THE JOURNAL OF A MISSION TO THE INTERIOR OF AFRICA, IN THE YEAR 1805

Together with Other Documents, Official And Private, Relating To The Same Mission, to Which Is Prefixed

an Account of the Life off Mr. Park. 

BY

MUNGO PARK

Edited and Commentary by John Whishaw

The original documents relating to Mr. Mungo Park's last mission intoAfrica having been entrusted to the Directors of the African Institutionby the Secretary of State for the Colonial Department, with liberty topublish them, in case they should deem it expedient; the Directors nowavail themselves of this permission, by publishing the papers for thebenefit of Mr. Park's family. 

These documents, together with other papers furnished by Mr. Park'sconnections and friends, which also form a part of the presentpublication, consist of the following particulars:

1. The original Journal of the expedition, officially transmitted by Mr. Park to the Secretary of State; containing several of Mr. Park'sdrawings and sketches, illustrative of particular descriptions, whichare copied in this publication. 

2. The Journal, as translated from the Arabic language, in which it wasoriginally composed, of Isaaco, a native African, commissioned in theyear 1810, by the Governor of Senegal, to go in search of Mr. Park andascertain his fate; which Journal was likewise officially transmitted tothe Secretary of State. 

3. A Memoir delivered by Mr. Park at the Colonial Office in the year1804, relative to the plan and objects of the intended expedition intoAfrica; together with the Official Instructions which he received forhis guidance; and two letters addressed by him to the Secretary ofState, one, written shortly after his arrival at the Coast of Africa, and the other, at the time of transmitting his Journal, previously tohis final embarkation on the Niger. 

4. Several private letters of Mr. Park, principally written during thetime he was engaged in this mission; which, together with the documentsincluded under the last mentioned head, have been incorporated into theAccount of Mr. Park's Life, which is prefixed to the Journal. 

It has before been stated, that the official papers are published underthe authority of the Directors of the African Institution. It may beproper to add, that the individual, who has undertaken to prepare thiswork for the press, is alone responsible for the publication of theprivate letters, and for whatever else is contained in this volume, besides the official documents. 

Of the papers before enumerated, the most important, and the only onewhich calls for any particular observation, is Mr. Park's own Journal;respecting which, it may be necessary to apprize the reader that it waswritten without the slightest view to publication, being intended only(as he informed the Secretary of State, by his letter of the 17th ofNovember, 1805) "to recall to his own recollection _other_ particularsillustrative of the manners and customs of the natives, which would haveswelled the communication to a most unreasonable size. " The work, therefore, which is now submitted to the public, can be considered in noother light than as the mere outline of a much more extended anddetailed narrative, which it was the author's intention to prepare forthe press after his return to England. 

A work, thus imperfect, and which the unfortunate fate of its author hasprevented from being brought to a completion, is entitled to peculiarindulgence; and if those allowances are made, which candour and justicerequire, the editor confidently hopes, that Mr. Park's Journal will notdisappoint the public expectation. It will be found to contain severalinteresting particulars concerning Africa, not hitherto known, and toillustrate and confirm, in various material respects, some of the mostimportant discoveries communicated in Mr. Park's former Travels. Itbears strong internal marks of truth and fidelity; and, perhaps, thevery nakedness and simplicity of its descriptions and its minute detailsof petty circumstances, may be thought by some readers to convey a moreaccurate and distinct conception of the process of an African journey, and of the difficulties with which such expeditions are attended, than amore elaborate and polished narrative. 

With a view of rendering the present publication more complete, and ofgratifying in a certain degree that reasonable curiosity, which willnaturally be felt by many readers of this Journal and the formerTravels, it has been thought advisable to add a biographical Memoir ofthe Author. But as the events of Mr. Park's life, with the exception ofthose contained in the works just alluded to, are few and unimportant, the editor has been induced, in the course of this undertaking, todeviate occasionally into other topics, more or less connected with theprincipal subject; in the discussion of which he has inadvertentlyexceeded the limits which he had originally assigned to himself. Thiscircumstance has added considerably to the length of the Memoir and itsAppendix; for which, he would willingly believe, that the interestbelonging to the topics themselves, will be deemed a sufficient apology. 

In preparing this Memoir, the editor naturally applied for informationto Mr. Park's family, and was much gratified by discovering, that somematerials, with a view to a similar undertaking, had been collected by abrother-in-law of Mr. Park, Mr. Archibald Buchanan of Glasgow; who, onbeing made acquainted with the editor's intention, immediately and withthe greatest candour, transmitted to him the whole of his papers. 

These materials have been of great use in preparing the Memoir; in whichthe editor has likewise been assisted by much useful information whichhe has received from another brother-in-law of Mr. Park, Mr. JamesDickson, whose name will occur in the course of the ensuing Memoir; andalso from Mr. Park's two brothers, Mr. Adam Park of Gravesend, and Mr. Alexander Park of Selkirk, the latter of whom is unfortunately sincedead. 

The editor is likewise greatly indebted to Major Rennell and to ZacharyMacaulay, Esq. For several interesting particulars concerning Mr. Park;and to the latter in particular, for much valuable information relativeto the trade of this country with Africa, which will be found in theAppendix to the Memoir. 

But his acknowledgments are due, in an especial manner, to Sir JosephBanks; who has not only favoured the editor with the fullestcommunication of his correspondence with Mr. Park, and of his papersrelating to this subject, but has in every other respect assisted andpromoted the present undertaking with a kindness and liberality, proportioned to his sincere and constant friendship for Mr. Park, and tohis uniform zeal for whatever he considers to be in any degree connectedwith useful knowledge and scientific discovery. 

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It remains only to say a few words respecting the Map, which is prefixedto this publication. The readers of Mr. Park's former Travels arealready apprized, that the map which accompanied that work, wasconstructed by Major Rennell, whose interesting Geographical Memoir inillustration of Mr. Park's first journey, was also annexed to the quartoedition. It would have been highly gratifying to the editor of thiswork, and most satisfactory to the public, if the same valuableassistance could have been obtained on the present occasion. Butunfortunately, Major Rennell's other engagements rendered this whollyimpracticable. He had the kindness, however, to furnish the editor withsome notes which he had taken, and with a construction of part of Mr. Park's route in 1805, which he had traced out from the Journal nowpublished, when it was formerly submitted to his inspection. 

These papers together with Mr. Park's Journal, were placed in the handsof a respectable artist, employed by the publisher to construct the mapintended to illustrate the present work; at whose request the followingstatement respecting certain difficulties which have occurred in itsconstruction, is subjoined. 

"In compiling the map of Mr. Park's route in 1805, much difficulty hasarisen from the bearings of places not being mentioned in the Journal;and also in consequence of there being occasionally great differencesbetween the latitudes and longitudes of places according to theastronomical observations, and the distances computed according to thejournies. Considerable pains have been taken to reconcile thesedifferences; but the general result has been, that it was foundnecessary in adhering to the astronomical observations, to carry Mr. Park's former route in 1796 farther north, and to place it in a higherlatitude than that in which it appears in Major Rennell's map annexed tothe former volume of Travels. "

London, March 1, 1815. 

CONTENTS. 

 * * * * *

ACCOUNT OF THE LIFE OF PARK. Appendix, No. I. No. II. No. III. No. IV. No. V. No. VI. 

Explanation of African Words

 * * * * *

JOURNAL. 

CHAPTER I. 

Departure from Kayee--Arrival at Pisania--Preparations there, anddeparture into the Interior--Samee--Payment to Mumbo Jumbo--ReachJindey; process of dying cottons at that place--Departure fromJindey--Cross the Wallia Creek--Kootakunda--Madina--Tabajang--Kingdom ofJamberoo--Visit from the King's son--Tatticonda--Visit from the son ofthe former King of Woolli--Reach Madina, the capital of Woolli--Audienceof the King; his unfriendly conduct--Presents made to him and hiscourtiers--Barraconda--Bambakoo--Kanipe; inhospitable conduct of itsinhabitants--Kussai--Nittatrees; restrictions relating to them--Enterthe Simbani Woods--precautions thereon, and sacrifice and prayers forsuccess--Banks of the Gambia--Crocodiles and hippopotami--ReachFaraba--Loss of one of the soldiers--Rivers Neaulico andNerico--Astronomical observations. 

CHAPTER II. 

Arrival at Jallacotta--Maheena--Tambico--Bady; hostile conduct of theFaranba, or Chief, and its consequences--Reach Jeningalla--Iron-furnaces--Mansafard--Attacked by wolves--Enter theTenda Wilderness--Ruins and Plain of Doofroo--Attacked by a swarm ofbees--Astronomical observations--Arrival at Sibikillin--Sheatrees--Badoo; presents made to the King--Tambacunda--Ba DeemaRiver--Tabba Gee--Mambari--Julifunda; unfriendly conduct of its Chief;and presents sent to him and the King--Visit from the latter--ReachEercella--Baniserite--Celebrate his Majesty's birthday--Mode of fluxingiron--Madina--Falema river--Satadoo--Sickness and death of theCarpenter--Arrival at Shrondo; commencement of the rainy season; andalarming sickness amongst the soldiers--Gold mines; process forprocuring the gold--Dindikoo; gold pits--Cultivation--Arrival at Fankia. 

CHAPTER III. 

Departure from Fankia--Tambaura mountains, and difficulties in ascendingthe Pass--Toombin--Great embarrassments on the road--Serimanna--FajemmiaAstronomical observations--Increase of the sick--Nealakatla--BaleeRiver--Boontoonkooran--Doggikotta--Falifing--Losses on the road--Gimbia;inhospitable treatment--Sullo--Face of the country--SecobaKonkromo--Passage of the Ba Fing--Mode of smelting and workinggold--Fatal accident in crossing the Ba Fing--Hippopotami--Deaths andlosses on the route--Increase of sickness--Reach Viandry--Koeena--Dangerfrom young lions--Koombandi--Great embarrassments on theroad--Fonilla--Ba Woolima River; difficulties in crossing it--Isaacoseized by a crocodile--Boolinkoonbo--Distressing situation of the wholeof the party--Reach Serrababoo-Saboseera. 

CHAPTER IV. 

Arrival at Keminoom, or Manniakorro, on the Ba lee river. --Visit to theChief--Depredations upon the coffle by the inhabitants--Continuedattacks from banditti as far as the Ba Woolima river. --Difficulties inpassing it--Temporary bridge made by the natives. --Astronomicalobservations--Arrival at Mareena; inhospitable conduct of itsinhabitants--Bangassi; interview with the King--Continued sickness, anddeaths among the soldiers. --Arrival at Nummasoolo--Obliged to leave fiveof the sick behind--reach Surtaboo--Sobee--Affray between Isaaco and twosoldiers--Balanding--Balandoo--More of the soldiers fallbehind--Koolihori--Greatly annoyed by wolves. 

CHAPTER V. 

Departure from Koolihori--Ganifarra--Scarcity of provisions--Distressingsituation of the Author from deaths and sickness of the party--Escapesfrom three lions--Intricate route to Koomikoomi--Dombila--Visit fromKarfa Taura--View of the Niger--Reduced state of the party--Bambakoo--Losses from wolves--Bosradoo; embark on the Niger; incidents in thevoyage to Marraboo--Isaaco sent to Sego with presents for Mansong--Message from Mansong--Course to Koolikorro--Deena--Yamina--Samee--Return of Isaaco; account of his interview with Mansong--Messengerssent by Mansong, and enquiries respecting the Author's journey--QuitSamee--Excessive heat--Reach Sansanding--Account of that city and itstrade--Death of Mr. Anderson--Preparations for continuing the voyageeastward--Information collected respecting various districts. 

ISAACO'S JOURNAL

ACCOUNT

OF THE

LIFE OF MUNGO PARK. 

Mungo Park was born on the 10th of September 1771, at Fowlshiels, a farmoccupied by his father, under the duke of Buccleugh, on the banks of theYarrow not far from the town of Selkirk. His father, who bore the samename, was a respectable yeoman of Ettrick Forest. His mother, who isstill living, is the daughter of the late Mr. John Hislop, of Tennis, afew miles higher up on the same river. The subject of this Memoir wasthe seventh child, and third son of the family, which consisted ofthirteen children, eight of whom attained to years of maturity. 

Prior to the time of Mungo Park's birth, the father had for many yearspractised farming with assiduity and success on the estate atFowlshiels, where he died in 1792, after a long and exemplary life, atthe age of seventy-seven. 

Among other estimable qualities which distinguished the father'scharacter, was a constant and unremitting attention to the education ofhis children; a species of merit, which is indeed of common occurrenceamong the Scottish farmers and peasantry, but which appears to have beenexemplary and remarkable in the present instance. His family beingnumerous, he did not content himself with personally superintendingevery part of their education; but, though far from being in affluentcircumstances, engaged a private teacher to reside in his house andassist in their early instruction. 

It is most satisfactory to add, that these paternal cares were followedby the happiest results, and received their appropriate reward. Mr. Parkhad the gratification of seeing the greater part of his childrenrespectably settled during his life, and of witnessing their success andprosperity. 

After having received the first rudiments of education in his father'sfamily, Mungo Park was in due time removed to the Grammar School atSelkirk, where he remained a considerable number of years. He had shewna great love of reading from his childhood, and was indefatigable in hisapplication at school, where he was much distinguished and always at thehead of his class. Even at that early age, he was remarked for beingsilent, studious and thoughtful: but some sparks of latent ambitionoccasionally broke forth: and indications might even then be discoveredof that ardent and adventurous turn of mind, which distinguished him inafter life, and which often lies concealed under a cold and reservedexterior. 

It was the original intention of Park's father to educate him for theScottish church, for which he appeared to be well fitted by his studioushabits and the serious turn of his mind; but, his son having made choiceof the medical profession, he was readily induced to acquiesce. Inconsequence of this determination, Mungo Park was bound apprentice atthe age of fifteen to Mr. Thomas Anderson, a respectable surgeon inSelkirk, with whom he resided three years; continuing, at the same time, to pursue his classical studies and to attend occasionally at thegrammar school. In the year 1789, he quitted Mr. Anderson, and removedto the University of Edinburgh, where he pursued the course which iscommon to medical students, and attended the usual Lectures during threesuccessive sessions. 

Nothing particular is recorded of his academical life. He appears, however, to have applied to the studies connected with the science ofmedicine with his accustomed ardour and assiduity, and to have beendistinguished among his fellow-students. During his summer vacations hepaid great attention to botanical pursuits, for which he seems always tohave had a great predilection; and a tour which he made, about this timeto the Highlands, in company with his brother-in-law, Mr. James Dickson, a distinguished Botanist, contributed greatly to his improvement in thisscience. 

After having completed his studies at Edinburgh, Park removed to Londonin search of some medical employment. In this pursuit he was muchassisted by his relation Mr. Dickson, to whom he had before beenindebted in his botanical studies. By his means Park was now introducedto Sir Joseph Banks; whose interest or recommendation shortly afterwardsprocured for him the appointment of Assistant Surgeon to the WorcesterEast Indiaman. 

From this period Park was honoured with the patronage, and indeed withthe constant friendship, of Sir Joseph Banks, from which he derived manyimportant advantages, and which had a material influence on thesubsequent events of his life. For this highly valuable friendship hewas originally indebted to a connection which had subsisted for manyyears between Sir Joseph and Mr. Dickson: and it may not therefore beimproper, to describe shortly the origin and nature of this connection;which, besides its immediate influence on Park's fortunes, was attendedwith several characteristic circumstances highly honourable to theparties concerned, and in themselves not uninteresting. 

Mr. Dickson was born of humble parents, and came early in life, fromScotland, his native country, to London. For some time he worked as agardener in the grounds of a considerable nurseryman at Hammersmith, where he was occasionally seen by Sir Joseph Banks, who took notice ofhim as an intelligent young man. Quitting this situation he lived forsome years as gardener in several considerable families: after which heestablished himself in London as a seedsman; and has ever since followedthat business with unremitting diligence and success. Having an ardentpassion for botany, which he had always cultivated according to the bestof his means and opportunities; he lost no time in presenting himself toSir Joseph Banks, who received him with great kindness, encouraged himin his pursuits, and gave him access to his valuable library. He thusobtained the free use of one of the most complete collections on Botanyand Natural History, which has perhaps, ever yet been formed; and which, through the liberality of its possessor, has contributed in a greaterdegree to the accommodation of scientific men, and the generaladvancement of science than many public establishments. Such leisurehours as Mr. Dickson could command from his business, he devoted to anassiduous attendance in this library or to the perusal of scientificbooks obtained from thence. In process of time he acquired greatknowledge and became eminent among the English Botanists; and is nowknown in Europe among the proficients in that science as one of its mostsuccessful cultivators, and the author of some distinguished Works. Atan advanced period of life he is still active in business, and continuesto pursue his botanical studies with unabated ardour and assiduity. [Footnote: Mr. Dickson is a Fellow of the Linnæan Society, of which hewas one of the original founders: and also Fellow and Vice President ofthe Horticultural Society. Several communications from him, appear indifferent volumes of the Linnæan Transactions; but he is principallyknown among Botanists by a work entitled, "Fasciculi Quatuor Plantarum, Cryptogamicarum Britanniæ. " _Lond. _ 1785-93; in which he has describedupwards of four hundred plants not before noticed. He has the merit ofhaving directed the attention of the Botanists of this country to one ofthe most abstruse and difficult parts of that science; to theadvancement of which he has himself, very greatly contributed. ]

Such an instance of successful industry united with a taste forintellectual pursuits, deserves to be recorded; not only on account ofits relation to the subject of this narrative, but because, itillustrates in a very striking and pleasing manner, the advantages ofeducation in the lower classes of life. The attention of the Scottishfarmers and peasantry to the early instruction of their children hasbeen already remarked, and is strongly exemplified in the history of Mr. Park's family. The diffusion of knowledge among the natives of that partof the kingdom, and their general intelligence, must be admitted byevery unprejudiced observer; nor is there any country in which theeffects of education are so conspicuous in promoting industry and goodconduct, and in producing useful and respectable men of the inferior andmiddle classes, admirably fitted for all the important offices of commonlife. [Footnote: See Appendix, No. I. ]

 * * * * *

In consequence of the appointment which Mungo Park had obtained assurgeon in the East India Company's service, by the interest of SirJoseph Banks, he sailed for the East Indies in the Worcester in themonth of February, 1792; and having made a voyage to Bencoolen, in theisland of Sumatra, returned to England in the following year. Nothingmaterial occurred during this voyage: but he availed himself of all theopportunities which it afforded to obtain information in his favouritescientific pursuits, and appears to have made many observations, andcollected many specimens, in Botany and Natural History. Several ofthese were the subjects of a communication made by him to the LinnæanSociety, which was afterwards published in their printed Transactions. [Footnote: In the Third Volume of the Linnæan Transactions, p. 83, is apaper by Park, read Nov. 4, 1794, containing descriptions of eight newfishes from Sumatra; which he represents to be the fruit of his leisurehours during his stay on that coast. ]

It does not sufficiently appear, whether Mr. Park, after his return fromthe East Indies, came to any final resolution with regard to hiscontinuing as a surgeon in the Company's service. But whatever might behis intention in this respect, new prospects now opened upon him, and ascene of action far more congenial to his taste and feelings, waspresented to his ambition. 

Some years prior to this period, a few distinguished individuals, induced by a very liberal spirit of curiosity, had formed themselvesinto an Association for promoting discoveries in the Interior of Africa, and were now prosecuting their researches with great activity andsuccess. In the course of a few years they had investigated, and placedin a clearer point of view than had hitherto been done by geographers, some of the leading facts relative to the Northern part of thatContinent; the characteristic differences of the principal tribes, theircommercial relations, the routes of the great caravans, the generaldiffusion of the Mahomedan religion, and the consequent prevalence ofthe Arabic language throughout a considerable part of that vastcontinent. [Footnote: See Vol. I. Of the Proceedings of AfricanAssociation. London, 1810. ] With the assistance of their distinguishedAssociate, Major Rennell, they were now proceeding to trace theprincipal geographical outlines of Northern Africa; and wereendeavouring to ascertain the course of the great inland river Joliba orNiger, and to obtain some authentic information concerning Tombuctoo, aprincipal city of the interior and one of the great marts of Africancommerce. 

In the course of these enquiries, the Association, since their firstestablishment in 1788, had employed several persons, well qualified forsuch undertakings, upon missions into various parts of the AfricanContinent. Several of these were known to have perished, either asvictims of the climate, or in contests with the natives; [Footnote: Thepersons who had been sent out prior to this period, were Mr. Ledyard, Mr. Lucas, Major Houghton, and Mr. Horneman: subsequently to which, several others have been employed; viz. Mr. Nichols, Mr. Bourcard, &c. ]and intelligence had lately been received of the death of MajorHoughton, who had been sent out to explore the course of the Niger, andto penetrate, if possible, to Tombuctoo and Houssa. The Associationappear to have found considerable difficulty in supplying MajorHoughton's place; and had made known their readiness to give a liberalcompensation to any person, competently qualified, who might be willingto proceed on this important and arduous mission. 

The attention of Park was naturally drawn to this subject, inconsequence of his connection with Sir Joseph Banks, who had receivedhim with great kindness and cordiality on his return from the EastIndies, and with whom he was now in habits of frequent intercourse. SirJoseph Banks was one of the most active and leading members of theAfrican Association, and with his accustomed zeal for the promotion ofscientific discovery, was earnest in his endeavours to find out a properperson to undertake the mission in search of the Niger. There wasnothing in Park's previous studies which had particularly led himtowards geographical pursuits; but he had a general passion fortravelling; he was in the full vigour of life; his constitution had beenin some degree inured to hot climates; he saw the opportunities which anew country would afford of indulging his taste for Natural History: norwas he insensible to the distinction which was likely to result from anygreat discoveries in African geography. These considerations determinedhim. Having fully informed himself as to what was expected by theAssociation, he eagerly offered himself for the service; and after someprevious enquiry into his qualifications, the offer was readilyaccepted. 

Between the time of Park's return from India in 1793, and his departureto Africa, an interval elapsed of about two years. During the whole ofthis period (with the exception of a short visit to Scotland in 1794), he appears to have resided in London or its neighbourhood; being engagedpartly in his favourite studies, or in literary or scientific society;but principally in acquiring the knowledge and making the preparations, which were requisite for his great undertaking. 

Having received his final instructions from the African Association, heset sail from Portsmouth on the 22d of May, 1795, on board theEndeavour, an African trader, bound for the Gambia, where he arrived onthe 21st of the following month. It is not the intention of thisnarrative to follow him through the details of this journey, a fullaccount of which was afterwards published by Park, and is familiar toevery reader. But it may be useful to mention the material dates andsome of the principal transactions. 

Having landed on the 21st of June at Jillifree, a small town near themouth of the River Gambia; he proceeded shortly afterwards to Pisania, aBritish factory about 200 miles up the same river, where he arrived onthe 5th of July, and was most hospitably received by Dr. Laidley, agentleman who had resided many years at that settlement. He remained atDr. Laidley's house for several months, in order to learn the Mandingolanguage, which is in general use throughout that part of Africa, andalso to collect information concerning the countries he intended tovisit. During two of these months he was confined by a severe fever, caught by imprudently exposing himself during the rainy season. 

He left Pisania on the 2d of December, 1795, directing his courseeasterly, with a view of proceeding to the River Joliba, or Niger. Butin consequence of a war between two sovereigns in the Interior, he wasobliged, after he had made some progress, to take a northerly directiontowards the territory of the Moors. He arrived at Jarra, the frontiertown of that country, on the 18th of February, 1796. Pursuing hisjourney from thence, he was taken and detained as a prisoner, by Ali, the chieftain or king of that territory, on the 7th of March; and aftera long captivity and a series of unexampled hardships, escaped at lastwith great difficulty early in the month of July. 

The period was now approaching when he was to receive some compensationfor so many sufferings. After wandering in great misery for about threeweeks through the African Wilderness, he arrived at Sego, the capital ofBambarra, a city which is said to contain thirty thousand inhabitants. He was gratified at the same time by the first sight of the Niger, thegreat object of his journey; and ascertained the extraordinary fact, that its course is from West to East. 

After a short stay at Sego (where he did not find it safe to remain), Park proceeded down the river to Silla, a large town distant aboutseventy or eighty miles, on the banks of the Niger. He was now reducedto the greatest distress, and being convinced by painful experience, that the obstacles to his further progress were insurmountable, hereluctantly abandoned his design of proceeding eastwards; and came tothe resolution of going back to Sego, and endeavouring to effect hisreturn to the Gambia by a different route from that by which he hadadvanced into Africa. 

On the 3d of August, 1796, he left Silla, and pursuing the course of theNiger, arrived at Bammakoo, the frontier of Bambarra, about the 23d ofthe same month. Here he quitted the Niger, which ceases to be navigableat this place; and travelling for several weeks through a mountainousand difficult country, reached Kamalia, in the territory of Manding, onthe 16th of September. He performed the latter part of this journey onfoot, having been obliged to leave his horse, now worn out with fatigueand unable to proceed farther. 

Having encountered all the horrors of the rainy season, and being worndown by fatigue, his health had, at different times, been seriouslyaffected. But, soon after his arrival at Kamalia, he fell into a severeand dangerous fit of sickness, by which he was closely confined forupwards of a month. His life was preserved by the hospitality andbenevolence of Karfa Taura, a Negro, who received him into his house, and whose family attended him with the kindest solicitude. The sameexcellent person, at the time of Park's last Mission into Africa, hearing that a white man was travelling through the country, whom heimagined to be Park, took a journey of six days to meet him; and joiningthe caravan at Bambakoo, was highly gratified by the sight of hisfriend. [Footnote: See Journal, p. 137. ]

There being still a space of five hundred miles to be traversed (thegreater part of it through a desert) before Park could reach anyfriendly country on the Gambia, he had no other resource but to waitwith patience for the first caravan of slaves that might travel the sametrack. No such opportunity occurred till the latter end of April, 1797;when a coffle, or caravan, set out from Kamalia under the direction ofKarfa Taura, in whose house he had continued during his long residenceof more than seven months at that place. 

The coffle began its progress westwards on the 17th of April, and on the4th of June reached the banks of the Gambia, after a journey of greatlabour and difficulty, which afforded Park the most painfulopportunities of witnessing the miseries endured by a caravan of slavesin their transportation from the interior to the coast. On the 10th ofthe same month Park arrived at Pisania, from whence he had set outeighteen months before; and was received by Dr. Laidley (to use his ownexpression) as one risen from the grave. On the 15th of June he embarkedin a slave ship bound to America, which was driven by stress of weatherto the West Indies; and got with great difficulty, and undercircumstances of considerable danger, into the Island of Antigua. Hesailed from thence on the 24th of November, and after a short, buttempestuous passage, arrived at Falmouth on the 22d of the followingmonth, having been absent from England two years and seven months. 

Immediately on his landing he hastened to London, anxious in thegreatest degree about his family and friends, of whom he had heardnothing for two years. He arrived in London before day-light on themorning of Christmas day, 1797; and it being too early an hour to go tohis brother-in-law, Mr. Dickson, he wandered for some time about thestreets in that quarter of the town where his house was. Finding one ofthe entrances into the gardens of the British Museum accidentally open, he went in and walked about there for some time. It happened that Mr. Dickson, who had the care of those gardens, went there early thatmorning upon some trifling business. What must have been his emotions onbeholding at that extraordinary time and place, the vision, as it mustat first have appeared, of his long-lost friend, the object of so manyanxious reflexions, and whom he had long numbered with the dead!

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Park's arrival was hailed with a sort of triumph by his friends of theAfrican Association, and in some degree, by the public at large. Thenature and objects of his mission, his long absence, and his unexpectedreturn, excited a very general interest; which was afterwards kept up bythe reports which prevailed respecting the discoveries he had made. TheAssociation, with that liberality which characterised every part oftheir proceedings, gave him full permission to publish his Travels forhis own benefit; and it was speedily announced, that a completenarrative of the journey would be prepared by Park himself, and given tothe public. But in the mean time, in order to gratify, in a certaindegree, the curiosity which prevailed, an Abstract, of the Travels, prepared from Park's own minutes, was drawn up by Mr. Bryan Edwards, secretary of the African Association, and was printed and distributedfor the private use of the subscribers. [Footnote: Proceedings ofAfrican Association. Vol. I. P. 327. ] This Abstract, which was writtenwith perspicuity and elegance, formed the principal ground-work of theBook of Travels which was subsequently published. 

To the Abstract or Narrative, thus circulated, was annexed an importantMemoir by Major Rennell, consisting of geographical illustrations ofPark's Journey, which afterwards, by that gentleman's permission, formeda valuable appendage to the quarto edition of the Travels. 

After his return from Africa, Park remained for a considerable timestationary in London, and was diligently employed in arranging thematerials for his intended publication. He had frequent occasion, also, to communicate on the subject of his discoveries with the members of theAfrican Association, especially with Major Rennell and Mr. Edwards, whilst they were engaged in preparing the two Memoirs before alluded to. With Mr. Edwards, in particular, he seems to have lived on terms ofgreat friendship, and to have occasionally paid him visits at hiscountry residence near Southampton. 

It was nearly about this time (the Spring of the year 1798) thatGovernment, having it in contemplation to procure a complete survey ofNew Holland, made some application to Park, with a view of employing himupon that service. The particulars of this transaction are not known toPark's family, nor is it now material to enquire; since the proposal, whatever it might be, was declined. It was afterwards repeated, andagain declined, during the following year. 

In June, 1798, he visited his mother, who still resided at Fowlshiels, and his other relations in Scotland, and remained with them the whole ofthe summer and autumn. During all this time he was assiduously employedin compiling and arranging the Account of his Travels. His materials forthis work are stated to have consisted of short notes or memoranda, written on separate pieces of paper, forming an imperfect journal of hisproceedings. Where these were wanting, he supplied the deficiency fromhis memory. [Footnote: Enquiry has been made for the notes here alludedto, with a view to the elucidation of several points connected with thisnarrative, but without success; it being stated by Mr. Dickson, that anumber of loose papers were left at his house by Park, and remainedthere for some time; but being considered of no use, were mislaid ordestroyed; and that none of them are now to be found. ]

His family represent him dating this period as leading the life of asevere student, employed on his papers during the whole of the mornings, and allowing himself little or no recreation, except a solitary eveningwalk on the banks of the Yarrow. Occasionally, however, he would indulgehimself in longer excursions among the wild and romantic scenery of thatneighbourhood, to which he was fondly and almost enthusiasticallyattached. [Footnote: The situation of Fowlshiels on the banks of theYarrow is said to be picturesque and striking. It is in the immediatevicinity of Bow-hill, a beautiful summer-residence of the Duke ofBuccleugh; and at no great distance from the ruins of Newark Castle, andother scenes celebrated in the _Lay of the Last Minstrel_]

He quitted Fowlshiels, with great regret towards the latter end of 1798, when it was necessary for him to return to London, to prepare for hisintended publication. He carried back with him a great mass of papers, the produce of his summer's labour; and after his return to London, bestowed considerable pains in the correction and retrenchment of hismanuscript before it was sent to the press. It was finally published inthe Spring of the year 1799. 

The applause with which this work was received, and the permanentreputation which it has obtained, are well known. Two impressions wererapidly sold off; several other editions have since been called for; andit continues even at the present time to be a popular and standard book. This distinguished success has been owing, not only to the interestingnature of its subject, but in a certain degree also to the merits of thework as a composition; to the clearness of the descriptions, the naturaland easy flow of the narration, and the general elegance of the style. 

But the essential merit of this book, and that which has conferred alasting distinction on the name of its author, consists in the authenticand important information which it contains. Considered in this point ofview, it must unquestionably be regarded as the greatest accession tothe general stock of geographical knowledge, which was ever yet made byany single traveller. The claim of Park to this distinction will beapparent from a short view of his principal discoveries. 

Among the great variety of facts concerning the Interior of Africa notbefore known, or at least not ascertained, which the labours of Parkhave placed beyond all doubt, the most interesting unquestionably are, those which relate to the existence of the great inland river, theNiger, as a distinct and separate stream, and its course from West toEast; affording a remarkable confirmation of what had been statedconcerning this river by Herodotus and the ancient writers; but whichwas afterwards controverted by the geographers of the middle ages, whoasserted (what, independently of direct evidence, seemed more probable)that the course of the river was from East to West. This latter opinionhad accordingly been followed by the greater part of the moderns; withthe exception indeed of some of the most distinguished geographers oflater times, particularly, D'Anville and Major Rennell, who had calledin question the doctrine then prevalent, and given strong reasons foradhering to the ancient opinion. This however at the time of Park'sjourney, could be considered in no other light than as a reasonableconjecture, till the fact was ascertained by the unexceptionabletestimony of an eye-witness. [Footnote: See Appendix, No. II. ]

Another important circumstance respecting the Niger, previously unknown, but which was fully established by Park, is the vast magnitude of thatstream; an extraordinary fact, considering its situation and inlandcourse, and which has led, as will hereafter be seen, to severalinteresting conjectures respecting the course and the termination ofthat river. 

In addition to these discoveries relative to the _physical_ state ofAfrica, others were made by Park scarcely less important; in what may betermed its moral geography; namely, the kind and amiable dispositions ofthe Negro inhabitants of the Interior, as contrasted with theintolerance and brutal ferocity of the Moors; the existence of great andpopulous cities in the heart of Africa; and the higher state ofimprovement and superior civilization of the inhabitants of theinterior, on a comparison with the inhabitants of the countriesadjoining to the coast. 

To this it may be added, that the work in question contains manyinteresting details not before known, concerning the face of thecountry, its soil and productions, as well as the condition of theinhabitants; their principal occupations, and their manners and habitsof life; and the anecdotes which are interspersed, illustrative of thecharacter and disposition of the Negro inhabitants at a distance fromthe coast, and beyond the influence of the Slave Trade, are in thehighest degree interesting and affecting. [Footnote: See especially thefollowing passages in Park's Travels, p. 82, 197, 336. ]

The difficulties and dangers endured by the author in traversing thisunknown continent; and the rare union of prudence, temper andperseverance, with the greatest ardour and enterprise, whichdistinguished his conduct in the most trying situations, give anadditional value to Park's narrative. In this important, but difficult, part of his work be appears to have been peculiarly successful. Hisnatural and unaffected manner of describing exertions and sufferingswhich almost surpass the fictions of romance, carries a feeling andconviction of truth to the mind of every reader, and excites deeper andmore powerful emotions than have often been produced, even by works ofimagination. 

It is painful, after bestowing this well-merited praise, to be under thenecessity of adverting to two circumstances unfavourable to Park'smemory, connected with the history of this publication. These are, 1st. An opinion which has prevailed, that Park was a supporter of the causeof Slavery, and an enemy to the Abolition of the African Slave Trade;and 2dly. A report, equally current, that the Travels, of which he wasthe professed author, were composed not by Park himself, but in a veryconsiderable degree, by Mr. Bryan Edwards. --Topics, thus personal andinvidious, the writer of this Memoir would naturally wish to decline;but they are too intimately connected with the principal occurrences ofPark's life to admit of being passed over without particular enquiry andexamination. For this purpose, it will be necessary to trace, moredistinctly than has hitherto been done, the connection between Park andMr. Bryan Edwards; which was a principal cause of the reports abovealluded to. 

Mr. Edwards was an intelligent and respectable man, of no inconsiderableliterary attainments, and known as the author of the _History of theBritish Colonies in the West Indies_. Being possessed of property inJamaica, he resided there many years as a planter; during which time hewas an eloquent and leading member of the House of Assembly, orProvincial Legislature of that island. Some time about the year 1794, when the question of the Slave Trade had for several years engaged theattention of the British parliament and public, he quitted the WestIndies and came to England, where he fixed his residence for theremainder of his life. He shortly afterwards obtained a seat in theHouse of Commons, where he established a character as a man of business, and came forward on every occasion as the advocate of the planters, andthe supporter of what are called the West India interests. In alldebates upon questions connected with the Slave Trade he took an activepart; and during the whole of his parliamentary career was a leading andsystematic opponent of the Abolition. 

As secretary of the African Association, Mr. Edwards had constantintercourse and communication with Park from the time when the latterfirst arrived from Africa; and must immediately have seen the advantageto be gained for the Slave Trade by a skilful use of the influence whichthis situation gave him. His first object must naturally have been, togain the services of Park in the direct support of the Slave Trade; or, if this should be found impracticable, he might at least hope to securehis neutrality, and prevent him from joining the ranks of his opponents. It is not meant to be insinuated that Mr. Edwards exerted any influencewhich was manifestly undue and improper, or that he was disposed to gogreater lengths than any other man of a warm and sanguine temper, insupport of a cause in which he was deeply embarked, and of theimportance of which he felt the strongest conviction. The sentiments andconduct here imputed to him, arose naturally out of the situation inwhich he was placed; and he probably did no more than would have beendone under similar circumstances, by any partizan of the Abolition, equally able and zealous. 

A previous knowledge of these particulars is necessary for enabling thereader to form a judgment upon the two points connected with thepublication of Park's Travels, which were before alluded to. Withrespect to the first of these questions, namely, that relative to Park'ssentiments on the subject of the Abolition, the writer of thisnarrative, in consequence of information he has obtained from some ofPark's nearest relations, is enabled to state with great confidence, that Park uniformly expressed a great abhorrence of Slavery and theSlave Trade, whenever these subjects occurred in conversation. But thesame persons farther represent, that he considered the Abolition of theSlave Trade as a measure of _state policy_; for which reason he thoughtit would be improper for him, in any work he might give to the public, to interpose his private opinion relative to a question of suchimportance, and which was then under the consideration of theLegislature. 

Whatever may be thought of the correctness of this opinion, it isnecessary to observe that the rule which he thus prescribed for his ownconduct, was not strictly adhered to; or rather, that the system ofneutrality which he professed, had, in a certain degree, the effect of adeclaration of opinion. From the time of the publication of Park'sTravels, his name was constantly mentioned in the list of personsconversant with Africa, who were not friendly to the Abolition; and hisauthority was always appealed to with some triumph by the advocates ofthe Slave Trade: and this, apparently, with good reason. For, althoughthe author avowedly abstained from giving an explicit opinion as to theeffects of that traffic, yet the general tone of his work appeared toleave no doubt with regard to his real sentiments; and indeed the_silence_ of so intelligent a traveller relative to a subject which mustnecessarily have engaged so much of his attention, was in itself asufficient proof, of a bias existing in the mind of the writer, unfavourable to the Abolition. For to what other cause could it beattributed, that the Slave Trade was never once mentioned in Park's bookas having the smallest share in promoting the barbarism and internaldisorders of the African Continent? Or, that in his pathetic descriptionof the miseries endured by the caravan of slaves which the authoraccompanied from Kamalia to the Gambia (a journey of five hundredmiles), not the slightest allusion was made to the obvious and immediatecause of these sufferings, the demand for slaves on the coast?--It mustfurther be recollected, that the Slave Trade, at the time when Parkwrote, had engaged universal attention, and was become the subject ofmuch controversy and public discussion; yet this topic, of so muchinterest and importance, occurs only once in the course of theseTravels; and is then hastily dismissed with a slight and unmeaningobservation. 

[Footnote: The passage here particularly alluded to, is soextraordinary, and affords such an illustration of the influence underwhich this work was composed, that it deserves to be transcribed. Aftera description of the state of slavery in Africa, which the authorrepresents as a sort of necessary evil, deeply rooted in the habits andmanners of that country (but without in the least alluding to the greataggravation of the evil arising from the European Slave Trade), theauthor concludes his remarks as follows: "Such are the general outlinesof that system of slavery which prevails in Africa; and it is evident, from its nature and extent, that it is a system of no modern date. Itprobably had its origin in the remote ages of antiquity, before theMahomedans explored a passage across the Desert. How far it ismaintained and supported by the Slave Traffic which, for two hundredyears, the nations of Europe have carried on with the natives of thecoast, it is neither within my province, nor in my power, to explain. Ifmy sentiments should be required concerning the effect which adiscontinuance of that commerce would produce on the manners of thenatives, I should have no hesitation in observing, that in the presentunenlightened state of their minds, my opinion is, the effect wouldneither be so extensive nor beneficial as many wise and worthy personsfondly expect. " (Park's Travels, p. 297. )

On reading this passage, it is impossible not to be struck both with theopinion itself and the manner in which it is expressed. The proposition, literally taken, is a mere _truism_, undeniably just, but of nopractical value or importance. For, who doubts that the probable goodeffects of the Abolition may have been overrated by men of warm andsanguine benevolence? Or, who would assert, that such exaggerationsought to have any weight in argument, except as inducements to greatercaution and deliberation?--But, the evident intention of the passage is, to convey a meaning beyond what "meets the ear"; to produce an_impression_ on the reader, independent of any proofs or principles bywhich his opinion ought to be governed; and to insinuate, what it is notthought proper to assert, that the zeal manifested in favour of theAbolition originated solely in ignorance and enthusiasm. ]

It is a remarkable circumstance, that while the supposed _opinions_ ofPark have always been appealed to by the advocates of the Slave Trade, his _facts_ have as constantly been relied on by their opponents; andthat in the various discussions which have taken place upon that subjectsince this work has appeared, the principal illustrations of thearguments in favour of the Abolition, have always been derived from thestatements contained in Park's Travels. This circumstance deservesparticular attention, considering the evident bias under which the workwas composed; and affords a strong presumption of the truth and fidelityof the narrative. [Footnote: For an enumeration of the various factscontained in Park's Travels, which are relied on as favourable to thecause of the Abolition, accompanied by the proper references, see _Aconcise statement of the question regarding the Abolition of the SlaveTrade. _ 3d Ed. 1804, p. 99-106. A work, containing the most completesummary of the arguments upon this great subject, which has yetappeared. ]

The fair result of the foregoing enquiry, relative to Park's opinionswith regard to the Abolition, appears to be shortly this; that he was atno time the friend or deliberate advocate of the Slave Trade; but that, his respect and deference for Mr. Edwards led him, in a certain degree, to sacrifice his own opinions and feelings upon that subject; and thathe became, perhaps almost unconsciously, the supporter of a cause ofwhich he disapproved. That he should have been under any temptation tosuppress or soften any important opinion, or to deviate in any respectfrom that ingenuousness and good faith which naturally belonged to hischaracter, is a circumstance which cannot be sufficiently lamented. Butif there are any who feel disposed to pass a very severe censure uponPark's conduct, let his situation at the time when he was preparing hisTravels for the press, be fairly considered. He was then a young man, inexperienced in literary composition, and in a great measure dependent, as to the prospects of his future life, upon the success of his intendedpublication. His friend and adviser, Mr. Edwards, was a man of lettersand of the world, who held a distinguished place in society, and was, besides, a leading member of the African Association, to which Park owedevery thing, and with which his fate and fortunes were still intimatelyconnected. It is difficult to estimate the degree of authority which aperson possessing these advantages, and of a strong and decisivecharacter, must necessarily have had over the mind of a young man in thesituation which has now been described. Suggestions coming from such aquarter, must have been almost equivalent to commands; and instead ofanimadverting very severely on the extent of Park's compliances, weought perhaps rather to be surprised, that more was not yielded to aninfluence which must have been nearly unlimited. 

Before we dismiss this subject, it may be proper to add, that some timesubsequent to the publication of his Travels, Park appeared to be fullysensible that the manner in which he had treated the question of theSlave Trade, was liable to some objections; and evidence now exists, that upon some occasions when his authority had been appealed to asbeing favourable to that system, he expressed his regret that animproper stress had been laid upon certain passages in his Travels, andthat a meaning had been attributed to them, which it was not intendedthat they should bear. 

It remains to be enquired, whether there is any just foundation for theopinion which has prevailed with regard to the degree of assistancegiven by Mr. Edwards in the actual composition of Park's work; as towhich very few remarks will be necessary. The intimate connection of Mr. Edwards with Park, the interest which he took in the success of hispublication, and the influence which he appears to have exerted withrespect to its contents, make it quite evident, that he must have seen, and been consulted upon, every part of the work; and there can be noquestion but that he, at least, revised and corrected the wholemanuscript before it was sent to the press. It was avowed by Parkhimself, that as occasion offered, he had incorporated into differentparts of his work, by permission of Mr. Edwards, the _whole_ of thenarrative prepared by the latter for the use of the Association. [Footnote: Park's Travels. Preface, p. Ix. ] A person accustomed toliterary composition, and confident of his own powers, would hardly havechosen to avail himself of this assistance; which would be attended onlywith a slight saving of labour, and might probably have the unpleasanteffect of a mixture of different styles. No such disadvantage, it maybeobserved, has in fact resulted from the course pursued in the presentinstance. No inequalities are apparent in Park's narrative; nor are thepassages which have been inserted from Mr. Edwards's Memoir, to bedistinguished from the rest of the work. The style is throughoutuniform, and bears all the marks of a practised pen. Generally speakingindeed, it is more simple, and consequently more pleasing, than that ofMr. Edwards's avowed compositions. But, notwithstanding its generalmerits, it is altogether perhaps too much laboured; and in particularpassages, betrays too much of the art of a professed writer. [Footnote:It would be easy, but invidious, to produce passages from Park's workmore or less marked with some of the characteristics of Mr. Edwards'sstyle, and, in particular, with that tendency to ambitious ornament, which is so conspicuous in many parts of the _History of the WestIndies_. --The following extract from Park's chapter on the state ofSlavery in Africa, may be sufficient. "In a country divided into athousand petty states, mostly independent, and jealous of each other, where every freeman is accustomed to arms, and fond of militaryachievements; where the youth who has practised the bow and spear fromhis infancy, longs for nothing so much as an opportunity to display hisvalour, it is natural to imagine, that wars frequently originate fromvery frivolous provocation. When one nation is more powerful thananother, a pretext is seldom wanting for commencing hostilities. Thus, the war between Kajaaga and Kasson was occasioned by the detention of afugitive slave:--that between Bambarra and Kaarta by the loss of a fewcattle. Other cases of the same nature perpetually occur, _in which thefolly or mad ambition of their princes and the zeal of their religiousenthusiasts give full employment for the scythe of desolation_. " (Park'sTravels, p. 290. )--On reading this passage, and the chapter from whichit is taken, it may deserve to be remarked, (with reference to formerobservations as to the bias under which Park's work was written) that inenumerating the causes of the wars which desolate Africa, the SlaveTrade is never once mentioned. ]

From these observations, combined with the several facts before stated, it seems clearly to follow, that Mr. Edwards had a large share in Park'swork; and, without attempting to ascertain in what degree he assisted inthe composition, it may safely be affirmed that the assistance affordedwas considerable and important. [Footnote: See Appendix, No. III. ]

It would be a subject of sincere regret to the author of thisbiographical sketch, if he thought that this opinion (which he does notfeel himself at liberty to suppress, ) was likely to detract in anymaterial degree from Park's well-earned reputation. But he is satisfiedthat there is no just cause for such an apprehension. It isunquestionably most desirable, that the adventures and discoveries ofdistinguished travellers should be given to the public, as far ascircumstances will permit, in the language of the parties themselves;and there is no judicious reader, who would not decidedly prefer thesimple, but authentic, narrative of an eye-witness, to any account ofthe same transactions from a different hand, however superior inliterary merit. But the custom of employing professional writers uponsimilar occasions, has become so frequent, that the resorting to suchassistance in any particular instance can no longer be considered as ajust subject of animadversion; and, in forming our judgment upon booksof voyages and travels (in which this practice is most common), we mustin general rest satisfied, if we can obtain a reasonable assurance, thatthe compiler has made a correct and proper use of his materials. Thatthis duty has been faithfully and conscientiously performed in the caseof Park's Travels, there is not the slightest reason to doubt. Theauthenticity of the work is apparent, not only, as has been alreadystated, from the internal evidence of many parts of the narrative, butfrom the known character of Park, as well as of Mr. Edwards, hisassociate; who (there is every reason to believe) was a man of honourand veracity, and incapable of concealing or wilfully misrepresentingany important fact or circumstance. 

It must further be recollected, that the essential merit of works ofthis description, consists in the authenticity and importance of theinformation they contain; compared with which, the beauties of style andcomposition are only of secondary and very inferior importance. Theliterary character of Park forms a small part of his general reputation. This must always rest upon grounds altogether independent of the meritsof his work as a composition; and whatever may be hereafter thought ofhis claims to distinction as a writer, his fame as a geographicaldiscoverer, an explorer of unknown countries, and a man of courage andcapacity in the most arduous and trying situations, must ever remainundiminished. 

 * * * * *

After the publication of his Travels, Park began to think of settlinghimself in life. During his last residence in Scotland in the Summer andAutumn of 1798, he had formed a matrimonial engagement with the eldestdaughter of Mr. Anderson of Selkirk, with whom he had served hisapprenticeship. He returned therefore to Scotland in the Summer of 1799, and was married on the 2d of August in that year. This union, whichconnected him still more closely with a family with which he had longlived in friendship, contributed in a high degree to his future comfortand happiness. 

For more than two years after his marriage, he resided with his motherand one of his brothers, who lived together and carried on the farm atFowlshiels. The reason of his continuing there so long a time does notvery distinctly appear, nor is any thing particular related as to themanner in which he employed himself during this period. The profits ofhis publication, and the liberal compensation which he had received fromthe African Association for the services rendered to them, had placedhim, for the present, in easy circumstances: and he remained for a longtime altogether doubtful and unsettled as to his future plan of life. During part of the year 1799 he appears to have been engaged in anegotiation with government (which finally proved unsuccessful) relativeto some public appointment in the colony of New South Wales. At anothertime he had partly determined to look out for a farm; and at last came, somewhat reluctantly, to the determination of practising his profession, to which he was perhaps at no time much attached, and which was nowbecome more irksome from disuse. 

The uncertainty in the state of his affairs during this period was muchencreased by the hope, which he constantly entertained, of being sentout on another expedition, either by the African Association or byGovernment. This clearly appears from a letter which he wrote to SirJoseph Banks, dated 31st of July, 1800; in which, he alludes to the latecapture of Goree, which he considers as introductory to opening acommunication with the Interior of Africa; and after entering into somedetails relative to that subject, he proceeds as follows: "If such arethe views of Government, I hope that my exertions in some station orother, may be of use to my country. I have not as yet found anysituation in which I could practise to advantage as a surgeon; andunless some of my friends interest themselves in my behalf, I must waitpatiently, until the cloud which hangs over my future prospects isdispelled. "

An opportunity for medical practice, which was thought sufficientlypromising, having offered itself at Peebles, he went to reside at thattown in the month of October, 1801, and betook himself in good earnestto the exercise of his profession. Within no great length of time heacquired a good share of the business of the place and itsneighbourhood: but this being very limited, his profits were at no timeconsiderable. He was however very fully employed; for he was greatlydistinguished by the kindness which he shewed towards the poor, and bythat disinterested attention to the lower classes, which is one of thegreat virtues of the medical profession. 

Under these circumstances, it cannot be thought surprising that he wasdissatisfied with his situation, and looked anxiously forward to someother establishment. His former habits of life had indeed in a greatmeasure disqualified him for his present humble occupations. Thesituation of a country practitioner in Scotland, attended with greatanxiety and bodily fatigue, and leading to no distinction or muchpersonal advantage, was little calculated to gratify a man, whose mindwas full of ambitious views, and of adventurous and romanticundertakings. His journies to visit distant patients--his long andsolitary rides over "cold and lonely heaths" and "gloomy hills assailedby the wintry tempest, " seem to have produced in him feelings of disgustand impatience, which he had perhaps rarely experienced in the desertsof Africa. His strong sense of the irksomeness of this way of life brokeout from him upon many occasions; especially, when previously to hisundertaking his second African mission, one of his nearest relationsexpostulated with him on the imprudence of again exposing himself todangers which he had so very narrowly escaped, and perhaps even to newand still greater ones; he calmly replied, that a few inglorious wintersof country practice at Peebles was a risk as great, and would tend aseffectually to shorten life, as the journey which he was about toundertake. 

It might have been expected, that a person who had been so muchaccustomed to literary and scientific society, and who had lately beenin some degree admitted into the fashionable circles of the metropolis, in which he had become an object of much interest and attention, wouldhave felt great repugnance to the solitude and obscurity of a smallmarket town. But this does not appear to have been the case. Generalsociety, for which indeed he was not particularly suited, was not muchto his taste; and during every period of his life, he always lookedforward to a state of complete retirement and seclusion in the country, as the object and end of all his labours. He had great enjoyment howeverin his own domestic circle, and in the society of select friends; andhis residence at Peebles was, in this respect, highly fortunate for him, since it was the occasion of his becoming acquainted with twodistinguished residents in that neighbourhood; Colonel John Murray ofKringaltie, a very respectable old officer, then retired from theservice, and Dr. Adam Ferguson; with both of whom he became intimate, and passed much of his time. The latter of these, then residing atHallyards in Tweedsdale, is the well-known author of the _Essay on CivilSociety_, and _History of the Roman Republic_, and was formerlyProfessor of Moral Philosophy at Edinburgh; where, during many years, hewas one of that distinguished literary circle, of which Hume, Smith, Black, and Robertson, were the principal ornaments. At the venerable ageof ninety-one, he is still living, the last survivor of that illustrioussociety. 

The friendship of a man thus interesting and distinguished, was highlyhonourable to Park, who was duly sensible of its value. Nor was thisinstance singular. The papers transmitted by his family speak of othertestimonies of respect, which, subsequently to Park's return to Scotlandin 1799, he received from various distinguished individuals of his owncountry; and they mention, in particular, that he was very highlygratified by some personal attentions which he received about this timefrom Mr. Dugald Stewart. 

In the midst of these occupations Park's thoughts were still turned uponAfrica. Soon after the signature of the Preliminary Articles of Peacewith France, in October, 1801, he received a letter from Sir JosephBanks, acquainting him, "that in consequence of the Peace, theAssociation would certainly revive their project of sending a mission toAfrica; in order to penetrate to, and navigate, the Niger; and he added, that in case Government should enter into the plan, Park would certainlybe recommended as the person proper to be employed for carrying it intoexecution. " But the business remained for a considerable time insuspense; nor did any specific proposal follow this communication tillthe autumn of the year 1803; when he received a letter addressed to himfrom the Office of the Colonial Secretary of State, desiring hisattendance without delay. On his arrival in London he had an interviewwith the present Earl of Buckinghamshire, then Lord Hobart, andSecretary of State for the Colonial department, who acquainted him withthe nature of an expedition to Africa, which was about to take place, and in which it was proposed, that Park should bear a principal part. Tothis offer he declined giving an immediate answer, requesting a shorttime to deliberate and consult with his friends. He returned home forthis purpose about ten days afterwards. 

On his return to Scotland he formally consulted a few of his friends;but, in his own mind, the point was already decided. From the time ofhis interview with Lord Hobart, his determination was in fact taken. Hisimagination had been indulging itself for some years past upon thevisions of discoveries which he was destined to make in the Interior ofAfrica; and the object of his ambition was now within his grasp. Hehastily announced to Lord Hobart his acceptance of the proposal;employed a few days in settling his affairs and taking leave of hisfriends; and left Scotland in December, 1803, with the confidentexpectation of embarking in a very short time for the coast of Africa. But many delays were yet to take place previously to his finaldeparture. 

The principal details of the intended expedition had been fullyconsidered, and in a great measure arranged, in the Colonial department, before the application was made to Park; and he had therefore flatteredhimself that the business was in a state of considerable forwardness. But on his arrival in London, he was much disappointed to find that thesailing of the expedition had been postponed; and it was not till aftertwo months that his departure was finally appointed for the end ofFebruary, 1804. But, unfortunately, when this period arrived, theapprehension of important political changes, which eventually took placeby the resignation of Mr. Addington a short time afterwards, caused someembarrassment in the measures and proceedings of the Administration. After all was ready at Portsmouth for the embarkation, and part of thetroops destined for the service were actually on board, the expeditionwas suddenly countermanded; and the question, whether it should finallyproceed to Africa or not, was reserved for the decision of Lord Camden, who shortly afterwards succeeded to Lord Hobart in the Colonialdepartment. 

In consequence of this change, Park was informed at the Colonial Office, that the expedition could not possibly sail before September; and it wassuggested to him by some person in authority, that he might employ theinterval with great advantage in improving himself in the practice oftaking astronomical observations, and in acquiring some knowledge of theArabic language. He was at the same time informed, that any reasonableexpence which he might incur in acquiring this instruction would bereimbursed to him by Government. In consequence of this intimation, heengaged a native of Mogadore, named Sidi Omback Boubi, then residing inLondon, who had served as the interpreter of Elphi Bey, (the ambassadorof the Mamelukes from Cairo) to accompany him to Scotland, for thepurpose of instructing him in Arabic. They immediately left Londontogether, and arrived early in March at Peebles; where Park continued toreside together with his African instructor, till about the middle ofMay. He then finally quitted his house at Peebles, and took his familyto the farm at Fowlshiels, where he quietly waited the expected summonsof the Secretary of State. During all this time he employed himself withgreat diligence in acquiring a familiar use of astronomical instruments, and in the study of the Arabic language, in which he became a tolerableproficient. 

Early in September he received a letter from the Under Secretary ofState for the Colonial department, desiring him to set off without delayfor London, and to present himself on his arrival at the ColonialOffice. He accordingly lost no time in settling his affairs; and takingan affectionate leave of his family, wife, and children, quittedFowlshiels, and arrived in London towards the latter end of September, 1804. 

In the course of Park's communications with the Colonial Office, LordCamden had intimated a desire to be furnished with a written statementof Park's opinions, both as to the plan of the expedition, and theparticular objects towards which he conceived that his attention oughtto be chiefly directed during the intended journey. In compliance withthis request, he had, during his leisure in the country, drawn up aMemoir upon these subjects, which he presented at the Colonial Officewithin a few days after his arrival in London. As this paper formed theground work of the official instructions which were afterwards given toPark, and is in other respects interesting and important, it is hereinserted at length. 

Memoir _delivered by_ Mungo Park, _Esq. To Lord_ CAMDEN, _on the 4th ofOctober_, 1804. 

"A particular account--1st. Of the objects to which Mr. Park's attentionwill be chiefly directed in his journey to the Interior of Africa: 2dly. Of the means necessary for accomplishing that journey; and 3dly. Of themanner in which he proposes to carry the plans of Government intoexecution. 

"The objects which Mr. Park would constantly keep in view are, _theextension of British Commerce, and the enlargement of our GeographicalKnowledge_. 

"In directing his enquiries with respect to commerce, he would proposeto himself the following subjects as worthy of particular investigation. 

"1st. The route by which merchandize could be most easily transported tothe Niger. This would be accomplished by attending to the nature of thecountry, whether wooded or open; having water or not, being abundant inprovisions, or otherwise, and whether capable of furnishing thenecessary beasts of burden. 

"2dly. The safety or danger of that route. This, by considering thegeneral character of the natives, their government, &c. ; the jealousiesthat European merchants would be likely to excite, and the guard thatwould be necessary for the protection of the caravan. 

"3dly. The return of merchandize. This by making out lists of sucharticles as are produced in each district, and of such as are importedfrom the neighbouring kingdoms. 

"4thly. The value of merchandize. This could only be done by comparingthe articles with each other; with gold as a standard, and with Europeanarticles in exchange. 

"5thly. Profits of trade. This could be ascertained by bartering oneAfrican article for another; an European article for an African, or anAfrican or European article for gold. 

"6thly. The extent to which such a commerce might be carried. This, by acareful and cautious comparison of the above, connected with habits ofindustry in the natives. 

"Mr. Park would likewise turn his attention to the general fertility ofthe country, whether any part of it might be useful to Britain forcolonization, and whether any objects of Natural History, with which thenatives are at present unacquainted, might be useful to Britain as acommercial nation. 

"Mr. Park would propose to himself the following subjects in conductinghis geographical researches. 

"1st. To ascertain the correct latitude and longitude of the differentplaces he visits in going to the Niger. 

"2dly. To ascertain, if possible, the termination of that river. 

"3dly. To make as accurate a survey of the river as his situation andcircumstances will admit of. 

"4thly. To give a description of the different kingdoms on or near thehanks of the river, with an account of the manners and customs of theinhabitants. 

"Means necessary for accomplishing the journey. 30 European soldiers. 6 European carpenters. 15 or 20 Goree Negroes, most of them artificers. 50 Asses, to be purchased at St. Jago6 Horses or mules, to be purchased at St. Jago. 

"Articles of dress, &c. For the soldiers and Negros, exclusive of theircommon clothing. 

"Each Man, 1 Musquito veil. 1 Hat with a broad brim. 2 Flannel under vests with sleeves. 2 Pair of Mosquito trowsers. 1 Pair of long leather gaiters. 1 Additional pair of shoes. 1 Great coat for sleeping, similar to what is worn by the cavalry. Knapsack and canteen for travelling. 

"Arms and Ammunition. 6 Rifle pieces. 8 or ten blunderbusses. 

"Each Man, 1 Gun and bayonet. 1 Pair of pistols, and belt. 1 Cartridge box and belt. Ball cartridges. Pistol ditto. Flints. Gunpowder. Small shot of different sizes. 

"Articles necessary for equipping the asses. 

"100 Strong sacking bags. 50 Canvass saddles. Girths, buckles, halters. 6 Saddles and bridles for horses. 

"Articles necessary for building and rigging two boats on the Niger ofthe following dimensions, viz. 

"40 Feet keel--8 feet beam, to draw 2-1/2 feet water. Carpenters tools, including hatchets and long saws. Iron work and nails. Pitch and oakum. Cordage rigging, and sails. 2 Boat compasses. 2 Spying-glasses for day or night. 2 Small union flags. 6 Dark lanterns. 2 Tons of Carolina rice. Cooking utensils. Medicines and instruments. 

"List of Merchandize for purchasing provisions and making the necessarypresents to the Kings of Woolli, Bondou, Kajaaga, Fooladoo, Bambarra, and the Kings of the Interior. 

"Best blue India bafts, 150 yardsWhite ditto, 50 yardsScarlet cloth, 200 yardsBlue ditto, 30 yardsGreen ditto, 20 yardsYellow ditto, 10 yardsScarlet Salisbury flannel, red night caps, &c. Amber, £150Coral, £50Mock coral, £50White garnets, £50Red garnetsRed beadsBlack points, £50PiccadoesGold beadsSmall black beads, £50White dittoYellow ditto5 Double-barrelled guns. 5 Pairs of ditto pistols. 5 Swords with belts. Small mirrors. Knives. Scissors. Spectacles, Dollars. 

"_A brief account of the manner in which Mr. Park proposes to carry theplans of Government into execution. _

"Mr. Park would touch at St. Jago, in order to purchase the asses andmules, and a sufficient quantity of corn to maintain them during thevoyage to Goree and up the Gambia. At Goree he proposes receiving onboard the soldiers and Negroes formerly mentioned, and would thenproceed to Fattatenda, five hundred miles up the Gambia; where, havingfirst obtained permission from the King of Woolli, he would disembarkwith the troops, asses, &c. After having allowed time for refreshment, and the necessary arrangements being made, he would then proceed on hisjourney to the Niger. The route he intends pursuing would lead himthrough the kingdoms of Bondou, Kajaaga, Fooladoo, and Bambarra. 

"In conducting an expedition of this nature through such an extent ofcountry, Mr. Park is sensible that difficulties will unavoidably occur;but he will be careful to use conciliatory measures on every occasion. He will state to the native princes the good understanding that hasalways subsisted between them and the English, and will invariablydeclare that his present journey is undertaken solely for the extensionof commerce and promotion of their mutual interests. 

"On his arrival at the Niger his attention will be first directed togain the friendship of the King of Bambarra. For this purpose he willsend one of the Bambarra Dooties forward to Sego with a small present. This man will inform Mansong of our arrival in his kingdom, and that itis our intention to come down to Sego with presents to him, as soon ashe has given us permission, and we have provided the necessary means ofconveying ourselves thither. 

"In the mean time we must use every possible exertion to construct thetwo boats before mentioned with the utmost possible despatch. When theboats are completed, and every thing is ready for embarking, Mr. Parkwould dispose of the beasts of burthen; giving some away in presents, and with the others purchasing provisions. If the King of Bambarra'sanswer is favourable, he would proceed immediately to Sego, and havingdelivered the presents, solicit Mansong's protection as far as _Jinnie_. Here Mr. Park's personal knowledge of the course of the Niger ends. 

"Proceeding farther, Mr. Park proposes to survey the lake Dibbie, coasting along its southern shore. He would then proceed down the riverby Jimbala and Kabra (the port of Tombuctoo), through the kingdoms ofHoussa, Nyffe, and Kashna, &c. To the kingdom of _Wangara_, being adirect distance of about one thousand four hundred miles from the placeof embarkation. 

"If the river should unfortunately end here, Mr. Park would feel hissituation extremely critical; he would however be guided by his distancefrom the coast, by the character of the surrounding nations, and by theexisting circumstances of his situation. 

"To return by the Niger to the westward he apprehends would beimpossible; to proceed to the northward equally so; and to travelthrough Abyssinia extremely dangerous. The only remaining route thatholds out any hopes of success, is that towards the _Bight of Guinea_. If the river should take a southerly direction, Mr. Park would considerit as his duty to follow it to its termination; and if it should happilyprove to be the river Congo, would there embark with the troops andNegroes on board a slave vessel, and return to England from St. Helena, or by way of the West Indies. 

"The following considerations have induced Mr. Park to think that theCongo will be found to be the termination of the Niger. 

"1st. The total ignorance of all the inhabitants of North Africarespecting the termination of that river. If the Niger ended any wherein North Africa, it is difficult to conceive how the inhabitants shouldbe so totally ignorant of it; and why they should so generally describeit as running to the Nile, to the end of the world, and in fact to acountry with which they are unacquainted. 

"2dly. In Mr. Horneman's Journal the Niger is described as flowingeastwards into Bornou, where it takes the name of _Zad_. The breadth ofthe Zad was given him for one mile, and he was told that it flowedtowards the Egyptian Nile, through the land of the _Heathens_. [Footnote: Proceedings of African Association. Vol. II. P. 201. ] Thecourse here given is directly towards the Congo. _Zad_ is the name ofthe Congo at its mouth, and it is the name of the Congo for at least sixhundred and fifty miles inland. 

"3dly. The river of _Dar Kulla_ mentioned by Mr. Browne [Footnote:Browne's Travels. 2d edit. 4to. P. 354. ] is generally supposed to be theNiger; or at least to have a communication with that river. Now this isexactly the course the Niger ought to take in order to join the Congo. 

"4thly. The quantity of water discharged into the Atlantic by the Congocannot be accounted for on any other known principle, but that it is thetermination of the Niger. If the Congo derived its waters entirely fromthe south side of the mountains which are supposed to form the Belt ofAfrica, one would naturally suppose that when the rains were confined tothe north side of the mountains, the Congo, like the other rivers ofAfrica, would be greatly diminished in size; and that its waters wouldbecome _pure_. On the contrary, the waters of the Congo are at allseasons thick and muddy. The breadth of the river when at its _lowest_is _one mile_, its depth is _fifty fathoms_, and its velocity _six milesper hour_. 

"5thly. The annual flood of the Congo commences before any rains havefallen south of the equator, and agree correctly with the floods of theNiger, calculating the water to have flowed from Bambarra at the rate ofthree miles per hour. 

"Mr. Park is of opinion, that when your Lordship shall have duly weighedthe above reasons, you will be induced to conclude that his hopes ofreturning by the Congo are not altogether fanciful; and that hisexpedition, though attended with extreme danger, promises to beproductive of the utmost advantage to Great Britain. 

"Considered in a commercial point of view, it is second only to thediscovery of the Cape of Good Hope; and in a geographical point of view, it is certainly the greatest discovery that remains to be made in thisworld. 

"(Signed) MUNGO PARK. "

The circumstance most deserving of attention in this Memoir, is theopinion expressed respecting the course and termination of the Niger; ageographical question of great difficulty and importance. In a treatisewritten by Major Rennell expressly on the discoveries of Park, thatdistinguished geographer, on comparing the various accounts of theprogress of the Niger beyond Houssa, had given a distinct opinion thatits waters had no communication either with the river Nile or the Sea;but were spread out into a great lake in Wangara and Ghana, and wereevaporated by the heat of the sun. [Footnote: Proceedings of AfricanAssociation, vol. I. P. 533. ] Park's attention had of course been muchdirected to the same subject; and he had omitted no opportunity ofcollecting information which might throw light on this obscure anddifficult question. During his residence in Scotland he had becomeacquainted with a Mr. George Maxwell, formerly an African trader, whohad a great knowledge of the whole western coast of Africa, especiallysouth of the equator, and had published a chart of the river Congo. Before Mr. Maxwell had heard any particulars of the Niger, manycircumstances had induced him to conjecture that the source of the Congolay considerably inland, and very far to the north. The publication ofPark's Travels confirmed him in his opinion, and led him to concludethat the Congo and the Niger were one and the same stream. Mr. Maxwell'sreasonings appear to have produced a great impression upon Park, whoadopted his sentiments relative to the termination of the Niger in theirutmost extent, and persevered in that opinion to the end of his life. 

The _sources_ of great rivers have often been the object of popular andeven of scientific curiosity; but it is peculiar to the Niger to beinteresting on account of its _termination_. Those who recollect theemotions which Park describes himself to have experienced during hisformer journey, on the first view of that mighty river, [Footnote:"While we were riding together, and I was anxiously looking around forthe river, one of the Negroes called out, _Geo affilli_ (see the water);and looking forwards, I saw with infinite pleasure, the great object ofmy mission, the long sought for, majestic Niger, glittering to themorning sun, as broad as the Thames at Westminster, and flowing slowly_to the eastward_. I hastened to the brink and having drank of thewater, lifted up my fervent thanks in prayer to the great Ruler of allthings for having thus far crowned my endeavours with success. " Park'sTravels, p. 194. ] will be enabled to form some idea of the enthusiasm onthis subject which he intimates at the close of the foregoing Memoir, and which was now become his ruling passion. Nor can we be surprisedthat the question, respecting the termination of the Niger, associatedas it was, with so many personal feelings, had such entire possession ofPark's mind; since the subject itself, considered as a matter ofgeographical enquiry, is one of the most interesting that can easily beconceived. The idea of a great river, rising in the western mountains ofAfrica and flowing towards the centre of that vast continent; whosecourse in that direction is ascertained for a considerable distance, beyond which information is silent, and speculation is left at large toindulge in the wildest conjectures--has something of the _unbounded_ and_mysterious_, which powerfully attracts curiosity and takes a stronghold of the imagination. [Footnote: See Appendix, No. IV. ]

 * * * * *

A short time after Park had delivered his Memoir at the Colonial Office, he had an audience of Lord Camden, who expressed his general approbationof its contents and acquainted him with the plan of the expedition, sofar as it was then determined upon. The amount of the compensation whichhe was to receive for this service, was likewise agreed upon and settledabout the same time, with a commendable liberality on the part ofGovernment, and entirely to Park's satisfaction; and it was also veryproperly stipulated that, in the event either of his dying before thecompletion of the service, or of his not being heard of within a givenperiod after his setting out on the journey, a certain sum should bepaid by Government as a provision for his wife and family. 

But before all the details of the plan were finally determined upon, Park was desired by Lord Camden, to consult Major Rennell, and obtainhis opinion both with regard to the scheme and objects of theexpedition, and Park's own sentiments relative to the Niger, as statedin his Memoir. For this purpose he went to Brighthelmston, where MajorRennell then was, and remained with him several days; during which time, the subjects proposed by Lord Camden were repeatedly discussed betweenthem. With respect to the supposition relative to the termination of theNiger, Major Rennell was unconvinced by Park's reasonings, and declaredhis adherence to the opinion he had formerly expressed with regard tothe course of that river. As to the plan of the intended expedition, hewas so much struck with the difficulties and dangers likely to attendits execution, that he earnestly dissuaded Park from engaging in sohazardous an enterprize. His arguments, urged with all the warmth andsincerity of friendship, appear to have made a great impression uponPark; and he took leave of Major Rennell with an apparent determinationto relinquish the undertaking. But this conviction was little more thanmomentary, and ceased almost as soon as the influence and authority fromwhich it proceeded were withdrawn. On Park's return to London, hisenthusiasm revived; and all doubts and difficulties were at an end. 

The doubts expressed by Major Rennell were of course, communicated byPark to the Secretary of State; but, as he accompanied the communicationwith his own answers and remarks, the objections were not deemed ofsufficient weight to produce any material change in the intendedarrangements. 

It must be observed however with regard to the opinions both of MajorRennell and other intelligent persons among Park's friends, whodisapproved of the expedition, that their objections appear for the mostpart to have been too general and indiscriminate; proceeding perhaps toomuch upon vague and indefinite ideas of the dangers which experience hadshewn to be incidental to such a journey, and being therefore equallyconclusive against _any_ new attempt to explore the interior of Africa. To these objections it may be sufficient to oppose the authority of SirJoseph Banks, who was of course much consulted by Park, and also by theSecretary of State; and whose opinion on this subject appears to havebeen equally temperate and judicious. Without in the least extenuatingthe dangers of the intended expedition, which he regarded as one of themost hazardous ever undertaken, he still thought that the dangers werenot greater than might reasonably be encountered for the sake of veryimportant objects; justly observing that it was only from similar risksof human life that great geographical discoveries were in general to beexpected. The correctness of his opinion was sufficiently shewn by theevent; since it will hereafter appear that the failure of theundertaking was owing rather to accidental circumstances than to anydefect in the original plan of the expedition itself. 

After due consideration, it was at length finally determined that theexpedition should consist of Park himself, his brother in law Mr. Alexander Anderson, who was to be next to Park in authority, and Mr. George Scott, who was to act as a draftsman; together with a few boatbuilders and artificers. They were not to be accompanied by any troopsfrom England; but were to be joined at Goree by a certain number ofsoldiers of the African corps stationed in that garrison, who might bedisposed to volunteer for the service. 

Mr. Anderson and Mr. Scott, the associates of Park in this expedition, were intelligent and excellent young men; the former a surgeon ofseveral years' experience, the latter an artist of very promisingtalents. They were both of them friends and fellow countrymen of Park(being natives of the county of Selkirk), and inspired by him with agreat ardour for the undertaking in which they were about to engage. 

The expedition being thus limited as to its nature and objects, andnothing more being necessary than to procure a proper assortment ofstores and commercial articles, and provide the means of conveying theparty with their small cargo to the coast of Africa; it was to beexpected that the mission might be sent out immediately, or with verylittle delay. This indeed was an object of great importance, consideringthe advanced time of the year; it being obvious that if the expeditionshould be detained for any considerable time, it might have the effectof postponing the journey into the interior to the period of the rainyseason, and thus perhaps, of rendering the whole plan abortive. Fullyaware of this danger, Park was anxious and earnest in his endeavours toobtain the necessary orders from the several public departments. But, partly from unforeseen circumstances, and partly from official forms andthe pressure of business deemed of greater importance, he was destinedto experience a long succession of delays; which, though certainlyunintentional, and perhaps in some degree unavoidable, were ultimatelyproductive of very unfortunate results. Nor was it till after waitingtwo months, (a period of great uneasiness and mortification) that hereceived his official instructions: after which nearly another monthelapsed before he could set sail from England. 

The instructions given to Park were communicated to him in a Letteraddressed to him by the Secretary of State, in the following terms. 

_Downing-street, 2d January, 1805. _

Sir, "It being judged expedient that a small expedition should be sent intothe interior of Africa, with a view to discover and ascertain whetherany, and what commercial intercourse can be opened therein for themutual benefit of the natives and of His Majesty's subjects, I amcommanded by the King to acquaint you, that on account of the knowledgeyou have acquired of the nations of Africa, and from the indefatigableexertions and perseverance you displayed in your travels among them, HisMajesty has selected you for conducting this undertaking. 

"For better enabling you to execute this service His Majesty has grantedyou the brevet commission of a captain in Africa, and has also granted asimilar commission of lieutenant to Mr. Alexander Anderson, whom youhave recommended as a proper person to accompany you. Mr. Scott has alsobeen selected to attend you as draftsman. You are hereby empowered toenlist with you for this expedition any number you think proper of thegarrison at Goree, not exceeding forty-five, which the commandant ofthat Island will be ordered to place under your command, giving themsuch bounties or encouragement, as may be necessary to induce themcheerfully to join with you on the expedition. 

"And you are hereby authorised to engage by purchase or otherwise, sucha number of black artificers at Goree as you shall judge necessary forthe objects you have in view. 

"You are to be conveyed to Goree in a transport convoyed by HisMajesty's sloop Eugenie, which will be directed to proceed with you inthe first instance to St. Jago, in order that you may there purchasefifty asses for carrying your baggage. 

"When you shall have prepared whatever may be necessary for securing theobjects of the expedition at Goree, you are to proceed up the riverGambia; and thence crossing over to the Senegal to march by such routeas you shall find most eligible, to the banks of the Niger. 

"The great object of your journey will be to pursue the course of thisriver to the utmost possible distance to which it can be traced; toestablish communication and intercourse with the different nations onthe banks; to obtain all the local knowledge in your power respectingthem; and to ascertain the various points stated in the Memoir which youdelivered to me on the 4th of October last. 

"And you will be then at liberty to pursue your route homewards by anyline you shall think most secure, either by taking a new directionthrough the Interior towards the Atlantic, or by marching upon Cairo bytaking the route leading to Tripoli. 

"You are hereby empowered to draw for any sum that you may be in wantof, not exceeding £5000. Upon the Lords of His Majesty's Treasury, orupon such mercantile banking-house in London as you may fix upon. 

 "I am, &c. 

 "CAMDEN. 

"_To Mungo Park, Esq. &c. &c. &c. _"

The preparations for the expedition being now entirely completed, Park, together with Mr. Anderson and Mr. Scott, proceeded to Portsmouth, wherethey were joined by four or five artificers, from the dock-yardsappointed for the service; and after waiting some time for a wind, theyat last set sail in the Crescent transport, on the 30th of January, 1805, and arrived at Port Praya Bay in the Cape Verd Islands about the8th of March. The transactions of Park from the time of his embarkationin England to his departure from Kayee on the Gambia for the Interior ofAfrica (a period of about seven weeks) will be best described by thefollowing letters, and extracts selected from his correspondence. 

_To Mr. Dickson_

_Port Praya Bay, St. Jago, March 13, 1805. _

"We have had a very tedious passage to this place, having been pesteredwith contrary winds, strong gales, and French privateers. We have all ofus kept our health remarkably well, considering the very great change ofclimate. Mr. Anderson has the rheumatism in his knee, but is gettingbetter. Mr. Scott is off this morning for the Interior of the Island, totake sketches; and as soon as I have finished this letter I am going onshore to finish my purchase of asses. I bought all the corn, &c. Lastnight, and twenty-four asses, and I shall purchase thirty-two more today; so you see we shall not be detained here. We shall have taken inall the water today, and the first division of the asses will come onboard to-morrow. We expect to sail for Goree on Saturday or Sunday. 

"I have been so much employed that I have had no time as yet to lookafter plants; indeed this seems a very unfavourable season of the yearfor natural history, the whole country being quite dry and withered. Ihave collected some observations on the present state of the Cape VerdIslands, which I will send home by the sloop of war. 

"If Sir Joseph enquires after me, tell him that I am going on as well asI could wish; and if I have as little trouble at Goree as I am likely tohave here, I hope to be able to date a letter from the Niger by the 4thof June. "

_To Mrs. Park. _

_Goree, 4th April, 1805. _

"I have just now learnt that an American ship sails from this place forEngland in a few days; and I readily embrace the opportunity of sendinga letter to my dearest wife. We have all of us kept our health very wellever since our departure from England. Alexander had a touch of therheumatism at St. Jago, but is now quite recovered; he danced severalcountry dances at the ball last night. George Scott is also in goodhealth and spirits. I wrote to you from St. Jago, which letter I hopeyou received. We left that place on the 21st of March, and arrived herewith the asses on the 28th. Almost every soldier in the Garrison, volunteered to go with me; and with the Governor's assistance I havechosen a guard of the best men in the place. So lightly do the peoplehere think of the danger attending the undertaking, that I have beenunder the necessity of refusing several military and naval officers whovolunteered to accompany me. We shall sail for Gambia on Friday orSaturday. I am happy to learn that Karfa, my old friend, is at presentat Jonkakonda; and I am in hopes we shall be able to hire him to go withus. 

"We have as yet been extremely fortunate, and have got our business bothat St. Jago and this place finished with great success: and I havehopes, almost to certainty, that Providence will so dispose the tempersand passions of the inhabitants of this quarter of the world, that weshall be enabled to _slide through_ much more smoothly than you expect. 

"I need not tell you how often I think about you; your own feelings willenable you to judge of that. The hopes of spending the remainder of mylife with my wife and children will make every thing seem easy; and youmay be sure I will not rashly risk my life, when I know that yourhappiness, and the welfare of my young ones depend so much upon it. Ihope my Mother does not torment herself with unnecessary fears about me. I sometimes fancy how you and she will be meeting misfortune half way, and placing me in many distressing situations. I have as yet experiencednothing but success, and I hope that six months more will end the wholeas I wish. "

"P. S. We have taken a ride this morning about twelve miles into thecountry. Alexander is much pleased with it; the heat is moderate, andthe country healthy at present. "

_To Edward Cooke, Esq. Under Secretary of State for the ColonialDepartment. _

_Jillifree, River Gambia, April 9th, 1805. _

"Sir, "It is with great pleasure that I embrace this opportunity of sendingyou a general account of our proceedings since leaving England. 

"We had a very tedious passage to the Cape Verd Islands, being detainedby storms and contrary winds in the Bay of Biscay, so that we did notreach St. Jago till the 8th of March. I immediately set about purchasingthe asses, corn, hay, &c. And succeeded so well that on the 18th I hadembarked forty-four asses with plenty of corn and hay. The master of thetransport declared that he could not receive any more consistently withthe safety of the vessel. We sailed for Goree on the 21st. While we weregetting under way, six English ships of the line, one of them a threedecker, came into the Bay. They did not hail us; one of them had anAdmiral's blue flag at the mizen. 

"We made the coast of Africa on the 25th, and anchored in Goree roads onthe morning of the 28th. I immediately went on shore, and havingdelivered the dispatches to Major Lloyd, consulted with him respectingthe proper encouragement to be offered to the troops. We agreed thatnothing would be so great an inducement as double pay during thejourney, and a discharge on their return. A Garrison order to thiseffect was accordingly made out; and in the course of a few days almostevery soldier in the Garrison had volunteered his services. LieutenantMartyn of the Royal Artillery Corps having likewise volunteered, Ithought it would be of consequence to have an officer who was acquaintedwith the men, and who could assist me in choosing such as were best ableto stand fatigue. I therefore accepted his services on the conditionsmentioned in Lord Camden's letter. Captain Shortland, of the SquirrelFrigate, has allowed two of his best seamen to go with me as volunteersin order to assist in rigging and navigating our _Nigritian Men of War_. I have given them the same encouragement as the soldiers, and have hadthe four carpenters whom I brought from England attested, in order toput the whole under the same discipline and regulations. 

"On the morning of the 6th of April we embarked the soldiers, in numberthirty-five men. They jumped into the boats in the highest spirits, andbade adieu to Goree with repeated huzzas. I believe that every man inthe Garrison would have embarked with great cheerfulness; but noinducement could prevail on a single Negro to accompany me. I musttherefore trust to the Gambia for interpreters, and I expect to be ableto hire or purchase three or four in going up the river. I will send aparticular account of all money matters by the return of the Transport. "

MUNGO PARK. 

_To Sir Joseph Banks. _

_Kayee, River Gambia, April 26th, 1805. _

"My Dear Friend, "I know that you will be pleased to hear that I am in good health, andgoing forwards with as much success as I could reasonably expect. In myletter to Lord Camden, I have given a short statement of my transactionssince I left England, which I have requested his Lordship to shew toyou. By that you will see that I have had but little time to attend toobjects of natural history; but lest you should think that I haveneglected this pursuit entirely, I have sent a few specimens in a trunk, which I hope will come safe; the most remarkable are, "1st. The _Fang jani_, or self-burning tree of Gambia. This growsplentifully on the banks of the Gambia betwixt Yanimaroo and Kayee, andno where else. It is certainly burnt by some internal process, of whichI am ignorant. Few of the natives have seen it actually burning; butevery person who has sailed up the Gambia will allow that these bushesare burnt in places where no human being could set them on fire, andwhere the grass around them was not burnt. I have sent you a burntstump, two tops, and a fruit. 

"2d. The _Kino_, (so called by the natives), a branch and fruit of theoriginal gum kino tree and a paper of the real gum; none of this gum isat present exported from Gambia, though it might be collected in somequantity. 

"3d. The _Tribo_, a root with which the natives dye their leather of ayellow colour. It is not in flower at this season. [Footnote: SeeAppendix, No. V. ]

"The wars which at present prevail in Bondou and Kasson, have preventedthe merchants from bringing down the _Shea_ butter; otherwise I wouldhave sent you a pot of it. I have sent you as a specimen of Africanmanufactures, a Mandingo cloth dyed from the _leaves_ of the indigo, half a dozen small pots, and some Lefa's or calabash covers. I regretthat I have not been able to procure any Bondou _Frankincense_. --Give mycompliments to Major Rennell, and tell him that I hope to be able tocorrect my former errors. The course of the Gambia is certainly not solong as is laid down in the charts. The watch goes so correctly that Iwill measure Africa by feet and inches. 

"In case any unfavourable reports should be raised respecting thetermination of our journey, I request that you will endeavour as much asyou can to prevent them from finding their way into the newspapers, orby any other manner reaching the ears of my dear wife and mother. "

_To Mrs. Park. _

_Kayee, River Gambia, April 26, 1805. _

"I have been busy these three days in making preparations for ourjourney, and I feel rather uneasy when I think that I can receive noletters from you till I return to England; but you may depend on this, that I will avail myself of every opportunity of writing to you, thoughfrom the very nature of the undertaking these opportunities will be butfew. We set off for the Interior tomorrow morning; and I assure you, that whatever the issue of the present journey may be, every thing looksfavourable. We have been successful thus far, beyond my highestexpectations. 

"The natives instead of being frightened at us, look on us as their bestfriends, and the kings have not only granted us protection, but sentpeople to go before us. The soldiers are in the highest spirits; and asmany of them (like me) have left a wife and family in England, they arehappy to embrace this opportunity of returning. They never think aboutdifficulties; and I am confident, if there was occasion for it, thatthey would defeat any number of Negroes that might come against us; butof this we have not the most distant expectation. The King of Kataba(the most powerful King in Gambia) visited us on board the Crescent onthe 20th and 21st; he has furnished us with a messenger to conduct ussafely to the King of Woolli. 

"I expect to have an opportunity of writing to you from Konkodoo orBammakoo, by some of the slave traders; but as they travel very slowly, I may probably have returned to the coast before any of my letters havereached Goree; at any rate, you need not be surprised if you should nothear from me for some months; nay, so uncertain is the communicationbetween Africa and England, that perhaps the next news you may hear, maybe my arrival in the latter, which I still think will be in the month ofDecember. If we have to go round by the West Indies, it will take us twomonths more; but as Government has given me an unlimited credit, if avessel is coming direct, I shall of course take a passage in her. I haveenjoyed excellent health, and have great hopes to bring this expeditionto a happy conclusion. In five weeks from the date of this letter theworst part of the journey will be over. Kiss all my dear children forme, and let them know that their father loves them. "

In a letter to Mr. Dickson dated Kayee, April 26th, 1805, the day beforehis embarkation, Park writes as follows;

"Every thing, at present, looks as favourable as I could wish, and ifall things go well, this day six weeks I expect to drink all yourhealths in the water of the Niger. The soldiers are in good health andspirits. They are the most _dashing_ men I ever saw; and if theypreserve their health, we may keep ourselves perfectly secure from anyhostile attempt on the part of the natives. I have little doubt but thatI shall be able with presents and fair words to pass through the countryto the Niger; and if once we are fairly afloat, _the day is won_. --Givemy kind regards to Sir Joseph and Mr. Greville; and if they should thinkthat I have paid too little attention to natural objects, you maymention that I had forty men and forty-two asses to look after, besidesthe constant trouble of packing and weighing bundles, palavering withthe Negroes, and laying plans for our future success. I never was sobusy in my life. "

On reading this correspondence it is impossible not to be struck withthe satisfaction expressed by Park, and the confidence with which heappears to have looked forward to a favourable termination of hisjourney. Yet in reality nothing could be much less promising than hisactual situation and prospects at the time of writing these letters. 

The detachment of the Royal African Corps, which was to escort theexpedition, consisted of a Lieutenant and thirty-five privates. It wasnot to be expected that troops of a very superior quality could befurnished from a regiment which had been serving for any considerabletime at a tropical station, such as Goree. But there is too much reasonto believe that the men selected on the present occasion, notwithstanding the favourable opinion of them expressed by Park, andalthough they were the best that the Garrison could supply, were belowthe ordinary standard even of troops of this description; and that theywere extremely deficient both in constitutional strength and vigour, andin those habits of sobriety, steadiness and good discipline which such aservice peculiarly required. 

But besides the indifferent quality of the troops, there was another andmore serious cause of alarm, from the unfavourable period at which, owing to a series of unforeseen delays, Park found himself obliged toenter on this expedition. This he was about to do, not actually duringthe rainy season; but with a great probability of being overtaken by itin the course of his journey; and with a positive certainty ofencountering in the mean time, not only the great tropical heats, butalso the _tornadoes_, or hurricanes, which always precede and follow therainy season. These hurricanes, of which no idea can be formed from theexperience of our temperate climates, occur more frequently, and withgreater violence as the rainy period approaches; and are attended withconsiderable inconvenience, and occasionally with danger, to caravanstravelling at that season. 

Whatever might be the opinion of Park as to the quality of his troops, of which he appears to have formed a very erroneous estimate, he must atleast have been fully aware of the disadvantage arising from the nearapproach of the great tropical rains. But his situation was critical;and he had only a choice of difficulties. He might either attempt (whathe might perhaps consider as being just _possible_) to reach the Nigerbefore the rainy season should be completely set in; or he mightpostpone his journey till the return of the proper season fortravelling, which would be in November or December following. The eventhas shewn that he would have acted more wisely in deferring theexpedition. But the motives which might lead him to a contrarydetermination, were obvious and powerful; and will be found, on thewhole, sufficient for the justification of his conduct. He mustnaturally have considered that the postponement of the expedition _forseven months_, besides being in the greatest degree irksome both tohimself and the companions of his journey, would occasion a greatadditional expense, and disappoint the expectations of Government; andhe might perhaps entertain doubts, since the case was not provided forby his official instructions, whether he should altogether escapecensure, if he should postpone his journey for so long a period, underany circumstances much short of a positive and undoubted necessity. 

In this difficult situation, he adopted that alternative which was mostcongenial to his character and feelings; and having once formed thisresolution, he adhered to it with tranquillity and firmness; dismissingfrom his own mind all doubts and apprehensions, or at least effectuallyconcealing them, from the companions of his journey, and from hisfriends and correspondents in England. 

 * * * * *

For the particulars of this second expedition, the reader must bereferred to the Journal now published, which commences from this period. But in order to give a general view of the extent of Park's labours, itmay be useful on this, as on the former occasion, to note the moreimportant dates, and some of the principal circumstances of the journey. 

The persons composing the expedition, being assembled at Kayee, a smalltown on the Gambia a little below Pisania, Park engaged a Mandingopriest, named Isaaco, who was also a travelling merchant and muchaccustomed to long inland journies, to serve as the guide to hiscaravan. On the 27th of April 1805, he took his departure from Kayee, and arrived in two days at Pisania, from whence he had set out for theinterior of Africa nearly ten years before. Some of the practicaldifficulties of the march were apparent during this short journey: andhe found it necessary to stop at Pisania six days (a delay which musthave been highly inconvenient), to purchase additional beasts of burden, and make other arrangements for the expedition. 

He quitted Kayee on the 4th of May, and arrived on the 11th at Madina, the capital of the kingdom of Woolli. The effects of the season hadalready become apparent; two of the soldiers having fallen ill of thedysentery on the 8th. On the 15th he arrived on the banks of the Gambia;and about this time lost one of his soldiers, by an epilepsy. 

On the 26th, the caravan experienced a singular accident (almostunintelligible to an European) from the attack of a large swarm of bees;in consequence of which, besides that many of the people were mostseverely stung, seven of their beasts of burden perished or were lost;and owing to an accidental fire which was kindled in the confusion, thewhole baggage was near being burnt. For half an hour it seemed as if thebees had put an end to the expedition. [Footnote: A similar accidentfrom an attack of bees, though much less serious than the present, waswitnessed by Park in his journey with the caravan of slaves from Kamaliato the Gambia, and is described in his Travels, p. 331. ]

On the 28th of May, Park arrived at Badoo, where he mentions having hadan opportunity of sending two letters to England by way of the Gambia. These letters were addressed to Sir Joseph Banks and Mrs. Park; and areas follows. 

_To Sir Joseph Banks. _

_Badoo, near Tambacunda, May 28th, 1805. _

"A Slatee is going from this place in a few hours for the Gambia, and Ihave hired him to stop his asses till I write a few lines. We have hadas prosperous an expedition thus far, as I could have expected; a shortabridgement of our journey will serve to shew where we are. 

[Here follow the names of the places where the caravan rested eachnight; the particulars of which are fully detailed in the Journal. ]

"We are going this evening to Tambacunda. You must not imagine, my dearfriend, from this hasty sketch that I have neglected astronomicalobservations; I have observed the latitude every two or three days, andhave observed three eclipses of Jupiter's Satellites, which settle thelongitude, by the help of the watch, to the nearest mile. I saw plentyof Shea trees yesterday for the first time since my return to Africa, the fruit being not yet ripe. The course of the Gambia is laid down onmy chart too much to the south; I have ascertained nearly its wholecourse. I find that my former journeys on foot were underrated; some ofthem surprise myself, when I trace the same road on horseback. Sibikillin is 36' East of where it is laid down on the chart. I proposesending an abridged account of my day's transactions from Baniserile, toLord Camden; but I request that nothing may be published till I returnto England. A short time will decide the matter. 

"I expect to reach the Niger on the 27th of June. You must excuse thishasty scrawl, as it is only meant to let you know that I am still aliveand going forward in my journey. Please to let Mrs. Dickson know that Iam well. "

_To Mrs. Park, _

_Badoo, 29th May, 1805. _

"I am happy to inform you that we are half through our journey withoutthe smallest accident or unpleasant circumstance. We all of us keep ourhealth, and are on the most friendly terms with the natives. I have seenmany of my old acquaintances, and am every where well received. By the27th of June we expect to have finished all our travels by land; andwhen we have once got afloat on the river, we shall conclude that we areembarking for England. I have never had the smallest sickness; andAlexander is quite free from all his stomach complaints. 

"The bearer of this to the Gambia is waiting with his asses for a fewminutes only; you will therefore inform all friends that we are well andgoing on prosperously. I see no reason to think that our stay in theInterior will be longer than I first mentioned. 

"We carry our own victuals with us, and live very well; in fact we haveonly had a pleasant journey, and yet this is what we thought would bethe worst part of it. 

"I will indulge the hope that my wife, children, and all friends arewell. I am in great hopes of finishing this journey with credit in a fewmonths; and then with what joy shall I turn my face towards home! TheSlatee is impatient for the letter; and I have only time to subscribemyself, &c. "

Notwithstanding these letters, it is evident from Park's Journal thathis situation was now very critical. The tornadoes had begun to befrequent; and a few days afterwards it became quite apparent that therainy season was seriously setting in, before the journey to the Nigerwas more than half completed. The effect produced on the health of thesoldiers by a violent rain on the 10th of June, was almostinstantaneous; twelve of them at once were dangerously ill, and fromthis time the great mortality commenced, which was ultimately fatal tothe expedition. 

At Shrondo, in the kingdom of Dentila, where the caravan shortlyafterwards arrived, there are considerable gold mines; and the journalcontains a minute and interesting description both of the manner ofcollecting the metal, and of the country in which it is found. 

After quitting Shrondo, Park mentions that on the 12th of June, inconsequence of a very sudden tornado, they were forced to carry theirbundles into the huts of the natives, being the first time that thecaravan had entered a town since leaving the Gambia. Considering the_climate_ and season, this slight circumstance is alone a sufficientproof of the hardships which must have been sustained by Europeansduring such a journey. 

At Dindikoo beyond Shrondo, Park was much struck with the beauty andmagnificence of that mountainous tract of country, as well as with thedegree in which it was cultivated and the comparatively happy conditionof the inhabitants. Proceeding a little farther, he quitted the track hehad hitherto followed, by which he had formerly returned from Kamalia tothe Gambia; and directed his course towards the north-east, with a viewprobably of avoiding the Jallonka Wilderness. But the difficulties oftravelling were now become extreme; partly from the nature of thecountry, but principally from the increasing prevalence of the diseaseproduced by the continued rains. 

On the 4th of July he was near losing Isaaco, his guide; who in crossinga river was twice attacked by a crocodile, and saved himself byextraordinary presence of mind, though not without some very severewounds. This accident detained the caravan several days, and added tothe numerous delays which had so unfortunately impeded the expedition. 

Several of the soldiers had died during the course of the journey; andon the 6th of July the whole number of persons composing the caravan(except one) were either actually sick, or in a state of great debility. Yet he still had considerable difficulties to encounter, in traversing acountry, where he was obliged to be constantly on the watch against thedepredations of the inhabitants, and occasionally, the attacks of wildbeasts. Under such circumstances it is not wonderful that the fewsoldiers, not disabled by sickness, fell back; and it was with greatdifficulty that any of them could be prevailed on to continue theirmarch. After a series of dangers and sufferings, such as have beenexperienced by few travellers, he at length reached the Niger (atBambakoo, where the river begins to be navigable) on the 19th of August1805. 

This was more than seven weeks beyond the time, upon which he hadcalculated when he quitted the Gambia; and the effects of thisprotracted march, which had carried him far into the rainy season, wereunfortunately but too apparent. Of the Europeans who composed theexpedition, consisting of about forty at the time of quitting theGambia, there were now only eleven survivors. Of these the principalpersons, besides Park, namely Mr. Anderson, Mr. Scott, and LieutenantMartyn, were all more or less affected by the disease; the two formervery seriously, and Mr. Scott, in particular, to so great a degree thathe had been obliged to remain behind, and died shortly afterwardswithout reaching the Niger. 

It was fortunate that Park's health had hitherto been very slightlyaffected, since the whole burden of the expedition evidently rested uponhim. He not only directed all the great movements of the caravan, butsuperintended its minutest details, and was foremost on all occasionsrequiring physical strength and great personal exertions. In thesearduous services both of body and mind, Mr. Anderson and his otherassociates, who might have been expected to share in his labours, wereincapable of rendering him any useful assistance; and by their continuedill health, contributed in no small degree to the anxiety andembarrassments attending the expedition. 

Being thus arrived at the Niger, he embarked upon that river on the 21stof August, and the following day reached Marraboo; from whence heshortly afterwards dispatched Isaaco to Sego, the capital of Bambarra, to negociate with Mansong the sovereign, for a free passage through hisdominions and for such other facilities as might enable him to prosecutehis journey into the interior. He remained at Marraboo, waiting Isaaco'sreturn; and in the mean time was seized with the dysentery, which hadbeen fatal to so many of his followers; but saved himself by a bold andvigorous course of medicine, which, aided by the great strength of hisconstitution, restored him to health very speedily. 

After much negociation and many difficulties with Mansong's ministers, he was at first permitted to go to Samee in the neighbourhood of Sego, and afterwards to Sansanding; in order to build a vessel and makepreparations for his voyage down the Niger. In this negociation, whichis fully detailed in the Journal, Park appears to much advantage. Hisspeech to Mansong's messengers, explaining the purpose and objects ofhis expedition into Africa, is distinguished by great propriety and goodsense; and affords a very favourable specimen of his talents for suchtransactions. [Footnote: Journal, p. 151. ]

It may be recollected that when Park arrived at Sego during his formerjourney, Mansong sent him a present of five thousand cowries, butrefused to admit him into his presence, and gave directions that heshould immediately depart from that city. [Footnote: Park's Travels, p. 199. ] This conduct in a sovereign apparently tolerant and liberal, wasvery reasonably attributed by Park to an apprehension on the part ofMansong, that he should be unable to protect him against the inveteratemalice of his Moorish subjects. There is every reason to think thatMansong, on the present occasion, was actuated by similar feelings;since he neither saw Park, nor expressed any desire to see him; and hiswhole conduct, both during the negociation and afterwards, indicatedgreat coldness and reserve. It appears also that many rumoursunfavourable to the mission were industriously circulated; and thatgreat jealousies, stimulated both by religious bigotry and theapprehension of commercial rivalship, were excited against Park amongthe Moorish inhabitants of Sego and Sansanding. 

The anxiety and suspense produced in Park's mind by these rumours, werein some degree removed by the arrival of Bookari, the singing man or_bard_ of Mansong, with six canoes, being commissioned to attend him tothe neighbourhood of Sego. Under this escort, he embarked at Marraboo onthe 13th of September; and notwithstanding the unsatisfactory state ofhis affairs, his mind was sufficiently at ease to receive great delightfrom this short voyage down the Niger. "Nothing, " he says, "can be morebeautiful than the views of this immense river; sometimes as smooth as amirror; at other times ruffled by a gentle breeze; but at all timeswafting us along at the rate of six or seven miles an hour. " [Footnote:Journal, p. 148] After the indifference shewn towards him by Mansong, hethought it not prudent to visit Sego; but went on to Sansanding, a placea little eastwards of Sego on the banks of the Niger, containing aboutten thousand inhabitants. Here Park remained the greater part of twomonths, and traded to a considerable extent; and as this was the firstAfrican town distant from the coast, at which he had an opportunity ofresiding, he had the means of obtaining much information; which if itcould be communicated to the public, would probably form an importantaddition to our knowledge of the internal state of Africa. 

Fortunately the information thus acquired has not been entirely lost tothe world; a few particulars, the fruit of his active and intelligentcuriosity, still remain. The view which Park has given of the trade andpopulation of Sansanding, must be considered as the most original andvaluable part of his Journal. The information which he has collectedconcerning _prices_, is new in its kind, and in several points of view, highly curious and important. But there are other circumstances, whichmust strike every intelligent reader as being more peculiarlyinteresting and instructive; the existence of regular markets; thedivision of labour, appearing from the establishment of distinctbranches of trade; the variety of articles exposed to sale; and thegreat extent of commercial transactions. These facts imply that industryis protected, and property in a certain degree secure; and fully confirmPark's former statements with regard to the comparative civilization andimprovement of the _interior_ of Africa. 

One of Park's principal objects at Sansanding was to provide a propervessel for his farther navigation down the Niger; and it was with greatdifficulty that he procured two indifferent and decayed canoes; fromwhich _by the labour of his own hands_, with some assistance from one ofthe surviving soldiers, he constructed a flat-bottomed vessel, to whichhe gave the magnificent title of His Majesty's schooner the Joliba. 

Previously to this time, Park had received intelligence of the death ofMr. Scott, whom he had been obliged to leave at Koomikoomi, on his marchtowards the Niger; and now whilst he was employed in building hisvessel, he had to lament the loss of his friend Mr. Anderson, who diedon the 28th of October, after a lingering illness of four months. Hespeaks of this severe blow in his Journal very shortly, but in a strainof natural eloquence, flowing evidently from the heart, "No event, " hesays, "during the journey, ever threw the smallest gloom over his mindtill he laid Mr. Anderson in the grave; he then felt himself as if lefta second time lonely and friendless amidst the wilds of Africa. "[Footnote: Journal, p. 163. ]

Fancy can hardly picture a situation more perilous than that of Park atthis time, nor an enterprise more utterly hopeless than that which hewas now to undertake. Of the Europeans who had accompanied him from theGambia, Lieutenant Martyn and three soldiers (one of them in a state ofmental derangement) were all who now survived. He was about to embark ona vast and unknown river, which might possibly terminate in some greatlake or inland sea, at an immense distance from the coast; but which hehoped and believed would conduct him to the shores of the Atlantic, after a course of considerably more than three thousand miles, throughthe midst of savage nations, and probably also after a long successionof rapids, lakes, and cataracts. This voyage, one of the most formidableever attempted, was to be undertaken in a crazy and ill appointedvessel, manned by a few Negroes and four Europeans!

On the 16th of November the schooner being completed, and everypreparation made for the voyage, Park put the finishing hand to hisJournal; and in the course of the succeeding days previous to theembarkation, which appears to have taken place on the 19th, he wroteletters to his father-in-law, Mr. Anderson, Sir Joseph Banks, LordCamden, and Mrs. Park. Those addressed to the three latter, being themost interesting, are here inserted at length, and cannot be readwithout considerable interest. They all of them bear strong traces ofthat deliberate courage without effort or ostentation, whichdistinguished his whole conduct; and his letter to Lord Camden breathesa generous spirit of self-devotion, highly expressive of the characterand feelings of the writer. 

_To Sir Joseph Banks. _

_Sansanding, November 16, 1805. _

"MY DEAR FRIEND, "I should be wanting in gratitude, if I did not avail myself of everyopportunity of informing you how I have succeeded in this enterprise. Ihave sent an account of each day's proceeding to Lord Camden, and haverequested his Lordship to send it to you for your perusal. 

"With respect to my future views, it is my intention to keep the middleof the river, and make the best use I can of winds and currents till Ireach the termination of this mysterious stream. I have hired a guide togo with me to _Kashna_; he is a native of Kasson, but one of thegreatest travellers in this part of Africa, having visited _Miniana, Kong, Baedoo, Gotto, and Cape Corse Castle_ to the South, and_Tombuctoo, Houssa, Nyffe, Kashna, and Bornou_ towards the East. He saysthat the Niger, after it passes Kashna, runs directly to the right hand, or the South; he never heard of any person who had seen its termination;and is certain that it does not end any where in the vicinity of Kashnaor Bornou, having resided some time in both these kingdoms. 

"He says our voyage to Kashna will occupy two months; that we touch onthe Moors no where but at Tombuctoo; the north bank of the river in allother places being inhabited by a race of people resembling the Moors incolour, called _Surka, Mahinga, and Tuarick_, according to the differentkingdoms they inhabit. I have as yet had only two conversations with myguide, and they were chiefly occupied in adjusting money matters; but Ihave no doubt that I shall find him a very useful fellow traveller. 

"I have purchased some fresh _Shea nuts_, which I intend taking with meto the West Indies, as we shall probably have to go there on our wayhome. I expect that we shall reach the sea in three months from this;and if we are lucky enough to find a vessel, we shall lose no time onthe coast. But at all events you will probably hear from me; as I meanto write from Kashna by my guide, and endeavour to hire some of themerchants to carry a letter to the north from that place. With bestwishes for your health and prosperity I am, &c. "

"P. S. Have the goodness to remember me most kindly to my friend MajorRennell. "

_To the Earl Camden, One of His Majesty's Principal Secretaries ofState, &c. &c. &c. _

_On board of H. M. Schooner Joliba, at anchor off Sansanding, November 17, 1805. _

"MY LORD, "I have herewith sent you an account of each day's proceedings since weleft _Kayee_. Many of the incidents related are in themselves extremelytrifling; but are intended to recall to my recollection (if it pleasesGod to restore me again to my dear native land) other particularsillustrative of the manners and customs of the natives, which would haveswelled this bulky communication to a most unreasonable size. 

"Your Lordship will recollect that I always spoke of the rainy seasonwith horror, as being extremely fatal to Europeans; and our journey fromthe Gambia to the Niger will furnish a melancholy proof of it. 

"We had no contest whatever with the natives, nor was any one of uskilled by wild animals or any other accidents; and yet I am sorry to saythat of forty-four Europeans who left the Gambia in perfect health, fiveonly are at present alive, viz. Three soldiers (one deranged in hismind) Lieutenant Martyn, and myself. 

"From this account I am afraid that your Lordship will be apt toconsider matters as in a very hopeless state; but I assure you I am farfrom desponding. With the assistance of one of the soldiers I havechanged a large canoe into a tolerably good schooner, on board of whichI this day hoisted the British flag, and shall set sail to the east withthe fixed resolution to discover the termination of the Niger or perishin the attempt. I have heard nothing that I can depend on respecting theremote course of this mighty stream; but I am more and more inclined tothink that it can end no where but in the sea. 

"My dear friend Mr. Anderson and likewise Mr. Scott are both dead; butthough all the Europeans who are with me should die, and though I weremyself half dead, I would still persevere; and if I could not succeed inthe object of my journey, I would at last die on the Niger. 

"If I succeed in the object of my journey, I expect to be in England inthe month of May or June by way of the West Indies. 

"I request that your Lordship will have the goodness to permit my friendSir Joseph Banks to peruse the abridged account of my proceedings, andthat it may be preserved, in case I should lose my papers. 

"I have the honour to be, &c. "

_To Mrs. Park. _

_Sansanding, 19th November, 1805. _

"It grieves me to the heart to write any thing that may give youuneasiness; but such is the will of him who _doeth all things well_!Your brother Alexander, my dear friend, is no more! He died of the feverat Sansanding, on the morning of the 28th of October; for particulars Imust refer you to your father. 

"I am afraid that, impressed with a woman's fears and the anxieties of awife, you may be led to consider my situation as a great deal worse thanit really is. It is true, my dear friends, Mr. Anderson and GeorgeScott, have both bid adieu to the things of this world; and the greaterpart of the soldiers have died on the march during the rainy season; butyou may believe me, I am in good health. The rains are completely over, and the healthy season has commenced, so that there is no danger ofsickness; and I have still a sufficient force to protect me from anyinsult in sailing down the river, to the sea. 

"We have already embarked all our things, and shall sail the moment Ihave finished this letter. I do not intend to stop or land any where, till we reach the coast: which I suppose will be some time in the end ofJanuary. We shall then embark in the first vessel for England. If wehave to go round by the West Indies, the voyage will occupy three monthslonger; so that we expect to be in England on the first of May. Thereason of our delay since we left the coast was the rainy season, whichcame on us during the journey; and almost all the soldiers becameaffected with the fever. 

"I think it not unlikely but I shall be in England before you receivethis--You may be sure that I feel happy at turning my face towards home. We this morning have done with all intercourse with the natives; and thesails are now hoisting for our departure for the coast. "

 * * * * *

Here all authentic information concerning Park unfortunately terminates. His letters and Journal were brought by Isaaco to the Gambia, andtransmitted from thence to England. For some time nothing farther washeard of the expedition; but in the course of the year 1806 unfavourableaccounts were brought by the native traders from the interior of Africato the British settlements on the coast; and it was currently reported, but upon no distinct authority, that Park and his companions werekilled. These rumours increasing, and no intelligence of Park beingreceived, Lieutenant Colonel Maxwell, then Governor of Senegal (atpresent Governor of Sierra Leone), obtained permission from Governmentto send a proper person to ascertain the truth of the reports; and hewas fortunate enough to engage Isaaco, Park's guide, to go upon thismission. 

Isaaco left Senegal in January 1810, and was absent about twenty months. He returned on the 1st of September 1811, with a full confirmation ofthe reports concerning Park's death. As the result of his enquiries intothis subject, he delivered to the Governor a Journal of his wholeproceedings kept by himself in the Arabic language, including anotherJournal which he had received from Amadi Fatouma, the guide who hadaccompanied Park from Sansanding down the Niger. A translation of thissingular document was made at Senegal by the directions of ColonelMaxwell, and transmitted by him to the Secretary of State for theColonial Department. 

On the subject of this Journal, so far as it immediately relates toPark's death, very few remarks will be necessary. Being originallywritten by a native African, and translated by some person who probablyhad but a moderate knowledge of the Arabian dialect in which it iscomposed, it is far from being always clear or even intelligible; and inthe state in which it now appears, it is open to much observation. Neither indeed can it be considered in itself as a document of a veryauthentic or satisfactory description. But the account which it gives ofPark's death appears on the whole to be probable and consistent; and isso far corroborated by other circumstances as to leave no reasonabledoubt with regard to the fact. [Footnote: The genuine travelling Journalof a native African Merchant may in some respects be considered asinteresting, simply from the circumstance of its singularity. But itmust be acknowledged that for the mere purpose of gratifying curiosityvery few specimens of Isaaco would have been sufficient. The sole reasonfor publishing such a document at full length, is the circumstance ofits containing the only direct evidence of Park's death. In every otherpoint of view it is wholly destitute of interest, and cannot even beread through, without a strong effort; being inconceivably tedious, andhaving all the dry minuteness of a log book, without its valuableprecision. There is great confusion as to places and times; and it ispossible only in a very few cases, to identify the former by referenceto the names of places given by Park. Incidents the most trifling arerelated exactly in the same tone and manner as those of the greatestimportance. The account of Park's death is given with more details, andthe story is not ill told. But some of the facts are very questionable;and the circumstance of Park and Lieutenant Martyn leaping hand in handwith the soldiers into the river, is much too _theatrical_ to beliterally true. --What is most incredible, is the description of theplace where the event happened, which is stated to be an opening in arock "in the form of a door, " forming the only passage for the water; afact so strange, that (if it were worth while to conjecture) one mightsuspect an error in the translation. ]

It is true that the proof of Park's death according to this Journal, depends entirely upon the statement of Amadi Fatouma; but the nature ofthe case admits of no other direct evidence; and some regard must be hadto the opinion of Isaaco, considered by Colonel Maxwell as a personentitled to a certain degree of credit, who, after full investigation, was satisfied as to the truth of Amadi's account. It may be observedalso, as a circumstance which gives additional weight to Isaaco'sjudgment, that being well acquainted with the anxiety of his employersrespecting Park's safety, he must naturally have been desirous ofdiscovering reasons for believing that he was still in existence; andwas therefore unlikely to admit the fact of his death upon any ground, short of his own positive conviction. 

But the principal and decisive circumstance in this case, is the lengthof time which has elapsed without any intelligence being heard of Park, since his departure from Sansanding in November 1805. This can only beaccounted for, by supposing either that he is actually dead or detainedin Africa as a captive; and when we consider the nature of theenterprise in which he was engaged, his personal character, and theresistance he was likely to make in case of any hostile attack, we mustacknowledge that of the two suppositions, the former is by far the mostprobable. 

To this it may be added, that since the time of the original reportsrespecting Park's death in 1806, no circumstance has occurred to bringthat fact into doubt; if we except a few transient rumours relative to_white men_ stated to be in remote parts of the interior of Africa, which have led some persons to suppose that Park may be still inexistence. Several surmises of this kind (for they are entitled to nohigher appellation) have from time to time been circulated, and havefound their way into newspapers and public journals; although theslightest enquiry would have shewn that they were entitled to no creditor attention. They would commonly be found to originate from loose andindistinct communications received from some of the settlements on theAfrican coast, to which very slight and insignificant circumstancesmight originally have given occasion. A Moor or an Asiatic, the colourof whose skin differs by a few shades from that of the native Africans, would be described by them as a stranger or white man. The _hearsay_accounts of the appearance of such a person in the interior of Africawould afford ample materials for credulity and exaggeration; and mighteasily give rise to reports and assertions the most unfounded andextravagant. 

Upon the whole there seems to be no reasonable ground of doubt withregard to the fact either of Park's death or of its having happened inthe manner described in Isaaco's Journal. The first of these may beconsidered as morally certain, the latter as highly probable. But theexact time when this event took place and the circumstances attendingit, are left in great obscurity; partly from a general want ofdistinctness and precision in the narrative; but principally because theparticulars related, depend altogether upon the unsupported testimony ofa slave, (represented as the only survivor of those who were with Parkat the time of his death, ) from whom the information was obtained at aninterval of three months after the transaction. It is obvious that noreliance can be placed on a narrative resting upon such authority; andwe must be content to remain in ignorance of the precise circumstancesof Park's melancholy fate. But that he was attacked by the natives onhis voyage from Sansanding eastwards, that he was overpowered bynumbers, and that he perished on his passage down the Niger, cannotreasonably be doubted. 

 * * * * *

The leading parts of Mungo Park's character must have been anticipatedby the reader in the principal events and transactions of his life. Ofhis enterprising spirit, his indefatigable vigilance and activity, hiscalm fortitude and unshaken perseverance, he has left permanentmemorials in the narrative of his former travels and in the Journal andCorrespondence now published. In these respects few travellers haveequalled, none certainly ever surpassed him. Nor were the qualities ofhis understanding less valuable or conspicuous. He was distinguished bya correctness of judgment, seldom found united with an ardent andadventurous turn of mind, and generally deemed incompatible with it. Histalents certainly were not brilliant, but solid and useful, such as werepeculiarly suited to a traveller and geographical discoverer. Hence, inhis accounts of new and unknown countries, he is consistent andrational; he is betrayed into no exaggeration, nor does he exhibit anytraces of credulity or enthusiasm. His attention was directedexclusively to facts; and except in his opinion relative to thetermination of the Niger (which he supported by very plausiblearguments) he rarely indulged in conjecture, much less in hypothesis orspeculation. 

Among the characteristic qualities of Park which were so apparent in hisformer travels, none certainly were more valuable or contributed more tohis success than his admirable prudence, calmness and temper; but it hasbeen doubted whether these merits were equally conspicuous during hissecond expedition. The parts of his conduct which have given occasion tothis remark, are, his setting out from the Gambia almost at the eve ofthe rainy season, and his voyage down the Niger under circumstances soapparently desperate. On the motives by which he may have beeninfluenced as to the former of these measures, something has been saidin the course of the foregoing narrative. [Footnote: See p. Lxvi. ] Withregard to his determination in the latter instance, justice must allowthat his situation was one of extreme difficulty, and admitted probablyof no alternative. In both cases our knowledge of the facts is much tooimperfect to enable us to form a correct opinion as to the propriety ofhis conduct, much less to justify us in condemning him _unheard_. 

In all the relations of private life, he appears to have been highlyexemplary; and his conduct as a son, a husband, and a father meritedevery praise. To the more gentle and amiable parts of his character themost certain of all testimonies may be found in the warm attachment ofhis friends, and in the fond and affectionate recollections of everybranch of his family. 

There are some moral defects very difficult to be avoided by thosepersons, who from a situation comparatively obscure, rise to suddendistinction and celebrity. From these failings Park was happily exempt. He was a stranger to all vanity and affectation; and notwithstanding hisgreat popularity and success, appears to have lost no portion of thegenuine simplicity of his character and manners. This simplicityoriginated perhaps in a considerable degree from a certain coldness andreserve, which, as was before remarked, rendered him very indifferent, and perhaps somewhat averse, to mixed or general society. It wasprobably owing to the same cause that his conversation, for a man whohad seen so much, had nothing remarkable, and was rarely striking oranimated. Hence, although his appearance was interesting andprepossessing, he was apt to disappoint the expectations of strangers;and those persons who estimated his general talents from his powers ofconversation, formed an erroneous and inadequate opinion of his merits. 

In his person he was tall, being about six feet high, and perfectly wellproportioned. His countenance and whole appearance were highlyinteresting; and his frame active and robust, fitted for great exertionsand the endurance of great hardships. His constitution had sufferedconsiderably from the effects of his first journey into Africa, butseems afterwards to have been restored to its original vigour, of whichhis last expedition afforded the most ample proofs. 

Park's family consisted of three sons and one daughter, all of whom, together with Mrs. Park their mother, are now living. He also left amother, four brothers (of whom one is lately dead), and three sisters. 

 * * * * *

In the death of Mungo Park we have to lament not only the loss of themost distinguished traveller of modern times, but the failure of anexpedition, honourable to Great Britain and highly interesting tohumanity and science. For a time this unfortunate event has had theeffect of damping the ardour of geographical enquiry, and ofdiscouraging all ideas of farther endeavours to explore the interior ofAfrica. But we may hope that the publication of Park's Journal willrevive the attention of enlightened men to this subject; and that theprospect of future discoveries in that quarter of the globe will not behastily abandoned. 

It has been seen that Park's failure was entirely owing to the improperseason at which his journey was undertaken, and that this circumstancewas occasioned by a series of unforeseen delays arising from a greatvariety of causes. A slight difference in some of those accidents whichretarded his progress to the Niger, might obviously have had a mostmaterial influence on the ultimate success of the expedition. Thus, forexample, if he could have sailed for Africa immediately after receivinghis official instructions, if his passage had been quicker, if fewercauses of delay had occurred on the coast and afterwards during thejourney, and finally, if the rainy season, which is subject to someslight variations, had commenced a little later;--he might perhaps havebeen able to reach the banks of the Niger in good order, and with a losscomparatively small; and in that case might have proceeded on hisjourney eastwards at the conclusion of the rainy season with someprospect of success. But the safe arrival of Park's expedition at theNiger, which was only just possible in the actual circumstances of thecase, would have been morally certain provided he had sailed fromEngland (as he ought to have done) before the month of October, and hadbeen ready to take his departure from the Gambia towards the interior atthe end of November; from which time there is always an uninterruptedcontinuance of fine and healthy weather during a period of five months. 

Hence we may safely conclude that, supposing all reasonable precautionsto be taken, an expedition similar to that of Park, may penetrate to theNiger and along the banks of that river as far as the eastern frontierof Bambarra, in good order and with very little loss; and this mostimportant fact is justly considered by Park himself as being fullyestablished by his own disastrous expedition. [Footnote: Journal, p. 140. ]

In what degree it is practicable to penetrate _beyond Bambarra_ yetremains to be ascertained; since it cannot be said that this question isdetermined, or even materially affected, by what took place in Park'sexpedition. No general inference upon this subject can be fairly deducedfrom an extreme case, such as Park's evidently was; nor does it follow, because a small party consisting of four Europeans and a few Negroes, was attacked and overpowered, that an expedition well appointed andproperly organized, would experience a similar fate. It may be observedalso that, ill provided as Park was with the means of defence, he wasable to proceed in safety beyond Tombuctoo, where the Moors are mostnumerous, and would in a short time have reached a country beyond theMoorish territory, where the danger would probably have been muchdiminished. [Footnote: See letter to Sir Joseph Banks (ante p. Lxxviii)in which Park says "that, according to the information of the guide, they should touch on the Moors no where but at Tombuctoo. "] Neither isit altogether certain that his death was not one of those _accidents_, to which such enterprises are peculiarly liable, but from which nogeneral conclusion can be drawn. [Footnote: Such, for example, asCaptain Cooke's death, which certainly affords no argument againstvoyages of discovery. It may be observed that the statement in the noteannexed to Amadi Fatouma's Journal (see p. 213) gives some countenanceto the supposition mentioned in the text. From this note it appears thatcertain presents which Amadi had delivered from Park to one of thechiefs of Haoussa for the use of the king, were with-held from thelatter in consequence of the chief's being informed that Park would notreturn; and that the king's resentment, occasioned by his receiving nopresents, was the cause of Park's death. --It may be proper on thisoccasion to apprize the reader that the notes to Isaaco's Journal(except in one instance, p. 181) are all of them printed from themanuscript of the translation, and appear to be parts of the originaldocument transmitted from Africa. They seem to have been inserted by thetranslator; and in several cases, apparently, were added frominformation which he received from Isaaco. ]

It will appear, upon a due consideration of these circumstances, thatreasonable and sufficient inducements still exist for attempting fartherdiscoveries in Africa; and that nothing really unfavourable to suchundertakings can with propriety be inferred from Park's late failure;but on the contrary, that the events of that mission furnish additionalgrounds of encouragement and new prospects of success. The proper _mode_also of conducting such discoveries in future, may now be considered asascertained. Before Park's late Journey, the important question whetheran expedition of this kind should be accompanied by a military escort, was involved in some difficulty. Apprehensions might then be entertainedlest the appearance of an armed force passing through the country mightalarm the jealousy of the natives, and produce hostile combinations, bywhich any small body of European troops would sooner or later beoverpowered. It might also have been doubted, and with great appearanceof reason, whether it would be practicable on such a march to obtainproper supplies of provisions. The history of Park's expedition appearsto furnish a clear and satisfactory solution of both these difficulties;and experience having shewn that large tracts of the African continentmay be traversed in safety by the aid even of a small and ill organizedforce under circumstances the most unfavourable, the question as to theexpediency of a military escort may now be said to be determined. 

The sufferings of Park during his former journey, and the melancholyfate of Major Houghton, Mr. Horneman, and other travellers distinguishedby their enterprise and ability, demonstrate the utter hopelessness ofsuch undertakings, when attempted by solitary and unprotectedindividuals. Even if the two schemes of discovery were equallypracticable, the military plan (supposing always that the force employedis strictly limited to the purposes of security and protection) would onseveral accounts be entitled to a decided preference; inasmuch as itaffords more ample means of observation and enquiry, as it is calculatedto inspire the Africans with a greater respect for the Europeancharacter, and as it may be rendered far more efficacious for thepurposes of friendly and commercial intercourse. [Footnote: If thepractice of sending out single individuals on journies of discovery intoAfrica is still to be continued, it would be better perhaps to employ_Mahometan_ travellers, who might accompany some of the great caravans. The dangers, to which European adventurers are always exposed, from theferocity and intolerance of the Moors, would thus in a considerabledegree be avoided. There is reason to believe that individualssufficiently intelligent for an expedition of this kind, and whoseconstitutions would also be well suited to the climate of Africa, mightbe found without much difficulty among the Mahometan inhabitants ofHindostan. If a fair judgment can be formed of this class of the Britishsubjects from the _Travels of Abu Taleb_ (the genuine and highlyinteresting production of a native Mahometan of the East Indies), a veryfavourable opinion must be entertained of their intelligence and generalinformation. ]

The scheme of an expedition into the interior of Africa, formed uponthese principles, has lately been proposed from high authority, whichholds out a considerable prospect of success. From the quarter in whichthe suggestion has originated, a reasonable hope may be entertained thatthis plan, of which the following is a short outline, will ultimately becarried into effect. [Footnote: The particulars of the projectedexpedition here alluded to, which are given in the text, are extractedfrom a very interesting communication lately made to the AfricanInstitution by Major General Gordon, Quarter Master General of theBritish Forces. ]

In the Royal African corps now serving at Sierra Leone there are threecompanies of black men, enlisted from the slaves obtained from thenumerous slave trading vessels which have at different times beencondemned as prize upon that coast. Among these there are severalnatives of Tombuctoo, Haoussa, Bornou and other countries even moredistant; some of them having been brought from parts of Africa so remoteas to have been _two, three_ and _four_ moons upon their journey to thecoast. Most of them have acquired sufficient knowledge of the Englishlanguage to express themselves so as to be understood, although theyretain their native languages, which they still speak with fluency. 

These men, having been trained and disciplined with great care, arebecome excellent soldiers, and are spoken of by the Governor of SierraLeone in the highest terms of approbation for their obedience, steadiness and general good conduct. They are of course inured to theclimate, are accustomed to hardships and fatigues, and capable of thegreatest exertions. They are at the same time courageous and highspirited, feeling a pride and elevation from the advantages which theyenjoy, and the comparative _rank_ to which they have attained; and theyare warmly attached to the British Government. 

It is proposed that a proper and well selected detachment of thesetroops should form the basis of the intended expedition; and that, besides the person having the immediate command, one or two otherleading persons should be appointed, each properly qualified to assistin the direction and management of the principal concerns, and (in caseof emergency) to undertake the sole charge of the expedition. The numberof the troops employed would of course be regulated by a due regard tothe probable means of subsistence; but it is proposed that they shouldbe sufficiently numerous to enable the leaders, in cases where it mightbe expedient, to separate with small detachments, taking distinct linesof march as local circumstances and other occasions might require. [Footnote: The writer is well aware that, in some of the opinions whichhe has expressed with regard to the black troops of Sierra Leone, he canhardly expect the concurrence of several excellent individuals, amongthe best friends of the African cause, who are known to be averse to theemployment of Negroes in the military service; and he is ready to admitthat the practice which has prevailed of enlisting captured Africans isliable to some abuse. Let such abuses be anxiously guarded against byall the means which legislative wisdom can devise; let every charge ofmisconduct in this respect be rigorously investigated; and if it shouldappear to be well founded, let it be pursued with the utmost strictnessand severity. But let not occasional abuses be urged as valid argumentsagainst the practice itself, if it should be ascertained to be, on thewhole, beneficial to the Africans. It has been stated by enlightened andbenevolent persons, who have witnessed the state of slavery in the WestIndies (and the assertion has every appearance of probability) that theembodying and employment of black troops has had the happiest effect inelevating and improving the Negro character, and in giving a greaterdegree of importance to that oppressed race. In the instance of SierraLeone, to which these observations more immediately relate, compare thesituation of a captured Negro, when rescued from the horrors of a slavevessel with that of the same man a short time afterwards, when servingas a British soldier! The ordinary condition of human life has nothingsimilar to this change; it is a transition from the most abject miseryto ease, comfort, and comparative dignity. --Add to this, the extremedifficulty (which every unprejudiced enquirer must admit) attending themanagement and disposal of great numbers of these captured Negroes in asmall colony like Sierra Leone; and the utter impossibility, consideringtheir savage ignorance and total want of habits of industry, ofproviding all of them, or even any tolerable number, with agriculturalestablishments. ]

The principal objects of this expedition would be similar in allrespects to those of Park's last journey--to ascertain the course andtermination of the Niger, to acquire a geographical knowledge of thecountries through which it flows; and to procure all possibleinformation relative to the condition of the inhabitants, theircommercial relations and their general state of improvement. With a viewto the attainment of these objects of practical and scientific enquiry, the leader of the expedition would be enjoined in the most strict andpositive terms by his official instructions, to avoid all acts ofaggression towards the natives, and (except in cases of absoluteself-defence) to abstain from every species of violence. He would befarther directed to use his utmost endeavours to establish a friendlyintercourse and communication with the inhabitants; and for this purposeto employ the most intelligent of the black troops, in all cases inwhich it might be practicable, as interpreters of the expedition andmessengers of peace and conciliation. 

By the plan which has thus shortly been described, every disadvantagewhich attended Park's mission, would be avoided, and all its defectssupplied; and there seems to be every reasonable assurance that anexpedition, formed and conducted upon such principles (with a dueattention to the proper season for travelling), would be attended withultimate success. 

It would be difficult to anticipate the full extent of those beneficialconsequences which may ultimately be expected from the successful resultof such an expedition. We may perhaps be justified in expecting that theintercourse, thus formed with the interior of Africa, will eventuallyopen new communications of trade, and possibly create new markets; thata certain portion of that vast commerce, which is now carried on withTombuctoo from Morocco and the shores of the Mediterranean, may bediverted to the western coast; and that great quantities of Europeangoods, now conveyed through other channels, may be transported into thecentre of Africa through the new route of the Niger. 

But without speculating too confidently upon commercial revolutions ofthe nature here alluded to, which are for the most part very slow andgradual, and seldom effected without much difficulty; we may safelyconclude that any rational and well concerted expedition to the interiorof Africa must be of great efficacy in promoting and extending thelegitimate and beneficial commerce with different parts of that vastcontinent, which has been rapidly advancing since the Abolition of theslave trade. [Footnote: See Appendix, No. VI. ] We may also reasonablyexpect that such enterprises, judiciously conducted, will have importanteffects upon the civilization and general improvement of Africa, byexciting industry and diffusing useful knowledge among the natives; andthat some portion of these advantages may, in due time, be extended tothose remote and sequestered countries, which are at present excludedfrom all intercourse with Europe, and abandoned to hopeless ignoranceand barbarism. Let us hope that the honour of passing those barriers, which have hitherto separated Africa from the civilized world, isreserved for the courage and perseverance of that nation, by whoseenlightened and disinterested exertions so much has been effected inmodern times, for the advancement of geographical knowledge. The voyagesof discovery which have been undertaken by the command of His presentMajesty, unstained by the guilt of conquest, and directed exclusivelytowards objects of humanity and science, have conferred a lastingdistinction on the British name and character. The attempt to explorethe interior of Africa, dictated by the same generous views, is in norespect less interesting, nor does it promise less important results, even than those great undertakings; and it will be peculiarly worthy ofan age and nation, rendered for ever memorable in the annals of mankindby the Abolition of the African slave trade. 

 * * * * *

APPENDIX. 

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APPENDIX. No. I. 

Page viii. 

There is no part of Europe, in which education has been a subject ofmore general attention or produced more important effects than inScotland. During little more than a century, a system of publicinstruction established in that country, has not only had the mostbeneficial influence upon industry and private morals, but has been theprincipal cause of one of the most remarkable changes of nationalcharacter that has ever yet taken place during so short a period. At atime when the public attention in this country is so laudably directedtowards providing means of instruction for the poor, a few remarks onthe effects of a system of general education in Scotland may not bethought unseasonable. The following facts and observations relative tothis important subject are principally extracted from the interestingLife of Burns, the poet, written by the late amiable and excellentDoctor Currie. 

The system of education in Scotland, though closely connected with itsecclesiastical establishment, owes its first legal existence to astatute passed in the year 1646 by the Parliament of that Kingdom forestablishing schools in every parish, at the expense of the landholders, for the express purpose of teaching the poor. On the Restoration in 1660this excellent statute was repealed; and nothing further was done orattempted for the instruction of the people during the reigns of Charlesand James, which were chiefly occupied in religious persecution. But inthe year 1696, some years after the Revolution, the statute of 1646 wasre-enacted nearly in the same terms, and continues to be the law ofScotland at the present time. Connected with this legislative provisionare many acts passed by the General Assemblies of the church ofScotland, which are binding as to matters of ecclesiasticaljurisdiction; and the whole together forms a code of regulations, whichis eminently distinguished for the reasonableness and practical goodsense of its particular provisions, and which experience has shewn to beperfectly effectual for the important purpose intended. So muchconvinced indeed are the lower classes in Scotland of the benefitsattending this system, that, where the parishes are large, they oftenform subscriptions and establish private schools of their own, inaddition to the parochial seminaries. 

In the year 1698, about the time when this system was established, Fletcher of Saltoun, in one of his _Discourses concerning the affairs ofScotland_, describes the lower classes of that kingdom as being in astate of the most abject poverty and savage ignorance; and subsistingpartly by mere beggary, but chiefly by violence and rapine, "without anyregard or subjection either to the laws of the land or to those of Godand nature. " Some of the instances given by this writer of the disorderand violence of that period may remind us of the effects produced by asimilar state of things during our own times, upon the _Irish peasantry_in the disturbed parts of that unhappy country. "In years of plenty, "says Fletcher, "many thousands of them meet together in the mountains, where they feast and riot for many days, and at country weddings, markets, _burials_, and other public occasions, they are to be seen, both men and women, perpetually drunk, cursing, blaspheming, andfighting together. " [Footnote: Political Works of Andrew Fletcher, 8vo:London 1737, p. 144. ] Such was the state of Scotland at the time whenthe present system of education was established. 

It is justly stated by Dr. Currie that, at the present day, there isperhaps no country in Europe, in which, in proportion to its population, so small a number of crimes fall under the chastisement of the criminallaw, as in Scotland; and he adds, upon undoubted authority, that on anaverage of thirty years preceding the year, 1797, the executions in thatdivision of the Island did not amount to six annually, and that morefelons have been convicted and sentenced to transportation at onequarter sessions for the town of Manchester only, than the averagenumber of persons sentenced to a similar punishment during a whole yearby all the Judges of Scotland. [Footnote: Works of Robert Burns, Liverpool 1800. Vol. 1. P. 353, 8vo. ]

But the influence of education in Scotland has not been merely negativeor confined to the diminution of criminal offences; it has produced in avery eminent degree those habits of industry and frugality, upon whichall civilization and improvement ultimately depend. In no age or countryhave these excellent qualities, the cardinal virtues of the lower ordersof society, been more prevalent than among the peasantry and commonpeople of Scotland during modern times: in none have the instances beenmore frequent of individuals who, by a course of meritorious exertions, have raised themselves from an inferior condition of life to ease andcompetence, and sometimes to riches and distinction. 

It is impossible to conceive any situation more happy and respectablethan that of the parent of a well educated family (such as was thefather of the subject of this memoir, and such as there are now manyothers among the farmers and peasantry of Scotland) enjoying the justreward of his paternal cares in the prosperity and success of hischildren; each of whom he sees engaged in some beneficial pursuit, eachbettering his condition in life, and each advanced somewhat in the scaleof society above the situation in which he was born. It is this visible_progress_ and continual _improvement_ in the circumstances andcondition of families, so frequent in the class here particularlyalluded to, which produces the greatest portion of happiness of whichany community is capable; which stimulates to intelligent activity, anduseful, persevering exertions; and which keeps alive and invigoratesthat orderly, quiet ambition, which is the foundation of all private andpublic prosperity, and the great civilizing principle of individuals andnations. 

It is true that there are several other circumstances, besides thesystem of public education in Scotland, which have assisted in producingthat extraordinary change of national character which has given occasionto the present remarks. But of the various causes which have contributedto this change, education is by far the most important, and that, without which indeed all the rest would have been comparatively of noavail. It is to early instruction, most unquestionably, that we mustattribute that general intelligence, and those habits of thoughtfulness, deliberation, and foresight, which usually distinguish the common peopleof Scotland, where-ever they may be found, and whatever may be theiremployments and situations; which ensure their success in life underfavourable circumstances; and in adverse fortune serve as a protectionagainst absolute indigence, and secure to them a certain station abovethe lowest condition of life. 

The truth of this remark will be apparent from a few practicalinstances, drawn from the experience of common life, of that generalsuperiority which is here attributed to the lower classes of the Scotch, as the effect of their superior industry and intelligence--1. Every onehas remarked the great number of professional gardeners from thatcountry, many of whom have been common labourers, and who if they hadbeen no better educated than most English labourers, must always haveremained in that situation. Of this numerous class Mr. Dickson, Park'sbrother-in law, is a remarkable and most distinguished example. --2. Scotland supplies a considerable number of stewards, confidentialclerks, book-keepers, &c. From a class of society, which in most othercountries furnishes only domestic servants. The British Colonies, andespecially the West Indies, are chiefly provided with clerks, overseersof plantations, &c. From this source. --3. The prodigious number ofnon-commissioned officers in the army, who are natives of Scotland, having been raised from the ranks in consequence of their knowledge ofreading and writing, and general good conduct, is also veryremarkable. --The recollection of most readers will probably supply themwith other examples; but there are two instances, somewhat out of thecourse of ordinary experience, which deserve to be particularlymentioned. 

In the year 1803, Mr. Matthew Martin, a gentleman distinguished for hisactive benevolence, having been for some time engaged, under thesanction of Government, in a laborious enquiry concerning the "State ofMendicity in the Metropolis, " was desired to make a Report upon thatsubject for the information of Government. From the statement which Mr. Martin prepared on that occasion and laid before the Secretary of State, it appeared that the number of Scotch beggars in London was remarkablysmall, especially in proportion to the Irish beggars, with whom it wasmost natural to compare them. Of 2000 beggars, whose cases wereinvestigated by Mr. Martin, the following is a summary. 

Belonging to parishes home 570 distant parishes 336Irish 679Scotch 65Foreign 30

The second of the two cases is of a still more uncommon nature. --In thecourse of the expedition against Egypt in 1807, the advanced guard ofMajor General Fraser's army having taken possession of Rosetta andoccupied a position at El Hamed a few miles from that town, wassurprised by a strong corps of Turkish troops, and after an obstinateconflict and the loss of many lives, compelled to surrender. Accordingto the Turkish custom, the prisoners taken were sold as slaves, anddispersed over the whole country; some of them being sent as far asUpper Egypt. Great exertions were naturally made by the Britishgovernment to redeem those unfortunate persons from captivity; and thiswas happily effected as to all the prisoners, except a few who could notbe traced, by the assistance of Signor Petrucci, the Swedish consul atAlexandria. 

From the authentic documents relating to this transaction, it appearsthat the ransoms paid for the redemption of the captives differed veryconsiderably; the prices varying from between twenty and thirty poundsto more than one hundred pounds sterling for each man. But it isobservable, on comparing the different rates, that the highest ransomswere paid for those, who must be considered, from their names, to havebeen natives of Scotland; and who, it may be presumed, were more_valuable_ than the rest from being more orderly and intelligent. Itcould not have been easily anticipated that a soldier, brought up in aScotch parish school, was likely, when enslaved by the Turks and acaptive in Egypt, to derive much advantage from his _education_. Yet itis probable from this circumstance that the intelligence and habits ofgood conduct, which he acquired from early instruction, might recommendhim to his master, and as domestic slavery admits of many mitigations, might procure him kinder and better treatment. 

APPENDIX. No. II. 

Page xix. 

Major Rennell, in his Geographical Illustrations of Park's travels, hasdone ample justice to the knowledge and judgment, so eminently displayedby D'Anville in the investigation of several important points relativeto the geography of North Africa, which have been elucidated by thiswriter from very imperfect materials with extraordinary sagacity andsuccess. In the 26th volume of the Memoirs of the Academy ofInscriptions, there are two very important Dissertations by thisdistinguished Geographer; the first, On the sources of the Nile; and thesecond, Concerning the rivers of the interior of Africa, with referenceto the opinions of the ancient and modern writers who have treated onthat subject. The latter is the most immediately connected with theparticular questions alluded to in the text; and it is remarkable thatthe principal opinions, or rather conjectures, of D'Anville (of whichthe opinion relating to the course of the Niger is the most important), although deduced from very uncertain and discordant sources ofinformation, have been confirmed in a great degree by the discoveries ofmodern travellers, especially by those of Park. It appears thatD'Anville was well acquainted with the existence of Tombuctoo, and hadeven ascertained the situation of that city, as well as the generalcourse of the Niger with a considerable degree of precision. He had alsoformed a plan for sending a person, properly qualified, on an expeditionfrom the French settlement of St. Joseph on the river Senegal, toTombuctoo; but owing to some circumstance which he does not explain, thescheme did not take effect. As the Dissertation here alluded to may notbe in the hands of every reader, the passage relating to this subjectmay be worth transcribing. --After mentioning Ghana as the principalMahometan city of Nigritia, spoken of by Edrisi, he says that many ofthe Fatimites, who escaped from the power of the Califs, took refuge inthe interior of Africa, where they formed various states. He thenproceeds as follows:

"Tombut ou Tombouctou, est actuellement entre les villes de la Nigritie, celle dont on parle davantage. On ne doit point être surpris qu'Edrisin'en fasse pas mention. Outre qu'elle se peut juger hors des limites dece qui lui a été connu, Léon d'Afrique nous apprend que la fondation deTombut par un prince de Barbarie, appellé Mensa-Suléiman, est de l'an610 de l'Hégire, qui repond à l'an 1213 de l'ère Chrétienne, ce qui estpostérieur à la géographie d'Edrisi, composée vers le milieu du douzièmesiècle. La situation de cette ville n'est pas précisément sur le Niger;mais elle y a son port, nommé Cabra, à quelques milles de distance. Comme aucune des nations commerçantes de l'Europe n'a pénétré aussiavant dans les terres, en cette partie d'Afrique, que la nationFrançoise, par ses établissemens sur le Sénéga, elle est plus à portéequ'une autre d'acquérir quelque connoissance de cet intérieur. J'aiappris, d'une personne qui avoit commandé plusieurs années au fortSaint-Joseph en Galam, lequel se peut estimer distant en droite ligne del'entrée du Sénéga d'environ cent trent lieues françoises; que lesBambaras, qui du fond du pays amènent des esclaves noirs, comptentquarante huit journées depuis Tombut jusqu'au fort Saint-Joseph, et quela mesure commune de la journée s'évalue à environ cinq lieues, d'où ilrésulte autour de deux cens quarante lieues. Le moyen d'en savoirdavantage seroit, que quelque personne habituée au climat, comme il y ena dans le haut du Sénéga, accompagnée d'interprètes, et qu'uneinstruction préalable auroit mise au fait d'une partie des choses dontil seroit à propos de s'informer, fît le voyage de Tombut. Un évènementa empêché l'exécution d'un projet, auquel j'avois très-volontiers prispart dans cette vûe. "

_Mém. De l'Acad. Des Inscriptions_, Tom. Xxvi. P. 72. 

The above passage was written by D'Anville about the year 1754; and itis not a little extraordinary that during the sixty years that havesince elapsed, a period so much distinguished for geographicaldiscovery, Tombuctoo should never have been visited by any Europeantraveller: and that one of the greatest marts of African commerce, whichis annually resorted to by caravans from various parts of thatcontinent, should remain at this time entirely unknown to the civilizedworld. 

In speaking of Tombuctoo as being still entirely unknown, the writer isaware that a particular description of that city has been given in an_Account of the Empire of Morocco_ published in the year 1809 by Mr. James Grey Jackson, who resided in that part of Africa during manyyears. But Mr. Jackson derived his whole knowledge of Tombuctoo from theaccounts of native traders; upon whose unsupported testimony very littlereliance can be placed; especially as to matters of detail, or suchfacts as require to be stated with any degree of exactness. Consideringthat Mr. Jackson's information was obtained from this source, the veryminuteness and apparent precision of his account, are circumstanceshighly unfavourable to its authenticity. 

With reference to the internal geography of Africa, the writer may takethis opportunity of observing, that next to the African Association, towhom we are indebted for almost all the authentic information which wepossess upon this subject, [Footnote: The valuable discoveries of thelate Mr. Browne (whose death must be lamented as a public loss) form anexception to this general remark; but perhaps the only exception. ]considerable praise is due to the Sierra Leone Company; under whoseauspices, during the time they were in possession of that colony, several important journies into the interior were judiciously undertakenand successfully executed. Among these may be mentioned an expedition in1794 by Mr. Watt and Mr. Winterbottom (being a land journey of near fivehundred miles, in going and returning by different routes) to Laby andTeembo, both of them considerable towns, and the latter the capital ofthe Foulah country. Tombuctoo appeared, from the enquiries made by thetravellers, to be well known at both those places; and the communicationwith that city from Laby, though it was spoken of as a journey of fourmoons, was represented to be open, and they were furnished with manyparticulars of the route. Shortly afterwards, in consequence perhaps ofthis information, a project was formed at Sierra Leone of sending out amission to Tombuctoo; but Mr. Watt, who was to have undertaken thejourney, died; and the invasion of the colony by the French in September1794, together with the destruction which followed, seems to have put astop to expeditions of this nature. 

The editor has been favoured by Mr. Macaulay, late Secretary of theSierra Leone Company and formerly Governor of the Colony, with a sightof the Journals of the expedition to Teembo as well as of some othermissions from Sierra Leone of inferior importance. They do great creditto the writers (especially the Journal to Teembo) and contain manyvaluable and interesting particulars; several of which have been givento the public in the Reports of the Sierra Leone Company, and in Dr. Winterbottom's judicious account of the native Africans in theneighbourhood of that colony. But there is still room for a compilationor selection from these Journals, which, if well executed, would be aninstructive and interesting publication. 

APPENDIX. No. III. 

Page xxix. 

Soon after Mr. Edwards's death several letters passed between Park andSir William Young, now Governor of Tobago, upon a subject immediatelyconnected with the question, considered in the memoir, relative to theassistance afforded by Mr. Edwards in preparing Park's travels for thepress. Copies of these letters having been transmitted to the editor byPark's family, he thinks it right on the present occasion to lay thembefore the public; remarking at the same time that, after dueconsideration of their contents, he continues to be of the opinion whichhe has expressed in the text. 

The occasion of this correspondence appears to have been as follows. Mr. Edwards was engaged, at the time of his death, in preparing for thepress an enlarged and corrected edition of his _History of the WestIndies_; but as he did not live to complete it, his friend Sir WilliamYoung superintended the publication of the work, and added a shortpreface; in which, speaking of Mr. Edwards's literary merits, hementioned "the judicious compilation and elegant recital of the travelsof Mungo Park". This produced a letter of expostulation from Park to SirWilliam Young, of which either no copy was kept, or it has been sincelost or mislaid; but the nature of its contents will be seen from thesequel of the correspondence. 

_Sir William Young to Mr. Park. _

_59 Harley-street, November 9th, 1803. _

"The day before yesterday I received your letter dated so far back asAugust 25th. It appears to have been put into the London post, addressedto my clerk's lodgings, only last week, and reached me in the countryNovember the 7th. I am thus particular as to dates, as I could not bearthe imputation of having so long neglected the due acknowledgment of aletter from one whom I so highly esteem and respect. In regard to thequestion you state, I understood from the late Mr. Edwards, that heassisted in the general arrangement of the materials you supplied, asDr. Hawkesworth did, in the case of a voyage by the great navigatorCaptain Cooke; and that the previous Account or Summary of your Travelsdelivered into the African Association was written by him; to which yourfuller Account of your Travels in detail was subsequent. The word"author, " I believe, does not occur in the passage you refer to; and ifthe words "compilation and recital" seem to bear any application beyondthe prospectus before adverted to, or in any way to trench on your justpretensions as a writer, I truly lament the inaccuracy, and will takethe most immediate means of rectifying the error, which circumstancesmay place within my reach; either by present correction or on a newedition of the work. My situation as Secretary of the AfricanAssociation furnishes me with documents from which I have learned sohighly to appreciate your character and to entertain so grateful a senseof your public services, that it would be painful in me, in the smallestdegree to have stated any thing that might be so construed as to affectyour just literary pretensions; although it is difficult to add to thejust and high reputation you held independently, from the fortitude, discretion, and resource so eminently shewn in your distinguished andsuccessful enterprise. "

_Mr. Park to Sir William Young. _

_Fowlshiels, 14th May, 1804. _

"I perceive by your letter, that you meant the words 'compilation' and'recital, ' to refer entirely to the Abridgment of my Travels, which waswritten for the perusal of the gentlemen of the African Association, byMr. Edwards, their Secretary. 

"A printed copy of this Abridgment was delivered to each of thegentlemen at their annual meeting, but I believe it was never publiclysold. The greater number of readers are therefore but slightlyacquainted with it; and to such, the words above-mentioned will naturallyconvey a very different meaning. Having thus explained myself to you, Ihope you will see the propriety of correcting the passageabove-mentioned as soon as possible. I must therefore request you willpermit me to insert your letter in any of the periodical publications, or favour me with a correction of the passage, as you may think proper. "

_Extract from a letter of Sir William Young to Mr. Park_

_May 25, 1804. _

"The letter which I wrote on the subject of the publication of yourtravels in Africa, is perfectly at your service to make any use of, which you may think proper. No measure can be more satisfactory andagreeable to myself, than that which may most fully render justice toyour high and well earned reputation in every point of view. "

APPENDIX. No. IV. 

The question regarding the termination of the Niger is one of the mostdoubtful and obscure in modern geography, and in the present defectivestate of our information with regard to the interior of Africa, seemshardly to admit of a clear and satisfactory solution. Of the difficultieswith which the subject is attended, some judgment may be formed from thevarious and even opposite opinions which have been maintained relative tothe course of the Niger, since Park's discoveries have ascertained thatit flows from west to east. As the enquiry is somewhat curious, a summaryview of these different opinions, and of the principal arguments by whichthey are supported, may not be uninteresting to the readers of Park'slife. To investigate the question with the accuracy and minuteness whichit deserves, would not only very far exceed the limits of a note, butwould require much more information upon this subject than the editorpossesses, united with some previous habits of geographical disquisition. 

I. According to the oldest of these opinions, and that which is supportedby the greatest authorities (being the opinion not only of some of theprincipal Geographers of antiquity, but of D'Anville and Rennell amongthe moderns), it is supposed, that the Niger has an inland terminationsomewhere in the eastern part of Africa, probably in Wangara or Ghana:and that it is partly discharged into inland lakes, which have nocommunication with the sea, and partly spread over a wide extent of levelcountry, and lost in sands or evaporated by the heat of the sun. 

[Footnote: Proceedings of the African Association, vol. I. P. 535. ]

The principal ground of this supposition is, the opinion of some of thebest informed writers of antiquity on the geography of Africa, and a sortof general persuasion prevalent among the ancients to the same effect;circumstances, it must be acknowledged, of considerable weight indetermining this question: since there is good reason to believe, thatthe knowledge of the ancients concerning the interior of Africa was muchmore extensive and accurate than that of the moderns. It is justlyobserved by Dr. Robertson, that the geographical discoveries of theancients were made chiefly by land, those of the moderns by sea; theprogress of conquest having led to the former, that of commerce to thelatter. (Hist. Of America, vol. Ii. P. 3l6, 8vo. ) Besides which, thereare several distinct and peculiar causes which have essentiallycontributed to our present ignorance respecting the interior of Africa;namely, the great prevalence of the slave trade, which has confined theattention of European adventurers exclusively to the coast; the smalltemptation which the continent of Africa held out, during the continuanceof that trade, to internal commerce; and the almost impenetrable barrierraised up against Europeans in modern times, by the savage intolerance ofthe Moors. 

The ancient opinion, respecting the termination of the Niger which hasjust been alluded to, receives a certain degree of confirmation from thebest and most authentic accounts concerning that part of Africa, in whichthe Niger is supposed to disappear. This is represented by variousconcurrent testimonies to be a great tract of alluvial country, havingseveral permanent lakes, and being annually overflowed for three monthsduring the rainy season. 

Against the hypothesis of an inland termination of the Niger, severalobjections have been urged, which are well deserving of attention. Theyare principally founded on a consideration of the vast magnitude whichthe Niger must have attained after a course of more than 1600geographical miles, and the difficulty of conceiving so prodigious astream to be discharged into lakes, and evaporated even by an Africansun. To account for such a phenomenon, a great inland sea, bearing someresemblance to the Caspian or the Aral, appears to be necessary. But, besides that the existence of so vast a body of water without any outletinto the ocean, is in itself an improbable circumstance, and not to belightly admitted; such a sea, if it really existed, could hardly haveremained a secret to the ancients, and entirely unknown at the presentday. 

It may just be observed, that D'Anville, following Ptolemy and otherwriters whom he considers as the best informed on the internal geographyof Africa, is satisfied that there are _two_ considerable rivers, the Niger and the _Gir_; both of which are said to terminate in thesame quarter of Africa, and precisely in the same manner. The Gir, totally unknown at the present day, is familiarly mentioned by Claudian, who, however, it may be recollected, was a native of Africa:--

 '_Gir_, ditissimus amnis 'Aethiopum, simili mentitus gurgite Nilum. ' Carm. 21. V. 252. 

In some MSS. It is _notissimus_ amnis; but the other reading is moreprobable. 

 'Domitorque ferarum 'Girrhaeus, qui vasta colit sub rupibus antra, 'Qui ramos ebeni, qui dentes vellit eburnos. ' Carm. 47. V. 20. 

II. The second opinion respecting the Niger is, that it terminates in theNile. In other words, this hypothesis identifies the Niger with the greatwestern branch of the Nile, called the _White River_, whichD'Anville traces from a source very far SS. W. To its junction with theNile near Sennaar. He likewise accurately distinguishes this stream fromthe eastern branch, which is much shorter and of inferior magnitude, andwhich takes its rise in the mountains of Abyssinia. This opinion ismaintained by Mr. Horneman, Mr. Grey Jackson, and several other moderntravellers; and it is slightly sanctioned by Strabo and Pliny, who speakof the sources of the Nile as being reported by some to be in the fartherparts of Mauritania. But it may be affirmed with great confidence, thatof all the hypotheses respecting the termination of the Niger, that whichsupposes it to be a branch of the Nile, is the most unfounded, and theleast consistent with acknowledged facts. It is indeed rather a loosepopular conjecture, than an opinion deduced from probable reasoning;since nothing appears to be alleged in its support, except the merecircumstance of the course of the river being in a direction towards theNile; and a few vague notions of some of the African natives with regardto this subject, which are unworthy of the smallest attention. 

Mr. Jackson, indeed, in his Travels (p. 310), states it to be a factuniversally known among the rich African traders, that the Niger and theNile are one and the same river, by means of which there is a practicablecommunication between Tombuctoo and Grand Cairo. Between these two citiescaravans are continually passing, and a large trade is carried on; butMr. Jackson observes, that the expense of land-carriage by means ofcamels is more moderate than that by water, and that the journey also ismore agreeable! He gives an account of the voyage to Cairo down theNiger, having actually been performed in the year 1780 by a party ofseventeen negroes, the particulars of which expedition, he says that hereceived from 'a very intelligent man who has an establishment atTombuctoo. ' These negroes proceeded down the Niger from Jinnie, on acommercial speculation, and reached Cairo after a voyage of fourteenmonths. They returned by the caravan, and arrived at Jinnie, after anabsence of more than three years. Some of the facts which they reportedare not a little extraordinary:--_viz_. That in several places theyfound the Nile so shallow, in consequence of channels cut for irrigatingthe lands, that they could not proceed in their boat, and were obliged totransport it some distance over-land; that they saw between Tombuctoo andCairo _twelve hundred_ cities and towns, adorned with mosques andtowers, &c. It is needless to comment upon such _hearsay_statements, received from an African traveller or merchant more thantwenty years after the transaction is said to have happened; nor wouldany allusion have been made to them in this place, if Mr. Jackson's bookhad not been much commended by distinguished critics, and quoted as anauthority respecting the interior of Africa by several geographicalwriters. 

[Footnote: Edinburgh Review, vol. Xiv. P. 306. ]

The principal, and apparently decisive, objection against this supposedjunction of the Niger and the Nile, is grounded upon a comparison of thegreat _difference of level_ between the beds of the two rivers. Fromthe authentic information we possess by means of Mr. Browne, respectingthe countries west of the Nile, it is now clear, that if this junctiontakes place at all, it must be in the upper part of the Nile, before thatriver has quitted the higher regions of Africa, from whence it has still1000 geographical miles to run before it reaches the sea, passing in itsway through several cataracts. But it is utterly incredible that theNiger, which, in order to reach this part of the Nile, must have run atthe least 2300 miles, should not in so long a course have descended to alevel considerably lower than that which is here described. Thisobjection is urged with great force by Major Rennell, who justlyconsiders it as being entirely decisive of the question; but he has addedseveral other arguments, which those who take an interest in thisquestion, will do well to consult. 

[Footnote: Proceedings of the African Association, vol. I. P. 537; andvol. Ii. P. 268, 280. ]

III. The supposition, mentioned in the text (p. Lxviii), that the Nigerterminates in the River Congo, or, as it is sometimes called, the Zaire, is entirely a recent conjecture, adopted by Park in consequence of theinformation and suggestions of Mr. Maxwell, an experienced Africantrader, who appears from his letters to have been a man of observationand intelligence. The principal arguments in support of the opinion areshortly and clearly given in the memoir addressed by Park to Lord Camden;but the subject will receive additional elucidation from Mr. Maxwell'sown statement, and especially from his striking description of the riverCongo, the vast magnitude of which is little known, and has notsufficiently attracted the attention of geographical writers. Thefollowing passage is extracted from a letter, dated Prior's Lynn, nearLongtown, July 20, 1804, addressed by Mr. Maxwell to William Keir, ofMilnholm, Esq. , a friend of Park, to whom the letter was communicated byMr. Maxwell's desire. 

"Before ever the Niger came to be the topic of conversation, it struckme, that the Congo drew its source far to the northward, from the floodscommencing long before any rains take place south of the equator; sinceit begins to swell perceptibly about the latter end of October, and noheavy rains set in before December: and about the end of January theriver must be supposed at its highest. At no time, however, can the rainsto the southward of the Line be compared with those in the Bight ofGuinea, where ships are obliged to have a house erected over them duringthese months. 

"But, whether the Congo be the outlet of the Niger or not, it certainlyoffers the best opening for exploring the interior of Africa of anyscheme that has ever yet been attempted; and the ease and safety withwhich it might be conducted, needs no comment. However, if the Niger_has_ a sensible outlet, I have no doubt of its proving the Congo, knowing all the rivers between Cape Palmas and Cape Lopes to beinadequate to the purpose; nor need the immense course of such a riversurprise us, when we know that the river St. Lawrence, contemptible insize when compared with the Congo, encompasses the whole of NorthAmerica, issuing through a chain of lakes. But instead of seven or eightlakes, the Congo may be supposed to pass through seventeen or eighteen;which will solve any difficulty as to the floods of the Niger notimmediately affecting the Congo. I believe that our information of theNiger losing itself in the Desert rests wholly upon the authority of theRomans, a people whose pursuits never led them to trace the course ofrivers with a view to traffic or civilization. If we may credit theaccounts of travellers in crossing the deserts, we find that, where-everthey get water for refreshment, there are invariably verdure and palmtrees; and these spots in the desert of Lybia were termed by the ancientsOases, or Islands. Now, if such small springs could produce suchpermanent effects, we may reasonably suppose, that the immense stream ofthe Niger increased to three times the size from where Mr. Park left it, would long before this have made the desert as green as any water meadowand found its way gradually to the ocean, or inundated the wholecountry. "

"I can with much truth say this of the river Congo, that by comparing itwith other rivers, according to the best writers, it must rank as thethird or fourth in magnitude. Considering the force of the current itproduces in the sea, carrying out floating islands sixty or seventyleagues from the coast, the Amazon or Plata only can cope with it. Manytraders, whom I met with at Embomma, (a settlement on the banks of theCongo distant thirty leagues from its mouth, ) had come one month'sjourney down the river, which, reckoned at twenty miles each day (andthey count them by the moon, _Gonda_), would make six hundred miles;and they spoke of it as equally large where they came from, and that itwent by the name of _Enzaddi_, as it does among all the natives uponthe coast. Should the shallow water, as laid down opposite Saenda, detract from the assumed size of the Congo, let it be remembered, thatthe river there is spread out ten miles in width, the middle channel ofwhich has never been accurately sounded. It has long been my opinion thatLeyland's or Molyneux Island at Embomma (either of which might berendered as impregnable as Gibraltar at a very small expense) would be achoice station for establishing an extensive commerce with the interiorof Africa. Indeed, if the idea of the Congo being the outlet of the Nigerprove so upon trial, we may consider it as an opening designed byprovidence for exploring those vast regions, and civilizing the rudeinhabitants. "

[Footnote: A chart of the Congo by Mr. Maxwell was published many yearssince by Laurie and Whittle, Fleet street. ]

Besides this account given by Mr. Maxwell, there are other testimonies tothe magnitude of the Congo, shewing it to be a river of the first class, and larger probably than the Nile. In a journal (which the editor hasseen) of an intelligent and respectable naval officer, Captain Scobell, who visited the coast of Africa in the year 1813, in H. M. Sloop of warthe Thais, the Congo is described as "an immense river from which issuesa continued stream at the rate of four or five knots in the dry, and sixor seven in the rainy season. " In a subsequent passage he says, "Incrossing this stream, I met several floating islands, or broken massesfrom the banks of that noble river, which, with the trees still erect, and the whole wafting to the motion of the sea, rushed far into theocean, and formed a novel prospect even to persons accustomed to thephenomena of the waters. " He adds, that there are soundings to thedistance of from thirty or forty miles from the coast, arising probablyfrom the vast quantity of alluvial matter brought down by the force ofthe stream. 

Other accounts state, that the waters of the Congo may be distinguishedat sea more than thirty leagues from the coast, and that the water isfresh at the distance of thirty miles. 

[Footnote: Lopez, Merulla, and Dapper, referred to in Phillips's Voyages, vol. Iii. P. 236. ]

These, perhaps, are exaggerations; but they may be received, inconfirmation of the preceding testimonies, as sufficient proofs of ageneral opinion among navigators with regard to the size and force ofthis prodigious river. It is mentioned by Major Rennell in his veryinteresting account of the Ganges, that the sea in the bay of Bengalceases to be affected by the waters of that river, and recovers itstransparency, only at the distance of about twenty leagues from thecoast. (Phil. Transactions, vol. Lxxi. ) But the Ganges being obstructedby its Delta, and passing through eight channels into the sea, isprobably much less rapid and impetuous than the Congo. 

To this it must be added, that all the accounts concur in representing, that the stream of the Congo is of a more uniform height, and subject tomuch less variation from the dry and rainy seasons, than any tropicalriver which is known; and that on a comparison with such rivers, it maybe considered to be _in a perpetual state of flood_. The averagerising of the Ganges in the rainy season is stated by Major Rennell to be31 feet, being about the same with that of the Nile; whereas, thedifference between the highest point of the Congo about February, and thelowest in September, is only about nine feet; and the river, at thelatter period, has all the appearance to a stranger of being in fullflood. 

[Footnote: MS. Letter of Mr. Maxwell to Mr. Park, Oct. 12, 1804. ]

It is this remarkable peculiarity, which distinguishes the Congo fromother great rivers of a similar description, and which leads to importantconclusions with regard to its origin and course. 

In support, then, of the hypothesis which identifies the Congo with theNiger, the following arguments, deduced from the preceding facts andobservations, may be alleged:--1. The great magnitude of the Congo. 2. The probability that this river is derived from very remote sources, perhaps considerably north of the equator. 3. The fact, that there existsa great river north of the equator, (the Niger, ) of which the terminationis unknown, and which may, perhaps, form the principal branch of theCongo. These, in truth, are the only grounds upon which the presentsupposition can be fairly said to rest. Arguments founded uponetymological conjectures, supposed resemblances of names, or affinity oflanguages, &c. &c. , are, for the most part, too arbitrary and fanciful, and liable to too much uncertainty to be entitled to any place indisquisitions of this nature. The same remark is applicable to thenarratives and descriptions given by native travellers and merchants, and, in general, to all _African evidence_ whatever, except whensupported by collateral proof from other less exceptionable sources. 

Such being the evidence in favour of the hypothesis respecting the Congo, the objections against this theory must be admitted to be weighty andformidable. The principal of these are, 1. That it supposes the course ofthe Niger to lie through the vast chain of the _Kong_ Mountains(anciently _Montes Lunæ_), the great central belt of Africa. Of theexistence of these mountains there appears to be no doubt; and from theirsituation in the midst of a great continent, they may reasonably besupposed to be of vast size and extent; in which case it is difficult tounderstand, how the Niger could penetrate this barrier, and force apassage southwards. 2. The course of the Niger, estimated from its sourcein the mountains of Senegal (supposing it to be the same river with theCongo, and to flow by Wangara and Cashna through the centre of Africainto the Atlantic), would be considerably more than 4000 miles. But thecourse of the Amazon, the greatest river in the old or new world withwhich we are acquainted, is only about 3500 miles; and, although theexistence of a river considerably greater than any yet known, may bewithin the limits of physical possibility; yet, so improbable asupposition ought not to be adopted upon slight or conjectural reasoning, or upon any thing much short of distinct and positive proof. To give sucha vast extension to the Congo upon the grounds stated by Mr. Maxwell, might justly be considered as one of those exaggerations, to which, according to a remark of D'Anville, geographical writers upon Africa havealways been remarkably prone, 'en abusant, pour ainsi dire, du vastecarrière que l'intérieur de l'Afrique y laissoit prendre. ' (Mém. Del'Academie des Inscriptions, Tom. Xxvi p. 61. )

[Footnote: The following scale (taken from Major Rennell's Memoir of aMap of Hindostan, p. 337, ) shewing the _proportional length_ of someof the most considerable rivers already known, may be useful to thereader on the present occasion. 

EUROPE. Thames 1Rhine 5-1/4Danube 7Wolga 9-1/2

ASIA. Indus 6-3/4Euphrates 8-1/2Ganges 9-1/2Burrampooter 9-1/2Ava 9-1/2Jennisca 10

ASIA CONTINUED. Oby 10-1/2Amoor 11Lena 11-1/2Hoanho (China) 13-1/2Kian Keu 15-1/2

AFRICA. Nile l2-1/2

AMERICA. Mississipi 8Amazon 15-3/4

It must be observed, however, that the _magnitude_ of a riverdepends much less upon the length of its course than upon the number ofauxiliary streams which fall into it. It is this latter circumstance, which occasions the vast size of the Ganges, compared, for example, withthe Nile; although the course of the latter is so much longer. Rivers notfed by auxiliary streams, may even become _smaller_ in consequenceof the length of their course. The editor is indebted for theseobservations to Major Rennell. ]

Before the editor finally dismisses the subject of the Congo, he may beallowed to express a hope that this distinguished river, which hithertohas been only known as one of the greatest marts of the Slave Trade, mayat length be rendered conducive to objects of civilization and science;and that some use will now be made of this great inlet into Africa, forthe purpose of exploring a part of that continent which as yet isentirely unknown; or, at least, of obtaining more complete and authenticinformation relative to the Congo itself, which must unquestionably beconsidered as a very curious and interesting subject of enquiry. Such anenterprise, according to the opinion of Mr. Maxwell, would not beattended with much difficulty. In a letter to Mr. Park, dated Oct. 12, 1804, alluding to the subject of the Congo, he speaks of an intentionwhich he had formed some time prior to Park's discoveries, of exploringthat river. His scheme was to carry out with him from England sixsupernumerary boats, well adapted for rowing and sailing; each being ofsuch a size as to be easily carried by thirty people, and transportedacross several cataracts, with which the course of the river is known tobe impeded. On his arrival at the coast, he meant to hire about thirty orforty black rowers, and to sail up the Congo with proper arms, provisions, and merchandize, in the month of May (the dry season south ofthe equator) calculating upon an absence from the coast of about tenweeks. Mr. Maxwell considered this scheme as perfectly practicable, andlikely to be attended with no very great expense; but he was preventedfrom executing his intention by the war of 1793, which made itinconvenient and unsafe for him to encumber the deck of his vessel withsupernumerary boats. 

IV. The fourth and last opinion respecting the termination of the Niger, is that of a German geographer, M. Reichard, which was published in the'Ephemerides Géographiques, ' at Weimar, in August, 1808, and is referredto in a respectable French work, entitled, 'Précis de la GéographieUniverselle, par M. Malte-brun. ' The fourth volume of this work, whichappeared at Paris in the year 1813, (p. 635) represents M. Reichard'shypothesis to be, that the Niger, after reaching Wangara, takes adirection towards the south, and being joined by other rivers from thatpart of Africa, makes a great turn from thence towards the south-west, and pursues its course till it approaches the north eastern extremity ofthe gulph of Guinea, when it divides and discharges itself by differentchannels into the Atlantic; after having formed a great Delta, of whichthe Rio del Rey constitutes the eastern, and the Rio Formoso, or BeninRiver, the western branch. 

Without entering into the details of M. Reichard's reasoning in supportof this hypothesis, which is often somewhat hazardous and uncertain, itmay be sufficient for the present purpose to observe, that his principalargument is founded on a consideration of the peculiar characterbelonging to the tract of country situated between the two rivers, whichconsists of a vast tract of low, level land, projecting considerably intothe sea, and intersected by an infinity of small branches from theprincipal rivers. In these and other respects, it appears to bear aconsiderable resemblance, according to the best descriptions of thatcoast which we possess, to the Deltas at the mouths of the Nile, theGanges, and such other great rivers, as by depositing large quantities ofalluvial matter previous to their discharge into the sea, form gradualadditions to the coast. For it may be proper in this place to remark, that the formation of Deltas, even by rivers of the first magnitude, isby no means universal; some of the greatest that are known being withoutthem. Of this the Amazon, Plata, and Oronoko are mentioned by MajorRennell as distinguished instances; to which may now be added, the Congo. The difference appears to be owing to the depth of the sea at the mouthof the rivers, and perhaps to other circumstances, which are not quiteunderstood. 

[Footnote: See Reunell's Geogr. System of Herodotus, 4to. P. 483. ]

Both of the two rivers, enclosing the great alluvial tract which has beendescribed (the Rio del Rey and the Formoso), are stated to be ofconsiderable size, being each of them seven or eight miles broad at themouth; and the supposed Delta, estimated by the line of coast, is muchlarger than that of the Ganges: consequently, the two streams, if united, must form a river of prodigious magnitude. But neither of the rivers hasever yet been explored; nor has the interior of the country, to anydistance from the coast, been accurately described by any Europeantraveller. Hence, the question whether the two rivers are ever reallyunited, and whether the tract in question is a complete Delta or not, still remains to be ascertained. With regard also to the course, or eventhe existence, of the great river to which this Delta is said to belong, and which M. Reichard supposes to come from the northeast of Africa, there is no tradition nor any vestige among travellers or geographicalwriters; the whole is purely conjectural. But the supposition, so far atleast as relates to the alluvial origin of the tract in question and thejunction of the two rivers, has great appearance of probability. 

On comparing Mr. Maxwell's hypothesis respecting the Niger with that ofM. Reichard, which we are now considering, the latter may be said to havegained something in point of probability, by diminishing the distancewhich the Niger has to flow in order to reach the Atlantic. But thelength of its course, even when thus reduced, is still a considerabledifficulty, and a great incumbrance on the hypothesis. The objectionarising from the Niger's being conceived to penetrate the Kong Mountains, seems to be nearly of equal weight in both cases, on the supposition thatthis vast chain of mountains is of the extent generally imagined; whichthere appears to be no reason to doubt. 

It may be mentioned as an objection to both of these hypotheses, that notraces whatever of the Mahometan doctrines or institutions are now to befound on either of the coasts where the Niger is supposed to terminate. In no part of the world has the spirit of enterprise and proselytism, which properly belongs to the Mahometan character, been more strikinglydisplayed than in the extensive regions of North Africa. Its effects areevery where conspicuous, not only in the religious belief of the greaterpart of the inhabitants; but even where Mahometism is not actuallyestablished, in their manners, and customs, and in the predominance ofthe Arabic language, which is almost every where grafted upon the nativeAfrican dialects. These circumstances, however, are peculiar to NorthAfrica; nothing of a similar kind having been remarked on the coast ofGuinea, and still less on that of Congo and Angola. Mr. Maxwell alsostates in a letter to Mr. Park, that he had made enquiries of a greatnumber of negroes who had come down the Congo from great distances; butthat he could never hear of any Mahometan priests having visited thecountries on the banks of that river. Supposing the Niger really to flowthrough the centre of Africa, and to discharge itself any where into theAtlantic, it is reasonable to believe that some of the Mahometancolonists must long since have established themselves on the banks ofthat river, and penetrated to the shores of the ocean. 

APPENDIX. No. V. 

The botanical specimens, mentioned in Park's letter, arrived safe inEngland, and were received by Sir Joseph Banks, by whose kind informationthe editor is enabled to add the following particulars concerning them. 

1. _Fang Jani, _ or self-burning tree. The specimens received underthis name, were branches of a species of _Pandanus, _ which, for wantof the parts of fructification, could not be ascertained. The shoots andbases of the leaves were black and withered, resembling in appearanceleaves and branches that had been subjected to the action of fire. Theleaves, however, above their bases, were green, although dry. On a closerexamination, those parts which appeared like charcoal, were found todiffer entirely from that substance, as they would not give a blackcolour to paper when rubbed upon it. Besides, it was wholly incrediblethat the young shoots and bases of the leaves should break out into ablaze, while the tops of the leaves, far less succulent than the youngshoots, remained quite free from fire, not being even singed in thesmallest degree. 

On a more careful examination, the black colour appeared to be occasionedby a disease in the plant, of the nature of the mildew or rust of corn, arising from a parasitic fungus, probably of the nature of the_Puccinia_ of Europe; the species of which could not be ascertainedon account of the advanced state of growth of the specimen. Thisexplanation accords very ill with the declarations of the negroes, whoaffirm, that they have often seen fires in the woods, occasioned by thespontaneous burning of these shrubs; but it is mentioned in Mr. Park'sletter, 'that _few_ of the natives had seen it actually burning. '

2. _Kino. _ The origin of this drug, long ago admitted into thePharmacopoeias of Europe, was unknown, till Mr. Park sent a specimen ofthe plant from which the negroes collect it, which proves to be a speciesof _Pterocarpus_ not yet described by any botanical writer. 

3. _Tribo_. As no part of the plant was sent except the root, nothing can be said concerning its species. It appeared to be amoderately good dye, but had no marked superiority over those alreadyknown, sufficient to induce Sir Joseph Banks to cause experiments to bemade with it. Indeed, the quantity was not sufficient for anyexperiments, except on a very confined scale. 

APPENDIX. No. VI. 

The following particulars, tending to shew the increase which has takenplace in the commerce between Great Britain and Africa since theAbolition of the Slave Trade, have been communicated to the editor by anintelligent friend, who has great knowledge and experience in the Africantrade, and upon whose accuracy and means of information he has the mostperfect reliance. 

It appeared from Custom-house returns, officially laid before Parliament, that the average annual value of all imports from Africa into GreatBritain for twenty years prior to 1787, fell short of £72, 000; and eventhis small sum included the imports, not only from the whole Westerncoast of Africa between Cape Negro in latitude 16 deg South and thestraits of Gibraltar, but also from some parts bordering on theMediterranean. The average annual value of these imports, during the lastfive years of that period, viz. 1783, 4, 5, 6 and 7, appears, from thesame official returns, to have been about £90, 500. If from this amount bededucted the value of the articles appearing to have been imported fromMorocco and other adjoining countries, there will be left somewhat lessthan £70, 000 for the value of all our imports from the Western Coast ofAfrica; that is, from the country lying between Cape Blanco, latitude 21deg north, and Cape Negro, latitude 16 deg south, being an extent of 4500miles of coast. The average annual exports from Great Britain to theWestern coast of Africa during the same period (exclusive of the exportsconnected with the Slave Trade) may be estimated at a sum not materiallyexceeding £50, 000. 

The compiler of the present statement possesses no documents or means ofinformation, which enable him to shew what was the extent of the commerceof Great Britain with Africa (unconnected with the Slave Trade) duringthe period from 1788 to 1807, the year in which the Slave Trade wasabolished; but there is good reason to believe that it had not materiallyincreased within that time. 

It might be impracticable at present, from the loss of the Custom-housebooks, to obtain any authentic account of exports and imports during thelast seven years. But this defect of official information is in somedegree supplied by an authentic statement, made out on a particularoccasion by a Committee of the African Company, from accounts with whichthey were furnished from the Custom-house, through the intervention ofGovernment. The object of the Company in obtaining these accounts was toprocure authentic data relative to some public measure which was inagitation, connected with the African trade. The following statement wasextracted from the books of the Company. 

Imports from Africa into Great Britain. 

1808. £374, 3061809. 383, 9261810. 535, 577

[Sidenote: exclusive of gold dust, which is not subject to anycustom-house entry]

Exports from Great Britain to Africa. 

1808. £820, 1941809. 976, 8721810. 693, 911

The great difference between the value of the exports and imports in thiscase was accounted for by an experienced officer of the African Companyby supposing that a large proportion (from one third to a half) of thegoods exported, was captured by the enemy. If this be the trueexplanation, the account must have been balanced by the exports of golddust, and the bills of exchange drawn from the British settlements on theAfrican coast. Another supposition (and perhaps a more probable one) isthat a considerable part of the exports found their way into the hands ofthe contraband slave traders, and was employed in carrying on theirillegal speculations. 

But, even if we consider the imports alone, the increase in the commerceof Africa during the before mentioned period is altogether astonishing;so much so, as almost to induce a suspicion that there is some fallacy inthe statement, although there does not appear to be any specific groundfor questioning its correctness. For if to the amount of the imports asabove stated, we add the value of the gold dust imported, we shall findthat this additional commerce nearly fills up the chasm occasioned by theAbolition of the slave trade, extensively as that trade was carried on bythis country. 

But considering this statement only as a general proof of a greatincrease of the African trade, (without attempting to assign theproportion of increase) let us take another view of the same subject. 

The Gold Coast is about 250 miles in extent, little more than a twentiethpart of the whole coast extending from Cape Blanco to Cape Negro. Previously to the Abolition of the slave trade, the imports into GreatBritain from this space of coast used to consist of

 about 20 tons of ivory valued at --- £7500 and about 1000 ounces of gold dust --- 4000 --- £11500

Since the Abolition of the slave trade the imports from this tract ofcoast have greatly increased; and it may be stated upon the undoubtedauthority of intelligent persons, perfectly acquainted with the facts, that the importations have amounted, during the last five or six years, to the annual value of from £120, 000. To £180, 000. The annual import ofgold alone is stated to be about 30, 000 ounces. 

Thus it appears that the importation from the Gold Coast alone, (a spaceof 250 miles) into Great Britain since the Abolition of the slave trade, has been double the amount of the importation from the whole slave coastof Africa (an extent of 4500 miles) prior to that event. 

A farther example may be taken from the colony of Sierra Leone, where acustom house was first established in May 1812; from whence accounts havebeen furnished of the imports and exports into and from that colonyduring the two years ending in May 1814. --The amount of the importsduring that period, on which duties were actually paid, was £105, 080. 15_s_. 3_d_. Being the alleged prime cost of the goods, evenwithout the cost of packages. In order to obtain the invoice price of thegoods, one third at least must be added to the prime cost for necessarycharges. The amount will then be about £140, 000. , or, on an average, £70, 000. Annually. 

The exports from Sierra Leone during the same period have amounted to£91, 539. 17_s_. 6_d_. Being on an average £45, 000. Annually. The remainder of imports may be accounted for by the bills of exchangedrawn upon this country for the expenses of the civil establishment andcommissariat. Hence it appears that from the single river of Sierra Leonethe imports into Great Britain were nearly, and the exports to the sameriver fully, equal to the imports and exports (exclusive of the slavetrade) of the whole extent of the Western Coast of Africa prior to theAbolition. 

The facts here stated relative to the extent of our innocent andlegitimate commerce with the western coast of Africa, must be consideredas highly interesting and important; both as shewing how extremely smallthat commerce was prior to the Abolition of the slave trade, and how muchit has increased during the very few years which have since elapsed. Thisincrease has certainly been much more considerable than there was anygood reason for expecting, under the actual circumstances of the case. 

If we were told of a country, whose staple article of export tradeconsisted of its own inhabitants, its men, women and children, who wereprocured (as must necessarily happen in the case of large and continuedexports) by treachery and violence--where the whole population was eitherliving in continual apprehension of captivity and eternal banishment fromtheir native soil, or employed contriving the means of inflicting thoseevils upon others--we should at once conclude that the very insecurity ofperson and property, which such a state of society implied, would ofitself extinguish all the motives to regular industry, and limit theculture of the soil very nearly to what was required for supplying theimmediate wants of nature. 

Such in fact were the circumstances of Africa prior to the year 1808; atwhich time the slave trade carried on by Great Britain, and the UnitedStates of North America having been abolished by those respectivegovernments, and the slave trade of France and Holland being virtuallyabolished by the war, a considerable mitigation of the prevailing evilstook place. A farther improvement was effected about three yearsafterwards, by means of the article in the treaty of amity with Portugal, which bound Portuguese subjects to confine their trading in slaves toplaces in Africa actually under the possession of that Government. Bythis arrangement the whole coast of Africa from Cape Blanco to theeastern extremity of the Gold Coast (with the exception of the Portuguesesettlement of Bissao) were in a considerable degree liberated from theoperation of the slave trade. 

The Spaniards indeed claimed a right of trading within those limits; butit was a right which, in its exercise, did not prove so prejudicial asmight have been expected. The slave trade carried on under the Spanishflag, has been found in most instances not to be a _bona fide_Spanish trade, but a British or American slave trade in disguise; andlatterly the Portuguese, being excluded by treaty from the whole to thewindward coast except Bissao, have begun to avail themselves of the samedisguise. Many slave vessels under these circumstances, bearing theSpanish flag, have been captured by the British cruizers: and thecondemnations which have taken place, have tended greatly to abridge theextent of this trade. Still however the course of improvement in thispart of Africa, has been extremely retarded by the right which Portugalhas hitherto retained of carrying on the slave trade from Bissao, and bythe trade carried on either by real Spanish ships or by counterfeitSpaniards so well disguised as to escape detection. 

Besides the trade thus carried on, cargoes of slaves have frequently beensmuggled by English and American traders, availing themselves of thefacilities which the creeks and rivers of Africa afford for suchtransactions, and taking their chance of escaping the cruizers on thecoast. A contraband trade of this kind appears to have been carried on tosome extent; by means of which various cargoes of slaves have beentransported to the Brazils and the Island of Cuba. 

These facts are mentioned for the purpose of shewing that considerableobstacles to improvement, arising from the partial continuance of theslave trade, are still experienced, even in that part of Africa which hasenjoyed the greatest privileges and exemptions. Under such circumstancesit would be most unreasonable to look for that progress in the arts ofagriculture and peace-commerce which we should have been entitled toexpect, in case the suppression of the slave trade had been complete anduniversal. 

But even under much more favourable circumstances than we have reason atpresent to expect, it would by no means follow that the mere removal ofthat great obstacle to regular industry and commerce, would in any veryshort space of time produce considerable or extensive improvements. Theignorance, the profligacy, the improvidence and the various other moralevils, which necessarily accompany the slave trade, will, it is to befeared, long survive the extinction of that traffic which produced andfostered them. The whole history of mankind shews that the progress ofcivilization is always extremely slow during its earliest stages; andthat the first steps in the career of improvement are constantly the mostpainful and difficult. Hence, we may be justified in drawing the mostfavourable conclusions from the comparatively great increase which hasalready taken place in the commerce of Africa during a very short period, in consequence of a partial removal of those evils, which previously hadalmost excluded the very possibility of improvement. 

_The following_ African Words _occurring frequently in the courseof the ensuing Journal, it is thought proper to prefix an explanation ofthem_. 

 * * * * *

_Bentang_, a sort of stage erected in every town, answering thepurpose of a town hall. 

_Slatees_, free black merchants, often traders in slaves. 

_Caffle_, a caravan of slaves or of people travelling with any kindof merchandize. 

_Dooty_, the chief magistrate of a town or province. 

_Palaver_, A court of justice, or public meeting; some times a parlyor negociation. 

_Bar_, nominal money; a single bar is equal in value to about twoshillings sterling. 

_Kowries_, small shells which pass for money in the Interior ofAfrica. 

_Barraloolo_, a fowling--piece. 

_Arrangoes_, a large kind of bead. 

_Baft_, blue cloth of East Indian manufacture, much used in theAfrican Trade. 

_Pagne_, a kind of cloth, also much used in the same trade. 

[Illustration: Map]

[Illustration: Map]

JOURNAL &c. 

Chapter I

Departure from Kayee--Arrival at Pisania--Preparations there, anddeparture into the Interior--Samee--Payment to Mumbo Jumbo--Reach Jindey;process of dying cottons at that place--Departure from Jindey--Cross theWallia Creek--Kootakunda--Madina--Tabajang--Kingdom of Jamberoo--Visitfrom the King's son--Tatticonda--Visit from the son of the former King ofWoolli--Reach Madina, the capital of Woolli--Audience of the King; hisunfriendly conduct--Presents made to him and his courtiers--Barraconda--Bambakoo--Kanipe; inhospitable conduct of its inhabitants--Kussai--Nitta--trees; restrictions relating to them--Enter the Simbani Woods;precautions thereon, and sacrifice and prayers for success--Banks of theGambia--Crocodiles and hippopotami--Reach Faraba-Loss of one of thesoldiers--Rivers Neaulico and Nerico--Astronomical observations. 

CHAPTER I. 

April 27th, 1805. --At ten o'clock in the morning took our departure fromKayee. The _Crescent_, the _Washington_ and Mr. Ainsley's_vessel_ did us the honour to fire a salute at our departure. Theday proved remarkably hot; and some of the asses being unaccustomed tocarry loads, made our march very fatiguing and troublesome. Three of themstuck fast in a muddy rice field about two miles east of Kayee; and whilewe were employed in getting them out, our guide and the people in fronthad gone on so far, that we lost sight of them. In a short time weovertook about a dozen soldiers and their asses, who had likewise fallenbehind, and being afraid of losing their way, had halted till we came up. We in the rear took the road to Jonkakonda, which place we reached at oneo'clock; but not finding Lieutenant Martyn nor any of the men who were infront, concluded they had gone by New Jermy, &c. , therefore hired a guideand continued our march. Halted a few minutes under a large tree at thevillage of Lamain-Cotto, to allow the soldiers to cool themselves; andthen proceeded towards _Lamain_, at which place we arrived at fouro'clock. The people were extremely fatigued, having travelled all dayunder a vertical sun, and without a breath of wind. Lieutenant Martyn andthe rest of our party arrived at half past five, having taken the road byNew Jermy. 

On our arrival at Lamain we unloaded the asses under a large Bentang treeon the east side of the town. The Slatee (or master of that district ofthe kingdom of Kataba, called Lamain) came to pay his respects to me, andrequested that I would order the bundles and asses to be removed to someother tree; assuring me that if we slept under it, we should all be deadbefore morning. I was for some time at a loss to comprehend his meaning;when he took me by the hand, and leading me to one of the large notchesin the root of the tree, shewed me three spear-heads which appeared tohave been tinged with blood, lying with their points amongst bone-ashes, and surrounded with a rope half burnt. I now ordered the bundles to beremoved to another tree, presented the Slatee with a keg of liquor, andreceived in return a small bullock. Here we were forced to purchasewater, the wells of the town being nearly dry. Slept very comfortablyunder the tree, and at day-break, April 28th, set out for Pisania. We passed two small Foulah towns and thevillage of Collin, and reached the banks of the Gambia at half pasteleven o'clock. Halted and gave our cattle water and grass: we likewisecooked our dinners, and rested till three o'clock, when we set forwardand arrived at Pisania at sun-set. Here we were accommodated at Mr. Ainsley's house; and as his schooner had not yet arrived with ourbaggage, I purchased some corn for our cattle, and spoke for a bullockfor the soldiers. 

April 29th. --Went and paid my respects to Seniora Camilla, who was muchsurprised to see me again attempting a journey into the interior of thecountry. 

[Footnote: See Park's Travels, p. 31, 357. ]

April 30th. --Mr. Ainsley's schooner arrived, and we immediately began toland the baggage and rice. 

April 31st. --Gave out the ass saddles to be stuffed with grass, and setabout weighing the bundles. Found that after all reductions, our assescould not possibly carry our baggage. Purchased five more with Mr. Ainsley's assistance. 

May 1st. --Tying up the bundles and marking them. 

May 2d. --Purchased three asses, and a bullock for the people. 

May 3d. --Finished packing the loads, and got every thing ready for ourjourney. 

May 4th. --Left Pisania at half past nine o'clock. The mode of marchingwas adjusted as follows. The _asses_ and _loads_ being allmarked and numbered with red paint, a certain number of each was allottedto each of the six messes, into which the soldiers were divided; and theasses were further subdivided amongst the individuals of each mess, sothat every man could tell at first sight the ass and load which belongedto him. The asses were also numbered with large figures, to prevent thenatives from stealing them, as they could neither wash nor clip it offwithout being discovered. Mr. George Scott and one of Isaaco's peoplegenerally went in front, Lieutenant Martyn in the centre, and Mr. Anderson and myself in the rear. We were forced to leave at Pisania aboutfive cwt. Of rice, not having a sufficient number of asses to carry it. We were escorted till we passed Tendicunda by Mr. Ainsley, and the goodold Seniora Camilla, and most of the respectable natives in the vicinity. Our march was most fatiguing. Many of the asses being rather overloaded, lay down on the road; others kicked off their bundles; so that, afterusing every exertion to get forward, we with difficulty reached Samee, adistance of about eight miles. We unloaded our asses under a large Tabbatree at some distance from the town, and in the evening I went withIsaaco to pay my respects to the Slatee of Samee. 

The Slatee of Samee, as well as the Slatees of Lamain and Kutijar, issubject to the King of Kataba; but their subjection is not easilydefined. If a slave runs away from one to another, he cannot be reclaimedunless the other chooses to give him up. The Slatee was very drunk, andwhen I told him that I was come to pay my respects to him and would givehim one jug of rum, he told me he would not allow me to pass unless Igave him ten jugs; and after a good deal of insignificant palaver, I wasobliged to give him two jugs. 

May 5th. --Paid six bars of amber to the Mumbo Jumbo boys, and set out forJindey early in the morning. Found this day's travelling very difficult;many of the asses refused to go on; and we were forced to put their loadson the horses. We reached Jindey about noon. Purchased a bullock, andhalted the 6th; fearing, if we attempted to proceed, we should be forcedto leave some of our loads in the woods. 

[Footnote: For a description of Mumbo Jumbo, see Park's Travels, p. 39. ]

At Jindey they _dye very fine blues with the indigo leaves_. Ireadily embraced the opportunity, during our halt, to make myselfacquainted with the process, which I saw in all its different stages. 

_Mode of dying Cotton of a fine blue colour with the leaves of theIndigo Plant. _

A large quantity of wood-ashes is collected (the woods preferred for thepurpose are the _mimosa nitta_, and _mimosa pulverulenta_, ) andput into an unglazed earthen vessel which has a hole in its bottom; overwhich is put some straw. Upon these ashes water is poured, which, filtrating through the hole in the bottom of the vessel, carries with itthe potass contained in the ashes, and forms a very strong lye of thecolour of strong beer: this lye they call _sai-gee_, ash-water. 

Another pot is filled not quite quarter full of the leaves of the indigoplant, either fresh or dried in the sun (those used at this time weredried), and as much of the sai-gee poured on it as will fill the potabout half full. It is allowed to remain in this state for four days, during which it is stirred once or twice each day. 

The pot is then filled nearly full of sai-gee and stirred frequently forfour days more, during which it ferments and throws up a copper-colouredscum. It is then allowed to remain at rest for one day, and on the tenthday from the commencement of the process the cloth is put into it. Nomordant whatever is used; the cloth is simply wetted with cold water, andwrung hard before it is put into the pot, where it is allowed to remainabout two hours. It is then taken out and exposed to the sun, by layingit (without spreading it) over a stick, till the liquor ceases to dropfrom it. After this it is washed in cold water, and is often beat with aflat stick to clear away any leaves or dirt which may adhere to it. Thecloth being again wrung hard, is returned into the pot; and this dippingis repeated four times every day for the first four days; at the end ofwhich period it has in common acquired a blue colour equal to the finestIndia baft. 

The Negro women, who practise dying, have generally twelve or fourteenindigo jars, so that one of them is always ready for dipping. If theprocess misgives, which it very seldom does with women who practise itextensively, it generally happens during the second four days or thefermenting period. The indigo is then said to be dead, and the whole isthrown out. 

In Kajaaga and Kasson they spread the cloth in the sun, and dry it afterevery dip: they then beat it with a stick, so as to make the indigoleaves fly off it like dust. Both practices have for their object the_clearing of the cloth_, so as to admit the indigo equally to allparts of it. The process abridged is, Four days indigo and a small quantity of sai-gee. 

Four days fermenting in a large quantity of sai-gee. 

One day at rest. 

Four days dipping the cloth, four dips per day. 

Thirteen in all. 

To return to the narrative. Lamina Foffono, one of my fellow travellersin my former journey from Mandingo to Gambia, hearing that I was come toJindey, came from Wallia to see me. He told me that Karfa was in health, but had not received the musket I sent him by Captain Brand. 

At five o'clock had a strong puff of wind from the south-east, whichraised the dust and had exactly the appearance of a tornado. 

May 7th. --Left Jindey, but so much were our asses fatigued, that I wasobliged to hire three more, and four drivers to assist in getting forwardthe baggage. One of the St. Jago asses fell down convulsed when the loadwas put upon him; and a Mandingo ass, No. 11, refused to carry his load. I was under the necessity of sending him back to Jindey, and hiringanother in his place. 

We travelled on the north side of the Wallia Creek till noon, when wecrossed it near Kootakunda. Swam the asses over; and the soldiers, withthe assistance of the Negroes, waded over with the bundles on theirheads. Halted on the south side of the creek, and cooked our dinners. 

At four o'clock set forwards, passed Kootakunda, and called at thevillage of Madina to pay my respects to Slatee Bree. Gave him a note onMr. Ainsley for one jug of liquor. Halted at Tabajang, a village almostdeserted; having been plundered in the course of the season by the Kingof Jamberoo, in conjunction with the King of Woolli. Our guide's motherlives here; and as I found that we could not possibly proceed in ourpresent state, I determined either to purchase more asses, or abandonsome of the rice. 

May 8th. --Purchased two asses for ten bars of amber and ten of coraleach. Covered the India bafts with skins, to prevent them from beingdamaged by the rain. Two of the soldiers afflicted with the dysentery. 

May 9th. --The King of Jamberoo's son came to pay his respects to me. Jamberoo lies along the north side of the Wallia Creek, and extends along way to the northward. The people are Jaloffs, but most of them speakMandingo. Presented him with some amber. Bought five asses and coveredall the gunpowder with skins, except what was for our use on the road. 

May 10th. --Having paid all the people who had assisted in driving theasses, I found that the expense was greater than any benefit we werelikely to derive from them. I therefore trusted the asses this dayentirely to the soldiers. We left Tabajang at sun-rise, and made a shortand easy march to Tatticonda, where the son of my friend, the former Kingof Woolli, came to meet me. From him I could easily learn that ourjourney was viewed with great jealousy by the Slatees and Sierra-Woollisresiding about Madina. 

May 11th. --About noon arrived at Madina, the capital of the kingdom ofWoolli. We unloaded our asses under a tree without the gates of the town, and waited till five o'clock before we could have an audience from hismajesty. I took to the King a pair of silver mounted pistols, tendollars, ten bars of amber, ten of coral. But, when he had looked at thepresent with great indifference for some time, he told me that he couldnot accept it; alleging, as an excuse for his avarice, that I had given amuch handsomer present to the King of Kataba. It was in vain that Iassured him of the contrary; he positively refused to accept it, and Iwas under the necessity of adding fifteen dollars, ten bars coral, tenamber, before his majesty would accept it. After all, he begged me togive him a blanket to wrap himself in during the rains, which I readilysent him. 

The other presents must all be proportionally great, and the sum of thewhole presents at Woolli is as follows:

To _the King_, A pair of pistols. Bars. Dollars 25 Amber 20 Coral 20 White baft 5 --- 70 bars. 

To Montamba _the King's own son_, Amber, 5 Coral 5

To Slatee Deena, Amber 1 Coral 5

To Sadoo, Jatta's son, Amber 5 Coral 5

To Samboo, Jatta's second son, Coral 5

To Whulliri, the Prime Minister, Dollars 2 Coral 5

To Dama, Whulliri's younger brother, Coral 5

To Soliman, the King's chief slave, Bars. 

 Amber 4 Coral 4

To Dimba Serra, Coral 6

To different people, Coral 10 -- 71

 To the King, 70 --- Total 140 bars. 

[Footnote: There is some mistake here; what Mr. Park calls 71, appearsto be no more than 67; and even according to him, the total ought to be141. The true amount is 67+70=137. ]

May 12th. --Had all the asses loaded by day-break, and at sun-rise, havingobtained the King's permission, we departed from Woolli. Shortly after, we passed the town of Barraconda, where I stopped a few minutes to pay myrespects to Jemaffoo Mamadoo, a very eminent Slatee. 

[Footnote: Mentioned in Park's Travels, p. 31. ]

We reached the village of Bambakoo at half past ten o'clock. Bought twoasses, and likewise a bullock for the soldiers. 

May 13th. --Departed from Bambakoo at sun-rise, and reached Kanipe, anirregular built village, about ten o'clock. The people of the village hadheard that we were under the necessity of purchasing water at Madina; andto make sure of a similar market, the women had drawn all the water fromthe wells, and were standing in crowds, drawing up the water as fast asit collected. It was in vain that the soldiers attempted to come in fortheir share: the camp kettles were by no means so well adapted fordrawing water as the women's calabashes. The soldiers therefore returnedwithout water, having the laugh very much against them. 

I received information that there was a pool of water about two milessouth of the town; and in order to make the women desist, I mounted a manon each of the horses, and sent them away to the pool, to bring as muchwater as would boil our rice, and in the afternoon sent all the asses tobe watered at the same place. In the evening some of the soldiers madeanother attempt to procure water from the large well near the town, andsucceeded by the following stratagem. One of them having dropped hiscanteen into the well, as if by accident, his companions fastened a roperound him, and lowered him down to the bottom of the well, where he stoodand filled all the camp kettles, to the great mortification of the women, who had been labouring and carrying water for the last twenty-four hours, in hopes of having their necks and heads decked with small amber andbeads by the sale of it. Bought two goats for the soldiers. 

May 14th. --Halted at _Kussai_, about four miles east of Kanipe. Thisis the same village as Seesekunda, but the inhabitants have changed itsname. Here one of the soldiers, having collected some of the fruit of theNitta trees, was eating them, when the chief man of the village came outin a great rage, and attempted to take them from him; but finding thatimpracticable, he drew his knife, and told us to put on our loads, andget away from the village. Finding that we only laughed at him, he becamemore quiet; and when I told him that we were unacquainted with so strangea restriction, but should be careful not to eat any of them in future; hesaid that the thing itself was not of great importance, if it had notbeen done in sight of the women. For, says he, this place has beenfrequently visited with famine from want of rain, and in thesedistressing times the fruit of the Nitta is all we have to trust to, andit may then be opened without harm; but in order to prevent the women andchildren from wasting this supply, a _toong_ is put upon the Nittas, until famine makes its appearance. The word toong is used to express anything sealed up by magic. 

Bought two asses. As we entered the Simbani woods from this town, Isaacowas very apprehensive that we might be attacked by some of the Bondoupeople, there being at this time a hot war between two brothers about thesuccession: and as the report had spread that a coffle of white men weregoing to the interior, every person immediately concluded that we wereloaded with the richest merchandize to purchase slaves; and thatwhichever of the parties should gain possession of our wealth, he wouldlikewise gain the ascendency over his opponent. On this account, gaveorders to the men not to fire at any deer or game they might see in thewoods; that every man must have his piece loaded and primed, and that thereport of a musket, but more particularly of three or four, should be thesignal to leave every thing and run towards the place. 

May 15th. --Departed from Kussai. At the entrance of the woods, Isaacolaid a black ram across the road and cut its throat, having first said along prayer over it. This he considered as very essential towards oursuccess. The flesh of the animal was given to the slaves at Kussai, thatthey might pray in their hearts for our success. 

The first five miles of our route was through a woody country; we thenreached a level plain nearly destitute of wood. On this plain we observedsome hundreds of a species of antelope of a dark colour with a whitemouth; they are called by the natives _Da qui_, and are nearly aslarge as a bullock. At half past ten o'clock we arrived on the banks ofthe Gambia, and halted during the heat of the day under a large treecalled _Teelee Corra_, the same under which I formerly stopped in myreturn from the interior. 

[Footnote: Probably the tree mentioned in Park's Travels, p. 854. ]

The Gambia here is about 100 yards across, and, contrary to what Iexpected, has a regular tide, rising four inches by the shore. It was lowwater this day at one o'clock. The river swarms with crocodiles. Icounted at one time thirteen of them ranged along shore, and threehippopotami. The latter feed only during the night, and seldom leave thewater during the day; they walk on the bottom of the river, and seldomshew more of themselves above water than their heads. 

At half past three o'clock in the afternoon, we again set forward, andabout a mile to the eastward ascended a hill, where we had a mostenchanting prospect of the country to the westward; in point of distanceit is the richest I ever saw. The course of the Gambia was easilydistinguished by a range of dark green trees, which grew on its banks. The course from Teelee Corra is represented in the following sketch. 

[Illustration]

A mile and a half east of Prospect hill, is another on the north side ofthe road, from the top of which we had a charming view to the south. Thecourse of the river is from the E. S. E. ; no hills on the south side of it, the whole country being quite level. About ten miles E. S. E. ; the riverpasses near an elevated table land, which looks, like an oldfortification. At sun-set reached a watering place called Faraba, butfound no water. 

While we were unloading the asses, John Walters, one of the soldiers, fell down in an epileptic fit, and expired in about an hour after. TheNegroes belonging to our guide set about digging a well, having firstlighted a fire to keep off the bees, which were swarming about the placein search of water. In a little time they found water in sufficientquantity to cook our suppers, and even supply the horses and asses in thecourse of the night. 

Being apprehensive of an attack from the Bondou people, placed doublesentries, and made every man sleep with his loaded musket under his head. Latitude by mer. Alt. Of the moon, 14° 38' 46" N. 

About three o'clock buried John Walters, and in remembrance of him wishthis place to be called _Walters's Well_. 

May 16th. --Departed from the well as soon as day dawned, and reached theNeaulico at half past eight o'clock. This stream is nearly dry at thisseason, and only affords water in certain hollow places which abound infish. Saw Isaaco's Negroes take several with their hands, and with wispsof grass used as a net to frighten the fish into a narrow space. One ofthe fish was a new genus. 

Saw in the bed of the river some Negroes roasting a great quantity offlesh on temporary wooden stages erected for the purpose, as representedin the following sketch. 

[Illustration:]

This half roasting and smoaking makes the meat keep much longer than itwould do without it. The flesh was part of a _Da qui_ which theyfound on the road; a lion had killed it during the night, and eat one legof it. 

At four o'clock P. M. Departed from the Neaulico. At five, passed theruins of Mangelli, where I formerly slept, and at six o'clock halted forthe night at Manjalli Tabba Cotta, the ruins of a village so called. Thewood during this day's march is in general small, and the road is muchinterrupted with dry bamboos. Plenty of water at the resting place. Afterdark took out the telescope in order to observe an immersion of Jupiter'sfirst satellite--

 H. M. S. The satellite immerged by watch 14 10 35 Rate + from London 0 5 48 Too slow by eclipse at Kayee 0 0 5 -------- Mean time by watch 14 16 28

 Time by Nautical Almanack 14 16 51 Equation 0 3 58 -------- Mean time at Greenwich 14 12 53 14 12 53 -------- Watch too fast 0 3 35

Longitude by three sets of sights taken next morning in order to find theapparent time at the _place_ 13° 9' 45" W. 

It is difficult to account for such a difference in the rate of going ofthe watch in the course of one month; but the excessive heat and themotion of riding may perhaps have contributed to it; for I think myobservation of the immersion was correct. 

May 17th. --Left Manjalli Tabba Cotta, and after a fatiguing march oftwelve miles, reached _Bray_, a watering place. Endeavoured to takethe meridional altitude of the sun, by the back observation withTroughton's pocket sextant; and after carefully examining his rise andfall, with the intervals betwixt each observation, I was convinced thatit can be done with great accuracy, requiring only a steady hand andproper attention. This was a great relief to me; I had been plaguedwatching the passage of the fixed stars, and often fell asleep when theywere in the meridian. 

We left Bray at three o'clock, P. M. And carried with us as much water aswe possibly could, intending to rest at Nillindingcorro till the moonrose; but there being no water, our guide continued our march to theriver Nerico, which we reached at eight o'clock, all the people and assesvery much fatigued. Face of the country during this day an open and levelplain with bushes and Cibi trees, making the prospect rich, though notgrand. Saw plenty of lions' excrement in the wood: they deposit it onlyin certain places, and like the cats, claw up the ground in order tocover it. 

May 18th. --People employed all the morning in transporting the baggageand asses across the river; and as both men and asses were very muchfatigued, I thought it best to halt on the east side of the river tillthe afternoon, as it would afford the soldiers an opportunity of washingtheir clothes. 

 o ' " Observed Mer. Alt. Sun 168 35 0 Diameter 0 32 0 --------- 1/2 169 7 0 --------- 84 33 30 Correct for refraction and parallax 4 --------- 84 33 26 --------- Zenith Distance 5 26 34 Declination 19 31 25 --------- Latitude 14 4 51

The breadth of the stream of the river Nerico is about sixty feet, thedepth of water four feet, its velocity is two miles an hour. The heat ofthe stream at two o'clock 94° Fahrenheit. 

Chapter II. 

Arrival at Jallacotta--Maheena--Tambico--Bady; hostile conduct of theFaranba, or Chief, and its consequences--Reach Jeningalla--Iron-furnaces. --Mansafara--Attacked by wolves--Enter the TendaWilderness--Ruins and Plain of Doofroo--Attacked by a swarm ofbees--Astronomical Observations--Arrival at Sibikillin--Sheatrees--Badoo; presents made to the King--Tambacunda--Ba DeemaRiver--Tabba Gee--Mambari--Julifunda; unfriendly conduct of its Chief;and presents sent to him and the King--Visit from the latter--ReachEercella--Baniserile--Celebrate His Majesty's birthday--Mode of fluxingiron--Madina--Falema river--Satadoo--Sickness and death of theCarpenter--Arrival at Shrondo; commencement of the rainy season; andalarming sickness amongst the soldiers--Gold mines; process forprocuring the gold--Dindikoo; gold pits--Cultivation--Arrival at Fankia. 

CHAPTER II. 

May 18th. --We left the Nerico about half past three o'clock, and arrivedat Jallacotta, the first town of Tenda, at sun-set. From this place toSimbuni in Bondou, is two days travel. 

May 19th. --Halted at Jallacotta in order to purchase corn and recruit theasses. Bought plenty of onions, which made our rice eat much better. Town's people fishing in the woods, where the pools being nearly dry, thefish are easily taken. 

May 20. --Left Jallacotta, and about two miles to the east, passed thevillage of Maheena, close to which are the ruins of another village ofthe same name. It would appear from the number of ruins, that thepopulation of Tenda is much diminished. We reached Tendico or Tambico, about eight o'clock: we could not procure a bullock, the inhabitantshaving very few cattle. This village belongs to Jallacotta; and theFarbana of Jallacotta is subject to the King of Woolli. About half a milefrom Tambico is a pretty large town called _Bady_, the chief ofwhich takes the title of Faranba, and is in a manner independent. Heexacts very high duties from the coffles, to the extent of ten bars ofgunpowder for each ass-load. 

We sent a messenger from Tambico to inform the Faranba of our arrival, and he sent his son in the evening with twenty-six men armed withmusquets, and a great crowd of people, to receive what we had to givehim. Sent him ten bars of amber by our guide; but as he refused to takeit, went myself with five bars of coral, which he likewise refused. Indeed I could easily perceive from the number of armed men, and thehaughty manner in which they conducted themselves, that there was littleprospect of settling matters in an amicable manner. I therefore tore aleaf from my pocket-book, and had written a note to Lieutenant Martyn tohave the soldiers in readiness; when Mr. Anderson, hearing such a hubbubin the village, came to see what was the matter. I explained my doubts tohim, and desired that the soldiers might have on their pouches andbayonets, and be ready for action at a moment's notice. I desired Isaacoto inform him that we had as yet found no difficulty in our journey; wehad readily obtained the permission of the kings of Kataba and Woolli topass through their kingdoms, and that if he would not allow us to pass, we had then only to return to Jallacotta, and endeavour to find anotherroad; and with this (after a good many angry words had passed between theFaranba's people and our guide) the palaver ended. 

Matters were in this state, Faranba's son had gone over to Bady with theamber and coral, and we were preparing to return to Jallacotta early nextmorning, when about half past six o'clock some of Faranba's people seizedour guide's horse, as the boy was watering it at the well, and carried itaway. Isaaco went over to Bady to enquire the reason of this conduct; butinstead of satisfying him on this point, they seized him, took his doublebarrelled gun and sword from him, tied him to a tree and flogged him; andhaving put his boy in irons, sent some people back to Tambico for anotherhorse belonging to an old man that was travelling with us to Dentila. Inow told two of Isaaco's Negroes, that if they would go with me into thevillage, and point out the Faranba's people (it being quite dark) who hadcome to take the old man's horse, I would make the soldiers seize them, and retain them as hostages for Isaaco. They went and told this to thetwo chief men in the village, but they would not permit it. They wereable, they said, to defend their own rights, and would not allow thehorse to be taken: so after an immense hubbub and wrangling, the businessat last came to blows, and the Faranba's people were fairly kicked out ofthe village. 

I was now a little puzzled how to act; Isaaco's wife and child sat cryingwith us under the tree, his Negroes were very much dejected, and seemedto consider the matter as quite hopeless. We could have gone in the nightand burnt the town. By this we should have killed a great many innocentpeople, and most probably should not have recovered our guide. Itherefore thought it most advisable (having consulted with Mr. Andersonand Lieutenant Martyn) to wait till morning; and then, if they persistedin detaining our guide, to attack them in open day; a measure which wouldbe more decisive, and more likely to be attended with success than anynight skirmishes. We accordingly placed double sentries during the night, and made every man sleep with his loaded musquet at hand. We likewisesent two people back to Jallacotta, to inform the Dooty of the treatmentwe had received from Faranba, though at one of the towns belonging to theKing of Woolli. 

May 21st. --Early in the morning our guide was liberated, and sent back tous; and about ten o'clock a number of Faranba's people came and told methat Faranba did not wish to quarrel with me, but could not think ofallowing a coffle to pass without paying the customary tribute; but as Ihad refused to do that the evening before, if I would now carry over toBady such articles as I meant to give him, every thing would be amicablysettled. I told them that, after the treatment my guide had experienced, they could not expect that I would go to Bady alone; that if I went Iwould take twenty or thirty of my people with me. This seemed not soagreeable; and it was at last determined that the horse, &c. Should bebrought half way between the two villages, and delivered on receipt ofthe goods. I accordingly paid at different times goods to the amount ofone hundred and six bars, being not quite one-third of what a coffle ofNegroes would have paid. Faranba's people still kept our guide's gun andsword; alleging, that they were sent away in the night to Bisra, a townin the neighbourhood, but would be sent after us as soon as the personreturned who had gone in quest of them. We accordingly departed fromTambico about three o'clock, and halted for the night at Jeningalla nearBufra, or Kabatenda, where I formerly slept; my former landlord broughtme a large calabash of milk. 

 o ' "Mer. Alt. Tambico 166 56 0Diam. 0 32 0 -------- 1/2 167 28 0 -------- 83 44 0 --------Zenith Distance 6 16 0Decl. 20 9 0 --------Latitude 13 53 0 ========

May 22d. --Halted at Jeningalla to purchase corn for our asses. Went andsaw some iron-furnaces; they are smaller at the top than those ofManding, thus:

[Illustration]

The distance being very great between this place and the next water, weresolved to travel it by moonlight, and accordingly we left Jeningalla. 

May 23d, at two o'clock in the morning, and at eight o'clock reachedNealo Koba. At the same place where I formerly crossed, the river is notflowing, but stands in pools, some of which are deep and swarming withfish. Oysters large, but of a greenish colour; did not eat any of them. About two o'clock resumed our journey, and at sun-set reached a smallFoula village; all very much fatigued, having travelled twenty-eightmiles. 

May 24th. --Halted at Mansafara, which is only four miles east of theFoula village. This consists of three towns, quite contiguous to eachother; and near them is a large pool of water. From this town to thevillage of Nittakorra on the north bank of the Gambia is only eight milesdue south. Bought corn for the asses in crossing the Samakara woods, anda bullock for the people. Much lightning to the south-east, and thunder. Got all the bundles covered with grass, &c. During the night the wolveskilled one of our best asses within twenty yards of the place where Mr. Anderson and I slept. 

May 25th. --Left Mansafara, and entered the Tenda or Samakara wilderness. About four miles to the east passed the ruins of _Koba_, where Iformerly slept. The town was destroyed by the Bondou people about twoyears ago, and the Bentang tree burnt down. At ten passed a stream likethe Neaulico, running to the Gambia; and shortly after came in sight ofthe first range of hills, running from S. S. W. To N. N. E. , we came nearthem; and at half past eleven halted at Sooteetabba, a watering placewithin a mile of the hills. 

[Footnote: Called Koba Tenda in Park's Travels, p. 353. ]

 ' " Obser. Merid. Alt. 164 45 0 --------- 82 22 30 0 16 0 --------- 82 38 30 Diff. Par. And ref. 0 0 7 --------- 82 38 23

 ' " Zenith Distance 7 21 37 Decl. 20 65 10 Latitude 13 33 33

Departing from Sooteetabba as soon as the heat of the day was over, wecrossed the first range of hills. Mr. Anderson and I ascended the top ofone of the hills, which from the amazing fine prospect all round, I havenamed Panorama Hill; it has a sugar-loaf looking top, with a number ofwolf-holes in it. The route across the hill, though very difficult forthe asses, was extremely beautiful. In the evening we descended into aromantic valley, where we found plenty of water, being one of the remotebranches of Nealo Koba. There was plenty of fish in the pools; but theywere too deep to catch them with the hands. Close to the stream are theruins of the village of Doofroo, destroyed by the Dentila people sometime ago. This is considered as an excellent place for shootingelephants; we saw the fresh dung and feet marks of many of them near thestream. Watched for an eclipse of Jupiter's first satellite, but theplanet became clouded. 

May 26th. --At day-break ascended from the plain of Doofroo, and travelledover a rugged country, till ten o'clock, when we met a coffle (at awatering place called _Sootinimma_) bound for Gambia to redeem aperson who had been caught for a debt, and was to be sold for a slave, ifnot ransomed in a few months. There being no water here, we did not halt;but continued our march, two of the soldiers being unable to keep up. Themain body of the coffle still kept going on, and at half past twelvereached Bee Creek; from whence we sent back an ass and two Negroes tobring up the two fatigued soldiers. 

We had no sooner unloaded the asses at the Creek, than some of Isaaco'speople, being in search of honey, unfortunately disturbed a large swarmof bees near where the coffle had halted. The bees came out in immensenumbers, and attacked men and beasts at the same time. Luckily most ofthe asses were loose, and gallopped up the valley; but the horses andpeople were very much stung, and obliged to scamper in all directions. The fire which had been kindled for cooking being deserted, spread, andset fire to the bamboos; and our baggage had like to have been burnt. Infact, for half an hour the bees seemed to have completely put an end toour journey. 

In the evening, when the bees became less troublesome, and we couldventure to collect our cattle, we found that many of them were very muchstung and swelled about the head. Three asses were missing; one died inthe evening, and one next morning, and we were forced to leave one atSibikillin; in all six: besides which, our guide lost his horse, and manyof the people were very much stung about the face and hands. 

During the night got the telescope ready in order to set the watch toGreenwich time by observing an emersion of the second satellite ofJupiter. Mr. Anderson took the time, and I was seated at the telescopehalf an hour before it happened, in order to be sure of observing it. Thesatellite emerged by

 ' " _Watch_ 11 49 16 Greenwich 11 46 30 --------- Watch too fast 0 2 46 --------- Emersion by Nautical Almanack 11 49 51 Equation 0 3 21 --------- Mean time at Greenwich 11 46 30

Observations of the sun taken with artificial horizon and the watch thesame evening, to determine the apparent time. 

 H. M. S. | ' 5 57 15 | 30 24 0 58 0 | 30 14 0 58 42 | 29 43

 H. M. S. | ' 6 4 15 | 27 11 0 5 0 | 26 51 0 5 35 | 26 36

 H. M. S. | ' 6 6 54 | 25 56 0 7 34 | 25 38 0 8 13 | 25 20

Observed the meridian altitude of the sun within a mile of Bee Creek thesame day;

 ' " Altitude 164 21 0 ---------- 82 10 30 0 16 0 ---------- 82 26 30 ---------- Z. D. 7 33 23 D. 21 6 8 ---------- Latitude 13 32 45

Longitude 43 min. 56 sec. Of time, or 10 59' West. 

May 27th. --Early in the morning we set forwards, and after travellingfour miles arrived at Sibikillin. Here the water which supplies the town, is collected in a deep rocky hollow. There are plenty of fish in thepool, but the natives will not eat any of them, nor allow them to betaken, imagining that the water would immediately dry up. Cautioned thesoldiers against catching any of them. At night one of the town's-peoplefound our guide's horse in the woods, and brought it to the town. Gavehim fifteen bars of amber, and a Barraloolo, &c. 

[Footnote: _Shea_, or vegetable Butter-tree. See Park's Travels, p. 203, 352. ]

May 28th. --At day-break set forwards, and about three miles east ofSibikillin descended into a valley, where I saw the first _Shea_trees, some of them loaded with fruit, but not ripe. About eleven o'clockarrived at Badoo, a small town consisting of about three hundred huts. Alittle north of this is another town, called likewise Badoo; but theydistinguish them by the names of Sansanding and Sansanba. The Slatee orgovernor of each of these towns exacts customs to a great amount from allcoffles, and if refused, they join together and plunder them. Judging itbest to settle matters amicably, if possible, I gave him during the daythe following articles; viz. 

To Amar, the king's younger brother, Bars. Amber No. 2. 10 Coral 5

To the King of Sansanding, Amber 10 Coral 5 Scarlet 5 Barraloolo 5 Two mirrors 2 Scarlet 5 Amber 6

To the King of Sansanba, Amber 10 Coral 5 Scarlet 5

 Bars. Barraloolo 5To different people, Grandees 20 ---- 97 ----[Footnote: Here is a mistake of Mr. Park. The total is really 98. ]

Bought a bullock for 12And a sheep for 5

 ' "Mer. Alt. 163 17 0 ------------ 81 38 30 0 16 0 ------------ 81 54 30 ------------ Z. D. 8 5 30 D. 21 37 30 ------------Latitude 13 32 0

May 29th. --In the forenoon had an opportunity of sending two letters hometo England, viâ Gambia. 

In the evening left Badoo, and went to Tambacunda, about four miles eastof Badoo. The river Gambia is only four miles distant, South of Badoo. Mr. Anderson and Mr. Scott went up a hill near the town, and had a fineview of it. The course is from the South-East, till it reaches the hillsnear Badoo; it then turns towards the South. It is called _BaDeema_, or the river which is _always a river_, i. E. It neverdries. The distance between Badoo and Laby in Foota Jalla is five daystravel. 

Purchased two asses. 

May 30th. --Left Tambacunda, and entered the woods. Travelled veryexpeditiously till eleven o'clock, when we reached a watering placecalled Fatifing, where we found some green dirty water, so bad thatnothing but necessity would have made us drink it. Halted here till halfpast two o'clock, when we again set forward and reached _Tabba Gee_just at dark: found no water. During the afternoon the country to theSouth hilly and beautiful. A little before we reached the halting placesome drops of rain fell. 

May 31st. --Left Tabba Gee at day break, and a few miles to the eastpassed a round lump of quartz, called by the natives _Ta Kooro_, orthe traveller's stone; all travellers lift up this stone and turn itround. The stone is worn quite smooth, and the iron rock on which itrests is worn hollow by this constant motion. Halted during the heat ofthe day at Mambari, where there is a small village built this season; theformer one having been destroyed by war many years ago. Passed in thecourse of the forenoon two streams running towards Gambia. 

 ' " Obser. Mer. Alt. - - 162 43 0 _________ 1/2 81 21 30 0 16 0 _________ 81 37 30 _________ Z. D. - 8 23 30 D. - 21 46 10 _________ Latitude - - - 13 22 40 _________

_Muianta_, a hill resembling a castle, bearing by compass S. By E. Is distant sixteen miles; _Sambankalla_ bearing S. , the hills ofFoota Jalla bearing by compass SW. By W. SW. And SW. By S. --The town ofLaby is immediately beyond those hills, which are three days travel fromthis place. The river Gambia comes down the opening SSW. Between Muiantaand the hills of Foota Jalla. The latter have nearly the appearance ofMadeira when seen from the sea, but the hills are not so sharp-pointed asthose of Madeira. 

In the afternoon again set forwards, and four miles to the East passedthe dry bed of a torrent course towards Gambia; road rocky; plenty ofwhite quartz in detached lumps and small pieces. Travelled till quitedark, when we were forced to halt for the night at a place where therewas no water; and of course we all slept supperless. 

June 1st. --At day break set forwards, and at ten o'clock arrived atJulifunda, a considerable town founded by people who formerly receivedgoods in advance from the European traders on the Gambia, Rio Nunez, andKajaaga; the road to Bambara from these places frequently leading throughthis place when the other routes were stopped by war. These people, whotrade on credit, are called _Juli_ in distinction from the Slateewho trades with his own capital. Julifunda was formerly inhabitedentirely by Soninkees; but the King of Foota Jalla made war on them, andobliged them, as a condition of peace, to embrace the Mahomedan religion. The town contains, I suppose, about two thousand people, including thesuburbs. 

In the evening sent our guide to the chief man, who is termed _MansaKussan_, and is reckoned one of the most avaricious chiefs in thewhole of the road. Sent him some amber and scarlet as a present, and toldhim that I intended to remain one day at Julifunda in order to purchaserice. 

June 2d. --Bought some corn and two ass loads of rice; presented MansaKussan with some amber, coral, and scarlet, with which he appeared to beperfectly satisfied, and sent a bullock in return; he even prayed for mysafety, and told me that he would do his utmost to get us forwards. Bought an ass for twenty bars of amber. At four o'clock put on the loadsand departed for Baniserile. 

The whole of the asses were gone, and only Mr. Anderson and myselfremained, having sent our guide to inform Mansa Kussan of our departure. Our guide returned, and told us that Mansa Kussan had said that, unless Igave him ten bars of all the different sorts of merchandise, he would notallow us to pass farther up the country; and if we attempted to passwithout his consent, he would do his utmost to plunder us in the woods. 

Recalled the people and asses, and endeavoured to settle matters in afriendly manner. Suspecting that he would not have used such languageunless he had received assurances from some other towns that they wouldjoin him in attacking us, sent him some more scarlet and amber by ourguide; being unwilling to go singly into the town, having receivedinformation that it was the intention of the king to detain me, with aview to make me pay handsomely for my release. 

Mansa Kussan seized the money which I paid for the ass in the seller'shands, and what evinced his hostile intentions still more, he seized theass till such time as the palaver should be settled. I shall here give alist of the different articles of trade paid by me at different times, toMansa Kussan at Julifunda. 

Sent at first, Bars. Amber 16Scarlet 10Barraloolo 10

Sent afterwards, Amber 4Barraloolo 5Amber No. 1. 10

To Kussan's brothers

Amber 2Scarlet 2

Took with me when I went to pay my respects to him, Amber 23Beads 5Looking-glass 1[table ends]

Sent after the asses turned back, Amber 23Coral 10Beads 10Swords 15

Sent on the morning of the 3d of June, A pair of pistols 20Scarlet 10Barraloolo 15 ---Bars 200 ---

[Footnote 1: Here too there is some mistake in Park's MS. The true totalbeing 191. ]

 o ' "Observed Mer. Alt. 162 11 0 81 5 30 0 16 0 81 21 30 Z. D. 8 38 30 D. 22 11 29 Latitude 13 33 0

June 3d--Having sent him the last present mentioned in the above list, Iconcluded, and was assured by the king's brothers, that no furtherdemands would be made; but was much surprised when our guide and theking's brothers told me on their return that I must send ten bars ofgunpowder and ten of flints. Here I determined to put an end to thebusiness; and told the king's brothers that I considered myself as havingpaid the king very well for passing through his territory; that I wouldneither give him a single charge of gunpowder nor a flint; and if herefused to allow me to pass, I would go without his permission; and ifhis people attempted to obstruct us we would do our utmost to defendourselves. The king's brothers and some of the old Bushreens insisted onmy sending the gunpowder or some other goods of equal value; but Iassured them that Europeans would much rather run the risque of beingplundered in a hostile manner than have their goods (which were broughtto purchase provisions) extorted from them by such exorbitant demands. After going backwards and forwards to the king, his Majesty was pleasedto say he was satisfied; and what surprised me, said that he was comingto pay us a friendly visit in the afternoon. He accordingly paid us avisit, attended by a parcel of parasites and singing women. Offered me afew Cola nuts, which I desired our guide to take and eat; he likewisetold me that I should have a guide to Baniserile. 

June 4th. --Early in the morning departed, and having passed the villageEercella, remarkable for a grove of large _Sitta_ trees, about oneo'clock arrived at Baniserile, and halted under a tree near the wells. This being His Majesty's birth day, pitched one of the tents, purchased abullock and a calf for the soldiers: in the afternoon had them drawn up, and fired; and made it as much a day of festivity as our circumstanceswould permit; and though we were under the necessity of drinking HisMajesty's health in water from our canteens, yet few of his subjectswished more earnestly for the continuance of his life and the prosperityof his reign. 

Baniserile is a Mahometan town; the chief man, _Fodi_ Braheima, isone of the most friendly men I have met with. I gave him a copy of theNew Testament in Arabic, with which he seemed very much pleased. 

June 5th. --Employed in purchasing rice, having received information thatthere was a great scarcity of that article to the eastwards. Bought therice both here and at Julifunda with small amber No. 5; and I found thatthough a scarcity existed almost to famine, I could purchase a pound ofclean rice for one bead of amber, value 2d. Sterling. 

Purchased three ass loads, and on the 6th purchased two ass loads more, making in all 750lb. Of rice. This day one of our guide's people wentaway to purchase slaves at Laby in Foota Jalla, distant three long daystravel. The people here assured me it was only three days travel fromBadoo to Laby. Had a squall with thunder and rain during the night. Asthe loads were put into the tent, they were not wetted, but one of ourcarpenters, (old James, ) who had been sick of the dysentery ever since wecrossed the Nerico, and was recovering, became greatly worse. Observedmer. Alt. Of 0 161 8' latitude 13 35'. 

Dentila is famous for its iron; the flux used for smelting the iron isthe ashes of the bark of the _Kino_ tree. These ashes are as whiteas flour: they are not used in dying blue, and must therefore havesomething peculiar in them. I tasted them: they did not appear to me tohave so much alkali as the mimosa ashes, but had an austere taste. Thepeople told me, if I eat them, I would certainly die. 

June 7th. --Departed early in the morning, and as the carpenter beforementioned was very weak, appointed two soldiers to stay by him, andassist him in mounting, and to drive his ass. Four miles east ofBaniserile came to the brow of a hill, from which we had an extensiveprospect eastwards. A square looking hill, supposed to be the hill nearDindikoo, in Konkodoo, bore by compass due _East_. 

[Illustration: Untitled cut]

Shortly after crossed the bed of a stream running towards the_Faleme_ river, called _Samakoo_ on account of the vast herdsof elephants which wash themselves in it during the rains. 

[Illustration: Map]

Saw their foot marks very frequently, and fresh dung. Heard a lion roarnot far from us. This day the asses travelled very ill on account oftheir having eaten fresh grass, as we supposed. 

Obliged to load the horses, and at noon halted at a large _pool_ ofwater in the bed of the Samakoo, called _Jananga_. 

From the time of our crossing the Samakoo to our halting place, wetravelled without any road; our guide being apprehensive that as thereexisted a war a little to the south, and the people were in arms; theymight attempt to cut off some of the fatigued asses in our rear. 

In the afternoon resumed our march, and travelled without any road over awild and rocky country. Obliged to leave two of the asses on the road, and load all the horses. We did not reach the watering place till quitedark, and were obliged to fire muskets frequently to prevent us fromstraying from each other. 

June 8th. --Early in the morning resumed our march, and about two miles tothe east came to the brow of a hill, from whence we could distinguish thecourse of the Faleme river by the range of dark green trees which grew onits borders. The carpenter unable to sit upright, and frequently threwhimself from the ass, wishing to be left to die. Made two of the soldierscarry him by force and hold him on the ass. At noon reached Madina, andhalted by the side of the Faleme river; which at this season is a littlediscoloured by the rain, but not sensibly swelled. The general course ofthis river as pointed out by the natives is from the south-east quarter;the distance to its source is six ordinary days travel. The bed of theriver here is rocky, except at the crossing place, where it is a mixtureof sand and gravel. The river abounds in fish, some of them very large:we saw several plunge and leap that appeared to be so large as to weigh60 or 70 lb. The velocity of the stream is about four knots per hour. 

In the afternoon got all the bundles carried over, and up the oppositebank, which very much fatigued the soldiers. When every thing was carriedover, I found the carpenter still more weakly and apparently dying. Itherefore thought it best to leave him at Madina till the morningfollowing. Went to the village, and hired a hut for him for six bars ofamber, and gave the Dooty four bars, desiring him to make some of hispeople assist the soldier (whom I left to take care of the sick person)in burying him, if he died during the night. In the evening went toSatadoo, which is only one mile east of the river. As there was greatappearance of rain, put all the baggage into one, and slept on the top ofthe bundles, leaving the other tent for the soldiers. We had a heavytornado with much thunder and lightning. 

June 9th. --In the morning the soldier, who had been left to take care ofthe sick man, returned; and informed us that he died at eight o'clock thepreceding evening; and that with the assistance of the Negroes he hadburied him in the place where the people of the village bury their dead. Purchased corn for the asses, and a large bullock for the people;likewise one ass. 

Went into the town in the evening, and presented the Dooty with six bars, requesting a guide to Shrondo, which he readily granted. Satadoo iswalled round, and contains about three hundred huts: it was formerly muchlarger. Observed mer. Alt. Sun 160° 6'; observed mer. Alt. Jupiter 11636'. 

Five of the soldiers, who did not go into the tent, but staid under thetree during the rain, complained much of headache and uneasiness atstomach. 

June 10th. The soldiers still sickly. Left Satadoo at sun-rise: severalof our canteens stolen during the night. This forenoon we travelled formore than two miles over white quartz, large lumps of which were lyingall round; no other stone to be seen. Carried forwards a large skinful ofwater, being uncertain whether we should find any on the road. At eleveno'clock reached the bed of a stream flowing to the left, called Billalla, where we found some muddy water. 

Resumed our journey at half past three o'clock, and travelled over a hardrocky soil towards the mountains; many of the asses very much fatigued. The front of the coffle reached Shrondo at sunset; but being in the rearI had to mount one of the sick men on my horse, and assist in driving thefatigued asses: so that I did not reach the halting place till eighto'clock, and was forced to leave four asses in the woods. Shrondo is buta small town. We halted as usual under a tree at a little distance; andbefore we could pitch one of the tents, we were overtaken by a very heavytornado, which wet us all completely. In attempting to fasten up one ofthe tents to a branch of the tree, had my hat blown away, and lost. Theground all round was covered with water about three inches deep. We hadanother tornado about two o'clock in the morning. The tornado which tookplace on our arrival, had an instant effect on the health of thesoldiers, and proved to us, to be the _beginning of sorrow_. I hadproudly flattered myself that we should reach the Niger with a verymoderate loss; we had had two men sick of the dysentery; one of themrecovered completely on the march, and the other would doubtless haverecovered, had he not been wet by the rain at Baniserile. But now therain had set in, and I trembled to think that we were only halfwaythrough our journey. The rain had not commenced three minutes before manyof the soldiers were affected with vomiting; others fell asleep, andseemed as if half intoxicated. I felt a strong inclination to sleepduring the storm; and as soon as it was over I fell asleep on the wetground, although I used every exertion to keep myself awake. The soldierslikewise fell asleep on the wet bundles. 

June 11th. --Twelve of the soldiers sick. Went and waited on the Dooty, and presented him with five bars of amber, and two of beads, requestinghis permission to go and look at the gold mines, which I understood werein the vicinity. Having obtained his permission, I hired a woman to gowith me, and agreed to pay her a bar of amber if she would shew me agrain of gold. We travelled about half a mile west of the town, when wecame to a small meadow spot of about four or five acres extent, in whichwere several holes dug resembling wells. They were in general about tenor twelve feet deep; towards the middle of the meadow spot the holes weredeepest, and shallower towards the sides. Their number was about thirty, besides many old ones which had sunk down. Near the mouths of these pitswere several other shallow pits, lined with clay, and full of rain water:between the _mine pits_ and these _wash pits_ laid severalheaps of sandy gravel. On the top of each was a stone; some of the stoneswhite, others red, others black, &c. These serve to distinguish eachperson's property. I could see nothing peculiar in this gravel; somesilicious pebbles as large as a pigeon's egg, pieces of white and reddishquartz, iron stone, and killow, and a soft friable yellow stone, whichcrumbled to pieces by the fingers, were the chief minerals that I coulddistinguish. Besides the above there was a great portion of sand, and ayellow earth resembling _till_. 

The woman took about half a pound of gravel with one hand from the heap, which I suppose belonged to her; and having put it into a large calabash, threw a little water on it with a small calabash; which two calabashesare all that are necessary for washing gold. The quantity of water wasonly sufficient to cover the sand about one inch. She then crumbled thesand to pieces, and mixt it with the water; this she did not in arotatory manner, but by pulling her hands towards herself, as shewn inthe following sketch. 

[Illustration]

She then threw out all the large pebbles, looking on the ground where shethrew them, for fear of throwing out a piece of gold. Having done this, she gave the sand and water a rotatory motion, so as to make a part ofthe sand and water fly over the brim of the calabash. While she did thiswith her _right_ hand, with her _left_ she threw out of thecentre of the vortex a portion of sand and water at every revolution. Shethen put in a little fresh water, and as the quantity of sand was nowmuch diminished, she held the calabash in an oblique direction, and madethe sand move slowly round on the line AB, while she constantly agitatedit with a quick motion in the direction CD. 

[Illustration]

I now observed a quantity of black matter, resembling gunpowder, whichshe told me was _gold rust_; and before she had moved the sand onequarter round the calabash, she pointed to a yellow speck, and said, _sanoo affilli_, see the gold. On looking attentively I saw aportion of pure gold, and took it out. It would have weighed about _onegrain_. The whole of the washing, from the first putting in of thesand till she shewed me the gold, did not exceed the space of _twominutes_. I now desired her to take a larger portion. She put in, asnearly as I could guess, about two pounds; and having washed it in thesame manner, and nearly in the same time, found no fewer than_twenty-three_ particles; some of them were very small. In both casesI observed that the quantity of sanoo mira, or _gold rust_, was atleast forty times greater than the quantity of gold. She assured me thatthey sometimes found pieces of gold as large as her fist. I could notascertain the quantity of gold washed here in one year; but I believe itmust be considerable, though they wash only during the beginning and endof the rains. Gold is sold here, and all along our route, by theminkalli: six teelee kissi (a sort of bean, the fruit of a large tree)make one minkalli: the weight of six teelee kissi is exactly [dram] &[scruple]. In Kaarta they use a small bean called jabee kissi, twenty-fourof which make one minkalli; a jabee kissi weighs exactly four grains. InKasson, twelve small tamarind stones make one minkalli, which I believe isthe heaviest minkalli in this part of Africa. If gold is purchased withamber, _one bead_ of No. 4 will, in almost all cases, purchase one_teelee kissi_: but it can be purchased with more advantage withbeads or scarlet, and still more so with gunpowder. I did not purchaseany; but our guide bought a considerable quantity, and I was present atall his bargain-making. 

Went in the afternoon to see a brother of Karfa Taura's; he had a verylarge collection of Arabic books, and I made him quite happy by adding anArabic New Testament to the number. 

June 12th. --Left Shrondo early in the morning; the sick being unable towalk, I gave them all the horses and spare asses. Travelled slowly alongthe bottom of the Konkodoo mountains, which are very steep precipices ofrock, from eighty to two or three hundred feet high. We reached Dindikooat noon; at which time it came on a tornado so rapidly, that we wereforced to carry our bundles into the huts of the natives; this being thefirst time the coffle had entered a town since leaving Gambia. As soon asthe rain was over, went with Mr. Anderson to see the gold pits which arenear this town. The pits are dug exactly in the same manner as atShrondo; a section of the pit would have this appearance. 

[Illustration]

The notches in the side of the pit serve as a ladder to descend by. Thegravel here is very coarse; some round stones larger than a man's head, and a vast number larger than one's fist were lying round the mouths ofthe pits, which were near twenty in number. Near the pits is a stream ofwater, and as the banks had been scraped away to wash for gold, I coulddistinguish a stratum of earth and large stones about ten feet thick, andunder this a stratum of two feet of ferruginous pebbles about the size ofa pigeon's egg, and a yellow and rusty-coloured sand and earth; underthis a stratum of tough white clay. The rusty-coloured sand is that inwhich the gold is found. Saw plenty of the gold rust. 

When I returned from the gold pits, I went with Mr. Scott to go to thetop of the hill, which is close to the town. The hill was very steep androcky. The rocks (like all the hills in Konkodoo) are a coarse reddishgranite, composed of red feldspar, white quartz, and black shorl; but itdiffers from any granite I have seen, in having round smooth pebbles, many of them as large as a cannon shot. These pebbles, when broken, aregranite, but of a paler colour and closer texture. The day was cool; butafter fatiguing ourselves and resting six times, we found that we wereonly about half way to the top. We were surprised to find the hillcultivated to the very summits; and though the people of Dindikoo werebut preparing their fields, the corn on the hill was six inches high. Thevillages on these mountains are romantic beyond anything I ever saw. Theyare built in the most delightful glens of the mountains; they have plentyof water and grass at all seasons; they have cattle enough for their ownuse, and their superfluous grain purchases all their luxuries; and whilethe thunder rolls in awful grandeur over their heads, they can look fromtheir tremendous precipices over all that wild and woody plain whichextends from the Faleme to the Black River. This plain is in extent, fromNorth to South, about forty miles: the range of hills to the South seemto run in the same direction as those of Konkodoo, viz. From East toWest. There are no lions on the hills, though they are very numerous inthe plain. In the evening Lieutenant Martyn fell sick of the fever. 

June 13th. --Early in the morning departed from Dindikoo. The sickoccupied all the horses and spare asses; and as the number of drivers wasthus diminished, we had very hard work to get on. Ten of the loaded assesand drivers went a different road. Mr. Anderson and Mr. Scott being withthem, fired their muskets as soon as they observed that the guide wasleading them in a road where were no asses' foot marks. Answered them;and sent the serjeant to their assistance. In half an hour they came up, having gone about three miles too much to the right. Reached a villagealmost deserted about one o'clock, and found the coffle halted by astream to the east of it. Very uneasy about our situation: half of thepeople being either sick of the fever or unable to use great exertion, and fatigued in driving the asses. Found, to my great mortification, thatthe ass which carried the telescope and several other things, was notcome up. Mr. Anderson, the serjeant, and our guide rode back about fivemiles in search of it; but returned at half past three o'clock, withoutbeing able to find it. Presented the Dooty of the village with five barsof amber; requesting him, if he heard of it, to send it forward, and Iwould reward him for it. Put on the loads; and part of the coffle haddeparted, when one of the Dooty's sons came and told us that he had seenthe ass, and brought it to the village. Went to the village, and paid theperson who found it twenty bars, and the Dooty ten bars. Mounted the loadon my horse, and drove it before me. I did not reach Fankia till seveno'clock; having to walk slow, in order to coax on three sick soldiers whohad fallen behind, and were for lying down under every tree they passed. Fankia is a small village, four miles North West from _Binlingalla_. Here we departed from my former route, and did not touch on it again tillwe reached the Niger. 

Chapter III. 

Departure from Fankia--Tambaura mountains, and difficulties in ascendingthe Pass--Toombin--Great embarrassments on the road--Serimanna--Fajemmia--Astronomical observations--Increase of the sick--Nealakalla--Ba LeeRiver--Boontoonkooran--Dooggikotta--Falifing--Losses on theroad--Gimbia; inhospitable treatment--Sullo--Face of the country--Secoba--Kronkromo--Passage of the Ba Fing--Mode of smelting and working gold--Fatal accident in crossing the Ba Fing--Hippopotami--Deaths and losseson the route--Increase of sickness--Reach Viandry--Koeena--Danger fromyoung lions--Koombandi--Great embarrassments on the road--Fonilla--BaWoolima River; difficulties in crossing it--Isaaco seized by a crocodile--Boolinkoonbo--Distressing situation of the whole of the party--ReachSerrababoo--Saboseera. 

CHAPTER III. 

June 14th. --I halted at Fankia, in order to give the sick a little rest, knowing there was a steep hill to ascend near this place. Found myselfvery sick, having been feverish all night. 

 ' "Observed mer. Alt. Sun, - 159 39 0 ---------- 79 49 0-1/2 0 16 0 ---------- 80 5 30 ---------- Z. D. - 9 55 30 D. - - 23 17 0 ---------- Latitude - 13 22 30

Bought corn for the asses, and plenty of fowls for the sick. 

June 15th. --Left Fankia: men still very sickly, and some of them slightlydelirious. About a mile N. E. Of this village is the passage in theTambaura mountains, called Toombinjeena. The ascent is very steep androcky: the perpendicular of the steepest place would not much exceedthree hundred feet. The asses being heavily loaded, in order to spare asmany as possible for the sick, we had much difficulty in getting ourloads up this steep. The number of asses exceeding the drivers, presenteda dreadful scene of confusion in this rocky staircase; loaded assestumbling over the rocks, sick soldiers unable to walk, black fellowsstealing; in fact it certainly was _uphill work_ with us at thisplace. Having got up all the loads and asses, set forwards; and about twomiles from the steep came to the delightful village of Toombin. Oncollecting our loads, found that the natives had stolen from us sevenpistols, two great coats and one knapsack, besides other small articles. Sent back the horses for two sick soldiers, who were unable to ride onthe horses, and were left at the steep. Pitched the tent, and secured thebaggage from the rain. 

[Footnote: See Park's Travels, p. 257]

June 16th. --Left Toombin. Just as the people and asses were gone, thegood old schoolmaster whom I mentioned in my former travels came up. Hehad heard the night before that I was with the party, and had travelledall night to come and see me. As the loads were gone on, I told him Iwished him to go forward with me to the place where we should halt; thatI might reward him in some degree for his former kindness. Recoveredthree of the pistols which had been stolen, and one great coat. Setforwards. About a mile to the east of the village found _Hinton_, one of the sick who rode Mr. Anderson's horse, lying under a tree, andthe horse grazing at a little distance. Some of the natives had stolenthe pistols from the holsters, and robbed my coat case, which wasfastened behind the saddle, of a string of coral, all the amber and beadsit contained, and one barraloolo. Luckily they did not fancy my pocketsextant, and artificial horizon, which were in the same place. Put thesick man on the horse and drove it before me; and after holding him onand using every exertion to keep him on the saddle, I found that I wasunable to carry him on, and having fatigued myself very much withcarrying him forwards about six miles, I was forced to leave him. 

About a mile after I left Hinton, I came to two others lying in the shadeof a tree. Mounted one on Mr. Anderson's horse, and the other on my own, and drove them before me. Reached the village of Serimanna about halfpast twelve o'clock: sent back a horse in the cool of the evening forHinton, and brought him to the village, being obliged to tie him on thehorse. 

Gave the schoolmaster five bars of scarlet, one barraloolo, ten bars ofbeads, fourteen of amber, and two dollars, which made him completelyhappy. I likewise gave him an Arabic New Testament, which he promised toread with attention. 

June 17th. --Finding that Hinton was worse, and Sparks delirious, leftthem to the care of the Dooty of the village; having given him amber andbeads sufficient to purchase victuals for them if they lived, and to burythem if they died. If they recovered, he engaged to join them to thefirst coffle travelling to Gambia. From Serimanna in two hours we reachedFajemmia: this is only a small village, but fortified with a high wall. The chief, from whom the village has its name, formerly resided atFaramba, to the East of this; but has lately retired here, leaving hispeople and slaves at Faramba. Fajemmia is the most powerful chief ofKonkodoo, and holds under his subjection all the country from Toombin tothe Ba Fing. 

The customs paid by travellers being always in proportion to the powerand mischievous disposition of the chiefs; those paid at Fajemmia are ofcourse very high. 

I paid as follows:

 Bars Amber 15 Beads 50 Scarlet 20 Amber 35 Amber 14 Barraloolo 15 ---- 149 bars;

a soldier's musket, a pair of handsome pistols, a handsome sword, a greatcoat, and one hundred gun flints. 

Very happy to get so well over the palaver; for he insisted long onhaving the customs, or four bottles of gunpowder for each ass, whichwould have distressed us very much; and we could have made but a feebleresistance, being so very sickly. Observed an emersion of Jupiter's firstsatellite. 

June 17th, time by the watch 13° 6' 15". 

June 18th, altitudes for the time with artificial horizon. 

H. M. S. ' H. M. S. '6 25 35 | 19 36 6 27 41 | 18 43 26 13 | 19 28 28 19 | 18 24 26 51 | 19 5 28 50 | 18 12

 6 29 39 17 49 30 23 17 30 30 48 17 19

Longitude not yet calculated. 

 ' "June 18th. --Obser. Mer. Alt. Sun, 159 49 0 ---------- 79 54 0-1/2 0 16 0 ---------- 80 10 0-1/2 ---------- Z. D. - 9 50 0 D. - 23 25 0 ---------- Latitude 13 35 0 N. 

Our palaver with Fajemmia was not finished till the morning of the 19th. During the 18th, 19th, and 20th I was very sick; and though in general Iwas able to sit up part of the day, yet I was very weak, and unable toattend to the marketing of corn, milk, and fowls. Mr. Anderson thereforebought these articles, and attended to the cattle, &c. Lieutenant Martyn, the sergeant, corporal, and half the soldiers sick of the fever. Boiled acamp kettle full of strong decoction of cinchona every day since leavingDindikoo. Purchased three asses, and hired our guide's people to drivefour of our asses in addition to the two they already drove, makingaltogether six asses, for one hundred and twenty bars. 

On the 18th, Mr. Anderson and one of the soldiers went back to Serimannato see the two men left there, and ascertain if they could possibly becarried forward. Returned on the 19th, and reported that they were bothalive, but not in a state to be moved, and were themselves anxious toremain where they were, as it afforded them the only chance of recovery. 

June 20th. --When we had loaded the asses, found one of the soldiers(_old Rowe_) unable to ride. Paid ten bars of amber, and measuredeighteen days rice for him to one of the best men in the village, who, Ihave no doubt, will take care of him. Shortly after leaving Fajemmia, itbegan to thunder, and by the time we had travelled four miles weexperienced a smart tornado, which wetted many of the loads, and made theroad very muddy and slippery. We reached a village nearly deserted, called Nealakalla, about noon. Here we found that the ass which carriedthe spare clothing was not come up; and as many of the men were very illsituated, particularly with respect to shoes, I thought it best to sendback two of the men a few miles to see if they could find it. Felt ratheruneasy about the men, as they did not return at sun-set. Fired severalmuskets, but heard no answer. The village of Nealakalla is close to the_Ba Lee_ or Honey river, which we found discoloured, but notsensibly swelled. Saw two crocodiles, and an incredible number of largefish. 

June 21st. --As the two men had not yet arrived, sent forward the coffleto cross the river: desired Mr. Scott to fire a musket when they had allcrossed. Mr. Anderson and myself agreed to stop at Nealakalla till noon, in hopes of hearing something concerning the two men. They arrived abouteleven o'clock, having found the ass and load so near Fajemmia, that theyhad gone there and slept in the same hut with old Rowe, who, they toldus, was recovering and very well pleased with his situation. Setforwards; and about a mile to the N. E. Of the village crossed the riverat a place where its course is interrupted by a bed of whinstone rock, which forms the stream into a number of small cataracts. The people hadto carry over all the loads on their heads, and we found them cooking onthe East bank of the river, and nearly ready to set forwards. Mr. Anderson and I stepped across the river from rock to rock without wettingour feet. 

As soon as the men had finished their breakfast we set forwards, andabout two miles East came to a narrow and deep creek, in which was astream of muddy water. Crossed this with so much difficulty, that somewere for calling it _Vinegar Creek_. About four o'clock passed thevillage of _Boontoonkooran_, delightfully situated at the bottom ofa steep and rocky hill. Two miles East of this we halted for the night atthe village of _Dooggikotta_; where the cultivation is veryextensive, and we had much difficulty in keeping our cattle off the corn. A tornado during the night. 

June 22d. --Halted till near ten o'clock, as there was great appearance ofrain. William Roberts, one of the carpenters who had been sick sinceleaving Fajemmia, declared that he was unable to proceed, and signed anote that he was left by his own consent. Passed a small village aboutfour miles to the East, and travelled on the ascent near a river coursealmost the whole day. We had a fine view of _Kullallie_, a highdetached and square rocky hill, which we had seen ever since we leftFajemmia. This hill is quite inaccessible on all sides, and level andgreen on the top. The natives affirm that there is a lake of water on itssummit, and they frequently go round the bottom of the precipices, duringthe rainy season, and pick up _large turtles_, which have tumbledover the precipice and killed themselves. Saw many very picturesque androcky hills during the march, and in the evening halted at the village of_Falifing_, which is situated on the summit of the ascent whichseparates the _Ba lee_ from the _Ba fing_. Lost one ass, and80lbs. Of balls on the march. 

June 23d. --Early in the morning resumed our journey; and after travellingtwo hours on a level plain, bounded with high rocky precipices on ourright and left, we descended slowly towards the East, and shortly came tothe village of _Gimbia_, or _Kimbia_. I chanced to be in therear, bringing on some asses which had thrown their loads; and when Icame up I found all about the village wearing a hostile appearance, themen running from the corn grounds and putting on their quivers, &c. Thecause of this tumult was, as usual, the _love of money_. Thevillagers had heard that the white men were to pass; that they were verysickly, and unable to make any resistance, or to defend the immensewealth in their possession. Accordingly when part of the coffle hadpassed the village, the people sallied out; and, under pretence that thecoffle should not pass till the Dooty pleased, insisted on turning backthe asses. One of them seized the serjeant's horse by the bridle to leadit into the village; but when the serjeant cocked his pistol andpresented it, he dropped the bridle; others drove away the asses withtheir loads, and every thing seemed going into confusion. The soldierswith great coolness loaded their pieces with ball, and fixed theirbayonets: on seeing this the villagers hesitated, and the soldiers drovethe asses across the bed of a torrent; and then returned, leaving asufficient number to guard the asses. 

The natives collected themselves under a tree by the gate of the village, where I found the Dooty and Isaaco at very high words. On enquiring thecause of the tumult, Isaaco informed me that the villagers had attemptedto take the loads from the asses. I turned to the Dooty, and asked himwho were the persons that had dared to make such an attempt. He pointedto about thirty people armed with bows; on which I fell a laughing, andasked him if he really thought that such people could fight; adding, ifhe had a mind to make the experiment, they need only go up and attempt totake off one of the loads. They seemed by this time to be fully satisfiedthat they had made a vain attempt; and the Dooty desired me to tell themen to go forward with the asses. As I did not know but perhaps some ofthe sick might be under the necessity of returning this way, I thought itadviseable to part on friendly terms; and therefore gave the Dooty fourbars of amber, and told him that we did not come to make war; but if anyperson made war on us, we would defend ourselves to the last. 

Set forwards, and half a mile to the East descended into a rocky valley:many of the asses fell in going down the steep. About noon reached_Sullo_, an unwalled village at the bottom of a rocky hill. Shortlyafter we halted Lieutenant Martyn's horse died. This was a _Godsend_ to the people of Sullo, who cut him up as if he had been abullock, and had almost come to _blows_ about the division of him;so much is horse-flesh esteemed at this place. Numbers of large monkieson the rocks over the town. 

June 24th. --Left Sullo, and travelled through a country beautiful beyondimagination, with all the possible diversities of _rock_, sometimestowering up like ruined castles, spires, pyramids, &c. We passed oneplace so like a ruined Gothic abbey, that we halted a little, before wecould satisfy ourselves that the niches, windows, ruined staircase, &c. Were all natural rock. A faithful description of this place wouldcertainly be deemed a fiction. 

Passed a hill composed of one homogeneous mass of solid rock (redgranite) without a detached stone or blade of grass; never saw such ahill in my life. In the course of the march saw several villagesromantically situated in the crescents formed by the rocky precipices;the medium height of these precipices is from one hundred to five or sixhundred feet perpendicular. The whole country between the Ba fing and Balee is rugged and grand beyond any thing I have seen. 

We reached _Secoba_ at noon. The Dooty of this town is Fajemmia'syounger brother. Presented him with goods to the amount of 50 bars; hewas so much pleased that he said he would go with us till we had crossedthe _Ba fing_, and see that the canoe people did not impose on us. 

Obser. Mer. Alt. Of Jupiter ' " 115 28 0 ---------- 57 44 0 0 0 36 ---------- 57 43 24 ---------- 32 16 36 18 49 10 ----------Latitude 13 27 26

June 25th. --Halted at _Secoba_, in order to refresh the sick; boughtplenty of fowls and milk for them. 

June 26th. --Departed from Secoba, accompanied by the Dooty and severalpeople. Hired three of the Dooty's friends, as guides to Kandy, in thatdistrict of Fooladoo called Gangaran. About seven miles East of Secobacame to the village of Konkromo, where we pitched our tents by the riverside. The day was too far spent before we had agreed with the canoepeople, and, as we could not possibly carry all the loads over, thoughtit best to wait till next morning. As I thought it probable that weshould have an opportunity of observing an eclipse of Jupiter's firstsatellite, I took the following altitudes for the time. 

H. M. S. ' H. M. S. ' H. M. S. ' 5 25 55 | 45 36 5 30 2 | 43 47 5 36 22 | 40 55 0 26 53 | 45 13 0 30 42 | 43 28 0 37 3 | 40 35 0 27 37 | 44 55 0 31 25 | 43 10 0 37 44 | 40 17

Observed the emersion of the first satellite of Jupiter. 

 H. M. S. By watch - - - - 9 26 20

Time by Nautical Almanack - 9 24 53Equation - - - 0 2 15 -------- Mean time at Greenwich 9 27 8 9 27 8 -------- Watch too slow 0 0 48

Longitude 32 m. 24 sec. Or 8° 6' W. 

June 27th. --Early in the morning paid the canoe people 50 bars to carryover all our baggage and cattle, and likewise presented the Dooty of_Secoba_ with some beads. 

Four canoes sufficient to carry only an ass load and an half at a time, were provided for this purpose. Sent over Mr. Anderson and six men withtheir arms to receive the loads from the canoes and carry them into thetents. The asses were made to swim over, one on each side of the canoe, two boys sitting in the canoe and holding them by the ears. 

At this place I had an opportunity of seeing their mode of smelting gold. Isaaco had purchased some gold in coming through Konkodoo, and here hehad it made into a large ring. The smith made a crucible of common redclay and dried it in the sun: into this he put the gold, without any fluxor mixture whatever; he then put charcoal under and over it, and blowingthe fire with the common double bellows of the country, soon producedsuch a heat as to bring the gold into a state of fusion. He then made asmall furrow in the ground, into which he poured the melted gold; when itwas cold he took it up, and heating it again, soon hammered it into asquare bar. Then heating it again, he twisted it by means of two pairs ofpincers into a sort of screw; and lengthening out the ends, turned themup so as to form a massy and precious ring. 

When the baggage and cattle were all transported over, I sent over themen, and embarked myself in the last canoe; but as one of the soldiers inthe other canoe had gone out to purchase something, I made the canoe inwhich I was shove off, telling the men to come off the moment the manreturned. I found it difficult to sit in the canoe so as to balance it, though it contained only three people besides the rower. We had justlanded on the East bank, when we observed the canoe, in which were thethree soldiers, pushing off from the opposite bank. It shortly afteroverset, and though the natives from the shore swam in to theirassistance, yet J. Cartwright was unfortunately drowned. The nativesdived and recovered two of the muskets, and Cartwright's body; they putthe body in the canoe and brought it over. I used the means recommendedby the Humane Society, but in vain. We buried him in the evening on thebank of the river. 

The Ba fing is here a large river quite navigable; it is swelled at thistime about two feet, and flows at the rate of three knots per hour. Thepeople here are _all thieves:_ they attempted to steal several ofour loads, and we detected one carrying away the bundle in which was allour medicines. We could not sleep with the noise of the hippopotami, which came close to the bank and kept snorting and blowing all night. Thenight being clear, observed the emersion of Jupiter's second satellite;it emerged

 H. M. S. By watch - - - - 11 25 55Time by Nautical Almanack 11 24 40Equation - - - 0 1 53 -------- Mean time at Greenwich 11 26 33 11 26 33 -------- Watch too slow 0 0 38

June 28th. --Purchased an ass for four minkallis of gold, and a horse for45 bars. Set forwards about seven o'clock. After travelling four miles, the ass I had purchased lay down, and I found it impossible to raise him. Took off the load and left him. At ten o'clock came close to the bottomof a high rocky hill, which rises like an immense castle from the levelplain: it is called _Sankaree_: and on enquiring about a large heapof stones near the foot of the precipice, I was told that the town ofMadina, which was in the vicinity, was some years ago stormed by theKaartans, and that the greater part of the inhabitants fled towards thishill. Some however were killed on the road, and these stones werecollected over the grave of one of them. He said there were five moresuch near the hill, and that every person in passing, if he belongs tothe same family or _contong_, thinks himself bound to throw a stoneon the heap to perpetuate the memory of their friend. These heaps areprecisely what in Scotland are called _Cairns_. This hill isaccessible only by one very narrow and difficult path. They assured methat there was abundance of water on the summit at all seasons, and thatthe huts built by the Madina people were still standing on the summit, though out of repair. 

At eleven o'clock crossed a stream, like a mill stream, running North. Wehalted on the East side of it; found that one of the asses with a load ofbeads had not come up. The soldier who drove it (Bloore), withoutacquainting any person, returned to look for it. Shortly after the assand load were found in the woods. Sent the serjeant after Bloore on oneof the horses; he rode back as far as Sankaree without seeing him, andconcluded he had lost the path. He found one of the sick (Walter) who hadwandered from the track (for there was no road); and had laid himselfdown among the bushes till some of the natives discovered him. Paid thenatives ten bars of amber, and desired them to look for Bloore. 

In the afternoon collected the asses for marching. Had great difficultyin finding the horses, one of which (the serjeant's), after all oursearch could not be found. As it was in vain to wait for Bloore, put onthe loads and departed. It is to be observed that there is no path-way inthese woods, and we found much difficulty in keeping together: firedmuskets frequently to give intimation of our line of march. Aftertravelling about four miles, Shaddy Walter, the sick man beforementioned, became so exhausted that he could not sit on the ass. He wasfastened on it, and held upright; he became more and more faint, andshortly after died. He was brought forwards to a place where the front ofthe coffle had halted, to allow the rear to come up. Here when the cofflehad set forwards, two of the soldiers with their bayonets, and myselfwith my sword, dug his grave in the wild desert; and a few branches werethe only laurels which covered the tomb of the brave. 

We did not come up to the coffle till they had halted for the night neara pool of water shaded with ground palm-trees. Here I was informed thattwo of the soldiers were not come up; one (Baron) was seen about a milefrom the halting place; the other (Hill) was supposed to be three or fourmiles behind. Fired two muskets every quarter of an hour; one to calltheir attention, and the other about half a minute after to give thedirection. At half past seven Hill came up, being directed entirely bythe sound of the muskets. At eleven o'clock saw some lights in the woods, and heard people holla: in a little time five people came, bringing withthem Bloore, the man who had gone in quest of the ass. He had gone backas far as the Black River, crossed it and made signs to the people aboutthe ass and the load. As they did not rightly understand him, theythought that some party had fallen on the coffle, and that this soldierhad run away. They therefore came with him to see if they could come infor their share, or at least receive some reward for coming along withthe man. Paid them ten bars of amber, and desired them to look for Baron, and I would give them ten bars more if they found him. 

June 29th. --At day-break fired muskets for Baron; and as it was evidenthe must have wandered from the track made by the asses, and it was invain to look for him in so extensive a wilderness, at half past sixo'clock loaded the asses and set out. Two more of the soldiers affectedwith the fever. Route in the morning rocky. Traveled twelve miles withouthalting, in order to reach a watering place. About two miles before wecame to the watering place, Bloore, the soldier who had come up duringthe night, sat down under the shade of a tree; and when I desired him toproceed, he said he was rather fatigued, and when he had cooled himself, he would follow. I assured him that the halting place was only a verylittle way off, and advised him by all means not to fall asleep. Wehalted on an elevated table land: the water was only rain collected inthe hollow places of the rock. At half past four o'clock, as Bloore hadnot come up, I sent the Sergeant on one of the horses to bring himforward; he returned at sun-set, having seen nothing of him, and havingrode several miles past the place. I suspected that the serjeant mighthave rode past him asleep under the tree; I therefore got threevolunteers to go with me, and look for him. It was now quite dark. Wecollected a large bundle of dry grassland taking out a handful at a time, kept up a constant light, in order to frighten the lions which are verynumerous in these woods. When we reached the tree under which he laydown, we made a fire. Saw the place where he had pressed down the grass, and the marks of his feet: went to the west along the pathway, andexamined for the marks of his feet, thinking he might possibly havemistaken the direction. Found none: fired several muskets. Hollowed, andset fire to the grass. Returned to the tree and examined all round; sawno blood nor the foot marks of any wild beasts. Fired six muskets more. As any further search was likely to be fruitless, (for we did not dare towalk far from the track for fear of losing ourselves) we returned to thetents. One of Isaaco's people shot an antelope in the evening, which morethan supplied us all with meat. Much troubled in the night with wolves. 

June 30th. --Early in the morning set forwards, and descended from thetable land into a more fertile plain. Vast numbers of monkies on therocks. Reached Kandy after a march of ten miles, all very much fatigued. This is but a small town; the large town having been taken and burnt byDaisy's son about two years ago, and all the people carried away. Mr. Anderson and Mr. Scott sick of the lever. 

July 1st. --Covered a load of beads with the skin of the antelope. One ofthe bundles containing all our small _seed beads_ stolen during thenight; made all the search I could, but in vain: I could not recover it. As we were short of rice, and none could be purchased here, determined topush on as quick as possible; but the men were so very sickly, that Ijudged it imprudent to trust the baggage and asses without properdrivers. Employed in dividing the asses amongst the healthy men. 

July 2d. --Set forwards. Two more of the soldiers sick of the fever. Whenwe had travelled about three miles, one of the soldiers (Roger M'Millan)became so delirious, that it was found impossible to carry him forwards. Left him at a village called _Sanjeekotta_. I regretted much beingunder the necessity of leaving in the hour of sickness and distress, aman who had grown old in the service of his country. He had beenthirty-one years a soldier, twelve times a corporal, nine times aserjeant; but an unfortunate attachment to the _bottle_ alwaysreturned him into the ranks. 

We reached _Koeena_ about three o'clock, all very much fatigued. Ifelt myself very sickly, having lifted up and reloaded a great many asseson the road. The village of _Koeena_ is walled round, and it issurrounded on three sides with rocky precipices. Had a severe tornado atseven o'clock, which put out the watch-fire and made us all crowd intothe tents. When the violence of the squall was over, we heard aparticular sort of roaring or growling, not unlike the noise of a wildboar; there seemed to be more than one of them, and they went all roundour cattle. Fired two muskets to make them keep at a distance; but asthey still kept prowling round us, we collected a bunch of witheredgrass, and went with Lieutenant Martyn in search of the animals, suspecting them to be wild boars. We got near one of them, and firedseveral shots into the bush, and one at him as he went off among the longgrass. When we returned to the tents, I learned by enquiring of thenatives that the animals we had been in search of were not boars, butyoung lions; and they assured me that unless we kept a very good look outthey would probably kill some of our cattle during the night. Aboutmidnight these young lions attempted to seize one of the asses, which somuch alarmed the rest that they broke their ropes, and came at fullgallop in amongst the tent ropes. Two of the lions followed them, andcame so close to us that the sentry cut at one of them with his sword, but did not dare to fire for fear of killing the asses. Neglected to windup the watch. 

July 3d. --Departed from Koeena, and halted during the heat of the day atKoombandi, distant six miles. Here the guides that I had hired fromKandy, were to return; and I had agreed with them to carry backM'Millan's knapsack, and some amber and beads to purchase provisions forhim; but three people came up to us with two asses for sale, and theyinformed me that they left Sanjeekotta early in the morning; that thesoldier who was left there, had died during the night, and the nativeshad buried him in a corn field near the town. Purchased the asses inorder to carry forwards the sick. 

About three o'clock left Koombandi. Mr. Anderson and Mr. Scott were sosick, that they wished to remain here for the night; with muchentreating, persuaded them to mount their horses and go on. Three mileseast of the village, William Alston, one of the seamen whom I receivedfrom His Majesty's ship Squirrel, became so faint that he fell from hisass, and allowed the ass to run away. Set him on my horse, but found hecould not sit without holding him. Replaced him on the ass, but he stilltumbled off: put him again on the horse, and made one man keep himupright, while I led the horse. But as he made no exertion to keephimself erect, it was impossible to hold him on the horse, and afterrepeated tumbles he begged to be left in the woods till morning. I left aloaded pistol with him, and put some cartridges into the crown of hishat. At sun-set reached Fonilla, a small walled village on the banks ofthe Wonda, which is here called _Ba Woolima_ (Red river), andtowards its source it has the name of _Ba qui_ (White river), themiddle part of its course being called _Wonda. _ It had swelled twofeet perpendicular by the rains which had fallen to the southward, andwas very muddy; but cannot even in its present state be reckoned a largeriver. 

July 4th--Agreed with the canoe people to carry over our baggage andcattle for sixty bars. There being but one canoe, it was near noon beforeall the bundles were carried over. The transporting of the asses was verydifficult. The river being shallow and rocky; whenever their feet touchedthe bottom they generally stood still. Our guide, Isaaco, was very activein pushing the asses into the water, and shoving along the canoe; but ashe was afraid that we could not have them all carried over in the courseof the day he attempted to drive six of the asses across the riverfarther down where the water was shallower. When he had reached themiddle of the river a crocodile rose close to him, and instantly seizinghim by the left thigh, pulled him under water. With wonderful presence ofmind he felt the head of the animal, and thrust his finger into its eye;on which it quitted its hold, and Isaaco attempted to reach the furthershore, calling out for a knife. But the crocodile returned and seized himby the other thigh, and again pulled him under water; he had recourse tothe same expedient, and thrust his fingers into its eyes with suchviolence that it again quitted him; and when it rose, flounced about onthe surface of the water as if stupid, and then swam down the middle ofthe river. Isaaco proceeded to the other side, bleeding very much. Assoon as the canoe returned I went over, and found him very muchlacerated. The wound on the left thigh was four inches in length: that onthe right not quite so large, but very deep; besides several single teethwounds on his back. Drew the lips of the wounds together with slips ofadhesive plaister secured with a roller; and as we were not far from avillage, he thought it best for him to go forwards before his wounds hadbecome very painful. He accordingly rode forwards to the village ofBoolinkoomboo on one of our horses. Found myself very sick, and unable tostand erect without feeling a tendency to faint; the people so sicklythat it was with some difficulty we got the loads put into the tents, though it threatened rain. To my great astonishment, _Ashton_, thesailor whom I had left in the woods the evening before, came up quitenaked, having been stripped of his clothes by three of the natives duringthe night. Found his fever much abated. 

[Footnote: The name is thus written in Mr. Park's MS. ; but it seems to bea mistake for _Alston_, v. Ante p. 87. ]

July 5th. --With great difficulty got the asses loaded, but had not asufficient number of spare asses for the sick. Set one of them on myhorse, and walked, feeling a remission of the fever, though still verygiddy and unwell. We soon reached Boolinkoomboo, it being only two milesfrom the landing place. This village is sometimes called Moiaharra: itdoes not contain above one hundred people. On collecting the asses, foundthat three were missing, besides a sickly one, which was too weak tocross the river, and was eaten by the people of Fonilla. All thisdiminished our means of carrying forward the sick. 

I now found my situation very perplexing. To go forward without Isaaco toKeminoom, I knew would involve us in difficulties; as Keminoom's sons arereckoned the greatest thieves and blackguards on the whole route. To stoptill Isaaco recovered (an event which seemed very doubtful), would throwus into the violence of the rains. There was no other person that I couldtrust; and, what was worst of all, we had only _two days rice_, anda great scarcity prevailed in the country. I determined to wait threedays, to see how Isaaco's wounds looked, and in the mean time sent two ofhis people away to Serracorra with an ass and three strings of No. 5. Amber to purchase rice. 

July 6th. --All the people either sick, or in a state of great debility, except one. Bought all the milk I could find, and boiled a camp kettlefull of strong decoction of barks every day. 

July 7th. --Dressed Isaaco's wounds: they looked remarkably well. 

July 8th. --Waiting very anxiously for the return of Isaaco's people withthe rice, being now on very short allowance. 

July 9th. --In the afternoon Isaaco's people returned, bringing with theml23 lbs. Of clean rice; Isaaco's wounds looking well, and beginning todischarge good pus. Latitude by uncertain obs. Mer. Alt. Of the sun 1311'. 

July 10th. --Departed from Boolinkoomboo, and eight miles N. E. Passed thevillage of Serrababoo; close to which is a stream called Kinyaco, aboutknee deep, running to the N. W. It was very difficult to cross, on accountof the fissures in the rocks which form its bed. Several of the assesfell, and their loads were of course wet. From this we travelled dueNorth, over a ridge of rocks, which formed the only passage across achain of hills. When we had crossed this, we travelled six miles on arocky and almost impassable road, and a little before sun-set, to ourgreat joy, reached Sabooseera (Dooty Matta). This is a scattered unwalledvillage. Latitude by mer. Alt. Of moon 13° 50'. 

Chapter IV. 

Arrival at Keminoom, or Manniakorro, on the Ba lee river. --Visit to theChief. --Depredations upon the coffle by the inhabitants--Continuedattacks from banditti as far as the Ba Woolima river--Difficulties inpassing it--temporary bridge made by the natives. --Astronomicalobservations--Arrival at Mareena; inhospitable conduct of hisinhabitants--Bangassi; interview with the King--Continued sickness, anddeaths among the soldiers. --Arrival at Nummasoolo--Obliged to leave fiveof the sick behind--reach Surtaboo--Sobee--Affray between Isaaco and twosoldiers--Balanding--Balandoo--More of the soldiers fallbehind--Koolihori--Greatly annoyed by wolves. 

CHAPTER IV. 

July 11th. --From Sabooseera, or Mallaboo, we travelled towards the Westand North West till noon, when we arrived at Keminoom, or Maniakorro. This is a walled town fortified in the strongest manner I have yet seenin Africa; a section of the walls and ditch would have nearly thefollowing appearance, [Illustration]

Pitched our tents under a tree near the Ba lee, which runs here withgreat velocity, and breaks into small cataracts. 

July 12th. --Went in the morning with Isaaco and waited on Keminoom, orMansa Numma, as he is commonly called. I took with me

 Bars. Amber, No. 2 25 Ditto, No. 4 15 Barraloolos 20 Beads 33 Scarlet 10 Balls and flints 2 Looking glasses 5 ___ 100;

A soldier's musket, A pair of handsome pistols silver mounted. 

He sent them all back, and I was forced to put a silver mounted gun on itbefore he would accept of it; and likewise

To Eerujama, the King's brother, Amber, No. 2 10 Barraloolo 5

To his son, Amber 10 To the King's people 10 To eight Finnis for singing some nonsense 8

Observed mer. Alt. Of the sun 163 24'; latitude 14 0'

In the evening had such of the soldiers as were most healthy dressed intheir red coats; and at Numma's request went with them to the town, wherethey went through some movements, and fired. 

July 13th. --Very desirous to be gone, as we found the people thieves to aman; in fact we have never yet been at a place where so much theft andimpudence prevails. This can only be accounted for, by considering thatMansa Numma is the reputed father of more than thirty children; and asthey all consider themselves as far above the common people, they treatevery person with contempt, and even steal in the most open manner. Bythe side of the river are a great number of human bones (more than thirtyskulls. ) On enquiring the reason, I was informed that Mansa Numma alwaysinflicted capital punishments himself, and that the bones I saw werethose of criminals. I had reason to regret, that capital punishmentsseldom or never extend to the real or reputed descendants of the King. 

July 14th. --As soon as day dawned, struck the tents and loaded the asses. The townspeople gathered round us in crowds. They had stolen during ourstay here four great coats, a large bundle of beads, a musket, a pair ofpistols, and several other things. Before we had advanced a musket shotfrom the town (though we had one of the King's sons on horseback as aprotector), one of the townspeople carried away a bag from one of theasses, containing some things belonging to one of the soldiers. TheKing's son, Lieutenant Martyn, and myself rode after him, and were luckyenough to come up with him, and recover the bag; but before we couldrejoin the coffle, another had run off with a musket that was fastened onone of the loads. 

We proceeded in this manner in a constant state of alarm; and I had greatreason to fear that the impudence of the people would provoke some of thesoldiers to run, them through with their bayonets. About two miles fromManiakorro, as we were ascending a rocky part of the road, several of theasses fell with their loads. I rode a little from the path to see if amore easy ascent could not be found; and as I was holding my musketcarelessly in my hand, and looking round, two of Numma's sons came up tome; one of them requested me to give him some snuff. Suspecting no illtreatment from two people, whom I had often seen with the King, and atour tents, I turned round to assure him that I never took snuff; at thisinstant the other (called Woosaba) coming up behind me, snatched themusket from my hand, and ran off with it. I instantly sprung from thesaddle and followed him with my sword, calling to Mr. Anderson to rideback, and tell some of the people to look after my horse. Mr. Andersongot within musket shot of him, but seeing it was Numma's son, had somedoubts about shooting him, and called to me if he should fire. Luckily Idid not hear him, or I might possibly have recovered my musket, at therisk of a long palaver, and perhaps the loss of half our baggage. Thethief accordingly made his escape amongst the rocks, and when I returnedto my horse, I found the other of the royal descendants had stolen mygreat coat. 

I went and informed the King's son, whom we had hired as a guide, of whathad happened; and requested to know how I should act if any of the peopleshould steal from the baggage. He assured me that after what hadhappened, I should be justified in shooting the first that attempted tosteal from the loads. Made such of the soldiers as were near me loadtheir muskets and be ready. The sky became cloudy, and by the time thatwe had advanced about five miles from the town, we experienced a veryheavy tornado. During the rain another of Numma's sons snatched up andrun off with one of the soldiers muskets and a pair of pistols, which hehad laid down while he was reloading his ass. 

We halted amongst the rocks and put off the loads, all very wet. Turnedthe asses to feed, and cooked some rice, although it rained very heavily. One of the negro boys gave the alarm that three people were driving awayour asses. I followed with some of our people: the thieves made theirescape amongst the rocks, but without carrying away any of the asses, though they had untied the feet of three and fastened a fourth to a bush. Collected the asses and began to load. Whilst we were loading one of theasses strayed a little from the rest, about two hundred yards, and to myastonishment a man came from amongst the rocks, took off the load, andbegan to cut it open with his knife. Before any person could come at him, he left the load and run up the rocks. Mr. Scott and one of the soldiersfired at him, but did not hit him. Went on. Road very rocky. Told thesoldiers to shoot the first that took any thing from the baggage. Foundsome of the asses and loads lying at the difficult places in the road, and often two loads with only one half-sick soldier to guard them. Keptin the rear, as I perceived they had a mind to take some of the loads andasses. I saw the thieves peeping over the rocks, and making signs totheir comrades, who seemed very desirous of assisting us in putting onour loads. Put one of the loads on my horse, and another on Mr. Anderson's, and luckily cleared the difficult passes of the rocks by sunset, without losing any thing, though surrounded by at least a dozenexperienced thieves. When we reached the bottom of the rocky pass, wewent on with more ease, and came up to the rest of the party about eighto'clock. They had stopped for the night in the woods, and so were all ourclothes; [Footnote: It is thus in Mr. Park's MS. There seems to be someomission. ] and in fact we passed a very uncomfortable night amongst thewet grass, and exposed to a very heavy dew. 

July 15th. --Early in the morning proceeded, and went on very slowly inthe rear, by which means we were separated from the front. Horses loadedas usual. When we reached the cultivated land, which surrounds thevillage of Ganamboo, we came up to one of the soldiers, who informed us, that a man habited as a slave had come from amongst the bushes, andinstantly seized on his musket and knapsack, which were fastened on thetop of his load. The soldier struggled with him for his musket, andwrested it from him; on which the thief let go the knapsack, andattempted to make off; but when he heard the soldier cock his piece, expecting to be instantly shot, he threw himself down on the road androared out in the most pitiable manner. The soldier took a steady aim athim, but unfortunately his musket flashed in the pan, and the slavestarted up and ran in amongst the bushes. 

Ganamboo is only a small walled village: it is situated about ten milesEast half North from Maniakorro. 

July 10th. --Left Ganamboo, but the soldiers and asses were so muchfatigued, that we were forced to stop at Ballandoo (Dooty Mari Umfa)during the night. We had the most tremendous storm of thunder andlightning I ever saw. I was so confident that the tent would be struckby the lightning, that I went to some distance to avoid the explosion ofour gunpowder. 

July 17th. --Left Ballandoo at eight o'clock, and reached _Seransang_about noon. All horses loaded; mine fell down under his load, and I wasforced to sit by him till an ass was sent from the halting place. Seransang is a scattered but populous town, and the land is clearedround it for a great distance. One of our best asses stolen during thenight. 

July 18th. --Departed from Seransang, having shifted the loads so as tohave the horses free, in order to prevent theft. We had not travelledmuch above a mile, when two suspicious people came up. One of themwalked slowly in the rear; and the other passed on, seemingly in greathaste. I desired Mr. Anderson to watch the one in the rear, whilst Irode on at such a distance as just to keep sight of the other. The roadmaking a turn, he was concealed from me by the bushes, and tookadvantage of this opportunity to carry away a great coat from a loadwhich was driven by one of the sick men. I fortunately got a view of himas he was running off among the bushes, and galloping in a direction soas to get before him, quickly came so near him that he leaped into somevery thick bushes. When I rode round, he went out at the side oppositeto me; and in this manner I hunted him amongst the bushes for some time, but never losing sight of him. At last he run past a spreading tree, andjumping back, stood close to the trunk of it. I thought I shouldcertainly lose him if I did not avail myself of the present opportunity. I accordingly fired, and dropping my musket on the pummel of the saddle, drew out one of the pistols, and told him if he offered to move, I wouldinstantly shoot him dead. "Do not kill me, white man, " he exclaimed, "Icannot run from you, you have broke my leg. " I now observed the bloodstreaming down his leg; and when he pulled up his cloth, I saw that theball had passed through his leg about two inches below the knee joint. He climbed a little way up the tree, which was of easy ascent; alwaysexclaiming in a pitiable tone of voice, "do not kill me. " Several of thepeople belonging to the coffle, on hearing the shot fired, came running;and amongst others the guide appointed us by Keminoom, who insisted thatI should instantly shoot the thief dead; otherwise he said I did notfulfil the orders of his master, who had directed me to shoot everyperson that stole from me. I had great difficulty in preventing him fromkilling him, and was happy to recover the great coat, and leave thethief bleeding amongst the branches of the tree. 

We proceeded without further molestation till about three o'clock in theafternoon, when it came on a tornado. During the rain one of the sickhad fallen a little behind, and four people seizing him, stripped offhis jacket. He followed them at a distance; and when they came up to Mr. Anderson and myself, he called out to us to shoot one of them, as theyhad taken his jacket. I had my pocket handkerchief on the lock of my gunto keep the priming dry. When they observed me remove it, one of thempulled out the jacket from under his cloak, and laid it on one of theasses. Mr. Anderson followed them on horseback, and I kept as near himas I could on foot, my horse being loaded. After following them aboutthree miles, they struck into the woods; and suspecting that they had amind to return and steal some of the loads from the fatigued asses inthe rear, I returned with Mr. Scott, and found that one of the soldiershad lost his knapsack, and another his jacket. But from theirdescription, the robbers were not the same as had formerly passed. 

Continued in the rear. When we came within a mile of the town ofNummaboo, the road passes near some high rocks. The asses being a littleway before us, two of the robbers first seen came from amongst therocks, and were going towards the asses; but when they observed uscoming up, they attempted to slide off unobserved among the rocky. WhenI called to one of them to stop and tell me what they were lookingafter, they came near us; but as they had nothing of ours in theirpossession, we could not stop them, and they accordingly passed to thewestward. Mr. Scott and I went and examined that part of the rocks wherewe observed them come out, and were lucky enough to find a soldier'scoat, a camp kettle, and a number of other articles, which had probablybeen their share of the booty; for I learned on my arrival at the town, that the ass which carried the muskets belonging to the sick, had beenstopped by four people near these rocks, and six muskets, a pair ofpistols, and a knapsack taken away. To complete the business, J. Bowden, one of the sick, did not come up; and we had little doubt but that hehad been stripped and murdered by these very people in the woods. Welikewise had a very good ass stolen during the night. 

July 19th. --Having purchased an ass in lieu of the one stolen, we leftNummaboo, which is a walled village, and proceeded onwards. Had twotornadoes; the last, about eleven o'clock, wetted us much, and made theroad slippery. Two asses unable to go on. Put their loads on the horses, and left them. Mr. Scott's horse unable to walk: left it to our guide. At noon came to the ruins of a town. Found two more of the asses unableto carry their loads. Hired people to carry on the loads, and a boy todrive the asses. Past the ruins of another town at half past twelve, where I found two of the sick, who had laid themselves down under atree, and refused to rise, (they were afterwards stripped by theNegroes, and came naked to our tents next morning). Shortly after this, came to an ass lying on the road unable to proceed with its load. Putpart of the load on my horse, which was already heavily loaded. Took aknapsack on my back. The soldier carried the remainder and drove the assbefore him. 

We arrived on the banks of the Ba Woolima at half past one o'clock. Thisriver is but narrow, not being more than fifty or sixty feet over; butwas so swelled with the rains as to be twenty feet deep at the placewhere we proposed to cross it. Our first attempt was to fell a treeclose to the river, that by its fall would reach across the stream andform a bridge: but after cutting down four, they all fell in such amanner as to be of no use; for though the tops of one reached the rockson the farther shore when it fell, yet the violence of the current sweptit away. In this manner we fatigued ourselves till sunset, when we gaveup the attempt. 

Observed the following emersion of Jupiter's satellites. 

 H. M. S. Third satellite emerged by Watch M. S. 9 25 18 Watch too slow 1 55

First satellite emerged by Watch 9 36 10 Watch too slow 2 34

July 20th. --Altitudes taken for the time. 

H. M. S. ° ' H. M. S. ° '7 6 45 21 21 7 9 42 22 420 7 25 21 40 0 10 26 23 20 8 8 21 55 0 11 3 23 18

7 13 10 24 18 7 16 27 25 490 13 44 24 33 0 17 0 26 30 14 14 24 46 0 17 30 26 16

 ° ' "Obser. Mer. Alt. 166 4 0 1/2 83 2 0 0 16 0 83 18 0 6 42 0 20 43 0

Longitude 5 0 13 W. Latitude 14 1 0 N. 

The passage of the river being the great desideratum, I proposed a raftto be hauled from side to side with ropes; whilst the Mandingoes weredecidedly of opinion that nothing would answer our purpose but a bridge, which they said they would complete by two o'clock. I set to work withthe carpenters to make a raft; but when the logs were cut into lengths, we could not muster healthy people enough to carry them to the waterside. We were forced to give up the attempt and trust entirely to theNegro bridge, which was constructed in the following manner. A straightpole was cut to sound the depth of the river, and notches made on it toshew the depth at different distances from the shore. Two straight treeswere now cut, and their tops fastened strongly together with slips ofbark. These were launched across the stream with the assistance of twopeople, and a rope on the further side; the roots of the trees werefirmly fastened with ropes to the roots of the trees on each side of theriver. Along the upper side of these trees they planted a range ofupright forked sticks, cut correctly to the lengths on the soundingpole. These upright forks supported two other trees tied as the first, but which were not, like the first, permitted to sink into the water, but were kept about a foot above the surface by means of the forks. Another range of forks was placed a little farther up the stream, whichlikewise supported two trees fastened as the above; the whole wascompleted with cross sticks. The two trees first laid over, which werepermitted to sink in the water, served to prevent the stream fromrunning away with the forks whose roots sloped down the stream; whilstthe weight of the current pressed on and kept firm the roots of such aswere placed up the stream. A section of the bridge would have thefollowing appearance. 

[Illustration:A. Trees first laid across. B. First range of forks. C. Trees supported by first range. D. Second range of forks. E. Trees supported by ditto. F. Cross sticks for walking on. 

If the river was dried up, the structure would have somewhat of thisappearance. ]

Our people being all so sickly, I hired the Negroes to carry over allthe baggage, and swim over the asses. Our baggage was laid on the rockson the East side of the river; but such was our sickly state that wewere unable to carry it up the bank. Francis Beedle, one of thesoldiers, was evidently dying of the fever; and having in vainattempted, with the assistance of one of his messmates, to carry himover, I was forced to leave him on the West bank; thinking it veryprobable that he would die in the course of the night. 

July 21st. --Hired Isaaco's people to carry the bundles up the bank, andassist in loading all the asses. One of the soldiers crossed the bridge, and found Beedle expiring. Did not stop to bury him, the sun being high;but set out immediately. Country woody, but level. About half past teno'clock came to Mr. Scott lying by the side of the path, so very sickthat he could not walk. Shortly after Mr. Martyn laid down in the samestate. My horse being loaded, and myself, as usual, walking on foot anddriving an ass, I could give them no assistance. I came in sight of thetown of Mareena a little before twelve; and at the same time was happyto see two of Isaaco's people coming back with two asses to take theloads off the horses in the rear. Sent them back for Mr. Scott and Mr. Martyn, and proceeded to the town. Some of the people, who had crossedthe river with us, had informed the people of Mareena of the treatmentwe had experienced in passing from Maniakorro to the Ba Woolima, whichdistrict is called Kissi; and withal had told the people that our cofflewas a Dummulafong, a thing sent to be eaten, or in English _fair game_for every body. The inhabitants of Mareena were resolved to come in fortheir share; they accordingly stole five of our asses during the night;but felt themselves much disappointed next morning, July 22d, --when they understood, that instead of proceeding to Bangassi, we proposed to send forward a messenger to inform the king of the badtreatment we had experienced. Three of them returned the asses they hadstolen, but the other two would not. About noon we loaded all the horsesand asses; and I hired two young men to carry forwards two trunks, theload of one of the asses which was stolen. Bangassi is only six milesdistant from Mareena. It is a large town, fortified in the same manneras Maniakorro; but is four or five times as large. Pitched our tentsunder a tree to the East of the town. 

July 23d. --Received a present from Serenummo, the King, of a finebullock and two very large calabashes of sweet milk; he likewise sentthe two asses which the people of Mareena had stolen. Took from ourbaggage the following articles, and went with Isaaco to the King. 

 Bars. 

To the King, amber No. 2 30 Ditto. No. 4 20 Barraloolos 30 Beads 30 Looking glasses 5 Balls and flints 2 ----- Bars 117

 Mr. Anderson's musket. Ditto sword. Ditto pistols. 

To the King's son, amber No. 4 5 Barraloolo 5 ------ Bars 10

To the person who assisted in settling the palaver, amber 10To the good people in the town 10To Isaaco's landlord for a goat 10 ------ Bars 30

The town is large and populous, and is better fortified than evenManiakorro. We found Serenummo seated in a sort of shade, surrounded byonly a few friends; orders having been given not to allow any person toenter it. He enquired if I was the white man who had formerly passedthrough the country, and what could induce me to come back again; with anumber of such questions. To all which I gave the best answers I could;and then told him that I did not come to purchase slaves or gold; I didnot come to take any man's trade from him or any man's money; I did notcome to make money, but to spend it; and for the truth of theseassertions I could appeal to every person who knew me or had travelledwith me. I farther added, it was my intention at present to travelpeaceably through his kingdom into Bambarra; and that as a mark of myregard for his name and character, I had brought a few articles which myguide would present to him. Here Isaaco spread out on the floor thearticles before mentioned. The King looked at them with that sort ofindifference which an African always affects towards things he has notbefore seen. However much he may admire them, he must never appear inthe least surprised. He told me I should have permission to pass; and hewould make his son take care of us till we arrived at Sego; but it wouldbe some days before he was ready. I told him I was anxious to be inBambarra, as I found my people very sickly; and if he would appoint me aguide, I would esteem it a favour. In fact I knew before, that this sonproposed going to Sego with the annual tribute, which amounts to threehundred minkallis of gold or thereabouts; but I knew that the gold wasnot yet all collected, and that part of it would probably be bought withthe merchandize I had given him. 

July 25th. --Bought two asses for fifty-six bars of amber. During ourstay at this town we were plentifully supplied with milk on moderateterms. I always purchased two camp kettles full every morning for themen, in hopes of recruiting them before we set forwards for the Niger;but they still continue sick and spiritless. Corporal _Powal_ isdangerously ill of the fever, and _M'Inelli_ is affected with thedysentery to such a degree, that I have no hopes of his recovery. He wasremoved yesterday to the shade of a tree at a small distance from thetents; and not being brought near in the evening, he was very near beingtorn to pieces by the wolves. They were smelling at his feet when heawakened, and then set up such a horrid howl, that poor M'Inelli, sickas he was, started up and came to the tents before the sentry couldreach the place where he had slept. 

July 26th. --Corporal Powal died during the night. Buried him thismorning; two dollars and a half in his pocket, for which I amaccountable. Overhauled the ass-saddles, and adjusted the loads, proposing to leave this to-morrow morning early. 

 ° ' "Observed mer. Alt. Sun 168 26 0 ------------ 1/2 84 13 0 0 16 0 ------------ 84 29 0 ------------ ZD. 5 31 0 D. 19 31 0 ------------ Latitude 14 0 0 ------------

July 27th. --The morning being rainy, we did not depart from Bangassitill about nine o'clock. Left here M'Inelli. Paid the Dooty ten bars ofamber to purchase provision for him and give him lodging. Shortly afterleaving the town, three of the soldiers laid down under a tree, andrefused to proceed; their names _Frair, Thomson_, and _Hercules_. Abouta quarter of a mile farther, James Trott, one of the carpenters broughtfrom Portsmouth, refused to go on, being sick of the fever. I drove onhis ass, and desired him to return to Bangassi. Found myself very sickand faint, having to drive my horse loaded with rice, and an ass withthe pit saws. Came to an eminence, from which I had a view of some verydistant mountains to the East half South. The certainty that the Nigerwashes the Southern base of these mountains made me forget my fever; andI thought of nothing all the way but how to climb over their bluesummits. 

Reached Nummasoolo at two o'clock. This has formerly been a large town;but being destroyed by war some years ago, nearly three-fourths of thetown are in ruins. Before we had time to pitch the tent properly, therain came down on us, and wetted us all completely, both men andbundles. This was a very serious affair to us, many of our articles ofmerchandize being perishable. Slept very uncomfortably in wet clothes onthe wet ground. Troubled in the night with a lion; he came so near thatthe sentry fired at him, but it was so dark that it was impossible totake a good aim. All the asses pulled up the pins to which they werefastened, and run together as near the men as they could. As the sicksoldiers before mentioned did not come up before sun-set, I concludedthey had all returned to Bangassi; and the Dooty's son coming up onhorseback, informed me that they had really returned to his father'shouse, and wished to know what I meant to do respecting them. I told himthat I wished my people to be taken proper care of, and gave him tenbars of amber for his care in coming to inform me of them. I likewiseput into his possession three strings of amber of forty bars each, andtold him how to dispose of them for the use of the sick. I likewise toldhim that, if any of them should recover, if he would send a properperson forward with them to Bambakoo, I would give him an Indian baft, or ten bars of scarlet, which he preferred. At the same time I wrote thefollowing note to the men. 

"DEAR SOLDIERS, "I am sorry to learn that you have returned to Bangassi. I have sent incharge of the bearer of this three complete strings of amber; one ofwhich will procure rice for forty days; the second will purchase milk orfowls for the same time; and the third will buy provisions for you onthe road till you arrive at the Niger. 

"Your's

"M. PARK. "

July 28th. --Rained all day. Remained in the tent at Nummasoolo. 

July 29. --Divided the men's clothes who were left behind amongst theother men; many of them being in great want of clothes, and the nightsbeing now cold and damp. Found five dollars in J. Trott's knapsack, forwhich I am accountable. Spread out the rice to dry; found it hot andmuch damaged. Some people arrived from the East, who informed us that astream on the road, which is usually dry, was so much swelled by therain that no ass could cross it. Halted here during the day to dry thedifferent articles. 

July 30th. --Departed from Nummasoolo. Was under the necessity of leavinghere William Allen sick. Paid the Dooty for him as usual. I regrettedmuch leaving this man; he had naturally a cheerful disposition; and heused often to beguile the watches of the night with the songs of ourdear native land. 

About five miles East of Nummasoolo passed the stream before mentioned, flowing to the S. E. The water had subsided, and was only about eighteeninches deep, but flowed very rapidly. Many asses fell, and had theirloads wetted. It likewise rained two hours on the march. Crossed a ridgeof hills through an opening. Road tolerably good except in two places. We descended on the East side, and reached Surtaboo, a small ruinedvillage, about two o'clock. Here I learnt that the front of the cofflehad gone on to a village about four miles further; but the asses in therear being all very much fatigued, and lying down with their loadsfrequently, I judged it prudent to halt till some fresh asses should besent to my assistance. 

We had not halted here above an hour, when three of Isaaco's people andtwo asses came back; and with their help we arrived at _Sobee_ at seveno'clock. On the road we passed the _last_ of the St. Jago asses, thewhole forty having either died or been abandoned on the road atdifferent places. We were all very wet, for it rained almost the wholeway; and all very hungry, having tasted nothing since the precedingevening. The town of _Sobee_ has changed its situation _three_ times. Itwas taken about ten years ago by Daisy, King of Kaarta, with thirteenhorsemen and some of his slaves on foot. They carried off five hundredslaves, two hundred of which were women. Such as escaped rebuilt thetown about a mile to the East of its former situation; but when it hadacquired some degree of prosperity, it was destroyed by Mansong, King ofBambarra. The present town is built nearer the foot of the hills; partof it is walled, which serves as a sort of citadel. There is plenty ofcorn and rice here on moderate terms; but they have not yet had time torecruit their herds of cattle. 

July 31st. --Rained hard all the morning, and flying showers all day. Halted at _Sobee_. During the night one of the town's-people attemptedto steal one of the soldier's pieces, some of which were standingagainst a tree close to the tent. Lieutenant Martyn was sleeping underthe tree; and hearing somebody moving the muskets, he no sooner observedthat it was a Negro, than he snatched one of the muskets and fired atthe thief as he was running off with one of the muskets. Whether theball touched him or not we could not learn; but the thief dropped themusket, and we found it with the pouch and bayonet in the morning. 

August 1st. --Early this morning purchased an ass for a pistol, a baft, and a Mandingo cloth. We set out at seven o'clock. Immediately on theEast of the town came to another stream flowing towards the S. S. W. Itwas so deep, that the whole of the bundles had to be carried over onmen's heads. During this, being surrounded by thieves on all sides, Isaaco unfortunately struck two of the soldiers; which action had nearlycost him his life, one of the soldiers attempting to stab him with hisbayonet, when Mr. Anderson prevented him; and as I reproved Isaaco forhis conduct in the sharpest manner, he went off in a _pet_ with hispeople, leaving us to find our way across the river in the best mannerwe could. I hired four people to carry over the loads; and stood myselfas sentry over the thieves. In this manner the whole of the baggage wascarried over with much less loss than we had sustained at any otherriver. The asses were swam over, and the whole only cost one string ofNo. 5; but I had to pay fifty stones to the Dooty's son for asses goingon the corn. As soon as all was over we loaded the asses and setforwards. At sunset we reached _Balanding_. We had only time to pitchour tent, when the rain came on; indeed we had no time for cooking ourvictuals, for though all the soldiers cooked, yet the rain came onbefore our kettle was ready; and Messrs. Anderson, Scott, Martyn, andmyself, all slept without having tasted any thing during the day. 

August 2d. --Rainy. Halted at Balanding. 

August 3d. --Sun rose E. 3°S. Departed from Balanding, and halted atBalandoo, a walled village about four miles to the East by South. Boughttwo sheep for one barraloolo. 

August 4th. --Departed from Balandoo. About a mile to the East saw thehill of Sobee bearing N. W. By compass. About this place Lawrence Cahill, one of the soldiers, who had complained of sickness for some days, fellbehind; and I hired a person to drive his ass, telling him to come on athis leisure. At eleven o'clock crossed a stream running S. E. Which gaveus great trouble, the banks being very steep and slippery. Crossed thesame stream again at half past twelve, running E. By N. In the course ofthis day's march four of the soldiers were unable to attend to theirasses. Mr. Scott, being very sick, rode my horse; and I drove one of theasses. So very much weakened were the men, that when their loads felloff, they could not lift them on again. I assisted in loading thirteenasses in the course of the march. We reached Koolihori at three o'clock. This town is partly walled; but the greater part of the huts are withoutthe walls. As soon as the tents were pitched, the rain commenced, andcontinued all night. We had not time to cook, and the rain prevented thewatch fire from burning; owing to which one of our asses was killed bythe wolves. It was only sixteen feet distant from a bush under which oneof the men was sleeping. 

August 5th. --Morning hazy. Halted, resolving to travel at two o'clock, and sleep in the woods, the Ba Woolli being too far to reach in onemarch. Bought some ripe maize of this year's growth. 

 ° ' "Obser. Mer. Alt. Sun-- 172 45 0 --------- 86 22 0-1/2 0 16 0 --------- 86 38 0-1/2 --------- 3 22 0 17 3 0 ---------Latitude-- 13 41 0

The whole route from Bangassi is marked with ruined towns and villages;some of them are rebuilt, but by far the greater number are still inruins. We saw scarcely any cattle on the route, and the avidity of thepeople of Koolihori for animal food, or perhaps their own peculiartaste, made them eat what the wolves had left of our ass. The wolves hadeat only the bowels and heart, &c. So that the people had the fourquarters and head. The day having clouded up for rain, resolved to halthere for the night. In the course of the afternoon Lawrence Cahill cameup; but William Hall, who had gone into a ruined hut near the road, andwho did not appear to be very sick, did not arrive. Suspected that hemight be killed by the wolves in the hut during the night. At sun-sethad all the asses properly tied near the tents; and watched myself withthe sentries all night, as the wolves kept constantly howling round us. 

CHAPTER V. 

Departure from Koolihori--Ganifarra--Scarcity of provisions--Distressingsituation of the Author from deaths and sickness of the party--Escapesfrom three lions--Intricate route to Koomikoomi--Dombila--Visit fromKarfa Taura--View of the Niger--Reduced state of the party--Bambakoo--Losses from wolves--Bosradoo; embark on the Niger; incidents in thevoyage to Marraboo--Isaaco sent to Sego with presents for Mansong--Message from Mansong--Course to Koolikorro--Deena--Yamina--Samee--Return of Isaaco; account of his interview with Mansong--Messengerssent by Mansong, and enquiries respecting the Author's journey--QuitSamee--Excessive heat--Reach Sansanding--Account of that city and itstrade--Death of Mr. Anderson--Preparations for continuing the voyageeastward--Information collected respecting various districts. 

CHAPTER V. 

August 6th. --Having hired two more ass drivers at one bar and theirvictuals per day, we left Koolihori early in the morning, and travelledwith considerable dispatch till three o'clock; at which time we reachedGanifarra, a small beggarly village. In the course of this march _L. Cakill_ and _J. Bird_, two of the soldiers, and _William Cox_, one ofthe seamen, fell behind, and laid down. As soon as the front of thecoffle had reached Ganifarra, it came on a very heavy rain. Being in therear I was completely drenched; and two of the asses carrying fourtrunks, in which were the gun stocks, pistols, looking glasses, &c. Felldown in a stream of water near the town, and all the contents werecompletely wet. I could purchase nothing here, not so much as a fowl. Served out a short allowance of rice, being very short of that article. 

August 7th. --During the night, some person had stolen one of our bestasses; and as the load must be left if we could not recover it, Isaaco'speople having traced the foot marks to a considerable distance, agreedto go in search of it. Isaaco gave them the strictest orders, if theycame up to the thief in the woods to shoot him; and, if not, to followhim to a town and demand the ass from the Dooty; if he refused to giveit up, to return as soon as possible. 

Spent the day in drying such things as were wet; cleaned and greasedwith Shea butter all the ornamented pistols, _ten pair_. Dried thelooking glasses, which were quite spoiled. In the afternoon sent two ofthe natives away with goods to a neighbouring town to purchase rice andcorn. At sun-set _Bird_ came up, but had seen nothing of _Cox_ nor_Cahill_. 

August 8th. --People not yet returned. Opened the trunk which containedthe double barrelled gun stocks; cleaned and greased them. About noonpeople returned with the rice and corn, but not quite sufficient for oneday. Nearly at the same time Isaaco's people came up with the ass; theyhad traced his foot-marks past Koolihori, and found him at Balandoo. Didnot see the thief, but learned his name; which Isaaco promised to writeto his friend at Bangassi, to inform Serinummo of him. In the afternoonagreed with the Dooty for thirty five bars to carry every thing over. Rained heavily all the evening. 

August 9th. --Michael May, a soldier, having died during the night, buried him at day break. Had all the loads taken to the crossing placeby eight o'clock. The Ba Woolli is nearly of the same size as the one weformerly crossed of that name; it appeared to be exceedingly deep, andflowed at the rate of four or five miles per hour. There is a very goodcanoe here, which can carry over four ass loads at once. As itthreatened rain, sent over three men with one of the tents, and pitchedit on the East side about half a mile from the river; the ground nearthe bank being marshy. Hired people to carry down the bundles, and putthem into the canoe; and others to receive them on the other side, andcarry them up the bank; so that the soldiers had nothing to move, beingall weak and sickly. 

By one o'clock all the baggage was over; but we found some difficulty intransporting the asses; the rapidity of the stream swept the canoe andthe first six past the landing place; and they went so far down theriver, that I really thought the asses must be drowned; which would havebeen an irreparable loss in our situation. However, by the exertions ofthe Negroes, who swam in with ropes to the canoe, the asses were landedon the other side; where they stood by the water's edge until theNegroes with their corn hoes made a path for them up the steep bank. Toprevent such an accident, we took the ropes from several of our loads, and fastened them together, so as to reach across the river; with thiswe hauled over the loaded canoe, and the Negroes paddled it back whenempty. In this manner all the asses and horses were swam over withoutany loss. 

When the bundles were all carried up to the tent, we found that we hadnot more rice than was barely sufficient for the present day; and as nomore could be purchased, we had no alternative, but to march early inthe morning for Bambarra; the distance by all accounts would not exceedfourteen or fifteen miles. 

August 10th. --William Ashton declared that he was unable to travel; butas there was no place to leave him at, I advised him to make an exertionand come on, though slowly, till he should reach a place where he couldhave food. At eight o'clock set forwards; and travelled veryexpeditiously without halting till four in the afternoon, at which timethe front of the coffle reached _Dababoo_, a village of Bambarra. Beingin the rear, I found many of the men very much fatigued with the lengthof the journey and the heat of the day. At half past four I arrived withthe ass I drove at a stream flowing to the Westwards. 

Here I found many of the soldiers sitting, and Mr. Anderson lying undera bush, apparently dying. Took him on my back, and carried him acrossthe stream, which came up to my middle. Carried over the load of the asswhich I drove, got over the ass, Mr. Anderson's horse, &c. Found myselfmuch fatigued, having crossed the stream sixteen times. Left here foursoldiers with their asses, being unable to carry over their loads. Having loaded my ass and put Mr. Anderson on his horse, we went on tothe village; but was sorry to find that no rice could be had, and I wasonly able to buy one solitary fowl. 

August 11th. --Bought a small bullock of the Moorish breed for onebarraloolo; and having purchased some corn, had it cleaned and dressedfor the people instead of rice. This morning hired Isaaco's people to goback, and bring up the loads of the soldiers who had halted by the sideof the stream. In the course of the day all the loads arrived; but wassorry to find that in the course of the last two marches we had lost_four men_, viz. _Cox_, _Cahill_, _Bird_, and _Ashton_. Mr. Andersonstill in a very dangerous way, being unable to walk or sit upright. Mr. Scott much recovered. I found that I must here leave one load, one ofthe horses being quite finished. Left the _seine nets_ in charge of theDooty, till I should send for them. 

August 12th. --Rained all the morning. About eleven o'clock, the skybeing clear, loaded the asses. None of the Europeans being able to lifta load, Isaaco made the Negroes load the whole. Saddled Mr. Anderson'shorse; and having put a sick soldier on mine, took Mr. Anderson's horseby the bridle, that he might have no trouble but sitting upright on thesaddle. We had not gone far before I found one of the asses with a loadof gunpowder, the driver (Dickinson) being unable to proceed (I neverheard of him afterwards); and shortly after the sick man dismounted frommy horse, and laid down by a small pool of water, refusing to rise. Drove the ass and horse on before me. Passed a number of sick. At halfpast twelve o'clock Mr. Anderson declared he could ride no farther. Tookhim down and laid him in the shade of a bush, and sat down beside him. At half past two o'clock he made another attempt to proceed; but had notrode above an hundred yards before I had to take him down from thesaddle, and lay him again in the shade. I now gave up all thoughts ofbeing able to carry him forwards till the cool of the evening; andhaving turned the horses and ass to feed, I sat down to watch thepulsations of my dying friend. At four o'clock four of the sick came up;three of them agreed to take charge of the ass with the gunpowder; and Iput a fourth, who had a sore leg, on my horse, telling him if he saw Mr. Scott on the road to give him the horse. 

At half past five o'clock, there being a fine breeze from the SouthWest; Mr. Anderson agreed to make another attempt, and having againplaced him on the saddle, I led the horse on pretty smartly in hopes ofreaching Koomikoomi before dark. We had not proceeded above a mile, before we heard on our left a noise very much like the barking of alarge mastiff, but ending in a hiss like the fuf [Footnote: Thus is Mr. Park's MS] of a cat. I thought it must be some large monkey; and wasobserving to Mr. Anderson "what a bouncing fellow that must be, " when weheard another bark nearer to us, and presently a third still nearer, accompanied with a growl. I now suspected that some wild animal meant toattack us, but could not conjecture of what species it was likely to be. We had not proceeded an hundred yards farther, when coming to an openingin the bushes, I was not a little surprised to see three lions comingtowards us. They were not so red as the lion I formerly saw inBarnbarra, [Footnote: Park's Travels, p. 208] but of a dusky colour, like the colour of an ass. They were very large, and came bounding overthe long grass, not one after another, but all abreast of each other. Iwas afraid, if I allowed them to come too near us, and my piece shouldmiss fire, that we should be all devoured by them. I therefore let gothe bridle, and walked forwards to meet them. As soon as they werewithin a long shot of me, I fired at the centre one. I do not think Ihit him; but they all stopt, looked at each other, and then bounded awaya few paces, when one of them stopt, and looked back at me. I was toobusy in loading my piece to observe their motions as they went away, andwas very happy to see the last of them march slowly off amongst thebushes. We had not proceeded above half a mile farther, when we heardanother bark and growl close to us amongst the bushes. This wasdoubtless one of the lions before seen, and I was afraid they wouldfollow us till dark, when they would have too many opportunities ofspringing on us unawares. I therefore got Mr. Anderson's call, and madeas loud a whistling and noise as possible. We heard no more of them. 

Just at dark we descended into a valley where was a small stream ofwater; but the ascent on the opposite side was through a species ofbroken ground, which I have never seen any where but in Africa. It is ofthe following nature. A stratum of stiff yellow clay fourteen or twentyfeet thick, (which, unless when it rains, is as hard as rock) is washedby the annual rains into fissures of a depth equal to the thickness ofthe stratum. There is no vegetation on these places, except on thesummit or original level. Amongst these horrid gullies I unfortunatelylost sight of the footmarks of the asses which had gone before; andfinding no way to get out, led the horse up a very steep place in orderto gain the original level, hoping there to find the foot path. Butunluckily the ground was all broken as far as I could see; and aftertravelling some little way, we came to a gulley which we could notcross; and finding no possibility of moving without the danger of beingkilled by falling into some of these ravines, or over some precipice, Ithought it advisable to halt till the morning. On this rugged summit wefell in with Jonas Watkins, one of the sick; and with his assistance Ilighted a fire. Wrapped Mr. Anderson in his cloak, and laid him downbeside it. Watched all night to keep the fire burning, and prevent ourbeing surprised by the lions, which we knew were at no great distance. About two o'clock in the morning two more of the sick joined us. Mr. Anderson slept well during the night, and as soon as day dawned, August 13th, --having found the footmarks of the asses, and having withdifficulty even in day light traced our way through this labyrinth, wefound Mr. Scott and three more of the sick. They too had lost their way, and had slept about half a mile to the East of us. We reached Koomikoomiat ten o'clock. This is an unwalled village, but surrounded withextensive corn fields. 

August 13th. --Halted; rested at Koomikoomi

August 14th. --Jonas Watkins died this morning; buried him. Halted hereto day to see which way Mr. Anderson's fever was likely to terminate;and in the mean time sent two loaded asses forward to Doombila, theasses to return in the evening and carry loads to-morrow morning. 

 ° ' "Obser. Mer. Alt. ---- ---- 177 7 0 0 32 0 ------------ 177 39 0 ------------ 88 49 0-1/2 ------------- Z D. ---- 1 11 0 D. 14 8 0 ------------- Latitude ---- 12 57 0 [*] -------------

[Footnote *: Mr. Park took a wrong day's declination, i. E. The 15thinstead of the 14th. It should be, ° ' " ZD. ---- ---- 1 11 0 Dec. ---- ---- 14 27 29 --------------- Latitude ---- ---- 13 16 29 ---------------]

It is a common observation of the Negroes, that when the Indian corn isin blossom the rain stops for eleven days. The stopping of the rainevidently depends on the sun approaching the zenith of the place; thesun by this day's observation being only seventy-one miles North of us:and it is a wonderful institution of providence, that at this time themaize here is all in full blossom; and on passing through the fields, one is like to be blinded with the pollen of the male flowers. 

August 15th. --Having slung a cloak like a hammock under a straightstick, had Mr. Anderson put into it, and carried on two men's heads: twomore following to relieve them. Mr. Scott complained this morning ofsickness and head ach. Made one of the soldiers saddle Mr. Anderson'shorse for him; and having seen him mount, and given him his canteen withwater, I rode forwards to look after four Negroes whom I had hired tocarry loads on their heads; but being strangers, I was apprehensive theymight run away with them. Found every thing going on well; and wetravelled with such expedition, that we reached Doombila in four hoursand a half, though the distance cannot be less than sixteen or eighteenmiles, nearly South. It rained hard all the afternoon, and it was nottill dark that all the sick soldiers came up. Only three of the soldierswere able to drive their asses to day. 

When I entered the town I was happy to meet _Karfa Taura_, [Footnote:Park's Travels, p. 253. ] the worthy Negro mentioned in my formertravels; he heard a report at _Boori_ (where he now resides) that acoffle of white people were passing through Fooladoo for Bambarra; andthat they were conducted by a person of the name of Park, who spokeMandingo. He heard this report in the evening; and in the morning heleft his house, determined if possible to meet me at Bambakoo, adistance of six days travel. He came to Bambakoo with three of hisslaves to assist me in going forward to Sego, but when he found I hadnot come up, he came forwards to meet me. He instantly recognised me, and you may judge of the pleasure I felt on seeing my old benefactor. 

At four o'clock, as Mr. Scott had not come up, and the people in therear had not seen him lately, I sent one of Isaaco's people back on myhorse as far as the next village, suspecting that he might have haltedthere when the rain came on. The man returned after dark, having beennearly at Koomikoomi without seeing or hearing any thing of Mr. Scott. We all concluded that he had returned to Koomikoomi. 

August 17th--Halted at Doombila in order to dry the baggage, and inhopes of Mr. Scott coming up. Told the four Negroes, who carried Mr. Anderson, and who returned to Koomikoomi this morning, to make everypossible enquiry concerning Mr. Scott; and if he was able to ride, Iwould pay them handsomely for coming with him. If he had returned toKoomikoomi, I desired them to assure the Dooty that I would pay forevery expence he might incur, and pay for a guide to conduct him toMarraboo. Received from the Dooty of Doombila a small bullock and asheep. Paid him a barraloolo, five bars of amber, and fifty gun flints. 

August 18th. --Hearing no account of Mr. Scott, concluded he was still atKoomikoomi, but unable to travel. At seven o'clock left Doombila, and asthe asses were now very weak, it was not long before I had to dismountand put a load on my horse. Only one of the soldiers able to drive anass. Road very bad; did not reach _Toniba_ till sun set, being adistance of eighteen or twenty miles S. E. By S. Mr. Anderson's bearershalted with him at a village on the road, where there was some goodbeer. As soon as we had pitched the tent, it began to rain, and rainedall night; the soldiers run all into the village. I passed a verydisagreeable night, having to keep our asses from eating the people'scorn, which caused me to keep walking about almost the whole night. 

In case it should escape my memory, I take this opportunity ofobserving, that the standard law of Africa runs thus: If an ass shouldbreak a single stem of corn, the proprietor of the corn has a right toseize the ass; and if the owner of the ass will not satisfy him for thedamage he thinks he has sustained, he can _retain_ the ass. He cannot_sell_ or _work_ him, but he can _kill_ him; and as the Bambarransesteem ass-flesh as a great luxury, this part of the law is often put inforce. 

August 19th. --Mr. Anderson's bearers having brought him forward early inthe morning, we immediately loaded the asses, and departed from Toniba(Sergeant McKeal appears to be slightly delirious). We kept ascendingthe mountains to the South of Toniba till three o'clock, at which timehaving gained the summit of the ridge which separates the Niger from theremote branches of the Senegal, I went on a little before; and coming tothe brow of the hill, I _once more saw the Niger_ rolling its immensestream along the plain!

After the fatiguing march which we had experienced, the sight of thisriver was no doubt pleasant, as it promised an end to, or to be at leastan alleviation of our toils. But when I reflected that three-fourths ofthe soldiers had died on their march, and that in addition to our weaklystate we had no carpenters to build the boats, in which we proposed toprosecute our discoveries; the prospect appeared somewhat gloomy. Ithowever afforded me peculiar pleasure, when I reflected that inconducting a party of _Europeans_, with immense baggage, through anextent of more than five hundred miles, I had always been able topreserve the most friendly terms with the natives. In fact, this journeyplainly demonstrates, 1st. That with common prudence any quantity ofmerchandize may be transported from the Gambia to the Niger, withoutdanger of being robbed by the natives: 2dly, that if this journey beperformed in the dry season, one may calculate on losing not more thanthree or at most four men out of fifty. 

But to return to the Niger. The river was much swelled by the rains, butdid not appear to overflow its banks. It certainly is larger even herethan either the Senegal or the Gambia. We descended with difficulty downthe steep side of the hill towards Bambakoo, which place we reached athalf past six o'clock, and pitched our tents under a tree near the town. Of thirty-four soldiers and four carpenters, who left the Gambia, onlysix soldiers and one carpenter reached the Niger. 

During the night the wolves carried away two large cloth bundles fromthe tent door to a considerable distance; where they eat off the skinswith which they were covered, and left them. 

August 20th--Received a bullock from the Dooty as a present. It was inthe afternoon, and we fastened it to the tree close to the tent, whereall the asses were tied. As soon as it was dark the wolves tore itsbowels out, though within ten yards of the tent door where we were allsitting. The wolves here are the largest and most ferocious we have yetseen. 

August 21st. --Dried a bundle of beads, the strings of which were allrotten with the rain. Opened a leather bag which contained about thirtypounds of gunpowder for present use. Found it all wet and damaged. Spread it out in the sun; resolved to make something of it. Spoke for acanoe to carry down the baggage to Marraboo, the river being navigableover the rapids at this season. In the course of our march from Tonibato Bambakoo, we lost Sergeant _McKeil_, _Purvey_, and _Samuel Hill_. 

August 22nd. --Early in the morning had all the bundles put on the asses, and carried to the place of embarkation, which is a village calledBossradoo, about a mile and a half East of Bambakoo. It rained hard allthe forenoon. The canoes could not carry any of the soldiers, or anyperson except two to look after the goods. I resolved to go down withMr. Anderson, leaving Mr. Martyn to come down with the men by land. Theyrode on the asses. 

We embarked at ten minutes past three o'clock. The current, which isnearly five knots per hour, set us along without the trouble of rowingany more than was necessary to keep the canoe in the proper course. Theriver is full an English mile over, and at the rapids it is spread outto nearly twice that breadth. The rapids seem to be formed by the riverpassing through a ridge of hills in a South Easterly direction: they arevery numerous, and correspond with the jetting angles of the hills. There are _three_ principal ones, where the water breaks withconsiderable noise in the middle of the river; but the canoe men easilyavoided them by paddling down one of the branches near the shore. Evenin this manner the velocity was such as to make me sigh. 

We passed two of the principal rapids, and three smaller ones, in thecourse of the afternoon. We saw on one of the islands, in the middle ofthe river, a large elephant; it was of a red clay colour with blacklegs. I was very unwell of the dysentery; otherwise I would have had ashot at him, for he was quite near us. We saw three hippopotami close toanother of these islands. The canoe men were afraid they might follow usand overset the canoes. The report of a musket will in all casesfrighten them away. They blow up the water exactly like a whale. As wewere gliding along shore, one of the canoe men speared a fine turtle, ofthe same species as the one I formerly saw, and made a drawing of inGambia. At sun set we rowed to the shore, landed on some flat rocks, andset about cooking the turtle and rice for our supper; but before thisaldermanic repast was half dressed, the rain came on us, and continuedwith great violence all night. 

August 23d. --At day break embarked again, very wet and sleepy. Passedthe third rapid, and arrived at Marraboo at nine o'clock. Our guide soonfound a large passage hut in which to deposit our baggage, for one stoneof small amber per load. We carried the whole of it up in a few minutes. In the evening Mr. Martyn arrived, and all the people, except two, whocame up next day. 

August 24th. --Received from the Dooty a small black bullock in apresent, which our guide would not allow us to kill, it being of a jetblack colour. The Dooty's name is Sokee; and so superstitious was he, that all the time we remained at Marraboo he kept himself in his hut, conceiving that if he saw a white man, he would never prosper after. 

August 25th--Paid Isaaco goods to the full value of two prime slaves, according to agreement. I likewise gave him several articles; and I toldhim, that when the palaver was adjusted at Sego, he should then have allthe asses and horses for his trouble. 

August 26th. --Took out such things as I meant to give to Mansong, viz. 

A handsome silver plated tureen. *Two double barrelled guns, silver mounted. Two pair of pistols mounted in the same manner. A sabre with Morocco scabbard. Thirty-two yards scarlet broad cloth. Twelve ditto blue. Twelve ditto yellow. Twelve ditto light green. *Half a load of gunpowder, or two kegs and a half. 

 To Mansong's eldest son Da. 

*A double barrelled gun, silver mounted. A pair of pistols, ditto. A sabre, ditto. 

I wished to put a stop to the malicious reports of the Moors andMahomedans at Sego as soon as possible. I therefore resolved to sendIsaaco forward to Sego with all the articles beforementioned, exceptthose marked thus [Symbol: *], which I desired him to say to Modibinnewould be given as soon as I heard accounts that Mansong would befriendus. This Modibinne is Mansong's prime minister; he is a Mahomedan, butnot intolerant in his principles. Isaaco accordingly departed on the28th with his wife and all his goods. Ever since my arrival at MarrabooI had been subject to attacks of the dysentery; and as I found that mystrength was failing very fast, I resolved to charge myself withmercury. I accordingly took calomel till it affected my mouth to such adegree, that I could not speak or sleep for six days. The salivation putan immediate stop to the dysentery, which had proved fatal to so many ofthe soldiers. On the 2d of September, I observed the

 ° ' "Mer. Alt. Of the Sun-- 169 54 0 --------- 84 57 0 0 16 0 --------- 85 13 0 --------- 4 47 0 8 1 0 ---------Marraboo Latitude-- 12 48 0

As soon as I recovered, I set about exchanging some amber and coral forcowries, which are the current money of Bambarra. 

 Cowries. Coral No. 4 each stone 60Amber No. 5 60Blue agates per string 100

With these three articles I bought about twenty thousand cowries. It iscurious that in counting the cowries, they call eighty a hundred; whilstin all other things they calculate by the common hundred. Sixty iscalled a Manding hundred. 

On the 6th Thomas Dyer (a private) died of the fever. I had to pay onethousand shells to Dooty Sokee, before he would allow me to bury him;alleging that if the ground was not bought where he was buried, it wouldnever grow good corn after. 

There is no wood proper for boat building in this neighbourhood; thebest wood is near Kankaree, on a large navigable branch of the Niger;and almost all the Bambarra canoes come from thence; many of them aremahogany. 

The travellers from Sego brought us every day some unfavourable news orother. At one time it was reported, and believed all over Marraboo, thatMansong had killed Isaaco with his own hand, and would do the same withall the whites who should come into Bambarra. Our fears were at lengthdispelled by the arrival of Bookari, Mansong's singing man, on the 8th, with six canoes. He told us he came by Mansong's orders to convey us andour baggage to Sego. That Mansong thought highly of the presents whichIsaaco had brought, and wished us to be brought to Sego before hereceived them from Isaaco. We accordingly put our baggage in order; butit was not till the 12th that the singing man and his _Somonies_ (canoepeople) could be prevailed on to leave the Dooty _Sokee's_ good beef, and beer. We embarked, and left Marraboo at ten minutes past threeo'clock. 

Time. Course. Objects. Bearing. Distance. 

3. 10 E. 1/2 N. The North extreme E. Of the South hills. Little hump on E. S. E. South hills. Cubic hill on North E. By N. Distant 12 side. Or 14 miles. 

0 25 E. By N. 0 30 E. N. E. 0 45 E. 1/2 S. 4 0 E. 0 45 E. By N. 1/2 W. 5 0 N. E. Cubic hill. N. Distant 1/4 of0 10 Halted for the a mile. Night at Koolikorro

September 13th. --Bookari sent four of the Somonies over to a town on theopposite side of the river, to put in requisition a canoe for carryingpart of our baggage. The people refused to give the canoe, and sent theSomonies back without it. Bookari immediately went with all the Somonies(38); and having cut the owner of the canoe across the forehead with hissword, and broke his brother's head with a canoe paddle, he seized oneof his sons, and brought him away as a slave along with the canoe. Hehowever set the boy at liberty, his father paying two thousand shellsfor his release. 

We left Koolikorro at thirty-five minutes past eleven. I will nottrouble your Lordship with transcribing the courses and compass bearingsfrom this to Sansanding. The latitude of the places will give asufficient idea of the course of the river; and I hope to give atolerable correct chart of all its turnings and widings, when I returnto Great Britain. 

 ° ' "Observed mer. Alt. Sun. -- 80 45 0 0 16 0 -------- 81 1 0 -------- ZD. -- 8 59 0 N D. -- 3 53 0 --------Koolikorro Latitude-- 12 52 0 N --------

_The horizon_ was an oblique view across the river. Distance of the landseven miles; height of the eye sixteen inches above the surface of thewater. 

We travelled very pleasantly all day; in fact nothing can be morebeautiful than the views of this immense river; sometimes as smooth as amirror, at other times ruffled with a gentle breeze, but at all timessweeping us along at the rate of six or seven miles per hour. We haltedfor the night at Deena, a Somoni village on the south side. Had atornado in the night, which wetted our baggage much. Most of us slept inthe canoes to prevent theft. 

September 14th. --Departed from Deena early in the morning, and arrivedat Yamina at forty-five minutes past four o'clock. Halted here the 15th, in order to purchase cowries. 

 ° ' "Observ. Alt. Sun-- 79 63 0 0 16 0 ------- 79 52 0 ------- 10 8 0 3 7 0 -------Yamina Latitude-- 13 15 0

On the 16th left Yamina, and in the evening reached Samee, where welanded our baggage; and Bookari went forward to Sego to inform Mansongof our arrival. 

September 17th. -- ° ' "Obser. Mer. Alt. Sun-- 78 47 0 0 16 0 ------- 79 3 0 ------- 10 57 0 2 20 0 -------Samee Latitude-- 13 17 0 -------

September 18th. --No accounts from Sego. 

September 19th. --About two o'clock in the morning, Isaaco arrived in acanoe from Sego, with all the articles I had sent to Mansong. Mansonghad never yet seen any of them; and when he heard that I was arrived atSamee, he desired Modibinne to inform Isaaco that he had best take thearticles up to Samee; and he would send a person to receive them from myown hand. Isaaco informed me that Mansong, at all the interviews he hadwith him, uniformly declared that he would allow us to pass; butwhenever Isaaco mentioned us particularly, or related any incident thathad happened on the journey, Mansong immediately began to make squaresand triangles in the sand before him with his finger, and continued todo so, so long as Isaaco spoke about us. Isaaco said, that he thoughtMansong was rather afraid of us; particularly as he never once expresseda wish to see us, but rather the contrary. 

September 22d. --In the evening, Modibinne and four more of Mansong'sfriends arrived in a canoe. They sent for me, and Modibinne told me, that they were come by Mansong's orders to hear, from my own mouth, whathad brought me into Bambarra. He said I might think on it during thenight, and they would visit me in the morning; he said Mansong had sentme a bullock, which he shewed me: it was very fat, and _milk white_. 

September 23d. --As soon as we had breakfasted, Modibinne and the fourgrandees came to visit us. When they had seated themselves, and theusual compliments passed, Modibinne desired me to acquaint them with themotives which had induced me to come into their country. I spoke to themin the Bambarra language as follows. "I am the white man who nine yearsago came into Bambarra. I then came to Sego, and requested Mansong'spermission to pass to the Eastwards; he not only permitted me to pass, but presented me with five thousand cowries to purchase provisions onthe road; [Footnote: Park's Travels, p. 199. ] for you all know that theMoors had robbed me of my goods. This generous conduct of Mansongtowards me, has made his name much respected in the land of the whitepeople. The King of that country has sent me again into Bambarra; and ifMansong is inclined to protect me, and you who are here sitting, wish tobefriend me, I will inform you of the real object of my coming into yourcountry. "

(Here Modibinne desired me to speak on, as they were all my friends), "You all know that the white people are a trading people; and that allthe articles of value, which the Moors and the people of Jinnie bring toSego, are made by us. If you speak of a _good gun_, who made it? the_white people_. If you speak of a good pistol or sword, or piece ofscarlet or baft, or beads or gunpowder, who made them? the _whitepeople_. We sell them to the Moors; the Moors bring them to Tombuctoo, where they sell them at a _higher rate_. The people of Tombuctoo sellthem to the people of Jinnie at a still higher price; and the people ofJinnie sell them to you. Now the King of the white people wishes to findout a way by which we may bring our own merchandize to you, and sellevery thing at a much cheaper rate than you now have them. For thispurpose, if Mansong will permit me to pass, I propose sailing down theJoliba to the place where it mixes with the salt water; and if I find norocks or danger in the way, the white men's small vessels will come upand trade at Sego, if Mansong wishes it. What I have now spoken, I hopeand trust you will not mention to any person, except Mansong and hisson; for if the Moors should hear of it, I shall certainly be murderedbefore I reach the salt water. "

Modibinne answered, "We have heard what you have spoken. Your journey isa good one, and may God prosper you in it; Mansong will protect you. Wewill carry your words to Mansong this afternoon; and tomorrow we willbring you his answer. " I made Isaaco shew them the different things, which I had allotted for Mansong and his son. They were delighted withthe tureen, the double-barrelled guns, and in fact every thing was farsuperior to any thing of the kind they had ever before seen. 

When I had laid out every thing for Mansong and his son, I then madeeach of the grandees, and Modibinne, a present of scarlet cloth. Modibinne now said that they had seen what I laid out for Mansong andhis son, and that the present was great, and worthy of Mansong; but, added he, Mansong has heard so many reports concerning your baggage, that he wishes us to examine it. "Such of the bundles as are coveredwith skin, we will not open; you will tell us what is in them, and thatwill be sufficient. " I told them that I had nothing but what wasnecessary for purchasing provisions; and that it would please me much ifthey could dispense with opening the bundles. They however persisted;and I ordered the bundles to be brought out, taking care, with theassistance of the soldiers, to secrete all the good amber and coral. 

When all the loads were inspected, I asked Modibinne what he thought ofmy baggage? If he had seen any more silver tureens, or double barrelledguns? He said he had seen nothing that was _bad_, and nothing but whatwas necessary for purchasing provisions; that he would report the sameto Mansong. They accordingly went away to Sego; but without takingMansong's present, till they had heard his answer. 

September 24th. --_Seed_ and _Barber_ (soldiers) died during the night;one of the fever, the other of the dysentery. Paid the Somonies twentystones of amber for burying them. 

September 25th. --Modibinne and the same people returned with Mansong'sanswer, a literal translation of which I give as follows. "Mansong sayshe will protect you; that a road is open for you every where, as far ashis hand (power) extends. If you wish to go to the East, no man shallharm you from Sego till you pass Tombuctoo. If you wish to go to theWest, you may travel through Fooladoo and Manding, through Kasson andBondou; the name of Mansong's stranger will be a sufficient protectionfor you. If you wish to build your boats at Samee or Sego, at Sansandingor Jinnie, name the town, and Mansong will convey you thither. " Heconcluded by observing, that Mansong wished me to sell him four of the_blunderbusses_, _three swords_, _a fiddle_ (violin) which belonged toMr. Scott, and some _Birmingham bead necklaces_, which pleased aboveevery thing; that he had sent us a bullock, and his son another, with afine sheep. I told Modibinne that Mansong's friendship was of more valueto me than the articles he had mentioned, and that I would be happy ifMansong would accept them from me as a farther proof of my esteem. 

I made choice of Sansanding for fitting out our canoe, because Mansonghad never said he wished to see me, and because I could live quieter andfreer from begging than at Sego. I therefore sent down the bullocks byland to Sansanding. 

September 26th. We departed from Samee. The canoes were not covered withmats; and there being no wind, the sun became insufferably hot. I feltmyself affected with a violent head-ach, which encreased to such adegree as to make me almost delirious. I never felt so hot a day; therewas _sensible heat_ sufficient to have roasted a _sirloin_; but thethermometer was in a bundle in the other canoe, so that I could notascertain the _actual_ heat. We passed down a small stream to the northof Sego Korro, and halted opposite to _Segosee Korro_, near the sandhills, where I formerly waited for a passage. We waited here about anhour for Isaaco, who had gone to Segosee Korro to inform Mansong of ourpassing. When Isaaco returned, he made a sort of shade over our canoewith four sticks and a couple of cloaks; and in the evening I foundmyself more collected and less feverish. At sun-set we rowed towards thenorth bank, where there are some flat rocks, on which passengers bywater often sleep. We found the place occupied by a number of people. Icounted between thirty and forty fires; we therefore passed on a littleto the Eastwards, and slept on a sand bank covered with verdure. 

September 27th. --At day-break we again proceeded, and in stretching overto gain the middle of the river, we passed a Somoni fishing village onan island; the huts occupied the whole of the dry ground, and itappeared, even when close to it, like a floating village. We reachedSansanding at ten o'clock. Such crowds of people came to the shore tosee us, that we could not land our baggage till the people were beatenaway with sticks, by Koontie Mamadie's orders, on whose premises we wereaccommodated with a large hut for sitting in, having another hut openinginto it, in which we deposited our baggage. 

October 2d. --_Marshall_ and _W. Garland_ (privates) died; one of thefever, the other of the dysentery. During the night the wolves carriedaway Garland, the door of the hut where he died being left open. BuriedMarshall on the morning following, in a corn field near the church. 

October 4th. --Mansong sent down two broken gunlocks, and a large pewterplate with a hole in the bottom of it, for me to repair; and it was withmuch difficulty that I could persuade the messenger that none of us knewany thing about such occupations. 

October 6th. --_Da_, Mansong's eldest son, sent one canoe as a present, and requested me to sell him a bunderbuss, and three swords, with someblue and yellow broad cloth. Sent him three swords, and ten spans ofyellow cloth; received in return six thousand cowries. 

Sansanding contains, according to Koontie Mamadie's account, eleventhousand inhabitants. It has no public buildings, except the mosques, two of which, though built of mud, are by no means inelegant. The marketplace is a large square, and the different articles of merchandize areexposed for sale on stalls covered with mats, to shade them from thesun. The market is crowded with people from morning to night: some ofthe stalls contain nothing but beads; others indigo in balls; otherswood-ashes in balls; others Houssa and Jinnie cloth. I observed onestall with nothing but antimony in small bits; another with sulphur, anda third with copper and silver rings and bracelets. In the housesfronting the square is sold, scarlet, amber, silks from Morocco, andtobacco, which looks like Levant tobacco, and comes by way of Tombuctoo. Adjoining this is the salt market, part of which occupies one corner ofthe square. A slab of salt is sold commonly for eight thousand cowries;a large butcher's stall, or shade, is in the centre of the square, andas good and fat meat sold every day as any in England. The beer marketis at a little distance, under two large trees; and there are oftenexposed for sale from eighty to one hundred calabashes of beer, eachcontaining about two gallons. Near the beer market is the place wherered and yellow leather is sold. 

Besides these market-places, there is a very large space, which isappropriated for the great market every Tuesday. On this day astonishingcrowds of people come from the country to purchase articles inwholesale, and retail them in the different villages, &c. There arecommonly from sixteen to twenty large fat Moorish bullocks killed on themarket morning. 

October 8th. --As Mansong had delayed much longer in sending the canoeshe promised, than I expected, I thought it best to be provided with asufficient quantity of shells to purchase two; particularly when Ireflected that the river would subside in the course of a few days, having sunk this morning about four inches by the shore. I thereforeopened shop in great style, and exhibited a choice assortment ofEuropean articles to be sold in wholesale or retail. I had of course a_great run_, which I suppose drew on me the envy of my brothermerchants; for the Jinnie people, the Moors, and the merchants herejoined with those of the same description at Sego, and (in presence ofModibinne, from whose mouth I had it) offered to give Mansong a quantityof merchandize of greater value than all the presents I had made him, ifhe would seize our baggage, and either kill us, or send us back againout of Bambarra. They alleged, that my object was to kill Mansong andhis sons by means of charms, that the white people might come and seizeon the country. Mansong, much to his honour, rejected the proposal, though it was seconded by two-thirds of the people of Sego, and almostall Sansanding. 

From the 8th to the 16th nothing of consequence occurred, I found myshop every day more and more crowded with customers; and such was my runof business, that I was sometimes forced to employ _three tellers atonce_ to count my cash. I turned one market day twenty-five thousandseven hundred and fifty-six pieces of money (cowries. )

The second day after my arrival at Marraboo, as no accounts whatever hadarrived concerning Mr. Scott, I sent a messenger to Koomikoomi, desiringhim to bring Mr. Scott, or some account of him. He returned in fourdays, and told us that _Mr. Scott was dead_, and that the natives hadstolen the pistols out of the holsters; but he had brought the horse toBambakoo. 

When Modibinne enquired of Isaaco what sort of a _return of presents_would be most agreeable to me, Isaaco (being instructed before) said hebelieved two large canoes, and Modibinne assured me, that the canoeswould be sent down to Sansanding immediately on our arrival there. 

In order to give a just idea of the trade and profits on differentarticles sold at Sansanding, I have annexed a list of _European_ and_African_ articles, with their respective values in _cowries_, the greatmedium of exchange and the general currency of Bambarra. 

EUROPEAN ARTICLES. 

 Value in Cowries. 

A musket ---- ---- ---- 6 to 7000

A cutlass ---- ---- ---- 1500 to 2000

A flint ---- ---- ---- ---- 40

Gunpowder, one bottle ---- ---- 3000

Amber No. 1. ---- ---- ---- ---- 1000

Ditto No. 2. ---- ---- ---- ---- 800

Ditto No. 3. ---- ---- ---- ---- 400

Amber No. 4. ---- ---- ---- ---- 160

Ditto No. 5. ---- ---- ---- ---- 80

Ditto No. 6. ---- ---- ---- ---- 60

Coral No. 4. Each stone ---- ---- 60

Black points, per bead ---- ---- 20

Red garnets, per string ---- ---- 40

White ditto, per string ---- ---- 40

Blue agates, per string ---- ---- 100

Round rock coral, per bead ---- 5

Long ditto, per bead ---- ---- 5

Short arrangoes, per bead ---- 40

Gold beads, per bead ---- ---- 10

An Indian baft ---- ---- 20, 000

A barraloolo, or five-bar piece 8, 000

Scarlet cloth 10 spans ---- 20, 000

If sold to the Karankeas _in retail_ 30, 000

_Light yellow_ cloth nearly the same as scarlet;

_blue_ not so high

Paper per sheet ---- ---- 40

A dollar ---- ---- from 6 to 12, 000

Or from 1£. 5s. To 2£. 10s

AFRICAN PRODUCE. 

A _minkalli_ of gold (12s. 6d. Sterling) ---- 3000

Four minkallies are equal to £3. 3s. Value in Cowries. 

_Ivory_, the very largest teeth, each ---- 10, 000

The medium size ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- 7, 000

The smaller ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- 3 or 4000

_Indigo leaves_ beat and dried in lumps larger

than ones fist, each ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- 40

A prime slave, (male) ---- ---- ---- ---- 40, 000

A ditto, (female) ---- ---- ---- from 80 to 100, 000

A girl ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- 40, 000

A horse from two to ten prime male slaves

A cow (fat) ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- 15, 000

An ass ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- 17, 000

A sheep ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- 3 to 5, 000

A fowl ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- 250 to 300

As much _excellent fat beef_ as will be sufficient

 for seven men one day ---- ---- ---- ---- 620

As much _good beer_ as the same number can

 drink in one day ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- 300

October 16th. --Modibinne and Jower arrived, and told me that they hadbrought a canoe from Mansong. I went to see it, and objected to one halfof it, which was quite rotten. They sent up to Sego for another half;but when it arrived, it would not fit the one already sent. I wastherefore forced to send Isaaco again to Sego; and as Mansong hadrequested me by Modibinne to sell him any spare arms I might have, Isent two blunderbusses, two fowling pieces, two pair of pistols, andfive unserviceable muskets; requesting in return that Mansong wouldeither send a proper canoe, or permit me to purchase one that I mightproceed on my journey. Isaaco returned on the 20th with a large canoe;but half of it was very much decayed and patched, I therefore set aboutjoining the best half to the half formerly sent; and with the assistanceof Abraham Bolton (private) took out all the rotten pieces; and repairedall the holes, and sewed places; and with eighteen days _hard labour, changed the_ Bambarra canoe into _His Majesty's schooner Joliba_; thelength forty feet, breadth six feet; being flat bottomed, draws only onefoot water when loaded. 

October 28th. --At a quarter past five o'clock in the morning my dearfriend Mr. Alexander Anderson died after a sickness of four months. Ifeel much inclined to speak of his merits; but as his worth was knownonly to a few friends, I will rather cherish his memory in silence, andimitate his cool and steady conduct, than weary my friends with apanegyric in which they cannot be supposed to join. I shall only observethat no event which took place during the journey, ever threw thesmallest gloom over my mind, till I laid Mr. Anderson in the grave. Ithen felt myself, as if left a second time lonely and friendless amidstthe wilds of Africa. 

November 14th. --The schooner is now nearly ready for our departure; Ionly wait for Isaaco's return from Sego, that I may give him this paperin charge. 

November 15th. --Isaaco returned; and told us that Mansong was anxiousthat I should depart as soon as possible, before the Moors to the Easthad intimation of my coming. Bought bullock hides to form an awning tosecure us from the spears and arrows of the _Surka_ or _Soorka_ and_Mahinga_ who inhabit the North bank of the river betwixt Jinnie andTombuctoo. 

November 16. --All ready and we sail to-morrow morning, or evening. Iwill therefore conclude this long epistle with some miscellaneousinformation. 

 _Variation_ of the compass. 

West of the Faleme river ---- ---- 14 11 West. 

At Badoo, near Sibikillin ---- ---- 14 56

Near the _Bafing_ ---- ---- ---- 16 30

At Marraboo on the Niger ---- ---- 16 36

At Yamina ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- 17 11

At Sansanding ---- ---- ---- ---- 17 40

In case any one should be inclined to doubt the accuracy of thelatitudes taken by the back observation with Troughton's pocket sextant;I think it proper to mention that I have observed at Sansandingalternately with the _horizon of the river_, and the _back observation_in water and the artificial horizon; and never found them to vary morethan four minutes, but generally much nearer. 

A fac-simile sketch of the course of the Niger, made by an old Somonie, who had been seven times at Tombuctoo, and is now going the eighth. 

_Ba Nimma_ rises in the Kong mountains South of Marraboo; it passes oneday's journey South of Sego; and having received a branch from Miniana, empties itself into the lake Dibbie. It is not quite half so large asthe Niger. I have not the least doubt of the truth of this, having heardit from so many people. We shall not see Jinnie in going to Tombuctoo. 

_Route from Sego to Miniana. _

From Sego in one day, Deena, across the Ba Nimma in canoes, and halt onthe south side; thence in one day, Dahmaroo, Sijirri, Neaguana, Mullo Soo, Billi Soo;In all seven days. 

The inhabitants of Miniana eat their enemies, and strangers, if they diein the country. They eat the flesh of horses; but such is theirveneration for the cow that she is never killed; when she dies, they eatthe flesh. Miniana is hilly; all the grains are cultivated the same asin Bambarra. 

 _Route from Sego to Badoo_. From Sego in one day. Koogoo, N. Goi, [Footnote: Thus written in Park's MS. ] Jeenna, Doo-Wassoo. Choyna, Guandoo on the banks of the Badingfing, a small river from Miniana. Cheraboo, Baboo, Blendoo, Koolokoo, Kay-a, Wangeera, Jibbi, Nemansana, Kooli, Chemosoo, N. Jeera, Chekora, Koonteela, Doomba, Chongi, Teng: gera, a great Juli town; a Juli is called in Baedoo, Kirko Bimba; Teeleemagee, Soomasoo, Koorinsoo, Jondoo; Juli town, Sala, N. Kannoo, Juli town. 

The whole of the foregoing places are in Bambarra. 

 Totti, a town in Baedoo. Baedoo, the capital. 

The Julis are people who understand the language of Baedoo and Miniana, and are employed as interpreters and brokers by the salt merchants. Onemonth's travel South of Baedoo through the kingdom of Gotto, will bringthe traveller to the country of the Christians, who have their houses onthe banks of the _Ba Sea feena_; this water they represent as beingimcomparably larger than the lake Dibbie, and that the water sometimesflows one way, sometimes another. There are no Shea trees in Kong orGotto, and very few in Baedoo. 

ISAACO'S JOURNAL. 

VOL. II. 

_Government House

Sierra Leone, 10th December, 1811. _

"MY LORD, "With reference to my letter of the 8th of March 1810, communicatinghaving engaged a person to go in search, and ascertain the fate of thelate Mr. Mungo Park; I have the honour to communicate to Your Lordship, that this person returned to Senegal on the 1st of September; but I amconcerned to state that his information confirms the various reports ofMr. Park's death. 

"I have enclosed a copy of the Journal of the person whom I sent, whichwas kept in Arabic, and has been translated into English by a personresident in Senegal. 

"Isaaco has been paid the promised reward, which I hope will be approvedby your Lordship. 

"I have the honour to be, "MY LORD, "Your Lordship's most obedient

"humble Servant, "C. W. MAXWELL. 

"_Governor. _"

_To the Right HonourableThe Earl of Liverpool. _

ISAACO'S JOURNAL. 

I, Isaaco, left Senegal on Sunday, the 22d day of the moon Tabasky;[Footnote: Seventh of January, 1810. ] in the afternoon we came to ananchor at the foot of the bar. We passed the bar next morning, and hadlike to have lost ourselves; we got on board the George. Weighed anchorin the night of the 23d, from the roads, and anchored at Goree the 24that about 4 P. M. [Footnote: These times of the day are not very exact, being regulated by the Mahometan times of prayer. ] On my arrival there, I found some of my effects had been stolen; I signified to thecommandant of Goree my intention to postpone my voyage, until my stolengoods were found. The commandant sent me back on board the George, andordered the vessel to return to Senegal, that I might make there mycomplaint to Governor Maxwell. We were nine days at sea with heavyweather, and could not fetch; we were obliged to return to Goree on thetenth day. 

The commandant next day (Friday) after my arrival, sent a courier toSenegal to the Governor, with the account of my goods being stolen; andon the Friday following the courier brought me my effects. [Footnote:These goods had been stolen in the lighter outside of the bar. ] The sameday in the afternoon, I left Goree in the George, and arrived in Gambia, the night after at Yoummy. We left Yoummy on the Sunday following, andarrived on Monday at Jilifrey. We left Jilifrey the same day; passedTancrowaly, in the night, and on Tuesday came opposite a forest. Passedthis spot, and came to anchor at Baling. From Baling came to an anchoropposite a forest at four P. M. We got under weigh in the night and cameto in the morning. Departed after breakfast, and came to at noon. Departed immediately after, and came to after sunset. Passed Caour inthe night, and came to anchor at four A. M. (Thursday). Weighed in theevening and came to Yanimmarou at noon. We left Yanimmarou in themorning of Friday, and came to Mongha. Left the Mongha the same day atsunset, and came to Mariancounda late in the evening, and Robert Ainsleybeing there, I landed and presented to him the Governor's letter; makingin all eight days from Goree to my arrival at Mariancounda. 

Robert Ainsley kept me five days with him. He gave me, by the Governor'sdesire, one horse, one ass, and twenty bars of beads. I left RobertAinsley on Wednesday morning, and went to the village of the king ofCataba to pay my respects. I had previously sent the same day, mybaggage and people, to Giammalocoto. On my arrival before Cataba, I gavehim one musket, and one string of amber No. 4. Which he distributed tohis attendants. In the evening of the same day, I took leave of theking, and arrived at Giammalocoto, after sunset, where I met my peopleand effects. I left Giammalocoto, on Friday morning, and slept atTandacounda. I departed next morning (Saturday) and slept at Guenda. OnSunday crossed a rivulet and slept under a tamarind tree close to thevillage of Sandougoumanna. I sent to Sallatigua-koura, king of thatcountry, five bars of tobacco (ten heads). I went and slept atWoullimanna. I gave to Mansancoije, the chief, two bars of scarlet clothand two bars of tobacco, and to his son, one bar of scarlet cloth. Ialso gave to my landlord three bars of tobacco. Departed next day early;stopped at Carropa at noon, and went to Coussage, where we slept. Ithere found my family, who had been driven away by the Bambarra army. Istaid at Coussage two days and gave Maitafodey, chief of the village, three bottles of powder. [Footnote: One bottle of powder passes for fivebars. ] We left Coussage in the evening, with all my family; arrived atMontogou in the morning, where my family resided before the Bambarraarmy entered this country. I here found my mother. I staid at Montogouabout one month and a half, or forty-six days. 

Having disposed of such of my property as I could not carry with me, Ileft Montogou at about nine A. M. With my family and people, stopped atMoundoundon, having crossed three rivulets; slept there. Mamadou, thechief, killed me a sheep: I gave him one bottle of powder. We departedin the morning, stopped at Couchiar at noon, under a bark-tree, where wepassed the rest of the day. We filled our leather bags with water anddeparted about four P. M. We travelled all night and came to Saabie atthree A. M. This village is inhabited by Marabous (priests). We stayedthere two days. I found there a relation of one of my wives. I gave himone bottle of powder and three pagnes (a piece of cloth the natives makeuse of in their dresses). We left Saabie in the morning, stopped at noonat Joumajaoury, and arrived at Tallimangoly. I there met a relation whokilled a sheep. I gave him three grains of amber. We slept there. Nextmorning we departed, and arrived at midnight at Baniscrilla, where Ifound the King of Bondou with the Bambarra army. I went to pay myrespects to him, and gave him ten bottles of powder, thirteen grains ofamber No. 1, two grains of coral No. 1, and one handsome tin box. To hisfirst valet one pagne, worth one piece of baft; to his goldsmith fourpagnes; to the Chief of the village two bottles of powder. (Ten bars. )Slept there two nights; departed early, so did the army on their way toGambia. We stopped at noon at Cambaya, being very hungry: we departed inthe evening; and slept on the road. At about eight A. M. On the next day, we passed Gnary and Sangnongagy; received at this last village some peaswithout stopping. We stopped at noon at Dougay. Next morning early wedeparted, and stopped at noon at Daacada; in the evening we stopped andslept at Bougoldanda. Next day we stopped at noon at Saamcolo. Somesingers of the village paid me a visit; I gave them a few trinkets. Ihad here a grand palaver (dispute) about one of my dogs, who had, as wassaid, bit a man; with great difficulty I prevented the animal from beingkilled. 

Departed next day early; arrived at noon at Soumbourdaga, and sleptthere. Next morning at nine A. M. Arrived at Debbou; my friend Saloumougave me two sheep; I gave him two bottles of powder. Saloumou told me hewould keep me company to Sego if I pleased; I readily agreed, and gavehim ten pagnes to give to his wife to support her until his return. Nextmorning, Saloumou being ready, we departed from Debbou: we crossed theFaleme, and stopped on the other side at a village also called Debbou. Ibought there two sheep and some corn; we staid there three days, and hadour corn converted into kouskous. We departed from Debbou early onMonday, the first day of Raky Gamon, [Footnote: May 4, 1810. ] andarrived at noon at the village of Diggichoucoumee, the residence of theKing of Bondou: we stayed there four days and killed two sheep. I gaveto Almami Sega two bottles of powder; bought one sheep. Departed earlyand went to Sabcouria, where we slept; it is the last village of Bondouto the northward. 

Left Sabcouria early, and passed Gouloumbo: we slept on the road. Nextmorning at nine A. M. We stopt at Dramana, in sight of Saint Joseph, theFort of Galam; we staid there five days. I was forced to stay there solong, on account of a palaver I had with the family of one of my wives, who opposed her going on the voyage with me: I was divorced, and she hadto give me what she had received at our marriage, which is the law amongus Mahomedans. I received one bullock and four sheep. I gave the ChiefEuchoumana fourteen bars in amber and powder; to the people one bottleand a half of powder, and two bars of amber; to the Chief of Galam twobottles of powder and twenty flints. 

We departed early; crossed _Choligota_ [Footnote: The Ch must bepronounced through the throat. ] and Taning_ch_olee, two rivulets, andarrived at noon at Moussala; slept there. We were well treated by theChief. I gave him two flints and thirty loads of powder. Departed veryearly, and arrived at Tambouncana on the Senegal River. I there saw aMoor who had a very fine mare, which I bought with the goods which werereturned to me in my palaver at Dramana. The King of Bambarra builtthere a large fort. We departed, and arrived at noon at Samicouta; wethen went to Gui_ch_alel, where we slept at the house of Amady face, Chief of the village. We stopt there the next day, owing to one of myslaves running away, whom I got back again. Early in the morning wecrossed the Senegal River at Settoucoule, on the Moors' side. I boughtone sheep; slept there, and was well treated. 

Departed early; stopt at nine A. M. At Coulou, and slept there; we foundthere only the women, the men had followed the Bambarra army. Departedearly, crossed _Ch_olibinne and arrived at Challimancounna, where Istaid two days. Ourigiague, the Chief, received me well, and killed abullock. I gave him one bottle of powder. We departed long beforeday-break, crossed Fallaou, stopt at day-break at the Lake of Douro totake water; we went on, and arrived at nine A. M. At Medina. I wasobliged to stay there twelve days, to wait the return of one of myfellow travellers; not hearing any thing of him, I sent a man after him, because I had lent him my mare and a musket. The man brought me back mymare and musket. I was there well treated by the Chief and villagepeople, who gave me five sheep. I gave them in return one bottle ofpowder, and one and a half bars. I bought a sheep. This completed thethree moons from my departure from Montogou. 

We departed early, and crossed Kirgout, a river full of hippopotami andalligators. At noon arrived at Cougnacary, formerly the metropolis ofthe kingdom of Casso, but now occupied by Bambarras. Received one sheep, and gave one bottle of powder and five flints. We slept there, and nextday early went round and crossed the river Kirgout again. At nine A. M. Passed Maretoumane; farther on, passed a large rock called Tap-pa. Arrived at noon at Camatingue, after crossing five rivers; we staidthere two days; received a bullock and a sheep from the Seracooliesresiding in Casso. I gave to Nare-Moussa, the Chief, half a bottle ofpowder, and ten grains of amber. One of my slaves was there redeemed, and I received another in exchange. I met there the King of Bambarra'smessenger; I gave him half a bottle of powder. We departed early, crossed Garry between two rocks; arrived at noon at Lambatara; sleptthere. We were all the way surrounded by mountains and rocks. We startedearly, after taking water for our provisions, and had to ascend highmountains. About noon we arrived at the top of one of them; a part of mypeople went forward. When on the very top of the hill, they weresurrounded and attacked by such a quantity of bees, that my people andbeasts of burden were scattered; [Footnote: The bees in those parts ofthe country are very numerous, especially on the tops of the mountains. A similar accident from the attack of bees is mentioned by Park in hisJournal, p. 37. See also Vol. I. P. 331. ] when they were a littleappeased, we went after our beasts, who had thrown away every thing theyhad on their backs. I found one of my asses dead, being stifled by thebees getting into its nostrils, and one of my men almost dead by theirstings. I had to give him something to bring him to life, and that witha great deal of pains. We slept at the foot of that mountain, under amonkey-bread tree. 

Departed early; at nine A. M. We met on the road one of the King ofBambarra's messengers, who was sent after me; we stopped and sat under atree together; he told me he was sent by his master, to let me know ifhe met me at Cougnacary, he was ordered to procure me plenty ofprovisions, and keep me there to rest myself; but as he had met me onthe road, and a long way past Cougnacary, he would lead me to the firstvillage, would get me some provisions, and that I might stay there torest myself; to which I agreed. We passed Goundouguédé and arrived atfour P. M. At Jyggiting Yalla; on my arrival I told the messenger myintention of sending somebody to the King, to let him know of my beingin his dominions, and near him. I then sent Saloumon my friend toGiocha, where the King resided. I told him on his arrival at Giocha, togo to Sabila, the chief of all the King's slaves, and a confident ofhis, to give him thirteen grains of amber No. 1, one pair of scissars, one snuff-box, and one looking-glass; and tell him I sent him thosethings as a present, and let him know of my arrival. After this man'sdeparture, I sent another messenger, and desired him to go to Giocha, toendeavour to see my old friend Allasana-Bociara, one of the King ofSego's messengers, who were sent as ambassadors, and tell him that Isend him this grain of amber, and that piece [Footnote: One round halfdollar. ] of silver, as a mark of my being near him, and not to leaveGiocha before he saw me. I had learnt his arrival there by a caravan ofslaves I met on the road. 

After I had sent these two messengers unknown to one another, the King'smessenger came in the evening, and told me he was going away, but shouldgive orders to the first village he should come to, to receive me welland give me provisions and all assistance; and that I should wait therefor further orders. I then slept there: in the course of the night, theChief of the village where I was ordered to go and stop for furtherorders, sent a messenger to his son here, where I was, desiring him tostop me here. Next morning his son came to me, and said it was uselessfor me to go any farther; that his father had sent to him and desired hewould furnish me with whatever I wanted and keep me here. I told him, ifI staid where I was, I should die with all my family, of hunger andthirst; and that I would go on where I was ordered, unless I was stoppedby force. I immediately got every thing ready and departed. 

At noon, we arrived at Maribougou, where I was ordered to stop. FoulaMassa, the Chief, sent me to his brother to take up lodgings. When Icame to his brother's house I was refused lodgings; I then went under alarge monkey-bread tree and made halt there. The Chief came and told meto stay here; I said I could not, as water was very scarce, and mycompany very numerous. He immediately gave orders that no one in thevillage should draw water, so that I might not want, and that I shouldhave no excuse. I took that opportunity to give drink to all my peopleand cattle, and filled my skins. Being ready to depart from thence, thetwo men I had sent to Giocha from Jyggiting Yalla, arrived; one told mehe had seen Sabila, and delivered my message and present to him; thatSabila said, he perceived I wanted to be his friend, to which he had noobjection; the other messenger told me, that the King of Sego'sambassador said I might be assured he would not leave Giocha before hesaw me, according to my desire. 

I had in my caravan a merchant I met at Dramana; he came from Senegal, and had some friends in this village, who sent to tell him to take awayhis goods from mine and put them aside, as I was in great danger ofbeing plundered, and his goods would be lost to him if found amongstmine; to which he objected; which gave me a proof of his goodintentions, and of his friendship to me. I was then convinced somethingunpleasant was planning against me. I therefore forced this merchant totake away his goods from mine; as it would be unjust he should suffer onmy account. I then placed myself and people against the tree, wellarmed. I had two double-barrelled guns and a musket in good order, andwell loaded; and waited for what should happen. 

While I was in this state of defence, a messenger from the King came tome, the same man I had met first, who told me, that as I was complainingof want of water, he would conduct me to another village. We accordinglydeparted, and arrived at Wassaba; when there, the messenger shewed me ahouse where I was to take up my lodging, and have my things in safety. He then wanted to separate my people from me and scatter them in thevillage, so as to have a better chance to plunder me; to which Istrongly objected. I went with my people, baggage, &c. Into the middleof the yard of the house appointed for my lodging, and staid there. 

The Chief of the village came to me, and desired I should give him mypeople to go and fetch me a bullock: the King's messenger took him asideand spoke a little while to him: he came again and told me he could notgive me now the bullock, as his cattle were too far off among the King'sherd. When the messenger saw me settle in the yard, and disposed tospend the evening there, he left me and went away. 

When I was sure of his departure, I sent another man to Giocha, andordered him to go to Madiguijou Marabou, who would introduce him toSabila; and when there, to give Sabila seven grains of amber, and tellhim to go and let the King know, that wherever I went, I met some of hispeople who stopped me from one place to another; and my intention waspositively to go to him, and to beg Sabila to obtain my request. Mycourier came back the next day, and told me that Sabila said, the King, his master's pleasure was, that I should stay where I was, and come tosee him (the King) on the next day, with which I complied. 

Next day the King sent a messenger to me with orders to lead me to him. I left my family and baggage, taking three horsemen of my people with meand four footmen, and departed with the messenger. I had, previous tothat, sent a man before me with five grains of the largest amber No. 1. With orders to wait at Giocha for me. We arrived at the back of thevillage at three P. M. On Tuesday; the man I had sent before me, wasthere waiting for me; he told me softly that where I was going we werebetrayed; and not to let the King know of my going to Sego, as our livesdepended upon it. I told him, that he well knew, I was sent by theGovernor of Senegal to Sego; and to Sego I must go, unless I wasprevented by death or force. I then entered the village and wentstraight to the King's door, followed by his messenger, I therealighted; the messenger made me wait at the door, and went in to takethe King's orders. He came back immediately and told me the King wassleeping; the guard took possession of my people and me, and lodged usin the guard-room with them. It was then about sunset, and not a singlesoul of my friends and acquaintances or relations came to see me. I thenbegan to think seriously what was to be done. A griot [Footnote: Balladsinger and dancer. ] woman was the only person who came to comfort me inmy distress. 

This woman on leaving me went immediately to the ambassadors of Sego(which I afterwards learnt), and said to them, "Oh me, oh me, my back isbroke. " [Footnote: An expression of sorrow among the cassonkes. ] Theambassadors asked her the reason; she said, "Because Isaaco our friendis here, and they are going to kill him. " Sabila being a very powerfulman, and not hearing from him, I sent my boy to Madiguijou; and beggedhe would introduce the boy to Sabila, and when there, to give him thefive grains of amber. Not being well guarded, I sent another man to mylandlord where I always resided when I passed in this village, with mycompliments, and my surprise at not seeing him since my arrival. He sentme word that he was happy to hear of my being so near him and in goodhealth, and that nobody had given him any notice of my arrival: whichlast words I attributed to his being afraid to meddle with me while inthe King's hands. I sent in the night the merchant who was advised todraw his goods from mine at Maribougou, to the Sego ambassadors; andinformed them of my being here. 

Seeing the guards' carelessness, I went (still in the night) to mylandlord, who had still some influence near the king, and gave him oneof my wives necklaces, nine grains of amber, and seven grains of coral. From thence I went to Madiguijou, and told him I was sent on a missionto the King of Sego, with some papers; in order to facilitate me on myvoyage in search of a white man gone in the interior of this countrylong ago. I went from there to Sabila and told him the same thing. Afterwards I went back to the guard-house, and laid myself down tosleep; while the guards were amusing themselves in dancing, singing, anddrinking. My slumber being disturbed by my uneasy mind, I awoke andfound all the guards gone. 

I went to take the air, and returned again to sleep, but could not. Iheard the feet of several horsemen in the street, going, I presumed, toSabila's house. Early in the morning I sent another message to theambassadors, to let them know how critically I was situated; that Iheard they were going away to Sego without me; and my uneasiness at nothearing a word from them. They sent to ask me why I did not follow thistime the same road I had followed on my other voyage. I sent back theman to let them know as the two kingdoms were at peace, I thought itsecure and safe to travel through this part; that Mungo Park hadpromised King Mansong a present; and Mungo Park not returning, theGovernor of Senegal had entrusted this same present to me for Mansong, and that I was now the bearer of it. However, since they were determinedto go without me, they might do so, and whether I should be released ordie; they should hear it soon enough at Sego. They sent toTiguing-Coroba [Footnote: Vulgarly Tiguing-coro. ] (the King) a messagesaying; We have heard that Isaaco our friend is at Giocha, bearer of apresent to Dacha (King of Sego) which Mr. Park had promised to Mansong(Dacha's father); that Mr. Park not returning in time to his country, his friends had appointed Isaaco to be the bearer of that present, whichis with him now, and is destined for Sego, to the King our master. Incase Isaaco wishes to go back, we beg you will not let him do so; but ifhe wishes to go on, on his mission to Sego, we also beg and hope youwill give him all assistance, and some trusty persons to conduct him toSego. [Footnote: This equivocal invitation was given to the King, whowell knew that the King of Sego was more powerful than him; and if heshould injure Isaaco in any manner, he would be driven from hisdominions. ]

Then came Massatan Wague, a Marabou, who told me what I have aboverelated, and how I had been arrested with an intention to destroy me, and take what I had; that Sibila had been the means of my escaping suchdanger, and had saved my life; to which story I gave little credit, knowing well the reason why they shewed me such mercy; but I thanked Godalone for my preservation. Massatan Wague advised me to give the King'sonly son something. I went to that prince, and gave him half a piece ofwhite baft, and two grains of amber No. 1. I went back to theguard-house, where I passed the following night. 

Next morning my landlord went to the King to beg (as every thing wassettled and appeared favourable on my side) that he might take me to hislodging; to which the King consented. He immediately came and took meaway to his house with my people. I went with my land-lord(Tong-Manchong) and my people to the King: on arriving, after the usualsalutations, I presented him with a fine tin box. The King addressedSabila, and said with a nod, "Here is the business. " Sabila said, "Thisman is our old friend, and is a good man. " My landlord said the same. The King turned to me and said, "No; here is your box and keep it; whatelse you have brought in my country I shall keep; you may return to theplace you first started from, and travel on your mission by the sameroad you travelled first, with the white men; but your goods, and everything else you have with you, I shall keep. I know what you have isdestined to the King of Sego. " I said, "I might, it is true, havetraveiled by other roads, and you would never have heard of me; but inmy way, I heard you lived in peace and friendship with the King of Sego;I therefore thought I might with security travel through your country. "He stopped me, saying, "What I have said to you is enough. "

I left the house with part of his slaves. I went to my lodging, andimmediately completed the amount of sixty bars in powder, amber, &c. Itook the horse Robert Ainsley had bought for me, three ducks, and thetin box he refused. I gathered all these things, and went with mylandlord and offered them as presents to the King, which he accepted: inhis presence I gave Sabila one bottle of powder; to the King's singerone snuff-box. The King, on seeing these presents, (the only thing tocool his anger) told me he would lend me somebody who would conduct mestraight to Sego. I said, "I could not go so soon; because if I did, whoever would see me would think I deserted from him; and I thereforethought proper to stay where I was and rest myself awhile. " The Kingsaid to Sabila, "You see Isaaco appears to be a courageous man; if hehad been of a weak-spirited mind, he would have run away, and left histhings in my hands. " I went home, and spent the rest of the day and thenight. 

In the morning I departed with my people to Wassaba, to fetch my familyand things; I staid there two days; but being uneasy in my mind, andbeing afraid of something planning against me, and as I had good reasonto think so by the few words I heard at different times, I went back toGiocha, presented myself to the King; and told him that before I lefthis dominions, I had thought proper to come and swear fidelity andfriendship to him; and that whenever I should go backwards or forwardsfrom Senegal to Sego, I should always pass through his country and seehim; but that I should wish also at the same time that he would swear toprotect and treat me well, and be my friend; even should he be at warwith the King of Sego. He sent for Chiaman, the eldest son of the royalfamily, who swore the same to me in his and the King's name. I likewiseswore before them what I related above. After swearing, Chiaman told meto give him a handsome gun or a coussabi (shirt) by way of cementing ouroaths. I told him, I had none at present fit to present to him, but gavehim my word, that if I should go back to the white men's country, on myreturn I would bring him one of those two objects. 

I staid in the village until the next morning. I had in the mean whilewrote a prayer (Grisgris) or amulet, to a man who gave me a bullock, which I carried to Wassaba; I slept there. Next morning I had thebullock killed. The next day Iaque, Chiaman's brother, sent me word towait there for him. I immediately sent my family and things by anotherroad, and waited for Iaque. He came and presented me with an ass loadedwith kouskous to help me in my travels. I gave him half a piece of finewhite baft, five bottles of powder, two looking-glasses, and twosnuff-boxes. He then left me, and I went the same day to Giocha, to takeleave of the King, and beg he would let me have the promised conductor(between Wassaba and Giocha there being seven rivulets to cross. ) Hegave me a man named Mourocouro, who went on foot. He then shook handswith me, saying, "Isaaco, I bear you no malice now; but did so once, because you conducted white men to Sego; and never passed here to let mehave something from them, whilst every body else shared theirgenerosity. " I took my leave of him and went to Chicouray, Chiaman'svillage, where I met my family and things safe. I staid there two days. Chaiman killed me a bullock, and I gave him one pagne, worth two piecesof bafts, one bottle of powder, twenty flints, and one bar of scarletcloth. 

We started in the evening and arrived at Chicouray. [Footnote: These twolast villages bear the same name. ] Sambabile (Chiaman's other brother)gave me some corn and a sheep. I gave him a blue pagne, a striped ditto, one bottle of powder, twenty flints, and one bar of scarlet cloth; whichpagnes I got by the sale of three slaves I was obliged to sell to helpme in my expenses. I staid there two days; in the morning I started, andarrived at noon at Jyallacoro; where resided Madifoutane, the King'sson, to whom I had given half a piece of fine cotton and two grains ofamber; he gave me some corn. Madimarian, a Marabou, killed me a bullock;I give him one bottle of powder. 

Next morning I started from thence, passed three villages, and arrivedat three P. M. At Cobla. I received cooked victuals from the village; Igave two flints. We departed next morning early, and arrived at noon atAmadifalouma bougou, the last village belonging to King Tiguing-coro, itbeing on Wednesday, and six moons [Footnote: July 2, 1810. ] after mydeparture from Senegal. I bought there an ass. 

Having before me a large forest to cross, and uncertain of the rightroad, I hired four men to conduct me. I departed next morning, andcrossed a small river near the village. We entered the forest at noon, and came to a large muddy pond, where the hogs could not pass safely;our guides shewed us a better road, where we crossed easily. At two P. M. We stopped where had been formerly a village. We found in our way aftersun-set, a large land turtle, which we killed; and passed the nightthere. Departed early; at ten A. M. Passed Sarina, formerly a village;stopped awhile. The four men I had charged to go as guides, wished to goback; they were afraid to go on further. I was much disappointed at suchbehaviour, and got angry with them, and said I would sooner go back thanbe left in such a forest. They shewed me a road, and told me to followit straight along, and to be careful not to turn either to the right orleft, and that I should soon find a village inhabited. I gave them halfa bottle of powder and ten flints, and let them go, as I could not dootherwise. 

I went on, and found the road the King of Sego's army had taken nineyears ago. [Footnote: When at war with Tiguing-coro. ] Farther on we meta small pond; being very thirsty, we spent there the best part of theday; a little farther we found a large pond, where we made a halt, andpast the night under a tree. Departed early; arrived at noon at thelakes of Chinchare and Tirinn. These lakes are never dry; and the King'sarmy always stops at them to take water. After dinner we started, and atfive P. M. Arrived at another lake. We went on, and came to the villageof Giangounte after sun-set; where we stopped five days, on account ofone of my people being sick; received the first night a few provisions;next day they killed me a bullock. Here I thanked God for my escape. 

On the third day the King's people came; the village gave them a bullockand a sheep, which I killed myself; they gave me a quarter of each formy share. This village is surrounded by a mud wall, is well fortified, and I presume is well secured against any attack. One of the hogs beingvery large and fat, I could not carry it any farther, but with greatdifficulty: I told the Chief of the village to take charge of the hog, and have it conveyed to the King his master; to which he objected, beingafraid to take charge of an unknown animal, and the additionalresponsibility of taking charge of it for his master. I told him I foundit impossible for me to carry it any farther; I should therefore leaveit with him, and he might do with it as he pleased. That the villagebelonged to his master, so did the hog, and I was sure he would takegood care of it. 

We departed early and arrived at noon at Fabougou. After dinner we wentto Giongoey, where we arrived after sun-set; we staid there two days. Early in the morning we departed, and at ten A. M. Arrived at the lakeSonne; stopped a little under a tree; crossed the lake; stopped awhileat Tonneguela; arrived and stopped at Gommingtora, where we spent thenight; received a sheep. Departed early, and at ten A. M. Arrived atWattere. Departed in the evening and came to a large open field, verydangerous for travellers, on account of the Moors passing there veryoften. We therefore travelled during the day and all the night. 

At three A. M. Came to Toucha. On my way from Gommingtora here, I saw atree grown on the top of the dried stump of another large tree; the woodof the above tree is employed in the composition of our gunpowder. Thereis also near the tree a large and high rock, forming a pyramid, and alarge stone on the top of its head. On my arrival at Toucha, I missed achest which my nephew carried, and which contained some looking glasses, beads, my fine coussabi, and my wife's bracelets, which were given me byGovernor Maxwell. I asked the boy what was become of it; he said, thatbeing fatigued on the way, he had given the chest to a man who hadfollowed our caravan from Giocha. I suspected the man had stolen it, bynot seeing him with us. I left my family and things there, and wentimmediately with some of the King's people to Wattera in search of thethief. I had the Chief of Toucha's son and the son of the Chief ofWattera with me. From Wattera we went to Tagoubou, where we found thethief, who had broken the chest and taken away the things; he had on mycoussabi, had sold some things, and had in hand the remainder, lookingafter a slave to purchase. We seized him. The Chief of Tagoubou beggedme not to hurt him in his village, but to carry him to Dinghang. Arrivedat Dinghang. Maineoro, the Chief, told me, since I caught the thief, Imight take him away, and do as I thought proper with him. 

We went and slept at Togouboo, and next morning went to Wattera. Departed in the evening and arrived at night at Toucha, and joined myfamily. On our way the thief shewed me where he had destroyed the chest. I found the boards useless, and left them. I left Toucha early nextmorning, and at nine A. M. Arrived at Douabougou. The Chief wished me tostay, but I refused, and he gave me a sheep. Farther on we passedDilla-faa Courna and Bonabougou, where we staid awhile, and went to seeMagnacoro at sunset: (these villages are all surrounded by Ronn-trees;[Footnote: A species of palm tree. (I do not know the particularname. )]) the thief carrying all the way the remaining hog. On my waythere, one of my people staid on the road, having a sore leg. I was welltreated at Magnacoro and slept there; the man with the sore leg camenext day. I staid two days. There is in this village a fine Douallitree, the first I had seen on my way from Senegal; this tree is mostbeautiful, always green and in blossom, but bearing no fruit whatever. On the back of the village there is a foundery for casting iron; at alittle distance on the river there is a cataract, not quite so high asthe Feloups. I took guides to shew me the right road. Departed early; atnoon arrived at Soubacarra, passed Tacoutalla; crossed there a smallrivulet; farther on crossed another, and stopped at Sirecaime, a villagesituated between two mountains, where we slept. Next morning receivedten moulles [Footnote: A small measure made out of a calabash. ] of cornand departed. 

At noon arrived at Camecon; received there from Fiong, the Chief, asheep, some milk, and corn. In the afternoon departed, and passedSidong. At sun-set arrived at Sannanba, where we slept. I found here mysister and one of my wives I had left in my voyage with Mr. Park, andwhere they waited for my return. I asked them what they heard concerningMr. Park. They assured me that they had seen Alhagi Biraim, who toldthem that Mr. Park was dead; and that he saw the canoe in which he diedin the country of Haoussa; to which country, he, Alhagi, had been, andto the place where Mr. Park died. Yamme Marabou gave me bullock; so didMoulina one; Guiniba one; and Facoro, the Chief, also one and some corn. Two sheep were given to me by Alhagi; one by Fatuna-bougou; one byAmadibinne-doucara, and three by Dimba Soumares. We staid there eightdays. 

On the ninth day the hog I had left behind was brought here. I receivedone ass from Mouline: I gave to Amadibinne one musket and five yards ofwhite cotton; to Yamme half a bottle of powder; to my sister ten dollarsand one muslin pagne; to the Chief one bottle of powder and twentyflints. I released here the thief, who all the way had carried the hog;I released him, because I was certain, that, if once in the King'spower, he would be put to death. Four days after the hog came, being thethirteenth day of my stay at Sannamba (Saturday), and the seventh moonof my voyage. 

I departed early, and ordered the hog to be brought along by the samepeople; passed Baromba, took water at a large fountain; passedBancoumalla. After passing a large lake, stopped and slept at Sirberra, at the house of Babamerine, who killed a sheep: received from Manchiathe Chief, one sheep; I gave them twenty loads of powder and ten flints. Departed in the night, and arrived at two in the morning at Counnow. There is but one well for the whole village, and three beautiful largeDoualli trees are round it. Found there the King's army. 

There is on the east of the village an enormous large tree, inhabited bya great number of bats; another such tree is on the west side of thevillage, likewise full of bats; but what is most extraordinary, the batsof the east constantly go at night to the west, and return to the eastat the approach of day; those of the west never go to the east. The batsare all of the same kind. The natives say that their lawful king lies onthe west. [Footnote: Tiguing-coro, the descendant of the lawful Kings ofSego. ] The army departed about three, and I about day-light; we met onthe road the rear guard on its way to join the army. At four P. M. Arrived at Gargnie, a large village, where we slept. There is but onedoor to enter it, and two large trees on each side of the door; thevillage is situated in the front of a beautiful large lake, whichsupplies them with water. We met there a caravan from Cancare; receivedfrom them a few collas. Departed early, and at ten A. M. Arrived atDedougou, where we slept. The people of Gargnie had brought here the hogand gone back; and the people of this village being all out in theirfields, I was obliged to wait until next morning, so as to have the hogcarried; received three fowls; I gave three loads of powder. Nextmorning I required four hands to carry the hog (which imposition I laidon every village I came to) and departed. Passed Issicora and fivedeserted villages; at four P. M. Arrived at Yaminna, and stayed therethree days, at the house of Boya Modiba, who killed me a sheep. I gavehim two bars of scarlet cloth. A woman who had been redeemed atMontogou, and who had followed my caravan, found here her husband, whogave me a sheep and a hundred collas. 

Departed early and arrived at noon at Yaminna, [Footnote: Bearing thesame name as the last place. ] on the river Joliba (Niger). I wanted tocross the river immediately, but the rain prevented me; at four P. M. Embarked in a canoe, and went on till about ten P. M. Arrived atMognongo, on the other side of the river, having passed nine villages. The river here is very wide. Departed again, and arrived at noon atSamman; lodged with Guinguina, where we formerly lodged with Mr. Park, and where we lost three white men by sickness. At four P. M. Departed, and arrived at sun-set at Sego-coro, on the opposite side of Samman, having passed four villages; lodged with Sego Somma. 

This village was formerly the residence of the kings; and to this day, when the King wishes to go to war, he always goes there to have hisgris-gris (amulets) made, and to prepare himself. When they take a king, a prince, or a man of high rank, whether a stranger, or of the country, they confine him until the fasting moon is come. He is brought in thatmoon to this village, and laid down in a house appropriated for thispurpose only. His throat is then cut across. When the blood hascompletely stained the ground, the body is carried into the open field, and left a prey to the wild beasts. There is not a fasting moon, butthat one or more are butchered in the house, and for the space of eightdays after these executions, no man, whatever he may be, is allowed topass by that house (called Kognoba) without pulling off his shoes orcap. 

Departed early, passed Segobougou, Segocoura, and Douabougou, andarrived about eight A. M. At Sego-chicoro, the residence of Dacha King ofthe Bambarras, on Monday 11th of the moon. [Footnote: August 26, 1810. ]This town was built by Dacha's grandfather, [Footnote: Mansong's father, named Wolloo. ] who rebelled against the lawful king; being chosen leaderat the head of his party, drove the king from his dominions, who retiredto the west, [Footnote: He is obliged to gather another army and gohimself at the head of it, to revenge the first, should it bedestroyed. ] and was proclaimed king himself. Being a great warrior, hemaintained himself on the usurped throne, and left it to his posterity, who enjoy it peaceably now. 

I lodged with Guiawe, a man attached to the King. Next morning the Kinghearing of my arrival, sent to tell me he was going to Douabougou, andwished I would go and see him there. He had got on his horse and wasproceeding, when a heavy shower of rain came on; he dismounted and wentback to his house. After the rain, he ordered me to come to him, andbring him the hogs in the manner I had tied them for travelling. On myentrance in the first yard I found a guard of forty men, young, strong, and without beards. On entering another yard I met another guard, wellarmed and very numerous, lying in the shade. A little farther on I foundthe king sitting; there were four broad swords stuck in the ground, oneach side and behind him, which had been given to him by Mr. Park. Hehad on his military coat, which he is obliged to wear when he sends outan army, and cannot leave off until the army returns. He commonly wearsdresses of white or blue cotor, or silk, with a great many gris-gris, covered with plates of gold or silver, sewed about his dresses. I satdown on one side of him, and my landlord on the other side. After theusual salutations, I laid before him the drum, the two blunderbusses, the bed, the two hogs, the scarlet cloth, &c. And one dog. [Footnote:The other got away on leaving Mariancounda, and was lost. ] I said tohim: "Maxwell, Governor of Senegal, salutes you, and sends hiscompliments to you; here is the present which Manchong (or Mansong) yourfather asked of Mr. Park, and which he promised to send him. " He said, "Is the Governor well?" I said, "Yes, he is well, and desired me to begyour assistance in his endeavours to discover what is become of Mr. Park, and ascertain whether he is dead or alive; and that you would giveme a vessel to facilitate my voyage; and the Governor will reward youfor so doing. " He replied, "What does the Governor mean to give me?" Isaid, "If you render me all the assistance in your power, the Governorwill give you two hundred bars. " He asked me, how the Governor couldgive him that sum, being so far from him? I told him, the Governor, itwas true, was far from him; but that I was there to represent and answerfor him. He then accepted my offer and promised me his assistance. TheKing ordered a bullock to be killed for me. I staid to the end of thatmoon. [Footnote: September 13, 1810. ]

The first [Footnote: September 14, 1810. They reckon one day when themoon is seen. ] of the following moon, being the day I intended todepart, a prince of Tombuctoo came to Sego, to demand a wife who hadbeen promised him. The King went out to meet him with a guard of sixhundred men, almost naked and well armed. The prince said, that being afriend of his father (Manchong), he thought it his duty to come and lethim know of his coming to take the wife promised him; the King replied, "Why have you permitted the people of your country to plunder one mycaravans, [Footnote: My landlord lost his share in that caravan; sevenhundred gros of gold and a slave. ] and why did you not prevent it, andwhy did you yourself plunder another, belonging also to me?" The Kingleft the prince out, and returned to his house with the guards, afterunloading their muskets. The prince went to his lodging. He reflectedhow critically he was situated, and that by his bad behaviour, the wifewhich he had once been promised, had been given to another; and that thepeople of the caravan he had plundered, had been before the King andthere had denounced him; and that his life was at stake. He immediatelysent three horses to the King, and half a piece of cotor [Footnote: Soin the MS. Of this translation. ] to all the chiefs present. 

Next day the ambassadors of Giocha came together with the ambassadors ofTiguing-coro. The day after the King went to Impebara. I next day wentto meet him there. After staying there nine days, and hearing nothing, Iwas much displeased; some one went to the King and told him that I wasangry, and was about to depart. He sent to tell me he was going toBanangcoro, and that I should go with him; he did depart fromBanangcoro, but I staid; he sent me a courier to order me near him. Iwent to Banangcoro, and lodged with Inche, the King's slave andconfident. The motive of the King's journey was to see one of hischildren. He has six now living: and three he had destroyed. The customis when a male child of the King's wives is born on a Friday, that thethroat should be cut; which is done immediately. The King sent for me. Iwent to him at ten A. M. ; he ordered part of the presents to be broughtbefore him; which was done, and among which were the hogs. [Footnote:The remaining hog died shortly after my arrival at Sego. ] They were leftloose before him and pleased him much. 

On the next day (Friday) he gave me a canoe with three hands(fishermen), and I departed on my voyage after Mr. Park the followingtide; we passed ten villages, and arrived at supper time at Sansanding, [Footnote: This village is two days journey by land from Banangcoro. ]where we slept; departed by land at three P. M. And arrived at sunset atMadina, and lodged with Alihou. I found there Amadi fatouma, [Footnote:Amadou fatooma. ] the very guide I had recommended to Mr. Park, and whowent with him on his voyage from Sansanding. I sent for him; he cameimmediately. I demanded of him a faithful account of what had happenedto Mr. Park. On seeing me, and hearing me mention Mr. Park, he began toweep; and his first words were, "They are all dead. " I said, "I am cometo see after you, and intended to look every way for you, to know thetruth from your own mouth, how they died. " He said that they were lostfor ever, and it was useless to make any further enquiry after them; forto look after what was irrecoverably lost, was losing time to nopurpose. I told him I was going back to Sansanding, and requested hewould come the next day there to meet me, to which he agreed. I went toSansanding and slept there; next day I sent back the canoe to Impebara. Amadi fatouma came at the appointed time to meet me, being the 21st dayof the moon. [Footnote: 4th October, 1810. ] I desired he would let meknow what passed to his knowledge concerning Mr. Park. 

AMADI FATOUMA'S JOURNAL. 

We departed from Sansanding in a canoe the 27th [Footnote: This Journalmentions no moon nor year. ] day of the moon, and went in two days toSellee, [Footnote: Called Siila in Mr. Park's first voyage. ] where Mr. Park ended his first voyage. Mr. Park bought a slave to help him in thenavigation of the canoe. There was Mr. Park, Martyn, three other whitemen, three slaves and myself as guide and interpreter; nine in number, to navigate the canoe: without landing we bought the slave. We went intwo days to Ginne. We gave the Chief one piece of baft and went on. Inpassing Sibby, [Footnote: Here no mention is made of times. CalledDibbie in the plan. ] three canoes came after us, armed with pikes, lances, bows and arrows, &c. But no fire-arms. Being sure of theirhostile intentions, we ordered them to go back; but to no effect; andwere obliged to repulse them by force. Passed on; we passed Rakbara;[Footnote: Called Kabra in the plan. ] three came up to stop our passage, which we repelled by force. On passing Tombuctoo we were again attackedby three canoes; which we beat off, always killing many of the natives. On passing Gouroumo seven canoes came after us; which we likewise beatoff. We lost one white man by sickness; we were reduced to eight hands;having each of us fifteen muskets, always in order and ready for action. Passed by a village (of which I have forgotten the name), the residenceof King Gotoijege; after passing which we counted sixty canoes comingafter us, which we repulsed, and killed a great number of men. Seeing somany men killed, and our superiority over them, I took hold of Martyn'shand, saying, "Martyn, let us cease firing; for we have killed too manyalready"; on which Martyn wanted to kill me, had not Mr. Parkinterfered. After passing Gotoijege a long way, we met a very strongarmy on one side of the river; composed of the Poul nation; they had nobeasts of any kind. We passed on the other side and went on withouthostilities. 

On going along we struck on the rocks. An hippopotamus rose near us, andhad nearly overset the canoe; we fired on the animal and drove it away. After a great deal of trouble we got off the canoe without any materialdanger. We came to an anchor before Kaffo, and passed the day there. Wehad in the canoe before we departed from Sansanding, a very large stockof provisions, salted and fresh of all kinds; which enabled us to goalong without stopping at any place, for fear of accident. The canoe waslarge enough to contain with ease one hundred and twenty people. In theevening we started and came to before an island; we saw on shore a greatquantity of hippopotami; on our approach they went into the water insuch confusion, that they almost upset our canoe. We passed the islandand sailed. In the morning three canoes from Kaffo came after us, whichwe beat off. We came to near a small island, and saw some of thenatives; I was sent on shore to buy some milk. When I got among them Isaw two canoes go on board to sell fresh provisions, such as fowls, rice, &c. One of the natives wanted to kill me; at last he took hold ofme, and said I was his prisoner. Mr. Park seeing what was passing onshore, suspected the truth. He stopped the two canoes and people, telling the people belonging to them, that if they should kill me, orkeep me prisoner on shore, he would kill them all and carry their canoesaway with him. Those on shore suspecting Mr. Park's intentions, sent meoff in another canoe on board; they were then released. After which webought some provisions from them, and made them some presents. 

A short time after our departure, twenty canoes came after us from thesame place; on coming near, they hailed and said, "Amadi fatouma, howcan you pass through our country without giving us any thing. " Imentioned what they had said to Mr. Park; and he gave them a few grainsof amber and some trinkets, and they went back peaceably. On coming to ashallow part of the river, we saw on the shore a great many men sittingdown; coming nearer to them they stood up; we presented our muskets tothem, which made them run off to the interior. A little farther on wecame to a very difficult passage. The rocks had barred the river; butthree passages were still open between them. On coming near one of them, we discovered the same people again, standing on the top of a largerock; which caused great uneasiness to us, especially to me, and Iseriously promised never to pass there again without making considerablecharitable donations to the poor. We returned and went to a pass of lessdanger, where we passed unmolested. 

We came to before Carmasse, and gave the Chief one piece of baft. Wewent on and anchored before Gourinon. Mr. Park sent me on shore withforty thousand cowries to buy provisions. I went and bought rice, onions, fowls, milk, &c. And departed late in the evening. The Chief ofthe village sent a canoe after us, to let us know of a large armyencamped on the top of a very high mountain, waiting for us; and that wehad better return, or be on our guard. We immediately came to an anchor, and spent there the rest of the day, and all the night. We started inthe morning; on passing the above-mentioned mountain, we saw the army, composed of Moors, with horses and camels; but without any fire-arms. Asthey said nothing to us, we passed on quietly, and entered the countryof Haoussa, and came to an anchor. Mr. Park said to me, "Now, Amadi, youare at the end of your journey; I engaged you to conduct me here; youare going to leave me, but before you go, you must give me the names ofthe necessaries of life, &c. In the language of the countries throughwhich I am going to pass;" to which I agreed, and we spent two daystogether about it, without landing. During our voyage I was the only onewho had landed. We departed and arrived at Yaour. 

I was sent on shore the next morning with a musket and a sabre, to carryto the chief of the village, also with three pieces of white baft fordistribution. I went and gave the Chief his present: I also gave onepiece to Alhagi, one to Alhagi-biron, and the other to a person whosename I forget, all Marabous. The Chief gave us a bullock, a sheep, threejars of honey, and four men's loads of rice. Mr. Park gave me seventhousand cowries, and ordered me to buy provisions, which I did; he toldme to go to the Chief and give him five silver rings, some powder andflints, and tell him that these presents were given to the King[Footnote: The King staid a few hundred yards from the river. ] by thewhite men, who were taking leave of him before they went away. After theChief had received these things, he enquired if the white men intendedto come back. Mr. Park being informed of this enquiry, replied that hecould not return any more. [Footnote: These words occasioned his death;for the certainty of Mr. Park's not returning induced the Chief towithhold the presents from the King. ] Mr. Park had paid me for my voyagebefore we left Sansanding: I said to him, "I agreed to carry you intothe kingdom of Haoussa; we are now in Haoussa. I have fulfilled myengagements with you; I am therefore going to leave you here andreturn. "

Next day (Saturday) Mr. Park departed, and I slept in the village(Yaour). Next morning, I went to the King to pay my respects to him; onentering the house I found two men who came on horseback; they were sentby the Chief of Yaour. They said to the King, "we are sent by the Chiefof Yaour to let you know that the white men went away, without givingyou or him (the Chief) any thing; they have a great many things withthem, and we have received nothing from them; and this Amadou fatoumanow before you is a bad man, and has likewise made a fool of you both. "The king immediately ordered me to be put in irons; which wasaccordingly done, and every thing I had taken from me; some were forkilling me, and some for preserving my life. The next morning early theKing sent an army to a village called Boussa near the river side. Thereis before this village a rock across the whole breadth of the river. Onepart of the rocks is very high; there is a large opening in that rock inthe form of a door, which is the only passage for the water to passthrough; the tide current is here very strong. This army went and tookpossession of the top of this opening. Mr. Park came there after thearmy had posted itself; he nevertheless attempted to pass. The peoplebegan to attack him, throwing lances, pikes, arrows and stones. Mr. Parkdefended himself for a long time; two of his slaves at the stern of thecanoe were killed; they threw every thing they had in the canoe into theriver, and kept firing; but being overpowered by numbers and fatigue, and unable to keep up the canoe against the current, and no probabilityof escaping, Mr. Park took hold of one of the white men, and jumped intothe water; Martyn did the same, and they were drowned in the stream inattempting to escape. The only slave remaining in the boat, seeing thenatives persist in throwing weapons at the canoe without ceasing, stoodup and said to them, "Stop throwing now, you see nothing in the canoe, and nobody but myself, therefore cease. Take me and the canoe, but don'tkill me. " They took possession of the canoe and the man, and carriedthem to the King. 

I was kept in irons three months; the King released me and gave me aslave (woman). I immediately went to the slave taken in the canoe, whotold me in what manner Mr. Park and all of them had died, and what Ihave related above. I asked him if he was sure nothing had been found inthe canoe after its capture; he said that nothing remained in the canoebut himself and a sword-belt. I asked him where the sword-belt was; hesaid the King took it, and had made a girth for his horse with it. 

ISAACO'S JOURNAL IN CONTINUATION. 

I immediately sent a Poule to Yaour to get me the belt by any means andat any price, and any thing else he could discover belonging to Mr. Park. I left Madina and went to Sansanding, and from thence to Sego. Onmy arrival I went to Dacha, the King, and related to him the abovefacts. He said he would have gone himself to destroy that country, if ithad not been so far. He gathered an army and went with it to Banangcoro. I followed him there. He ordered the army to go and destroy the kingdomof Haoussa. The army went away, passed Tombuctoo a long way, and made ahalt at Sacha; and dispatched a courier back to the King, to let himknow where they were, and that Haoussa was at too great a distance foran army to go, without running many dangers of all kinds. The Kingordered them to go to Massina, a small country belonging to the Poulenation, to take away all the Poules' cattle, and return. They did so, and brought with them a great many cattle. The vanguard came with thecattle after a voyage of three months; and the army came one monthafter, which made four months they had been out. The King was muchdispleased with the Chiefs' conduct, and wanted to punish them for notgoing where he sent them; but they observed that they went as far asthey possibly could; that the distance was too great and would havedestroyed an army; and that prudence and the hardships they had alreadysustained, had dictated the necessity of returning, though very contraryto their inclinations. We all returned to Sego. 

I went back to Sansanding and staid there, waiting for the arrival ofthe Poule I had sent to Yaour. Four months after he came back, havingbeen eight months on his voyage, and having suffered greatly. He broughtme the belt; and said that he had bribed a young slave girl belonging tothe King, who had stole it from him; and that he could not get any thingmore, as nothing else was to be found which had belonged to Mr. Park orhis companions. 

I went to Sego and informed the King of what I had got belonging to Mr. Park, and that I was going to Senegal immediately. The King was desirousthat I should spend the rainy season with him. I said I could not stay;as the object of my mission was attained, I wished to go as soon aspossible. Amadi fatouma being a good, honest, and upright man, I hadplaced him with Mr. Park; what he related to me being on his oath, having no interest, nor any hopes of reward whatever: nothing remainingof Mr. Park or his effects; the relations of several travellers who hadpassed the same country, agreeing with Amadou's Journal; being certainof the truth of what he had said, and of the dangers I should have runto no purpose in such a distant part; all these reasons induced me toproceed no farther. After obtaining the belt, I thought it best toreturn to Senegal. 

_Further Intelligence from Isaaco. _

Isaaco says that Mr. Park gave him his papers to carry to Gambia toRobert Ainsley, with an order on Robert Ainsley for ten bars. That Mr. Park went away from Sansanding with Amadi fatouma, in his presence; thathe cannot tell precisely the date, but that Mr. Park died four monthsafter his departure from Sansanding, which date may be nearly taken fromthe date of Mr. Park's papers brought by him (Isaaco) to Robert Ainsley. That Mr. Park had lost all his companions but four men. He arrived atFoolah Dougou with thirty-three white men, and from Foolah Dougou toSego (which was eight days march, but which is generally performed inthree days by a Negro) they lost twenty-six men by rains, the damps, &c. Mr. Park went away from Sansanding, with four men, and he himself makingfive.