope of peace. This year a report first originated regarding arevolt of the Prænestines; and the people of Tusculum, Gabii and Lavici, into whose territories the incursions had been made, accusing them ofthe fact, the senate returned so placid an answer, that it becameevident that less credit was given to the charges, because they wishedthem not to be true. 

22. In the following year the Papirii, Spurius and Lucius, new militarytribunes, led the legions to Velitræ; their four colleagues in thetribuneship, Servius Cornelius Maluginensis a fourth time, QuintusServilius, Servius Sulpicius, Lucius Æmilius a fourth time, being leftbehind to protect the city, and in case any new commotion should beannounced from Etruria; for every thing was apprehended from thatquarter. At Velitræ they fought a successful battle against theauxiliaries of the Prænestines, who were almost greater than the numberof colonists themselves; so that the proximity of the city was both thecause of an earlier flight to the enemy, and was their only refuge afterthe flight. The tribunes refrained from besieging the town, both because[the result] was uncertain, and they considered that the war should notbe pushed to the total destruction of the colony. Letters were sent toRome to the senate with news of the victory, expressive of moreanimosity against the Prænestine enemy than against those of Velitræ. Inconsequence, by a decree of the senate and an order of the people, warwas declared against the Prænestines: who, in conjunction with theVolscians, took, on the following year, Satricum, a colony of the Romanpeople, by storm, after an obstinate defence by the colonists, and made, with respect to the prisoners, a disgraceful use of their victory. Incensed at this, the Romans elected Marcus Furius Camillus a seventhtime military tribune. The colleagues conjoined with him were the twoPostumii Regillenses, Aulus and Lucius, and Lucius Furius, with LuciusLucretius and Marcus Fabius Ambustus. The Volscian war was decreed toMarcus Furius out of the ordinary course, Lucius Furius is assigned bylot from among the tribunes his assistant; [which proved] not soadvantageous to the public as a source of all manner of praise to hiscolleague: both on public grounds, because he restored the [Roman]interest which had been prostrated by his rash conduct; and on privategrounds, because from his error he sought to obtain his gratitude ratherthan his own glory. Camillus was now in the decline of life, and whenprepared at the election to take the usual oath for the purpose ofexcusing himself on the plea of his health, he was opposed by theconsent of the people: but his active mind was still vigorous within hisardent breast, and he enjoyed all his faculties entire, and now that heconcerned himself but little in civil affairs, war still aroused him. Having enlisted four legions of four thousand men each, and havingordered the troops to assemble the next day at the Esquiline gate, heset out to Satricum. There the conquerors of the colony, nowisedismayed, confiding in their number of men, in which they hadconsiderably the advantage, awaited him. When they perceived that theRomans were approaching, they marched out immediately to the field, determined to make no delay to put all to the risk of an engagement, that by proceeding thus they should derive no advantage from thejudgment of their distinguished commander, on which alone they confided. 

23. The same ardour existed also in the Roman army; nor did any thing, but the wisdom and authority of one man, delay the fortune of thepresent engagement, who sought, by protracting the war, an opportunityof aiding their strength by skill. The enemy urged them the more on thataccount, and now not only did they draw out their troops in order ofbattle before their camp, but advanced into the middle of the plain, andby throwing up trenches near the battalions of the enemy, made a show oftheir insolent confidence in their strength. The Roman soldier wasindignant at this; the other military tribune, Lucius Furius, still moreso, who, encouraged both by his youth and his natural disposition, wasstill further elated by the hopes entertained by the multitude, whoassumed great spirits on grounds the most uncertain. The soldiers, already excited of themselves, he still further instigated bydisparaging the authority of his colleague by reference to his age, theonly point on which he could do so: saying constantly, "that wars werethe province of young men, and that with the body the mind alsoflourishes and withers; that from having been a most vigorous warrior hewas become a drone; and that he who, on coming up, had been wont tocarry off camps and cities at the first onset, now consumed the timeinactive within the trenches. What accession to his own strength, ordiminution of that of the enemy, did he hope for? What opportunity, whatseason, what place for practising stratagem? that the old man's planswere frigid and languid. Camillus had both sufficient share of life aswell as of glory. What use was it to suffer the strength of a statewhich ought to be immortal, to sink into old age along with one mortalbody. " By such observations, he had attracted to himself the attentionof the entire camp; and when in every quarter battle was called for, "Wecannot, " he says, "Marcus Furius, withstand the violence of thesoldiers; and the enemy, whose spirits we have increased by delaying, insults us by insolence by no means to be borne. Do you, who are but oneman, yield to all, and suffer yourself to be overcome in counsel, thatyou may the sooner overcome in battle. " To this Camillus replies, that"whatever wars had been waged up to that day under his single auspices, in these that neither himself nor the Roman people had beendissatisfied either with his judgment or with his fortune; now he knewthat he had a colleague, his equal in command and in authority, invigour of age superior; with respect to the army, that he had beenaccustomed to rule, not to be ruled; with his colleague's authority hecould not interfere. That he might do, with the favour of the gods, whatever he might deem to be to the interest of the state. That he wouldeven solicit for his years the indulgence, that he might not be placedin the front line; that whatever duties in war an old man coulddischarge, in these he would not be deficient; that he prayed to theimmortal gods, that no mischance might prove his plan to be the moreadvisable. " Neither his salutary advice was listened to by men, nor suchpious prayers by the gods. The adviser of the battle draws up the frontline; Camillus forms the reserve, and posts a strong guard before thecamp; he himself took his station on an elevated place as a spectator, anxiously watching the result of the other's plan. 

24. As soon as the arms clashed at the first encounter, the enemy, fromstratagem, not from fear, retreated. There was a gentle acclivity intheir rear, between the army and their camp; and because they hadsufficient numbers, they had left in the camp several strong cohorts, armed and ready for action, which were to rush forth, when the battlewas now commenced, and when the enemy had approached the rampart. TheRoman being drawn into disadvantageous ground by following theretreating enemy in disorder, became exposed to this sally. Terrortherefore being turned on the victor, by reason of this new force, andthe declivity of the valley, caused the Roman line to give way. TheVolscians, who made the attack from the camp, being fresh, press onthem; those also who had given way by a pretended flight, renew thefight. The Roman soldiers no longer recovered themselves; but unmindfulof their recent presumption and former glory, were turning their backsin every direction, and with disorderly speed were making for theircamp, when Camillus, being mounted on his horse by those around him, andhastily opposing the reserved troops to them, "Is this, " says he, "soldiers, the battle which ye called for? What man, what god is there, whom ye can blame? That was your rashness, this your cowardice. Havingfollowed another leader, now follow Camillus; and as ye are accustomedto do under my leadership, conquer. Why do ye look to the rampart andcamp? Not a man of you shall that camp receive, except as victor. " Shameat first stopped their disorderly flight; then when they saw thestandards wheel about, and a line formed to meet the enemy, and thegeneral, besides being distinguished by so many triumphs, venerable alsoby his age, presented himself in front of the battalions, where thegreatest toil and danger was, every one began to upbraid both himselfand others, and mutual exhortation with a brisk shout pervaded theentire line. Nor was the other tribune deficient on the occasion. Beingdespatched to the cavalry by his colleague, who was restoring the lineof the infantry, not by rebuking them, (for which task his share intheir fault had rendered him an authority of little weight, ) but fromcommand turning entirely to entreaties, he besought them individuallyand collectively, "to redeem him from blame, who was answerable for theevents of that day. Notwithstanding the repugnance and dissuasion of mycolleague, I gave myself a partner in the rashness of all rather than inthe prudence of one. Camillus sees his own glory in your fortune, whatever it be; for my part, unless the battle is restored, I shall feelthe result with you all, the infamy alone (which is most distressing). "It was deemed best that the horse should be transferred into the linewhilst still unsteady, and that they should attack the enemy by fightingon foot. Distinguished by their arms and courage, they proceed inwhatever direction they perceive the line of the infantry most pressed;nor among either the officers or soldiers is there any abatementobserved from the utmost effort of courage. The result therefore feltthe aid of the bravery exerted; and the Volscians being put to realflight in that direction in which they had lately retreated underpretended fear, great numbers were slain both in the battle itself, andafterwards in flight; the others in the camp, which was taken in thesame onset: more, however, were captured than slain. 

25. Where when, on taking an account of the prisoners, several Tusculanswere recognised, being separated from the rest, they are brought to thetribunes; and they confessed to those who interrogated them, that theyhad taken up arms by the authority of the state. By the fear of whichwar so near home Camillus being alarmed, says that he would immediatelycarry the prisoners to Rome, that the senate might not be ignorant, thatthe Tusculans had revolted from the alliance; meanwhile his colleague, if he thought proper, should command the camp and army. One day had beena lesson to him not to prefer his own counsels to better. Howeverneither himself, nor any person in the army, supposed that Camilluswould pass over his misconduct without some angry feelings, by which thecommonwealth had been brought into so perilous a situation; and both inthe army and at Rome, the uniform account of all was, that, as mattershad been conducted with varying success among the Volscians, the blameof the unsuccessful battle and of the flight lay with Lucius Furius, allthe glory of the successful one was to be attributed to Camillus. Theprisoners being brought into the senate, when the senate decreed thatthe Tusculans should be punished with war, and they intrusted themanagement of that war to Camillus, he requests one assistant forhimself in that business, and being allowed to select which ever of hiscolleagues he pleased, contrary to the expectation of every one, hesolicited Lucius Furius. By which moderation of feeling he bothalleviated the disgrace of his colleague, and acquired great glory tohimself. There was no war, however, with the Tusculans. By firmadherence to peace they warded off the Roman violence, which they couldnot have done by arms. When the Romans entered their territories, noremovals were made from the places adjoining to the road, thecultivation of the lands was not interrupted: the gates of the citylying open, they came forth in crowds clad in their gowns to meet thegenerals; provision for the army was brought with alacrity from the cityand the lands. Camillus having pitched his camp before the gates, wishing to know whether the same appearance of peace, which wasdisplayed in the country, prevailed also within the walls, entered thecity, where he beheld the gates lying open, and every thing exposed tosale in the open shops, and the workmen engaged each on their respectiveemployments, and the schools of learning buzzing with the voices of thescholars, and the streets filled amid the different kinds of people, with boys and women going different ways, whithersoever the occasions oftheir respective callings carried them; nothing in any quarter that boreany appearance of panic or even of surprise; he looked around at everyobject, attentively inquiring where the war had been. No trace was thereof any thing having been removed, or brought forward for the occasion;so completely was every thing in a state of steady tranquil peace, sothat it scarcely seemed that even the rumour of war could have reachedthem. 

26. Overcome therefore by the submissive demeanour of the enemy, heordered their senate to be called. "Tusculans, " he says, "ye are theonly persons who have yet found the true arms and the true strength, bywhich to protect your possessions from the resentment of the Romans. Proceed to Rome to the senate. The fathers will consider, whether youhave merited more punishment for your former conduct, or forgiveness foryour present. I shall not anticipate your gratitude for a favour to beconferred by the state. From me ye shall have the power of seekingpardon. The senate will grant to your entreaties such a result, as theyshall consider meet. " When the Tusculans came to Rome, and the senate[of a people], who were till a little before faithful allies, were seenwith sorrowful countenances in the porch of the senate-house, thefathers, immediately moved [at the sight, ] even then ordered them to becalled in rather in a friendly than a hostile manner. The Tusculandictator spoke as follows: "Conscript fathers, we against whom yeproclaimed and made war, just as you see us now standing in the porch ofyour house, so armed and so attired did we go forth to meet yourgenerals and your legions. This was our habit, this the habit of ourcommons; and ever shall be, unless whenever we shall receive arms fromyou and defence of you. We return thanks to your generals and yourtroops for having trusted their eyes more than their ears; and forhaving committed nothing hostile, where none subsisted. The peace, whichwe observed, the same we solicit at your hands: we pray you, avert warto that quarter where, if any where, it subsists. What your arms may beable to effect on us, if after our submission we are to experience it, we will experience unarmed. This is our determination. May the immortalgods grant that it be as successful as it is dutiful! With respect tothe charges, by which you were induced to declare war against us, thoughit is needless to refute by words what has been contradicted by facts;yet, admitting they were true, we think it safe for us to confess them, after having shown such evident marks of repentance. Admit then that wehave offended against you, since ye deserve that such satisfaction bemade to you. " These were nearly the words used by the Tusculans. Theyobtained peace at the present, and not long after the freedom of thestate also. The legions were withdrawn from Tusculum. 

27. Camillus, distinguished by his prudence and bravery in the Volscianwar, by his success in the Tusculan expedition, in both by hisextraordinary moderation and forbearance towards his colleague, went outof office; the military tribunes for the following year being Lucius andPublius Valerius, Lucius a fifth, Publius a third time, and CaiusSergius a third time, Lucius Menenius a second time, Spurius Papirius, and Servius Cornelius Maluginensis. The year required censors also, chiefly on account of the uncertain representations regarding the debt;the tribunes of the commons exaggerating the amount of it on account ofthe odium of the thing, whilst it was underrated by those whose interestit was that the difficulty of procuring payment should appear to dependrather on [the want of] integrity, than of ability in the debtors. Thecensors appointed were Caius Sulpicius Camerinus, Spurius PostumiusRegillensis; and the matter having been commenced was interrupted by thedeath of Postumius, because it was not conformable to religion that asubstitute should be colleague to a censor. Accordingly after Sulpiciushad resigned his office, other censors having been appointed under somedefect, they did not discharge the office; that a third set should beappointed was not allowed, as though the gods did not admit a censorshipfor that year. The tribunes denied that such mockery of the commons wasto be tolerated; "that the senate were averse to the public tablets, thewitnesses of each man's property, because they were unwilling that theamount of the debt should be seen, which would clearly show that onepart of the state was depressed by the other; whilst in the mean timethe commons, oppressed with debt, were exposed to one enemy afteranother. Wars were now sought out in every direction withoutdistinction. Troops were marched from Antium to Satricum, from Satricumto Velitræ, and thence to Tusculum. The Latins, Hernicians, and thePrænestines were now threatened with hostilities, more through a hatredof their fellow-citizens than of the enemy, in order to wear out thecommons under arms, and not suffer them to breathe in the city, or toreflect on their liberty at their leisure, or to stand in an assemblywhere they may hear a tribune's voice discussing concerning thereduction of interest and the termination of other grievances. But ifthe commons had a spirit mindful of the liberty of their fathers, thatthey would neither suffer any Roman citizen to be assigned to a creditoron account of debt, nor a levy to be held; until, the debts beingexamined, and some method adopted for lessening them, each man shouldknow what was his own, and what another's; whether his person was stillfree to him, or that also was due to the stocks. " The price held out forsedition soon raised it: for both several were made over to creditors, and on account of the rumour of the Prænestine war, the senate decreedthat new legions should be levied; both which measures began to beobstructed by tribunitian interposition and the combined efforts of thecommons. For neither the tribunes suffered those consigned to theircreditors to be thrown into prison, nor did the young men give in theirnames. While the senate felt less pressing anxiety about enforcing thelaws regarding the lending of money than about the levy; for now it wasannounced that the enemy, having marched from Præneste, had encamped inthe Gabinian territory; meanwhile this very report rather aroused thetribunes of the commons to the struggle commenced than deterred them;nor did any thing else suffice to allay the discontent in the city, butthe approach of hostilities to the very walls. 

28. For when the Prænestines had been informed that no army was leviedat Rome, no general fixed on, that the senate and people were turned theone against the other; their leaders thinking that an opportunitypresented itself, making a hasty march, and laying waste the country asthey went along, they advanced their standards as far as the Collinegate. The panic in the city was great. The alarm was given to take uparms; persons ran together to the walls and gates, and at length turningfrom sedition to war, they created Titus Quinctius Cincinnatus dictator. He appointed Aulus Sempronius Atratinus his master of the horse. Whenthis was heard, (such was the terror of that office, ) the enemy retiredfrom the walls, and the young Romans assembled to the edict withoutrefusal. Whilst the army is being levied at Rome, in the mean time theenemy's camp is pitched not far from the river Allia: thence layingwaste the land far and wide, they boasted one to the other that they hadchosen a place fatal to the Roman city; that there would be a similarconsternation and flight from thence as occurred in the Gallic war. For"if the Romans dread a day deemed inauspicious, and marked with the nameof that place, how much more than the Allian day would they dread theAllia itself, the monument of so great a disaster. No doubt the fiercelooks of the Gauls and the sound of their voices would recur to theireyes and ears. " Turning over in mind those groundless notions ofcircumstances as groundless, they rested their hopes on the fortune ofthe place. On the other hand, the Romans [considered] that, "in whateverplace a Latin enemy stood, they knew full well that they were the samewhom, after having utterly defeated at the lake Regillus, they kept inpeaceable subjection for one hundred years; that the place beingdistinguished by the memory of their defeat, would rather stimulate themto blot out the remembrance of their disgrace, than raise a fear thatany land should be unfavourable to their success. Were even the Gaulsthemselves presented to them in that place, that they would fight justas they fought at Rome in recovering their country, as the day after atGabii; then, when they took care, that no enemy, who had entered thewalls of Rome, should carry home an account of their success or defeat. "

29. With these feelings on either side they came to the Allia. The Romandictator, when the enemy were in view drawn up and ready for action, says, "Aulus Sempronius, do you see that these men have taken theirstand at the Allia, relying on the fortune of the place? nor have theimmortal gods granted them any thing of surer confidence, or any moreeffectual support. But do you, relying on arms and on courage, make abrisk charge on the middle of their line; I will bear down on them whenthrown into disorder and consternation with the legions. Ye gods, witnesses of the treaty, assist us, and exact the penalty, due foryourselves having been violated, and for us who have been deceivedthrough the appeal made to your divinity. " The Prænestines sustained notthe attack of cavalry, or infantry; their ranks were broken at the firstcharge and shout. Then when their line maintained its ground in noquarter, they turn their backs; and being thrown into consternation andcarried beyond their own camp by their panic, they stop not from theirprecipitate speed, until Præneste came in view. There, having beendispersed in consequence of their flight, they select a post for thepurpose of fortifying it in a hasty manner; lest, if they betookthemselves within the walls, the country should be burned forthwith, andwhen all places should be desolated, siege should be laid to the city. But when the victorious Romans approached, the camp at the Allia havingbeen plundered, that fortress also was abandoned, and considering thewalls scarcely secure, they shut themselves up within the town ofPræneste. There were eight towns besides under the sway of thePrænestines. Hostilities were carried round to these also; and thesebeing taken one after the other without much difficulty, the army wasled to Velitræ. This also was taken by storm. They then came toPræneste, the main source of the war. That town was obtained, not byforce, but by capitulation. Titus Quinctius, being once victorious in apitched battle, having taken also two camps belonging to the enemy, andnine towns by storm, and Præneste being obtained by surrender, returnedto Rome: and in his triumph brought into the Capitol the statue ofJupiter Imperator, which he had conveyed from Præneste. It was dedicatedbetween the recesses of Jupiter and Minerva, and a tablet fixed underit, as a monument of his exploits, was engraved with nearly these words:"Jupiter and all the gods granted, that Titus Quinctius, dictator, should take nine towns. " On the twentieth day after the appointment heabdicated the dictatorship. 

30. An election was then held of military tribunes with consular power;in which the number of patricians and plebeians was equal. From thepatricians were elected Publius and Caius Manlius, with Lucius Julius;the commons gave Caius Sextilius, Marcus Albinius, and Lucius Antistius. To the Manlii, because they had the advantage of the plebeians in familystation, and of Julius in interest, the province of the Volscians wasassigned out of the ordinary course, without lots, or mutualarrangement; of which circumstance both themselves and the patricianswho conferred it afterwards repented. Without any previous reconnoitrethey sent out some cohorts to forage. It having been falsely reportedto them that these were ensnared, whilst they march in great haste, inorder to support them, without even retaining the author [of the report]who had deceived them, he being a Latin enemy instead of a Romansoldier, they themselves fell into an ambuscade. There, whilst theysuffer and commit great havoc, making resistance on disadvantageousground solely by the valour of the soldiers, the enemy in the mean timein another quarter attacked the Roman camp which was situate on a plain. By their temerity and want of skill, matters were brought into jeopardyin both places by the generals. Whatever portion [of the army] wassaved, the good fortune of the Roman people, and the steady valour ofthe soldiers, even without a director, protected. When an account ofthese events was brought to Rome, it was at first agreeable to them thata dictator should be appointed; then when intelligence was received fromthe Volscian country that matters were quiet, and it appeared manifestthat they knew not how to take advantage of victory and of opportunity, the army and generals were recalled from thence also; and there wasquiet from that quarter, as far as regarded the Volscians. The onlydisturbance there was towards the end of the year was, that thePrænestines, having stirred up some of the states of the Latins, renewedhostilities. During the same year new colonists were enrolled for Setia, the colony itself complaining of the paucity of men. Domestictranquillity, which the influence of the plebeian military tribunes andthe respect shown to them among their own party procured, was aconsolation for the want of success in war. 

31. The commencement of the following year blazed forth with violentsedition, the military tribunes with consular power being SpuriusFurius, Quintus Servilius a second time, Caius Licinius, PubliusClœlius, Marcus Horatius, Lucius Geganius. The debt was both theground-work and cause of the disturbance: for the purpose ofascertaining which Spurius Servilius Priscus and Quintus ClœliusSiculus, being appointed censors, were prevented by war from proceedingin the business. For alarming news at first, then the flight [of thecountry people] from the lands, brought intelligence that the legions ofthe Volscians had entered the borders, and were laying waste the Romanland in every direction. In which alarm, so far was the fear of theforeign enemy from putting a check to the domestic feuds, that on thecontrary the tribunitian power became even more vehement in obstructingthe levy; until these conditions were imposed on the patricians, that noone was to pay tribute as long as the war lasted, nor issue any judicialprocess respecting money due. This relaxation being obtained for thecommons, there was no delay with respect to the levy. New legions beingenlisted, it was resolved that two armies should be led into theVolscian territory, the legions being divided. Spurius Furius and MarcusHoratius proceed to the right, towards the sea-coast and Antium; QuintusServilius and Lucius Geganius to the left, to Ecetra towards themountains. On neither side did the enemy meet them. Devastation wastherefore committed, not similar to that straggling kind which theVolscian had practised by snatches under the influence of trepidationafter the manner of a banditti, relying on the dissensions among theenemy and dreading their valour; but committed with the full meed oftheir resentment by a regular army, more severe also by reason of theircontinuance. For the incursions had been made by the Volscians on theskirts of the borders, as they were afraid lest an army might in themean time come forth from Rome: the Romans, on the contrary, had amotive for tarrying in the enemy's country, in order to entice them toan engagement. All the houses therefore on the lands, and some villagesalso, being burnt down, not a fruit-tree nor the seed being left for thehope of a harvest, all the booty both of men and cattle, which wasoutside the walls, being driven off, the troops were led back from bothquarters to Rome. 

32. A short interval having been granted to the debtors to recoverbreath, when matters became perfectly quiet with respect to the enemy, legal proceedings began to be instituted anew; and so remote was allhope of relieving the former debt, that a new one was now contracted bya tax for building a wall of hewn stone bargained for by the censors: towhich burden the commons were obliged to submit, because the tribunes ofthe commons had no levy which they could obstruct. Forced by theinfluence of the nobles, they elected all the military tribunes fromamong the patricians, Lucius Æmilius, Publius Valerius a fourth time, Caius Veturius, Servius Sulpicius, Lucius and Caius QuinctiusCincinnatus. By the same influence they succeeded in raising threearmies against the Latins and Volscians, who with combined forces wereencamped at Satricum, all the juniors being bound by the military oathwithout any opposition; one army for the protection of the city; theother to be sent for the sudden emergencies of war, if any disturbanceshould arise elsewhere. The third, and by far the most powerful, PubliusValerius and Lucius Æmilius led to Satricum. Where when they found theenemy's line of battle drawn up on level ground, they immediatelyengaged; and before the victory was sufficiently declared, the battle, which held out fair hopes of success, was put a stop to by rainaccompanied by a violent storm of wind. On the following day the battlewas renewed; and for a considerable time the Latin troops particularly, who had learned the Roman discipline during the long confederacy, stoodtheir ground with equal bravery and success. A charge of cavalry broketheir ranks; when thus confused, the infantry advanced upon them; and asmuch as the Roman line advanced, so much were the enemy dislodged fromtheir ground; and when once the battle gave way, the Roman prowessbecame irresistible. When the enemy being routed made for Satricum, which was two miles distant, not for their camp, they were cut downchiefly by the cavalry; their camp was taken and plundered. The nightsucceeding the battle, they betake themselves to Antium in a marchresembling a flight; and though the Roman army followed them almost intheir steps, fear however possessed more swiftness than anger. Whereforethe enemy entered the walls before the Roman could annoy or impede theirrear. After that several days were spent in laying waste the country, asthe Romans were neither supplied with military engines to attack walls, nor the others to hazard the chance of a battle. 

33. At this time a dissension arose between the Antians and the Latins;when the Antians, overcome by misfortunes and reduced by a war, in whichthey had both been born and had grown old, began to think of asurrender; whilst their recent revolt after a long peace, their spiritsbeing still fresh, rendered the Latins more determined to persevere inthe war. There was an end to the contest, when it became evident to bothparties that neither would stand in the way of the other so as toprevent them from following out their own views. The Latins by departingredeemed themselves from a share in what they deemed a dishonourablepeace. The Antians, on the removal of those who by their presenceimpeded their salutary counsels, surrender their city and lands to theRomans. The resentment and rage of the Latins, because they were neitherable to damage the Romans in war, nor to retain the Volscians in arms, vented itself in setting fire to the city of Satricum, which had beentheir first place of retreat after their defeat; nor did any otherbuilding in that city remain, since they cast firebrandsindiscriminately into those sacred and profane, except the temple ofMother Matuta. From that neither the sanctity of the building itself, nor respect for the gods, is said to have restrained them, but an awfulvoice, emitted from the temple with threats of dismal vengeance, unlessthey removed their abominable fires to a distance from the temples. Fired with this rage, their impetuosity carried them on to Tusculum, under the influence of resentment, because, having abandoned the generalassociation of the Latins, they joined themselves not only in alliancewith the Romans, but also as members of their state. As theyunexpectedly rushed in at the gates, which were lying open, the town, except the citadel, was taken at the first shout. The townsmen withtheir wives and children took refuge in the citadel, and sent messengersto Rome, to inform the senate of their situation. An army was led toTusculum with no less expedition than was worthy of the honour of theRoman people. Lucius Quinctius and Servius Sulpicius, military tribunes, commanded it. They beheld the gates of Tusculum shut, and the Latins, with the feelings of besiegers and besieged, on the one side defendingthe walls of Tusculum, on the other hand attacking the citadel; theystruck terror and felt it at the same time. The arrival of the Romansproduced a change in the minds of both parties: it turned the Tusculansfrom great alarm into the utmost alacrity, and the Latins from almostassured confidence of soon taking the citadel, as they were masters ofthe town, to very slender hope of even their own safety. A shout israised by the Tusculans from the citadel; it is answered by a muchlouder one from the Roman army. The Latins are hard pressed on bothsides: they neither withstand the force of the Tusculans pouring down onthem from the higher ground; nor are they able to repel the Romansadvancing up to the walls, and forcing the bars of the gates. The wallswere first taken by scalade; the gates were then broken open; and whenthe two enemies pressed them both in front and in the rear, nor didthere remain any strength for fight, nor any room for running away, between both they were all cut to pieces to a man. Tusculum beingrecovered from the enemy, the army was led back to Rome. 

34. In proportion as all matters were more tranquil abroad inconsequence of their successes in war this year, so much did theviolence of the patricians and the distresses of the commons in the cityincrease every day; as the ability to pay was prevented by the very factthat it was necessary to pay. Accordingly, when nothing could now bepaid out of their property, being cast in suits and assigned over tocustody, they satisfied their creditors by their character and persons, and punishment was substituted for payment. Wherefore not only thelowest, but even the leading men in the commons had sunk so low inspirit, that no enterprising and adventurous man had courage, not onlyto stand for the military tribuneship among the patricians, (for whichprivilege they had strained all their energies, ) but not even to take onthem and sue for plebeian magistracies: and the patricians seemed tohave for ever recovered the possession of an honour that had been onlyusurped by the commons for a few years. A trifling cause, as generallyhappens, which had the effect of producing a mighty result, intervenedto prevent the other party from exulting too much in that. Two daughtersof Marcus Fabius Ambustus, an influential man, both among persons of hisown station, and also with the commons, because he was by no meansconsidered a despiser of persons of that order, had been married, theelder to Servius Sulpicius, the younger to Caius Licinius Stolo, adistinguished person, but still a plebeian; and the fact of such analliance not having been scorned, had gained influence for Fabius withthe people. It so happened, that when the two sisters, the Fabiæ, werepassing away the time in conversation in the house of Servius Sulpicius, military tribune, a lictor of Sulpicius, when he returned home from theforum, rapped at the door, as is usual, with the rod. When the youngerFabia, a stranger to this custom, was frightened at it, she was laughedat by her sister, who was surprised at her sister not knowing thematter. That laugh, however, gave a sting to the female mind, sensitiveas it is to mere trifles. From the number of persons attending on her, and asking her commands, her sister's match, I suppose, appeared to herto be a fortunate one, and she repined at her own, according to thaterroneous feeling, by which every one is most annoyed at beingoutstripped by those nearest to him. When her father happened to see herdisappointed after the recent mortification, by kindly inquiring heprevailed on her, who was dissembling the cause of her annoyance, (asbeing neither affectionate with respect to her sister, nor respectfultowards her husband, ) to confess, that the cause of her chagrin was, that she had been united to an inferior, and married into a house whichneither honour nor influence could enter. Ambustus then, consoling hisdaughter, bid her keep up good spirits; that she should soon see thesame honours at her own house, which she now sees at her sister's. Uponthis he began to draw up his plans with his son-in-law, having attachedto himself Lucius Sextius, an enterprising young man, and one to whosehope nothing was wanting but patrician descent. 

35. There appeared a favourable opportunity for making innovations onaccount of the immense load of debt, no alleviation of which evil thecommons could hope for unless their own party were placed in the highestauthority. To [bring about] that object [they saw] that they shouldexert themselves. That the plebeians, by endeavouring and persevering, had already gained a step towards it, whence, if they struggled forward, they might reach the summit, and be on a level with the patricians, inhonour as well as in merit. For the present it was resolved thatplebeian tribunes should be created, in which office they might open forthemselves a way to other honours. And Caius Licinius and LuciusSextius, being elected tribunes, proposed laws all against the power ofthe patricians, and for the interests of the commons: one regarding thedebt, that, whatever had been paid in interest being deduced from theprincipal, the remainder should be paid off in three years by equalinstalments; the other concerning the limitation of land, that no oneshould possess more than five hundred acres of land; a third, that thereshould be no election of military tribunes, and that one at least of theconsuls should be elected from the commons; all matters of greatimportance, and such as could not be attained without the greateststruggles. A contest therefore for all those objects, of which there isever an inordinate desire among men, viz. Land, money, and honours, being now proposed, the patricians became terrified and dismayed, andfinding no other remedy in their public and private consultations exceptthe protest, which had been tried in many previous contests, they gainedover their colleagues to oppose the bills of the tribunes. When they sawthe tribes summoned by Licinius and Sextius to announce their votes, surrounded by bands of patricians, they neither suffered the bills to beread, nor any other usual form for taking the votes of the commons to begone through. And now assemblies being frequently convened to nopurpose, when the propositions were now considered as rejected; "It isvery well, " says Sextius; "since it is determined that a protest shouldpossess so much power, by that same weapon will we protect the people. Come, patricians, proclaim an assembly for the election of militarytribunes; I will take care that that word, I FORBID IT, which you listento our colleagues chaunting with so much pleasure, shall not be verydelightful to you. " Nor did the threats fall ineffectual: no electionswere held, except those of ædiles and plebeian tribunes. Licinius andSextius, being re-elected plebeian tribunes, suffered not any curulemagistrates to be appointed, and this total absence of magistratescontinued in the city for the space of five years, the peoplere-electing the two tribunes, and these preventing the election ofmilitary tribunes. 

36. There was an opportune cessation of other wars: the colonists ofVelitræ, becoming wanton through ease, because there was no Roman army, made repeated incursions on the Roman territory, and set about layingsiege to Tusculum. This circumstance, the Tusculans, old allies, newfellow-citizens, imploring aid, moved not only the patricians, but thecommons also, chiefly with a sense of honour. The tribunes of thecommons relaxing their opposition, the elections were held by theinterrex; and Lucius Furius, Aulus Manlius, Servius Sulpicius, ServiusCornelius, Publius and Caius Valerius, found the commons by no means socomplying in the levy as in the elections; and an army having beenraised amid great contention, they set out, and not only dislodged theenemy from Tusculum, but shut them up even within their own walls. Velitræ began to be besieged by a much greater force than that withwhich Tusculum had been besieged; nor still could it be taken by thoseby whom the siege had been commenced. The new military tribunes wereelected first: Quintius Servilius, Caius Veturius, Aulus and MarcusCornelius, Quintus Quinctius, Marcus Fabius. Nothing worthy of mentionwas performed even by these at Velitræ. Matters were involved in greaterperil at home: for besides Sextius and Licinius, the proposers of thelaws, re-elected tribunes of the commons now for the eighth time, Fabiusalso, military tribune, father-in-law of Stolo, avowed himself theunhesitating supporter of those laws of which he had been the adviser. And whereas, there had been at first eight of the college of theplebeian tribunes protesters against the laws, there were now only five:and (as is usual with men who leave their own party) dismayed andastounded, they in words borrowed from others, urged as a reason fortheir protest, that which had been taught them at home; "that a greatnumber of the commons were absent with the army at Velitræ; that theassembly ought to be deferred till the coming of the soldiers, that theentire body of the commons might give their vote concerning their owninterests. " Sextius and Licinius with some of their colleagues, andFabius one of the military tribunes, well-versed now by an experience ofmany years in managing the minds of the commons, having brought forwardthe leading men of the patricians, teased them by interrogating them oneach of the subjects which were about to be brought before the people:"would they dare to demand, that when two acres of land a head weredistributed among the plebeians, they themselves should be allowed tohave more than five hundred acres? that a single man should possess theshare of nearly three hundred citizens; whilst his portion of landscarcely extended for the plebeian to a stinted habitation and a placeof burial? Was it their wish that the commons, surrounded with usury, should surrender their persons to the stocks and to punishment, ratherthan pay off their debt by [discharging] the principal; and that personsshould be daily led off from the forum in flocks, after being assignedto their creditors, and that the houses of the nobility should be filledwith prisoners? and that wherever a patrician dwelt, there should be aprivate prison?"

37. When they had uttered these statements, exasperating and pitiablein the recital, before persons alarmed for themselves, exciting greaterindignation in the hearers than was felt by themselves, they affirmed"that there never would be any other limit to their occupying the lands, or to their butchering the commons by usury, unless the commons were toelect one consul from among the plebeians, as a guardian of theirliberty. That the tribunes of the commons were now despised, as being anoffice which breaks down its own power by the privilege of protest. Thatthere could be no equality of right, where the dominion was in the handsof the one party, assistance only in that of the other. Unless theauthority were shared, the commons would never enjoy an equal share inthe commonwealth; nor was there any reason why any one should think itenough that plebeians were taken into account at the consular elections;unless it were made indispensable that one consul at least should befrom the commons, no one would be elected. Or had they alreadyforgotten, that when it had been determined that military tribunesshould be elected rather than consuls, for this reason, that the highesthonours should be opened to plebeians also, no one out of the commonswas elected military tribune for forty-four years? How could theysuppose, that they would voluntarily confer, when there are but twoplaces, a share of the honour on the commons, who at the election ofmilitary tribunes used to monopolize the eight places? and that theywould suffer a way to be opened to the consulship, who kept thetribuneship so long a time fenced up? That they must obtain by a law, what could not be obtained by influence at elections; and that oneconsulate must be set apart out of the way of contest, to which thecommons may have access; since when left open to dispute it is sure everto become the prize of the more powerful. Nor can that now be alleged, which they used formerly to boast of, that there were not among theplebeians qualified persons for curule magistracies. For, was thegovernment conducted with less activity and less vigour, since thetribunate of Publius Licinius Calvus, who was the first plebeian electedto that office, than it was conducted during those years when no one butpatricians was a military tribune? Nay, on the contrary, severalpatricians had been condemned after their tribuneship, no plebeian. Quæstors also, as military tribunes, began to be elected from thecommons a few years before; nor had the Roman people been dissatisfiedwith any one of them. The consulate still remained for the attainment ofthe plebeians; that it was the bulwark, the prop of their liberty. Ifthey should attain that, then that the Roman people would consider thatkings were really expelled from the city, and their liberty firmlyestablished. For from that day that every thing in which the patricianssurpassed them, would flow in on the commons, power and honour, militaryglory, birth, nobility, valuable at present for their own enjoyment, sure to be left still more valuable to their children. " When they sawsuch discourses favourably listened to, they publish a new proposition;that instead of two commissioners for performing religious rites, tenshould be appointed; so that one half should be elected out of thecommons, the other half from the patricians; and they deferred themeeting [for the discussion] of all those propositions, till the comingof that army which was besieging Velitræ. 

38. The year was completed before the legions were brought back fromVelitræ. Thus the question regarding the laws was suspended and deferredfor the new military tribunes; for the commons re-elected the same twoplebeian tribunes, because they were the proposers of the laws. TitusQuinctius, Servius Cornelius, Servius Sulpicius, Spurius Servilius, Lucius Papirius, Lucius Valerius, were elected military tribunes. Immediately at the commencement of the year the question about the lawswas pushed to the extreme of contention; and when the tribes werecalled, nor did the protest of their colleagues prevent the proposers ofthe laws, the patricians being alarmed have recourse to their two lastaids, to the highest authority and the highest citizen. It is resolvedthat a dictator be appointed: Marcus Furius Camillus is appointed, whonominates Lucius Æmilius his master of the horse. To meet so powerful ameasure of their opponents, the proposers of the laws also set forth thepeople's cause with great determination of mind, and having convened anassembly of the people, they summon the tribes to vote. When thedictator took his seat, accompanied by a band of patricians, full ofanger and of threats, and the business was going on at first with theusual contention of the plebeian tribunes, some proposing the law andothers protesting against it, and though the protest was more powerfulby right, still it was overpowered by the popularity of the lawsthemselves and of their proposers, and when the first tribes pronounced, "Be it as you propose, " then Camillus says, "Since, Romans, tribunitianextravagance, not authority, sways you now, and ye are rendering theright of protest, acquired formerly by a secession of the commons, totally unavailing by the same violent conduct by which you acquired it, I, as dictator, will support the right of protest, not more for theinterest of the whole commonwealth than for your sake; and by myauthority I will defend your rights of protection, which have beenoverturned. Wherefore if Caius Licinius and Lucius Sextius give way tothe protest of their colleagues, I shall not introduce a patricianmagistrate into an assembly of the commons. If, in opposition to theright of protest, they will strive to saddle laws on the state as thoughcaptive, I will not suffer the tribunitian power to be destroyed byitself. " When the plebeian tribunes still persisted in the matter withunabated energy and contemptuously, Camillus, being highly provoked, sent his lictors to disperse the commons; and added threats, that ifthey persisted he would bind down the younger men by the military oath, and would forthwith lead an army out of the city. He struck great terrorinto the people; by the opposition he rather inflamed than lessened thespirits of their leaders. But the matter inclining neither way, heabdicated his dictatorship, either because he had been appointed withsome informality, as some have stated; or because the tribunes of thepeople proposed to the commons, and the commons passed it, that ifMarcus Furius did any thing as dictator, he should be fined five hundredthousand _asses_. But both the disposition of the man himself, and thefact that Publius Manlius was immediately substituted as dictator forhim, incline me to believe, that he was deterred rather by some defectin the auspices than by this unprecedented order. What could be the useof appointing him (Manlius) to manage a contest in which Camillus hadbeen defeated? and because the following year had the same Marcus Furiusdictator, who certainly would not without shame have resumed anauthority which but the year before had been worsted in his hands; atthe same time, because at the time when the motion about fining him issaid to have been published, he could either resist this order, by whichhe saw himself degraded, or he could not have obstructed those otherson account of which this was introduced, and throughout the whole seriesof disputes regarding the tribunitian and consular authority, even downto our own memory, the pre-eminence of the dictatorship was alwaysdecided. 

39. Between the abdication of the former dictatorship and the new oneentered on by Manlius, an assembly of the commons being held by thetribunes, as if it were an interregnum, it became evident which of thelaws proposed were more grateful to the commons, which to the proposers. For they passed the bills regarding the interest and the land, rejectedthe one regarding the plebeian consulate. And both decisions would havebeen carried into effect, had not the tribunes declared that theyconsulted the people on all the laws collectively. Publius Manlius, dictator, then inclined the advantage to the side of the people, bynaming Caius Licinius from the commons, who had been military tribune, as master of the horse. The patricians, I understand, were muchdispleased at this nomination, but the dictator used to excuse himselfto the senate, alleging the near relationship between him and Licinius;at the same time denying that the authority of master of the horse washigher than that of consular tribune. When the elections for theappointment of plebeian tribunes were declared, Licinius and Sextius soconducted themselves, that by denying that they any longer desired acontinuation of the honour, they most powerfully stimulated the commonsto effectuate that which they were anxious for notwithstanding theirdissimulation. "That they were now standing the ninth year as it were inbattle-array against the patricians, with the greatest danger to theirprivate interests, without any benefit to the public. That the measurespublished, and the entire strength of the tribunitian authority, hadgrown old with them; the attack was made on their propositions, first bythe protest of their colleagues, then by banishing their youth to thewar at Velitræ; at length the dictatorial thunder was levelled againstthem. That now neither colleagues, nor war, nor dictator stood in theirway; as being a man, who by nominating a plebeian as master of thehorse, has even given an omen for a plebeian consul. That the commonsretarded themselves and their interests. They could, if they liked, havethe city and forum free from creditors, their lands immediately freefrom unjust possessors. Which kindnesses, when would they ever estimatethem with sufficiently grateful feelings, if, whilst receiving themeasures respecting their own interests, they cut away from the authorsof them all hopes of distinction? That it was not becoming the modestyof the Roman people to require that they themselves be eased from usury, and be put in possession of the land unjustly occupied by the great, whilst they leave those persons through whom they attained theseadvantages, become old tribunitians, not only without honour, but evenwithout the hope of honour. Wherefore they should first determine intheir minds what choice they would make, then declare that choice at thetribunitian elections. If they wished that the measures published bythem should be passed collectively, there was some reason forre-electing the same tribunes; for they would carry into effect whatthey published. But if they wished that only to be entertained which maybe necessary for each in private, there was no occasion for theinvidious continuation of honour; that they would neither have thetribuneship, nor the people those matters which were proposed. "

40. In reply to such peremptory language of the tribunes, when amazementat the insolence of their conduct and silence struck all the rest of thepatricians motionless, Appius Claudius Crassus, the grandson of thedecemvir, is said to have stepped forward to refute their arguments, [urged on] more by hatred and anger than by hope [of succeeding], and tohave spoken nearly to this effect: "Romans, to me it would be neithernew nor surprising, if I too on the present occasion were to hear thatone charge, which has ever been advanced against our family by turbulenttribunes, that even from the beginning nothing in the state has been ofmore importance to the Claudian family than the dignity of thepatricians; that they have ever resisted the interests of the commons. Of which charges I neither deny nor object to the one, that we, since wehave been admitted into the state and the patricians, have strenuouslydone our utmost, that the dignity of those families, among which ye werepleased that we should be, might be truly said rather to have beenincreased than diminished. With respect to the other, in my own defenceand that of my ancestors, I would venture to maintain, Romans, (unlessany one may consider those things, which may be done for the generalgood of the state, were injurious to the commons as if inhabitants ofanother city, ) that we, neither in our private nor in our officialcapacity, ever knowingly did any thing which was intended to bedetrimental to the commons; and that no act nor word of ours can bementioned with truth contrary to your interest (though some may havebeen contrary to your inclinations). Even though I were not of theClaudian family, nor descended from patrician blood, but an ordinaryindividual of the Roman citizens, who merely felt that I was descendedfrom free-born parents, and that I lived in a free state, could I besilent on this matter: that Lucius Sextius and Caius Licinius, perpetualtribunes, forsooth, have assumed such a stock of arrogance during thenine years in which they have reigned, as to refuse to allow you thefree exercise of your suffrage either at the elections or in enactinglaws. On a certain condition, one of them says, ye shall re-elect ustribunes for the tenth time. What else is it, but saying, what otherssue for, we disdain so thoroughly, that without some consideration wewill not accept it? But in the name of goodness, what is thatconsideration, for which we may always have you tribunes of the commons?that ye admit collectively all our measures, whether they please ordisplease, are profitable or unprofitable. I beg you, Tarquinii, tribunes of the commons, suppose that I, an individual citizen, shouldcall out in reply from the middle of the assembly, With your good leavebe it permitted us to select out of these measures those which we deemto be beneficial to us; to reject the others. It will not be permitted, he says. Must you enact concerning the interest of money and the lands, that which tends to the interest of you all; and must not this prodigytake place in the city of Rome, that of seeing Lucius Sextius and thisCaius Licinius consuls, a thing which you loathe and abominate? Eitheradmit all; or I propose none. Just as if any one were to place poisonand food together before any one who was oppressed with famine, andorder him either to abstain from that which would sustain life, or tomix with it that which would cause death. Wherefore, if this state werefree, would they not all in full assembly have replied to you, Begonehence with your tribuneships and your propositions? What? if you willnot propose that which it is the interest of the people to accept, willthere be no one who will propose it? If any patrician, if (what theydesire to be still more invidious) any Claudius should say, Eitheraccept all, or I propose nothing; which of you, Romans, would bear it?Will ye never look at facts rather than persons? but always listen withpartial ears to every thing which that officer will say, and withprejudiced ears to what may be said by any of us? But, by Jove, theirlanguage is by no means becoming members of a republic. What! what sortis the measure, which they are indignant at its having been rejected byyou? very like their language, Romans. I ask, he says, that it may notbe lawful for you to elect, as consuls, such persons as ye may wish. Does he require any thing else, who orders that one consul at least beelected from the commons; nor does he grant you the power of electingtwo patricians? If there were wars at the present day, such as theEtrurian for instance, when Porsenna took the Janiculum, such as theGallic war lately, when, except the Capitol and citadel, all theseplaces were in possession of the enemy; and should Lucius Sextius standcandidate for the consulate with Marcus Furius or any other of thepatricians: could ye endure that Sextius should be consul without anyrisk; that Camillus should run the risk of a repulse? Is this allowing acommunity of honours, that it should be lawful that two plebeians, andnot lawful that two patricians, be made consuls, and that it should benecessary that one be elected from among the commons, and lawful to passby both of the patricians? what fellowship, what confederacy is that? Isit not sufficient, if you come in for a share of that in which you hadno share hitherto, unless whilst suing for a part you seize on thewhole? I fear, he says, lest, if it be lawful that two patricians are tobe elected, ye will elect no plebeian. What else is this but saying, Because ye will not of your own choice elect unworthy persons, I willimpose on you the necessity of electing persons whom you do not wish?What follows, but that if one plebeian stand candidate with twopatricians, he owes no obligation to the people, and may say that he wasappointed by the law, not by suffrages?

41. "How they may extort, not how they may sue for honours, is what theyseek: and they are anxious to attain the highest honour, so that theymay not owe the obligations incurred even for the lowest; and theyprefer to sue for honours rather through favourable conjunctures thanby merit. Is there any one who can feel it an affront to have himselfinspected and estimated; who thinks it reasonable that to himself alone, amidst struggling competitors, honours should be certain? who wouldwithdraw himself from your judgment? who would make your suffragesnecessary instead of voluntary; servile instead of free? I omit mentionof Licinius and Sextius, whose years of perpetuated power ye number, asthat of the kings in the Capitol; who is there this day in the state somean, to whom the road to the consulate is not rendered easier throughthe advantages of that law, than to us and to our children? inasmuch asyou will sometimes not be able to elect us even though you may wish it;those persons you must elect, even though you were unwilling. Of theinsult offered to merit enough has been said (for merit appertains tohuman beings); what shall I say respecting religion and the auspices, which is contempt and injustice relating exclusively to the immortalgods? Who is there who does not know that this city was built byauspices, that all things are conducted by auspices during war andpeace, at home and abroad? In whom therefore are the auspices vestedaccording to the usage of our forefathers? In the patricians, no doubt;for no plebeian magistrate is ever elected by auspices. So peculiar tous are the auspices, that not only do the people elect in no othermanner, save by auspices, the patrician magistrates whom they do elect, but even we ourselves, without the suffrages of the people, appoint theinterrex by auspices, and in our private station we hold those auspices, which they do not hold even in office. What else then does he do, thanabolish auspices out of the state, who, by creating plebeian consuls, takes them away from the patricians who alone can hold them? They maynow mock at religion. For what else is it, if the chickens do not feed?if they come out too slowly from the coop? if a bird chaunt anunfavourable note? These are trifling: but by not despising thesetrifling matters, our ancestors have raised this state to the highesteminence. Now, as if we had no need of the favour of the gods, weviolate all religious ceremonies. Wherefore let pontiffs, augurs, kingsof the sacrifices be appointed at random. Let us place the tiara ofJupiter's flamen on any person, provided he be a man. Let us hand overthe ancilia, the shrines, the gods, and the charge of the worship of thegods, to those to whom it is impious to commit them. Let not laws beenacted, nor magistrates elected under auspices. Let not the senate givetheir approbation, either to the assemblies of the centuries or of theCuriæ. Let Sextius and Licinius, like Romulus and Tatius, reign in thecity of Rome, because they give away as donations other persons' moneyand lands. So great is the charm of plundering the possessions of otherpersons: nor does it occur to you that by the one law vast wilds areproduced throughout the lands by expelling the proprietors from theirterritories; by the other credit is destroyed, along with which allhuman society ceases to exist. For every reason, I consider that thosepropositions ought to be rejected by you. Whatever ye may do, I pray thegods to render it successful. "

42. The speech of Appius merely had this effect, that the time forpassing the propositions was deferred. The same tribunes, Sextius andLicinius, being re-elected for the tenth time, succeeded in passing alaw, that of the decemvirs for religious matters, one half should beelected from the commons. Five patricians were elected, and five out ofthe plebeians; and by that step the way appeared opened to theconsulship. The commons, content with this victory, yielded to thepatricians, that, all mention of consuls being omitted for the present, military tribunes should be elected. Those elected were, Aulus andMarcus Cornelius a second time, Marcus Geganius, Publius Manlius, LuciusVeturius, and Publius Valerius a sixth time. When, except the siege ofVelitræ, a matter rather of a slow than dubious result, there was nodisquiet from foreign concerns among the Romans; the sudden rumour of aGallic war being brought, influenced the state to appoint Marcus Furiusdictator for the fifth time. He named Titus Quinctius Pennus master ofthe horse. Claudius asserts that a battle was fought that year with theGauls, on the banks of the Anio; and that then the famous battle wasfought on the bridge, in which Titus Manlius, engaging with a Gaul bywhom he had been challenged, slew him in the sight of the two armies anddespoiled him of his chain. But I am induced by the authority of severalwriters to believe that those things happened not less than ten yearslater; but that in this year a pitched battle was fought with the Gaulsby the dictator, Marcus Furius, in the territory of Alba. The victorywas neither doubtful nor difficult to the Romans, though from therecollection of the former defeat the Gauls had diffused great terror. Many thousands of the barbarians were slain in the field, and greatnumbers in the storming of the camp. The rest dispersing, making chieflyfor Apulia, saved themselves from the enemy, both by continuing theirflight to a great distance, as also because panic and terror hadscattered them very widely. A triumph was decreed to the dictator withthe concurrence of the senate and commons. Scarcely had he as yetfinished the war, when a more violent disturbance awaited him at home;and by great struggles the dictator and the senate were overpowered, sothat the measures of the tribunes were admitted; and the elections ofthe consuls were held in spite of the resistance of the nobility, atwhich Lucius Sextius was made consul, the first of plebeian rank. Andnot even was that an end of the contests. Because the patricians refusedto give their approbation, the affair came very near a secession of thepeople, and other terrible threats of civil contests: when, however, thedissensions were accommodated on certain terms through the interferenceof the dictator; and concessions to the commons were made by thenobility regarding the plebeian consul; by the commons to the nobility, with respect to one prætor to be elected out of the patricians, toadminister justice in the city. The different orders being at lengthrestored to concord after their long-continued animosity, when thesenate were of opinion that for the sake of the immortal gods they wouldreadily do a thing deserving, and that justly, if ever on any occasionbefore, that the most magnificent games should be performed, and thatone day should be added to the three; the plebeian ædiles refusing theoffice, the young patricians cried out with one accord, that they, forthe purpose of paying honour to the immortal gods, would readilyundertake the task, so that they were appointed ædiles. And when thankswere returned to them by all, a decree of the senate passed, that thedictator should ask of the people two persons as ædiles from among thepatricians; that the senate should give their approbation to all theelections of that year. 

BOOK VII. 

 _Two magistrates were added, the prætorship and curule ædileship. A pestilence rages in the city, which carries off the celebrated Furius Camillus. Scenic representations first introduced. Curtius leaps on horseback completely armed into a gulf in the forum. Titus Manlius, having slain a Gaul in single combat, who challenged any of the Roman soldiers, takes from him a golden chain, and hence gets the name of Torquatus. Two new tribes are added, called the Pomptine and Publilian. Licinius Stolo is condemned on a law which he himself had carried, for possessing more than five hundred acres of land. Marcus Valerius, surnamed Corvinus, from having with the aid of a crow killed a Gaul, who challenged him, is on the following year elected consul, though but twenty-three years old. A treaty of friendship made with the Carthaginians. The Campanians, overpowered by the Samnites, surrender themselves to the Roman people, who declare war against the Samnites. P. Decius Mus saves the Roman army, when brought into very great danger by the consul A. Cornelius. Conspiracy and revolt of the Roman soldiers in the garrison of Capua. They are brought to a sense of duty, and restored to their country, by Marcus Valerius Corvus, dictator. Successful operations against the Hernicians, Gauls, Tiburtians, Privernians, Tarquinians, Samnites, and Volscians. _

1. This year will be remarkable for the consulship of a man of meanbirth, remarkable for two new magistracies, the prætorship and curuleædileship. These honours the patricians claimed to themselves, inconsideration of one consulship having been conceded to the plebeians. The commons gave the consulship to Lucius Sextius, by whose law it hadbeen obtained. The patricians by their popular influence obtained theprætorship for Spurius Furius Camillus, the son of Marcus, the ædileshipfor Cneius Quinctius Capitolinus and Publius Cornelius Scipio, men oftheir own rank. To Lucius Sextius, the patrician colleague assigned wasLucius Æmilius Mamercinus. In the beginning of the year mention was madeboth of the Gauls, who, after having strayed about through Apulia, itwas now rumoured were forming into a body; and also concerning a revoltof the Hernicians. When all business was purposely deferred, so thatnothing should be transacted through means of the plebeian consul, silence was observed on all matters, and a state of inaction like to ajustitium; except that, the tribunes not suffering it to pass unnoticedthat the nobility had arrogated to themselves three patricianmagistracies as a compensation for one plebeian consul, sitting incurule chairs, clad in the prætexta like consuls; the prætor, too, administering justice, and as if colleague to the consuls, and electedunder the same auspices, the senate were in consequence made ashamed toorder the curule ædiles to be elected from among the patricians. It wasat first agreed, that they should be elected from the commons everysecond year: afterwards the matter was left open. Then, in the consulateof Lucius Genucius and Quintus Servilius, affairs being tranquil both athome and abroad, that they might at no period be exempt from fear anddanger, a great pestilence arose. They say that a prætor, a curuleædile, and three plebeian tribunes died of it, and that several otherdeaths took place in proportion among the populace; and that pestilencewas made memorable chiefly by the death of Marcus Furius, which, thoughoccurring at an advanced age, was still much lamented. For he was atruly extraordinary man under every change of fortune; the first man inthe state in peace and war, before he went into exile; still moreillustrious in exile, whether by the regret felt for him by the state, which, when in captivity, implored his aid when absent; or by thesuccess with which, when restored to his country, he restored thatcountry along with himself. For five and twenty years afterwards (for somany years afterwards did he live) he uniformly preserved his claims tosuch great glory, and was deemed deserving of their considering him, next after Romulus, a second founder of the city of Rome. 

2. The pestilence continued both for this and the following year, CaiusSulpicius Peticus and Caius Licinius Stolo being consuls. During thatyear nothing worth recording took place, except that for the purpose ofimploring the favour of the gods, there was a Lectisternium, the thirdtime since the building of the city. And when the violence of thedisease was alleviated neither by human measures nor by divineinterference, their minds being broken down by superstition, amongother means of appeasing the wrath of heaven, scenic plays also are saidto have been instituted, a new thing to a warlike people (for hithertothere had been only the shows of the circus). But the matter wastrivial, (as all beginnings generally are, ) and even that itself from aforeign source. Without any poetry, or gesticulating in imitation ofsuch poetry, actors were sent for from Etruria, dancing to the measuresof a musician, and exhibited, according to the Tuscan fashion, movementsby no means ungraceful. The young men afterwards began to imitate these, throwing out at the same time among each other jocular expressions inuncouth verses; nor were their gestures irrelevant to their language. Wherefore the matter was received with approbation, and by frequent usewas much improved. To the native performers the name of _histriones_ wasgiven, because _hister_, in the Tuscan vocabulary, was the name of anactor, who did not, as formerly, throw out alternately artless andunpolished verses like the Fescennine at random, but represented medleyscomplete with metre, the music being regularly adjusted for themusician, and with appropriate gesticulation. Livius, who several yearsafter, giving up medleys, was the first who ventured to digest a storywith a regular plot, (the same being, forsooth, as all were at thattime, the actor of his own pieces, ) after having broken his voice fromhaving been too repeatedly called on, and after having soughtpermission, is said to have placed a boy before the musician to chaunt, and to have performed the gesticulations with considerably freermovement, because the employment of his voice was no impediment to him. Thence commenced the practice of chaunting to the actors according totheir manual gesticulations, and the dialogues only were left to theirvoice. When by this arrangement the business of the scenic performanceswas called away from laughter and intemperate mirth, and the amusementbecame gradually converted into an art, the young men, leaving toregular actors the performance of plays, began themselves, according tothe ancient usage, to throw out ludicrous jests comprised in verses, which from that time were called _exodia_, and were collected chieflyfrom the Atellan farces. Which kind of amusement, received from theOsci, the young kept to themselves, nor did they suffer it to be debasedby regular players. Hence it remains an established usage that theactors of the Atellan farces are neither degraded from their tribe, andmay serve in the army, as if having no connexion with the profession ofthe stage. Among the trifling beginnings of other matters, it seemed tome that the first origin of plays also should be noticed; that it mightappear how from a moderate commencement it has reached its presentextravagance, scarcely to be supported by opulent kingdoms. 

3. However, the first introduction of plays, intended as a religiousexpiation, neither relieved their minds from religious awe, nor theirbodies from disease. Nay more, when the circus being inundated by theoverflowing of the Tiber happened to interrupt the middle of theperformance, that indeed, as if the gods were now turned from them, anddespised their efforts to soothe their wrath, excited great terror. Accordingly, Cneius Genucius and Lucius Æmilius Mamercinus being asecond time consuls, when the searching for expiations harassed theirminds, more than the diseases did their bodies, it is said to have beencollected from the memory of the more aged, that a pestilence hadformerly been relieved, on the nail being driven by a dictator. Inducedby this superstitious circumstance, the senate ordered a dictator to beappointed for the purpose of driving the nail. Lucius Manlius Imperiosusbeing appointed, named Lucius Pinarius master of the horse. There is anancient law written in antique letters and words, that whoever issupreme officer should drive a nail on the ides of September. It wasdriven into the right side of the temple of Jupiter supremely good andgreat, on that part where the temple of Minerva is. They say that thenail was a mark of the number of years elapsed, because letters wererare in those times, and that the law was referred to the temple ofMinerva, because number is the invention of that goddess. Cincius, acareful writer on such monuments, asserts that there were seen atVolsinii also nails fixed in the temple of Nortia, a Tuscan goddess, asindices of the number of years. Marcus Horatius, being consul, accordingto law dedicated the temple of Jupiter the best and greatest the yearafter the expulsion of kings; the solemnity of fixing the nail wasafterwards transferred from the consuls to the dictators, because theirswas a superior office. The custom being afterwards dropped, it seemed amatter of sufficient importance in itself, on account of which adictator should be appointed. For which reason Lucius Manlius beingappointed, just as if he had been appointed for the purpose of managingthe business of the state in general, and not to acquit it of areligious obligation, being ambitious to manage the Hernician war, harassed the youth by a severe levy, and at length, all the plebeiantribunes having risen up against him, whether overcome by force orshame, he resigned the dictatorship. 

4. Notwithstanding this, in the commencement of the ensuing year, Quintus Servilius Ahala, Lucius Genucius being consuls, a day of trialis appointed for Manlius, by Marcus Pomponius, tribune of the commons. His severity in the levies, carried not only to the fining of thecitizens, but even to the laceration of their bodies, those who had notanswered to their names being some beaten with rods, others thrown intoprison, was hateful; and more hateful than all was his violent temper, and the surname of Imperiosus, offensive to a free state, adopted by himfrom an ostentation of severity, which he exercised not more againststrangers than his nearest friends, and even those of his own blood. Andamong other things, the tribune alleged as a charge against him that "hehad banished his son, a youth convicted of no improper conduct, from thecity, home, household gods, forum, light, from the society of hisequals, and consigned him in a manner to a prison or workhouse; where ayouth of dictatorian rank, born of a very high family, should learn byhis daily suffering that he was descended of a truly imperious father. And for what offence? because he was not eloquent, nor ready indiscourse. Which defect of nature, whether ought it to be treated withleniency if there were a particle of humanity in him, or ought it to bepunished, and rendered more remarkable by harsh treatment? The dumbbeasts even, if any of their offspring happen to be badly formed, arenot the less careful in nourishing and cherishing them. But LuciusManlius aggravated the misfortune of his son by severity, and furtherclogged the slowness of his intellects; and if there were in him eventhe least spark of natural ability he extinguished it by a rustic lifeand a clownish education, and keeping him among cattle. "

5. By these charges the minds of all were exasperated against him morethan that of the young man himself: nay, on the contrary, being grievedthat he was even the cause of public odium and accusations to hisfather, that all the gods and men might know that he would rather affordaid to his father than to his enemies, he forms the design, characteristic of a rude and rustic mind no doubt, and though of aprecedent not conformable to the rules of civil life, yet commendablefor its filial piety. Having furnished himself with a knife, without theknowledge of any one he proceeds early in the morning into the city, andfrom the gate straightway to the house of Marcus Pomponius the tribune:he tells the porter, that he wanted to see his master immediately, andbid him to announce that he was Titus Manlius, son of Lucius. Beingintroduced immediately, (for he had hopes that the youth, incensedagainst his father, brought either some new charge, or some advice toaccomplish the project, ) after mutual greeting, he says that there weresome matters which he wished to transact with him in private. Then, allpersons being ordered to withdraw to a distance, he draws his dagger;and standing over the couch with his dagger ready to strike, hethreatens that he would immediately stab him, unless he would swear inthe words which he would dictate, that "he never would hold a meeting ofthe commons for the purpose of prosecuting his father. " The tribunealarmed, (for he saw the steel glittering before his eyes, himself aloneand unarmed; the other a young man, and very powerful, and what was noless terrifying, savagely ferocious in his bodily strength, ) swears inthe terms in which he was obliged; and afterwards acknowledged thatforced by this proceeding he gave up his undertaking. Nor though thecommons would have preferred that an opportunity was afforded them ofpassing sentence on so cruel and tyrannical a culprit, they were notmuch displeased that the son had dared to act so in behalf of hisfather; and that was the more commendable in this, that such greatseverity on the part of the father had not weaned his mind from hisfilial affection. Wherefore the pleading of his cause was not onlydispensed with for the father, but the matter even became a source ofhonour to the young man; and when it had been determined on that yearfor the first time that tribunes of the soldiers for the legions shouldbe appointed by suffrage, (for before that the commanders themselvesused to appoint them, as they now do those whom they call Rufuli, ) heobtained the second place among six, without any merit of a civil ormilitary nature to conciliate public favour; as he had spent his youthin the country and at a distance from all intercourse with the world. 

6. On the same year the middle of the forum is said to have fallen in toan immense depth, forming a sort of vast cave, either by reason of anearthquake, or some other violent cause; nor could that gulf be filledup by throwing earth into it, every one exerting himself to the utmost, until by the admonition of the gods an inquiry began to be instituted, as to what constituted the chief strength of the Roman people? for thesoothsayers declare that must be devoted to that place, if they desiredthe Roman state to be perpetual. Then they tell us that Marcus Curtius, a youth distinguished in war, reproved them for hesitating, whetherthere was any greater Roman good than arms and valour. Silence beingmade, looking to the temples of the immortal gods, which command a viewof the forum, and towards the Capitol, and extending his hands at onetime towards heaven, at another towards the infernal gods, through thegaping aperture of the earth, he devoted himself: then, mounted on ahorse accoutred in the most gorgeous style possible, he plunged in fullarmour into the opening, and offerings and the fruits of the earth werethrown in over him by the multitude of men and women, and the lake wascalled Curtian not from Curtius Mettus, the ancient soldier of TitusTatius, but from this circumstance. If any way would lead one's inquiryto the truth, industry would not be wanting: now, when length of timeprecludes all certainty of evidence, we must stand by the rumour oftradition; and the name of the lake must be accounted for from this morerecent story. After due attention being paid to so great a prodigy, thesenate, during the same year, being consulted regarding the Hernicians, (after having sent heralds to demand restitution in vain, ) voted, that amotion be submitted on the earliest day to the people on the subject ofdeclaring war against the Hernicians, and the people, in full assembly, ordered it. That province fell by lot to the consul Lucius Genucius. Thestate was in anxious suspense, because he was the first plebeian consulthat was about to conduct a war under his own auspices, being sure tojudge of the good or bad policy of establishing a community of honours, according as the matter should turn out. Chance so arranged it thatGenucius, marching against the enemy with a considerable force, fellinto an ambush; the legions being routed by reason of a sudden panic, the consul was slain after being surrounded by persons who knew not whomthey had slain. When this news was brought to Rome, the patricians, byno means so grieved for the public disaster, as elated at theunsuccessful guidance of the plebeian consul, every where exclaim, "Theymight now go, and elect consuls from the commons, they might transferthe auspices where it was impious to do so. The patricians might by avote of the people be driven from their own exclusive honour: whetherhad this inauspicious law availed also against the immortal gods? Theyhad vindicated their authority, their auspices; which as soon as everthey were defiled by one by whom it was contrary to human and divine lawthat they should have been, the destruction of the army with its leaderwas a warning, that elections should hereafter be conducted in utterviolation of the rights of birth. " The senate-house and the forumresound with expressions such as these. Appius Claudius, because he haddissuaded the law, and now with greater authority blamed the issue of ameasure which had been found fault with by himself, the consul Serviliusappoints dictator by the general wish of the patricians, and a levy andcessation of business are procaimed. 

7. Before the dictator and the new legions could arrive among theHernicians, matters were conducted with great success under thedirection of Caius Sulpicius the lieutenant-general, making use of afavourable opportunity. On the Hernicians, who after the death of theconsul came up contemptuously to the Roman camp with the certainty oftaking it, a sally was made by the exhortations of the consul, the mindsof the soldiers also being full of rage and indignation. The Hernicianswere much disappointed in their hopes of approaching the rampart; insuch complete confusion did they retire from thence. Then on the arrivalof the dictator the new army is joined to the old, the forces aredoubled; and the dictator in a public assembly, by bestowing praises onthe lieutenant-general and the soldiers by whose valour the camp hadbeen defended, at the same time raises the spirits of those who heardtheir own deserved praises, and at the same time stimulates the othersto rival such valour. With no less vigour are the military preparationsmade on the part of the enemy, who, mindful of the honour previouslyacquired, and not ignorant that the enemy had increased their strength, augment their forces also. The entire Hernician race, all of militaryage, are called out. Eight cohorts, each consisting of four hundred men, the chosen strength of their people, are levied. This, the select flowerof their youth, they filled with hope and courage by their havingdecreed that they should receive double pay. They were exempt also frommilitary work, that, being reserved for the single labour of fighting, they might feel that they should make exertions more than are made byordinary men. They are placed in an extraordinary position in the field, that their valour might be the more conspicuous. A plain two miles inbreadth separated the Roman camp from the Hernicians; in the middle ofthis, the spaces being about equal on both sides, they came to anengagement. At first the fight was kept up with doubtful hope; the Romancavalry having repeatedly essayed to no purpose to break the enemy'sline by their charge. When their fighting as cavalry was less marked bysuccess than by great efforts, the cavalry, having first consulted thedictator, and then obtained his permission, leaving their horses behind, rush forward in front of the line, with a loud shout, and recommence thebattle after a new style; nor could they be resisted, had not theextraordinary cohorts, possessing equal vigour both of body and spirit, thrown themselves in their way. 

8. Then the contest is carried on between the leading men of the twostates. Whatever the common fortune of war carried off from either side, the loss was many times greater than can be estimated by the numbers:the rest, an armed populace, as if they had delegated the fight to theleading men, rest the issue of their own success on the bravery ofothers. Many fall on both sides; more are wounded. At length thehorsemen, chiding each other, asking, "what now remained, " if neitherwhen mounted they had made an impression on the enemy, nor as infantrydid they achieve any thing of moment; what third mode of fighting didthey wait for? Why had they so fiercely rushed forward before the line, and fought in a post not belonging to them? Aroused by these mutualchidings, they raise the shout anew, and press forward; and first theymade the enemy shrink, then made them give way, and at length fairlymade them turn their backs. Nor is it easy to say what circumstanceobtained the advantage against strength so well matched; except that theconstant fortune of both people might have raised or depressed theirspirits. The Romans pursued the Hernicians in their flight to theircamp; they refrained from attacking the camp, because it was late. Thefact of not having finished the sacrifices with success detained thedictator, so that he could not give the signal before noon, and hencethe contest was protracted till night. Next day the camp of theHernicians was deserted, and some wounded men were found left behind, and the main body of the fugitives was routed by the Signians, as theirstandards were seen passing by their walls but thinly attended, anddispersed over the country in precipitate flight. Nor was the victory anunbloody one to the Romans; a fourth part of the soldiers perished; and, where there was no less of loss, several Roman horsemen fell. 

9. On the following year, when the consuls Caius Sulpicius and CaiusLicinius Calvus led an army against the Hernicians, and finding no enemyin the country took their city Ferentinum by storm, as they werereturning thence, the Tiburtians shut their gates against them. Thoughmany complaints had been made on both sides before this, this was thedetermining cause why war was declared against the Tiburtian people, restitution having been demanded through heralds. It is sufficientlyascertained that Titus Quinctius Pennus was dictator that year, and thatServius Cornelius Maluginensis was his master of the horse. MacerLicinius writes, that he was named by the consul for the purpose ofholding the elections, because his colleague hastening to have theelections over before undertaking the war, that he might continue theconsulship, he thought it right to thwart his ambitious designs. Thisbeing designed as a compliment to his own family, renders the authorityof Licinius of the less weight. As I find no mention of thatcircumstance in the more ancient annals, my mind inclines me to considerthat the dictator was appointed on account of the Gallic war. On thatyear, certainly, the Gauls pitched their camp at the third stone on theSalarian road, at the further side of the bridge of the Anio. Thedictator, after he had proclaimed a cessation of civil business onaccount of the Gallic tumult, bound all the younger citizens by themilitary oath; and having set forth from the city with a great army, pitched his camp on the hither bank of the Anio. The bridge lay betweenboth armies, neither side attempting to break it down, lest it should bean indication of fear. There were frequent skirmishes for the possessionof the bridge; nor could it be clearly determined who were masters ofit, the superiority being so indecisive. A Gaul of very large statureadvanced on the bridge, then unoccupied, and says with as loud a voiceas he could exert, "Let the bravest man that Rome now possesses comeforward here to battle, that the event of an engagement between us bothmay show which nation is superior in war. "

10. There was for a long time silence among the young Roman nobility, asthey were both ashamed to decline the contest, and unwilling to claimthe principal post of danger. Then Titus Manlius, son of Lucius, thesame who had freed his father from the vexatious persecution of thetribune, proceeds from his station to the dictator: "Without yourcommands, general, I would never fight out of the ordinary course, notthough I should see certain victory before me. If you permit me, I wishto show that brute, who insolently makes such a parade before theenemy's line, that I am sprung from that family which dislodged a bodyof Gauls from the Tarpeian rock. " Then the dictator says, "TitusManlius, may you prosper for your valour and dutiful affection to yourfather and your country. Go on, and make good the invincibility of theRoman name with the aid of the gods. " His companions then arm the youth;he takes a footman's shield, girds himself with a Spanish sword, fit fora close fight. When armed and equipped, they lead him out against theGaul, who exhibited stolid exultation, and (for the ancients thoughtthat also worthy of mention) thrust out his tongue in derision. Theythen retire to their station; and the two being armed, are left in themiddle space, more after the manner of a spectacle, than according tothe law of combat, by no means well matched, according to those whojudged by sight and appearance. The one had a body enormous in size, glittering in a vest of various colours, and in armour painted andinlaid with gold; the other had a middle stature, as is seen amongsoldiers, and a mien unostentatious, in arms fit for ready use ratherthan adapted for show. He had no song, no capering, nor idle flourishingof arms, but his breast, teeming with courage and silent rage, hadreserved all its ferocity for the decision of the contest. When theytook their stand between the two armies, the minds of so manyindividuals around them suspended between hope and fear, the Gaul, likea huge mass threatening to fall on that which was beneath it, stretchingforward his shield with his left hand, discharged an ineffectual cut ofhis sword with a great noise on the armour of his foe as he advancedtowards him. The Roman, raising the point of his sword, after he hadpushed aside the lower part of the enemy's shield with his own, andclosing on him so as to be exempt from the danger of a wound, insinuatedhimself with his entire body between the body and arms of the foe, withone and immediately with another thrust pierced his belly and groin, andstretched his enemy now prostrate over a vast extent of ground. Withoutoffering the body of the prostrate foe any other indignity, he despoiledit of one chain; which, though smeared with blood, he threw around hisneck. Dismay with astonishment now held the Gauls motionless. TheRomans, elated with joy, advancing from their post to meet theirchampion, with congratulations and praises conduct him to the dictator. Among them uttering some uncouth jests in military fashion somewhatresembling verses, the name of Torquatus was heard: this name, beingkept up, became afterwards an honour to the descendants even of thefamily. The dictator added a present of a golden crown, and before apublic assembly extolled that action with the highest praises. 

11. And, indeed, of so great moment was the contest with respect to theissue of the war in general, that on the night following the army of theGauls, having abandoned their camp in confusion, passed over into theterritory of Tibur, and from thence soon after into Campania, havingconcluded an alliance for the purpose of war, and being abundantlysupplied with provision by the Tiburtians. That was the reason why, onthe next year, Caius Pætelius Balbus, consul, though the province of theHernicians had fallen to the lot of his colleague, Marcus FabiusAmbustus, led an army, by order of the people, against the Tiburtians. To whose assistance when the Gauls came back from Campania, dreadfuldevastations were committed in the Lavican, Tusculan, and Albanterritories. And though the state was satisfied with a consul as leaderagainst the Tiburtian enemy, the alarm created by the Gauls rendered itnecessary that a dictator should be appointed. Quintus Servilius Ahalahaving been appointed, named Titus Quinctius master of the horse; andwith the sanction of the senate, vowed the great games, should that warturn out successfully. The dictator then, having ordered the consulararmy to remain to confine the Tiburtians to their own war, bound all theyounger citizens by the military oath, none declining the service. Abattle was fought not far from the Colline gate with the strength of theentire city, in the sight of their parents, wives, and children: whichbeing great incitements to courage, even when these relatives areabsent, being now placed before their eyes, fired the soldiers at oncewith feelings of shame and compassion. Great havoc being made on bothsides, the Gallic army is at length worsted. In their flight they makefor Tibur, as being the main stay of the war; and being interceptedwhilst straggling by the consul Pætelius not far from Tibur, and theTiburtians having come out to bring them aid, they are with the latterdriven within the gates. Matters were managed with distinguished successboth by the dictator and the consul. And the other consul, Fabius, atfirst in slight skirmishes, and at length in one single battle, defeatedthe Hernicians, when they attacked him with all their forces. Thedictator, after passing the highest encomiums on the consuls in thesenate and before the people, and yielding up the honour of his ownexploits to them, resigned his dictatorship. Pætelius enjoyed a doubletriumph, over the Gauls and the Tiburtians. Fabius was satisfied withentering the city in ovation. The Tiburtians derided the triumph ofPætelius; "for where, " they said, "had he encountered them in the field?that a few of their people having gone outside the gates to witness theflight and confusion of the Gauls, on seeing an attack made onthemselves, and that those who came in the way were slaughtered withoutdistinction, had retired within the city. Did that seem to the Romansworthy of a triumph? They should not consider it an extraordinary andwondrous feat to raise a tumult at the enemy's gates, as they shouldsoon see greater confusion before their own walls. "

12. Accordingly in the year following, Marcus Popilius Lænas and CneiusManlius being consuls, during the first silence of the night having setout from Tibur with an army prepared for action, they came to the cityof Rome. The suddenness of the thing, and the panic occurring at night, occasioned some terror among them on being suddenly aroused from sleep;further, the ignorance of many as to who the enemy were or whence theyhad come. However they quickly ran to arms, and guards were posted atthe gates, and the walls were secured with troops; and when daylightshowed but an inconsiderable force before the walls, and that the enemywere none other than the Tiburtines, the consuls, having gone forth fromthe two gates, attack on either side the army of these now advancing upto the walls; and it became obvious that they had come relying rather onthe opportunity than on their valour, for they hardly sustained thefirst charge of the Romans. Nay more, it was evident that their comingproved an advantage to the Romans, and that a disturbance just arisingbetween the patricians and commons was checked by the dread of a war sonear them. In the next war there was another irruption of the enemy, more terrible to the country than to the city. The Tarquinians overranthe Roman frontiers, committing depredations on that side moreespecially where they are contiguous to Etruria; and restitution beingdemanded in vain, the new consuls, Cneius Fabius and Caius Plautius, proclaimed war on them by order of the people; and that province fell tothe lot of Fabius, the Hernicians to Plautius. A rumour of a Gallic waralso was gaining ground. But amid their many terrors, they had someconsolation from a peace granted to the Latins at their own request, asalso from a considerable reinforcement of soldiers received from them inconformity with an old treaty, which, they had for several years ceasedto observe. When the Roman cause was supported by this aid, the tidingsthat the Gauls had come to Præneste and were encamped near to Pedum, were less heeded. It was determined that Caius Sulpicius should beappointed dictator. Caius Plautius the consul, being sent for for thepurpose, nominated him; Marcus Valerius was assigned as master of thehorse to the dictator. These having selected the best of the soldiersout of the two consular armies, led them against the Gauls. This war wasmore tedious than was satisfactory to either party. When at first theGauls only were desirous of fighting, afterwards the Roman soldiersconsiderably surpassed the ferocity of the Gauls in their ardour forarms and battle; it by no means met the approbation of the dictator whenno urgent necessity existed to run any hazard against an enemy, whosestrength time and inconvenient situation would daily impair, in totalinactivity, without provisions previously laid up or any fortifiedsituation; besides, being persons of such minds and bodies, that alltheir force lay in brisk exertion, whilst the same flagged by shortdelay. On these considerations the dictator protracted the war, anddenounced a severe penalty against any one who should fight against theenemy without orders. The soldiers, being much dissatisfied with this, first censured the dictator, in their conversation, when on guard and onthe watches; sometimes they found fault with the patricians in general, for not having commanded the war to be conducted by the consuls. "Thatan excellent general, an extraordinary commander, had been selected, whothinks that whilst he does nothing victory will fly down from heaveninto his lap. " Afterwards they gave expression to these same sentimentsopenly during the day, and to others still more outrageous; that "theywould either fight without the general's orders, or would proceed in abody to Rome. " The centurions, too, began to mix with the soldiers; andthey murmured not only in their own quarters, but now their observationsbegan to be confounded together at head-quarters and at the general'stent, and the crowd increased to the magnitude of an assembly, and theynow shouted from all quarters that "they should go forthwith to thedictator; that Sextus Tullius should speak in behalf of the army, so asbecame his courage. "

13. Tullius was now for the seventh time first centurion of a legion, nor was there in the army, at least among those who served in theinfantry, a man more distinguished by his conduct. He, at the head of abody of the soldiers, proceeds to the tribunal, and to Sulpicius, notmore surprised at the crowd than at Tullius, the leader of the crowd, asoldier most obedient to command, he says: "Dictator, the whole army, conceiving that they have been condemned by you of cowardice, and keptwithout their arms by way of disgrace, has entreated me to plead theircause before you. In truth, if having deserted our post any where, ifturning our backs to the enemy, if the disgraceful loss of ourstandards could be laid to our charge, I would still think it but justthat we should obtain this from you, that you would suffer us to redeemour fault by our bravery, and to blot out the memory of our disgrace bynewly acquired glory. Even the legions defeated at the Allia, when theyafterwards set out from Veii, recovered by their valour the same countrywhich they had lost through a panic. We, by the bounty of the gods, yourgood fortune, and that of the Roman people, have both our cause and ourglory uninjured. Though of glory I would scarcely venture to say anything; since both the enemy scoff at us with every kind of insult, aswomen hiding ourselves behind a rampart; and you, our general, what wegrieve at still more, judge your army to be without spirit, withoutarms, without hands; and before you had made trial of us, you have sodespaired of us, as to consider yourself to be the leader of a set ofmaimed and disabled men. For what else shall we believe to be the reasonwhy you, a veteran general, most valiant in war, sit down with handsfolded, as they say. But however it may be, it is fitter that you shouldseem to doubt of our courage than we of yours. If however this plan ofproceeding be not your own, but a public one, if some concerted schemeof the patricians, and not the Gallic war, keeps us exiled from thecity, from our homes, I beg that you consider what I may say here, asaddressed not by soldiers to their general, but to the patricians by thecommons, who tell you that as ye have your separate plans, so will theyhave theirs. Who in the name of goodness can be angry that we (considerourselves) your soldiers, not your slaves? as men who have been sent towar, not into exile? as men who, if any one give the signal, and leadthem out into the field, will fight as becomes men and Romans? as menwho, if there be no need of arms, would spend their idle time in Romerather than in a camp? Consider these observations as addressed to thepatricians. As your soldiers, we entreat you, general, to afford us anopportunity of fighting. We both desire to conquer, and also to conquerwith you for our leader; to confer on you the distinguished laurel, withyou to enter the city in triumph; following your car withcongratulations and rejoicings, to approach the temple of Jupitersupremely great and good. " The entreaties of the multitude followed thespeech of Tullius; and from every side they cried out, that he wouldgive the signal, that he would order them to take arms. 

14. The dictator, though he saw that a good result was brought about bya precedent not to be approved of, yet took on himself to do what thesoldiers wished, and inquires of Tullius privately, what the nature ofthis transaction was, or on what precedent it was done? Tulliusearnestly entreated the dictator "not to believe him forgetful ofmilitary discipline, of himself, nor of the respect due to his general;that he had not declined to put himself at the head of the excitedmultitude, who generally were like to their instigators, lest any otherperson might step forward, such an excited multitude were wont to elect. That for his own part he would do nothing without the orders of hisgeneral; that he also however must carefully see, that he keep the armyin obedience. That minds so excited could not be put off: that theywould choose for themselves time and place, if they were not granted bythe general. " While they are conversing in this way, it so happened, that as a Gaul was driving away some cattle feeding on the outside ofthe rampart two Roman soldiers took them from him. Stones were thrown atthem by the Gauls, then a shout was raised at the next Roman post, andseveral ran forward on both sides. And now matters were not far from aregular engagement, had not the contest been quickly stopped by thecenturions. By this event the testimony of Tullius was certainlyconfirmed with the dictator; and the matter not admitting of furtherdelay, a proclamation is issued that they were to fight on the dayfollowing. The dictator however, as one who went into the field relyingmore on the courage of his men than on their numerical strength, beganto look about and consider how he might by some artifice strike terrorinto the enemy. With a sagacious mind he devises a new project, whichmany generals both of our own and of foreign countries have sinceadopted, some indeed in our own times. He orders the panniers to betaken from the mules, and two side-cloths only being left, he mounts themuleteers on them, equipped with arms partly belonging to the prisoners, and some to the sick. About a thousand of these being equipped, he mixeswith them one hundred horsemen, and orders them to go up during thenight into the mountains over the camp and to conceal themselves in thewoods, and not to stir from thence, till they should receive a signalfrom him. As soon as day dawned, he himself began to extend his linealong the bottom of the mountain, for the express purpose that the enemyshould face the mountains. The measures for infusing groundless terrorbeing now completed, which terror indeed proved almost more serviceablethan real strength, the leaders of the Gauls first believed that theRomans would not come down to the plain: then when they saw them beginon a sudden to descend, they also, on their part eager for the fight, rush forward to the encounter; and the battle commenced before thesignal could be given by the leaders. 

15. The Gauls attacked the right wing with greater fierceness, nor couldthey have been withstood, had not the dictator happened to be on thespot, rebuking Sextus Tullius by name, and asking him, "Was it in thisway he had engaged that the soldiers would fight? Where now were theshouts of those demanding their arms? where the threats that they wouldcommence the fight without the orders of their general? Behold thegeneral himself calling them with a loud voice to battle, and advancingin arms before the front of the line. Would any of those now follow him, who were just now to have led the way; fierce in the camp, but cowardsin the field?" What they heard was all true; wherefore shame appliedsuch strong incentives, that they rushed upon the weapons of the enemy, their attention being turned away from the thought of danger. Thisonset, which was almost frantic at first, threw the enemy into disorder;then the cavalry charging them whilst thus disordered, made them turntheir backs. The dictator himself, when he saw their line wavering inone direction, carries round some troops to the left wing, where he sawa crowd of the enemy collected, and gave to those who were on themountain the signal which had been agreed on. When a new shout arosefrom that quarter also, and they seemed to make their way in an obliquedirection, down the mountain to the camp of the Gauls; then through fearlest they should be cut off from it, the fight was given up, and theywere carried towards the camp with precipitate speed. Where when MarcusValerius, master of the horse, who, after having routed their left wing, was riding towards the enemies' entrenchment, met them, they turn theirflight to the mountains and woods: and the greater part of them werethere intercepted by the fallacious show of horsemen, and the muleteers, and of those whom panic had carried into the woods, a dreadful slaughtertook place after the battle was ended. Nor did any one since Camillusobtain a more complete triumph over the Gauls than Caius Sulpicius. Aconsiderable weight of gold taken from the Gallic spoils, which heenclosed in hewn stone, he consecrated in the Capitol. The same year theconsuls also were engaged in fighting with various success. For theHernicians were vanquished and subdued by Cneius Plautius. His colleagueFabius fought against the Tarquinians without caution or prudence; norwas the loss sustained in the field so much [a subject of regret] asthat the Tarquinians put to death three hundred and seven Romansoldiers, their prisoners, by which barbarous mode of punishment thedisgrace of the Roman people was rendered considerably more remarkable. To this disaster moreover was added, the laying waste of the Romanterritory, which the Privernatians, and afterwards the people ofVelitræ, committed by a sudden incursion. The same year two tribes, thePomptine and Publilian, were added. The votive games, which MarcusFurius in his dictatorship had vowed, were performed; and a propositionwas then for the first time made to the people regarding bribery atelections by Caius Pætilius, tribune of the commons, with theapprobation of the senate; and by that bill they thought that theambition of new men in particular, who had been accustomed to go aroundthe markets and places of meeting, was checked. 

16. Not equally pleasing to the patricians on the following year was alaw passed in the consulship of Caius Marcius and Cneius Manlius, byMarcus Duilius and Lucius Mænius, tribunes of the commons, regarding theinterest of money at twelve per cent. , and the people received andpassed it with much more eagerness. In addition to the new warsdetermined on the preceding year, a new enemy arose in the Faliscians, in consequence of a double charge; both that their youth had taken uparms in conjunction with the Tarquinians, and because they had refusedto restore to the demand of the Roman heralds those who had fled toFalerii, after the unsuccessful battle. That province fell to the lot ofCneius Manlius, Marcius led the army into the Privernatian territory, which, from the long continuance of peace, was in a flourishingcondition; and he enriched the soldiers with abundance of spoil. To thegreat quantity of effects he added an act of munificence; for, bysetting aside nothing for public use, he favoured the soldier in hisendeavours to accumulate private property. When the Privernatians hadtaken their post in a well-fortified camp under their own walls, havingsummoned the soldiers to an assembly, he says to them, "I now give toyou the camp and city of the enemy for plunder, if you promise me thatyou will exert yourselves bravely in the field, and that you are notbetter prepared for plunder than for fighting. " With loud shouts theycall for the signal, and elated and buoyed up with certain confidence, they proceed to the battle. Then, in front of the line, Sextus Tullius, whom we have already mentioned, exclaims, "Behold, general, " says he, "how your army are performing their promises to you;" and laying asidehis javelin, he attacks the enemy sword in hand. The whole van followTullius, and at the first onset put the enemy to flight; then pursuingthem, when routed, to the town, when they were just applying the scalingladders to the walls, they received the city on a surrender. A triumphwas had over the Privernatians. Nothing worth mentioning was achieved bythe other consul, except that he, by an unusual precedent, holding anassembly of the tribes in the camp at Sutrium, he passed a law regardingthe twentieth part of the value of those set free by manumission. As bythis law no small revenue was added to the treasury, now low, the senategave it their sanction. But the tribunes of the commons, influenced notso much by the law as by the precedent, passed a law, making it acapital offence for any one in future to summon an assembly of thepeople at a distance from the city; for if that were allowed, there wasnothing, no matter how destructive to the people, that might not he doneby soldiers, who had sworn allegiance to their consul. The same yearCaius Licinius Stolo was condemned in a fine of ten thousand _asses_, onhis own law, by Marcus Popillius Lænas, because he possessed inconjunction with his son a thousand acres of land, and because he hadattempted to evade the law by emancipating his son. 

17. The next two consuls, Marcus Fabius Ambustus a second time, andMarcus Popillius Lænas a second time, had two wars on their hands. Theone with the Tiburtians was easy, which Licinius managed, who drove theenemy into their city, and laid waste their lands. The Faliscians andTarquinians routed the other consul in the commencement of the fight. From these parties the utmost terror was raised, in consequence of theirpriests, who, by carrying before them lighted torches and the figures ofserpents, and advancing with the gait of furies, disconcerted the Romansoldiers by their extraordinary appearance; and then indeed they ranback to their entrenchments, in all the hurry of trepidation, as iffrenzied or thunderstruck; and then when the consul, andlieutenant-generals, and tribunes began to ridicule and chide them forbeing frightened like children at mere sights, shame suddenly changedtheir minds; and they rushed, as if blindfold, on those very objectsfrom which they had fled. Having, therefore, dissipated the idlecontrivance of the enemy, having attacked those who were in arms, theydrove their whole line before them, and having got possession of thecamp also on that day, and obtained great booty, they returnedvictorious, uttering military jests, both on the stratagem of the enemyas also on their own panic. Then the whole Etruscan nation is aroused, and under the conduct of the Tarquinians and Faliscians, they come toSalinæ. To meet this alarm, Caius Marcius Rutilus, being appointeddictator, the first plebeian who was so, named Caius Plautius, also aplebeian, master of the horse. This was deemed an indignity by thepatricians, that the dictatorship also was now become common, and withall their exertions they prevented any thing from either being decreedor prepared for the dictator, for the prosecution of that war. With themore promptitude, on that account, did the people order things, asproposed by the dictator. Having set out from the city, along both sidesof the Tiber, and transporting his army on rafts whithersoever hisintelligence of the enemy led him, he surprised many of them stragglingabout in scattered parties, laying waste the lands. Moreover, hesuddenly attacked their camp and took it; and eight thousand of theenemy being made prisoners, all the rest being either slain or drivenout of the Roman territory, he triumphed by order of the people, withoutthe sanction of the senate. Because they neither wished that theconsular elections should be held by a plebeian dictator or consul, andthe other consul, Fabius, was detained by the war, matters came to aninterregnum. There were then interreges in succession, QuintusServilius Ahala, Marcus Fabius, Cneius Manlius, Caius Fabius, CaiusSulpicius, Lucius Æmilius, Quintus Servilius, Marcus Fabius Ambustas. Inthe second interregnum a dispute arose, because two patrician consulswere elected: and the tribunes protesting, Fabius the interrex said, that "it was a law in the twelve tables, that whatever the peopleordered last should be law and in force; that the suffrages of thepeople were their orders. " When the tribunes by their protest had beenable to effect nothing else than to put off the elections, twopatricians were chosen consuls, Caius Sulpicius Peticus a third time, Marcus Valerius Publicola; and on the same day they entered into office. 

18. On the four hundredth year after the building of the city of Rome, and the thirty-fifth after its recovery from the Gauls, the consulshipbeing taken away from the commons after eleven years, consuls, bothpatricians, entered into office after the interregnum, Caius SulpiciusPeticus a third time, and Marcus Valerius Publicola. During this yearEmpulum was taken from the Tiburtians with a struggle not worthmentioning; whether the war was waged there under the auspices of thetwo consuls, as some have stated; or whether the lands of theTarquinians were laid waste by the consul Sulpicius about the same timethat Valerius led the troops against the Tiburtians. The consuls had amore arduous contest at home with the commons and tribunes. As twopatricians had received the consulship, they considered that not onlytheir resolution, but their honour also, was involved in theirconsigning it to two patricians. For if the consulship were made aplebeian magistracy, they must either yield it up entirely, or possessit entire, which possession they had received from their fathersunimpaired. The commons on the other hand loudly remonstrate; "Why didthey live; why were they reckoned in the number of citizens; if theycollectively cannot maintain that which was acquired by the firmness oftwo men, Lucius Sextius and Caius Licinius? That either kings, ordecemvirs, or, if there be any denomination of power more offensive, would be submitted to rather than see both the consuls patricians, orrather than not obey and rule in turn; but the one half, located inperpetual power, thinks the commons born for no other purpose than to besubservient. " The tribunes are not remiss in encouraging thedisturbances; but amid the excited state of all scarcely any aredistinguished as leaders. When they had several times gone down to theCampus Martius to no purpose, and when many days of meeting had beenspent in seditious movements; at length the resentment of the commons, overcome by the perseverance of the consuls, broke out to such a degree, that the commons followed in sorrow the tribunes, exclaiming, that therewas an end of liberty; that not only the Campus should be relinquished, but the city also as being held captive and oppressed by the tyranny ofthe patricians. The consuls, deserted by a part of the people, finishthe election nevertheless with the small number [who attended]. Both theconsuls elected were patricians, Marcus Fabius Ambustus a third time, Titus Quinctius. In some annals I find Marcus Popilius mentioned asconsul instead of Titus Quinctius. 

19. Two wars were conducted with success on that year: and they forcedthe Tiburtians by force of arms to a surrender. The city of Sassula wastaken from them; and the other towns would have shared the same fate, had not the entire nation laid down their arms, and put themselves underthe protection of the consul. A triumph was obtained by him over theTiburtians: in other respects the victory was a mild one. Rigorousseverity was practised against the Tarquinians. A great many beingslaughtered in the field, out of a great number of prisoners threehundred and fifty-eight were selected, all of the highest rank, to besent to Rome; the rest of the multitude were put to the sword. Nor werethe people more merciful towards those who had been sent to Rome. Theywere all beaten with rods and beheaded in the middle of the forum. Thatwas the punishment retaliated on the enemy for their butchering theRomans in the forum of Tarquinii. The successes in war induced theSamnites to seek their friendship. A courteous answer was returned totheir ambassadors by the senate: they were received into an alliance bya treaty. The Roman commons had not the same success at home as in war. For though the burden of interest money had been relieved by fixing therate at one to the hundred, the poor were overwhelmed by the principalalone, and submitted to confinement. On this account, the commons tooklittle heed either of the two consuls being patricians, or themanagement of the elections, by reason of their private distresses. Both consulships therefore remained with the patricians. The consulsappointed were Caius Sulpicius Pæticus a fourth time, Marcus ValeriusPublicola a second time. Whilst the state was occupied with the Etrurianwar, [entered into] because a report prevailed that the people of Cærehad joined the Tarquinians through compassion for them from theirrelationship, ambassadors from the Latins drew their attention to theVolscians, bringing tidings that an army enlisted and fully armed wasnow on the point of attacking their frontiers; from thence that theywere to enter the Roman territory in order to commit depredations. Thesenate therefore determined that neither affair should be neglected;they ordered that troops should be raised for both purposes, and thatthe consuls should cast lots for the provinces. The greater share oftheir anxiety afterwards inclined to the Etrurian war; after it wasascertained, from a letter of the consul Sulpicius, to whom the provinceof Tarquinii had fallen, that the land around the Roman Salinæ had beendepopulated, and that part of the plunder had been carried away into thecountry of the people of Cære, and that the young men of that peoplewere certainly among the depredators. The senate therefore, havingrecalled the consul Valerius, who was opposed to the Volscians, and whohad his camp on the frontiers of Tusculum, ordered him to nominate adictator. He nominated Titus Manlius, son of Lucius. He, after he hadappointed Aulus Cornelius Cossus his master of the horse, content withthe consular army, declared war against the Cæritians by order of thepeople, with the sanction of the senate. 

20. Then for the first time were the Cæritians seized with a real dreadof war, as if there was greater power in the words of the enemy toindicate war than in their own acts, who had provoked the Romans bydevastation; and they perceived how ill suited the contest was to theirstrength. They repented of their depredations, and cursed theTarquinians as the instigators of the revolt. Nor did any one think ofpreparing arms and hostilities; but each strenuously urged the necessityof sending ambassadors to sue for pardon for their error. When theirambassadors applied to the senate, being referred by the senate to thepeople, they implored the gods, whose sacred utensils they had receivedin the Gallic war and treated with all due ceremony, that the samecompassion for them might influence the Romans now in a flourishingcondition, which had formerly influenced themselves when the state ofthe Roman people was distressed; and turning to the temple of Vesta, they invoked the bonds of hospitality subsisting [between themselves]and the flamens and vestals entered into by them with holy and religiouszeal: "Would any one believe that persons, who possessed such merits, had suddenly become enemies without cause? or if they had committed anyact in a hostile manner, that they had, through design rather than underthe influence of error from frenzy, so acted, as to cancel their formeracts of kindness by recent injuries, more especially when conferred onpersons so grateful, and that they would choose to themselves as enemiesthe Roman people, now in the most flourishing state and most successfulin war, whose friendship they had cultivated when they were distressed?That they should not call it design, which should rather be called forceand necessity. That the Tarquinians, passing through their territorywith a hostile army, after they had asked for nothing but a passage, forced with them some of their peasants, to accompany them in thatdepredation, which was charged on them as a crime. That they wereprepared to deliver them up, if it pleased them that they should bedelivered up; or that they should be subjected to punishment, if [theydesired] that they should be punished. That Cære, the sanctuary of theRoman people, the harbourer of its priests, the receptacle of the sacredutensils of Rome, they should suffer to escape, in regard to the ties ofhospitality contracted with the vestals, and in regard to the religiousdevotion paid to their gods, intact and unstained with the charge ofhostilities committed. " The people were influenced not so much by [themerits of] the present case, as by their former deserts, so as to beunmindful rather of the injury than of the kindness. Peace was thereforegranted to the people of Cære, and it was resolved that the making of atruce for one hundred years should be referred to a decree of thesenate. Against the Faliscians, implicated in the same charge, the forceof the war was turned; but the enemy was no where found. Though theirterritories were visited in all directions with devastation, theyrefrained from besieging the towns; and the legions being brought backto Rome, the remainder of the year was spent in repairing the walls andthe towers, and the temple of Apollo was dedicated. 

21. At the close of the year a dispute between the patricians andcommons suspended the consular elections, the tribunes refusing to allowthe elections to be held, unless they were held conformably to theLicinian law; the dictator being determined to do away with theconsulate altogether from the state, rather than to make it common tothe patricians and the commons. Accordingly when, the elections beingrepeatedly adjourned, the dictator resigned his office, matters came toan interregnum. Upon this, when the interreges found the commonsincensed against the fathers, the contest was carried on by variousdisturbances to the eleventh interrex. The tribunes held out as theirplea, the protection of the Licinian law. The people had the painfulsense of the increasing weight of interest nearer to their hearts; andtheir private troubles became predominant amid the public contests. Through the wearisome effects of which the patricians ordered LuciusCornelius Scipio, the interrex, for peace' sake to observe the Licinianlaw in the election of consuls. To Publius Valerius Publicola, CaiusMarcius Rutilus, a plebeian, was assigned as a colleague. Once theirminds were disposed to concord, the new consuls, setting about torelieve the affair of the interest money also, which seemed to preventperfect unanimity, made the payment of the debts a matter of publicconcern, five commissioners having been appointed, whom from theirmanagement of the money they called bankers. By their justice anddiligence they deserved to have their names signalized by the records ofevery history. They were Caius Duilius, Publius Decius Mus, MarcusPapirius, Quintus Publilius, and Titus Æmilius; who underwent a taskmost difficult to be managed, and dissatisfactory in general to bothparties, certainly always so to one, both with moderation in otherrespects, as well as at the public expense, rather than with any loss[to the creditors]. For the tardy debts and those which were moretroublesome, rather by the inertness of the debtors than by want ofmeans, either the treasury paid off, tables with money being placed inthe forum, in such a manner that the public was first secured; or avaluation, at equitable prices, of their property freed them; so thatnot only without injury, but even without complaints on either side, animmense amount of debt was cleared off. After this a groundless alarm ofan Etrurian war, as there was a report that the twelve states hadconspired, rendered it necessary that a dictator should be appointed. Caius Julius was nominated in the camp, (for the decree of the senatewas sent thither to the consuls, ) to whom Lucius Æmilius was attached asmaster of the horse. But all things were quiet abroad. 

22. An attempt made at home by the dictator, to have the election of twopatrician consuls, brought the government to an interregnum. The twointerreges, Caius Sulpicius and Marcus Fabius, succeeded in that whichthe dictator had in vain attempted, scil. In having both the consulselected from the patricians, the people being rather more appeased inconsequence of the service done them in lightening their debts. Thepersons elected were, Caius Sulpicius Peticus himself, who firstresigned the office of interrex, and Titus Quinctius Pennus. Some attachthe name of Kæso, others that of Caius to Quinctius. They both set outto the war, Quinctius to the Faliscian, Sulpicius to the Tarquinian; andthe enemy no where meeting them in the field, they waged war moreagainst the lands than the men, by burning and laying waste every thing, by the debilitating effects of which, as of a slow consumption, thepertinacity of both states was so broken, that they solicited a truce, first from the consuls, then through their permission from the senate. They obtained a truce for forty years. Thus the concern regarding thetwo wars which were hanging over them being laid aside, whilst there wassome repose from arms, it was determined that a census should beinstituted, because the payment of the debt had changed the owners ofmuch property. But when the assembly was proclaimed for the appointmentof censors, Caius Marcius Rutilus, who had been the first plebeiandictator, having declared himself a candidate for the censorship, disturbed the harmony of the different orders. This step he seemed tohave taken at an unseasonable time; because both the consuls thenhappened to be patricians, who declared that they would take no accountof him. But he both succeeded in his undertaking by his ownperseverance, and the tribunes aided him by recovering a right lost inthe election of the consuls; and both the worth of the man brought himto the level of the highest honour, and also the commons were anxiousthat the censorship also should be brought within their participationthrough the medium of the same person who had opened a way to thedictatorship. Nor was any dissent [from this feeling] evinced at theelection, so that Marcius was elected censor along with Cneius Manlius. This year also had Marcus Fabius as dictator, not by reason of anyterror of war, but in order that the Licinian law should not be observedat the consular elections. Quintus Servilius was attached to thedictator as master of the horse. Nor yet did the dictatorship renderthat combination of the senators more effectual at the consularelections, than it had proved at that of the censors. 

23. Marcus Popillius Lænas was chosen consul on the part of the commons, Lucius Cornelius Scipio on that of the patricians. Fortune even renderedthe plebeian consul more distinguished; for when news was brought that avast army of the Gauls had pitched their camp in the Latin territory, Scipio being attacked with a serious fit of illness, the Gallic war wasintrusted out of course to Popillius. He having raised an army withgreat energy, after he had ordered the younger citizens to assemble inarms outside the Capuan gate, and the quæstors to carry the standardsfrom the treasury to the same place, having completed four legions, hegave the surplus of the men to the prætor Publius Valerius Publicola, recommending to the senate to raise another army, which might be areserve to the state against the sudden contingencies of war. Hehimself, after sufficiently preparing and arranging every thing, proceeds towards the enemy; and in order to ascertain their strengthbefore he should hazard a decisive action, he commenced drawing anintrenchment on a hill, the nearest he could select to the camp of theGauls. They being a fierce race and of an eager turn for fighting, when, on descrying the standards of the Romans at a distance, they drew outtheir forces, as expecting to commence the battle forthwith, when theyperceived that neither the opposite army descended into the plain, andthat the Romans were protected both by the height of the ground and alsoby the entrenchments, supposing that they were dismayed with fear, andalso more exposed to attack, because they were intent on the work, theyadvance with a furious shout. On the side of the Romans neither theworks were interrupted, (it was the triarii who were employed at them, )but the battle was commenced by the hastati and the principes, who stoodin front of the workmen armed and prepared for the fight. Besides theirown valour, the higher ground aided them, so that all the spears andjavelins did not fall ineffectual, as when thrown on the same level, (asis generally the case, ) but being steadied by their own weight they tookeffect; and the Gauls weighed down by the weapons, with which they hadtheir bodies transfixed, or their shields rendered too cumbrous by thosesticking in them. When they advanced almost up the steep at a run, becoming irresolute, they at first halted; then when the very delayshook the courage of the one party, and raised that of the enemy, beingthen pushed backwards they fell one upon the other, and produced acarnage among themselves more shocking than the carnage [caused by theenemy]. For more were crushed by the precipitate rout, than there wereslain by the sword. 

24. Nor as yet was the victory decided in favour of the Romans; anotherdifficulty still was remaining for them after they had descended intothe plain; for the great numbers of the Gauls being such as to preventall feeling of such a disaster, raised up fresh troops against thevictorious enemy, as if a new army rose up once more. And the Romansstood still, suppressing their ardour; both because the struggle had tobe undergone a second time by them wearied as they were, and the consul, having his left arm well nigh transfixed with a javelin, whilst heexposed himself incautiously in the van, had retired for a short timefrom the field. And now, by the delay, the victory was on the point ofbeing relinquished, when the consul, having had his wound tied up, riding back to the van, cries out, "Soldiers, why do you stand? You havenot to do with a Latin or Sabine enemy, whom, when you have vanquishedby your arms, from an enemy you may make an ally; against brutes we havedrawn our swords. Their blood must be drawn or ours given to them. Youhave repulsed them from your camp, you have driven them headlong downthe valley, you stand on the prostrated bodies of your foes. Fill theplains with the same carnage as you have filled the mountains; do notwait till they fly, you standing still; your standards must be advanced, you must proceed against the enemy. " Roused again by theseexhortations, they drive back from their ground the foremost companiesof the Gauls, and by forming wedges, they break through the centre oftheir body. By these means, the enemy being disunited, as being nowwithout regular command, or subordination of officers, they turn theirviolence against their own; and being dispersed through the plains, andcarried beyond their own camp in their precipitate flight, they make forthe citadel of Alba, which met their eyes as the most elevated amonghills of equal altitude. The consul, not pursuing them beyond the camp, because the wound weakened him, and he was unwilling to expose hiswearied army to hills occupied by the enemy, bestowed the entire plunderof the camp on the soldiers, and led back his army, victorious andenriched with the Gallic spoils, to Rome. The consul's wound occasioneda delay of the triumph, and the same cause made the senate wish for adictator, that there might be some one who, the consuls being both sick, should hold the elections. Lucius Furius Camillus being nominateddictator, Publius Cornelius Scipio being attached as master of thehorse, restored to the patricians their former possession of theconsulship. He himself being, for that service, elected consul, hadAppius Claudius Crassus named as his colleague. 

25. Before the new consuls entered on their office, a triumph wascelebrated by Popillius over the Gauls amid the great applause of thecommons; and they, in a low voice, frequently asked one another, whetherany one was dissatisfied with a plebeian consul. At the same time theyfound fault with the dictator, who had obtained the consulship as abribe for having infringed the Licinian law, more dishonourable for theprivate ambition [evinced] thereby than for the injury inflicted on thepublic, so that, when dictator, he might have himself appointed consul. The year was remarkable for many and various commotions. The Gauls[descending] from the Alban mountains, because they were unable toendure the severity of the winter, straggling through the plains and theparts adjoining the sea, committed devastations. The sea was infested byfleets of the Greeks; and the borders of the Antian shore, and the mouthof the Tiber; so that the maritime plunderers, encountering those onland, fought on one occasion an obstinate fight, and separated, theGauls to their camp, the Greeks back to their ships, doubting whetherthey should consider themselves as vanquished or victors. Among thesethe greatest alarm arose at the circumstance, that assemblies of theLatin states were held at the grove of Ferentina; and an unequivocalanswer was given to the Romans on their ordering soldiers from them, "that they should cease to issue their orders to those of whoseassistance they stood in need: that the Latins would take up arms indefence of their own liberty, rather than for the dominion of others. "The senate becoming uneasy at the defection of their allies, whilst twoforeign wars existed at the same time, when they perceived that thosewhom fidelity had not restrained, should be restrained by fear, orderedthe consuls to exert to the utmost the energies of their authority inholding a levy. For that they should depend on an army of theircountrymen, since their allies were deserting them. Ten legions are saidto have been levied, consisting each of four thousand two hundredinfantry and three hundred horse. Such a newly-raised army, if anyforeign force should assail, the present power of the Roman people, which is scarcely confined within the whole world, could not easilyraise now, if concentrated upon one point: so true it is, we haveimproved in those particulars only about which we are solicitous, richesand luxury. Among the other distressing events of this year, AppiusClaudius, one of the consuls, dies in the midst of the preparations forthe war; and the whole direction of affairs devolved on Camillus; overwhom, the only consul, it did not appear seemly that a dictator shouldbe appointed, either in consideration of his high character, whichshould not be made subordinate to the dictatorship, or on account of theauspicious omen of his surname with respect to a Gallic war. The consul, then, having stationed two legions to protect the city, and divided theremaining eight with the prætor Lucius Pinarius, mindful of his father'svalour, selects the Gallic war for himself without any appeal to lots:the prætor he commanded to protect the sea-coast, and to drive theGreeks from the shore. And after he had marched down into the Pomptineterritory, because he neither wished to engage on the level ground, nocircumstance rendering it necessary, and he considered that the enemywere sufficiently subdued, by preventing from plunder persons whomnecessity obliged to live on what was so obtained, he selected asuitable place for a fixed encampment. 

26. Where when they were spending the time in quiet in their quarters, aGaul, remarkable for his size and the appearance of his arms, cameforward; and striking his shield with his spear, after he had procuredsilence, through an interpreter he challenged any one of the Romans tocontend with him with the sword. There was a tribune of the soldiers, ayoung man, Marcus Valerius, who considering himself not less worthy ofthat distinction than Titus Manlius, having first ascertained theconsul's pleasure, advanced fully armed into the middle space. The humancontest was rendered less remarkable by reason of the interposition ofthe divine power. For just as the Roman was commencing the encounter, acrow settled suddenly on his helmet, facing the enemy, which, as anaugury sent from heaven, the tribune at first received with pleasure. Then he prayed that whatever god or goddess had sent him the auspiciousbird, would willingly and kindly aid him. Wondrous to relate, the birdnot only kept the place it had once taken, but as often as the encounterwas renewed, raising itself on its wings, it attacked the face and eyesof the foe with its beak and talons, until Valerius slays him, terrifiedat the sight of such a prodigy, and confounded both in his vision andunderstanding. The crow soaring out of sight makes towards the east. Hitherto the advanced guards on both sides remained quiet. When thetribune began to strip the body of the slain enemy, neither the Gaulsany longer confined themselves to their post, and the Romans began torun to their successful champion with still greater speed. There ascuffle taking place around the body of the prostrate Gaul, a desperatefight is stirred up. And now the contest is carried on not by thecompanies of the nearest posts, but by the legions pouring out from bothsides. The soldiers exulting in the victory of the tribune, and also atsuch favour and attention from the gods, are commanded by Camillus toadvance against the enemy: and he, pointing to the tribune distinguishedby the spoils, "Soldiers, " said he, "imitate this man; and around theirfallen leader strew heaps of Gauls. " Gods and men assisted at thatfight; and the struggle was carried on against the Gauls with a fury byno means equivocal in its result, so thoroughly were both armiesimpressed with the respective success of the two soldiers, between whomthe single combat had taken place. Among the first party, whoseencounter had called out the others, there was a desperate encounter:the rest of the soldiery, before they came within throw of a weapon, turned their backs. At first they were dispersed through the Volsciansand the Falernian territory; thence they made for Apulia and the uppersea. The consul, calling an assembly, after heaping praises on thetribune, bestows on him ten oxen and a golden crown. He himself, beingcommanded by the senate to take charge of the maritime war, joined hiscamp to that of the prætor. There because matters seemed to be delayedby the dastardly conduct of the Greeks, who did not venture into thefield, with the approbation of the senate, he nominated Titus ManliusTorquatus dictator. The dictator, after appointing Aulus CorneliusCossus his master of the horse, held the consular elections, and withthe greatest applause of the people he returned Marcus Valerius Corvus(for that was his surname from thenceforth) as consul, though absent, the rival of his own glory, then three and twenty years of age. Ascolleague to Corvus, Marcus Popillius Lænas, a plebeian, was assigned tobe consul for the fourth time. Nothing memorable occurred betweenCamillus and the Greeks; neither the one were warriors by land, nor theRomans by sea. At length, when they were repelled from the shore, amongother things necessary for use, water also failing, they abandonedItaly. To what state or what nation that fleet belonged, there isnothing certain. I would be most inclined to think that they belonged tothe tyrants of Sicily; for the farther Greece, being at that timewearied by intestine war, was now in dread of the power of theMacedonians. 

27. The armies being disbanded, whilst there was both peace abroad, andtranquillity at home by reason of the concord of the different orders, lest matters might be too happy, a pestilence having attacked the state, compelled the senate to order the decemvirs to inspect the Sibyllinebooks, and by their suggestion a lectisternium took place. The same yeara colony was led to Satricum by the Antians, and the city, which theLatins had demolished, was rebuilt. And a treaty was concluded at Romewith the Carthaginian ambassadors, they having come to requestfriendship and an alliance. The same tranquillity continued at home andabroad, during the consulate of Titus Manlius Torquatus and CaiusPlautius. Only the interest of money from twelve was reduced to six percent; and the payment of the debts was adjusted into equal portions ofthree years, on condition that the fourth payment should be made at thepresent time. And then also, though a portion of the commons weredistressed, still public credit engrossed the attention of the senate inpreference to the difficulties of private individuals. Theircircumstances were relieved most effectually, because a cessation wasintroduced of the taxes and levy. On the third year after Satricum wasrebuilt by the Volscians, Marcus Valerius Corvus having been electedconsul for the second time with Caius Poetelius, when news had beenbrought from Latium, that ambassadors from Antium were going round thestates of the Latins to excite a war, being ordered to attack theVolscians, before greater numbers of the enemy should be assembled, proceeds to Satricum with his army ready for action. And when theAntians and other Volscians met him, their forces being previouslyprepared, in case any movement should be made on the part of Rome, nodelay of engaging took place between the two parties incensed with longpent-up hate. The Volscians, a nation more spirited to renew hostilitiesthan to carry on war, being defeated in the fight, make for the walls ofSatricum in a precipitate flight; and their reliance in their walls notbeing sufficiently strong, when the city, encompassed by a continuousline of troops, was now on the point of being taken by scalade, theysurrendered to the number of four thousand soldiers, besides the unarmedmultitude. The town was demolished and burnt; only they kept the firefrom the temple of Mother Matuta. The entire plunder was given up to thesoldiers. The four thousand who had surrendered were consideredexclusive of the spoil; these the consul when triumphing drove beforehis chariot in chains; afterwards by selling them he brought a great sumof money into the treasury. There are some who state that this body ofcaptives consisted of slaves; and this is more probable than thatpersons who had surrendered were exposed to sale. 

28. Marcus Fabius Dorso and Servius Sulpicius Camerinus succeeded theseconsuls. After this the Auruncan war commenced in consequence of asudden attempt at depredation: and through fear lest this act of onestate might be the concerted scheme of the whole Latin nation, LuciusFurius being created dictator, as if against all Latium already inarms, nominated Cneius Manlius Capitolinus his master of the horse. Andwhen, a suspension of public business being proclaimed, (a measureusually adopted during great alarms, ) the levy was held withoutexemptions, the legions were led against the Auruncans with all possibleexpedition. The spirit of freebooters rather than of enemies was foundthere. They were vanquished therefore in the first encounter. Howeverthe dictator, both because they had commenced hostilities withoutprovocation, and presented themselves to the contest without reluctance, considering that the aid of the gods should also be engaged, vowed atemple to Juno Moneta in the heat of the battle, and when he returnedvictorious to Rome, obliged by his vow, he resigned his dictatorship. The senate ordered duumvirs to be appointed to have the temple builtsuitably to the grandeur of the Roman people; the site destined for itwas in the citadel, where the ground was on which the house of MarcusManlius Capitolinus had stood. The consuls, having employed thedictator's army for the Volscian war, took Sora from the enemy, havingattacked them by surprise. The temple of Moneta is dedicated the yearafter it had been vowed, Caius Marcius Rutilus being consul for thethird time, and Titus Manlius Torquatus for the second time. A prodigyimmediately followed the dedication, similar to the ancient one of theAlban mount. For it both rained stones, and during the day night seemedto be spread [over the sky]; and on the books being inspected, the statebeing filled with religious scruples, it was resolved by the senate thata dictator should be nominated for the purpose of regulating theceremonies. Publius Valerius Publicola was nominated; Quintus FabiusAmbustus was assigned to him as master of the horse. It was determinedthat not only the tribes, but the neighbouring states also should offersupplications: and a certain order was appointed for them on what dayeach should offer supplication. Severe sentences of the people are saidto have been passed on that year against usurers, for whom a day oftrial had been appointed by the ædiles. Matters came to an interregnum, there being no particular reason on record. After the interregnum, boththe consuls were elected from the patricians, Marcus Valerius Corvus athird time, and Aulus Cornelius Cossus, so that it would seem that suchwas the end aimed at. 

29. Henceforward shall be recorded wars of greater importance, both bythe strength of the belligerent powers, by the distance of thecountries, or the length of time during which they were carried on. Forin that year arms were taken up against the Samnites, a nation powerfulboth in wealth and in arms. Pyrrhus followed as an enemy the war of theSamnites carried on with various success, the Carthaginians followedPyrrhus. How great a mass of events! How often have extreme dangers beenencountered, that the empire might be raised to its present magnitude, which is now scarcely sustained! But the cause of the war between theSamnites and Romans, as they had been joined in alliance and friendship, came from without; it originated not among themselves. After theSamnites had unjustly taken up arms, because they had the advantage instrength, against the Sidicinians, the weaker party being obliged tohave recourse to the aid of the more powerful, unite themselves to theCampanians. As the Campanians brought to the relief of their alliesrather a name than strength, enervated as they were by luxury, they werebeaten in the Sidicinian territory by men who were inured to the use ofarms, and then brought on themselves the entire burthen of the war. Forthe Samnites, taking no further notice of the Sidicinians, havingattacked the Campanians as being the chief of the neighbouring states, from whom the victory might be equally easy, and a greater share ofspoil and glory, after they had secured Tifata, a ridge of hills hangingover Capua, with a strong garrison, they march down from thence withtheir army formed in a square into the plain which lies between Capuaand Tifata. There a second battle was fought; and the Campanians, afteran unsuccessful fight, being driven within their walls, when the flowerof their youth being cut down, no hope was nigh at hand, they wereobliged to sue for aid from the Romans. 

30. Their ambassadors, being introduced into the senate, spoke as nearas possible to this purport: "Conscript fathers, the Campanian state hassent us to you, to solicit from you friendship for ever, and presentaid, which if we had solicited whilst our affairs were prosperous, as itwould have commenced more readily, so would it have been bound by aweaker tie. For then, as we should have recollected that we entered intofriendship on equal terms, we might be equally friendly as now, butless submissive and compliant with your wishes. Now, won over by yourcompassion for us, and defended by your aid in our criticalcircumstances, it is incumbent on us that we show our sense also of thekindness received; lest we should seem ungrateful, and undeserving ofaid from either god or man. Nor, indeed, do I think that because theSamnites first became your allies and friends, such a circumstance issufficient to prevent our being admitted into friendship; but merelyshows that they excel us in priority and in the degree of honour; for noprovision has been made in your treaty with the Samnites that you shouldnot form any new treaties. It has ever been with you a sufficient titleto your friendship, that he who sought it desired to be a friend ofyours. We, Campanians, though our present state forbids us to speak inhigh terms, not yielding to any state save you in the extent of ourcity, or in the fertility of our land, come into friendship with you, noinconsiderable accession in my opinion to your flourishing condition. Weshall be in the rear of the Æquans and Volscians, the eternal enemies ofthis city, whenever they may stir; and whatever ye shall be the first toperform in defence of our safety, the same shall we ever do in defenceof your empire and glory. Those nations which lie between us and youbeing reduced, which both your bravery and good fortune makes it certainwill soon be the case, you will then have an uninterrupted empireextending even to us. It is distressing and painful, what our conditionobliges us to confess. Conscript fathers, matters are come to this, thatwe Campanians must be the property either of friends or enemies. If youdefend us, yours; if you desert us, we shall be the property of theSamnites. Consider, then, whether you would rather that Capua and allCampania should be added to your power or to that of the Samnites. Romans, it is surely but just, that your compassion and your aid shouldlie open to all men; to those, however, chiefly, who, whilst they affordit beyond their means to others imploring aid, have themselves beeninvolved in this distress. Although we fought nominally for theSidicinians, in reality for ourselves, when we saw a neighbouring stateassailed by the nefarious plunder of the Samnites; and after theSidicinians had been consumed, we saw that the conflagration would passover to ourselves. For the Samnites do not come to attack us, becausethey resent an injury received, but because they are glad that a pretexthas been presented to them. If this were the gratification of theirresentment, and not an occasion for satiating their ambition, was it notsufficient that they cut down our legions once in the Sidicinianterritory, a second time in Campania itself? What sort of resentmentmust that be, which the blood shed in two pitched battles cannotsatiate? To this add the laying waste of our lands; the spoil of men andcattle driven away, the burning and ruin of our country-houses, everything destroyed by fire and sword. Could not resentment be satisfiedwith this? But ambition must be satiated. That hurries them on tobesiege Capua. They either wish to destroy that most beautiful city, orto possess it themselves. But, Romans, do you take possession of it inyour kindness, rather than suffer them to hold it by injustice. I am notaddressing a people who decline just wars; but still, if you make but ashow of your aid, I do not think that you will have occasion for war. The contempt of the Samnites has just reached to us; it soars nothigher. Accordingly, Romans, we may be protected even by the shadow ofyour aid: whatever after this we shall possess, whatever we ourselvesshall be, determined to consider all that as yours. For you theCampanian field shall be ploughed; for you the city of Capua shall bemade populous; you shall be to us in the light of founders, parents, ay, even immortal gods. There shall be no colony of your own which shallsurpass us in attachment and loyalty to you. Grant to the Campanians, conscript fathers, your nod, and your irresistible favour, and bid ushope that Capua will be safe. With what crowds of persons of all classesattending us do you suppose that we set out from thence--how, think you, did we leave every place full of vows and tears? In what a state ofexpectation do you suppose that the senate are, the Campanian nation, our wives and our children? I am certain that the entire multitude arestanding at the gates, looking forward to the road that leads fromhence, anxious as to what answer you may order us, conscript fathers, tobring back to them, in their solicitude and suspense of mind. One kindof answer may bring them safety, victory, light, and liberty--what theother may, I feel horror to think. Determine therefore about us, asabout persons who will be your future friends and allies, or as personswho are to have no existence any where. "

31. The ambassadors then withdrawing, after the senate had beenconsulted, though to a great many, their city the greatest andwealthiest in Italy, their land the most fertile, and situated near thesea, seemed likely to prove a granary to the Roman people for allvarieties of provision; still the faith of their engagements was moreregarded than such great advantages, and the consul, by the direction ofthe senate, answered as follows: "Campanians, the senate considers youdeserving of aid. But it is meet that friendship be so established withyou, that no prior friendship and alliance be violated. The Samnites areunited in a treaty with us. Therefore we refuse you arms against theSamnites, which would be a violation of duty to the gods first, and thento men. We will, as divine and human law requires, send ambassadors toour allies and friends to entreat that no violence be committed againstyou?" To this the chief of the embassy replied, (for such were theinstructions they had brought from home, ) "Since you are not willing todefend by just force our possessions against violence and injustice, atleast you will defend your own. Wherefore, conscript fathers, wesurrender the Campanian people, and the city of Capua, their lands, thetemples of the gods, all things divine and human, into your jurisdictionand that of the Roman people; whatever we shall suffer henceforth, beingdetermined to suffer as men who have surrendered to you. " On thesewords, all extending their hands towards the consuls, bathed in tearsthey fell prostrate in the porch of the senate-house. The fathers, affected at the vicissitude of human greatness, seeing that a nationabounding in wealth, noted for luxury and pride, from which a littletime since their neighbours had solicited assistance, was now so brokenin spirit, as to give up themselves and all they possessed into thepower of others; moreover, their honour also seemed to be involved innot betraying those who had surrendered, nor did they consider that thepeople of the Samnites would act fairly, if they should attack aterritory and a city which had become the property of the Roman peopleby a surrender. It was resolved therefore, that ambassadors should besent forthwith to the Samnites; instructions were given "that theyshould lay before the Samnites the entreaties of the Campanians, theanswer of the senate duly mindful of the friendship of the Samnites, andfinally the surrender that had been concluded. That they requested, inconsideration of the friendship and alliance subsisting between them, that they would spare their subjects; and that they would not carryhostilities into that territory which had become the property of theRoman people. If by gentle measures they did not succeed, that theyshould denounce to the Samnites in the name of the senate and Romanpeople, to withhold their arms from the city of Capua and the Campanianterritory. " When the ambassadors urged these matters in the assembly ofthe Samnites, so fierce an answer was returned, that they not only saidthat they would prosecute that war, but their magistrates, having goneout of the senate-house, in the very presence of the ambassadors, summoned the prefects of the cohorts; and with a distinct voicecommanded them, to proceed forthwith into the Campanian territory, inorder to plunder it. 

32. The result of this embassy being reported at Rome, the care of allother concerns being laid aside, the senate, having despatched heraldsto demand satisfaction, and, because this was not complied with, warbeing proclaimed in the usual way, they decreed that the matter shouldbe submitted to the people at the very earliest opportunity; and boththe consuls having set out from the city by order of the people with twoarmies, Valerius into Campania, Cornelius into Samnium, the formerpitches his camp at Mount Gaurus, the latter at Saticula. The legions ofthe Samnites met with Valerius first; for they thought that the wholeweight of the war would incline to that side. At the same timeresentment stimulated them against the Campanians, that they should beso ready at one time to lend aid, at another to call in aid againstthem. But as soon as they beheld the Roman camp, they fiercely demandedthe signal each from his leader; they maintained that the Roman wouldbring aid to the Campanian with the same fate with which the Campanianhad done to the Sidicinian. Valerius, having delayed for a few days inslight skirmishes for the purpose of making trial of the enemy, displayed the signal for battle, exhorting his men in few words "not tolet the new war or the new enemy terrify them. In proportion as theyshould carry their arms to a greater distance from the city, the moreand more unwarlike should the nation prove to be against whom theyshould proceed. That they should not estimate the valour of the Samnitesby the defeats of the Sidicinians and Campanians. Let the combatants beof what kind they may be, that it was necessary that one side should bevanquished. That as for the Campanians indeed, they were undoubtedlyvanquished more by circumstances flowing from excessive luxury and bytheir own want of energy than by the bravery of the enemy. What were thetwo successful wars of the Samnites, during so many ages, against somany glorious exploits of the Roman people, who counted almost moretriumphs than years since the building of their city? who held subduedby their arms all the states around them, the Sabines, Etruria, theLatins, Hernicians, Æquans, Volscians, Auruncans? who eventually droveby flight into the sea, and into their ships, the Gauls, afterslaughtering them in so many engagements? That soldiers ought both toenter the field relying on their national military renown, and on theirown valour, and also to consider under whose command and auspices thebattle is to be fought; whether he be one which is to be listened to asa pompous exhorter, bold merely in words, unacquainted with militarylabours, or one who knows how to wield arms himself also, to advancebefore the standards, and to show himself in the midst of the danger. Myacts, not my words merely, I wish you to follow; and to seek from me notmilitary orders only, but example also. It was not by intrigues merely, nor by cabals usual among the nobles, but by this right hand, I procuredfor myself three consulships, and the highest eulogies. There was a timewhen this could be said; [no wonder, ] for you were a patrician, andsprung from the liberators of your country; and that family of yours hadthe consulship the same year that the city had consuls. Now theconsulship lies open in common to us patricians and to you plebeians;nor is it, as formerly, the prize of birth, but of valour. Look forward, therefore, soldiers, to even the highest honour. Though you, as men, have, with the approbation of the gods, given me this new surname ofCorvus, the ancient surname of our family, Publicolæ, has not beenerased from my memory. I ever do and ever have cultivated the good willof the Roman commons abroad and at home, as a private man and in publicoffices, high and low, as tribune equally as when consul, with the sameundeviating line of conduct through all my successive consulships. Now, with respect to that which is at hand, with the aid of the gods, joinwith me in seeking a new and complete triumph over the Samnites. "

33. Never was a general on a more familiar footing with his soldiers, byhis performing all the duties among the lowest of the soldiers withoutreluctance. Moreover in the military sports, wherein equals vie withtheir equals in contests of swiftness and strength, affable andcondescending, he conquered and was conquered with the same countenance;nor did he spurn any competitor who should offer; in his acts kindaccording to the occasion; in his conversation no less mindful of theease of others than of his own dignity; and, a thing than which nothingis more agreeable to the people, he administered his offices by the sameline of conduct by which he had gained them. The whole army therefore, cheering the exhortation of their leader with the utmost alacrity, marchforth from the camp. The battle commenced with equal hopes and equalstrength on both sides, as much as any battle ever did, with confidencein themselves, and without contempt of their enemies. Their recentexploits and their double victory a few days before, increased thespirits of the Samnites on the other side; the glories of four hundredyears and victory coeval with the building of their city [had the sameeffect] on the Romans; to both sides, however, the circumstance of theenemy being a new one gave additional anxiety. The battle was a proofwhat spirits they possessed; for they maintained the conflict in such amanner, that, for a considerable time, the armies inclined to neitherside. Then the consul, thinking that some confusion should be causedamong them, since they could not be overpowered by force, endeavours todisorder their foremost battalions by a charge of cavalry. And when hesaw them wheel their troops within a narrow compass in fruitlessdisorder, and that they could not open a passage to the enemy, ridingback to the van of the legions, after leaping from his horse, he says, "Soldiers, this is the task for us infantry; come on, as ye shall see memaking way with my sword, in whatever direction I shall advance into theenemy's line, so let each man, with all his might, beat down those whooppose him. All those places, where their erected spears now glitter, you shall see cleared by widely-extended slaughter. " He had utteredthese words, when the cavalry by order of the consul turn to the wings, and open a passage for the legions to the centre of the line. First ofall, the consul attacks the enemy, and slays him whom he happened toengage. Those on the right and left, fired at this sight, commence adreadful fight, each with the foe opposite him. The Samnites obstinatelystand their ground, though they receive more wounds than they inflict. The battle had now lasted for a considerable time, great slaughteroccurred around the standards of the Samnites; in no part was there aflight, so firmly had they made up their minds to be vanquished by deathalone. Wherefore the Romans, when they perceived their strength to relaxby fatigue, and but a small part of the day still remained, fired withfury, rush upon the enemy. Then for the first time it appeared that theywere giving ground, and that the matter was inclining to a flight; thenthe Samnites were taken, some slain; nor would many have survived, hadnot night terminated the victory rather than the battle. Both the Romansconfessed, that they had never fought with a more determined enemy; andthe Samnites, on being asked what cause first drove them to fly afterbeing so determined, said, that it was the eyes of the Romans whichseemed to them to flash fire, and their distracted looks, and furiousaspect; that more of terror arose from thence, than from any thing else. Which terror they confessed not only in the issue of the battle, but intheir departure by night. Next day the Romans take possession of thedeserted camp of the enemy, whither all the Campanians flocked tocongratulate them. 

34. But this joy was well nigh alloyed by a great loss sustained inSamnium. For the consul Cornelius, having set out from Saticula, incautiously led his army into a mountainous tract, passable through adeep defile, and beset on all sides by the enemy; nor did he perceivethe enemy stationed over his head, until a retreat could no longer bemade with safety. Whilst the Samnites delayed only till he should bringdown his entire army into the valley; Publius Decius, a tribune of thesoldiers, espies in the tract a hill higher than the rest, hanging overthe enemies' camp, rather steep to be ascended by an encumbered army, not difficult for such as were lightly armed. He says therefore to theconsul, greatly alarmed in mind, "Aulus Cornelius, do you perceive thatelevated point above the enemy? That is the bulwark of our hope andsafety, if we briskly gain possession of it, which the Samnites in theirblindness have given up. Only give me the first rank and spearmen of onelegion; when with these I shall have gained the summit, do you proceedhence free from all apprehension, and save yourself and the army. Forthe enemy, lying beneath us and [exposed thereby] to all our weapons, will not be able to stir without destruction to themselves. After thateither the good fortune of the Roman people or our own bravery willextricate us. " Being commanded by the consul, he received the body ofmen [required] and proceeds by secret paths through the mountain, norwas he observed by the enemy until he approached the place which he wasmaking for. Then, whilst all were struck with astonishment, after he hadattracted the eyes of all to himself, he both afforded the consul timeto draw off his army to more advantageous ground, and he himself wasposted on the top of the hill. The Samnites, whilst they march theirforces now in this direction, now in that, having lost the opportunityof effecting either object, can neither pursue the consul, unlessthrough the same defile in which they had him a little before exposed totheir weapons, nor march up the rising ground over themselves, which hadbeen seized on by Decius. But both their resentment stimulated them moreagainst the latter, who had taken from them the favourable opportunityof achieving their object, and also the proximity of the place, and thepaucity of the enemy; and one time they would fain surround the hill onall sides with armed men, so as to cut off Decius from the consul; atanother time they wished to open a passage, so that they may fall onthem when they had descended into the defile. Before they had determinedon what they should do, night came on them. Decius at first entertaineda hope, that he would have to engage them from the higher ground, asthey ascended against the steep; then surprise took possession of him, that they neither commenced the fight, nor if they were deterred fromthat by the unevenness of the ground, that they did not surround himwith works and a circumvallation. Then summoning the centurions to him, he said, "What ignorance of war and indolence is that? or how did suchmen obtain a victory over the Sidicinians and Campanians? You see thattheir battalions move to and fro, that sometimes they are collected toone spot, at other times they are drawn out. As for work, no oneattempts it, when we might by this time have been surrounded with arampart. Then indeed should we be like to them, if we delay longer herethan is expedient. Come on, accompany me; that whilst some day lightremains, we may ascertain in what places they put their guards, in whatdirection an escape may lie open from hence. " All these points hecarefully observed, clad in a soldier's vest, the centurions whom hetook with him being also in the attire of common soldiers, lest theenemy might notice the general going the round. 

35. Then having placed watch-guards, he commands the ticket to be issuedto all the rest, that when the signal had been given by the trumpet ofthe second watch, they should assemble to him in silence fully armed. Whither when they had assembled in silence according to the ordersissued, "Soldiers, " says he, "this silence is to be observed inlistening to me, waving the military mode of expressing assent. When Ishall have thoroughly explained my sentiments to you, then such of youas shall approve the same, will pass over; we will follow that line ofconduct which shall meet the judgment of the majority. Now hear what Imeditate in mind. The enemy have surrounded you, not brought hither inflight, nor left behind through cowardice. By valour you seized thisground; by valour you must make your way from it. By coming hither youhave saved a valuable army of the Roman people; by forcing your wayhence, save yourselves. You have proved yourselves worthy, though few innumber, of affording aid to multitudes, whilst you yourselves stand inneed of aid from no one. You have to do with that enemy, who onyesterday, through their supineness, availed themselves not of thefortunate opportunity of destroying our whole army, who did not see thishill so advantageously situate hanging over their heads, until it wasseized on by us; who with so many thousand men did not prevent us so fewfrom the ascent, and did not surround us with a rampart when inpossession of the ground, though so much of the day still remained. Thatenemy which with their eyes open and awake you so baffled, it isincumbent on you now to beguile, buried, as they are, in sleep; nay, itis absolutely necessary. For our affairs are in that situation, that Iam rather to point out to you your necessity than to propose advice. Forwhether you are to remain or to depart hence, can no longer be matter ofdeliberation, since, with the exception of your arms, and couragemindful of those arms, fortune has left you nothing, and we must die offamine and thirst, if we are more afraid of the sword than becomes menand Romans. Therefore our only safety is to sally forth from this and todepart. That we must do either by day or by night. But lo! another pointwhich admits of less doubt; for if daylight be waited for, what hope isthere, that the enemy, who have now encompassed the hill on every side, as you perceive, with their bodies exposed at disadvantage, will not hemus in with a continued rampart and ditch? If night then be favourablefor a sally, as it is, this is undoubtedly the most suitable hour ofnight. You assembled here on the signal of the second watch, a timewhich buries mortals in the profoundest sleep. You will pass throughtheir bodies lulled to sleep, either in silence unnoticed by them, orready to strike terror into them, should they perceive you, by a suddenshout. Only follow me, whom you have followed. The same fortune whichconducted us hither, will I follow. Those of you to whom these measuresseem salutary, come on, pass over to the right. "

36. They all passed over, and followed Decius as he proceeded throughthe intervals which lay between the guards. They had now passed themiddle of the camp, when a soldier, striding over the bodies of thewatchmen as they lay asleep, occasioned a noise by striking one of theirshields. When the watchman, being aroused by this, stirred the next oneto him, and those who were awake stirred up others, not knowing whetherthey were friends or foes, whether it was the garrison that salliedforth or the consul had taken their camp; Decius, having ordered thesoldiers to raise a shout, as they were no longer unobserved, disheartens them by panic whilst still heavy from sleep, by which beingperplexed, they were neither able to take arms briskly, nor makeresistance, nor to pursue them. During the trepidation and confusion ofthe Samnites, the Roman guard, slaying such of the guards as came intheir way, reached the consul's camp. A considerable portion of nightstill remained, and things now appeared to be in safety; when Deciussays, "Roman soldiers, be honoured for your bravery. Your journey andreturn ages shall extol. But to behold such bravery light and day arenecessary; nor do you deserve that silence and night should cover you, whilst you return to the camp with such distinguished glory. Here let uswait in quiet for the daylight. " His words they obeyed. And as soon asit was day, a messenger being despatched to the camp to the consul, theywere aroused from sleep with great joy; and the signal being given byticket, that those persons returned safe who had exposed their personsto evident danger for the preservation of all, rushing out each mostanxiously to meet them, they applaud them, congratulate them, they callthem singly and collectively their preservers, they give praises andthanks to the gods, they raise Decius to heaven. This was a sort of camptriumph for Decius, who proceeded through the middle of the camp, withhis guard fully armed, the eyes of all being fixed on him, and allgiving him equal honour with the consul. When they came to the general'stent, the consul summons them by sound of trumpet to an assembly; andcommencing with the well-earned praises of Decius, he adjourned theassembly on the interposition of Decius himself, who advising thepostponement of every thing else, whilst the occasion was still present, persuaded the consul to attack the enemy, whilst still in consternationfrom the panic of the night, and dispersing in separate detachmentsaround the hill, [adding] that he believed that some who had been sentout in pursuit of him were straggling through the forest. The legionswere ordered to take arms; and having departed from the camp, as theforest was now better known by means of scouts, they are led onwards tothe enemy through a more open tract. Having unexpectedly attacked theenemy when off their guard, since the soldiers of the Samnitesstraggling in every direction, most of them unarmed, were not ableeither to rally, nor to take arms, nor to betake themselves within therampart, they first drive them in a panic into the camp: then they takethe camp itself, having dislodged the guards. The shout spread aroundthe hill; and puts each to flight from their respective posts. Thus agreat part yielded to an enemy they had not seen. Those whom the panichad driven within the rampart (they amounted to thirty thousand) wereall slain; the camp was plundered. 

37. Matters being thus conducted, the consul, having summoned anassembly, pronounces a panegyric on Decius, not only that which had beencommenced on a previous occasion, but as now completed by his recentdeserts; and besides other military gifts, he presents him with a goldencrown and one hundred oxen, and with one white one of distinguishedbeauty, richly decorated with gilded horns. The soldiers who had been inthe guard with him, were presented with a double allowance of corn forever; for the present, with an ox and two vests each. Immediately afterthe consuls' donation, the legions place on the head of Decius a crownof grass, indicative of their deliverance from a blockade, expressingtheir approbation of the present with a shout. Decorated with theseemblems, he sacrificed the beautiful ox to Mars; the hundred oxen hebestowed on the soldiers, who had been with him in the expedition. Onthe same soldiers the legions conferred, each a pound of corn and a pintof wine; and all these things were performed with great alacrity, with amilitary shout, a token of the approbation of all. The third battle wasfought near Suessula, in which the army of the Samnites, having beenrouted by Marcus Valerius, having summoned from home the flower of theiryouth, determined on trying their strength by a final contest. FromSuessula messengers came in great haste to Capua, and from thencehorsemen in full speed to the consul Valerius, to implore aid. Thetroops were immediately put in motion; and the baggage in the camp beingleft with a strong guard, the army moves on with rapidity; and theyselect at no great distance from the enemy a very narrow spot (as, withthe exception of their horses, they were unaccompanied by a crowd ofcattle and servants). The army of the Samnites, as if there was to be nodelay in coming to an engagement, draw up in order of battle; then, whenno one came to meet them, they advance to the enemy's camp in readinessfor action. There when they saw the soldiers on the rampart, and personssent out to reconnoitre in every direction, brought back word into hownarrow a compass the camp had been contracted, inferring thence thescanty number of the enemy. The whole army began to exclaim, that thetrenches ought to be filled up, the rampart to be torn down, and thatthey should force their way into the camp; and by that temerity the warwould have been soon over, had not the generals restrained theimpetuosity of the soldiers. However, as their own numbers bore heavilyon their supplies, and in consequence, first of their sitting down solong at Suessula, and then by the delay of the contest, they were notfar from a want of provisions, it was determined, whilst the enemyremained shut up as if through fear, that the soldiers should be ledthrough the country to forage; [supposing] in the mean time, that allsupplies would fail the Romans also, who having marched in haste, hadbrought with him only as much corn as could be carried on his shouldersamid his arms. The consul, after he had observed the enemy scatteredthrough the country, that the posts were left but insufficientlyattended, having in a few words encouraged his men, leads them on tobesiege the camp. After he had taken this on the first shout andcontest, more of the enemy being slain in their tents than at the gatesand rampart, he ordered the captive standards to be collected into oneplace, and having left behind two legions as a guard and protection, after giving them strict order that they should abstain from the booty, until he himself should return; having set out with his troops inregular order, the cavalry who had been sent on driving the dispersedSamnites as it were by hunting toils, he committed great slaughter amongthem. For in their terror they could neither determine by what signalthey should collect themselves into a body, whether they should make forthe camp, or continue their flight to a greater distance. And so greatwas their terror, and so precipitate their flight, that to the number offorty thousand shields, though by no means were so many slain, and onehundred and seventy standards, with those which had been taken in thecamp, were brought to the consul. Then they returned to the enemy'scamp; and there all the plunder was given up to the soldiers. 

38. The result of this contest obliged the Faliscians, who were on termsof a truce, to petition for a treaty of alliance from the senate; anddiverted the Latins, who had their armies already prepared, from theRoman to a Pelignian war. Nor did the fame of such success confineitself within the limits of Italy; but the Carthaginians also sentambassadors to Rome to congratulate them, with an offering of a goldencrown, to be placed in Jupiter's shrine in the Capitol. Its weight wastwenty-five pounds. Both consuls triumphed over the Samnites, whilstDecius followed distinguished with praises and presents, when amid therough jesting of the soldiers the name of the tribune was no lesscelebrated than that of the consuls. The embassies of the Campanians andSuessulans were then heard; and to their entreaties it was granted thata garrison should be sent thither, in order that the incursions of theSamnites might be repelled. Capua, even then by no means favourable tomilitary discipline, alienated from the memory of their country theaffections of the soldiers, which were debauched by the supply ofpleasures of all kinds; and schemes were being formed in winter-quartersfor taking away Capua from the Campanians by the same kind of wickednessas that by which they had taken it from its original possessors: "andnot undeservedly would they turn their own example against themselves. For why should the Campanians, who were neither able to defendthemselves nor their possessions, occupy the most fertile land of Italy, and a city worthy of that land, rather than the victorious army, who haddriven the Samnites from thence by their sweat and blood? Was itreasonable that men who had surrendered to them should have the fullenjoyment of that fertile and delightful country; that they, wearied bymilitary toil, had to struggle in an insalubrious and arid soil aroundtheir city, or within the city to suffer the oppressive and exhaustingweight of interest-money daily increasing?" These schemes agitated insecret cabals, and as yet communicated only to a few, were encounteredby the new consul Caius Marcius Rutilus, to whom the province ofCampania had fallen by lot, Quintus Servilius, his colleague, being leftbehind in the city. Accordingly when he was in possession of all thesecircumstances just as they had occurred, having ascertained them throughthe tribunes, matured by years and experience, (for he was consul nowfor the fourth time, and had been dictator and censor, ) thinking it thewisest proceeding to frustrate the violence of the soldiers, byprolonging their hope of executing their project whenever they mightwish, he spreads the rumour, that the troops were to winter in the sametowns on the year after also. For they had been cantoned throughout thecities of Campania, and their plots had spread from Capua to the entirearmy. This abatement being given to the eagerness of their projects, themutiny was set at rest for the present. 

39. The consul, having led out his army to the summer campaign, determined, whilst he had the Samnites quiet, to purge the army bysending away the turbulent men; by telling some that their regular timehad been served; that others were weighed down by years and debilitatedin bodily vigour. Some were sent away on furloughs, at firstindividuals, then some cohorts also, on the plea that they had winteredfar from their home and domestic affairs. When different individualswere sent to different places under pretence of the business of theservice, a considerable number were put out of the way; which multitudethe other consul detained in Rome under different pretences. And firstindeed, not suspecting the artifice, they returned to their homes by nomeans with reluctance. After they saw that neither those first sentreturned to their standards, and that scarcely any others, except thosewho had wintered in Campania, and chiefly the fomenters of the mutiny, were sent away; at first wonder, and then certain fear entered theirminds, that their schemes had been divulged; "that now they would haveto suffer trials, discoveries, the secret punishments of individuals, and the tyrannical and cruel despotism of the consuls and the senate. Those who were in the camp, discuss these things in secret conferences, seeing that the sinews of the conspiracy had been got rid of by theartifice of the consul. " One cohort, when they were at no great distancefrom Anxur, posted itself at Lautulæ, in a narrow woody pass between thesea and the mountains, to intercept those whom the consul was dismissingunder various pretences (as has been already mentioned). Their body wasnow becoming strong in numbers; nor was any thing wanting to completethe form of a regular army, except a leader. Without order, therefore, they come into the Alban territory committing depredations, and underthe hill of Alba Longa, they encompass their camp with a rampart. Thework here being completed, during the remainder of the day they discusstheir different opinions regarding the choice of a commander, not havingsufficient confidence in any of those present. Whom could they inviteout from Rome? What individuals of the patricians or of the commons wasthere, who would either knowingly expose himself to such imminentdanger, or to whom could the cause of the army, set mad byill-treatment, be safely committed? On the following day, when the samesubject of deliberation detained them, some of the straggling maraudersascertained and brought an account, that Titus Quinctius cultivated afarm in the Tusculan territory, forgetful of the city and its honours. This was a man of patrician family, whose military career, which waspassed with great glory, having been relinquished in consequence of oneof his feet being lamed by a wound, he determined on spending his lifein the country far from ambition and the forum. His name once heard, they immediately recognised the man; and with wishes for success, ordered him to be sent for. There was, however, but little hope that hewould do any thing voluntarily; they resolved on employing force andintimidation. Accordingly those who had been sent for the purpose, having entered the house in the silence of the night, and surprisingQuinctius overcome in sleep, threatening that there was no alternative, either authority and honour, or death, in case he resisted, unless hefollowed, they force him to the camp. Immediately on his arrival he wasstyled general, and whilst he was startled at the strange nature of thesudden occurrence, they convey to him the ensigns of honour, and bid himlead them to the city. Then having torn up their standard, more underthe influence of their own impetuosity than by the command of theirgeneral, they arrive in hostile array at the eighth stone on the road, which is now the Appian; and would have proceeded immediately to thecity, had they not heard that an army was coming to meet them, and thatMarcus Valerius Corvus was nominated dictator against them, and LuciusÆmilius Mamercinus master of the horse. 

40. As soon as they came in sight and recognised the arms and standards, instantly the recollection of their country softened the resentment ofall. Not yet were they so hardy as to shed the blood of theircountrymen, nor had they known any but foreign wars, and secession fromtheir own was deemed the extreme of rage. Accordingly now the generals, now the soldiers sought a meeting for a negotiation. Quinctius, who wassatiated with arms [taken up] even in defence of his country, much moreso against it; Corvus, who entertained a warm affection for all hiscountrymen, chiefly the soldiers, and above others, for his own army, advanced to a conference. To him, being immediately recognised, silencewas granted with no less respect by his adversaries, than by his ownparty: he says, "Soldiers, at my departure from the city, I prayed tothe immortal gods, your public deities as well as mine, and earnestlyimplored their goodness so, that they would grant me the glory ofestablishing concord among you, not victory over you. There have beenand there will be sufficient opportunities, whence military fame may beobtained: on this occasion peace should be the object of our wishes. What I earnestly called for from the immortal gods when offering up myprayers, you have it in your power to grant to me, if you will remember, that you have your camp not in Samnium, nor among the Volscians, but onRoman ground; that those hills which you behold are those of yourcountry, that this is the army of your countrymen; that I am your ownconsul, under whose guidance and auspices ye last year twice defeatedthe legions of the Samnites, twice took their camp by storm. Soldiers, Iam Marcus Valerius Corvus, whose nobility ye have felt by acts ofkindness towards you, not by ill-treatment; the proposer of notyrannical law against you, of no harsh decree of the senate; in everypost of command more strict on myself than on you. And if birth, ifpersonal merit, if high dignity, if public honours could suggestarrogance to any one, from such ancestors have I been descended, such aspecimen had I given of myself, at such an age did I attain theconsulship, that when but twenty-three years old I might have been aproud consul, even to the patricians, not to the commons only. What actor saying of mine, when consul, have ye heard of more severe than whenonly tribune? With the same tenor did I administer two successiveconsulships; with the same shall this uncontrollable office, thedictatorship, be administered. So that I shall be found not moreindulgent to these my own soldiers and the soldiers of my country, thanto you, I shudder to call you so, its enemies. Ye shall therefore drawthe sword against me, before I draw it against you. On that side thesignal shall be sounded, on that the shout and onset shall begin, if abattle must take place. Determine in your minds, on that which neitheryour fathers nor grandfathers could; neither those who seceded to theSacred Mount, nor yet those who afterwards posted themselves on theAventine. Wait till your mothers and wives come out to meet you from thecity with dishevelled hair, as they did formerly to Coriolanus. At thattime the legions of the Volscians, because they had a Roman for theirleader, ceased from hostilities; will not ye, a Roman army, desist froman unnatural war? Titus Quinctius, under whatever circumstances youstand on that side, whether voluntarily or reluctantly, if there must befighting, do you then retire to the rear. With more honour even will youfly, and turn your back to your countryman, than fight against yourcountry. Now you will stand with propriety and honour among the foremostto promote peace; and may you be a salutary agent in this conference. Require and offer that which is just; though we should admit even unjustterms, rather than engage in an impious combat with each other. " TitusQuinctius, turning to his party with his eyes full of tears, said, "Inme too, soldiers, if there is any use of me, ye have a better leader forpeace than for war. For that speech just now delivered, not a Volscian, nor a Samnite expressed, but a Roman: your own consul, your own general, soldiers: whose auspices having already experienced for you, do not wishto experience them against you. The senate had other generals also, whowould engage you with more animosity; they have selected the one whowould be most indulgent to you, his own soldiers, in whom as yourgeneral you would have most confidence. Even those who can conquer, desire peace: what ought we to desire? Why do we not, renouncingresentment and hope, those fallacious advisers, resign ourselves and allour interests to his tried honour?"

41. All approving with a shout, Titus Quinctius, advancing before thestandards, declared that "the soldiers would be obedient to thedictator; he entreated that he would espouse the cause of hisunfortunate countrymen, and having espoused it, he would maintain itwith the same fidelity with which he had wont to administer publicaffairs. That for himself individually he made no terms: that he wouldfound his hope in nothing else but in his innocence. That provisionshould be made for the soldiers, as provision had been made by thesenate, once for the commons, a second time for the legions, so that thesecession should not be visited with punishment. " The dictator, havinglauded Quinctius, and having bid the others to hope for the best, returned back to the city with all speed, and, with the approbation ofthe senate, proposed to the people in the Peteline grove, that thesecession should not be visited with chastisement on any of thesoldiers. He also entreated, with their permission, that no one shouldeither in jest or earnest upbraid any one with that proceeding. Amilitary devoting law was also passed, that the name of any soldier onceenrolled, should not be erased unless with his own consent; and to thelaw [a clause] was added that no one, after he had been a tribune of thesoldiers, should afterwards be a centurion. That demand was made by theconspirators on account of Publius Salonius; who in alternate years wasboth tribune of the soldiers and first centurion, which they now call_primi pili_. The soldiers were incensed against him, because he hadalways been opposed to their recent measures, and had fled from Lantulæ, that he might have no share in them. Accordingly when this alone was notobtained from the senate through their regard for Salonius, thenSalonius, conjuring the conscript fathers, that they would not value hispromotion more highly than the concord of the state, prevailed in havingthat also carried. Equally ineffectual was the demand, that somedeductions should be made from the pay of the cavalry, (they thenreceived triple, ) because they had opposed the conspiracy. 

42. Besides these, I find in some writers that Lucius Genucius, tribuneof the commons, proposed to the people, that no one should be allowed topractise usury; likewise provision was made by other enactments, that noone should fill the same office within ten years; nor hold two officeson the same year; and that it should be allowed that both the consulsshould be plebeians. If all these concessions were made to the people, it is evident that the revolt possessed no little strength. In otherannals it is recorded, that Valerius was not appointed dictator, butthat the entire business was managed by the consuls; and also that thatband of conspirators were driven to arms not before they came to Rome, but at Rome; and that it was not on the country-house of TitusQuinctius, but on the residence of Caius Manlius the assault was made bynight, and that he was seized by the conspirators to become theirleader: that having proceeded thence to the fourth mile-stone, theyposted themselves in a well-defended place; and that it was not with theleaders mention of a reconciliation originated; but that suddenly, whenthe armies marched out to battle fully armed, a mutual salutation tookplace; that mixing together the soldiers began to join hands, and toembrace each other with tears; and that the consuls, on seeing the mindsof the soldiers averse from fighting, made a proposition to the senateconcerning the re-establishment of concord. So that among ancientwriters nothing is agreed on, except that there was a mutiny, and thatit was composed. Both the report of this disturbance, and the heavy warentered into with the Samnites, alienated some states from the Romanalliance: and besides the treaty of the Latins, which now for a longtime was not to be depended on, the Privernians also by a suddenincursion laid waste Norba and Setia, Roman colonies in theirneighbourhood. 

BOOK VIII. 

 _The Latins with the Campanians revolt; and ambassadors having been sent to the senate, they propose that, if they wished for peace, they should elect one of the consuls from among the Latins. Titus Manlius, the consul, put his son to death, because he had fought, though successfully, against the Latins, contrary to orders. The Romans being hard pressed in the battle, Publius Decius, then consul with Manlius, devoted himself for the army. The Latins surrender. None of the young men came out to meet Manlius on his return to the city. Minucia, a vestal virgin, was condemned for incest. Several matrons convicted of poisoning. Laws then first made against that crime. The Ausonians, Privernians, and Palæpolitans subdued. Quintus Publilius the first instance of a person continuing in command after the expiration of his office, and of a triumph decreed to any person not a consul. Law against confinement for debt. Quintus Fabius, master of the horse, fights the Samnites with success, contrary to the orders of Lucius Papirius, dictator; and, with difficulty, obtains pardon, through the intercession of the people. Successful expedition against the Samnites. _

1. The consuls now were Caius Plautius a second time, and Lucius ÆmiliusMamercinus; when the people of Setia and Norba came to Rome to announcethe revolt of the Privernians, with complaints of the damages receivedby them. News were brought that the army of the Volscians, under theguidance of the people of Antium, had taken post at Satricum. Both warsfell by lot to Plautius. He, marching first to Privernum, immediatelycame to an engagement. The enemy were defeated after a slightresistance: the town was taken, and given back to the Privernians, astrong garrison being placed in it: two thirds of their land were takenfrom them. The victorious army was marched thence to Satricum againstthe Antians; there a desperate battle was fought with great slaughter onboth sides; and when a storm separated the combatants, hope inclining toneither side, the Romans, nowise disheartened by this so indecisive anengagement, prepare for battle against the following day. TheVolscians, reckoning up what men they had lost in battle, had by nomeans the same spirits to repeat the risk. They went off in the night toAntium as a vanquished army in the utmost confusion, leaving behindtheir wounded and a part of their baggage. A vast quantity of arms wasfound, both among the dead bodies of the enemy, and also in the camp. These, the consul declared, that he offered up to Mother Lua; and helaid waste the enemy's country as far as the sea-coast. The otherconsul, Æmilius, on entering the Sabellan territory, found neither acamp of the Samnites nor legions opposed to him. Whilst he laid wastetheir territories with fire and sword, the ambassadors of the Samnitescame to him, suing for peace; by whom being referred to the senate, after leave to address them was granted, laying aside their ferociousspirits, they sued for peace for themselves from the Romans, and theright of waging war against the Sidicinians. Which requests, [theyalleged, ] that "they were the more justified in making, because they hadboth united in friendship with the Roman people, when their affairs wereflourishing, not under circumstances of distress, as the Campanians haddone, and they were taking up arms against the Sidicinians, ever theirenemies, never the friends of the Roman people; who had neither, as theSamnites, sought their friendship in time of peace, nor, as theCampanians, their assistance in time of war, and were neither inalliance with, nor under subjection to the Roman people. "

2. After the prætor Tiberius Æmilius had consulted the senate respectingthe demands of the Samnites, and the senate voted that the treaty shouldbe renewed with them, the prætor returned this answer to the Samnites:"That it neither had been the fault of the Roman people that theirfriendship with them was not perpetual; nor was any objection made tothat friendship being once more re-established, since they themselveswere now become tired of a war entered into through their own fault. With respect to what regarded the Sidicinians, they did not interferewith the Samnite nation having the free decision of peace and war. " Thetreaty being concluded, on their return home, the Roman army wasimmediately withdrawn after they had received a year's pay, and corn forthree months: for which the consul had stipulated, to grant time for atruce, until the ambassadors should return. The Samnites having marchedagainst the Sidicinians with the same forces which they had employed intheir war against the Romans, entertained rather sanguine hopes ofbecoming masters of the enemies' citadel. Then the Sidicinians firstbegan to surrender to the Romans. Afterwards, when the senate rejectedthat offer as too late, and as being wrung from them by extremenecessity, it was made to the Latins, who were already taking up arms ontheir own account. Nor did even the Campanians (so much stronger wastheir recollection of the injuries done them by the Samnites than of thekindness of the Romans) keep themselves from this quarrel. Out of theseso many states, one vast army, entering the territories of the Samnitesunder the direction of the Latins, committed more damage by depredationsthan by battles; and though the Latins had the advantage in the field, they retired out of the enemies' territory without reluctance, that theymight not be obliged to fight too frequently. This opportunity wasafforded to the Samnites to send ambassadors to Rome. When they appearedbefore the senate, having complained that they, though now confederates, were subjected to the same hardships as those they had suffered asenemies, solicited, with the humblest entreaties, that "the Romans wouldthink it enough the victory, of which they had deprived the Samnites, over their Campanian and Sidicinian enemy; that they would not besidessuffer them to be vanquished by these most dastardly states. That theycould by their sovereign authority keep the Latins and the Campaniansout of the Samnite territory, if they really were under the dominion ofthe Roman people; but if they rejected their authority, that they mightcompel them by arms. " To this an equivocal answer was returned, becauseit was mortifying to acknowledge, that the Latins were not now in theirpower, and they were afraid lest by finding fault they might estrangethem from their side: that the case of the Campanians was different, they having come under their protection, not by treaty but by surrender:accordingly, that the Campanians, whether they wished or not, shouldremain quiet: that in the Latin treaty there was no clause by which theywere prevented from going to war with whomsoever they pleased. 

3. Which answer, whilst it sent away the Samnites uncertain as to whatconduct they were to think that the Romans would pursue, it furtherestranged the Campanians through fear; it rendered the Samnites morepresuming, they considering that there was nothing which the Romanswould now refuse them. Wherefore, proclaiming frequent meetings underthe pretext of preparing for war against the Samnites, their leadingmen, in their several deliberations among themselves, secretly fomentedthe plan of a war with Rome. In this war the Campanians too joinedagainst their preservers. But though all their schemes were carefullyconcealed, and they were anxious that their Samnite enemy should be gotrid of in their rear before the Romans should be aroused, yet throughthe agency of some who were attached [to the latter] by privatefriendships and other ties, information of their conspiracy made its wayto Rome, and the consuls being ordered to resign their office before theusual time, in order that the new consuls might be elected the sooner tomeet so important a war, a religious scruple entered their minds at theidea of the elections being held by persons whose time of office hadbeen cut short. Accordingly an interregnum took place. There were twointerreges, Marcus Valerius and Marcus Fabius. The consuls elected wereTitus Manlius Torquatus a third time, and Publius Decius Mus. It isagreed on that, in this year, Alexander, king of Epirus, made a descenton Italy with a fleet. Which war, if the first commencement had beensufficiently successful, would unquestionably have extended to theRomans. The same was the era of the exploits of Alexander the Great, whom, being son to the other's sister, in another region of the world, having shown himself invincible in war, fortune cut short in his youthby disease. But the Romans, although the revolt of their allies and ofthe Latin nation was now no matter of doubt, yet as if they feltsolicitude regarding the Samnites, not for themselves, summoned ten ofthe leading men of the Latins to Rome, to whom they wished to issue suchorders as they might wish. Latium had at that time two prætors, LuciusAnnius, a native of Setia, and Lucius Numisius of Circeii, both from theRoman colonists; through whose means, besides Signia and Velitræ, alsoRoman colonies, the Volscians too had been stirred up to arms. It wasdetermined that these two should be summoned specially; it was a matterof doubt to no one, on what matter they were sent for. Accordingly theprætors, having held an assembly, before they set out for Rome, informthem, that they were summoned by the Roman senate, and consult them asto what answer it was their wish should be given on those subjects whichthey thought would be discussed with them. 

4. When different persons advanced different opinions, then Annius says:"Though I myself put the question, as to what answer it might be yourpleasure should be given, yet I think it more concerns our generalinterest how we should act than how we should speak. Your plans beingonce unfolded, it will be easy to suit words to the subject; for if evennow we are capable of submitting to slavery under the shadow of aconfederacy on equal terms, what is wanting but to betray theSidicinians, be obedient to the orders not only of the Romans, but ofthe Samnites, and tell the Romans, that we will lay down our armswhenever they intimate it to be their wish? But if at length a desire ofliberty stimulates your minds, if a confederacy does subsist, ifalliance be equalization of rights, if there be reason now to boast thatwe are of the same blood as the Romans, of which they were formerlyashamed, if they have such an army of allies, by the junction of whichthey may double their strength, such a one as their consuls would beunwilling to separate from themselves either in concluding or commencingtheir own wars; why are not all things equalized? why is not one of theconsuls chosen from the Latins? Where there is an equal share ofstrength, is there also an equal share in the government? This indeed initself reflects no extraordinary degree of honour on us, as stillacknowledging Rome to be the metropolis of Latium; but that it maypossibly appear to do so, has been effected by our long-continuedforbearance. But if ye ever wished for an opportunity of sharing in thegovernment, and enjoying freedom, lo! this opportunity is now at hand, presented both by your own valour and the bounty of the gods. Ye havetried their patience by refusing them soldiers. Who doubts that theywere fired with rage, when we broke through a custom of more than twohundred years? Still they submitted to this feeling of resentment. Wewaged war with the Pelignians in our own name. They who formerly did noteven concede to us the right of defending our own territories throughourselves, interfered not. They heard that the Sidicinians werereceived under our protection, that the Campanians had revolted fromthemselves to us, that we were preparing armies against theirconfederates, the Samnites; yet they stirred not from the city. Whencethis so great forbearance on their part, except from a knowledge of ourstrength and their own? I have it from competent authority, that whenthe Samnites complained of us, such an answer was given them by theRoman senate, as plainly showed that not even themselves insisted thatLatium was under the Roman jurisdiction. Only assume your rights indemanding that which they tacitly concede to you. If fear prevents anyone from saying this, lo! I pledge myself that I will say it, in thehearing not only of the Roman people and senate, but of Jupiter himself, who inhabits the Capitol; that if they wish us to be in confederacy andalliance with them, they are to receive one consul from us, and one halfof the senate. " When he not only recommended these measures boldly, butpromised also his aid, they all, with acclamations of assent, permittedhim to do and say whatever might appear to him conducive to the republicof the Latin nation and his own honour. 

5. When they arrived in Rome, an audience of the senate was granted themin the Capitol. There, when Titus Manlius the consul, by direction ofthe senate, required of them not to make war on their confederates theSamnites, Annius, as if he had taken the Capitol by arms as a victor, and were not addressing them as an ambassador protected by the law ofnations, says: "It were time, Titus Manlius, and you, conscript fathers, to cease at length treating with us on a footing of superiority, whenyou see Latium in a most flourishing state by the bounty of the gods inarms and men, the Samnites being vanquished in war, the Sidicinians andCampanians our allies, the Volscians now united to us in alliance, andthat your own colonies even prefer the government of Latium to that ofRome. But since ye do not bring your minds to put an end to yourarbitrary despotism, we, though able by force of arms to vindicate theindependence of Latium, yet will make this concession to the ties ofblood between us, as to offer terms of peace on terms of equality forboth, since it has pleased the immortal gods that the strength of bothis equalized. One of the consuls must be selected out of Rome, theother out of Latium; an equal portion of the senate must be from bothnations; we must be one people, one republic; and that the seat ofgovernment may be the same, and we all may have the same name, since theconcession must be made by the one party or other, let this, and may itbe auspicious to both, have the advantage of being the mother country, and let us all be called Romans. " It so happened that the Romans alsohad a consul, a match for this man's high spirit; who, so far fromrestraining his angry feelings, openly declared, that if suchinfatuation took possession of the conscript fathers, that they wouldreceive laws from a man of Setia, he would himself come into the senatearmed with a sword, and would slay with his hand any Latin whom heshould see in the senate-house. And turning to the statue of Jupiter, "Hear thou, Jupiter, " says he, "hear these impious proposals; hear yethem, Justice and Equity. Jupiter, art thou to behold foreign consulsand a foreign senate in thy consecrated temple, as if thou wert acaptive and overpowered? Were these the treaties which Tullus, a Romanking, concluded with the Albans, your forefathers, Latins, and whichLucius Tarquinius subsequently concluded with you? Does not the battleat the Lake Regillus occur to your thoughts? Have you so forgotten yourown calamities and our kindnesses towards you?"

6. When the indignation of the senate followed these words of theconsul, it is recorded that, in reply to the frequent appeals to thegods, whom the consuls frequently invoked as witnesses to the treaties, an expression of Annius was heard in contempt of the divinity of theRoman Jupiter. Certainly, when aroused with wrath he was proceeding withrapid steps from the porch of the temple, having fallen down the stairs, his head being severely struck, he was dashed against a stone at thebottom with such force, as to be deprived of sense. As all writers donot say that he was killed, I too shall leave it in doubt; as also thecircumstance, that a storm, with a dreadful noise in the heavens, tookplace during the appeal made in reference to the violated treaties; forthey may both be true, and also invented aptly to express in a strikingmanner the resentment of heaven. Torquatus, being despatched by thesenate to dismiss the ambassadors, on seeing Annius lying prostrate, exclaimed, so as that his voice was heard both by the people and thesenate, "It is well. The gods have excited a just war. There is a deityin heaven. Thou dost exist, great Jove; not without reason have weconsecrated thee the father of gods and men in this mansion. Why do yehesitate, Romans, and you, conscript fathers, to take up arms under thedirection of the gods? Thus will I lay low the legions of the Latins, asyou now see this man lying prostrate. " The words of the consul, receivedwith the approbation of the people, filled their breasts with suchardour, that the ambassadors on their departure were protected from theanger and violence of the people more by the care of the magistrates, who escorted them by order of the consul, than by the law of nations. The senate also voted for the war; and the consuls, after raising twoarmies, marched into the territories of the Marsians and Pelignians, thearmy of the Samnites having joined them, and pitched their camp nearCapua, where the Latins and their allies had now assembled. There it issaid there appeared to both the consuls, during sleep, the same form ofa man larger and more majestic than human, who said, "Of the one side ageneral, of the other an army was due to the dii Manes and to MotherEarth; from whichever army a general should devote the legions of theenemy and himself, in addition, that the victory would belong to thatnation and that party. " When the consuls compared together these visionsof the night, it was resolved that victims should be slain for thepurpose of averting the anger of the gods; at the same time, that if thesame portents were exhibited in the entrails as those which had beenseen during sleep, either of the consuls should fulfil the fates. Whenthe answers of the haruspices coincided with the secret religiousimpression already implanted in their minds; then, having broughttogether the lieutenant-generals and tribunes, and having openlyexpounded to them the commands of the gods, they settle amongthemselves, lest the consul's voluntary death should intimidate the armyin the field, that on which side soever the Roman army should commenceto give way, the consul in that quarter should devote himself for theRoman people and the Quirites. In this consultation it was alsosuggested, that if ever on any occasion any war had been conducted withstrict discipline, then indeed military discipline should be reduced tothe ancient standard. What excited their attention particularly was, that they had to contend against Latins, who coincided with themselvesin language, manners, in the same kind of arms, and more especially inmilitary institutions; soldiers had been mixed with soldiers, centurionswith centurions, tribunes with tribunes, as comrades and colleagues, inthe same armies, and often in the same companies. Lest in consequence ofthis the soldiers should be involved in any mistake, the consuls issueorders that no one should fight against an enemy out of his post. 

7. It happened that among the other prefects of the troops, who had beensent out in all directions to reconnoitre, Titus Manlius, the consul'sson, came with his troop to the back of the enemy's camp, so near thathe was scarcely distant a dart's throw from the next post. In that placewere some Tusculan cavalry; they were commanded by Geminus Metius, a mandistinguished among his countrymen both by birth and exploits. When herecognised the Roman cavalry, and conspicuous among them the consul'sson marching at their head, (for they were all known to each other, especially the men of note, ) "Romans, are ye going to wage war with theLatins and allies with a single troop. What in the interim will theconsuls, what will the two consular armies be doing?" "They will be herein good time, " says Manlius, "and with them will be Jupiter himself, asa witness of the treaties violated by you, who is stronger and morepowerful. If we fought at the lake Regillus until you had quite enough, here also we shall so act, that a line of battle and an encounter withus may afford you no very great gratification. " In reply to this, Geminus, advancing some distance from his own party, says, "Do youchoose then, until that day arrives on which you are to put your armiesin motion with such mighty labour, to enter the lists with me, that fromthe result of a contest between us both, it may be seen how much a Latinexcels a Roman horseman?" Either resentment, or shame at declining thecontest, or the invincible power of fate, arouses the determined spiritof the youth. Forgetful therefore of his father's command, and theconsul's edict, he is driven headlong to that contest, in which it madenot much difference whether he conquered or was conquered. The otherhorsemen being removed to a distance as if to witness the sight, in thespace of clear ground which lay between them they spurred on theirhorses against each other; and when they were together in fierceencounter, the spear of Manlius passed over the helmet of hisantagonist, that of Metius across the neck of the other's horse. Thenwheeling round their horses, when Manlius arose to repeat the blow, hefixed his javelin between the ears of his opponent's horse. When, by thepain of this wound, the horse, having raised his fore-feet on high, tossed his head with great violence, he shook off his rider, whom, whenhe was raising himself from the severe fall, by leaning on his spear andbuckler, Manlius pierced through the throat, so that the steel passedout through the ribs, and pinned him to the earth; and having collectedthe spoils, he returned to his own party, and with his troop, who wereexulting with joy, he proceeds to the camp, and thence to the general'stent to his father, ignorant of what awaited him, whether praise orpunishment had been merited. "Father, " says he, "that all may trulyrepresent me as sprung from your blood; when challenged, I slew myadversary, and have taken from him these equestrian spoils. " When theconsul heard this, immediately turning away from his son, he ordered anassembly to be summoned by sound of trumpet. When these assembled ingreat numbers, "Since you, Titus Manlius, " says he, "revering neitherthe consular power nor a father's majesty, have fought against the enemyout of your post contrary to our orders, and, as far as in you lay, havesubverted military discipline, by which the Roman power has stood tothis day, and have brought me to this necessity, that I must eitherforget the republic, or myself and mine; we shall expiate our owntransgressions rather than the republic should sustain so serious a lossfor our misdeeds. We shall be a melancholy example, but a profitableone, to the youth of future ages. As for me, both the natural affectionfor my children, as well as that instance of bravery which has led youastray by the false notion of honour, affects me for you. But sinceeither the authority of consuls is to be established by your death, orby your forgiveness to be for ever annulled; I do not think that evenyou, if you have any of our blood in you, will refuse to restore, byyour punishment, the military discipline which has been subverted byyour misconduct. Go, lictor, bind him to the stake. " All becamemotionless, more through fear than discipline, astounded by so cruel anorder, each looking on the axe as if drawn against himself. Thereforewhen they stood in profound silence, suddenly, when the blood spoutedfrom his severed neck, their minds recovering, as it were, from a stateof stupefaction, then their voices arose together in free expressions ofcomplaint, so that they spared neither lamentations nor execrations: andthe body of the youth, being covered with the spoils, was burned on apile erected outside the rampart, with all the military zeal with whichany funeral could be celebrated: and Manlian orders were considered withhorror, not only for the present, but of the most austere severity forfuture times. 

8. The severity of the punishment however rendered the soldiers moreobedient to the general; and besides that the guards and watches and theregulation of the posts were every where more strictly attended to, suchseverity was also profitable in the final struggle when they came intothe field of battle. But the battle was very like to a civil war; sovery similar was every thing among the Romans and Latins, except withrespect to courage. The Romans formerly used targets; afterwards, whenthey began to receive pay, they made shields instead of targets; andwhat before constituted phalanxes similar to the Macedonian, afterwardsbecame a line drawn up in distinct companies. At length they weredivided into several centuries. A century contained sixty soldiers, twocenturions, and one standard-bearer. The spearmen (hastati) formed thefirst line in fifteen companies, with small intervals between them: acompany had twenty light-armed soldiers, the rest wearing shields; thosewere called light who carried only a spear and short iron javelins. This, which constituted the van in the field of battle, contained theyouth in early bloom advancing towards the age of service. Next followedmen of more robust age, in the same number of companies, who were calledprincipes, all wearing shields, and distinguished by the completestarmour. This band of thirty companies they called antepilani, becausethere were fifteen others placed behind them with the standards; ofwhich each company consisted of three divisions, and the first divisionof each they called a pilus. Each company consisted of three ensigns, and contained one hundred and eighty-six men. The first ensign was atthe head of the Triarii, veteran soldiers of tried bravery; the second, at the head of the Rorarii, men whose ability was less by reason oftheir age and course of service; the third, at the head of the Accensi, a body in whom very little confidence was reposed. For this reason alsothey were thrown back to the rear. When the army was marshalledaccording to this arrangement, the spearmen first commenced the fight. If the spearmen were unable to repulse the enemy, they retreatedleisurely, and were received by the principes into the intervals of theranks. The fight then devolved on the principes; the spearmen followed. The Triarii continued kneeling behind the ensigns, their left legextended forward, holding their shields resting on their shoulders, andtheir spears fixed in the ground, with the points erect, so that theirline bristled as if enclosed by a rampart. If the principes also did notmake sufficient impression in the fight, they retreated slowly from thefront to the Triarii. Hence, when a difficulty is felt, "Matters havecome to the Triarii, " became a usual proverb. The Triarii rising up, after receiving the principes and spearmen into the intervals betweentheir ranks, immediately closing their files, shut up as it were theopenings; and in one compact body fell upon the enemy, no other hopebeing now left: that was the most formidable circumstance to the enemy, when having pursued them as vanquished, they beheld a new line suddenlystarting up, increased also in strength. In general about four legionswere raised, each consisting of five thousand infantry and three hundredhorse. As many more were added from the Latin levy, who were at thattime enemies to the Romans, and drew up their line after the samemanner; and they knew that unless the ranks were disturbed they wouldhave to engage not only standard with standard, spearmen with spearmen, principes with principes, but centurion also with centurion. There wereamong the veterans two first centurions in either army, the Roman by nomeans possessing bodily strength, but a brave man, and experienced inthe service; the Latin powerful in bodily strength, and a first-ratewarrior; they were very well known to each other, because they hadalways held equal rank. The Roman, somewhat diffident of his strength, had at Rome obtained permission from the consuls, to select any one whomhe wished, his own subcenturion, to protect him from the one destined tobe his adversary; and this youth being opposed to him in the battle, obtained the victory over the Latin centurion. They came to anengagement not far from the foot of Mount Vesuvius, where the road ledto the Veseris. 

9. The Roman consuls, before they marched out their armies to the field, offered sacrifices. The aruspex is said to have shown to Decius the headof the liver wounded on the side relating to himself, in other respectsthe victim was acceptable to the gods; whilst Manlius obtained highlyfavourable omens from his sacrifice. "But all is well, " says Decius, "ifmy colleague has offered an acceptable sacrifice. " The ranks being drawnup in the order already described, they marched forth to battle. Manliuscommanded the right, Decius the left wing. At first the action wasconducted with equal strength on both sides, and with the same ardentcourage. Afterwards the Roman spearmen on the left wing, not sustainingthe violent assault of the Latins, betook themselves to the principes. In this state of trepidation the consul Decius cries out with a loudvoice to Marcus Valerius, "Valerius, we have need of the aid of thegods. Come, as public pontiff of the Roman people, dictate to me thewords in which I may devote myself for the legions. " The pontiffdirected him to take the gown called prætexta, and with his head coveredand his hand thrust out under the gown to the chin, standing upon aspear placed under his feet, to say these words: "Janus, Jupiter, fatherMars, Quirinus, Bellona, ye Lares, ye gods Novensiles, [171] ye godsIndigetes, ye divinities, under whose power we and our enemies are, andye dii Manes, I pray you, I adore you, I ask your favour, that you wouldprosperously grant strength and victory to the Roman people, theQuirites; and that ye may affect the enemies of the Roman people, theQuirites, with terror, dismay, and death. In such manner as I haveexpressed in words, so do I devote the legions and auxiliaries of theenemy, together with myself, to the dii Manes and to Earth for therepublic of the Quirites, for the army, legions, auxiliaries of theRoman people, the Quirites. " Having uttered this prayer, he orders thelictors to go to Titus Manlius, and without delay to announce to hiscolleague that he had devoted himself for the army. He, girding himselfin a Gabine cincture, and fully armed, mounted his horse, and rushedinto the midst of the enemy. He was observed by both armies to present amore majestic appearance than human, as one sent from heaven as anexpiation of all the wrath of the gods, to transfer to the enemydestruction turned away from his own side: accordingly, all the terrorand panic being carried along with him, at first disturbed thebattalions of the Latins, then completely pervaded their entire line. This was most evident, because, in whatever direction he was carriedwith his horse, there they became panic-stricken, as if struck by somepestilential constellation; but when he fell overwhelmed with darts, instantly the cohorts of the Latins, thrown into manifest consternation, took to flight, leaving a void to a considerable extent. At the sametime also the Romans, their minds being freed from religious dread, exerting themselves as if the signal was then given for the first time, commenced to fight with renewed ardour. For the Rorarii also pushedforward among the antepilani, and added strength to the spearmen andprincipes, and the Triarii resting on the right knee awaited theconsul's nod to rise up. 

[Footnote 171: The Novensiles were nine deities brought to Rome by theSabines: Lara, Vesta, Minerva, Feronia, Concord, Faith, Fortune, Chance, Health. See Niebuhr III. Ii. 249. ]

10. Afterwards, as the contest proceeded, when the superior numbers ofthe Latins had the advantage in some places, the consul, Manlius, onhearing the circumstance of his colleague's death, after he had, as wasright and just, honoured his so glorious a death with tears, as well aswith praises so well merited, hesitated, for a little time, whether itwas yet time for the Triarii to rise; then judging it better that theyshould be kept fresh for the decisive blow, he ordered the Accensi toadvance from the rear before the standards. When they moved forward, theLatins immediately called up their Triarii, as if their opponents haddone the same thing: who, when they had by desperate fighting for aconsiderable time both fatigued themselves, and had either broken orblunted their spears, and were, however, beating back their adversaries, thinking that the battle was now nearly decided, and that they had cometo the last line; then the consul calls to the Triarii, "Arise now, fresh as ye are, against men now wearied, mindful of your country andparents, your wives and children; mindful of your consul who hassubmitted to death to insure your victory. " When the Triarii arose, fresh as they were, with their arms glittering, a new line whichappeared unexpectedly, receiving the antepilani into the intervalsbetween the ranks, raised a shout, and broke through the first line ofthe Latins; and goading their faces, after cutting down those whoconstituted their principal strength, they passed almost intact throughthe other companies, with such slaughter that they scarcely left onefourth of the enemy. The Samnites also, drawn up at a distance at thefoot of the mountain, struck terror into the Latins. But of all, whethercitizens or allies, the principal praise for that action was due to theconsuls; the one of whom turned on himself alone all the threats anddangers (denounced) by the divinities of heaven and hell; the otherevinced such valour and such judgment in the battle, that it wasuniversally agreed among both the Romans and Latins who have transmittedto posterity an account of the battle, that, on whichever side TitusManlius held the command, the victory must belong to that. The Latins intheir flight betook themselves to Minturnæ. Immediately after the battlethe camp was taken, and great numbers still alive were surprisedtherein, chiefly Campanians. Night surprised them in their search, andprevented the body of Decius from being discovered on that day. On theday after it was found amid vast heaps of slaughtered enemies, piercedwith a great number of darts, and his funeral was solemnized under thedirection of his colleague, in a manner suited to his death. It seemsright to add here, that it is lawful for a consul, a dictator, and aprætor, when he devotes the legions of the enemy, to devote not himselfparticularly, but whatever citizen he may choose out of a Roman legionregularly enrolled: if the person who has been devoted die, the matteris duly performed; if he do not perish, then an image, seven feet highor more, must be buried in the ground, and a victim slain, as anexpiation. Where that image shall be buried, there it is not lawful thata Roman magistrate should pass. But if he wish to devote himself, asDecius did, unless he who has devoted himself die, he shall not withpropriety perform any act of religion regarding either himself or thepublic. Should he wish to devote his arms to Vulcan or to any other god, he has a right, whether he shall please, by a victim, or in any othermanner. It is not proper that the enemy should get possession of theweapon, on which the consul, standing, pronounced the imprecation: ifthey should get possession of it, then an expiation must be made to Marsby the sacrifices called the Suove-taurilia. Although the memory ofevery divine and human custom has been obliterated, in consequence ofpreferring what is modern and foreign to that which is ancient andbelonging to our own country, I deemed it not irrelevant to relate theparticulars even in the very terms used, as they have been handed downand expressed. 

11. I find it stated in some writers, that the Samnites, having awaitedthe issue of the battle, came at length with support to the Romans afterthe battle was over. Also aid from Lavinium, whilst they wasted time indeliberating, was at length sent to the Latins after they had beenvanquished. And when the first standards and part of the army justissued from the gates, news being brought of the defeat of the Latins, they faced about and returned back to the city; on which occasion theysay that their prætor, Milionius, observed, that "for so very short ajourney a high price must be paid to the Romans. " Such of the Latins assurvived the battle, after being scattered over many roads, collectedthemselves into a body, and found refuge in the city of Vescia. Theretheir general, Numisius, insisted in their counsels, that "the trulycommon fortune of war had prostrated both armies by equal losses, andthat only the name of victory rested with the Romans; that in otherrespects they too shared the lot of defeated persons; the two pavilionsof the consuls were polluted; one by the murder committed on a son, theother by the blood of a devoted consul; that their army was cut down inevery direction; their spearmen and principes were cut down; great havocwas made before the standards and behind them; the Triarii at lengthrestored their cause. Though the forces of the Latins were cut down inan equal proportion, yet for reinforcements, Latium or the Volscianswere nearer than Rome. Wherefore, if they thought well of it, he wouldspeedily call out the youth from the Latin and Volscian states, andwould return to Capua with a determined army, and by his unexpectedarrival strike dismay among the Romans, who were expecting nothing lessthan battle. " Deceptive letters being sent around Latium and theVolscian nation, a tumultuary army, hastily raised from all quarters, was assembled, for as they had not been present at the battle, they weremore disposed to believe on slight grounds. This army the consulTorquatus met at Trisanum, a place between Sinuessa and Minturnæ. Beforea place was selected for a camp, the baggage on both sides being piledup in a heap, they fought and terminated the war; for so impaired wastheir strength, that all the Latins surrendered themselves to theconsul, who was leading his victorious army to lay waste their lands, and the Campanians followed the example of this surrender. Latium andCapua were fined some land. The Latin with the addition of thePrivernian land; and the Falernian land, which had belonged to thepeople of Campania, as far as the river Vulturnus, is all distributed tothe commons of Rome. In the Latin land two acres a man were assigned, sothat they should receive an additional three-fourths of an acre from thePrivernian land; in the Falernian land three acres were assigned, onefourth of an acre being further added, in consideration of the distance. Of the Latins the Laurentians were exempted from punishment, as also thehorsemen of the Campanians, because they had not revolted. An order wasissued that the treaty should be renewed with the Laurentians; and it isrenewed every year since, on the tenth day after the Latin festival. Therights of citizenship were granted to the Campanian horsemen; and thatit might serve as a memorial, they hung up a brazen tablet in the templeof Castor at Rome. The Campanian state was also enjoined to pay them ayearly stipend of four hundred and fifty denarii each; their numberamounted to one thousand six hundred. 

12. The war being thus concluded, after rewards and punishment weredistributed according to the deserts of each, Titus Manlius returned toRome: on his approach it appears that the aged only went forth to meethim; and that the young men, both then, and all his life after, detestedand cursed him. The Antians made incursions on the territories of Ostia, Ardea, and Solonia. The consul Manlius, because he was unable by reasonof his health to conduct that war, nominated as dictator Lucius PapiriusCrassus, who then happened to be prætor; by him Lucius Papirius Cursorwas appointed master of the horse. Nothing worthy of mention wasperformed against the Antians by the dictator, although he had kept astanding camp for several months in the Antian territory. To a yearsignalized by a victory over so many and such powerful states, furtherby the illustrious death of one of the consuls, as well as by theunrelenting, though memorable, severity of command in the other, theresucceeded as consuls Titus Æmilius Mamercinus and Quintus PubliliusPhilo; neither to a similar opportunity of exploits, and they themselvesbeing mindful rather of their own interests as well as of those of theparties in the state, than of the interests of their country. Theyrouted on the plains of Ferentinum, and stripped of their camp, theLatins, who, in resentment of the land they had lost, took up armsagain. Publilius, under whose guidance and auspices the action had beenfought, receiving the submission of the Latin states, who had lost agreat many of their young men there, Æmilius marched the army to Pedum. The people of Pedum were supported by the states of Tibur, Præneste, andVelitræ; auxiliaries had also come from Lanuvium and Antium. Where, though the Romans had the advantage in several engagements, still theentire labour remained at the city of Pedum itself and at the camp ofthe allied states, which was adjoining the city: suddenly leaving thewar unfinished, because he heard that a triumph was decreed to hiscolleague, he himself also returned to Rome to demand a triumph before avictory had been obtained. The senate displeased by this ambitiousconduct, and refusing a triumph unless Pedum was either taken or shouldsurrender, Æmilius, alienated from the senate in consequence of thisact, administered the remainder of the consulship like to a seditioustribuneship. For, as long as he was consul, he neither ceased tocriminate the patricians to the people, his colleague by no meansinterfering, because he himself also was a plebeian; (the scantydistribution of the land among the commons in the Latin and Falernianterritory afforded the groundwork of the criminations;) and when thesenate, wishing to put an end to the administration of the consuls, ordered a dictator to be nominated against the Latins, who were again inarms, Æmilius, to whom the fasces then belonged, nominated his colleaguedictator; by him Junius Brutus was constituted master of the horse. Thedictatorship was popular, both in consequence of his discoursescontaining invectives against the patricians, and because he passedthree laws, most advantageous to the commons, and injurious to thenobility; one, that the orders of the commons should be binding on allthe Romans; another, that the patricians should, before the suffragescommenced, declare their approbation of the laws which should be passedin the assemblies of the centuries; the third, that one at least of thecensors should be elected from the commons, as they had already gone sofar as that it was lawful that both the consuls should be plebeians. Thepatricians considered that more of detriment had been sustained on thatyear from the consuls and dictator than was counterbalanced by theirsuccess and achievements abroad. 

13. On the following year, Lucius Furius Camillus and Caius Mænius wereconsuls, in order that the neglect of his duty by Æmilius, the consul ofthe preceding year, might be rendered more markedly reproachful, thesenate loudly urge that Pedum should be assailed with arms, men, andevery kind of force, and be demolished; and the new consuls, beingforced to give that matter the precedence of all others, set out on thatexpedition. The state of affairs was now such in Latium, that they couldno longer submit to either war or peace. For war they were deficient inresources; they spurned at peace through resentment for the loss oftheir land. It seemed necessary therefore to steer a middle course, tokeep within their towns, so that the Romans by being provoked might haveno pretext for hostilities; and that if the siege of any town should beannounced to them, aid should be sent from every quarter from all thestates. And still the people of Pedum were aided by only a very fewstates. The Tiburtians and Prænestines, whose territory lay nearest, came to Pedum. Mænius suddenly making an attack, defeated theAricinians, and Lanuvians, and Veliternians, at the river Astura, theVolscians of Antium forming a junction with them. The Tiburtian, far thestrongest body, Camillus engages at Pedum, encountering much greaterdifficulty, though with a result equally successful. A sudden sally ofthe townsmen during the battle chiefly occasioned confusion: Camillus, turning on these with a part of his army, not only drove them withintheir walls, but on the very same day, after he had discomfitedthemselves and their auxiliaries, he took the town by scalade. It wasthen resolved to lead round with greater energy and spirit hisvictorious army from the storming of a single city to the entireconquest of Latium. Nor did they stop until they reduced all Latium, either by storming, or by becoming masters of the cities one after theother by capitulation. Then, disposing garrisons in the towns which theyhad taken, they departed to Rome to a triumph universally admitted tobe due to them. To the triumph was added the honour of having equestrianstatues erected to them in the forum, a compliment very unusual at thatperiod. Before they commenced holding the meeting for the election ofthe consuls for the ensuing year, Camillus moved the senate concerningthe Latin states, and spoke thus: "Conscript fathers, that which was tobe done by war and arms in Latium has now been fully accomplished by thebounty of the gods and the valour of the soldiers. The armies of theenemy have been cut down at Pedum and the Astura. All the Latin towns, and Antium belonging to the Volscians, either taken by storm, orreceived into surrender, are occupied by your garrisons. It now remainsto be considered, since they annoy us by their repeated rebellions, howwe may keep them in quiet submission and in the observance of perpetualpeace. The immortal gods have put the determination of this matter socompletely in your power, that they have placed it at your optionwhether Latium is to exist henceforward or not. Ye can therefore insureto yourselves perpetual peace, as far as regards the Latins, either byadopting severe or lenient measures. Do ye choose to adopt cruel conducttowards people who have surrendered and have been conquered? Ye maydestroy all Latium, make a vast desert of a place whence, in many andserious wars, ye have often made use of an excellent army of allies. Doyou wish, according to the example of your ancestors, to augment theRoman state by admitting the vanquished among your citizens? Materialsfor extending your power by the highest glory are at hand. Thatgovernment is certainly by far the most secure, which the subjects feela pleasure in obeying. But whatever determination ye wish to come to, itis necessary that it be speedy. So many states have ye in a state ofsuspense between hope and fear; and it is necessary that you bedischarged as soon as possible of your solicitude about them, and thattheir minds, whilst they are still in a state of insensibility fromuncertainty, be at once impressed either by punishment or clemency. Itwas our duty to bring matters to such a pass that you may have fullpower to deliberate on every matter; yours to decide what is mostexpedient to yourselves and the commonwealth. "

14. The principal members of the senate applauded the consul'sstatement of the business on the whole; but said that "as the stateswere differently circumstanced, that their plan might be readilyadjusted so that it might be determined according to the desert of each, if they should put the question regarding each state specifically. " Thequestion was therefore so put regarding each separately and a decreepast. To the Lanuvians the right of citizenship was granted, and theexercise of their religious rights was restored to them with thisprovision, that the temple and grove of Juno Sospita should be commonbetween the Lanuvian burghers and the Roman people. The Aricians, Nomentans, and Pedans were admitted into the number of citizens on thesame terms as the Lanuvians. To the Tusculans the rights of citizenshipwhich they already possessed were continued; and the crime of rebellionwas turned from disaffection on public grounds against a fewinstigators. On the Veliternians, Roman citizens of long standing, measures of great severity were inflicted because they had so oftenrebelled; their walls were razed, and their senate removed from thence, and they were ordered to dwell on the other side of the Tiber, so thatthe fine of any individual who should be caught on the hither side ofthat river should amount to one thousand _asses_; and that the personwho had apprehended him, should not discharge his prisoner fromconfinement, until the money was paid down. Into the land of thesenators colonists were sent; from the additions of which Velitrærecovered its appearance of former populousness. A new colony was alsosent to Antium, with this provision, that if the Antians desired to beenrolled as colonists, permission to that effect should be granted. Their ships of war were removed from thence, and the people of Antiumwere interdicted the sea, and the rights of citizenship were grantedthem. The Tiburtians and Prænestines were amerced in some land, not onlyon account of the recent guilt of the rebellion, which was common tothem with the other Latins; but also because, from their dislike to theRoman government, they had formerly associated in arms with the Gauls, anation of savages. From the other Latin states they took away theprivileges of intermarriage, commerce, and of holding meetings. To theCampanians, in compliment to their horsemen, because they had refused tojoin in rebellion with the Latins, and to the Fundans and Formians, because the passage through their territories had been always secure andpeaceful, the freedom of the state was granted with the right ofsuffrage. It was determined that the people of Cumæ and Suessula shouldhave the same rights and be on the same footing as Capua. Of the shipsof the Antians some were drawn up to the docks at Rome, some wereburned, and with the prows of these a pulpit built in the forum wasordered to be decorated; and that temple was called Rostra. 

15. During the consulship of Caius Sulpicius Longus and Publius ÆliusPætus, when the Roman power not more than the kindly feeling engenderedby acts of kindness diffused the blessings of peace among all parties, awar broke out between the Sidicinians and Auruncans. The Auruncanshaving been admitted into alliance on the occasion of theirsurrendering, had since that period made no disturbance; accordinglythey had a juster pretext for seeking aid from the Romans. But beforethe consuls led forth their army from the city, (for the senate hadordered the Auruncans to be defended, ) intelligence is brought that theAuruncans deserted their town through fear, and flying with their wivesand children, that they fortified Suessa, which is now called Aurunca;that their ancient walls and city were demolished by the Sidicinians. The senate being in consequence incensed against the consuls, by whosedelays the allies had been betrayed, ordered a dictator to be created. Caius Claudius Regillensis was appointed, and he nominated CaiusClaudius Hortator as master of the horse. A scruple afterwards aroseconcerning the dictator; and when the augurs declared that he seemed tohave been created under an informality, the dictator and the master ofthe horse laid down their office. This year Minucia, a vestal, at firstsuspected on account of her dress being more elegant than was becoming, afterwards being arraigned before the pontiffs on the testimony of aslave, after she had been ordered by their decree to abstain frommeddling in sacred rites, and to keep her slaves under her own power, when brought to trial, was buried alive at the Colline gate, on theright of the causeway, in the field of wickedness. I suppose that namewas given to the place from her crime. On the same year QuintusPublilius Philo was the first of the plebeians elected prætor, beingopposed by Sulpicius the consul, who refused to take any notice of himas a candidate; the senate, as they had not succeeded on that ground inthe case of the highest offices, being less earnest with respect to theprætorship. 

16. The following year, Lucius Papirius Crassus and Kæso Duilius beingconsuls, was distinguished by a war with the Ausonians, as being newrather than important. This people inhabited the city Cales; they hadunited their arms with their neighbours the Sidicinians; and the army ofthe two states being defeated in one battle scarcely worthy of record, was induced to take to flight the earlier in consequence of theproximity of the cities, and the more sheltered on their flight. Nor didthe senate, however, discontinue their attention to that war, becausethe Sidicinians had now so often taken up arms either as principals, orhad afforded aid to those who did so, or had been the cause ofhostilities. Accordingly they exerted themselves with all their might, to raise to the consulship for the fourth time, Marcus Valerius Corvus, the greatest general of that day. To Corvus was added Marcus AtiliusRegulus as colleague; and lest any disappointment might by any chanceoccur, a request was made of the consuls, that, without drawing lots, that province might be assigned to Corvus. Receiving the victorious armyfrom the former consuls, proceeding to Cales, whence the war hadoriginated, after he had, at the first shout and onset, routed theenemy, who were disheartened by the recollection also of the formerengagement, he set about attacking the town itself. And such was theardour of the soldiers, that they wished to advance immediately up tothe walls, and strenuously asserted that they would scale them. Corvus, because that was a hazardous undertaking, wished to accomplish hisobject rather by the labour than the risk of his men. Accordingly heformed a rampart, prepared his vineæ, and advanced towers up to thewalls; but an opportunity which accidentally presented itself, preventedthe occasion for them. For Marcius Fabius, a Roman prisoner, when, having broken his chains during the inattention of his guards on afestival day, suspending himself by means of a rope which was fastenedto a battlement of the wall, he let himself down by the hands, persuadedthe general to make an assault on the enemy whilst stupified by wine andfeasting; nor were the Ausonians, together with their city, capturedwith greater difficulty than they had been routed in the field. A greatamount of booty was obtained; and a garrison being stationed at Cales, the legions were marched back to Rome. The consul triumphed in pursuanceof a decree of the senate; and that Atilius might not be without a shareof glory, both the consuls were ordered to lead the army against theSidicinians. But first, in conformity with a decree of the senate, theynominated as dictator for the purpose of holding the elections, LuciusÆmilius Mamercinus; he named Quintus Publilius Philo his master of thehorse. The dictator presiding at the elections, Titus Veturius andSpurius Postumius were elected consuls. Though a part of the war withthe Sidicinians still remained; yet that they might anticipate, by anact of kindness, the wishes of the commons, they proposed about sendinga colony to Cales; and a decree of the senate being passed that twothousand five hundred men should be enrolled for that purpose, theyappointed Kæso Duilius, Titus Quinctius, and Marcus Fabius commissionersfor conducting the colony and distributing the land. 

17. The new consuls then, recovering the army from their predecessors, entered the enemy's territories and carried their depredations up to thewalls and the city. There because the Sidicinians, who had raised anumerous army, seemed determined to fight vigorously for their lasthope, and a report existed that Samnium also was preparing forhostilities, Publius Cornelius Rufinus was created dictator by theconsuls in pursuance of a decree of the senate; Marcus Antonius wasnominated master of the horse. A scruple afterwards arose that they wereelected under an informality: and they laid down their office; andbecause a pestilence followed, recourse was had to an interregnum, as ifall the auspices had been infected by that irregularity. By MarcusValerius Corvus, the fifth interrex from the commencement of theinterregnum, Aulus Cornelius a second time, and Cneius Domitius wereelected consuls. Things being now tranquil, the rumour of a Gallic warhad the effect of a real outbreak, so that they were determined that adictator should be nominated. Marcus Papirius Crassus was nominated, andPublius Valerius Publicola master of the horse. And when the levy wasconducted by them with more activity than was deemed necessary in thecase of neighbouring wars, scouts were sent out and brought word, thatthere was perfect quiet with the Gauls in every direction. It wassuspected that Samnium also was now for the second year in a state ofdisturbance in consequence of their entertaining new designs: hence theRoman troops were not withdrawn from the Sidicinian territory. But ahostile attack made by Alexander of Epirus on the Lucanians drew awaythe attention of the Samnites to another quarter; these two nationsfought a pitched battle against the king, as he was making a descent onthe district adjoining Pæstum. Alexander, having come off victorious inthat contest, concluded a peace with the Romans; with what fidelity hewould have kept it, if his other projects had been equally successful, is uncertain. The same year the census was performed, and the newcitizens were rated; on their account the Mæscian and Scaptian tribeswere added: the censors who added them were Quintus Publilius Philo andSpurius Postumius. The Acerrans were enrolled as Romans, in conformitywith a law introduced by the prætor, Lucius Papirius, by which the rightof citizenship with the privilege of suffrage was conferred. These werethe transactions at home and abroad during that year. 

18. The following year was disastrous, whether by the intemperature ofthe air, or by human guilt, Marcus Claudius Marcellus and Caius Valeriusbeing consuls. I find in the annals Flaccus and Potitus variously givenas the surname of the consul; but in this it is of little consequencewhich is the true one. I would heartily wish that this other accountwere a false one, (nor indeed do all writers mention it, ) viz. Thatthose persons, whose death rendered the year signal for the pestilence, were carried off by poison. The circumstance however must be stated asit is handed down to us, that I may not detract from the credit of anywriter. When the principal persons of the state were dying of similardiseases, and all generally with the same result, a certain maid-servantundertook, before Quintius Fabius Maximus, curule ædile, to discover thecause of the public malady, provided the public faith would be given toher by him, that the discovery should not be made detrimental to her. Fabius immediately lays the matter before the consuls, and the consulsbefore the senate, and with the concurrence of that order the publicfaith was pledged to the informer. It was then disclosed that the statewas afflicted by the wickedness of certain women, and that certainmatrons were preparing those poisonous drugs; and if they wished tofollow her forthwith, they might be detected in the very fact. Havingfollowed the informer, they found women preparing certain drugs, andothers of the same kind laid up. These being brought into the forum, andseveral matrons, to the number of twenty, in whose possession they hadbeen detected, being summoned by the beadle, two of them, Cornelia andSergia, both of patrician rank, maintaining that these drugs werewholesome, were directed by the informer who confronted them to drinksome, that they might convict her of having stated what was false;having taken time to confer together, when, the crowd being removed, they referred the matter to the other matrons in the open view of all;they also not refusing to drink, they all drank off the preparation, andperished by their own wicked device. Their attendants being instantlyseized, informed against a great number of matrons, of whom to thenumber of one hundred and seventy were condemned. Nor up to that day wasthere ever an inquiry made at Rome concerning poisoning. Thecircumstance was considered a prodigy; and seemed the act rather ofinsane persons than of persons depraved by guilt. Wherefore mentionhaving been found in the annals, that formerly in the secessions of thecommons the nail had been driven by the dictator, and that the minds ofthe people, distracted by discord, had been restored to a sane state, itwas determined that a dictator should be nominated for the purpose ofdriving the nail. Cneius Quinctilius being nominated, appointed LuciusValerius master of the horse, who, as soon as the nail was driven, abdicated their offices. 

19. Lucius Papirius Crassus a second time, and Lucius Plautius Vennowere elected consuls; at the commencement of which year ambassadors cameto Rome from the Fabraternians, a Volscian people, and from theLucanians, soliciting to be admitted into alliance: [promising] that ifthey were defended from the arms of the Samnites, they would continue infidelity and obedience under the government of the Roman people. Ambassadors were then sent by the senate; and the Samnites were directedto withhold all violence from the territories of those states; and thisembassy proved effectual not so much because the Samnites were desirousof peace, as because they were not prepared for war. The same year a warbroke out with the people of Privernum; in which the people of Fundiwere their supporters, their leader also being a Fundanian, VitruviusVaccus; a man of distinction not only at home, but in Rome also. He hada house on the Palatine hill, which, after the building was razed andthe ground thrown open, was called the Vacciprata. Lucius Papiriushaving set out to oppose him whilst devastating extensively thedistricts of Setia, Norba, and Cora, posted himself at no great distancefrom his camp. Vitruvius neither adopted the prudent resolution toenclose himself with his trenches against an enemy his superior instrength, nor had he sufficient courage to engage at any great distancefrom his camp. When his army had scarcely got out of the gate of thecamp, and his soldiers were looking backwards to flight rather than tobattle or the enemy, he enters on an engagement without judgment orboldness; and as he was conquered by a very slight effort andunequivocally, so did he by the very shortness of the distance, and bythe facility of his retreat into the camp so near at hand, protect hissoldiers without difficulty from much loss; and scarcely were any slainin the engagement itself, and but few in the confusion of the flight inthe rear, whilst they were making their way into the camp; and as soonas it was dark they repaired to Privernum in trepidation, so that theymight protect themselves rather by walls than by a rampart. Plautius, the other consul, after laying waste the lands in every direction anddriving off the spoil, leads his army into the Fundanian territory. Thesenate of the Fundanians met him as he was entering their borders; theydeclare that "they had not come to intercede in behalf of Vitruvius orthose who followed his faction, but in behalf of the people of Fundi, whose exemption from any blame in the war had been proved by Vitruviushimself, when he made Privernum his place of retreat, and not his nativecountry, Fundi. At Privernum, therefore, the enemies of the Roman peoplewere to be looked for, and punished, who revolted at the same time fromthe Fundanians and the Romans, unmindful of both countries. That theFundanians were at peace, that they had Roman feelings and a gratefulrecollection of the political rights received. They entreated the consulto withhold war from an inoffensive people; their lands, city, their ownbodies and those of their wives and children, were, and ever should be, at the disposal of the Roman people. " The consul, having commended theFundanians, and despatched letters to Rome that the Fundanians hadpreserved their allegiance, turned his march to Privernum. Claudiusstates, that the consul first punished those who were at the head of theconspiracy; that three hundred and fifty of the conspirators were sentin chains to Rome; and that such submission was not received by thesenate, because they considered that the people of Fundi wished to comeoff with impunity by the punishment of needy and humble persons. 

20. While the siege of Privernum was being conducted by the two consulararmies, one of the consuls was recalled to Rome, on account of theelections. This year gaols were first erected in the circus. While theattention of the public was still occupied by the Privernian war, analarming report of the Gauls being in arms, a matter scarcely everslighted by the senate, suddenly came on them. The new consuls, therefore, Lucius Æmilius Mamercinus and Caius Plautius, on the calendsof July, the very day on which they entered into office, received ordersto settle the provinces immediately between themselves; and Mamercinus, to whom the Gallic war fell, was directed to levy troops, withoutadmitting any plea of immunity: nay, it is said, that even the rabble ofhandicrafts, and those of sedentary trades, of all the worst qualifiedfor military service, were called out; and a vast army was collected atVeii, in readiness to meet the Gauls. It was thought proper not toproceed to a greater distance, lest the enemy might by some other routearrive at the city without being observed. In the course of a few daysit being ascertained, on a careful inquiry, that every thing on thatside was quiet at the time; the whole force, which was to have opposedthe Gauls, was then turned against Privernum. Of the issue of thebusiness, there are two different accounts: some say, that the city wastaken by storm; and that Vitruvius fell alive into the hands [of theconquerors]: others maintain that the townsmen, to avoid the extremitiesof a storm, presenting the rod of peace, surrendered to the consul; andthat Vitruvius was delivered up by his troops. The senate, beingconsulted with respect to Vitruvius and the Privernians, sentdirections, that the consul Plautius should demolish the walls ofPrivernum, and, leaving a strong garrison there, come home to enjoy thehonour of a triumph; at the same time ordering that Vitruvius should bekept in prison, until the return of the consul, and that he should thenbe beaten with rods, and put to death. His house, which stood on thePalatine hill, they commanded to be razed to the ground, and his effectsto be devoted to Semo Sancus. With the money produced by the sale ofthem, brazen globes were formed, and placed in the chapel of Sancus, opposite to the temple of Quirinus. As to the senate of Privernum, itwas decreed, that every person who had continued to act as a senator ofPrivernum, after the revolt from the Romans, should reside on thefarther side of the Tiber, under the same restrictions as those ofVelitræ. After the passing of these decrees, there was no furthermention of the Privernians, until Plautius had triumphed. After thetriumph, Vitruvius, with his accomplices, having been put to death, theconsul thought that all being now fully gratified by the sufferings ofthe guilty, allusion might be safely made to the business of thePrivernians, he spoke in the following manner: "Conscript fathers, sincethe authors of the revolt have received, both from the immortal gods andfrom you, the punishment so well merited, what do ye judge proper to bedone with respect to the guiltless multitude? For my part, although myduty consists rather in collecting the opinions of others than inoffering my own, yet, when I reflect that the Privernians are situatedin the neighbourhood of the Samnites, our peace with whom is exceedinglyuncertain, I should wish, that as little ground of animosity as possiblemay be left between them and us. "

21. The affair naturally admitted of a diversity of opinions, each, agreeably to his particular temper, recommending either severity orlenity; matters were still further perplexed by one of the Privernianambassadors, more mindful of the prospects to which he had been born, than to the exigency of the present juncture: who being asked by one ofthe advocates for severity, "What punishment he thought the Priverniansdeserved?" answered, "Such as those deserve who deem themselves worthyof liberty. " The consul observing, that, by this stubborn answer, thosewho were adverse to the cause of the Privernians were the moreexasperated against them, and wishing, by a question of favourableimport, to draw from him a more conciliating reply, said to him, "Whatif we remit the punishment, in what manner may we expect that ye willobserve the peace which shall be established between us?" He replied, "If the peace which ye grant us be a good one, both inviolable andeternal; if bad, of no long continuance. " Then indeed some exclaimed, that the Privernian menaced them, and not in ambiguous terms; and thatby such expressions peaceable states were incited to rebellion. But themore reasonable part of the senate interpreted his answers morefavourably, and said, that "the words they had heard were those of aman, and of a free-man. Could it be believed that any people, or evenany individual, would remain, longer than necessity constrained, in asituation which he felt painful? That peace was faithfully observed, only when those at peace were voluntarily so; but that fidelity was notto be expected where they wished to establish slavery. " In this opinionthey were led to concur, principally, by the consul himself, whofrequently observed to the consulars, who had proposed the differentresolutions, in such a manner as to be heard by several, that "surelythose men only who thought of nothing but liberty, were worthy of beingmade Romans. " They consequently both carried their cause in the senate;and, moreover, by direction of that body, a proposal was laid before thepeople, that the freedom of the state should be granted to thePrivernians. The same year a colony of three hundred was sent to Anxur, and received two acres of land each. 

22. The year following, in which the consuls were Publius PlautiusProculus and Publius Cornelius Scapula, was remarkable for no onetransaction, civil or military, except the sending of a colony toFregellæ, a district which had belonged to the Sidicinians, andafterwards to the Volscians; and a distribution of meat to the people, made by Marcus Flavius, on occasion of the funeral of his mother. Therewere many who represented, that, under the appearance of doing honour tohis parent, a deserved recompence was made to the people, for havingacquitted him, when prosecuted by the ædiles on a charge of havingdebauched a married woman. This distribution of meat intended as areturn for favours shown on the trial, proved also the means ofprocuring him the honour of a public office; for, at the next election, though absent, he was preferred before the candidates who solicited inperson the tribuneship of the commons. The city of Palæpolis wassituated at no great distance from the spot where Neapolis now stands. The two cities were inhabited by one people: these came from Cumæ, andthe Cumans derive their origin from Chalcis in Eubœa. By means ofthe fleet in which they had been conveyed hither, they possessed greatpower on the coast of the sea, near which they dwelt. Having firstlanded on the islands of Ænaria, and the Pithecusæ, they afterwardsventured to transfer their settlement to the continent. This state, relying both on their own strength, as well as on the treacherous natureof the alliance of the Samnites with the Romans; or, encouraged by thereport of a pestilence having attacked the city of Rome, committedvarious acts of hostility against the Romans settled in the Campanianand Falernian territories. Wherefore, in the succeeding consulate ofLucius Cornelius, and Quintus Publilius Philo a second time, heraldsbeing sent to Palæpolis to demand satisfaction, when a haughty answerwas returned by these Greeks, a race more magnanimous in words than inaction, the people, in pursuance of the direction of the senate, orderedwar to be declared against the Palæpolitans. On settling the provincesbetween the consuls, the war against the Greeks fell to Publilius. Cornelius, with another army, was appointed to watch the Samnites ifthey should attempt any movement; but a report prevailed that they, anxiously expecting a revolt in Campania, intended to march their troopsthither; that was judged by Cornelius the properest station for him. 

23. The senate received information, from both the consuls, that therewas very little hope of peace with the Samnites. Publilius informedthem, that two thousand soldiers from Nolæ, and four thousand of theSamnites, had been received into Palæpolis, a measure rather forced onthe Greeks by the Nolans than agreeable to their inclination. Corneliuswrote, that a levy of troops had been ordered, that all Samnium was inmotion, and that the neighbouring states of Privernum, Fundi, andFormiæ, were openly solicited to join them. When in consequence it wasthought proper, that, before hostilities were commenced, ambassadorsshould be sent to the Samnites, an insolent answer is returned by them;they even went so far as to accuse the Romans of behaving injuriouslytowards them; but, nevertheless, they took pains to clear themselves ofthe charges made against them, asserting, that "the Greeks were notassisted with either counsel or aid by their state, nor were theFundanians or Formians tampered with by them; for, if they were disposedto war, they had not the least reason to be diffident of their ownstrength. However, they could not dissemble, that it gave great offenceto the state of the Samnites, that Fregellæ, by them taken from theVolscians and demolished, should have been rebuilt by the Romans; andthat they should have established a colony within the territory of theSamnites, to which their colonists gave the name of Fregellæ. Thisinjury and affront, if not done away by the authors, they weredetermined themselves to remove, by every means in their power. " Whenone of the Roman ambassadors proposed to discuss the matter before theircommon allies and friends, their magistrate said, "Why do we disguiseour sentiments? Romans, no conferences of ambassadors, nor arbitrationof any person whatever, can terminate our differences; but the plains ofCampania, in which we must meet; our arms and the common fortune of warwill settle the point. Let our armies, therefore, meet between Capua andSuessula; and there let us decide, whether the Samnite or the Romanshall hold the sovereignty of Italy. " To this the ambassadors of theRomans replied, "that they would go, not whither their enemy called, butwhither their commanders should lead. " In the mean time, Publilius, byseizing an advantageous post between Palæpolis and Neapolis, had cut offthat interchange of mutual aid, which they had hitherto afforded eachother, according as either place was hard pressed. Accordingly, whenboth the day of the elections approached, and as it was highlyinexpedient for the public interest that Publilius should be called awaywhen on the point of assailing the enemy's walls, and in dailyexpectation of gaining possession of their city, application was made tothe tribunes, to recommend to the people the passing of an order, thatPublilius Philo, when his year of office should expire, might continuein command, as pro-consul, until the war with the Greeks should befinished. A letter was despatched to Lucius Cornelius, with orders toname a dictator; for it was not thought proper that the consul should berecalled from the vigorous prosecution of the war now that he hadentered into Samnium. He nominated Marcus Claudius Marcellus, whoappointed Spurius Postumius master of the horse. The elections, however, were not held by the dictator, because it became a question whether hehad been appointed under an irregularity; and the augurs beingconsulted, pronounced that it appeared that the dictator's appointmentwas defective. The tribunes inveighed against this proceeding asdangerous and dishonourable; "for it was not probable, " they said, "thatsuch defect could have been discovered, as the consul, rising in thenight, had nominated the dictator while every thing was still;[172] norhad the said consul in any of his letters, either public or private, made any mention of such a thing to any one; nor did any person whatevercome forward who said that he saw or heard any thing which could vitiatethe auspices. Neither could the augurs sitting at Rome divine whatinauspicious circumstance had occurred to the consul in the camp. Whodid not plainly perceive, that the dictator's being a plebeian, was thedefect which the augurs had discovered?" These and other arguments wereurged in vain by the tribunes: the affair however ended in aninterregnum. At last, after the elections had been adjourned repeatedlyon one pretext or another, the fourteenth interrex, Lucius Æmilius, elected consuls Caius Pætelius, and Lucius Papirius Mugillanus, orCursor, as I find him named in some annals. 

[Footnote 172: Any noise happening during the taking of the auspices wasreckoned inauspicious; hence _silentium_ signified among the augurs, every circumstance being favourable. ]

24. It has been recorded, that in this year Alexandria in Egypt wasfounded; and that Alexander, king of Epirus, being slain by a Lucanianexile, verified in the circumstances of his death the prediction ofJupiter of Dodona. At the time when he was invited into Italy by theTarentines, a caution had been given him, "to beware of the Acherusianwaters and the city Pandosia, for there were fixed the limits of hisdestiny. " For that reason he made the greater haste to pass over toItaly, in order to be at as great a distance as possible from the cityPandosia in Epirus, and the river Acheron, which, after flowing throughMolossis, runs into the lakes called Infernal, and is received into theThesprotian gulf. But, (as it frequently happens, that men, byendeavouring to shun their fate, run directly upon it, ) after havingoften defeated the armies of Bruttium and Lucania, and taken Heraclea, acolony of the Tarentines, Consentia and Metapontum from the Lucanians, Terina from the Bruttians, and several other cities of the Messapiansand Lucanians; and having sent into Epirus three hundred illustriousfamilies, whom he intended to keep as hostages, he posted his troops onthree hills, which stood at a small distance from each other, not farfrom the city Pandosia, and close to the frontiers of the Bruttians andLucanians, in order that he might thence make incursions into every partof the enemy's country. At that time he kept about his person twohundred Lucanian exiles, as faithful attendants, but whose fidelity, according to the general disposition of people of that description, wasever ready to follow the changes of fortune. When continual rains spreadsuch an inundation over all the plains, as cut off from the threeseparate divisions of the army all means of mutual aid, the two parties, in neither of which the king was present, were suddenly attacked andoverpowered by the enemy, who, after putting them to the sword, employedtheir whole force in blockading the king himself. From this place theLucanian exiles sent emissaries to their countrymen, and stipulating asafe return for themselves, promised to deliver the king, either aliveor dead, into their power. But he, bravely resolving to make anextraordinary effort, at the head of a chosen band, broke through themidst of their forces; engaged singly, and slew the general of theLucanians, and collecting together his men, who had been scattered inthe retreat, arrived at a river which pointed out his road by the ruinsof a bridge which had been recently broken by the violence of the flood. Here, while the party was fording the river on a very uneven bottom, asoldier, almost spent with fatigue and apprehension, cried out as areflection on the odious name of it, --"You are justly named Acheros(dismal):" which expression reaching the king's ears, and instantlyrecalling to his mind the fate denounced on him, he halted, hesitatingwhether he should cross over or not. Then Sotimus, one of the royal bandof youths which attended him, asking why he delayed in such a criticalmoment, showed him that the Lucanians were watching an opportunity toperpetrate some act of treachery: whereupon the king, looking back, andseeing them coming towards him in a body, drew his sword, and pushed onhis horse through the middle of the river. When he had now reached theshallow, a Lucanian exile from a distance transfixed him with a javelin:after his fall, the current carried down his lifeless body, with theweapon sticking in it, to the posts of the enemy: there a shockingmangling of it took place; for dividing it in the middle, they sent onehalf to Consentia, and kept the other, as a subject of mockery, tothemselves. While they were throwing darts and stones at it, a womanmixing with the crowd, who were enraged to a degree beyond the credibleextent of human resentment, prevailed on them to stop for a moment. Shethen told them with tears in her eyes that she had a husband andchildren, prisoners among the enemy; and that she hoped to be able withthe king's body, however disfigured, to ransom her friends: this put anend to their outrages. The remnants of his limbs were buried atConsentia, entirely through the care of the woman; and his bones weresent to Metapontum to the enemy, from whence they were conveyed toEpirus to his wife Cleopatra and his sister Olympias; the latter of whomwas the mother, the former the sister, of Alexander the Great. Such wasthe melancholy end of Alexander of Epirus; of which, although fortunedid not allow him to engage in hostilities with the Romans, yet, as hewaged war in Italy, I have thought it proper to give this brief account. This year, the fifth time since the building of the city, thelectisternium was performed at Rome for procuring the favour of the samedeities to whom it was addressed before. 

25. When the new consuls had, by order of the people, sent persons todeclare war against the Samnites, and they themselves were making allpreparations with greater energy than against the Greeks, a newaccession of strength also came to them when expecting no such thing. The Lucanians and Apulians, nations who, until that time, had no kind ofintercourse with the Roman people, proposed an alliance with them, promising a supply of men and arms for the war: a treaty of friendshipwas accordingly concluded. At the same time, their affairs went onsuccessfully in Samnium. Three towns fell into their hands, Allifæ, Callifæ, and Ruffrium; and the adjoining country to a great extent was, on the first arrival of the consuls, laid entirely waste. Whilst the waron this side was commenced with so much success, so the war in the otherquarter where the Greeks were held besieged, now drew towards aconclusion. For, besides the communication between the two posts of theenemy being cut off, by the besiegers having possession of part of theworks through which it had been carried on, they now suffered within thewalls hardships far more grievous than those with which the enemythreatened them, and as if made prisoners by their own garrison, theywere now subjected to the greatest indignities in the persons of theirwives and children, and to such extremities as are generally felt on thesacking of cities. When, therefore, intelligence arrived thatreinforcements were to come from Tarentum and from the Samnites, allagreed that there were more of the latter already within the walls thanthey wished; but the young men of Tarentum, who were Greeks as well asthemselves, they earnestly longed for, as they hoped to be enabled bytheir means to oppose the Samnites and Nolans, no less than to resisttheir Roman enemies. At last a surrender to the Romans appeared to bethe lightest evil. Charilaus and Nymphius, the two principal men in thestate, consulting together on the subject, settled the part which eachwas to act; it, was, that one should desert to the Roman general, andthe other stay behind to manage affairs in the city, so as to facilitatethe execution of their plan. Charilaus was the person who came toPublilius Philo; he told him that "he had taken a resolution, which hehoped would prove advantageous, fortunate, and happy to the Palæpolitansand to the Roman people, of delivering the fortifications into hishands. Whether he should appear by that deed to have betrayed orpreserved his country, depended on the honour of the Romans. That forhimself in particular, he neither stipulated nor requested any thing;but, in behalf of the state, he requested rather than stipulated, thatin case the design should succeed, the Roman people would consider moreespecially the zeal and hazard with which it sought a renewal of theirfriendship, than its folly and rashness in deviating from its duty. " Hewas commended by the general, and received a body of three thousandsoldiers, with which he was to seize on that part of the city which waspossessed by the Samnites; this detachment was commanded by LuciusQuinctius, military tribune. 

26. At the same time also, Nymphius, on his part, artfully addressinghimself to the commander of the Samnites, prevailed upon him, as all thetroops of the Romans were employed either about Palæpolis or in Samnium, to allow him to sail round with the fleet to the territory of Rome, where he undertook to ravage, not only the sea-coast, but the countryadjoining the very city. But, in order to avoid observation, it wasnecessary, he told him, to set out by night, and to launch the shipsimmediately. That this might be effected with the greater despatch, allthe young Samnites, except the necessary guards of the city, were sentto the shore. While Nymphius wasted the time there, giving contradictoryorders, designedly, to create confusion, which was increased by thedarkness, and by the crowd, which was so numerous as to obstruct eachother's operations, Charilaus, according to the plan concerted, wasadmitted by his associates into the city; and have filled the higherparts of it with Roman soldiers, he ordered them to raise a shout; onwhich the Greeks, who had received previous directions from theirleaders, kept themselves quiet. The Nolans fled through the oppositepart of the town, by the road leading to Nola. The flight of theSamnites, who were shut out from the city, was easier, but had a moredisgraceful appearance; for they returned to their homes without arms, stripped, and destitute of every thing; all, in short, belonging to thembeing left with their enemies; so that they were objects of ridicule, not only to foreigners, but even to their own countrymen. I know thatthere is another account of this matter, according to which the town isrepresented to have been betrayed by the Samnites; but I have thisaccount on the authority most worthy of credit; besides, the treaty ofNeapolis, for to that place the seat of government of the Greeks wasthen transferred, renders it more probable that the renewal offriendship was voluntary on their side. A triumph was decreed toPublilius, because people were well convinced that the enemy, reduced bythe siege, had adopted terms of submission. These two extraordinaryincidents, which never before occurred in any case, befell this man: aprolongation of command never before granted to any one; and a triumphafter the expiration of his office. 

27. Another war soon after arose with the Greeks of the other coast. Forthe Tarentines having, for a considerable time, buoyed up the state ofPalæpolis with delusive hopes of assistance, when they understood thatthe Romans had gotten possession of that city, as if they were thepersons who had suffered the disappointment, and not the authors of it, they inveighed against the Palæpolitans, and became furious in theiranger and malice towards the Romans; on this account also, becauseinformation was brought that the Lucanians and Apulians had submitted tothe Roman people; for a treaty of alliance had been this year concludedwith both these nations. "The business, " they observed, "was now broughtalmost to their doors; and that the matter would soon come to this, thatthe Romans must either be dealt with as enemies, or received as masters:that, in fact, their interests were involved in the war of the Samnites, and in its issue. That that was the only nation which continued to makeopposition; and that with power very inadequate, since the Lucaniansleft them: these however might yet be brought back, and induced torenounce the Roman alliance, if proper skill were used in sowingdissension between them. " These reasonings being readily adopted, bypeople who wished for a change, some young Lucanians of considerablenote among their countrymen, but devoid of honour, were procured formoney; these having lacerated each other's persons with stripes, afterthey had come naked into a public meeting of their countrymen, exclaimedthat, because they had ventured to go into the Roman camp, they had beenthus beaten with rods, by order of the consul, and had hardly escapedthe loss of their heads. A circumstance, so shocking in its nature, carrying strong proofs of the ill-treatment, none of artifice, thepeople were so irritated, that, by their clamours, they compelled themagistrates to call together the senate; and some standing round thatassembly, insisted on a declaration of war against the Romans, othersran different ways to rouse to arms the multitude residing in thecountry. Thus the tumult hurrying into imprudence the minds even ofrational men, a decree was passed, that the alliance with the Samnitesshould be renewed, and ambassadors sent for that purpose. Because thisso sudden a proceeding was totally devoid of any obvious cause for itsadoption, and consequently was little relied on for its sincerity; theywere, however, obliged both to give hostages, and also to receivegarrisons into their fortified places; and they, blinded by fraud andresentment, refused no terms. In a little time after, on the authors ofthe false charges removing to Tarentum, the whole imposition came tolight. But as they had given all power out of their own hands, nothingwas left them but unavailing repentance. 

28. This year there arose, as it were, a new era of liberty to the Romancommons; in this that a stop was put to the practice of confiningdebtors. This alteration of the law was effected in consequence of thelust and signal cruelty of one usurer. His name was Lucius Papirius. Tohim one Caius Publilius having surrendered his person to be confined fora debt due by his father, his youth and beauty, which ought to haveexcited commiseration, operated on the other's mind as incentives tolust and insult. He first attempted to seduce the young man by impurediscourses, considering the bloom of his youth his own adventitiousgain; but finding that his ears were shocked at their infamous tendency, he then endeavoured to terrify him by threats, and reminded himfrequently of his situation. At last, convinced of his resolution to actconformably to his honourable birth, rather than to his presentcondition, he ordered him to be stripped and scourged. When with themarks of the rods imprinted in his flesh the youth rushed out into thepublic street, loudly complaining of the depravedness and inhumanity ofthe usurer; a vast number of people, moved by compassion for his earlyage, and indignation at his barbarous treatment, reflecting at the sametime on their own lot and that of their children, flocked together intothe forum, and from thence in a body to the senate-house. When theconsuls were obliged by the sudden tumult to call a meeting of thesenate, the people, falling at the feet of each of the senators, as theywere going into the senate-house, presented to their view the laceratedback of the youth. On that day, in consequence of the outrageous conductof an individual, the strongest bonds of credit were broken; and theconsuls were commanded to propose to the people, that no person shouldbe held in fetters or stocks, except convicted of a crime, and in orderto punishment; but that, for money due, the goods of the debtor, not hisperson, should be answerable. Thus the confined debtors were released;and provision made, for the time to come, that they should not be liableto confinement. 

29. In the course of this year, while the war with the Samnites wassufficient in itself to give full employment to the senate, besides thesudden defection of the Lucanians, and the Tarentines, the promoters ofthe defection, [another source of uneasiness] was added in a unionformed by the state of the Vestinians with the Samnites. Which event, though it continued, during the present year, to be the general subjectof conversation, without coming under any public discussion, appeared soimportant to the consuls of the year following, Lucius Furius Camillus asecond time, and Junius Brutus Scæva, that it was the first businesswhich they proposed to the consideration of the state. And though thematter was still recent, still great perplexity seized the senate, asthey dreaded equally the consequences, either of passing it over, or oftaking it up; lest, on the one hand, impunity might stir up theneighbouring states with wantonness and arrogance; and, on the other, punishment inflicted on them by force of arms, and dread of immediatedanger, might produce the same effect by exciting resentment. And thewhole body, too, was in every way equal in strength to the Samnites, being composed of the Marsians, the Pelignians, and the Marrusinians;all of whom would have to be encountered as enemies, if the Vestinianswere to be interfered with. However, that side prevailed which might, atthe time, seem to have more spirit than prudence; but the event provedthat fortune assists the brave. The people, in pursuance of thedirection of the senate, ordered war against the Vestinians; thatprovince fell by lot to Junius, Samnium to Camillus. Armies were led toboth places, and by carefully guarding the frontiers, the enemy wereprevented from joining their forces. But the other consul, LuciusFurius, on whom the principal weight of the business rested, waswithdrawn by chance from the war, being seized with a severe sickness. Being therefore ordered to nominate a dictator to conduct the business, he nominated Lucius Papirius Cursor, the most celebrated general, byfar, of any in that age, who appointed Quintus Fabius Maximus Rullianusmaster of the horse: a pair of commanders distinguished for theirexploits in war; more so, however, for a quarrel between themselves, andwhich proceeded almost to violence. The other consul, in the territoryof the Vestinians, carried on operations of various kinds; and, in all, was uniformly successful. For he both utterly laid waste their lands, and, by spoiling and burning their houses and corn, compelled them tocome to an engagement; and, in one battle, he reduced the strength ofthe Vestinians to such a degree, though not without loss on his ownside, that the enemy not only fled to their camp, but, fearing even totrust to the rampart and trench, dispersed from thence into the severaltowns, in hopes of finding security in the situation and fortificationsof their cities. At last, having undertaken to reduce their towns byforce, amid the great ardour of the soldiers, and their resentment forthe wounds which they had received, (hardly one of them having come outof the battle unhurt, ) he took Cutina by scalade, and afterwardsCingilia. The spoil of both cities he gave to the soldiers, inconsideration of their having bravely surmounted the obstruction both ofgates and walls. 

30. The commanders entered Samnium under uncertain auspices; aninformality which pointed, not at the event of war, for that wasprosperous, but at the furious passions and the quarrels which broke outbetween the leaders. For Papirius the dictator, returning to Rome inorder to take the auspices anew, in consequence of a caution receivedfrom the aruspex, left strict orders with the master of the horse toremain in his post, and not to engage in battle during his absence. After the departure of the dictator, Fabius having discovered by hisscouts that the enemy were in as unguarded a state as if there was not asingle Roman in Samnium, the high-spirited youth, (either conceivingindignation at the sole authority in every point appearing to be lodgedin the hands of the dictator, or induced by the opportunity of strikingan important blow, ) having made the necessary preparations anddispositions, marched to a place called Imbrinium, and there fought abattle with the Samnites. His success in the fight was such, that therewas no one circumstance which could have been improved to moreadvantage, if the dictator had been present. The leader was not wantingto the soldiers, nor the soldiers to their leader. The cavalry too, (finding, after repeated charges, that they could not break the ranks, )by the advice of Lucius Cominius, a military tribune, pulled off thebridles from their horses and spurred them on so furiously, that nopower could withstand them; forcing their way through the thickest ofthe enemy, they bore down every thing before them; and the infantryseconding the charge, the whole body was thrown into confusion. Twentythousand of the enemy are said to have fallen on that day. I haveauthority for saying that there were two battles fought during thedictator's absence, and two victories obtained; but, according to themost ancient writers, only this one is found, and in some histories thewhole transaction is omitted. The master of the horse getting possessionof abundance of spoils, in consequence of the great numbers slain, collected the arms into a huge heap, and burned them; either inpursuance of a vow to some of the gods, or, if we choose to credit theauthority of Fabius, it was done on this account, that the dictatormight not reap the fruits of his glory, inscribe his name on them, orcarry the spoils in triumph. His letters also, containing an account ofthe success, being sent to the senate, not to the dictator, showedplainly that he wished not to impart to him any share of the honour; whocertainly viewed the proceeding in this light, for while others rejoicedat the victory obtained, he showed only surliness and anger; insomuchthat, immediately dismissing the senate, he hastened out of thesenate-house, and frequently repeated with warmth, that the legions ofthe Samnites were not more effectually vanquished and overthrown by themaster of the horse, than were the dictatorial dignity and militarydiscipline, if such contempt of orders escaped with impunity. Thus, breathing resentment and menaces, he set out for the camp; but, thoughhe travelled with all possible expedition, he was unable, however, tooutstrip the report of his coming. For messengers had started from thecity before him, who brought intelligence that the dictator was coming, eager for vengeance, and in almost every second sentence applauding theconduct of Titus Manlius. 

31. Fabius instantly called an assembly, and entreated the soldiers to"show the same courage in protecting him, under whose conduct andauspices they had conquered, from the outrageous cruelty of thedictator, which they had so lately displayed in defending thecommonwealth from its most inveterate enemies. He was now coming, " hetold them, "frantic with envy; enraged at another's bravery and success, he was mad, because, in his absence, the business of the public had beenexecuted, with remarkable success; and if he could change the fortune ofthe engagement, would wish the Samnites in possession of victory ratherthan the Romans. He talked much of contempt of orders; as if hisprohibition of fighting were not dictated by the same motive, whichcaused his vexation at the fight having taken place. He wished toshackle the valour of others through envy, and meant to take away thesoldiers' arms when they were most eager for action, and that no usemight be made of them in his absence: he was further enraged too, because without Lucius Papirius the soldiers were not without hands orarms, and because Quintus Fabius considered himself as master of thehorse, not as a beadle to the dictator. How would he have behaved, hadthe issue of the fight been unfortunate; which, through the chances ofwar and the uncertainty of military operations, might have been thecase; since now, when the enemy has been vanquished, (as completely, indeed, as if that leader's own singular talents had been employed inthe matter, ) he yet threatens the master of the horse with punishment?Nor is he more incensed against the master of the horse, than againstthe military tribunes, the centurions, and the soldiers. On all, hewould vent his rage if he could; and because that is not in his power, he vents it on one. Envy, like flame, soars upwards; aims at the summit;that he makes his attack on the head of the business, on the leader. Ifhe could put him out of the way, together with the glory of the serviceperformed, he would then lord it, like a conqueror over vanquishedtroops; and, without scruple, practise against the soldiers what he hadbeen allowed to act against their commander. That they should, therefore, in his cause, support the general liberty of all. If thedictator perceived among the troops the same unanimity in justifyingtheir victory that they had displayed in the battle, and that allinterested themselves in the safety of one, it would bend his temper tomilder counsels. In fine, " he told them, "that he committed his life, and all his interests, to their honour and to their courage. "

32. His speech was received with the loudest acclamations from everypart of the assembly, bidding him "have courage; for while the Romanlegions were in being, no man should offer him violence. " Not longafter, the dictator arrived, and instantly summoned an assembly by soundof trumpet. Then silence being made, a crier cited Quintus Fabius, master of the horse, and as soon as, on the lower ground, he hadapproached the tribunal, the dictator said, "Quintus Fabius, I demand ofyou, when the authority of dictator is acknowledged to be supreme, andis submitted to by the consuls, officers endowed with regal power; andlikewise by the prætors, created under the same auspices with consuls;whether or no you think it reasonable that it should not meet obediencefrom a master of the horse? I also ask you whether, when I knew that Iset out from home under uncertain auspices, the safety of thecommonwealth ought to have been endangered by me, whilst the omens wereconfused, or whether the auspices ought to be newly taken, so thatnothing might be done while the will of the gods remained doubtful? Andfurther, when a religious scruple was of such a nature as to hinder thedictator from acting, whether the master of the horse could be exemptfrom it and at liberty? But why do I ask these questions, when, though Ihad gone without leaving any orders, your own judgment ought to havebeen regulated according to what you could discover of my intention? Whydo you not answer? Did I not forbid you to act, in any respect, duringmy absence? Did I not forbid you to engage the enemy? Yet, in contemptof these my orders, while the auspices were uncertain, while the omenswere confused, contrary to the practice of war, contrary to thediscipline of our ancestors, and contrary to the authority of the gods, you dared to enter on the fight. Answer to these questions proposed toyou. On any other matter utter not a word. Lictor, draw near him. " Toeach of these particulars, Fabius, finding it no easy matter to answer, at one time remonstrated against the same person acting as accuser andjudge, in a cause which affected his very existence; at another, heasserted that his life should sooner be forced from him, than the gloryof his past services; clearing himself and accusing the other by turns;so then Papirius' anger blazing out with fresh fury, he ordered themaster of the horse to be stripped, and the rods and axes to be gotready. Fabius, imploring the protection of the soldiers, while thelictors were tearing his garments, betook himself to the quarters of theveterans, who were already raising a commotion in the assembly: fromthem the uproar spread through the whole body; in one place the voice ofsupplication was heard; in another, menaces. Those who happened to standnearest to the tribunal, because, being under the eyes of the general, they could easily be known, entreated him to spare the master of thehorse, and not in him to condemn the whole army. The remoter parts ofthe assembly, and the crowd collected round Fabius, railed at theunrelenting spirit of the dictator, and were not far from mutiny; norwas even the tribunal perfectly quiet. The lieutenants-general standinground the general's seat besought him to adjourn the business to thenext day, and to allow time to his anger, and room for consideration;representing that "the indiscretion of Fabius had been sufficientlyrebuked; his victory sufficiently disgraced; and they begged him not toproceed to the extreme of severity; not to brand with ignominy a youthof extraordinary merit, or his father, a man of most illustriouscharacter, together with the whole family of the Fabii. " When they madebut little impression either by their prayers or arguments, they desiredhim to observe the violent ferment of the assembly, and told him that"while the soldiers' tempers were heated to such a degree, it became noteither his age or his wisdom to kindle them into a flame, and affordmatter for a mutiny; that no one would lay the blame of such an event onQuintus Fabius, who only deprecated punishment; but on the dictator, if, blinded by resentment, he should, by an ill-judged contest, draw onhimself the fury of the multitude: and lest he should think that theyacted from motives of regard to Quintus Fabius, they were ready to makeoath that, in their judgment, it was not for the interest of thecommonwealth that Quintus Fabius should be punished at that time. "

33. When by these expostulations they rather irritated the dictatoragainst themselves, than appeased his anger against the master of thehorse, the lieutenants-general were ordered to go down from thetribunal; and after several vain attempts were made to procure silenceby means of a crier, the noise and tumult being so great that neitherthe voice of the dictator himself, nor that of his apparitors, could beheard; night, as in the case of a battle, put an end to the contest. Themaster of the horse was ordered to attend on the day following; but whenall assured him that Papirius, being agitated and exasperated in thecourse of the present contention, would proceed against him with greaterviolence, he fled privately from the camp to Rome; where, by the adviceof his father, Marcus Fabius, who had been three times consul, andlikewise dictator, he immediately called a meeting of the senate. Whilehe was strenuously complaining before the fathers of the rage andinjustice of the dictator, on a sudden was heard the noise of lictorsbefore the senate-house, clearing the way, and Papirius himself arrived, full of resentment, having followed, with a guard of light horse, assoon as he heard that the other had quitted the camp. The contentionthen began anew, and the dictator ordered Fabius to be seized. Where, when his unrelenting spirit persisted in its purpose, notwithstandingthe united intercessions of the principal patricians, and of the wholesenate, Fabius, the father, then said, "Since neither the authority ofthe senate has any weight with you; nor my age, which you wish to renderchildless; nor the noble birth and merit of a master of the horse, nominated by yourself; nor prayers which have often mitigated the rageof an enemy, and which appease the wrath of the gods; I call upon thetribunes of the commons for support, and appeal to the people; and sinceyou decline the judgment of your own army, as well as of the senate, Icall you before a judge who must certainly be allowed, though no othershould, to possess more power and authority than yourself, thoughdictator. I shall see whether you will submit to an appeal, to whichTullus Hostilius, a Roman king, submitted. " They proceeded directly fromthe senate-house to the assembly; where, being arrived, the dictatorattended by few, the master of the horse by all the people of the firstrank in a body, Papirius commanded him to be taken from the rostrum tothe lower ground; his father, following him, said, "You do well inordering us to be brought down to a place where even as private personswe have liberty of speech. " At first, instead of regular speeches, nothing but altercation was heard; at length, the indignation of oldFabius, and the strength of his voice, got the better of noise, while hereproached Papirius with arrogance and cruelty. "He himself, " he said, "had been dictator at Rome; and no man, not even the lowest plebeian, orcenturion, or soldier, had been outraged by him. But Papirius sought forvictory and triumph over a Roman commander, as over the generals of theenemy. What an immense difference between the moderation of theancients, and modern oppression and cruelty. Quinctius Cincinnatus whendictator exercised no further severity on Lucius Minucius the consul, although rescued by him from a siege, than leaving him at the head ofthe army, in the quality of lieutenant-general, instead of consul. Marcus Furius Camillus, in the case of Lucius Furius, who, in contemptof his great age and authority, had fought a battle with a mostdisgraceful result, not only restrained his anger at the time so as towrite no unfavourable representation of his conduct to the people or thesenate; but after returning home, when the patricians gave him a powerof electing from among his colleagues whoever he might approve as anassociate with himself in the command, chose that very man inpreference to all the other consular tribunes. Nay, that not even theresentment of the people, with whom lay the supreme power in all cases, was ever exercised with greater severity towards those who, throughrashness and ignorance, had occasioned the loss of armies, than thefining them in a sum of money. Until that day, a capital prosecution forill conduct in war had never been instituted against any commander, butnow generals of the Roman people when victorious, and meriting the mosthonourable triumphs, are threatened with rods and axes; a treatmentwhich would not have been deemed allowable, even towards those who hadbeen defeated by an enemy. What would his son have to suffer, if he hadoccasioned the loss of the army? if he had been routed, put to flight, and driven out of his camp? To what greater length could his resentmentand violence be stretched, than to scourge him, and put him to death?How was it consistent with reason, that through the means of QuintusFabius, the state should be filled with joy, exulting in victory, andoccupied in thanksgivings and congratulations; while at the same time, he who had given occasion to the temples of the gods being thrown open, their altars yet smoking with sacrifices, and loaded with honours andofferings, should be stripped naked, and torn with stripes in the sightof the Roman people; within view of the Capitol and citadel, and ofthose gods not in vain invoked in two different battles? With whattemper would the army which had conquered under his conduct and auspiceshave borne it? What mourning would there be in the Roman camp! what joyamong their enemies!" This speech he accompanied with an abundant flowof tears; uniting reproaches and complaints, imploring the aid both ofgods and men, and warmly embracing his son. 

34. On his side stood the majesty of the senate, the favour of thepeople, the support of the tribunes, and regard for the absent army. Onthe other side were urged the inviolable authority of the Romangovernment and military discipline; the edict of the dictator, alwaysobserved as the mandate of a deity; the orders of Manlius, and hispostponing even parental affection to public utility. "The same also, "said the dictator, "was the conduct of Lucius Brutus, the founder ofRoman liberty, in the case of his two sons. That now fathers werebecome indulgent, and the aged indifferent in the case of the authorityof others being despised, and indulge the young in the subversion ofmilitary order, as if it were a matter of trifling consequence. For hispart, however, he would persevere in his purpose, and would not remitthe smallest part of the punishment justly due to a person who foughtcontrary to his orders, while the rites of religion were imperfectlyexecuted, and the auspices uncertain. Whether the majesty of the supremeauthority was to be perpetual or not, depended not on him; but LuciusPapirius would not diminish aught of its rights. He wished that thetribunitian office, inviolate itself, would not by its interpositionviolate the authority of the Roman government; nor the Roman people, totheir own detriment particularly, annihilate the dictator and the rightsof the dictatorship together. But if this should be the case, not LuciusPapirius but the tribunes and the people would be blamed by posterity invain; when military discipline being once dissolved, the soldier wouldno longer obey the orders of the centurion, the centurion those of thetribune, the tribune those of the lieutenant-general, thelieutenant-general those of the consul, nor the master of the horsethose of the dictator. No one would then pay any deference to men, no, nor even to the gods. Neither edicts of generals nor auspices would beobserved. The soldiers, without leave of absence, would straggle atrandom through the lands of friends and of foes; and regardless of theiroath would, influenced solely by a wanton humour, quit the servicewhenever they might choose. The standards would be unattended andforsaken: the men would neither assemble in pursuance of orders, norwould any distinction be made as to fighting by night or by day, onfavourable or unfavourable ground, by order or without the the orders ofthe general; nor would they observe standards or ranks; the service, instead of being solemn and sacred, would be confused and the result ofmere chance, like that of freebooters. Render yourselves then, tribunesof the commons, accountable for all these evils to all future ages. Expose your own persons to these heavy imputations in defence of thelicentious conduct of Quintus Fabius. "

35. The tribunes now confounded, and more anxiously concerned at theirown situation than at his for whom their support was sought, were freedfrom this embarrassment by the Roman people unanimously having recourseto prayers and entreaties, that the dictator would, for their sakes, remit the punishment of the master of the horse. The tribunes likewise, following the example set them of employing entreaties, earnestlybeseech the dictator to pardon human error, to consider the immaturityof the offender's age; that he had suffered sufficiently; and now theyouth himself, now his father, Marcus Fabius, disclaiming furthercontest, fell at the dictator's knees and deprecated his wrath. Then thedictator, after causing silence, said, "Romans, it is well. Militarydiscipline has prevailed; the majesty of government has prevailed; bothwhich were in danger of ceasing this day to exist. Quintus Fabius, whofought contrary to the order of his commander, is not acquitted ofguilt; but after being condemned as guilty, is granted as a boon to theRoman people; is granted to the college of tribunes, supporting him withtheir prayers, not with the regular power of their office. Live, QuintusFabius, more happy in this united sympathy of the state for yourpreservation, than in the victory in which you lately exulted. Live, after having ventured on such an act, as your father himself, had hebeen in the place of Lucius Papirius, would not have pardoned. With meyou shall be reconciled whenever you wish it. To the Roman people, towhom you owe your life, you can perform no greater service than to letthis day teach you a sufficient lesson to enable you to submit to lawfulcommands, both in war and peace. " He then declared, that he no longerdetained the master of the horse, and as he retired from the rostrum, the senate being greatly rejoiced, and the people still more so, gathered round him and escorted him, on one hand commending thedictator, on the other congratulating the master of the horse; while itwas considered that the authority of military command was confirmed noless effectually by the danger of Quintus Fabius that the lamentablepunishment of young Manlius. It so happened, that, through the course ofthat year, as often as the dictator left the army the Samnites were inmotion: but Marcus Valerius, the lieutenant-general who commanded in thecamp, had Quintus Fabius before his eyes for an example, not to fear anyviolence of the enemy, so much as the unrelenting anger of the dictator. So that when a body of his foragers fell into an ambuscade and were cutto pieces in disadvantageous ground, it was generally believed that thelieutenant-general could have given them assistance if he had not beenheld in dread by his rigorous orders. The resentment for this alsoalienated the affections of the soldiery from the dictator, alreadyincensed against him because he had been implacable towards QuintusFabius, and because he had granted him pardon at the intercession of theRoman people, a thing which he had refused to their entreaties. 

36. The dictator, having appointed Lucius Papirius Crassus, as master ofthe horse, to the command of the city, and prohibited Quintus Fabiusfrom acting in any case as magistrate, returned to the camp; where hisarrival brought neither any great joy to his countrymen, nor any degreeof terror to the enemy: for on the day following, either not knowingthat the dictator had arrived, or little regarding whether he werepresent or absent, they approached his camp in order of battle. Of suchimportance, however, was that single man, Lucius Papirius, that had thezeal of the soldiers seconded the dispositions of the commander, nodoubt was entertained that an end might have been put that day to thewar with the Samnites; so judiciously did he draw up his army withrespect to situation and reserves, in such a manner did he strengthenthem with every advantage of military skill: but the soldiers exerted novigour; and designedly kept from conquering, in order to injure thereputation of their leader. Of the Samnites, however, very many wereslain; and great numbers of the Romans wounded. The experiencedcommander quickly perceived the circumstance which prevented hissuccess, and that it would be necessary to moderate his temper, and tomingle mildness with austerity. Accordingly, attended by thelieutenants-general, going round to the wounded soldiers, thrusting hishead into their tents, and asking them, one by one, how they were inhealth; then, mentioning them by name, he gave them in charge to theofficers, tribunes, and præfects. This behaviour, popular in itself, hemaintained with such dexterity, that by his attention to their recoveryhe gradually gained their affection; nor did any thing so muchcontribute towards their recovery as the circumstance of this attentionbeing received with gratitude. The army being restored to health, hecame to an engagement with the enemy; and both himself and the troops, being possessed with full confidence of success, he so entirely defeatedand dispersed the Samnites, that that was the last day they met thedictator in the field. The victorious army, afterwards, directed itsmarch wherever a prospect of booty invited, and traversed the enemies'territories, encountering not a weapon, nor any opposition, eitheropenly or by stratagem. It added to their alacrity, that the dictatorhad, by proclamation, given the whole spoil to the soldiers; so thatthey were animated not only by the public quarrel, but by their privateemolument. Reduced by these losses, the Samnites sued to the dictatorfor peace, and, after they had engaged to supply each of his soldierswith a suit of clothes and a year's pay, being ordered to apply to thesenate, they answered, that they would follow the dictator, committingtheir cause wholly to his integrity and honour. On this the troops werewithdrawn out of Samnium. 

37. The dictator entered the city in triumph; and, though desirous ofresigning his office immediately, yet, by order of the senate, he heldit until the consuls were elected: these were Caius Sulpicius Longus asecond time, and Quintus Æmilius Cerretanus. The Samnites, withoutfinishing the treaty of peace, the terms being still in negotiation, brought home with them a truce for a year. Nor was even that faithfullyobserved; so strongly was their inclination for war excited, on hearingthat Papirius was gone out of office. In this consulate of CaiusSulpicius and Quintus Æmilius, (some histories have Aulius, ) to therevolt of the Samnites was added a new war with the Apulians. Armieswere sent against both. The Samnites fell by lot to Sulpicius, theApulians to Æmilius. Some writers say, that this war was not waged withthe Apulians, but that the allied states of that nation were defendedagainst the violence and injustice of the Samnites. But thecircumstances of the Samnites, who could with difficulty, at thatperiod, support a war in which themselves were engaged, render it moreprobable that they did not make war on the Apulians, but that bothnations were in arms against the Romans at the same time. However, nomemorable event occurred. The lands of the Apulians and of Samnium wereutterly laid waste; but in neither quarter were the enemy to be found. At Rome, an alarm, which happened in the night, suddenly roused thepeople from their sleep, in such a fright, that the Capitol and citadel, the walls and gates, were all filled with men in arms. But after theyhad called all to their posts, and run together in bodies, in everyquarter, when day approached, neither the author nor cause of the alarmcould be discovered. This year, in pursuance to the advice of Flavius, the Tusculans were brought to a trial before the people. Marcus Flavius, a tribune of the commons, proposed, that punishment should be inflictedon those of the Tusculans, "by whose advice and assistance theVeliternians and Privernians had made war on the Roman people. " TheTusculans, with their wives and children, came to Rome. The whole partyin mourning habits, like persons under accusation, went round thetribes, throwing themselves at the feet of the citizens. The compassionthus excited operated more effectually towards procuring them pardon, than all their arguments did towards clearing them of guilt. Every oneof the tribes, except the Pollian, negatived the proposition. Thesentence of the Pollian tribe was, that the grown-up males should bebeaten and put to death, and their wives and children sold by auction, according to the rules of war. It appears that the resentment which roseagainst the advisers of so rigorous a measure, was retained in memory bythe Tusculans down to the age of our fathers; and that hardly anycandidate of the Pollian tribe could, ever since, gain the votes of thePapirian. 

38. On the following year, in the consulate of Quintus Fabius and LuciusFulvius, Aulus Cornelius Arvina being made dictator, and Marcus FabiusAmbustus master of the horse, a levy being held with more than usualrigour in consequence of their apprehension of a very serious war inSamnium, (for it was reported that some young men had been hired fromtheir neighbours, ) led forth a very strong army against the Samnites. Although in a hostile country, their camp was pitched in as careless amanner as if the foe were at a great distance; when, suddenly, thelegions of the Samnites approached with so much boldness as to advancetheir rampart close to an out-post of the Romans. Night was now comingon; that prevented their assaulting the works; but they did not concealtheir intention of doing so next day, as soon as the light shouldappear. The dictator found that there would be a necessity for fightingsooner than he had expected, and lest the situation should be anobstruction to the bravery of the troops, he led away the legions insilence, leaving a great number of fires the better to deceive theenemy. On account of the proximity of the camps, however, he could notescape their observation: their cavalry instantly pursued, and pressedclosely on his troops, in such a way as to refrain from attacking themuntil the day appeared. Their infantry did not even quit their campbefore daylight. As soon as it was dawn, the cavalry venturing to attackthe enemy by harassing the Roman rear, and pressing them in places ofdifficult passage, considerably delayed their march. Meanwhile theirinfantry overtook the cavalry; and now the Samnites pursued close withtheir entire force. The dictator then, finding that he could no longergo forward without great inconvenience, ordered the spot where he stoodto be measured out for a camp. But it was impossible, while the enemy'shorse were spread about on every side, that palisades could be brought, and the work be begun: seeing it, therefore, impracticable, either tomarch forward or to settle himself there, he drew up his troops forbattle, removing the baggage out of the line. The enemy likewise formedtheir line opposite to his; fully equal both in spirit and in strength. Their courage was chiefly improved from not knowing that the motive ofthe Romans' retreat was the incommodiousness of the ground, so that theyimagined themselves objects of terror, and supposed that they werepursuing men who fled through fear. This kept the balance of the fightequal for a considerable time; though, of late, it had been unusual withthe Samnites to stand even the shout of a Roman army. Certain it is, that the contest, on this day, continued so very doubtful from the thirdhour to the eighth, that neither was the shout repeated, after beingraised at the first onset, nor the standards moved either forward orbackward; nor any ground lost on either side. They fought without takingbreath or looking behind them, every man in his post, and pushingagainst their opponents with their shields. The noise continuing equal, and the terror of the fight the same, seemed to denote, that thedecision would be effected either by fatigue or by the night. The menhad now exhausted their strength, the sword its power, and the leaderstheir skill; when, on a sudden, the Samnite cavalry, having learned froma single troop which had advanced beyond the rest, that the baggage ofthe Romans lay at a distance from their army, without any guard ordefence; through eagerness for booty, they attack it: of which thedictator being informed by a hasty messenger, said, "Let them onlyencumber themselves with spoils. " Afterwards came several, one afteranother, crying out, that they were plundering and carrying off all theeffects of the soldiers: he then called to him the master of the horse, and said, "Do you see, Marcus Fabius, that the fight has been forsakenby the enemy's cavalry? They are entangled and encumbered with ourbaggage. Attack them whilst scattered about, as is the case of everymultitude employed in plundering; you will find few mounted onhorseback, few with swords in their hands; and, while they are loadingtheir horses with spoil, and unarmed, put them to the sword, and make itbloody spoil for them. I will take care of the legions, and the fight ofthe infantry: yours be the honour which the horse shall acquire. "

39. The body of cavalry, in the most exact order possible, charging theenemy, who were straggling and embarrassed, filled every place withslaughter: for amid the packages which they hastily threw down, andwhich lay in the way of their feet, and of the affrighted horses, asthey endeavoured to escape, being now unable either to fight or fly, they are slaughtered. Then Fabius, after he had almost entirely cut offthe enemy's horse, led round his squadrons in a small circuit, andattacked the infantry in the rear. The new shout, raised in thatquarter, terrified the Samnites on the one hand; and when, on the other, the dictator saw their troops in the van looking behind them, theirbattalions in confusion, and their line wavering, he earnestly exhortedand animated his men, calling on the tribunes and chief centurions, byname, to join him in renewing the fight. Raising the shout anew, theypressed forward, and as they advanced, perceived the enemy more and moreconfused. The cavalry now could be seen by those in front, andCornelius, turning about to the several companies, made them understand, by raising his voice and hands, that he saw the standards and bucklersof his own horsemen. On hearing which, and at the same time seeing them, they, at once, so far forgot the fatigue which they had endured throughalmost the whole day, and even their wounds, that they rushed on againstthe enemy with as much vigour and alacrity as if they were coming freshout of camp on receiving the signal for battle. The Samnites could nolonger sustain the charge of horse and foot together; part of them, enclosed on both sides, were cut off; the rest were scattered and fleddifferent ways. The infantry slew those who were surrounded and maderesistance; and the cavalry made great havoc of the fugitives, amongwhom fell their general. This battle crushed, at length, the power ofthe Samnites so effectually, that, in all their meetings, they said, "itwas not at all to be wondered at, if in an impious war, commenced inviolation of a treaty, when the gods were, with justice, more incensedagainst them than men, they succeeded in none of their undertakings. That war must be expiated and atoned for with a heavy penalty. The onlyalternative they had, was whether the penalty should be the guilty bloodof a few, or the innocent blood of all. " Some now ventured to name theauthors of the war; one name in particular, by the united voices of all, was mentioned, that of Brutulus Papius; he was a man of power and noblebirth, and undoubtedly the violator of the late truce. The prætors beingcompelled to take the opinion of the assembly concerning him, a decreewas made, "that Brutulus Papius should be delivered into the hands ofthe Romans; and that, together with him, all the spoil taken from theRomans, and the prisoners, should be sent to Rome, and that therestitution demanded by the heralds, in conformity to treaty, should bemade, as was agreeable to justice and equity. " In pursuance of thisdetermination heralds were sent to Rome, and also the dead body ofBrutulus; for, by a voluntary death, he avoided the punishment andignominy intended for him. It was thought proper that his goods alsoshould be delivered up along with the body. But none of all those thingswere accepted, except the prisoners, and such articles of the spoil aswere recognised by the owners. The dictator obtained a triumph by adecree of the senate. 

40. Some writers affirm, that this war was conducted by the consuls, andthat they triumphed over the Samnites; and also, that Fabius advancedinto Apulia, and carried off from thence abundance of spoil. But thatAulus Cornelius was dictator that year is an undisputed fact. Thequestion then is, whether he was appointed for the purpose of conductingthe war, or on occasion of the illness of Lucius Plautius, the prætor;in order that there might be a magistrate to give the signal for thestarting of the chariots at the Roman games. This latter is asserted ofhim; and that after performing the business, which in truth reflected nogreat lustre on his office, he resigned the dictatorship. It is noteasy to determine between either the facts or the writers, which of themdeserves the preference: I am inclined to think that history has beenmuch corrupted by means of funeral panegyrics and false inscriptions onstatues; each family striving by false representations to appropriate toitself the fame of warlike exploits and public honours. From this cause, certainly, both the actions of individuals and the public records ofevents have been confused. Nor is there extant any writer, contemporarywith those events, on whose authority we can with certainty rely. 

END OF VOL. I. 

JOHN CHILDS AND SON, BUNGAY.