THE LIFE OF HUGO GROTIUS

With Brief Minutes of the Civil, Ecclesiastical, and Literary Historyof the Netherlands

by

CHARLES BUTLER, ESQ. 

Of Lincoln's-Inn

London: John Murray, Albemarle-Street. 

M. DCCC. XXVI. 

TOHIS ROYAL HIGHNESSTHE DUKE OF SUSSEX, THIS BIOGRAPHICAL ACCOUNTOFONE OF THE MOST AMIABLE AND RESPECTABLE DEFENDERS OF THE NOBLE CAUSE OFCIVIL AND RELIGIOUS LIBERTY, OF WHICHHIS ROYAL HIGHNESS HAS UNIFORMLY BEEN A CONSTANT AND POWERFUL ADVOCATE, IS(WITH HIS PERMISSION), MOST RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED, BYTHE AUTHOR, Great Ormond Street

29 Sept. 1826

CONTENTS

In the following pages we shall attempt to present our Readers, with aLife of HUGO GROTIUS; and MINUTES OF THE CIVIL, ECCLESIASTICAL, ANDLITERARY HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS. 

In writing these pages, we principally consulted his life, written inthe French language, by _M. De Burigni_, Member of the French RoyalAcademy of Inscriptions and Belles Lettres; an English translation ofit, was published in 1754, in one Volume, 8vo. ;

_Hugonis Grotii Manes, ab iniquis obtrectationibus vindicati_; 2vols. 8vo. 1727: the author of this work is said to be M. Lehman;

The article _Grotius_, in _Bayle's and Chalmers'sDictionaries_;

And many of the letters in _Hugonis Grotii Epistolæ_, published atAmsterdam in 1687, in one volume, folio; and many in the _Præstantiumet Eruditorum Virorum Epistolæ Ecclesiasticæ_, published at Amsterdamin 1684, in one volume, 4to. 

For what we have said on GERMANY AND THE NETHERLANDS, we principallyconsulted, _Schmidt's Histoire des Allemands_;

_Pfeffell's Histoire Abregé de l'Allemagne_, 2 vols. 8vo. ;

_Mr. Durnford's excellent Translation, of Professor Pütter'sHistorical Developement, of the Political History of the GermanEmpire_; 3 vols. 8vo. ;

And _Hugonis Grotii Annales, et Historiæ de Rebus Belgicis_, onevol. 8vo. Amsterdam, 1658. 

In our account of the troubles on _Arminianism_, and the Synod ofDort; we principally consulted, the French Abridgment, in 3 vols. 8vo. Of _Brand's History of the Netherlands_, and _Grotius's_excellent _Apology_:

In every part of the work, we have consulted other publications;--threeonly of these we shall mention;

The three _Bibliothècques_ of Le Clerc;

_The Life of Arminius_, and

_Calvinism and Arminianism Compared_, by Mr. James Nichols. 

From these materials the following pages have been composed: they may befound to contain, --

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER

A. D. 800-911. 

I. 1. _Boundaries, and Devolution of the Empire of Germany, during the Carlovingian dynasty_ 2. _State of Literature, in the time of Charlemagne_ 3. _Decline of Literature, under the Descendants of Charlemagne_

A. D. 911-1024. 

II. 1. _Boundaries, and Devolution of the empire of Germany, during the Saxon dynasty_ 2. _State of Literature, during the Saxon dynasty_

A. D. 1024-1138. 

III. 1. _Boundaries, and State of Germany, during the Franconian dynasty_ 2. _State of German Literature, during the Franconian dynasty_

A. D. 1138-1519. 

IV. 1. _State of Germany, from the beginning of the Suabian dynasty, until the accession of the Emperor Charles V. _ 2. _State of German Literature, during this period_

A. D. 1138-1519. 

V. 1. _Antient, and modern Geography of the Netherlands_ 2. _The formation, of the different provinces of the Netherlands, into one State_ 3. _Brief view, of the History of the Netherlands, until the acknowledgment of the Seven United Provinces, by the Spanish monarch_ 4. _Their constitution, and principal officers_

CHAPTER I. 

A. D. 1582-1597. 

BIRTH, AND EDUCATION OF GROTIUS

CHAPTER II. 

A. D. 1597-1610. 

GROTIUS, EMBRACES THE PROFESSION OF THELAW

CHAPTER III. 

THE EARLY PUBLICATIONS, OF GROTIUS

CHAPTER IV. 

HISTORICAL MINUTES, OF THE UNITED PROVINCES, FROM THEIR DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE, TILL THE ARMINIAN CONTROVERSY

CHAPTER V. 

A. D. 1610-1617. 

THE FEUDS, IN THE UNITED PROVINCES, BETWEENTHE DISCIPLES OF CALVIN, AND THE DISCIPLESOF ARMINIUS, UNTIL THE SYNOD OF DORT

CHAPTER VI. A. D. 1618. 

THE SYNOD OF DORT

CHAPTER VII. 

A. D. 1618-1621. 

TRIAL AND IMPRISONMENT OF GROTIUS; HISESCAPE FROM PRISON

CHAPTER VIII. 

A. D. 1622

JAMES I. VORSTIUS

CHAPTER IX. 

A. D. 1621-1634. 

GROTIUS, AFTER HIS ESCAPE FROM PRISON, UNTILHIS APPOINTMENT OF AMBASSADOR, FROMSWEDEN, TO THE COURT OF FRANCE

CHAPTER X. 

SOME OF THE PRINCIPAL WORKS, OF GROTIUS1. _New edition of Stobæus_2. _His treatise de Jure Belli et Pacis_3. ---- _de Veritate Religionis Christianæ_4. ---- _de Jure summarum potestatum circa sacra. _--And _Commentatio ad loca quædam Novi Testamenti, quæ de Antichristo agunt, aut agere videntur_5. _His Commentaries on the Scriptures_6. _His other works_

CHAPTER XI. 

A. D. 1634-1645. 

GROTIUS, AS AMBASSADOR FROM THE KINGDOMOF SWEDEN, TO THE COURT OF FRANCE

CHAPTER XII. 

THE RELIGIOUS SENTIMENTS OF GROTIUS; SOMEOTHER OF HIS WORKS, 1. _Subsequent History of Arminianism_2. _Grotius's religious sentiments_3. _Projects of religious Pacification_

CHAPTER XIII. 

THE DEATH OF GROTIUS

CHAPTER XIV. 

A. D. 1680-1815. 

HISTORICAL MINUTES OF THE REVOLUTIONS OFTHE GOVERNMENT OF THE SEVEN UNITED PROVINCES, FROM THE DEATH OF WILLIAM II. TILLTHE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE KINGDOM OF THENETHERLANDS. 

1. _William III. _2. _John William Count of Nassau Dietz, 1702-1711; William IV. _ 1711-17513. _From the death of William IV. Till the erection of the Kingdom of the Netherlands_

APPENDIX I. 

_Some Account of the Formularies, Confessions of Faith, or Symbolic Books, of the Roman-Catholic, Greek, and principal Protestant Churches_

APPENDIX II. 

_On the Reunion of Christians_

FOOTNOTES

INTRODUCTION. 

SUCCINCT NOTICE OF THE GEOGRAPHY, PRINCIPAL POLITICAL EVENTS, ANDLITERATURE, OF THE NETHERLANDS, BEFORE THE BIRTH OF GROTIUS. 

800-1581. 

We propose to present to our readers, in this chapter, a succinctaccount, of the Geography, Devolution, and Literature of theNetherlands, --considering them, until they became subject to the princesof the House of Burgundy, as a portion of the German Empire, andincluded in its history:--and from that time, as forming a separateterritory. 

[Sidenote: 800-1581. ]

Contemplating the Netherlands in the first of these views, --we shallbriefly mention the Boundaries and Government, of the German Empire, andthe state of learning in its territories, during the Carlovingian, Saxon, Franconian and Suabian Dynasties, and the period, whichintervened, between the last Suabian emperor and the election of theEmperor Charles the fifth. 

From this time, we shall confine ourselves to the History of theNetherlands. We shall then, therefore, endeavour to give a short view ofthe geography of these countries, and of the manner in which they wereacquired by the Princes of Burgundy; then, shortly mention thesuccessful revolt of the Seven United Provinces. 

In one of them, GROTIUS, the subject of these pages, was born; the partwhich he took in the public events of his times, forms the mostimportant portion of his biography. 

I. 1. 

_Boundaries and Devolution of the Empire of Germany during theCarlovingian Dynasty_. 

800-911. 

The Ocean on the north, the Danube on the south, the Rhine on the west, and the Sarmatian Provinces on the east, are the boundaries assigned byTacitus to Antient Germany. It formed the most extensive portion of theterritories of Charlemagne; descended, at his decease, to his son, Lewisthe Debonnaire; and, on the partition between his three sons, wasallotted to Lewis, his second son. 

All the territories of Charlemagne were united in Charles the Fat; hewas deposed by his subjects, and his empire divided. Germany wasassigned to his third son, Charles the Brave. On his decease, it waspossessed by Arnold, a natural son of Carloman, the elder brother ofCharles: from him it descended to Hedwiges, the wife of Otho, Duke ofSaxony, and she transmitted it to their son Henry the Fowler, the firstemperor of that house. 

[Sidenote: 800-911. ]

From the skirts of Germany and France two new kingdoms arose: thekingdom of Lorraine, which comprised the countries between the Rhine, the Meuse, and the Scheld; or the modern Lorraine, the province ofAlsace, the Palatinate, Treves, Cologne, Juliers, Liêge and theNetherlands;--and the kingdom of Burgundy: This was divided into theCis-juranan, or the part of it on the east, and the Trans-juranan, orthe part of it on the west of Mount Jura. The former comprised Provençe, Dauphiné, the Lyonese, Franche-comté, Bresse, Bugey, and a part ofSavoy; the latter comprised the countries between Mount Jura and thePennine Alps, or the part of Switzerland between the Reus, the Valais, and the rest of Savoy. 

Such was the geographical state of Germany at the close of theCarlovingian Dynasty. 

I. 2. 

_State of Literature in the time of Charlemagne_. 

So far as Literature depends upon the favour of the monarch, no æra inhistory promised more than the reign of Charlemagne. His education hadbeen neglected; but he had real taste for learning and the arts, wassensible of their beneficial influence both upon the public and theprivate welfare of a people; and possessed the amplest means ofencouraging and diffusing them; his wisdom would suggest to him theproperest means of doing it, and the energy of his mind would excitehim to constant exertions. 

[Sidenote: I. 2. State of Literature in the time of Charlemagne. ]

Nothing that could be effected by a prince thus gifted and disposed, wasleft untried by Charlemagne. He drew to him the celebrated Alcuin, Peterof Pisa, Paul Warnefrid, and many other distinguished literarycharacters: he heaped favours upon them; and a marked distinction wasalways shewn them at his court. He formed them into a literary society, which had frequent meetings. Their conversation was literary, he oftenbore a part in it; and, what was at least equally gratifying, he alwayslistened with a polite and flattering attention while others spoke. Toestablish perfect equality among them, the monarch, and, after hisexample, the other members of this society, dropt their own and adoptedother names. Angelbert was called Homer, from his partiality to thatpoet; Riculphus, archbishop of Mentz, chose the name of Damétas, from aneclogue of Virgil: another member took that of Candidus; Eginhard, theEmperor's biographer, was called Calliopus, from the Muse Calliope;Alcuin received, from his country, the name of Albinus; the archbishopTheodulfe was called Pindar; the abbot Adelard was called Augustine;Charlemagne, as the man of God's own heart, was called David. 

[Sidenote: 800-911]

The Emperor corresponded with men of learning, on subjects ofliterature; they generally related to religion. In one of his letters, he requires of Alcuin an explanation of the words Septuagesima, Sexagesima, and Quinquagesima, which denote the Sundays whichimmediately precede, and the word Quadragesima, which denotes the firstSunday which occurs in Lent. The denominations of those Sundays giverise to two difficulties; one, that they seem to imply that each weekconsists of ten, not of seven days; the other, that the words sound asif Septuagesima were the seventieth, when it is only the sixty-third daybefore Easter Sunday; Sexagesima, as if it were the sixtieth, when it isonly the fifty-sixth; Quinquagesima, as if it were the fiftieth, when itis the forty-ninth; Quadragesima, as if it were the fortieth, when it isthe forty-second. Alcuin's answer is more subtle than satisfactory. 

At the meals of Charlemagne some person always read to him. His examplewas followed by many of his successors, particularly by Francis I. OfFrance, who, in an happier era for learning, imitated with happiereffects, the example of the Emperor. 

[Sidenote: I. 2. State of Literature in the time of Charlemagne. ]

Alcuin was general director of all the literary schemes of Charlemagne. He was an Englishman by birth; skilled both in the Greek and Latinlanguage, and in many branches of philosophy. Having taught, with greatreputation and success, in his own country, he travelled to Rome. In780, Charlemagne attracted him to his court. 

There, Alcuin gave lectures, and published several treatises. In these, he began with Orthography; then proceeded to Grammar; afterwards toRhetoric, and Dialectic. He composed his treatises in the form ofdialogues; and, as Charlemagne frequently attended them, Alcuin made himone of his interlocutors. Few scholars of Alcuin were more attentivethan his imperial pupil; he had learned grammar from Peter of Pisa; hewas instructed in rhetoric, dialectic, and astronomy by Alcuin. He alsoengaged in the study of divinity; and had the good sense to stop shortof those subtleties, in which Justinian, Heraclius, and other princes, unfortunately both for themselves and their subjects, bewilderedthemselves. Letters from Giséla and Richtrudis, the daughters ofCharlemagne, to Alcuin, shew that they partook of their father'sliterary zeal: his favourite study was astronomy. 

[Sidenote: 800-911. ]

The number of persons in his court, who addicted themselves to pursuitsof literature, was so great, and their application so regular, thattheir meetings acquired the appellation of "The School of Charlemagne. "Their library was at Aix-la-Chapelle, the favourite residence of themonarch: but they accompanied him in many of his journies. Antiquarianshave tracked them at Paris, Thionville, Wormes, Ratisbon, Wurtzburgh, Mentz, and Frankfort. 

Charlemagne established schools in every part of his dominions. In 787, he addressed a circular letter to all the metropolitan prelates of hisdominions, to be communicated by them to their suffragan bishops, and tothe abbots within their provinces. He exhorted them to erect schools inevery cathedral and monastery. Schools were accordingly establishedthroughout his vast dominions: they were divided into two classes;arithmetic, grammar, and music were taught in the lower, the liberalarts and theology in the higher. 

[Sidenote: 1. 2. State of Literature in the time of Charlemagne. ]

In France, the abbeys of Corbie, Fontenelles, Ferrieres, St. Denis, StGermain of Paris, St. Germain of Auxerre, and St. Benedict on theLoire;--in Germany, the abbeys of Proom, Fulda, and of St Gall;--inItaly, the abbey of Mount Casino, were celebrated for the excellence oftheir schools. One, for the express purpose of teaching the Greeklanguage, was founded by Charlemagne at Osnabruck. All were equally opento the children of the nobility and the children of peasants; allreceived the same treatment. It happened that, on a public examinationof the children, the peasant boys were found to have made greaterprogress than the noble. The Emperor remarked it to the latter, anddeclared with an oath, that "the bishopricks and abbeys should be givento the diligent poor. " "You rely, " he said to the patrician youths, "onthe merit of your ancestors; these have already been rewarded. The stateowes them nothing; those only are entitled to favour, who qualifythemselves for serving and illustrating their country by their talentsand their merits. "

[Sidenote: 800-911. ]

The civil law then consisted of the Theodosian code, the Salic, Ripuarian, Allemannic, Bavarian, Burgundian, and other _codes_; and ofthe _formularies_ of Angesise and Marculfus. To these Charlemagne addedhis own _capitularies_. The whole collection, in opposition to the canonor ecclesiastical law, received the appellation of _Lex Mundana_, or_worldly law_. The canon law consisted of the code of canons whichCharlemagne brought with him from Rome in 784; a code of the canons ofthe church of France; the canons inserted in the collection of Angelram, bishop of Metz; the apostolic canons, published by St. Martin, bishop ofBraga; the capitularies of Theodulfus, of Orleans; and the penitentialcanons, published in the Spicilegium of d'Acheri. [001] To the study, both of the canon and civil law, schools were appropriated byCharlemagne: few, except persons intended for the ecclesiastical state, frequented them. Rabanus Maurus, [002] abbot of Fulda, and afterwardsarchbishop of Mentz, has left an interesting account of the studies ofthis period; it shews that all were referred to theology, and onlyconsidered to be useful so far as they could be made serviceable tosacred learning. Such a plan of study could conduce but little to theadvancement of general literature or science. Still, it was productiveof good, and led to improvement. 

[Sidenote: I. 2. State of Literature in the time of Charlemagne. ]

It is observable that both antient and modern civilizers of nations, have called music to their aid; among these we may mention Charlemagne. In his residence at Rome, he was delighted with the Gregorian chant. After his return to Germany, he endeavoured to introduce it, both intohis French and German dominions. The former had a chant of their own;they called it an improvement, but other nations considered it acorruption of the Gregorian. Greatly against the wish of Charlemagne, his Gallic subjects persisted in their attachment to their nationalmusic; the merit of it was gravely debated before the Emperor; theyvehemently urged the superiority of their own strains. "Tell me, " saidthe Emperor, "which is purer, the fountain or the rivulet?" Theyanswered, "the former. " "Return ye, then, " (said the Emperor) "to St. Gregory: he is the fountain, the rivulets are evidently corrupted. " TheEmperor was obeyed, and the Gregorian chant was taught, both in Franceand Germany, by Italian choristers. The Italian writers of the timesdescribe the difficulties which they experienced in forming the roughand almost untuneable voices of their French and German pupils to thesoftness of the Gregorian song. They appear to have succeeded betterwith the Germans than the French. By these, their lessons were so soonand so completely forgotten, after the decease of Charlemagne, thatLewis the Debonnaire, his son, was obliged to request Pope Gregory IV. To send him from Rome, a new supply of singers to instruct the people. 

But music continued to prosper in Germany; it abounded in songs. Somewere amatory, (_münnelier_); some were satirical, (_cantica inmalitiam_); some heroic, (_cantica in honorem, _); some diabolical, (_cantica diabolica_. ) These consisted of incantations, and ofnarratives of the feats of evil spirits. 

[Sidenote: 800-911. ]

Vernacular poetry, and vernacular composition, of every kind, werealmost wholly left to the vulgar; all, who aimed at literary eminence, wrote in the Latin language. Some discerning spirits became sensiblethat the German language was susceptible of great improvement, andexcited their countrymen to its cultivation. Among these was Otfroid; hetranslated the Gospel into German verse. He describes, in strong terms, the difficulties which he had to encounter: "The barbarousness of theGerman language is, " he says, "so great, and its sounds are soincoherent and strange, that it is very difficult to subject them to therules of grammar, to represent them by syllables, or to find in thealphabet letters which correspond to them. " It is however remarkable, that, although he complains of the dissonance of the German language, henever accuses it of poverty. 

While France and Germany continued subject to the same monarch, Germanwas the language of the court, and generally used in every class ofsociety. When the treaty of Verdun divided the territories ofCharlemagne, the _Romande_, or _Romançe_ language, a corruption of theLatin, superseded the German in every part of France: it was insensiblyrefined into the modern French, but the German continued to be the onlylanguage spoken in Germany. 

Great progress was made in architecture: the churches and palacesconstructed by the direction of Charlemagne at Aix-la-Chapelle, theBasilisc at Germani, the church of St. Recquier at Ponthieu, and manyother monuments of great architectural skill and expense, belong to theage of Charlemagne, and bear ample testimony to the well-directedexertions of the monarch, and of some of his descendants, and to theirwise and splendid magnificence. 

I. 3. 

_Decline of Literature under the Descendants of Charlemagne. _

[Sidenote: 800-911]

[Sidenote: I. 3. Decline of Literature under the Descendants ofCharlemagne. ]

That literature began to decline immediately after the decease ofCharlemagne, in every part of his extensive dominions, and that itsdecline was principally owing to the wars among his descendants, whichdevastated every portion of his empire, seems to be universallyacknowledged; yet there are strong grounds for contending that it wasnot so great as generally represented. _Abbé le Beuf_, [003] in anexcellent dissertation on the state of the sciences in the Gauls duringthe period which elapsed between the death of Charlemagne and the reignof Robert, king of France, attempts to prove the contrary; and thepreliminary discourses of the authors of "l'Histoire Literaire de laFrance, " on the state of learning during the ninth and tenth centuries, strongly confirm the abbé's representations. It is surprising how manyworks were written during these dark, and, as they are too harshlycalled, ignorant ages. It is more to be wondered, that while so much waswritten, so little was written well. The classical works of antiquitywere not unknown in those times; the Latin Vulgate translation of theOld and New Testament was daily read by the clergy, and heard by thepeople. Now, although the language of the Vulgate be not classical, itis not destitute of elegance, and it possesses throughout the exquisitecharms of clearness and simplicity. It is surprising that thesecircumstances did not lead the writers to a better style. They had nosuch effect; the general style of the time was hard, inflated andobscure. It should, however, be observed, that Simonde de Sismondi, ashe is translated by Mr. Roscoe, justly observes, that "during the reignof Charlemagne, and during the four centuries which immediately precededit, there appeared, both in France and Italy, some judicious historians, whose style possesses considerable vivacity, and who gave animatedpictures of their times; some subtle philosophers, who astonished theircontemporaries, rather by the fineness of their speculations than by thejustness of their reasoning; some learned theologians, and some poets. The names of Paul Warnefrid, of Alcuin, of Luitprand, and Eginhard, areeven yet universally respected. They all, however, wrote in Latin. Theyhad all of them, by the strength of their intellect, and the happycircumstances in which they were placed, learned to appreciate thebeauty of the models which antiquity had left them. They breathed thespirit of a former age, as they had adopted its language: we do not findthem representatives of their contemporaries: it is impossible torecognize in their style the times in which they lived; it only betraysthe relative industry and felicity with which they imitated the languageand thoughts of a former age. They were the last monuments of civilizedantiquity, the last of a noble race, which, after a long period ofdegeneracy, became extinct in them. "

II. 1. 

_Boundaries and Devolution of the German Empire during the SaxonDynasty. _

911-1024. 

We have mentioned that, on the death of Lewis, the son of Arnhold, theempire descended to Henry I. In the right of his mother. From him, itdevolved through Otho, surnamed the Great, Otho II. , and Otho III. , toHenry II. The last emperor of the Saxon line. 

In this period of the German history, the attention of the reader isparticularly directed to two circumstances, --the principal states, ofwhich Germany was composed, the cradles, as they may be called, of thepresent electorates, and the erection of the principal cities andmonasteries in Germany. 

[Sidenote: II. 2. State of Literature during the Saxon Dynasty. ]

A curious altercation between Nicephorus Phocas, the Greek emperor, andLuitprand bishop of Cremona, ambassador from Otho I. To the Greeksovereign, shews the state of Germany during this period. "Your nation, "said the empire to the ambassador, "does not know how to sit onhorseback; or how to fight on foot: your large shields, massive armour, long swords, and heavy helmets, disable you for battle. "--Luitprandtold the emperor that "he would, the first time they should meet in thefield, feel the contrary. " Luitprand observed, that "Germany was solittle advanced in ecclesiastical worth; that no council had been heldwithin its precincts:" the ambassador remarked, that "all heresies hadoriginated in Greece. " The emperor asserted, that "the Germans weregluttons and drunkards:" Luitprand replied, that "the Greeks wereeffeminate. " All writers agree, that, in what each party to thisconversation asserted, there was too much truth. 

We have noticed the advance towards civilization which Henry I, made bythe construction of towns; he effected another, by the introduction oftournaments and field sports, on a large, orderly and showy plan. Speaking generally, society in Germany during the Saxon line of itsprinces, was always improving. 

II. 2. 

_State of Literature during the Saxon Dynasty_. 

[Sidenote: 911-1024. ]

"In the school of Paderborn, " says the biographer of Meinwert, as he iscited by Schmidt, "there are famous musicians, dialecticians, orators, grammarians, mathematicians, astronomers and geometricians. Horace, thegreat Virgil, Sallust, and Statius, are highly esteemed. The monks amusethemselves with poetry, books and music. Several are incessantlyemployed in transcribing and painting. "

A German translation of the Psalms, by Notker, a monk of the abbey ofSt. Gall, shews that some attention was paid to the language of thecountry. The Greek was cultivated; the writers of the times mentionseveral persons skilled in it. Notker, in a letter to one of hiscorrespondents, informs him, that "his Greek brothers salute him. "

[Sidenote: II. 2. State of Literature during the Saxon Dynasty. ]

Poetry was a favourite study: the celebrated _Gerbert_, afterwards PopeSilvester II, and _Waldram_, bishop of Strasburgh, were the best poetsof their times. Hroswith, [004] a nun in the monastery of Gardersheim, published comedies: "Many Catholics, " she says, in her preface to them, "are guilty of a fault, from which I myself am not altogether free;they prefer profane works, on account of their style, to the holyScriptures. Others have the Scriptures always in their hands, anddespise profane authors; yet they often read Terence, and theirattention to the beauties of his style does not prevent theobjectionable passages in his writings from making an impression onthem. "

To this age, the origin of Romances is usually assigned: but thesebelong to the French; no specimen of them has been discovered inGermany. Music was much cultivated. Hroswith introduced it into hercomedies. 

It has been mentioned, that Sallust was read in the school at Paderborn. It is supposed that Tacitus was known to Wittikind or Dittmar: bothrelate visions, and several puerile circumstances; but they write withprecision, and shew, on many occasions, great good sense. 

The same cannot be said of the Legend-writers; the account which theauthors of "The Literary History of France" give of them is very just. "The ancient legends, " they say, "were lost, in consequence either ofthe plunder or the burning of the churches; it was considered necessaryto replace them, as it was thought impossible to honour the memory, orto preserve the veneration of the saints, without some knowledge oftheir lives. It is to be remarked, that the saints, whose memories werethus sought to be honoured, had been long dead, or had lived in foreigncountries, so that little was known of them except by oral tradition. From this it may be easily guessed, that those who employed themselvesupon the legends, were deprived of necessary information, and upon thataccount could not produce exact and true histories. Thus, to the generaldefects of the age in which they lived, they added uncertainty, confusion, and some falsehood. Their pages abound with visions. In theplace of the simple and natural, they substituted the wonderful andextraordinary. It even happened too frequently that they took leave totell untruths. Heriger, the abbot of St Lupus, says, in direct terms, that they piously lied. "

[Sidenote: 911-1024. ]

Dialectic was in great favour: it was called philosophy; no work wasmore read than "the Book of Categories, " erroneously ascribed to St. Augustine; and a work, upon the same subject, imputed to Porphyry. 

[Sidenote: II. 2. State of Literature during the Saxon Dynasty. ]

The schools of the cathedrals and principal monasteries contributedessentially to the increase and diffusion of literature. Among themonasteries, those of Fulda, St. Gall, Corbie and Kershaw, wereparticularly renowned. Bishops and abbots exerted themselves to procurebooks, and to have copies of them made and circulated: they were oftensplendidly illuminated. Henry I. Caused a painting to be made, of abattle which he had gained over the Hungarians. Bernard, bishop ofHildersheim, in imitation of what he had seen in Italy, ornamented thechurches of his diocese with mosaic paintings; he also introduced, amonghis countrymen, the art of fusing and working metals; he caused preciousand highly ornamented vases to be made in imitation of the antients. Large and small bells were cast; chalices, patines, incensories, images, and even altars of gold and silver, or ornamented with them, werefabricated. Aventin relates, that at Mauverkirchen, in Bavaria, figuresin plaster, hardened by fire, had, in 948, been made of a duke ofBavaria and his general. 

[Sidenote: 911-1024. ]

The establishment of schools, and the protection given to the arts andsciences, invited the whole body of the nation to the acquisition ofuseful and ornamental knowledge; but the invitation was not evengenerally accepted. There was much superstition in every order of thelaity. An opinion prevailed among them, that the world was to end, andthe day of judgment arrive, in the year 1000. An universal panic spreaditself over Europe. Strange to relate, the people sought to avoid thecatastrophe, by hiding themselves in caverns and tombs. 

The existence of this ignorance cannot be denied: but, to theecclesiastics, who strove against it, who erected and fostered so manyschools to dispel it, and who exerted themselves in the manner we havementioned, to establish another and a better order of things, a greatshare of praise and gratitude should never be denied. 

The mines of Hartz were discovered in the time of Otho I. And diffusedso much wealth over Saxony, and afterwards over all Germany, as gave thereign of that emperor the appellation of "the age of gold. " Before thistime, Nicephorus Phocas had called Saxony, from the dress, or rather thecoverings of its inhabitants, "the land of skins. " But all the wealth ofthe country still continued to be concentrated among the greatlandowners. 

III. 1. 

_Boundaries and State of Germany during the Franconian Dynasty. _

1024-1138. 

Under Henry III. The second prince of this line, the German empire hadits greatest extent. It comprised Germany, Italy, Burgundy and Lorraine. Poland, and other parts of the Sclavonian territories, were subject toit. Denmark and Hungary acknowledged themselves its vassals. 

The emperors affected to consider all kingdoms as forming a royalrepublic, of which the emperor was chief. For their right to thissplendid prerogative, they always found advocates in their owndominions: they reckon, among these, the illustrious Leibniz. Out ofGermany, nothing of the claim, beyond precedence in rank, has ever beenallowed. This, no sovereign in Europe has contested with the emperors:it is observable, that, as the French monarchs insisted on theCarlovingian extraction of Hugh Capet, they affected to consider Henrythe Fowler the first prince of the Saxon dynasty, and all his successorsin the empire as usurpers. Lewis XIV. Expresses himself in this mannerin some memoirs recently attributed to him. 

III. 2. 

_State of German Literature during the Franconian Dynasty. _

[Sidenote: 1024-1138. ]

Throughout this period, commerce was always upon the increase; andliterature, science and art, increased with it. The monuments of theantient grandeur of the eternal city, began about this time to engagethe attention of the inhabitants of Germany, and to attract to Rome manyliterary pilgrims. They returned home impressed with admiration of whatthey had seen, and related the wonders to their countrymen. "The godsthemselves (they told their hearers) behold their images in Rome withadmiration, and wish to resemble them. Nature herself does not raiseforms as beautiful as those, which the artist creates. One is tempted tosay that they breathe; and to adore the skill of the artist rather thanthe inhabitant of Olympus represented by his art. " Thus the uncultivatedGermans began to perceive the beauty of these relics of antiquity, andto feel the wish of imitation. This first appeared on the seals of theemperors and bishops; several of distinguished beauty have reached ourtimes. The German artists soon began to engrave on precious stones, andto work in marble and bronze. Four statues of emperors of the house ofSaxony, of the workmanship of these times, are still to be seen atSpires; they are rudely fashioned, but are animated, and have distinctand expressive countenances. 

[Sidenote: III. 2. State of German Literature during the FranconianDynasty. ]

When the emperors or nobility travelled, they were frequentlyaccompanied by artists. These sometimes made drawings of foreignchurches and edifices, and on their return home, raised others inimitation of them. Thus the cathedral at Bremen was built on the modelof that of Benevento. The cathedral of Strasburgh, and many otherchurches, were built about this time. 

Music was considerably improved; the system of Guido Aretinus was nowhere understood better, or cultivated with greater ardour, than inGermany. Some improvement was made in poetry, but it chiefly appeared inthe songs of the common people. A monk of Togernsee, in Bavaria, composed a collection of poems under the title of Bucolics; theyresemble those of Virgil only in their title. Lambert, ofAschaffenburgh, published a history of his own times, inferior to nonewhich have reached us from the middle ages. 

[Sidenote: 1024-1138]

Dialectic, however, still continued the favourite study; and the art ofdisputation was never carried so far: the interest which the public tookin these disputes was surprising. When it was announced that twocelebrated dialecticians were to hold a public dispute, persons flockedfrom all parts to witness the conflict; they listened with avidity, andwith all the feelings of partisans. This appears ridiculous; but, in thepresent times, is there no _fancy_ which deserves equal ridicule?

IV. 1

_The State of Germany, from the beginning of the Suabian Dynasty, tillthe Accession of the Emperor Charles V. _

1138-1519. 

The principal events in the reigns of the latter princes of theFranconian, and of all the princes of the Suabian line, were produced orinfluenced by the contests between the popes and emperors, respectinginvestitures, or the right of nominating to vacant bishoprics;--by thepretensions of the popes to hold their antient territories independentof the emperors;--or by the new acquisitions of the popes in Italy. 

1264-1272. 

These contests reduced the empire to a state of anarchy, which producedwhat is generally called, by the German writers, the Great Interregnum. While it continued, six princes successively claimed to be emperors ofGermany. 

1272-1438. 

The interregnum was determined by the election of Rodolph, count ofHapsburgh. From him, till the ultimate accession of the house ofAustria, in the person of Albert the Second, the empire was held byseveral princes of different noble families. 

1438-1519. 

Albert was succeeded by Frederick III. ; Frederick, by Maximilian I. ; andMaximilian, by Charles V. 

To the period between the extinction of the Suabian dynasty and theaccession of the emperor Albert, may be assigned the rise of the Italianrepublics, particularly Venice, Genoa and Florence; the elevations ofthe princes of Savoy and Milan, and the revolutions of Naples, and theTwo Sicilies. 

[Sidenote: IV. 1. The State of Germany, from the beginning of theSuabian Dynasty till the Accession of the Emperor Charles V. ]

The boundaries of Germany, during this period, were the Eider and thesea, on the north; the Scheld, the Meuse, the Saone and the Rhone, onthe west; the Alps and the Rhine, on the south; and the Lech andVistula, on the east. They contained, --1. The duchy of Burgundy; 2. Theduchy of Lorraine; 3. The principalities into which Allemmania andFranconia were divided; 4. The Bavarian territories, which the Frankshad acquired in Rhoetia, Noricum, and Pannonia; 5. Saxony; 6. TheSclavic territories between the Oder and the Vistula: these werepossessed by the margraves of Brandenburgh, and the dukes of Poland andBohemia, and the princes dependent upon them in Moravia, Silesia andLusatia;--7. By the provinces of Pomerania and Prussia, on the east ofSaxony; 8. And the Marchia Orientalis, Oostrich, or Austria, on the eastof Bavaria. 

At first, the emperor was chosen by the people at large; the right ofelection was afterwards confined to the nobility and the principalofficers of state: insensibly, it was engrossed by the five greatofficers, --the chancellor, the great marshal, the great chamberlain, thegreat butler, and the great master of the palace. But their exclusivepretensions were much questioned. At length, their right of election wassettled; first, by the Electoral Union, in 1337; and finally, in thereign of the emperor Charles IV. By the celebrated constitution, called, from the seal of gold appended to it, _the Golden Bull_. By this, theright of election was vested in three spiritual and four temporalelectors: two temporal electors have since been added to their numbers. 

IV. 2. 

_State of German literature during this period_. 

[Sidenote: 1438-1519]

While the empire was possessed by the princes of the house of Saxony, acopy of the Pandects of Justinian was discovered at Amalfi. "Thediscovery of them, " says Sir William Blackstone, in his Introductorydiscourse to his Commentaries, "soon brought the civil law into vogueall over the west of Europe, where before it was quite laid aside, andin a manner wholly forgotten; though some traces of its authorityremained in Italy, and the eastern provinces of the empire. --The studyof it was introduced into many universities abroad, particularly that ofBologna, where exercises were performed, lectures read, and degreesconferred in this faculty, as in other branches of science; and manynations of the continent, just then beginning to recover from theconvulsions consequent to the overthrow of the Roman empire, andsettling by degrees into peaceable forms of government, adopted thecivil law (being the best written system then extant, ) as the basis oftheir several constitutions; blending or interweaving in it their ownfeudal customs, in some places, with a more extensive, in others, a moreconfined authority. "

[Sidenote: IV. 2. State of German Literature, from the Suabian Dynastyto Charles V. ]

This was a great step toward the civilization of Germany, and of theother countries in which the institutions of the civil law were thusintroduced. They certainly tended to animate the nations, by whom theywere received, to the study of the history and literature of the peoplefrom the works of whose writers they had been compiled. They producedthis effect in several countries of Europe; but their influence inGermany was very limited: the disposition to subtilize, which was atthat time universal throughout the German empire, led those whocultivated literature rather to refine upon what was before them, thanto new inquiries. The language of the Pandects is of the silver age; itmight therefore be expected, that it would have improved the generalstyle of the times; but this improvement is seldom discernible. 

[Sidenote: 1438-1519]

[Sidenote: IV. 2. State of German Literature, from the Suabian Dynastyto Charles V. ]

Good or evil is seldom unmixed: civil contests and dissensions, generally produce both public and private misery; sometimes, however, they generate mental excitement. This is favourable to Literature andScience. Its good effects appeared in the contests between the Popes andthe Emperors. Great were the public and the private calamities whichthey caused, both in church and state; but they promoted inquiry andintellectual exertions. These were often attended with happy results. Irnerius, by birth a German, had studied Justinian's law atConstantinople. Towards the year 1130, he was appointed professor ofcivil law at Bologna: the contests between the popes and the emperorsproduced a warfare of words among the disciples of Irnerius. It has beenmentioned that the German emperors pretended to succeed to the empire ofthe Cæsars. The language and spirit of the Justinianean code, beinghighly favourable to this claim, the emperors encouraged the civilians, and in return for it, had their pens at command. The decree of Gratianwas favourable to the pretensions of the popes; and on this account wasencouraged by the canonists. Hence, generally speaking, the civilianswere partisans of the emperors, the canonists of the popes. From theiradherence to the law of Justinian, the former were called Legistæ; fromtheir adherence to the decree of Gratian, the latter were calledDecretistæ. The controversy was carried on with great ardour andperseverance; the schools both of Italy and Germany resounded with thedisputes, and in both, numerous tracts in support of the oppositeclaims, were circulated. The question necessarily carried thedisputants to many incidental topics: these equally increased the powersand curiosity of the disputants, and stimulated them to better and moreinteresting studies. 

V. 1. 

_Antient and Modern Geography of the Netherlands. _

We have thus brought down our historical deduction of the German Empireto the accession of the Emperor Charles the Fifth. 

About 160 years before this event, that portion of the empire, to whichits situation has given the appellation of THE NETHERLANDS, began tohave a separate history, and both a separate and important influence onthe events of the times. To them we shall now direct our attention. 

These spacious territories are bounded on the north, by the GermanOcean; on the west, by the British Sea and part of Picardy; on thesouth, by Champagne or Lorraine; on the east, by the archbishoprics ofTriers and Trêves, the dutchies of Juliers and Cléves, the bishopric ofMunster, and the county of Embden or East Friesland. 

[Sidenote: V. 1. Antient and Modern Geography of the Netherlands. ]

When the Romans invaded Gaul, it was divided among three principalclans: the Rhine then formed its western boundary. The left banks ofthis river were occupied by the Belgians: this tract of land nowcomprises the catholic Netherlands, and the territory of the UnitedStates; the right bank of the Rhine was then filled by the Frisians, and now comprises the modern Gröningen, east and west Friesland, a partof Holland, Gueldres, Utrecht, and Overyssell: the Batavians inhabitedthe island which derives its name from them; it now comprises the upperpart of Holland, Utrecht, Gueldres, and Overyssell, the modern Clévesbetween the Lech and the Waal. 

In antient geography, the Netherlands were separated into theCisrhenahan and Transrhenahan divisions: the Cisrhenahan lay on thewestern side of the Rhine, and included the Belgic Gaul; it was boundedby the Rhenus, the Rhodanus, the Sequana, the Matrona, and the OceanusBritannicus: the Transrhenahan lay on the eastern side of the Rhine; itwas a part of Lower Germany, and bounded on the north by the easternFrisia, Westphalia, the Ager-Colonensis, the Juliacensis-Ducatus, andthe Treveri. The classical reader will have no difficulty in assigningto these denominations, their actual names in the language of moderngeography. 

The whole of these territories is called the Netherlands by the English;and Flanders by the Italians, Spaniards, and French. 

V. 2. 

_The formation of the different Provinces of the Netherlands into oneState_. 

In 1363, John the Good, the king of France, gave to Philip the Bold, histhird son, the dutchy of Burgundy: it then comprised the county ofBurgundy, Dauphiné, and a portion of Switzerland. The monarch at thesame time created his son duke of Burgundy. Thus Philip, became thepatriarch of the second line of that illustrious house. 

History does not produce an instance of a family, which has so greatlyaggrandized itself by marriage, as the house of Austria. The largestpart by far of the Netherlands was derived to it, 1st, from Margaret ofFranche Comtè; 2dly, from Margaret of Flanders; 3dly, from Jane ofBrabant; 4thly, from Mary of Burgundy; 5thly, from Jacqueline ofHolland; and 6thly, from Elizabeth of Luxemburgh. 

[Sidenote: Formation of the Provinces of the Netherlands into oneState. ]

The possessions of the three first of these splendid heiresses, descended to Margaret of Flanders. She married Phillip the Bold, who, aswe have just mentioned, was the first of the modern Dukes of Burgundy. By this marriage, he acquired, in right of his wife, the provinces ofFlanders, Artois, Mechlin, and Rhetel; and transmitted them and his owndukedom of Burgundy to his son Charles the Intrepid. From Charles, theydescended to his son Philip the Good. He purchased Namur; and by atransaction with Jacqueline of Holland, acquired that province, Zealand, Hainault, and Friesland. By other means, he obtained Brabant, Antwerp, Luxemburgh, Limburgh, Gueldres, and Zutphen. On the failure of issuemale of Philip the Good, all these fourteen provinces descended to Maryhis only daughter. She married the Emperor Maximilian. He had two sonsby her, the Emperor Charles V. And Ferdinand. The former acquired, bypurchase or force, Utrecht, Overyssell and Gröningen. 

These territories formed what are generally called the SEVENTEENPROVINCES OF THE NETHERLANDS. 

In the language of the middle ages, they consisted of the Dutchies ofBrabant, Limburgh, Luxemburgh, and Gueldres; the Earldoms of Flanders, Artois, Hainault, Holland, Zealand, Namur, Zutphen, Antwerp, (sometimescalled the Marquisate of the Holy Empire) and the Lordships ofFriesland, Mechlin, Utrecht, Overyssell, and Gröningen. Cambrai, theCambresis, and the County of Burgundy, though a separate territory, wereconsidered to be appendages, but not part of them. 

V. 3. 

_Brief View of the History of the Netherlands, till the acknowledgementof the Independence of the Seven United Provinces by the SpanishMonarch. _

The laws, the customs, and the government of all these provinces werenearly alike: each had its representative assembly of the three orders, of the clergy, nobility, and burghers: each had its courts of justice;and an appeal from the superior tribunal of each lay to the supremecourt at Mechlin. 

Public and fiscal concerns of moment fell under the cognizance of thesovereign. The people enjoyed numerous and considerable privileges: themost important of them was the _Droit de Joyeuse entrée_, the right ofnot being taxed without the consent of the three estates. Commerce, agriculture, and the arts, particularly music and painting, flourishedamong them. The people were honest, frugal, regular and just in theirgeneral habits; more steady than active; not easily roused; but, whenonce roused, not easily appeased. 

[Sidenote: Brief View of the History of the Netherlands. ]

Charles V. Made over his hereditary territories in Germany to hisbrother Ferdinand; but retained the Netherlands, and annexed them to thecrown of Spain. 

With that crown, they descended to Philip the Second, the only son ofCharles. 

Unwise and unjust measures of that monarch drove the inhabitants intorebellion. 

On the 5th of April 1566, a deputation of 400 gentlemen, with Lewis ofNassau, a brother of the prince of Orange, at their head, presented apetition to Margaret of Austria, the Governor of the Netherlands. Fromthe coarseness of their dress, they acquired the name of _gueux_ or_beggars_, and retained it throughout the whole of the troubles whichfollowed. 

[Sidenote: Brief View of the History of the Netherlands. ]

Calvinism had, before this time, made great progress in these countries, and gained over to it numbers of the discontented party. Philipproceeded to the most violent measures, and sent the Duke of Alva, withan army of 20, 000 men, into the Netherlands. William, Prince of Orange, placed himself at the head of the malcontents, and raised an army. At anassembly of the States of Holland and Zealand in 1559, he was declaredStadtholder, or Governor of Holland, Friesland, and Utrecht: Calvinismwas declared to be the religion of the States. In 1579, the threeprovinces were joined by those of Gueldres, Zutphen, Overyssell, andGröningen. All signed, by their deputies, the TREATY OF UNION; it becamethe basis of their constitution: still, however, they acknowledgedPhilip for their sovereign. But in 1581, the deputies of the UnitedStates assembled at Amsterdam, subscribed a solemn act, by which theyformally renounced allegiance to Philip and his successors, and assertedtheir independence. They declared in their manifesto, that "the princeis made for the people, not the people for the prince;" that "theprince, who treats his subjects as slaves, is a tyrant, whom hissubjects have a right to dethrone, when they have no other means ofpreserving their liberty;" that "this right particularly belongs to theNetherlands; their sovereign, being bound by his coronation oath toobserve the laws, under pain of forfeiting his sovereignty. "

In 1584, the Prince of Orange was assassinated by Balthazar Gerard, aCatholic fanatic: the war was continued till 1609, when it was suspendedby a truce of twelve years. At the expiration of it, the war burst forthwith fresh fury: it was finally terminated by the peace of Munster, orWestphalia, in 1648, when the King of Spain acknowledged, in the fullestmanner, the INDEPENDENCE OF THE SEVEN UNITED PROVINCES, and of all theirpossessions in Asia, Africa, and America. 

V. 4. 

_Their Constitution and principal Officers. _

[Sidenote: Constitution of the Netherlands. ]

Thus the United Provinces became a confederacy of seven independentprincipalities, called in the aggregate the States General. Severalyears elapsed before their constitution was finally settled. Then, thesupreme sovereignty of the whole was considered to be vested in thepeople of every province represented by the States. These consisted ofdeputies appointed to them from the different provinces. Each provincemight send to the assembly more than one deputy; but, whatever was thenumber of deputies sent by them, they had one vote only in theproceedings of the assembly. The government of each province was vestedin its states: these were composed of two orders, the deputies from thetowns, and those from the equestrian order. 

Each province contained several independent republics. 

The States General could not make war or peace, or enter into alliances, or raise money, without the consent of all the seven provinces; nor didthe decrees of any one of the States bind the constituent parts of it, without their consent. 

[Sidenote: Constitution of the Netherlands. ]

The Stadtholder was appointed by the States General, and held his officeat their will. The offices of captain-general and admiral were united inhim: thus he had the appointment of all military commands, both by seaand land; and had considerable influence and power in the nomination tocivil offices. Three officers, --the _treasurer, the conservator of thepeace, and the grand pensionary, _ were appointed by the States General, and were immediately subject to their controul; they were whollyindependent of the Stadtholder. The grand pensionary was always supposedto be profoundly versed in civil, ecclesiastical, and consuetudinarylaw; and in foreign diplomacy. All transactions between subjects orforeigners with the States General, passed through his hands. Heattended the deliberations of the States; he was not entitled to vote, but was expected to sum up the arguments on each side, and to deliverhis opinion upon them. Each province had its advocate, syndic orpensionary; a public officer who superintended their public concerns;and represented them, but only with a deliberative voice, in theassembly of the States. 

[Sidenote: Brief View of the History of the Netherlands. ]

We now reach the æra, at which our intended biography commences. ALiterary History of the Netherlands, from the time of their becomingsubjects to the Dukes of Burgundy, till this æra, is much wanted. 

CHAPTER I. 

THE BIRTH AND EDUCATION OF HUGO GROTIUS. 

1582-1597. 

The Life of Erasmus, which we have offered to the public, presents toits readers, the interesting spectacle of a person, born under every, disadvantage for the acquisition of literature, surmounting them all byhis genius and perseverance, and reaching, at an early age, the highestsummit of literary eminence: the Life of GROTIUS, which we now attempt, exhibits the successful literary career of a person, born with everyadvantage, undeviatingly availing himself of them, and attaining equaleminence; with the addition of high reputation for great politicalwisdom and public integrity. 

[Sidenote: His Birth and Education. ]

He was born at Delft, on the 10th April 1582. His parents were John deGroote, and Alida Averschie. John was the second son of Hugo de Grooteby Elselinda Heemskirke. Hugo was the son of Cornelius Cornet byErmingarde, the daughter and sole heiress of Diederic de Groote. Upontheir marriage, Diederic stipulated that Cornet should adopt thesurname of Groote: it signifies _Great_, and is said to have been givento Diederic for some signal service, which he had rendered to hissovereign. All the males and females mentioned in the genealogy ofGrotius were of noble extraction. 

Learning appears to have been hereditary in the family: John, the fatherof Hugo, the subject of our biography, was both a lawyer in greatpractice, and a general scholar. 

The 10th of April, on which GROTIUS was born, was Easter Sunday in thatyear: he always observed his birthday with religious solemnity. 

All the biographers of Grotius assert, and their assertion will beeasily believed, that he discovered, in his earliest years, greataptitude for the acquisition of learning, great taste, judgment andapplication, and a wonderful memory. He found, in his father, anexcellent tutor: by him, Grotius was instructed in the rudiments of theChristian doctrine, and his infant mind impressed with sound principlesof morality and honour; in this, he was aided by the mother of Grotius. The youth corresponded with their cares. He has celebrated, in elegantverses, their pious attention to his early education. The mention ofthese verses will bring to the recollection of every English reader, themagnificent strains, in which, Milton addressed _his_ father. 

[Sidenote: CHAP. I. 1582-1597. ]

As soon as Grotius had passed his childhood, he was placed withUtengobard, an Arminian clergyman: we shall see that this circumstancehad a decisive influence upon his future life. He retained a lastingregard for Utengobard, and a grateful recollection of his obligations tohim. At the age of twelve years, Grotius was sent to the university ofLeyden, and committed to the care of Francis Junius. Here, hedistinguished himself so much by his diligence, his talents, and hismodesty, as to obtain the notice and regard of several of the mostfamous scholars of the times. Even Joseph Scaliger, equallydistinguished by his learning and caustic arrogance, noticed him, andcondescended to direct his studies. He was scarcely eleven years of agewhen Douza, one of the princes of the republic of letters in thosetimes, celebrated his praises in verse: He declared that "he couldscarcely believe that Erasmus promised so much as Grotius at his age:"he announced that "Grotius would soon excel all his contemporaries, andbear a comparison with the most leaned of the antients. "

Grotius also gained the esteem of Barneveldt, the grand pensionary, inwhose fate he was afterward involved. In 1587, the Dutch sent CountJustin of Nassau and Barneveldt, at the head of an embassy, to Henry IV. Of France. Barneveldt permitted Grotius to accompany him. 

[Sidenote: His Birth and Education. ]

Grotius had been preceded by his reputation. He was known to M. DeBusenval, the monarch's ambassador in Holland. Busenval described himfavourably to the monarch. Henry gave Grotius a gracious reception, andwas so pleased with his conversation and demeanour, that he presentedhim with his picture and a golden chain. Grotius gives an account ofthis embassy, in the seventh book of his Annals: he abstains, with apraiseworthy modesty, from any mention of himself: but, in one of hispoems, he dwells with complacency on his having seen the monarch, "whoowed his kingdom only to his valour"--

 " . . . _Le Heros, qui regna sur la Françe, Et par droit de conquête et par droit de naissançe_. " VOLTAIRE, _Henriade_. 

Grotius was so much pleased with his reception, and the present which hereceived from Henry, that he caused a print of himself, adorned with thechain presented to him by Henry, to be engraved. He was introduced tomany of the most distinguished persons at Paris: there was one, whom heparticularly esteemed, but whom, from some unexplained circumstance, hemissed seeing. 

[Sidenote: Chap. 1. 1582-1597]

This was _the President de Thou_, a name never to be mentioned withoutveneration. He had been employed by his sovereign on many delicate andimportant commissions, and had acquitted himself in all, with abilityand honour. He had filled the office of _Maitre des Requétes_, and beenadvanced to that of _President a Mortiér_. He was employed, at thistime, upon his immortal History. In the account which it gives of theevents, that took place in France, it is entitled to almost unqualifiedpraise: in regard to what happened to other countries, he necessarilydepended on the information which he received from them, and cannottherefore be equally relied upon. The prolixity, with which he is nowreproached, was not felt at the time in which he wrote; every event, however small, was then thought to be important, and multitudes werepersonally interested in it. But the charm of his work is, that everypage of it shews a true lover of his country, an impartial judgment, andan honourable mind. The memoirs, which he has left us of his own life, recently translated into English by Mr. Collinson, are interesting andentertaining. He collected a very large library, both of printed booksand manuscripts, and had them splendidly bound. The whole was sold byauction in the reign of Louis XIV, and scarcely produced half the sumwhich the binding of its volumes had cost: The same has been said of theHarleian collection, sold in our times. 

[Sidenote: His Birth and Education. ]

Having remained a twelvemonth at Paris, Grotius returned to Holland. Immediately after his arrival, he addressed a letter to the presidentde Thou, in which he expressed great mortification at not having seenhim, and requested his acceptance of a book accompanying his letter, which he had dedicated to the Prince of Condé. The president de Thou washighly pleased with this letter: a correspondence took place betweenthem. Grotius furnished the president with materials for that portion ofhis history which related to the troubles in the Low Countries. 

In the last letter of the President de Thou, in this correspondence, heearnestly dissuades Grotius from engaging in the religious disputes ofthe times. In reply to it, Grotius respectfully intimates to thepresident, that "he found himself obliged to enter into them by his loveof his country; his wish to serve his church, and the request of thoseto whom he owed obedience:" promising, at the same time, "to abstainfrom all disputes that were not necessary. " After the death of thePresident, Grotius celebrated his memory in a poem, which was consideredby the bard's admirers to be one of his best performances. 

CHAPTER II. 

GROTIUS EMBRACES THE PROFESSION OF THE LAW. HIS FIRST PROMOTIONS. 

1597-1610. 

In the ruin of the Roman Empire, her laws were lost in the generalwreck. During the 200 years, which followed the reign of Constantine theGreat, Europe was a scene of every calamity, which the inroads ofbarbarians could inflict, either on the countries through which theypassed, or those in which they settled. About the sixth century, Europeobtained some degree of tranquillity, in consequence of the introductionof feudalism; the most singular event in the annals of history. Atfirst, it produced a general anarchy; but the system of subordinationupon which it was grounded, contained in it the germ of regulargovernment, and even, of jurisprudence. Its effects were first visiblein the _various codes of law_ which the barbarous nations promulgated. Such are the Salic, the Ripuarian, the Alemannic, the Burgundian, theVisigothic, and the Lombard laws. 

[Sidenote: Feudal Jurisprudence. ]

A complicated or refined system of jurisprudence is not to be looked forin them; but, if they are considered with due regard to the state ofsociety for which they were calculated, they will be found to containmuch that deserves praise. The _capitularies_, or short legislativeprovisions, propounded by the sovereign, and adopted by the publicassemblies of the nation, were a further advance in legislation. Bydegrees, so much regularity prevailed in the judicial proceedings andlegal transactions, that they were regulated by established_formularies_; and, in addition to those provisions, every nationcontained a collection of unwritten usages or _customs_, which had theforce of law. The natural tendency of these institutions to introduceorder and peaceful habits into society was great; but it was so muchcounteracted by the turbulent spirit of every class of men, that it wasnot till the beginning of the thirteenth century that this effect ofthem became discernible. 

[Sidenote: CHAP. II. 1597-1610]

From this time, the governments of Europe sensibly improved. A betterspirit of legislation shewed itself; the administration of justicebecame more regular; trade and husbandry were protected, several artswere encouraged; and a general wish for a better order of thingsprevailed in every part of Europe. While the public mind was in thisstate of improvement, an event fortunately happened, which gave it avery salutary direction. This was, (what we have already noticed), thediscovery of a complete copy of the _Pandects of Justinian_ at Amalfi, atown in Italy, near Salerno. From Amalfi, it found its way to Pisa; andin 1406, was carried to Florence, where it has since remained. 

[Sidenote: The Civil Law]

Few events in history can be mentioned which have conduced more to thewelfare of Europe than this discovery. The codes, the capitularies, theformularies, and the customs, by which, till that time, the feudalnations had been governed, fell very short of affording them the legalprovisions, which society, in the improved state of civilization, towhich it was then advancing, evidently required. Unexpectedly, a systemof law presented itself, which seemed to contain every thing that themost enlightened men of those times could have desired. The wisdom andjustice of the system of law expressed in the Pandects seem to have beenuniversally felt. The study of it was immediately pursued with ardour. It was introduced into several universities; exercises were performed, lectures read, and degrees conferred in that, as in other branches ofscience; and most of the nations of the continent adopted it, if not asthe basis, at least as an important portion of their civiljurisprudence. A regular _succession of civil_ lawyers followed. Atfirst, they rather incumbered the text with their subtleties, thanillustrated it by learning and discrimination. _Andrew Alciat_ was thefirst who united the study of polite learning with the study of thecivil law: he was founder of a school called the _Cujacian_, from_Cujas_, the glory of civilians. Of him, it may be truly said, that hefound the civil law in wood and left it in marble. 

This school has subsisted until our time: it has never been withoutwriters of the greatest taste, judgment and erudition; the names ofCujacius, Augustinus, the Gothofredi, Heineccius, Voetius, Vinnius, Gravina and Pothier, are as dear to the scholar as they are to thelawyer; an Englishman however must reflect with pleasure, that theCommentaries of his countryman, Sir William Blackstone, will not sufferin a comparison with any foreign work of jurisprudence. So far as theresearches of the present writer extend, the only one that can be putinto competition with them, is the _Jus Canonicum of Van-Espen_. 

[Sidenote: CHAP. II. 1597-1610]

The judicial process of the nations on the continent differedconsiderably from that of England. Trial by jury, and separate courts ofequity, were unknown to them. Some causes were heard and decided by allthe magistrates of the courts; others were referred to one or more oftheir number. The king's advocate, or the advocate of the state, as hewas termed in a republic, held a situation between the judges and thesuitors: his province was to sum the facts and arguments of the cause, and to suggest his opinions upon them to the judges. --We trust ourreaders will excuse this summary view of foreign jurisprudence. 

Grotius, by the advice of his father, addicted himself to the professionof the law. He was only in his seventeenth year, when he pleaded hisfirst cause. He acquired by it, great reputation; and this wasconstantly upon the increase, through the whole of his professionalcareer. He observed in his pleadings a rule, which he afterwardsrecommended to his son: "That you may not, " he told him, "be embarrassedby the little order observed by the adversary counsel, attend to onething, which I have found eminently useful: Distribute all that can besaid on both sides, under certain heads; imprint these strongly in yourmemory; and, whatever your adversary says, refer it not to his division, but to your own. "

[Sidenote: Grotius embraces the profession of the Law. ]

The brilliant success of Grotius at the bar soon procured him veryconsiderable promotions. The place of Advocate-General of the Fisc ofthe provinces of Holland and Zealand becoming vacant, it was unanimouslyconferred on him. This situation was attended with great distinction andauthority; the person invested with it, being charged with thepreservation of the public peace, and the prosecution of publicoffenders. In 1613, Grotius was advanced to the situation of Pensionaryof Rotterdam; and his high character authorized him to stipulate beforehe accepted it, that he should hold it during his life, and not, atwill, its usual tenure. It immediately gave him a seat in the assemblyof the States of Holland; and, at a future time, a seat in the assemblyof the States General. 

Between the time of his appointment to the advocacy of the Fisc ofHolland and Zealand, and his being appointed Pensionary of Rotterdam, hemarried Mary Reygersburgh, of an illustrious family in Zealand. Itproved a marriage of happiness. The most perfect harmony subsistedbetween Grotius and his consort: we shall find that she was an ornamentto him in prosperity, his comfort and aid in adverse fortune. Themarriage was solemnized in July 1608, and celebrated by many a Belgicbard. 

[Sidenote: CHAP II. 1597-1610. ]

A dispute arising about this time between England and the StatesGeneral, upon the exclusive right claimed by the former to fish in theNorthern seas, the States, with a view to an amicable adjustment of it, sent Grotius to England. Several meetings took place between him andcommissioners appointed by James, the British sovereign. If we creditthe account, given by Grotius, of the point in dispute, and thenegociation to which it gave rise, justice was decidedly on the side ofthe States General; and England only carried the point by the lion'sright, --the _droit du plus fort_. 

[Sidenote: Grotius embraces the profession of the Law. ]

Grotius had every reason to be pleased with his reception by the Englishmonarch and his court. Between Grotius and Casaubon, who, at this time, resided in England, an intimacy had long subsisted. It was cemented bymutual esteem, similarity of studies, and the earnest wish of each foran amicable termination of religious differences: each respected theantient doctrines and discipline of the church; each thought that manyof the points in controversy were disputes of words; that much might begained by mutual concessions; and that the articles, upon which therewas any substantial difference, were few. "I esteem Grotiushighly, "--Casaubon writes in a letter to the president de Thou, "onaccount of his other great qualities; but particularly because he judgesof the modern subjects of religious controversy like a learned and goodman. In his veneration for antiquity, he agrees with the wisest men. ". . . "I heartily pray God, " says Casaubon in a letter to Grotius, "to;preserve you: as long as I shall live, I shall hold you in the highestesteem: so much am I taken with your piety, your probity, and youradmirable learning. "[005]

CHAPTER III. 

THE EARLY PUBLICATIONS OF GROTIUS. 

There is not, perhaps, an instance of a person's acquiring at an ageequally early, the reputation, which attended the first publication ofGrotius. It was an edition, with notes, of the work of "_MartianusMineus Felix Capella_, on the Marriage of Mercury and Philology, in twobooks; and of the same writer's Seven Treatises on the Liberal Arts. "They had been often printed; but all the editions were faulty: amanuscript of them having been put into the hands of Grotius by hisfather, he communicated it to Scaliger, and by his advice undertook anew edition of them. 

The time, in which Capella lived, and the place of his birth, areuncertain; the better opinion seems to be, that he flourished towardsthe third century, resided at Rome, and attained the consular dignity. His works are written in prose, intermixed with poetry. His diction hassome resemblance to that of Tertullian, but is much more crabbed andobscure: none, but the ablest Latin scholars, can understand him. TheMarriage of Mercury and Philology, --or of Speech with Learning, is notuninteresting. His other treatises contain nothing remarkable: that uponmusic, is hardly intelligible; it is printed separately in thecollection of _Meibomius_. With all his harshness and obscurity, Capellaseems to have been much studied in the middle ages, --some proof thatthere was more learning in them, than is generally supposed, --he is sooften quoted by the writers of those times, that some persons havesupposed that his work was then a text book in the schools. 

[Sidenote: The early publications of Grotius. ]

[Sidenote: CHAP. III. 1597-1610. ]

When Grotius undertook his edition of Capella, he was only twelve yearsof age: he published it in his fourteenth year, and dedicated it to thePrince of Condé. The learning and critical discernment displayed by himin this publication excited astonishment, and obtained for him theapplause of all the literary world. Grotius himself gives the followingaccount of his work: "We have collated Capella with the several authors, who have investigated the same subjects. In the two first books, we haveconsulted those whose writings contain the sentiments of the antientphilosophers, as Apuleius, Albericus and others, too tedious to name; ongrammar, we have compared, Capella with the antient grammarians; in whathe has said on rhetoric, with Cicero and Aquila; on logic, withPorphyry, Aristotle, Cassiodorus and Apuleius; on geography, withStrabo, Mela, Solinus, and Ptolemy, but chiefly Pliny; on arithmetic, with Euclid; on astronomy, with Hyginus, and others, who have treated onthat subject; on music, with Cleonides, Vitruvius and Boethius. " InGrotius's Annotations all these writers are mentioned in a manner, whichshews that he was thoroughly conversant with their works. Grotius'sedition is become, from its extreme scarcity, a typographical curiosity:all the other editions are scarce. The writer of these pages found, withgreat difficulty, a copy of it in the London market. [006] That ofBonhomme, published at Lyons in 1539, he procured by loan. Thecelebrated Leibniz began to prepare an edition of Capella _in usumDelphini_; but his collections being purloined from him, he desistedfrom his project: it must be owned that the general learning of Leibnizqualified him admirably for such a task. [009]

[Sidenote: The early Publications of Grotius. ]

While yet in his fourteenth year, Grotius published a translation of awork, published by Simon Steven in 1586, upon Navigation, and shewed byit a profound knowledge of mathematics:[010] he dedicated it to therepublic of Venice. 

[Sidenote: CHAP. III. 1597-1610. ]

In the following year, Grotius published _the Phenomena of Aratus_, apoetical treatise of that author upon astronomy, with Cicero'stranslation of it, so far as it has reached us. Grotius supplied thevacancies. It is universally admitted that the parts supplied by him, are not inferior to those of Cicero. The abbé d'Olivet, the editor ofCicero's works, and an enthusiastic admirer of his style, declares that"the Muse of Cicero[011] did not throw the Muse of Grotius into theshade:" he therefore inserted the supplementary verses of Grotius in hisedition. Grotius dedicated his work to the States of Holland and WestFriseland; and promised them in his dedication something moreconsiderable. He was complimented upon it by several of the greatest menof the age. 

The following simile, taken from Cicero's translation of Aratus, andVoltaire's version of it, are greatly admired:

 Sic Jovis altisoni subito pennata satelles, Arboris è trunco, serpentis saucia morsu; Ipsa feris subigit transfigens unguibus anguem Semianimum, et variâ graviter cervice micantem; Quem se intorquentem laniens rostroque craentans, Abjicit efflantem, et laceratum effundit in undas, Seque obitu a solis nitidos convertit ad ortus. 

 CICERO. 

 Tel on voit cet oiseau, qui porte le tonnere, Blessé par un serpent élancé de la terre; Il s'envole, il entraine au sejour azuré L'ennemi tortueux dont il est entouré. Le sang tombe des airs: il dechire, il devore Le reptile acharné, qui le combat encore; Il le perçe, il le tient sous ses ongles vainqeurs, Par cent coups rédoublés il venge ses douleurs; Le Monstre en expirant, se debat, se replie; Il exhale en poison le reste de sa vie; Et l'aigle tout sanglant, fier et victorieux, Le rejette en fureur, et plane au haut des cieux. 

 VOLTAIRE. 

[Sidenote: The early Publications of Grotius. ]

About the year 1608, Grotius published his celebrated work _MareLiberum_, to assert in it against the English, the general freedom ofthe sea. The controversy arose upon the claim of Great Britain to enjoythe dominion of the British seas, in the most extensive sense of thosewords, both as to the right of navigating them, and the right of fishingwithin them. Against this claim, Grotius attempted to shew that the seawas, from its nature, insusceptible of exclusive right; and that, if itwere susceptible of it, England did not prove her title to it. Selden, in opposition to Grotius, asserted the British claim, by his treatise_Mare Clausam_, --a noble exertion of a vigorous mind, fraught withprofound and extensive erudition. It is pleasing to add, that he treatsGrotius with the respect due to his learning and character. Selden'streatise was thought of so much importance to his cause, that a copy ofit was directed to be deposited in the British Admiralty. Grotius washighly pleased with the respect, which was shewn to him by Selden. 

On Selden's _Mare Clausum_ he composed the following epigram:--

 Ipsum compedibus qui vinxerat Ennegisæum, Est Grecâ Xerxes multus in historia: Lucullum Latii Xerxem dixere togatum; Seldenus Xerxes ecce Britannus erit. 

[Sidenote: CHAP. III. 1597-1610]

The States General were gratified by his work; but at that time it wasso much their interest to preserve the strictest amity with England, that they discountenanced any further advocation of their claim. [012]

The year after his publication of his "Treatise on the Freedom of theSea, " Grotius printed his work on the "_Antiquity of the BatavianRepublic_. " He gives in it an account of the antient _Batavians;_ heprofesses to shew that they were the allies, not the subjects of theRomans; that, after a period of anarchy, during which little is known oftheir history, they became subjects of the Counts of Holland; that thesewere not vassals of the empire, but independent princes; and, strictlyspeaking, elected by the people, although, in the election of them, great regard was always shewn to the hereditary line: that they werebound to conform to the laws of the state; and always required, beforetheir election, to swear to the observance of the constitution; that thetaxes were always imposed by the States, and that Philip the Second hadoccasioned the grand war, by repeated infractions of the public andprivate right of the people of the United Provinces. 

[Sidenote: The early Publications of Grotius. ]

The States of Holland were highly pleased with this work; they votedthanks to its author, and accompanied them with a present. It isconsidered that his partiality to his country led him to advance somepositions favourable to its antient independence, which his proofs didnot justify. 

For the use of _Du Maurier_, the French ambassador to the StatesGeneral, Grotius published, about this time, his "Directions for aCourse of general Study, " _De omni genere studiorum recte instituendo_. It was favourably received, both by the diplomatist for whose use it wascomposed, and the public at large; but, on account of the greatextension of literature, since the time of Grotius, it is now littleread. Mentioning the Roman history, he shews that a knowledge of it isbetter acquired by reading its Greek than by reading its Latinhistorians; because foreigners give more attention to the public mannersand customs of a country than natives. 

[Sidenote: CHAP. III. 1597-1610. ]

All the works, which we have mentioned, were most favourably received inevery part of the United Provinces. It was now become evident that theexertions for their independence were on the eve of being crowned withcomplete success. All the European Powers had deserted Spain, so thatshe was left to her own single and unaided strength, to maintain thecontest against the insurgent provinces. The glory, which they acquiredby their successful resistance to her, determined them to make choice ofan historian, who should transmit to future ages the signal exploits oftheir memorable struggle. With this view, they appointed Grotius theirhistoriographer. 

[Sidenote: The Poems of Grotius. ]

It remains to mention the "_Poems of Grotius:_" throughout his life, hesacrificed to the Muses. The _Prosopopoeia, _ in which he introduces theCity of Ostend addressing the world, when, in the third year of hersiege, the Marquis Spinola led the troops of Spain against her, wasgreatly, admired. All the adjacent territory had been taken by theSpaniards, so that nothing remained of it to the confederates, but theprecinct within the walls of the city; and even much of this had beenwrested from the besieged. All Europe had its eye fixed on theoperations of Spinola. It is therefore, with great propriety oflanguage, that Grotius makes Ostend thus address herself to the world, in the following lines:--

 "Area parva ducum, totus quam respicit orbis; Celsior una malis, et quam damnare ruinae Nunc quoque fata timent, --alieno in litore resto. Tertius annus abit; toties mutavimus hostem: Sævit hyems pelago, morbisque furentibus æstas; Et minimum est quod fecit Iber, --crudelior armis In nos orta lues, --nullum est sine funere funus. Nec perimit mors una semel:--Fortuna quid haeres? Quâ mercede tenes mixtos in sanguine manes? Quis tumulos moriens hos occupet hoste perempto? Queritur, --et sterili tantum de pulvere pugna est. "

 "A small area of chiefs, whom the whole world contemplates; alone loftier than my woes; I, whom the Fates even yet, fear to condemn to ruin;--remain on a foreign shore. 

 "The third year now passes away; thrice has my foe been changed:

 "The winter rages on the sea; the summer, by its furious heats. 

 "The Spaniard has been my least enemy;--more cruel than arms, a pestilence has risen among us; no funeral is without another; the dying never perish by a single death. 

 "Fortune! why do'st thou hesitate? By what reward do'st thou detain the manes mingled in blood?

 "Who, dying, will, after the destruction of the enemy, occupy these tombs?--This is enquired. -- The contest is only for sterile dust. "

With the following poetical translation of these verses, the writer hasbeen favoured by Mr. Sotheby, the elegant translator of "Oberon. "

 Scant battle-field of Chiefs, thro' earth renown'd, Opprest, I loftier tow'r;--and, now, while Fate Dreads to destroy, in foreign soil I stand. Thrice chang'd the year, thrice have we chang'd the Foe. Fierce Winter chafes the Deep, the Summer burns With fell disease: less fell th' Iberian sword. Dire Pestilence spreads;--on funerals funerals swell: Nor does one death at once extirpate all. Why, Fortune! linger? why our souls detain With blood immingled? Who, the Foe extinct, Who, dying, shall these sepulchres possess, And in this sterile dust the conflict close?

 W. S. March 28, 1826. 

[Sidenote: CHAP. III. 1597-1610. ]

These verses produced a great sensation in the literary world: they wereascribed by many to Scaliger, as the best Latin poet of the age; theonly person considered to be capable of writing them. The celebratedPeyresck hinted this to that learned man: Scaliger answered, that "hewas too old not to be the aversion of the virgins of Helicon, " andannounced that the verses were written by Grotius. They were translatedinto French by Du Vair, afterwards the keeper of the seals; by Rapin, grand-provost of the Constabulary of France; by Stephen Pasquier, and byMalherbes: Casaubon translated them into Greek. [013]

[Sidenote: The Poems of Grotius. ]

Three Generals had successively been entrusted with the siege of Ostend;nine commanders had successively been entrusted with its defence: thesiege had cost the besiegers and besieged 100, 000 lives: all thehistorians of the times agree, that few important consequences werederived to either side by the success of the Spaniards. The Archduke andInfanta, had the curiosity to view the city, after it was taken. Theyfound in it nothing but heaps of ruins: little that shewed the formerstate of the town; its ditches were filled, its fortificationsoverthrown, its buildings, and the works of attack and defence, werelevelled with the ground. Spinola led them to the spots in which themost remarkable events had taken place; and, finally to that, in whichthe forces of the besieged had made their last stand; had, for want ofspace, found themselves unable to raise military works, and had, on thataccount, found themselves forced to surrender. The Archduke and theInfanta were moved to tears at the melancholy sight; and declared thatsuch a victory was not worth its cost. 

[Sidenote: CHAP. III. 1597-1610. ]

The success of the siege of Ostend covered Spinola with glory: his replyto a person, who asked him, --who, in his opinion was the greatestgeneral of the age, --is generally known: "Prince Maurice, " he said, "isthe second. "[014]

The principal poetical performances of Grotius in the collection we havementioned, are--_three tragedies_, "Adam in Banishment, " "ChristSuffering, " and "Sophomphaneos, " which signifies in the language ofEgypt, "the Saviour of the world:" it exhibits the story of Joseph. Sandys translated it into English verse, and dedicated his translationto Charles I. From the second of these tragedies, Lauder transcribedmany of the verses, upon which he founded the charge of plagiarismagainst Milton. 

An eminent rank among modern Latin poets, has always been assigned toGrotius: his diction is always classical, his sentiments just. But thosewho are accustomed to the _wood notes_ of the Bard of Avon, will notadmire the scenic compositions, however elegant or mellifluous, of theBatavian Bard. 

CHAPTER IV. 

HISTORICAL MINUTES OF THE UNITED PROVINCES, FROM THEIR DECLARATION OFINDEPENDENCE, TILL THE ARMINIAN CONTROVERSY. 

The present chapter will lead our readers to the public life of Grotius:in a former page we succinctly mentioned the principal events in thehistory of the United Provinces, from their first insurrection againstPhilip II. Till their declaration of independence. On that event, theycontinued Prince William of Orange in the Stadtholderate: he wasentitled to it by his civil and military talents. Application, activity, liberality, eloquence, intrepidity, enterprise and discretion, wereunited in him in an extraordinary degree: he could accommodate himselfto all persons and occurrences, accelerate or retard events, as bestserved the interests of his cause, or his own designs. In the raretalent of governing popular assemblies, and procuring the co-operationof persons of opposite views, he has had few equals. He wanted noquality, which a chief of a party should possess, either to insure thesuccess of the public object, or to further his private aims. 

[Sidenote: CHAP. IV. 1597-1610. ]

These had, for some time, been suspected: it was generally observed, that he affected the exercise of sovereign authority; that heendeavoured to attach the military to his own person; that he alwayssought to have the acts of the States issued in his own name; that, onmany occasions, he avoided consulting the States, or doing any thingwhich could be considered an explicit recognition of their supremacy;and that in several instances, in which the constitution required theco-operation of the States, he acted independently of them. This gaverise to a party, which was jealous of his power, and on many occasionsthwarted, what they thought the projects of his private ambition. Fromtheir attachment to the constitution, they were termed the republicanparty: Barneveldt, the Grand-Pensionary of the States General, was theirleader. 

[Sidenote: Assassination of William Prince of Orange. ]

Whatever were the projects of the prince, there appeared to be greatprobability of their ultimate success. In 1684, he had gained so for, that the States of Holland, Zealand and Frizeland, had come to aresolution to confer upon him the sovereignty of their states, under thetitle of Count. All the conditions were settled: on one hand, the rightsof the prince, on the other, the rights of the people, were defined andrecognised; a contravention of them by any of the people was declaredto be treason; the infringement of them by the prince, was declared tobe a forfeiture of his sovereignty. Thus the prince seemed to be on theeve of receiving the fruit of all his exertions. But, as we have alreadymentioned, he was assassinated by Balthazar Gerard, a fanatic Spaniard. The last words of the prince were, "Lord! have mercy on my soul! havepity on my poor country!"

In 1585, Prince Maurice, the second son of William, was, chiefly by theinfluence of Barneveldt, proclaimed Stadtholder by the States General. They were not less jealous of his views, than they had been of hisfather's; but the misconduct of the Earl of Leicester had made itnecessary for them to throw themselves into the prince's arms. Theweakness of Spain, and the troubles in France, now permitted the UnitedProvinces to enjoy some repose. They availed themselves of it, to settlethe constitution: the towns were repaired, the fortifications completed, Universities were founded or revived at Utrecht, Leyden and Franker; andthe arts of peace began to be cultivated. 

[Sidenote: CHAP. IV. 1597-1610. ]

Maurice inherited all the civil talents of his father; he had greatermilitary skill, and at least equal ambition. The art of war seems toconsist, at the present time, in directing immense masses of men, byskilful evolutions and positions, to the destruction of the forceopposed. In the wars of the Netherlands, it was principally shewn bysurprising strong-holds, besieging towns, regular assaults, advantageousencampments, and wasting the army of the enemy by skilful marches. Thecamp of Maurice became a school, in which the nobility and gentry of theempire, France, and England, entered as volunteers, to learn the art ofwar. His taking of the city of Breda, raised his reputation to thehighest: from this time, the war, which, on the part of the UnitedProvinces, had till then, been a defensive war, became offensive, andtheir arms were attended with almost uninterrupted success: they equallytriumphed on Sea. 

In 1698, the war between Spain and France was terminated. Philip II. Soon afterwards died: he was succeeded by Philip III. A weak monarch. Then, began the naval glory of the United Provinces; their attacks onthe West Indian and East Indian colonies of the Spaniards. In 1600, prince Maurice gained a decisive victory at Nieuport near Ostend: it wasfollowed by other important successes. In 1607, Admiral Heemskirkobtained a complete victory over the Spanish fleet, though protected bythe batteries of Cadiz, and seized their ships and treasures. 

[Sidenote: Armistice between Spain and the United Provinces. ]

The war between Spain and the United Provinces had now continued fortyyears: the resources of Spain were so exhausted, that she herself wasforced to solicit an armistice. Prince Maurice objected to it, as thecontinuance of the war was essential to the furtherance of his ownambitious views. On this account, the truce was promoted by Barneveldtand the republican party. They justly thought that the aggrandizement ofthe house of Orange would be the extinction of the liberties of theircountry, so that the result of the war would only be, that the UnitedProvinces would change their masters. After a long negotiation, anarmistice of twelve years was agreed upon in 1609, and England andFrance guaranteed the execution of the treaty. 

CHAPTER V. 

THE FEUDS IN THE UNITED PROVINCES BETWEEN THE DISCIPLES OF CALVIN ANDTHE DISCIPLES OF ARMINIUS, UNTIL THE SYNOD AT DORT. 

1610-1617. 

It has generally happened, when a people have risen against theirsovereign, that their first successes have been followed by divisionsamong themselves; and that these have endangered, and sometimes evenruined, their cause. Such a division took place, in a remarkable manner, in the conflict between the United Provinces and Spain. No sooner didthe arms of the former begin to prosper, and promise ultimate success, than the ARMINIAN CONTROVERSY burst forth. At first, it was merely areligious dispute; but it soon mixed itself in the national politics;split the people into two very hostile parties, and produced contentionsbetween them, which more than once brought their cause to the brink ofdestruction. Grotius was unfortunately involved in them. This part ofthe history now claims our attention. 

[Sidenote: Calvinism. ]

The reformed church, in the largest import of the word, comprises allthe religious communities, which have separated themselves from thechurch of Rome. In this sense, the words are often used by Englishwriters; but, having been adopted by the French Calvinists to describe_their_ church, these words are most commonly used, on the continent, asa general appellation of all the churches who profess the doctrines ofCalvin. 

[Sidenote: CHAP. V. 1610-1617. ]

About the year 1541, the church of Geneva was placed by the magistratesof that city, under the direction of Calvin. He immediately conceivedone of the boldest projects, that ever entered into the mind of anobscure individual. He undertook to new model the religious creed of thereformed church; to give it strength and consistency, and to render thechurch of Geneva the mother and mistress of all Protestant churches. Hislearning, eloquence, and talents for business, soon attracted generalnotice; and, while the fervour of his zeal, the austerity of hismanners, and the devotional cast of his writings, attracted themultitude, the elegance of his compositions, and his insinuating style, equally captivated the gentleman and the scholar. By degrees, his famereached every part of Europe. Having prevailed upon the senate of Genevato found an academy, and place it under his superintendence, and havingfilled it with men eminent throughout Europe for their learning andtalent, it became the favourite resort of all persons, who leaned to thenew principles, and sought religious or literary instruction. FromGermany, France, Italy, England and Scotland, numbers crowded to the newacademy, and returned from it to their native countries, saturated withthe doctrine of Geneva, and burning with zeal to propagate its creed. 

Calvin's peculiar doctrine on Predestination and Free-will soonattracted attention, and gave rise to _more than a civil war_[015] ofcontroversy, [016]

We feel that we are free: if we were not free, conscience could notexist; for, if a man had not freedom of action, conscience could notintimate to him either its approbation or its disapprobation of hisactions. 

But--_how_ are we free? _How_ is free-will reconcileable, either withthe influence of motive upon will? or with the order of the universe, prescribed by the Deity? or, with his prescience? For that, which hisinfinite mind prescribes or foresees, must be fixed. 

[Sidenote: Disputes on the Free-will of Man. ]

This question soon engaged the attention of the Greek Philosophers: someadvocated the free-will of man; others denied it, and ascribed hisactions to Fate or Destiny; a being or energy, which they were neverable to define or describe. Among the Jews, the Sadducees embraced theformer opinion; the Pharisees, the latter. Among the Mahometans, a likedivision took place between the followers of Omar, and those of Ali. 

Unfortunately, the Christians engaged in these ungrateful speculations:their disputes chiefly turned upon the effect, which motive, suggestedby grace, or the divine favour, has upon will. Does it necessitate?then, there is no free-will, --no merit, --no demerit. Does it notnecessitate? then, in the choice of good, man acts by his own power, andthus achieves a good of which God is not the author. 

[Sidenote: CHAP. V. 1610-1617. ]

The dispute was brought to an issue by _Pelagius_ and his disciples. They held, that man acts independently of divine grace, both in thechoice and execution of good. This independence was denied by _St. Augustin_, he asserted, that man co-operates with grace, yet, that gracebegins, advances and brings to perfection every thing in man, which canbe justly called good. _St. Thomas of Aquin_ new-modelled the system ofSt. Augustin, and used new terms in describing it: his subtiledistinctions, in the opinion of many, considerably improved it. 

_Calvin_ aggravated the doctrine of St. Augustin. He maintained, [017]that the everlasting condition of mankind in the future world, wasdetermined from all eternity, by the _unchangeable order_ of the Deity;and that this _absolute_ determination of his will was the only sourceof _happiness or misery_ to individuals. Thus Calvin maintained, withoutany qualification, that God, from all eternity has doomed one part ofmankind to everlasting happiness, the other to everlasting misery; and, was led to make this distinction, without regard to the merit or demeritof the object, and by no other reason or motive than his own pleasure. 

_Luther_, [018] in opposition to Calvin, maintained, that the _divinedecrees_ respecting the salvation or misery of men, are founded upon aprevious knowledge of their sentiments and characters; or, in otherwords, that God, foreseeing from all eternity the faith and virtue ofsome, and the incredulity or wickedness of others, has reserved eternalhappiness for the former, and eternal misery for the latter. 

[Sidenote: Disputes on the Free-will of Man. ]

These, and other doctrinal differences, separated the Protestants intothe adherents to the creed of Luther, and the adherents to the creed ofCalvin. The United Provinces were among the latter: the creed of Calvinwas, as we have mentioned, one of the fundamental laws of the Union. 

The Calvinistic doctrine, that God, from all eternity, consigns oneportion of mankind, without any fault on their side, to everlastingtorments, shocks our feelings, and is totally repugnant to the notionsentertained by us of the goodness and justice of the Deity: it is nottherefore surprising that it should be called in question. From thefirst, several objected to it; but it was not till the successes of theUnited Provinces appeared to afford them a near prospect of triumph, that the opposers of Calvin's doctrine formed themselves into a party, and occasioned a public sensation. 

[Sidenote: CHAP. V. 1610-1617. ]

The celebrated JAMES ARMINIUS[019] was at their head. He was born in1560, at Oudewater in Holland, of respectable parents. He lost hisfather in his infancy, and was indebted, for the first rudiments of hiseducation, to a clergyman, who had imbibed some opinions of the reformedreligion. Under his tuition, Arminius studied, during some time, atUtrecht. After the clergyman's decease, Rudolphus Snellius, a clergymanof eminence, took Arminius under his protection, and, in 1575, placedhim at Marpurgh. There, he heard of the taking of Oudewater by theSpaniards, and their massacre of its inhabitants. His mother, sister, and two brothers were among the victims. On the first intelligence ofthe calamity he repaired to Oudewater, in hopes that the account of itmight have been exaggerated. Finding it true, he retired to Leyden:there, his severe application to study, and the regularity of hismorals, gained him universal esteem. In 1563, he was sent to Geneva, atthe expense of the magistrates of Amsterdam, to perfect his studiesunder the care of Beza. Unfortunately, by adopting the philosophicalprinciples, of _Ramus_, and unguardedly professing them, he displeasedsome leading men of the university, and was obliged to leave it: he thenwent to Bâsle. There, his reputation having preceded him, he wasreceived with great kindness: the faculty of divinity offered him adoctor's degree; but a general wish for his return being expressed atGeneva, he declined the honour, and returned to that city. He thenvisited Italy, and, during some months, studied under Zabarella, afamous philosopher, who then lectured at Padua. In 1588, Arminius wasordained minister at Amsterdam. 

[Sidenote: Arminius. ]

Some theologians of Delft having attacked the sentiments of Calvin andBeza upon predestination, and given great offence by it, they defendedthemselves by a book, entitled; "An Answer to certain Arguments of Bezaand Calvin, in the treatise concerning Predestination; or upon the ninthChapter of the Epistle to the Romans. " They transmitted their defence toMartin Lydius, a partisan of the divines whom it attacked; he sent it toArminius, with a request that he would answer it. Arminius undertook thetask, and attentively examined and weighed the arguments on each side;the result was, that he embraced the opinions which he had been calledupon to confute, and even went further than the ministers of Delft. Uponthis account, the friends of the rejected principles raised a greatclamour against him; but were quieted by the intervention of themagistrates. The opinions, which Arminius adopted, he endeavoured topropagate. They are contained in the Remonstrance of his disciples, which we shall afterwards transcribe. 

[Sidenote: CHAP. V. 1610-1617. ]

As the language of Arminius seemed to express notions, more consonantthan those of Calvin, to the sentiments entertained by rationalChristians, of the goodness and justice of the Deity, it is notsurprising that they found many advocates among the learned andmoderate; but some ardent spirits were offended by them, and instilledtheir dislike of them into the populace. This, Arminius was soon made tofeel. In 1603, he was appointed, on the death of Francis Junius, to aprofessorship of theology in the university of Leyden: great effortswere made, first to prevent, and afterwards to procure a recision of hisappointment. He was accused of having said in a sermon, that "God hadnot yet sent his letter of divorce to the church of Rome;" but hisfriends produced a work of Francis Junius, his predecessor in thetheological chair, in which that celebrated theologian had used the sameexpression. Arminius was also accused by his adversaries, of elevatingthe action of reason in the choice of good, at the expense of grace. Tothis Arminius replied, by accusing his adversaries of sacrificing reasonentirely to grace. But the greater number of the enemies of Arminiussupported their charges against him, by making it a question ofauthority: "the States, " they said, "had decided the question, byadopting Calvin's doctrine at the union; so that the gainsayers of itwere guilty of treason. " The friends of Arminius replied, that he didnot deny Calvin's doctrine, but merely explained it. 

[Sidenote: Arminius. ]

Thus they disputed;

 "And found no end, in wandering mazes lost. " Milton. 

In fact, the subject, --as the writer has more than once observed, --isabove human reason: the day will come, "when the Almighty will bejudged, and will overcome;"--when the secret of his councils will beunfolded, and their justice and goodness made manifest to all. [020]

The friends of Arminius also observed, that he was by no means singularin his doctrine; that it was favoured by professors in Gueldres, Friesland, Utrecht, and other parts of Holland; and, that in all theprovinces, it was patronized by the higher ranks of the laity. Was itfitting, they asked, that the peace of the church, and the tranquillityof the state, should be disturbed by such a dispute? by a dispute whichaffected no essential article of christianity; no civil, no moral, noreligious observation?

[Sidenote: CHAP. V. 1610-1617. ]

The principal adversary of Arminius was _Gomarus_, also a professor oftheology at Leyden. When the election of Arminius was proposed, Gomarusannounced suspicions of his orthodoxy; he afterwards raised his tone, and accused Arminius of Pelagianism, of secretly inclining to the churchof Rome, and holding principles which led to general scepticism andinfidelity. 

Arminius died on the 19th October 1609. 

Grotius made his eulogium in verse. He had hitherto applied little tothese matters; he acknowledges, in a letter written in 1609, his generalignorance of them. Entering afterwards into the dispute, he becameconvinced that the idea, which we ought to have of the goodness andjustice of God, and even the language of the scriptures and the earlyfathers of the church, favoured the system of Arminius, and contradictedthat of Gomarus. 

The prejudices against the Arminians increasing, they drew up aRemonstrance, dated the 14th January 1610, and addressed it to theStates of Holland. It begins by stating what they do not believe: itafterwards propounds their own sentiments in the five articlesfollowing:[021]

 [Sidenote: Remonstrance. ]

 1. "That God, by an eternal and immutable decree in Jesus Christ his son, before the world was created, resolved to save in Jesus Christ, on account of Jesus Christ, and through Jesus Christ, those, from among mankind fallen in sin, who, by the grace of the Holy Spirit believe in his same son Jesus; and through the same grace continue in the faith and obedience to the end; and, on the contrary, to leave under sin, and wrath, and to condemn the obstinate and unbelieving, as having no part in Christ; according to what is said _St. John_ iii. 36. 

 2. "That accordingly, Jesus Christ the Saviour of the world, died for all and every man; and by his death on the cross has merited for all, reconciliation with God, and remission of sin; in such manner nevertheless, that no one can partake of them but believers, according to the words of Jesus, _St. John_ iii. 16. , 1 _John_ ii. 2. 

 3. "That man hath not saving faith of himself, and by the strength of his own free will; since, while in a state of sin and apostasy, he cannot of himself think, desire, or do, that which is truly good, which is what is chiefly meant by saving faith; but it is necessary that God in Jesus Christ, and by the Holy Spirit, regenerate and renew him in his understanding and affections, or in his will and all his powers; that he may know the true good, meditate on it, desire, and do it. _St. John_ xv. 5. 

 [Sidenote: CHAP. V. 1610-1617. ]

 4. "That to this grace of God is owing the beginning, the progression, and accomplishment of all good; in such manner, that even the regenerate, without this antecedent, or preventing, exciting, concomitant, and cooperating grace, cannot think that, which is good, desire or practise it; nor resist any temptation to evil; so that all the good works or actions he can conceive, spring from the grace of God; that as to what regards the manner of operation of this grace, it is not irresistible, since it is said of several, they resisted the Holy Spirit. See _Acts_ vii. And other places. 

 5. "That those, who by a lively faith are engrafted into Christ, and consequently made partakers of his quickening spirit, are furnished with sufficient strength to be able to combat, and even overcome Satan, sin, the world, and their own lusts; and all this, as is carefully to be observed, by the assistance of the grace and the Holy Spirit; and that Jesus Christ succours them by his spirit in all temptations, reaches to them his hand, (provided they be willing to engage, ask his assistance, and are not wanting to themselves, ) supports and strengthens them: so, that they cannot be led away by any wile or violence of Satan, or snatched out of Christ's hands, as he says himself, _St. John_ x. _My sheep shall no man pluck out of my hands_. For the rest, if it be asked whether these may not through negligence let go the confidence they had from the beginning, (Heb. Iii. 6. ) cleave again to the present world, depart from the holy doctrine, which was delivered, make shipwreck of a good conscience? (2 Pet. I. 10. , Jude iii. , 1 Tim. I. 19. , Heb. Xii. 15. ) This must be previously examined with more care, by the Scriptures, to be able to teach it with full assurance to others. "

Such is the Confession of Faith of the Arminians: they gave it the nameof _Remonstrance_; and were styled from it REMONSTRANTS. It was drawn upby _Utengobard_, minister at the Hague, with the help, it is supposed, of Grotius: it was signed by forty-six ministers. 

[Sidenote: Contra-Remonstrance. ]

The Gomarists opposed to it a _Contra-Remonstrance_; which gave them thename of the CONTRA-REMONSTRANTS. 

It was about this time, that Grotius was elected Pensionary ofRotterdam, and ordered to England: it has been suggested, that he hadsecret instructions from the Arminians, to induce king James to favourtheir principles. 

[Sidenote: CHAP. V. 1610-1617. ]

We are informed, by Mr. Nichols, (_Calvinism and Arminianismcompared_, )[022] that the Arminians sent to King James by Grotius, atrue state of their case; that Grotius found an adversary in _ArchbishopAbbott_, and friends in _Bishops Andrews_ and _Overal_; and that bytheir advice the monarch addressed to the States General, a wise andconciliatory letter. 

The irritation of the public mind increasing, the States of Holland, torestore tranquillity, published an edict of Pacification, by which theystrongly enjoined forbearance, toleration, and silence. This wasfavourable to the Arminians, but it increased the violence of the_Contra-remonstrants_. Thus, it became a signal of war. The States ofHolland transmitted it to King James: his Majesty, the archbishop ofCanterbury, and the other English prelates, allowed its doctrine to beorthodox. 

[Sidenote: Remonstrants--Contra-Remonstrants. ]

Still, the troubles in Holland augmented: riots took place and greaterriots were apprehended. In an evil hour, Barneveldt, theGrand-Pensionary, proposed to the States of Holland, that themagistrates of the cities of that province should he empowered to raisetroops for the suppression of the rioters. Amsterdam, Dort, and othertowns, that favoured the Gomarists, protested against this measure, styling it a declaration of war against the Contra-remonstrants. Yet, on the 4th August 1617, Barneveldt's proposition was agreed to, andpromulgated. 

We have mentioned the enmity of Prince Maurice to Barneveldt, on accountof his having promoted the armistice of 1609, and his favouring therepublican party. The Prince professed to consider the edict ofPacification as derogatory of his authority, and forbade the soldiers toobey the States, if they should be ordered to act against the rioters. He publicly declared, that he favoured the Gomarists; he assisted, atthe divine service, in their churches only, and shewed them every othermark of public favour. Exulting in this powerful support, the Gomaristsseparated themselves, formally, from the Arminians. 

[Sidenote: CHAP. V. 1610-1617. ]

To bring over Amsterdam to their sentiments, the States of Holland senta deputation to the burgomasters of that city, and placed Grotius at itshead. On the day after their arrival in Amsterdam, the burgomastersassembled to receive the deputies. Grotius addressed them in anargumentative and eloquent speech. He urged the necessity and advantageof religious toleration, particularly upon theoretical points ofdoctrine. He observed to the assembly, that Bullinger and Melancthon hadbeen tolerated by Deza and Calvin; that James, the King of GreatBritain, had advanced, in his writings, that each of the two oppositeopinions on Predestination might be maintained without danger ofreprobation; that Gomarus himself had declared that Arminius had noterred in any fundamental article of Christian doctrine; that thecontested articles were of a very abstruse nature; that the affirmativeor negative of the doctrines expressed in them, had not been determined;and that toleration would restore tranquillity and union, and favour theassembling of a numerous and respectable synod, which might labour withsuccess in restoring peace to the church. 

Grotius delivered his speech in the Dutch language; it was afterwardstranslated into Latin; all, who heard, admired it; but it produced noeffect on them. The deputies were uncivilly dismissed; and the orationof Grotius, by an order of the States General, was suppressed. [023]

[Sidenote: Feuds of the Remonstrants and Contra-Remonstrants. ]

He was much affected by the bad success of his mission: he was seizedwith a fever, which nearly proved fatal to him. Many of his friendssought to persuade him to retire from the contest: he told them that hehad taken his resolution after deep deliberation; that he was aware ofhis danger, and that he submitted the event to providence. 

The next effort of the States of Holland to pacify the troubles, was toprepare a _formula_ of peace, which the ministers of the two partiesshould be obliged to sign. It contained nothing contrary to the doctrineof Calvin; it referred the five articles to future examination, andprescribed, in the mean time, silence upon the parts in dispute. Grotiusdrew up the Formula; it was shewn to Prince Maurice, and rejected byhim. 

[Sidenote: CHAP. V. 1610-1617. ]

Matters now converged to a crisis:--we have more than once mentioned theopposite politics of Prince Maurice and Barneveldt, theGrand-Pensionary; the former wishing to draw the whole sovereign powerto himself; the latter endeavouring to preserve and stabilitate the theconstitution of the Provinces, as it had been settled by the Act ofUnion. We noticed that the Gomarists sided with the Prince; theArminians with the Grand-Pensionary. As the Prince was aware that theStates of Holland were favourable to the Arminians, that the StatesGeneral were opposed to them, and that the clergy of each denominationpartook of the civil and ecclesiastical opinions of their flocks, heconvened a national synod of the clergy; and, that be might the moreoverawe his opponents and strengthen his own party, he appointed thesynod to meet in Holland. Against this synod the provinces of Holland, Utretcht, and Overyssell protested. Barneveldt was so much affected bythe disturbances, and a view of the evils with which they appeared tothreaten his country, that he sought to resign his place ofGrand-Pensionary; but the States of the province of Holland, whichneeded more than ever the counsels of such an experienced minister, senta deputation to him, beseeching him not to abandon them in times of somuch difficulty. He thought it his duty to yield to their entreaty, andcontinued to exercise the functions of his office. 

[Sidenote: Imprisonment of Barneveldt, Grotius and Hoogerbetz. ]

To frustrate the designs of Prince Maurice, several cities favourable tothe Arminians levied bodies of militia, and gave them the name of_Attendant Soldiers_. The States-General, at the instigation of PrinceMaurice, enjoined the cities to disband them. The cities generallydisobeyed these orders. In this they were justified by the establishedconstitution: the Prince, however, treated their conduct as rebellious;and, in concert with the States General, marched in person, at the headof his troops, against the refractory cities. Wherever he came, hedisarmed and disbanded the new levies; deposed the Arminian magistrates, and expelled the ministers of their party. 

In the provinces of Gueldres and Overyssell, he met with no resistance;and little at Arnheim: greater resistance was expected at Utretcht: theStates of Holland sent Grotius and Hoogerbetz, the Pensionary of Leyden, to stimulate the inhabitants to resistance; but the fortune of thePrince prevailed. In an extraordinary assembly, which consisted of eightpersons only, yet assuming to act as the States General, the Princeprocured an ordonnance to be passed, which directed Barneveldt, Grotius, and Hoogerbetz to be taken into immediate custody. They were accordinglyarrested, and confined in the Castle at the Hague. 

[Sidenote: CHAP. V. 1610-1617. ]

Thus the Prince's party prevailed in every part of the United Provinces. About this time, he succeeded, in consequence of the death of his elderbrother, to the dignity of Prince of Orange. 

CHAPTER VI. 

THE SYNOD OF DORT. 

1618. 

[Sidenote: CHAP. VI. 1618. ]

The States General determined that the Synod[024] should be composed oftwenty-six divines of the United Provinces, twenty-eight foreigndivines, five professors of divinity, and sixteen laymen;--seventy-fivemembers in the whole. The expence was calculated at 100, 000 florins. TheEnglish divines were, Dr. George Carlton, Bishop of Llandaff; Dr. JosephHall, Dean of Worcester; John Davenant, professor of divinity, andMaster of Queen's college, Cambridge; Samuel Ward, Archdeacon ofTaunton, and head of Sidney college, Cambridge. To these were added, Walter Balcanqual, a Scottish theologian, as representative of theScottish churches. The ever-memorable John Hales of Eaton, as thatlearned and amiable person is justly termed by protestant writers, waspermitted to attend the debates of the Synod, but was not allowed tospeak, or take any part in its proceedings. 

[Sidenote: The Synod of Dort. ]

We have mentioned that Arminius was converted to the opinions, which hedefended afterwards so strenuously, by the perusal of a work in supportof the opposite doctrine, which he had been desired to confute. In thesame manner, the proceedings of the Contra-Remonstrants, at the Synod ofDort, made Mr. Hales a Remonstrant. We are informed by his friend Mr. Faringdon, that, in his younger days, he was a Calvinist; but that someexplanations given by Episcopius of the text in John iii. 16, inducedhim, as he himself said, to "bid John Calvin, Good Night. " His lettersfrom Dort to Sir Dudley Carleton, the English ambassador at the Hague, contain an interesting account of the proceedings of the assembly. [025][Sidenote: CHAP. VI. 1618. ]

Dr. Heylin says, in his "Quinquarticular History, " that the theologianssent by King James to Dort, were inclined to condemn the Remonstrants;but he intimates that the monarch acted from reasons of state; and thathe was more hostile to their persons than their doctrines: Brand makesthe same remark upon Prince Maurice. It seems to be admitted, that, inthe conference at Hampton Court, King James declared against absolutepredestination. [026]

The English divines arrived at the Hague on the 5th November 1618: theywere immediately presented to the States General, and most honourablyreceived. 

[Sidenote: The Synod of Dort. ]

The King of France had permitted two Protestant theologians of hiskingdom to attend the Synod; but afterwards revoked the permission. TheFrench Protestant churches had deputed to it, the celebrated Peter deMoulin and Andrew Rivet; but the King prohibited their attending it, under severe penalties. 

After the election of the members was finally adjusted, the Synodappeared to be composed of about seventy Contra-Remonstrants andfourteen Arminians. 

It was opened on the 13th of November 1618. Two commissioners of theStates placed themselves on the right side of the chimney of the room;the English divines were placed on the left; seats were kept vacant forthe French; the third place was assigned to the deputies from thePalatinate; the fourth, to those from Hesse; the fifth, to the Swiss;the sixth to the Genevans; the seventh to the theologians from Bremen;and the eighth to those from Embden. The professors of theology wereplaced immediately after the commissioners; then, the ministers andelders of the country. By an arrangement, favoured by the States, thirty-six ministers and twenty elders were added to the fiveprofessors. Of this the Remonstrants complained, on the just ground, that it evidently gave their adversaries an undue preponderance. 

[Sidenote: CHAP. VI. 1618. ]

The commissioners nominated the celebrated Daniel Heinsius secretary. The Remonstrants objected to him; they admitted his extensiveacquaintance with polite literature, and his elegant taste; butasserted, that he possessed no theological learning, and was prejudicedagainst them. Episcopius was always considered to be at the head of theRemonstrants: he has seldom been excelled in learning, eloquence, orpower of argumentation. 

No further business than arranging the forms of sitting and voting, wastransacted at the _first session_ of the Synod. _At the second_, theSynod constituted John Bogerman its president, and appointed twoassessors and two secretaries: all five were distinguished for theirknown hostility to the Remonstrants. The appointment of Bogermanparticularly offended them, as he openly avowed it to be his opinionthat heretics should be punished by death; and had translated into theDutch language the celebrated treatise of Beza, _de hæreticis a civilimagistratu puniendis_, in which this doctrine is explicitly maintainedin its fullest extent. 

[Sidenote: The Synod of Dort. ]

_In the third session_, --the deputies from Geneva produced theircommission: it was expressed in terms decidedly hostile to theRemonstrants. 

_In the fourth session_, --the grand preliminary question, --in whatmanner the Remonstrants were to be summoned, --came under consideration. After much argument, it was settled, by a great majority of voices, that"Episcopius and some other Remonstrants should within a fortnight, appear before the Synod, as the sovereign ecclesiastical tribunal of theUnited States. "

The Remonstrants and the advocates of their cause protested against thisproceeding: they called in question the authority of the Synod to sit asjudges upon them, or even to decide any point of doctrine definitively:they averred it contrary to the evangelical liberty professed and taughtby the first Reformers. Every friend to the true principles of thereformation must admit the force of this objection. 

The _5th, 6th, 7th, 8th, 9th, 10th, 11th, 12th and 13th Sessions_of the intermediate fortnight, were consumed in debates upon a projectednew translation of the Scriptures; _the 14th, 15th, 16th, 17th, 18th, 19th, 20th_ and _21st Sessions_ were employed in discussions, upon a new catechism, and other ecclesiastical arrangements. 

[Sidenote: CHAP. VI. 1618. ]

The _22d Session_ was held on the 6_th_ of December. TheRemonstrants appeared before the Synod, and requested further time forpreparing their defence on the articles with which they were charged. Their request was denied: and Episcopius having said, that "They wishedto enter into a conference with the Synod, " a resolution was passed, bywhich the Synod declared, that "the Remonstrants had not been cited to_confer_ with the Synod; but to propound their opinions, and submitto its judgment. "

The Remonstrants then paid their visits to the foreign theologians:these they found greatly prejudiced against them; they thereforepublished two short writings, explaining and justifying theirsentiments. 

In _the 23d Session_, Episcopius made a long discourse. Mr. John Hales praised it highly, in a letter addressed by him to theEnglish ambassador An oath was prescribed to the members, by which theypromised, that, in the examination of the five articles, "or any otherpoints of doctrine which should be discussed, they would confinethemselves to the Scriptures, and resort to no human authority. " But, what was the Synod itself more than human authority? The oath was nottendered to the Remonstrants; it was declined by the Swiss. 

[Sidenote: The Synod of Dort. ]

The _24th Session_ was consumed in debates: _on the 25th_, Episcopius read a long document, and afterwards presented it to theSynod. He protested in it against the authority of the Synod, and askedthe searching question, whether the Calvinists would "submit to a Synodof Lutherans?" To this question, no answer was given: an angrydiscussion followed. 

It continued during _the 27th and 28th Sessions_. 

On _the 29th_, the opinions of foreign divines were produced infavour of the authority of the Synod: those of the English divines, andthe divines of Bremen, were expressed with more moderation than theothers. The divines of Geneva stated, that, "if a person obstinatelyrefused to submit to the just decisions of the church, he might beproceeded against in two ways; the _magistrate_ might coerce him, and the _church_ might publicly excommunicate him as a violator ofthe law of God. "

The dispute was more violent in _the 30th Session_. 

Finally, the Remonstrants agreed to propound their sentiments inwriting; but with an express salvo, of their right to liberty ofconscience, and to retain their objections to the authority of theSynod. 

In _the 31st Session_, the Remonstrants presented to theSynod a writing, containing their sentiments upon Predestination, --thefirst and most important of the five articles. 

[Sidenote: CHAP. VI. 1618. ]

In _the 34th Session_, they presented their sentiments upon thefour other articles; and in _the 39th Session_, upon the Catechismof Heidelberg. The Synod had enjoined them to confine themselves toexplanations of their own doctrine, and to abstain from controvertingthe doctrines of the Calvinists. These debates carried the Synod to its_46th Session_. 

In that session, the resolution of the States General upon theproceedings of the Synod was produced. They declared by it, that "theRemonstrants were obliged to submit to the decrees of the Synod, "--andthat "if they persisted in their disobedience to them, both the censuresof the church, and the penalties by which the States punished violatorsof public authority, should be inflicted upon them. " The States orderedthe Remonstrants to remain, in the meantime, in the town. 

The Remonstrants persisting in their refusal to acknowledge theauthority of the Synod, an assembly of it met on _the 57thSession_, and formally expelled the Remonstrants from the Synod. Episcopius exclaimed, "May God decide between the Synod and us!" "Iappeal, " said Niellius, "from the injustice of the Synod, to the throneof Jesus Christ. " All remained firm in their protestation. 

[Sidenote: The Synod of Dort. ]

Mr. Hales and Mr. Balcanqual, in their letters to the Englishambassador, blame the proceedings of the Synod. [027] The only questionbetween the Synod and the Remonstrants was, whether the latter wouldsubmit to acknowledge the authority of the former. This, theRemonstrants uniformly refused to do. In almost every Synod there was arepetition of the same demand, and of the same answer. By every Englishreader, the demand of the Synod will be thought exorbitant. 

[Sidenote: CHAP VI. 1618. ]

The Synod relaxed afterwards so far, as to permit the Remonstrants todeliver their sentiments in writing: they did it at great length. Butthey still persisted in objecting to the authority of the Synod, and tobe examined by it. The Synod therefore proceeded against them in theirabsence; and ultimately, on the 24th of April 1610, pronounced themguilty of pestilential errors, and corruptors of the true religion. Thefive articles were formally condemned; Episcopius and the otherministers were deposed. 

[Sidenote: The Synod of Dort. ]

"There are conclusions, " says Grotius, [028] in a letter written by himin the same year, "in the canons of the Synod of Dort, of which, if goodMelancthon were again to make his appearance, he would express hisdisapprobation, and with which Bullinger would be no less grieved; thereare others, which alienate all the Lutherans from the Calvinists;although amity and concord are desirable between them and us at thisjuncture. There are some points in them, which forbid the Greek churchesfrom uniting with us, though they are very favourable to us; but thereare others of the Dort canons, which admit of no controversy. --It ispossible that they may recall to mind my labours for unity. Even thosewritings, which I published since my calamity, have not been divertedfrom the same peaceful object. " If ever any Protestant divines deservedthe reproach cast by Mr. Gibbon, [029] on the first reformers in general, "of being ambitious to succeed the tyrants whom they had dethroned, "they were the members of the Synod of Dort. 

The Synod was closed on the 29th of May. 

The sentence passed by it on the Remonstrants was approved by the StatesGeneral on the 3d July 1619. On the same day, the Arminian ministers, who had been detained at Dort, were, by a sentence of the StatesGeneral, banished or imprisoned, deprived of their employments, and theeffects of some were confiscated. Similar severities were exercised onthe Arminians in most of the territories subject to the States General. To avoid the persecution, some fled to Antwerp, some to France, thegreater part to Holstein. There, under the wise protection of thereigning duke, they settled, and afterwards built a town, which from himthey called Friedericstadt. 

They continued to assert the irregularity of the Synod: the Bishop ofMeaux shrewdly observed, that "they employed against the authority ofthe Synod, the same arguments as the Protestants use against theauthority of the Council of Trent. "

[Sidenote: CHAP VI. 1618. ]

[Sidenote: The Synod of Dort. ]

For the publication of _Acts of the Council_, divines were chosenout of various districts of the United Provinces: their edition of theActs was published at Dort in the year 1620, in folio, in the types ofthe Elzevirs; and was soon afterwards republished with greatercorrectness, in the same year, at Hanover, in quarto, with an additionof a copious index. --An Epistle of their High Mightinesses the StatesGeneral, addressed to the Monarchs, Kings, Princes, Counts, Cities andMagistrates of the Christian world, and vouching for the authority andauthenticity of the Acts, [030] is prefixed to this edition. TheRemonstrants published an edition of the Acts in 1620, in 4to. : it issaid, [031] that from a fear of their adversaries, it was printed onship-board. 

Here, the history of the Arminians, so far as it is connected with thatpart of the Life of Grotius to which our subject has hitherto led us, seems to close. We shall hereafter be called upon to resume it. 

CHAPTER VII. 

TRIAL AND IMPRISONMENT OF GROTIUS. HIS ESCAPE FROM PRISON. 

1618-1621. 

While the Synod of Dort continued its sittings, Prince Maurice and hisparty were actively employed in increasing the popular ferment againstBarneveldt, Grotius and Hoogerbetz; in collecting evidence of thedesigns and practices of which they were accused, and in framing thelegal proceedings against them in such a manner as was most likely bothto procure their conviction, and to persuade the public of their guilt. 

We have mentioned that their confinement took place on the 20th ofAugust 1618, and that they were removed from the Hague, the originalplace of their imprisonment, to the Castle of Louvestein. On the 19thNovember, the States General, at the instigation of Prince Maurice, nominated twenty-six commissioners for their trial. All the prisonersobjected both to the jurisdiction of the commissioners, and to that ofthe States General; and asserted that the States of Holland were theironly competent judges. They observed, at the same time, that many of thejudges were notoriously prejudiced against the Arminians. 

[Sidenote: Trial and Imprisonment of Grotius. ]

The act of accusation contained many general charges, and many avermentsof particular facts, supposed to substantiate them. It was allegedagainst the prisoners, that they had disturbed the established religionof the United Provinces; that, in direct contradiction of the articlesof union, they had asserted the right of each province to decide foritself in matters of religion; that they had set up the authority andinterests of the States of Holland and West Friesland against those ofthe States General; that they were the authors of the Insurrection atUtrecht; had levied, in opposition to the orders of government, theattendant soldiers; had raised jealousies between the Prince and severalof the Provincial States, and between these and the States General; andthat, by their habitual conduct, they had become public disturbers ofthe tranquillity of the republic, and councillors and practisers ofschemes hostile to its welfare. 

[Sidenote: CHAP. VII. 1618-1621. ]

The Commissioners proceeded to the trial of Barneveldt. Uniformlyprotesting against the competency of the tribunal, Barneveldt defendedhimself with great firmness and ability. He controverted every articleof the accusation, and concluded his defence, by a long and patheticenumeration of the services, which he had rendered to the republic; andof the numerous actions, by which he had shewn his attachment to PrinceWilliam and Prince Maurice:--he proved that it had been principallyowing to him, that the Stadtholderate had been conferred on the latter. He admitted that he had suspected the Prince of designs hostile to theconstitution of the United Provinces, and had opposed the Prince inevery measure, which appeared to have such a tendency; but he assertedthat he never had resorted to means which the laws or constitution ofthe Provinces did not warrant. His arguments were unanswerable; butPrince Maurice was determined on his ruin; and the Commissioners werewholly subservient to the prince's views: they accordingly passedunanimously a sentence of death upon Barneveldt. 

[Sidenote: Trial and Imprisonment of Grotius. ]

Many of the princes of Europe expressed their dissatisfaction at theseproceedings: none so much as the French monarch. To him, the great meritof Barneveldt had been long known. He considered that the conduct ofPrince Maurice was likely to involve the United Provinces in troubles, of which Spain might take advantages. From personal regard toBarneveldt, and with a view of terminating the discord, the monarch sentan ambassador extraordinary to the United States, and ordered him tojoin Du Maurier, his ambassador in ordinary, in soliciting them infavour of the accused, and in labouring to restore the publictranquillity. The ambassadors executed their commission with thegreatest zeal. They made many remonstrances, and had several audiencesboth with the States and the Prince. The States, instigated by thePrince, expressed great indignation at the proceedings of theambassadors. 

All the accused were respectably allied, and had many friends: numerousapplications were made in their favour. They undeviatingly demeanedthemselves with the firmness and modest dignity of conscious innocence. They persisted in denying the guilt attributed to them, and inprotesting against the competency of the tribunal. They made nodegrading submission. At a subsequent time, a son of Barneveldt havingbeen condemned to death, his mother applied to Prince Maurice, for hispardon. The Prince observed to her, that she had made no suchapplication in behalf of her husband; "No, " she replied, "I know my sonis guilty, I therefore solicit his pardon; I knew my husband wasinnocent, I therefore solicited no pardon for him. "

[Sidenote: CHAP. VII. 1618--1621. ]

On Monday morning, May 13, 1619, Barneveldt was informed that he was tobe executed upon that day. He received the notification of it with greatfirmness; he inquired whether Grotius and Hoogerbetz were to suffer:being answered in the negative, he expressed much satisfaction, observing that "they were of an age to be still able to serve therepublic. "

 "The scaffold for his execution, " says Burigni, "was erected in the Court of the Castle at the Hague, facing the Prince of Orange's apartments. He made a short speech to the people, which is yet preserved in the _Mercure Françoise_. 'Burghers!' he said, 'I have been always your faithful countryman; believe not that I die for treason: I die for maintaining the rights and liberties of my country!' After this speech, the executioner struck off his head at one blow. It is affirmed that the Prince of Orange, to feast himself with the cruel pleasure of seeing his enemy perish, beheld the execution with a glass; the people looked on it with other eyes: many came to gather the sand wet with his blood, to keep it carefully in phials; and the crowd of those, who had the same curiosity, continued next day, notwithstanding all they could do to hinder them. 

 "Thus fell that great minister, who did the United Provinces as much service in the cabinet, as the Prince of Orange did in the field. It is highly probable that the melancholy end of this illustrious and unfortunate man was owing to his steadiness in opposing the design of making Prince Maurice Dictator. "[032]

[Sidenote: Trial and Imprisonment of Grotius. ]

The Prince pursued his triumph. Soon after the arrest of Grotius, theStates of Holland presented a petition to the Prince, representing thearrest as a breach of their constitutional rights; the Prince referredit to the States General. To these, therefore, they presented a similarpetition; praying at the same time, that Grotius might be tried by thelaws and usages of the Provinces of Holland: no regard was shewn totheir petitions. 

[Sidenote: CHAP. VII. 1618--1621. ]

Grotius had an invaluable friend:--he was no sooner arrested, than hiswife petitioned to share his confinement throughout the whole of hisimprisonment: it was denied. Grotius fell ill: she renewed theapplication: it was absolutely rejected: but neither his wife, nor anyof the friends of Grotius ever recommended to him an unworthysubmission. He always denied the competency of the tribunal appointed totry him: his wife and brother uniformly recommended him to persist inhis plea. 

Much disregard of form took place, and many arbitrary acts wereperpetrated, in the proceedings against Grotius. On the 18th of May1619, the Commissioners pronounced sentence against him. Afterenumerating all the charges, of which he was accused, and asserting thatall were proved against him, the judges condemned him to perpetualimprisonment, and his estates to be confiscated. The same sentence waspassed on Hoogerbetz; but the house of the latter was assigned to himfor his imprisonment. 

On the 6th of June, Grotius was taken to Louvestein. It lies nearGorcum, in South Holland, at the point of the island formed by the Vaaland the Meuse. Twenty-four sous a day were allowed for his maintenance;but his wife undertook to support him, during his confinement, from herown estate. She was at length admitted into prison with him, oncondition that she should remain in it, while his imprisonment lasted. 

[Sidenote: Trial and Imprisonment of Grotius. ]

At first, his confinement was very rigid: by degrees it was relaxed: hiswife was allowed to leave the prison for a few hours, twice in everyweek. He was permitted to borrow books, and to correspond, except onpolitics, with his friends. 

He beguiled the tedious hours of confinement by study, relieving hismind by varying its objects. Antient and modern literature equallyengaged his attention: Sundays he wholly dedicated to prayer and thestudy of theology. 

Twenty months of imprisonment thus passed away. His wife now began todevise projects for his liberty. She had observed that he was not sostrictly watched as at first; that the guards, who examined the chestused for the conveyance of his books and linen, being accustomed to seenothing in it but books and linen, began to examine them loosely: atlength, they permitted the chest to pass without any examination. Uponthis, she formed her project for her husband's release. 

She began to carry it into execution by cultivating an intimacy with thewife of the commandant of Gorcum. To her, she lamented Grotius'simmoderate application to study; she informed her that it had made himseriously ill; and that, in consequence of his illness, she had resolvedto take all his books from him, and restore them to their owners. Shecirculated every where the account of his illness, and finally declaredthat it had confined him to his bed. 

[Sidenote: CHAP. VII. 1618--1621. ]

In the mean time, the chest was accommodated to her purpose; andparticularly, some holes were bored in it, to let in air. Her maid andthe valet of Grotius were entrusted with the secret. The chest wasconveyed to Grotius's apartment. She then revealed her project to him, and, after much entreaty, prevailed on him to get into the chest, andleave her in the prison. 

The books, which Grotius borrowed, were usually sent to Gorcum; and thechest, which contained them, passed in a boat, from the prison atLouvestein, to that town. 

[Sidenote: His Escape from Prison. ]

Big with the fate of Grotius, the chest, as soon as he was enclosed init, was moved into the boat. One of the soldiers, observing that it wasuncommonly heavy, insisted on its being opened, and its contentsexamined; but, by the address of the maid, his scruples were removed, and the chest was lodged in the boat. The passage from Louvestein toGorcum took a considerable time. The length of the chest did not exceedthree feet and a half. At length, it reached Gorcum: it was intendedthat it should be deposited at the house of David Bazelaer, an Arminianfriend of Grotius, who resided at Gorcum. But, when the boat reached theshore, a difficulty arose, how the chest was to be conveyed from thespot, upon which it was to be landed, to Bazelaer's house. Thisdifficulty was removed by the maid's presence of mind; she told thebystanders, that the chest contained glass, and that it must be movedwith particular care. Two chairmen were soon found, and they carefullymoved it on a horse-chair to the appointed place. 

Bazelaer sent away his servants on different errands, opened the chest, and received his friend with open arms. Grotius declared, that while hewas in the chest, he had felt much anxiety, but had suffered no otherinconvenience. Having dressed himself as a mason, with a rule andtrowel, he went, through the back door of Bazelaer's house, accompaniedby his maid, along the market-place, to a boat engaged for the purpose. It conveyed them to Vervie in Brabant: there, he was safe. His maid thenleft him, and, returning to his wife, communicated to her the agreeableinformation of the success of the enterprise. 

[Sidenote: Chap. VII. 1618-1621. ]

As soon as Grotius's wife ascertained that he was in perfect safety, sheinformed the guards of his escape: these communicated the intelligenceto the governor. He put her into close confinement; but in a few days, an order of the States General set her at liberty, and permitted her tocarry with her every thing at Louvestein, which belonged to her. It isimpossible to think without pleasure of the meeting of Grotius and hisheroic wife. From Vervie he proceeded to Antwerp; a few days after hisarrival in that city, he addressed a letter to the States General: heassured them, that, in procuring his liberty, he had used neitherviolence nor corruption. He solemnly protested that his public conducthad been blameless, and that the persecution he had suffered would neverlessen his attachment to his country. 

[Sidenote: His Escape from Prison. ]

It was on the 22d March 1621, that Grotius obtained his liberty. In thesame year, the truce, concluded for twelve years between Spain and theUnited Provinces expired: it was expected, that the war would be resumedwith more fury than ever. But this did not happen; the war of thirtyyears, which we shall afterwards have occasion to mention, had mixed thecontest between Spain and the United Provinces with the general militaryplans and operations of the parties engaged in it, and had carried muchof the conflict from the Low Countries into Germany. Prince Mauricestill appeared at the head of the army of the United Provinces; but hehad lost, by his persecution of the Arminians, and his selfishintrigues, the confidence of the people. Conspiracies against his lifewere formed: fortune no longer favoured his arms. His attempts to compelthe Marquis Spinola to raise the siege of Bréda were unsuccessful. Thisreverse of fortune preyed upon his mind. He thought himself haunted by aspectre of Barneveldt: he was frequently heard, during his last illness, to exclaim, "Remove this head from me!" "This anecdote, " says the authorof the _Resumé de l'histoire de la Hollande_, "is related by all therepublican historians of the United Provinces; it is concealed by theflatterers of the House of Orange. . . . To relate the remorse of princesfor their crimes, is one of the most useful duties of historians. "

Prince Maurice died in 1625. 

M. Le Clerc, in the 2d volume of the _Bibliotheque Choisée, art. 3_, shews, by unquestionable facts and irresistible arguments, that bothPrince William and Prince Maurice sought to obtain the independentsovereignty of the United Provinces. It was the aim of all theirsuccessors: it has been effected in our times by means, which certainlywere foreseen by none. 

CHAPTER VIII. 

VORSTIUS, --JAMES I. 

1622. 

We must now carry back our readers to events which preceded the Synod ofDort. We have mentioned the decease of Arminius: soon after it, acircumstance took place, which, to the exquisite delight of the monarch, who, at that time filled the British throne, involved him in thetheological disputes of the Belgic theologians. 

Not long after the commencement of the Reformation, several boldinquirers began to deny the trinity of persons in the Deity, the divineauthority of the Old and New Testament, and the existence of mystery inthe Christian dispensation. Both Catholics and Protestants unitedagainst them. To avoid their hostilities, the maintainers of theseopinions fled to Poland, and, forming themselves into a distinctcongregation, published, in 1574, their First Catechism. Theyestablished congregations at Cracow, Lubin, Pinczow, Luck and Smila:but their most flourishing settlement was at Racow. 

[Sidenote: Vorstius--James I. ]

They spread their doctrines over each bank of the Danube, and at lengthpenetrated Italy. There, they were adopted by Loelius Socinus. Aftermany peregrinations in different parts of Europe, he finally settled atZurich. Faustus Socinus, his nephew, inherited his sentiments; and, onthis account, was obliged to quit Zurich. After many wanderings, hefixed his residence at Racow. There, he was received with open arms bythe new communion, and completed their system of theology. From him, they derived their appellation of SOCINIANS. Their doctrine is expressedin the Racovian catechism, published, in the Polish language, in 1605. Other editions of it have appeared. An English translation of theedition of 1605, was published at Amsterdam in 1652: Dr. Toulmin, in hisLife of Socinus, ascribes it, seemingly by conjecture, to Mr. JohnBiddle. In 1818, Mr. Rees published a new translation of it, prefixingto it an interesting historical preface. 

[Sidenote: CHAP. VIII. 1622. ]

Among the disciples of Arminius, was the celebrated CONRADE VORSTIUS, born at Cologne in 1569, of parents in reduced circumstances: he wassoon remarked for his diligence and irreproachable conduct; and was, in1605, appointed to a professor's chair at Steinfurth. In 1610, hequitted it, and was named to succeed Arminius, in the chair of Professorof Theology, at Leyden. "He was beloved and honoured, " says Mr. Chalmers, "at Steinfurth; there, he enjoyed the utmost tranquillity, andwas in the highest reputation; he doubtless foresaw, that in the statein which the controversies of Arminius and Gomarus were at that time, heshould meet with great opposition in Holland. But he was tempted by theglory he should gain by supporting a party, which was weakened byArminius's death. "

[Sidenote: Vorstius--James I. ]

He had previously published his Treatise "_de Deo_. " Some passagesin it were thought to favour the doctrine of Arminius; some, to lead toSocinianism; and some, to have an ulterior tendency. That Arminiushimself discovers these views in his writings, has been frequentlyasserted. Doctor Maclaine, the learned translator of Mosheim'sEcclesiastical History, [033] observes it to be a common opinion, that"the disciples of Arminius, and more especially Episcopius, had boldlytransgressed the bounds, that had been wisely prescribed by theirmaster, and had gone ever to the Pelagians, and even to the Socinians. ""Such, " continues Dr. Maclaine, "is the opinion commonly entertainedupon this matter. But it appears on the contrary evident to me, thatArminius himself had laid the plan of the theological system, that was, in after times embraced by his followers; that he had instilled theprinciples of it into the minds of his disciples; and that these latterdid really no more than bring this plan to a greater degree ofperfection, and propagate with more courage and perspicuity thedoctrines it contains. " To prove this assertion, the Doctor cites apassage from the Will of Arminius, in which he declares, that "his viewin all his theological and ministerial labours, was to unite in onecommunity, cemented by the bonds of fraternal charity, all sects anddenominations of Christians, the papists excepted. " "These words, onthis account, " continues Dr. Maclaine, "coincide perfectly with themodern system of Arminianism, which extends the limits of the christianchurch, and relaxes the bonds of fraternal communion in such a manner, that Christians of all sects and all denominations, whatever their sectsand opinions may be, (Papists excepted) may be formed into one religiousbody, and live together in brotherly love and concord. " It is notsurprising that in the state of religious effervescence, in which theminds of men were at the time of which we are now speaking, a suspicionthat Vorstius entertained the sentiments we have mentioned, orsentiments nearly approaching to them, should have rendered him asubject of jealousy. So greatly was this the case, that theContra-remonstrants appealed against his doctrines to several Protestantstates, and represented to them the doctrine of Vorstius in the mostodious light. Our James I. Accepted the appeal: by a royal proclamation, he caused Vorstius's Treatise _de Deo_ to be burnt in London, and eachof the English Universities. He drew up a list, of the several heresies, which he had discovered in it, commanded his resident at the Hague tonotify them to the States; to express his horror of them, and hisdetestation of those, who should tolerate them. 

[Sidenote: CHAP. VIII. 1622. ]

[Sidenote: Vorstius. --James I. ]

With some intimation of their independence, the States replied, that"the case was of _their_ cognizance;" that "they would examine it;"and that, "if it should appear that Vorstius maintained the doctrinesimputed to him, they would not suffer him to live among them. " Themonarch's orthodoxy was not satisfied with this answer. He repeated hissuggestions, that the States should proceed against Vorstius; andhinted, that if the doctrines should be proved against him, and if heshould persist in them, burning might be a proper punishment for him. The monarch added that, if the States did not use their utmostendeavours to extirpate the rising heresy, he should publicly protestagainst their conduct; that, in quality of defender of the faith, hewould exhort all Protestant churches to join in one general resolutionto extinguish the abomination, and would, as sovereign of his owndominions, prohibit his subjects to frequent so pestilential a place asthe University of Leyden. To his menaces he added the terrors of hispen, and published a "Confutation of Vorstius. "

By the advice of the States, Vorstius replied to his royal adversary ina most respectful manner; still, the royal adversary was not satisfied. Finally, the States condemned the obnoxious doctrines of Vorstius, divested him of all his offices; and sentenced him to perpetualbanishment. Vorstius remained concealed during two years; then found anasylum in the dominions of the Duke of Holstein, who, as we havementioned, took the remains of the Arminians into his protection. 

Vorstius died in 1622. 

CHAPTER IX. 

GROTIUS AFTER HIS ESCAPE FROM PRISON, TILL HIS APPOINTMENT OF AMBASSADORFROM SWEDEN TO THE COURT OF FRANCE. 

1621-1634. 

Soon after the escape of Grotius from prison, he repaired to Paris: inthis, he followed the advice of Du Maurier, the French ambassador at theHague. His works had made him known in every part of Europe, in whichlearning was cultivated: but persons properly qualified to appreciatetheir merit, existed no where in such abundance as at Paris: he waspersonally esteemed and regarded by the monarch; and the principalofficers of state were attached to him. Paris was also recommended tohim by its libraries, the easy access to them, and the habitualintercourse of the men of letters, who, during, at least, a great partof the year, made that city their place of residence. 

[Sidenote: From the Escape of Grotius till his appointment ofAmbassador. ]

Grotius arrived at Paris on the 13th of April 1621. He was immediatelynoticed by a multitude of persons of distinction and rank; but it wasnot till March 1622, that he was presented to the king. His majestyreceived him graciously, and settled upon him a pension of 3, 000 livres. The Prince of Condé, the Chancellor, and the Keeper of the Seals, hadexerted themselves to dispose the king in his favour. His majestyprofessed kindness towards those, who had been persecuted by the States;and issued an edict, dated the 22d April 1622, by which he took themunder his protection, in the same manner as if they were his ownsubjects; he even extended this benefit to their children. Thecelebrated President Jeannin was one of the most active and useful ofGrotius's friends; but he died soon after Grotius arrived at Paris. 

Grotius, during his stay in that city, attended frequently the courts ofjustice. He observed the wretched style of oratory, which at that time, prevailed in them. It was, in some measure, corrected by _Patru_ and _LeMaitre_; but it did not reach its best state, till the end of the reignof Lewis XIV. The rhetorical march and laboured amplifications allowedat the French bar, are offensive to English ears. Has any nationproduced a more perfect style of forensic or judicial eloquence, thanthat of _Sir William Grant_? The wisdom and justice of _Lord Stowell's_decisions, and the admirable arguments by which he explains orillustrates them, are known and acknowledged by every Court. 

[Sidenote: CHAP. IX. 1621--1634]

Grotius's love of his native country continued unabated; all his views, all his hopes, were directed thither. With these feelings he wrote his_Apology_. He composed it in the Dutch language, and translated itafterwards into Latin: it was published in 1622. He dedicated it to thepeople of Holland and West Friesland. It is divided into twentychapters; in the first, he argues the important point, that each of theUnited Provinces is sovereign and independent of the States General, andthat the authority of these is confined to the defence of the provincesagainst their enemies. In the second chapter, he applies the position toecclesiastical concerns; these, he says, are subject to the sovereignpower of each State. In the following chapters, he descends into theparticular charges against him; defending himself against all the crimesand irregularities of which he was accused, and shewing the informalityof the judicial proceedings by which he and his companions in misfortunewere tried and condemned. 

[Sidenote: From the Escape of Grotius till his appointment ofAmbassador. ]

His answer was universally read and approved: It greatly incensed theStates General: They proscribed it, and forbade all persons to have itin their possession, under pain of death; but no answer to it waspublished. The edict made Grotius and his friends entertainapprehensions for his personal safety. On this account, he obtainedfrom the French monarch letters of naturalization, dated the 26thFebruary 1623: By these, his majesty took him under his specialprotection. 

Grotius retained many friends in every part of the United Provinces:Prince Frederick Henry, the brother of Maurice, was among them. He hadnever entered into his brother's persecuting projects. 

"The Count d'Estrades has given us, " says Burigni, "some anecdotes onthis subject, which we shall relate on his authority. He assures us, that, being one day _tête a tête_ with Prince Henry Frederick in hiscoach, he heard him say, that he had much to do to keep well with hisbrother Maurice, who suspected him of secretly favouring Barneveldt andthe Arminians. He told me, (these were the Count's own words), it wastrue that he kept a correspondence with them, to prevent their opposinghis election, in case his brother should die; but that, as it importedhim to be on good terms with his brother, and to efface the notion hehad of his connection with the Arminians, he made use of Vandenuse, oneof his particular friends, and Barneveldt's son-in-law, to let the cabalknow, that it was necessary for him to accommodate himself to hisbrother, that he might be better able to serve them, --which Barneveldtapproved of. "

[Sidenote: CHAP. IX. 1621--1634. ]

In the meantime, the situation of Grotius at Paris, became veryuncomfortable. His resources, and those of his wife, were small; and hispension was paid irregularly. Cardinal de Richelieu wished to attachGrotius; but required from him an absolute and unqualified devotion tohim, which was utterly irreconcileable with the slightest degree ofhonourable independence. Grotius therefore declined the offers of theCardinal. From this time, the Cardinal regarded him with an evil eye, and often made him feel the effects of his displeasure. 

This rendered Grotius desirous of quitting France. Trusting to someprotestations of friendship, which he had received from PrinceFrederick; to his numerous friends, to his claims upon the gratitude ofthe States of Holland, to his feelings of innocence, and to the effectproduced, as he flattered himself, by his _Apology_, he ventured intoHolland in 1631. But he met with no countenance: and in that year wasbanished a second time. Upon this, he formally bade a final adieu toHolland, and determined to seek his fortune elsewhere: He then fixed hisresidence at Hamburgh. 

[Sidenote: From the Escape of Grotius till his appointment ofAmbassador. ]

He sought to preserve his friends in France; but announced to them hisintention to receive no more money from the French government. 

"I shall always, " he said in a letter to the First President of the Courdes Monnoies, "be grateful for the King's liberality; but it is enoughthat I was chargeable to you, while I resided in France. I have neverdone you any service, though I made you an offer of myself. But it wouldnot be proper that I should now live, like an hornet, on the goods ofother men. I shall not, however, forget the kindness of so great a king, and the good offices of so many friends. "

[Sidenote: CHAP. IX. 1621-1634. ]

It may appear surprising that Prince Frederick of Orange shouldpertinaciously exclude Grotius from his native country. But ambitionlistens to nothing that conflicts with its own views. Prince Frederickinherited from his father and brother the wish of becoming the sovereignof the United Provinces. To this, he knew he should always find azealous and able opponent in Grotius: hence, notwithstanding his greatpersonal regard for Grotius, he always kept him a banished man. Grotiuswished to be employed by the Government of England, and Archbishop Laudwas sounded upon this subject; but the application was coldlyreceived[034]. Prince Frederick sustained, both in military and civilconcerns, the character of the former princes of his family. Under hisadministration, the affairs of the republic prospered at sea and land. Peter Haim captured the Spanish flotilla, estimated at twelve millionsof florins. The Prince took Bois-le duc, Maestricht, and Breda, andreduced the Dutchy of Limburgh. Under his auspices, the celebrated VanTromp commenced his career of naval glory, by obtaining a completevictory over the Spanish fleet, consisting of seventy men of war. PrinceFrederick died in 1658. 

From the close of his Stadtholderate, we may date the origin of thejealousy entertained, by France and England, of the rising power of theUnited Provinces. It is to be observed that Prince Frederick wasStadtholder only of the Provinces of Holland, Zealand, Utrecht, Gueldresand Overyssell: Count Ernest Casimir of Nassau was Stadtholder of theprovinces of Gröningen, Frizeland, and the county of the Drenta. In1631, their eldest sons were chosen, in the lifetime of their fathers, their successors in their respective Stadtholderates. This was a greatstep towards making the Stadtholderate hereditary in theirfamilies, --one of the leading objects of their ambitious views. 

CHAPTER X. 

SOME OF THE PRINCIPAL WORKS OF GROTIUS. 

1. _His Edition of Stobæus_. 

2. _His Treatise de Jure Belli et Pacis_. 

3. _His Treatise de Veritate Religionis Christianæ_. 

4. _His Treatise de Jure summarum potestatum circa sacra_. 

5. _His Commentary on the Scriptures_. 

6. _Some other Works of Grotius_

[Sidenote: CHAP. X. 1621-1634]

That literature is an ornament in prosperity, and a comfort in adversefortune, has been often said by the best and wisest men; but no oneexperienced the truth of this assertion in a higher degree than Grotius, during his imprisonment at Louvestein. In that wreck of his fortune andoverthrow of all his hopes, books came to his aid, soothed his sorrows, and beguiled the wearisome hours of his gloomy solitude. His studiesoften stole him from himself, and from the sense of his misfortunes. Inthe exercise of his mental energies, he was sensible of their powers;and it was impossible that he should contemplate, without pleasure, theextent, the worth, or the splendour of his labours; the services, whichhe rendered by them to learning and religion, and the admiration andgratitude of the scholar, which he then enjoyed, and which would attendhis memory to the latest posterity. He himself acknowledged that, in theardour of his literary pursuits, he often forgot his calamities, andthat the hours passed unheeded, if not in joy, at least without pain. 

X 1. 

_His Edition of Stobæus_. 

Being ourselves unacquainted with this work, we cannot do better thanpresent our readers with the account given of it by Burigni. 

 "The year after the publication of his _Apology_, that is to say in 1623, Nicholas Huon printed at Paris, _Grotius's improvements and additions to Stobæus_. This author, as is well known, extracted what he thought most important in the ancient Greek writers, and ranged it under different heads, comprehending the principal points of philosophy. His work is the more valuable, as it has preserved several fragments of the Ancients, found no where else. Grotius, when very young, purposed to extract from this author all the maxims of the poets; to translate them into Latin verse, and to print the original with the translation. He began this, when a boy; he was employed in it at the time of his arrest; and continued it as an amusement, whilst he had the use of books, in his prison at the Hague. He tells us that, when he was deprived of pen and ink, he was got to the forty-ninth title, which is an invective against tyranny, that had a great relation to what passed at that time in Holland. On his removal to Louvestein, he resumed this work, and finished it at Paris. He made several happy corrections in the text of Stobæus; some, from his own conjectures or those of his friends; others, on the authority of manuscripts in the King's library, which were politely lent him by the learned Nicholas Rigaut, librarian to his majesty. 

 [Sidenote: His edition of Stobæus. ]

 [Sidenote: CHAP. X. 1621-1634]

 "Prefixed to this book, are _Prolegomena_, in which the author shews that the works of the ancient Pagans are filled with maxims agreeable to the truths taught in holy writ. He intended to dedicate this book to the Chancellor Silleri: he had even writ the dedication, but his friends, to whom he shewed it, thought he expressed himself with too much warmth, against the censurers of his _Apology_. They advised him therefore to suppress it; and he yielded to their opinion. It may be observed in reading the royal privilege, that the present title of the book is different from what it was to have had. To these extracts from the Greek poets translated into Latin verse, Grotius annexed two pieces, one of Plutarch, the other of St. Basil, on the use of the poets; giving the Greek text with a Latin translation. "

The work was received with universal approbation. 

X. 2. 

_His Treatise de Jure Belli et Pacis_. 

Grotius may be considered as the founder of the modern school of _theLaw of Nature and of Nations_. He was struck with the ruthless manner, in which wars were generally conducted; the slight pretences, upon whichthey were generally begun; and the barbarity and injustice, with whichthey were generally attended. He attributed these evils to the want ofsettled principles respecting the rights and duties of nations andindividuals in a state of war. These, he observed, must depend on theprevious rights and duties of mankind, in a state of peace: this led himto the preliminary inquiry into their rights and duties in a state ofnature. 

Thus, an ample field was opened to him. He brought to it, a vigorousdiscerning mind, and stupendous erudition. From antient and modernhistory, philosophy, oratory, and poetry, he collected facts andsayings, which appeared to him to establish a general agreement of allcivilized nations upon certain principles. From these, he formed hissystem; applying them, as he proceeded in his work, to a vast multitudeof circumstances. These are so numerous, that some persons have notscrupled to say, that no case or international law, either in war or inpeace, can be stated, to which the work of Grotius does not contain anapplicable rule. 

[Sidenote: X. 2. _The Treatise de Jure Belli et Pacis. _]

[Sidenote: CHAP. X. 1621-1634]

Three important objections have been made to this celebrated work, --one, that the author defers in it, too little, to principle, too much, toauthority;--another, that the work is written in a very desultorymanner, with small attention to order, or classification;--a third, thathis authorities are often feeble, and sometimes whimsical. "Grotius, "says Condillac, "was able to think for himself; but he constantlylabours to support his conclusions by the authority of others. Upon manyoccasions; even in support of the most obvious and indisputablepropositions, he introduces a long string of quotations from the Mosaiclaw, from the Gospels, from the fathers of the church, from thecasuists, and not unfrequently, even in the very same paragraph, fromOvid, and Aristophanes. " This strange mixture is subject of manywitticisms of Voltaire. But let us hear what is urged in the defence ofGrotius, by a gentleman, of whose praise the ablest of writers may beproud:

 "Few writers, " says Sir James Mackintosh, in his Discourse on the Study of the Law of Nature and Nations, "were more celebrated than Grotius in his own days, and in the age which succeeded. It has, however, been the fashion of the last half century to depreciate his work, as a shapeless compilation, in which reason lies buried under a mass of authorities and quotations. This fashion originated among French wits and declaimers, and it has been, I know not for what reason, adopted, though with far greater moderation and decency, by some respectable writers among ourselves. As to those, who first used this language, the most candid supposition that we can make with respect to them is, that they never read the work; for, if they had not been deterred from the perusal of it by such a formidable display of Greek characters, they must soon have discovered that Grotius never quotes, on any subject, till he has first appealed to some principles; and often, in my humble opinion, though, not always, to the soundest and most rational principles. 

 [Sidenote: His treatise de Jure Belli et Pacis. ]

 "But another sort of answer is due to some of those, who have criticised Grotius; and that answer might be given in the words of Grotius himself. He was not of such a stupid and servile cast of mind as to quote the opinions of poets or orators, of historians and philosophers, as those of judges, from whose decision there was no appeal. He quotes them, as he tells us himself, as witnesses, whose conspiring testimony, mightily strengthened and confirmed by their discordance on almost every other subject, is a conclusive proof of the unanimity of the whole human race on the great rules of duty, and the fundamental principles of morals. Of such matters, poets and orators are the most unexceptionable of all witnesses; for they address themselves to the general feelings and sympathies of mankind; they are neither warped by system, nor perverted by sophistry; they can attain none of their objects; they can neither please nor persuade, if they dwell on moral sentiments not in unison with those of their readers. No system of moral philosophy can surely disregard the general feelings of human nature, and the according judgment of all ages and nations. But, where are these feelings and that judgment recorded and preserved? In those very writings which Grotius is gravely blamed for having quoted. The usages and law of nations, the events of history, the opinions of philosophers, the sentiments of orators and poets, as well as the observation of common life, are, in truth, the materials out of which the science of morality is formed; and those who neglect them, are justly chargeable with a vain attempt to philosophise without regard to fact and experience, the sole foundation of all true philosophy. 

 [Sidenote: Chap. X. 1621-1634]

 "If this were merely an objection of taste, I should be willing to allow, that Grotius has indeed poured forth his learning with a profusion, that sometimes rather encumbers than adorns his work, and which is not always necessary to the illustration of his subject. Yet, even in making, that concession, I should rather yield to the tastes of others, than speak from my own feelings. I own that such richness and splendour of literature have a powerful charm for me. They fill my mind with an endless variety of delightful recollections and associations. They relieve the understanding in its progress through a vast science, by calling up the memory of great men and of interesting events. By this means we see the truths of morality clothed with all the eloquence (not that could be produced by the powers of one man, but) that could be bestowed on them by the collective genius of the world. Even virtue and wisdom themselves acquire new majesty in my eyes, when I thus see all the great masters of thinking and writing called together, as it were, from all times and countries, to do them homage and to appear in their train. 

 [Sidenote: X. 2. His Treatise de Jure Belli et Pacis]

 "But this is no piece for discussions of taste, and I am very ready to own, that mine may be corrupted. The work of Grotius is liable to a more serious objection, though I do not recollect that it has ever been made. His method is inconvenient and unscientific. He has inverted the natural order. That natural order undoubtedly dictates, that we should first search for the original principles of the science, in human nature; then apply them to the regulation of the conduct of individuals; and lastly employ them for the decision of those difficult and complicated questions that arise with respect to the intercourse of nations. But Grotius has chosen the reverse of this method. He begins with the consideration of the states of peace and war, and he examines original principles, only occasionally and incidentally, as they grow out of the questions, which he is called upon to decide. It is a necessary consequence of this disorderly method, which exhibits the elements of the science in the form of scattered digressions, that he seldom employs sufficient discussion on those fundamental truths, and never in the place where such a discussion would be most instructive to the reader. This defect in the plan of Grotius was perceived, and supplied by Puffendorf, who restored natural law to that superiority which belonged to it, and with great propriety, treated the law of nations as only one main branch of the parent stock. "

[Sidenote: CHAP X. 1621-1634]

Whatever may be the merit of the work of which we are speaking, it mustbe admitted, that few, on their first appearance, and during a longsubsequent period after publication, have received greater or warmerapplause. The stores of erudition displayed in it, recommended it to theclassical scholar, while the happy application of the author's readingto the affairs of human life, drew to it the attention of commonreaders. Among those, whose approbation of it, deserved to be recorded, Gustavus Adolphus, --his prime minister the Chancellor Oxenstiern, --andthe Elector Palatine Charles Lewis, deserve particular mention. [035] Asthe trophies of Miltiades are supposed to have kept Themistocles awake, it has been said that the trophies of Grotius drove sleep from Selden, till be produced his celebrated treatise, "_De Jure naturali et gentiumsecundum leges Ebræorim_. " This important work equals that of Grotiusin learning; but, from the partial and recondite nature of its subject, never equalled it in popularity. 

[Sidenote: X. 9. His Treatise de Jure Belli et Pacis]

The supposed want of general elementary principles in the work ofGrotius gave occasion to Puffendorf's treatise _de Jure Naturae etGentium_; afterwards abridged by him into the small octavo volume _DeOfficio hominis et civis_: an edition of it in octavo was published byProfessor Garschen Carmichael, of Glasgow, in 1724. 

The best edition of Grotius's treatise _de Jure Belli et Pacis_ waspublished at Amsterdam in 1730, by John Barbeyrac. 

Foreigners observe, that the study of the law of nature and nations isless cultivated in England than upon the continent. Is it not, becauseEnglishmen are blessed with a free constitution; are admitted into ageneral participation of all its blessings; are thus personallyinterested in the national concerns; and have therefore a jurisprudence, which comes nearer to their bosoms? Is it not also, because the law ofnature and nations, with all its merit, is so loose, that its principlesseldom admit of that practical application, which renders them reallyuseful; and which an English mind always requires?

X. 3. 

_De Veritate Religionis Christianæ. _

[Sidenote: CHAP. X. 1621-1634. ]

Grotius, while a prisoner in the Castle of Louvestein, had written, inthe Dutch language, "A treatise on the Truth of the Christian Religion. "He afterwards enlarged it, and translated it, so enlarged, into Latin. It was universally read and admired. French, German, English, modernGreek, Persic, and even Turkish versions of it have been made: it wasequally approved by Catholics and Protestants. 

[Sidenote: De Veritate Religionis Christianæ. ]

It was invidiously objected, that he did not attempt to prove, or evenmention, the Trinity, and some other gospel mysteries: he replied, satisfactorily in our opinion, that a discussion of any particular tenetof the Christian religion did not fall within the scope of his work. Inthis respect, he was afterwards imitated by _Abadie_ and _Houteville_, two of the most eminent apologists of Christianity. The latter expresseshimself of the work of Grotius in the following terms:

 "Grotius's work is the first, in which we find the characteristics of just reasoning, accuracy, and strength: he is extremely concise; but even this brevity will please us, when we find his work comprehends so many things, without confounding them or lessening their evidence or force. It is no wonder that the book should be translated into so many languages. "

The best edition of it is that published by Le Clerc, [036] in 1709 atAmsterdam, in 8vo. To this edition, Le Clerc has added a curious_dissertation_ on _religious indifference_. He presumes that thesupposed indifference is persuaded of the authenticity of the NewTestament:--He then (says Le Clerc) must ascertain, --

 1. Which are the denominations of religionists which avow their belief of it:

 2. Which of these are most worthy of the name of Christians:

 3. And which profess the Christian religion in most purity and with least extraneous alloy:

 4. He will find, that all Christians agree in the fundamental articles of faith:

 5. That all these articles are clearly expressed in the New Testament:

 6. That no tenet should be believed to be of faith, unless the New Testament contains it. 

 7. That the providence of God is admirable in the preservation of these tenets, amidst the confused multitude of religious opinions, which have prevailed in the world:

 8. That this confusion was foreseen by God:

 9. That he permitted it as a consequence of his gift of free-will to man:

 10. That the inquirer should aggregate himself to that religious communion, which receives the New Testament as its only rule of faith, and does not persecute others:

 11. That episcopacy without tyranny is the most antient form of ecclesiastical government, and most to be desired; but that it is not essential to a Christian church:

 12. That these were the opinions of Grotius:

 13. Finally, that it is greatly to be desired that a belief of no dogma, not explicitly propounded in the New Testament, should be required. 

Such is the religious system propounded by Le Clerc. --Does any religiouscommunion really profess it?--Many Protestant churches declare, that theBible, and the Bible only, contains their creed: but, do they not allmean by this--the Bible, as it is explained by the Articles, theFormulary, or the Confession received by their church?

X. 4. 

_Grotius's Treatise De Jure summarum potestatum circa sacra_. --And, _Commentatio ad loca quædam Novi Testamenti, quæ de Antichristo agunt, aut agere putantur_. 

Nothing in the life of Grotius places him in a more amiable orrespectable point of view, than his constant attempts to put Catholicsand Protestants into good humour with each other, and to put both intogood humour among themselves. 

[Sidenote: X. 4. His Treatise De Jure summarum potestatum. &c. ]

We have mentioned the _pacific decree of the States of Holland_, whichordered the contending communions to tolerate each other. Grotius issupposed to have framed this wise decree. The Contra-remonstrantsattacked it: Grotius reprinted it, with a collection of proofs andauthorities. 

It gave rise to a controversy on the nice question, respecting theauthority of the temporal power to interfere in the ecclesiasticalconcerns of the state. Grotius adopted, upon this point, the sentimentsof what is termed in England the Low Church: he seems to have pushedthem to their utmost bearings. With these sentiments, he published histreatise _de Imperio summarum potestatum circa sacra_. It was dislikedby King James and his bishops: Grotius, in their opinion, gave too muchauthority, in sacred things, to the secular power. 

On the work of Grotius, respecting _Anti-christ_, we prefer transcribingBurigni's sentiments to delivering our own. 

 "This deep study of the Holy Scriptures led Grotius to examine a question, which made much noise at that time. Some Protestant synods had ventured to decide that _the Pope was Antichrist_; and this extravagance, gravely delivered by the ministers, was regarded by the zealous schismatics, as a fundamental truth. Grotius undertook to overturn such an absurd opinion, that stirred up an irreconcileable enmity between the Roman Catholics and the Protestants; and, of consequence, was a very great obstacle to their re-union, which was the sole object of his desires. He entered therefore upon the consideration of the passages of Scripture relating to Antichrist, and employed his Sundays in it. 

 [Sidenote: CHAP. X. 1621-1634. ]

 "It was this work, that raised him up most enemies. We see by the letters he wrote to his brother, that his best friends were afraid lest they should be suspected of having some hand in the publication of the books, in which he treated of Antichrist. 'If you are afraid of incurring ill will, (he writes thus to his brother), you may easily find people that are far from a factious spirit, who will take care of the impression. Nothing has incensed princes against those, who separated from the church of Rome, more than the injurious names, with which the Protestants load their adversaries; and nothing is a greater hindrance to that re-union, which we are all obliged to labour after, in consequence of Christ's precept and the profession we make of our faith in the creed. Perhaps the Turk, who threatens Italy, will force us to it. In order to arrive at it, we must first remove whatever obstructs a mutual quiet hearing. I hope I shall find assistance in this pious design. I shall not cease to labour in it, and shall rejoice to die employed in so good a work. '

 [Sidenote: His Treatise De Jure summarum potestatum, &c. ]

 "Reigersberg, Blaeu, Vossius himself, however much devoted to Grotius, beheld with concern the printing of this book, because they did not doubt but it would increase the number of his enemies. Grotius informs his brother, of the uneasiness which Vossius gave him on this subject. 'Among those, who wish this work destroyed, ' says he, 'I am astonished and grieved to see Vossius. Whence could he have this idea? I imagine somebody has told him, that it would injure the fortune of his children, if he approved of such books; and that, on the contrary, he would find favour by hurting me. We must therefore have recourse to Corcellius or Corvinus. ' He elsewhere complains of the too great timidity of this old friend, who at bottom approved of Grotius's sentiments, but durst not own them publicly, because he was not so independent as Grotius. 

 [Sidenote: CHAP. X. 1621-1634. ]

 "The treatise on Anti-christ made much noise among all the declared enemies of the Romish church. Michael Gettichius wrote to Ruarus, that he had only glanced over Grotius's book on Antichrist; but as far as he could judge by the first reading, that learned man, who was possessed of such an excellent genius, and such singular erudition, had no other intention than to engage the learned in a further inquiry concerning Antichrist; and to determine them to attack with greater strength, the Romish Antichrist; or, if he wrote seriously, he wanted to cut out a path for going over, without dishonour, to the Papists. Ruarus answers this letter Dec. 16, 1642, from Dantzic. 'I have always (he says) looked on Grotius as a very honest and at the same time a very learned man. I am persuaded that love of peace engaged him in this work. I don't deny but he has gone too far; the love of antiquity perhaps seduced him: no Remonstrant, that I know of, has as yet answered him; but he has been confuted by some learned Calvinists, particularly Desmonets, minister of Bois le duc, who has written against him with much bitterness. '

 "Grotius's work was printed in 1640, with this title: _Commentatio ad loca quædam Novi Testamenti, quæ de Antichristo agunt aut agere putantur:--Expedenda eruditis. "_[037]

X. 5. 

_His Commentary on the Scriptures. _

[Sidenote: X. 5. His Commentary on the Scriptures. ]

The theological works of Grotius are comprised in four volumes folio:the three first contain his Commentary, and Notes upon the Scriptures. On their merit, both Catholics and Protestants considerably differ. Allallow that an abundance of sacred and profane learning is displayed inthem; and that Grotius, by his references to the writings of the Rabbis, and his remarks upon the idiom of the sacred writings, has happilyelucidated a multitude of passages in the text. He uniformly adopts theliteral and obvious signification of the language used by the holypenmen. In explaining the predictions of the prophets, he maintains thatthey referred to events anterior to the coming of Christ, and wereaccomplished in these; so that the natural and obvious sense of thewords and phrases, in which they were delivered, does not terminate inChrist; yet, that in some of the predictions, those particularly, whichthe writers of the New Testament apply to Christ, there is, _besides_the literal and obvious signification, a hidden and mysterious sense, which lies concealed under the external mark of certain _persons_, certain _events_, and certain _actions_, which are representative of theperson, the ministry, the sufferings, and the merits of the Son of God. 

[Sidenote: CHAP. X. 1621-1634. ]

It has been objected, that this system leads to Socinianism, and evenbeyond it. All Catholic, and several episcopalian Protestant divinesobject to it; they generally contend, that the sacred writings oughtalways to be understood in that sense _only_, which has been attributedto them, by the early fathers. --Against this system, Dr. Whitbypublished his celebrated work "Concerning the Interpretation ofScripture after the manner of the Fathers. "[038]

[Sidenote: X. 5. His Commentary on the Scriptures. ]

The system of Grotius was defended, to a certain extent, by _FatherSimôn_, the oratorian, the father of the modern biblical school. Againstboth Simôn and Grotius, Bossuet wielded his powerful lance, --in his"Pastoral Instruction on the Works of Father Simôn, " and his"Dissertations upon Grotius. " In these works he says that, during thirtyyears, "Grotius searched for truth in good faith, and at last was so near it, that it is wonderful that he did not take the last step, to which God called him. Shocked at Calvin's harsh doctrines, he embraced Arminianism; then, abandoned it. More a lawyer than a theologian, more a polite scholar than a philosopher, he throws the doctrine of the immortality of the soul into obscurity. He endeavours to weaken and steal from the church, her most powerful proofs of the divinity of the Son of God, and strives to darken the prophecies, which announce the arrival of the Messiah. "

Bossuet proceeds to particularize some of the principal errors ofGrotius: Le Clerc replied to the prelate's criticism, by his _Sentimensde quelques Theologiens de la Hollande_. --Grotius had also an ableadvocate in Father Simôn. His defence of Grotius against the charge of_semi-Pelagianism_, in the _Bibliotheque de Sainjore_, [039] appears tobe satisfactory. He cites the note of Grotius, on the Acts of theApostles, (the celebrated ch. Xiii. Ver. 38), in which he says expresslythat he does not exclude preventive grace: this the semi-Pelagiansdenied altogether. But in his defence of Grotius against the charge of_Socinianism_, he is not equally successful. Bossuet sent his _PastoralInstruction_, and _Dissertations upon Grotius_, to the bishop ofFréjus, afterward Cardinal de Fleury: he accompanied them by a letter, which closes with these remarkable words:

 "The spirit of incredulity gains ground in the world every day: you have often heard me make this remark. It is now worse than ever, as the Gospel itself is used for the corruption of religion. I thank God that at my age he blesses me with sufficient strength to resist the torrent. "

[Sidenote: CHAP. X. 1621--1634. ]

Dom. Calmet[040] calls Grotius, "one of the most able and moderate Protestant writers: one who spreads throughout his notes a pleasing profusion of profane literature, which causes his works to be sought for and read by those, who have taste for that kind of literature. His high reputation, great erudition, and rare modesty, " says Dom. Calmet, "render it easy for him to insinuate his particular sentiments respecting the divinity of Christ, against which, his readers should be guarded. "

X. 6. 

_Some other Works of Grotius_. 

1. The first which we shall mention is his history of the _Goths, Vandals, and Lombards_, written in the Latin language, and accompaniedby learned dissertations. He composed it, as a testimony of hisgratitude to the Swedes, by doing honour to their gothic ancestors. Thepreface has always been admired, for its erudition and sound criticism. But the Belgic friends of Grotius accused him of elevating the Swedes attheir expense. 

[Sidenote: X. 6. Other Works of Grotius. ]

2. A more important work consists of his _Annals, and History of theUnited Provinces_. The Annals begin with the year 1588, when PrinceMaurice had the greatest influence in the affairs of the UnitedProvinces; and concludes with the truce of twelve years, signed betweenthem and Spain. The impartiality, with which these works are written, has been praised by every writer. 

It is to be lamented that Grotius professed to imitate, both in hisAnnals and History, the style of Tacitus. Expressed by his own pen, thestyle of Tacitus is energetic, picturesque, and pleasing; but it isimpossible to deny its frequent abruptness and obscurity. Generallyspeaking, an imitation of what is defective, contains a larger share, than the original, of its distinctive defect. It should however beadded, that Grotius's own style is short, sententious and broken; andpossesses nothing of the meliflous ease of the ultramontane Latinists;or of our Milton or Buchanan. None of the works of Grotius, which wehave mentioned in this Article, were published till after his decease. 

3. It remains to notice the _Letters of Grotius_, published at Amsterdamin one volume folio, in 1687. --A multitude of his unpublished letters issaid to exist in different public and private libraries. 

[Sidenote: CHAP. X. 1621-1634. ]

His published letters are an invaluable treasure: they abound with wisemaxims of sound policy, and curious discussions on points arising onRoman or Belgic jurisprudence. Many points of sacred and profanelearning, and particularly of the civil and canon law, are treated inthem with equal learning and taste. For the perfect understanding ofthem, the letters of the correspondents of Grotius should be perused:they are principally to be found, in the _Præstantium et EruditorumVirorum Epistolæ Ecclesiasticæ et Theologicæ_, published at Amsterdam in1684. A critical account of the Letters of Grotius, executed with greattaste and judgment, is inserted in the first volume of the _BibliothequeUniverselle et Historique_. [041]

[Sidenote: X. 6. Other Works of Grotius. ]

It is acknowledged that the letters of Grotius, are written in thefinest latinity, and contain much valuable information; but the point, the sprightliness, the genius, the vivid descriptions of men andthings, which are so profusely scattered over the letters of Erasmus, are seldom discoverable in those of Grotius. A man of learning wouldhave been gratified beyond measure, by the profound conversations ofGrotius and Father Petau: but what a treat must it have been, to haveassisted with one, two, or three good listeners, at the conversationsbetween Erasmus and Sir Thomas More!

CHAPTER. XI. 

GROTIUS. --AS AMBASSADOR FROM THE KINGDOM OF SWEDEN TO THE COURT OFFRANCE. 

1634--1645. 

The embassy of Grotius is connected with an important period in thehistory of the War of Thirty years. 

This celebrated war was principally caused by the religious disputes ofthe sixteenth century. Very soon after Luther's first attack on the Seeof Rome, the Reformation was established in Saxony, Livonia, Prussia, and Hesse-cassell; in many imperial towns; in Friezland and Holland; inseveral of the Swiss Cantons; in Pomerania, Mecklenburgh, Anhalt;Sweden, Denmark, Norway; England, and Scotland. Its progress in Germanyis particularly connected with the subject of these pages. 

[Sidenote: Embassy of Grotius in the Court of France. ]

At the diet of Augsburgh, in 1530, the Protestant princes of Germanydelivered to the emperor their Confession of Faith; they afterwards, atSmalcald, entered into an offensive and defensive league against theemperor. Being sensible that they were unable to resist him, theyengaged the French monarch in their cause. At first, the emperor wasvictorious; but a new league was formed. France then took a more activepart in favour of the confederates, and the contest ended in the peaceof Passau, in 1552, there the two parties, for the first time, treatedas equals, and the free exercise of the Lutheran religion was allowed. Things remained quiet during the reigns of Ferdinand the First andMaximilian the Second; but, in consequence of the disputes, which aroseon the succession to the dutchies of Cleves and Juliers, the religiousdifferences broke out with fresh animosity:--the Protestant princesformed a confederacy called the _Evangelical Union_, and placed, at itshead, the Elector Palatine; the Catholics formed a confederacy calledthe _Catholic League_, and placed, at its head, the Duke of Bavaria. Inthe year 1618, they burst into open war; every state in Europe, and eventhe Ottoman princes, at one time or other, took a part in it. France wasthe soul of the Protestant cause; she assisted it with her armies, andher subsidies:--it may be truly said, that, if there be a Protestantstate from the Vistula to the Rhine, or a Mahometan, state between theDanube and the Mediterranean, its existence is owing to the Bourbonmonarchs. From the period of its duration, it has been called the WAROF THIRTY YEARS: it is divided, by its _Palatine, Danish, Swedish, _ and_French_ periods. 

[Sidenote: CHAP. XI. 1634-1645. ]

1. Frederick, the fifth _Elector Palatine_ of that name, being electedKing of Bohemia, by the states of that kingdom, made war on the emperorFerdinand the Second. Being defeated in 1620, at the battle of Prague, and abandoned by his allies, he was driven from Bohemia, and deprived ofhis other states. 

2. Christian the Fourth of _Denmark_, then placed himself at the head ofthe confederacy against the emperor; but, having in 1626, lost thebattle of Lutter, in which Tilly commanded the Austrian forces; hesigned, three years after that event, a separate peace with the emperor. 

In the following year, Gustavus Adolphus, King of Sweden, was placed atthe head of the confederacy. Their cause appeared desperate: Walstein, the Austrian general, had been uniformly successful, and almost thewhole of Germany had submitted to the emperor: but the Austrians soonexperienced a severe reverse of fortune. 

[Sidenote: Embassy of Grotius to the Court of France. ]

3. Lewis XIII filled at that time, the throne of France; his councilswere guided by Cardinal Richelieu, one of the ablest statesmen that hasappeared upon the theatre of the world. Vast, but provident in hisdesigns; daring, but considerate in his operations; capable of thelargest views and the most minute attentions; he formed three immenseprojects, and succeeded in all. 

"When your Majesty, " he thus addresses the monarch in his celebrated_Testament Politique_, "resolved at the same time to admit me into yourcouncils, and to give me a great portion of your confidence, I can saywith truth that the Hugonots divided the state with you; that the great, conducted themselves, as if they were not your subjects, and thegovernors of the provinces, as if they were the sovereigns of them; andthat France was contemned by her foreign allies. "

To reduce the Hugonots, to lower the nobility, to elevate France to bethe preponderating power in Europe, were the three objects, which theCardinal proposed to himself. In each, he had difficulties to encounter, which extraordinary talents only could surmount. By a strictadministration of justice, and severely punishing, without respect torank or connections, those, who engaged in treasonable practices, hecompletely subdued the towering spirit of the nobility; by victoriousarmies and a vigorous dispensation of the laws, he reduced the Hugonots;and, by calling forth all the energies of his country, and arrayinghalf the Continent against Austria and Spain, he gave to France analmost irresistible ascendant in the concerns of Europe. 

[Sidenote: CHAP. XI 1634-1645. ]

To the last only of these three designs our present subject leads us. 

_Sweden_ had long been engaged in a war against Denmark, and highlydissatisfied with Austria. By the persuasion of Richelieu, she madepeace with the Danes, and entered into an offensive and defensivealliance with France. In consequence of it, Gustavus Adolphus was placedat the head of the Protestant confederacy: a large army of Swedesentered Germany; Gustavus was invested with the command of theconfederate forces, and his brilliant campaigns turned the tide ofsuccess in their favour. At Lutzen he obtained a complete victory, butlost his life. 

[Sidenote: Embassy of Grotius to the Court of France. ]

After the death of Gustavus, the States assembled, and the Mareschal ofthe Diet proposed, that the celebrated Christina, the only child ofGustavus, then an infant of very tender years, should be crowned: theMareschal carried her in his arms into the midst of the assembly. Onobserving her, all were struck with her likeness to her father. "Yes!"they cried, "it is she herself! she has the eyes, the nose and theforehead of Gustavus! We will have her for our queen!" She wasimmediately seated on the throne, and proclaimed queen. The regency ofthe kingdom, during the minority of Christina, was conferred on theChancellor Oxenstiern: he had been the confidential minister and friendof Gustavus, and shewed through life that he deserved that confidence, by his wisdom, eminent talents, and spotless integrity. Both the monarchand his minister entertained a high opinion of the abilities and virtueof Grotius: His treatise _De Jure Belli et Pacis_ was found, after thedeath of Gustavus, in the royal tent. 

4. Not long after the disastrous victory of the Swedes at Lutzen, theAustrian and confederate armies conflicted at Nordlingen, in one of themost obstinate and bloody battles recorded in history: the confederateswere completely defeated. The blame was thrown on the Swedes; they weredeserted by almost all their Protestant allies, and the weight of thewar devolved almost entirely upon the Swedes and _the French_. Till thistime, they had acted and negociated on an equality: the loss of thisbattle made the Swedes dependent upon France, and the haughty genius ofRichelieu made them severely feel it. 

[Sidenote: CHAP. XI. 1634-1645. ]

The first object of Oxenstiern was to renew the treaty with France: askilful negociator on the part of Sweden was necessary. Oxenstiernfixed his eye upon Grotius: the penetrating minister had severalconversations with him. The embassy to France was certainly the mostimportant commission, with which a minister from Sweden could becharged: Oxenstiern's appointment of Grotius to it, demonstrated theminister's high opinion of him. Some time in July 1634, he declaredGrotius councillor to the Queen of Sweden, and her ambassador to thecourt of France. Grotius made his public entry into Paris on Friday the2d of March 1635. Nothing of the customary ceremonial or compliment wasomitted in his regard, by the court of France. 

Unfortunately for the success of the embassy of Grotius, two envoys fromsome of the Protestant states in Germany had previously signed a treatywith France, which was generally considered by the confederates to beinjurious to their interests. 

[Sidenote: Embassy of Grotius to the Court of France. ]

The first interview of Grotius with the Cardinal took place on the 28thMarch. During their conference, a dispatch arrived from Oxenstiern toGrotius: it was immediately put into his bands, by the Cardinal'sdesire. It announced a resolution, taken by the Chancellor, to repair toParis, and that he was actually on his journey thither. Richelieu wasdispleased: but he determined to give the chancellor the mosthonourable and flattering reception. On the 21st of April, Grotius metOxenstiern at Soissons: they proceeded together to Paris. Conferencesbetween the Cardinal and the Chancellor immediately took place. Thematter in discussion between the courts were soon arranged: Franceundertook to declare war against the emperor, to subsidize Sweden, andto send an army to co-operate with her forces in Germany. It has alwaysbeen considered highly creditable to the firmness and talents ofOxenstiern, that, in the reduced condition of the Swedes, he couldobtain for them such advantageous terms. Immediately after the treatywas signed, the Chancellor quitted France. During his stay, he shewed amarked attention to Grotius, and expressed unqualified approbation ofhis conduct and views. 

The arms of Sweden again triumphed. In Pomerania, General Bannierobtained important advantages over the imperialists; in Alsace, the armsof the Duke of Saxe-Weimar were equally successful. In the followingyear, the two victorious generals carried their arms into the heart ofthe Austrian territories, and, were almost uniformly successful. 

[Sidenote: CHAP. XI. 1634-1645. ]

But it is foreign to these pages to dwell further on the militaryachievements or political intrigues of the times of which we arespeaking. Humanity shudders at the perusal of the events of this war. Through the whole of its long period, Germany was a scene ofdevastation. In its northern and central parts, the ravages of advancingand retreating armies were repeatedly experienced in their utmosthorrors: many of its finest towns were destroyed; whole villagesdepopulated; large territories laid waste. Frequently the women, thechildren, and the aged, naked, pale, and disfigured, were seen wanderingover the fields, supporting themselves by the leaves of trees, by wildroots, and even grass. The war extended itself into Lorraine: anaffecting account of the calamities, which it produced in that beautifulprovince, was published by Father Caussin, who accompanied Lewis XIIIinto it, as his confessor. 

[Sidenote: Embassy of Grotius to the Court of France. ]

Struck with the scene of woe, St. Vincent of Paul, an humble missionarypriest, who, at that time, resided at Paris, requested an audience ofCardinal de Richelieu. Being admitted, he represented to his eminence, with respect, but with firmness, the misery of the people, the sins, andall the other enormities, which are the usual consequences of war: hethen fell upon his knees, and in a voice, equally animated by grief andcharity, "Sir!" he said to the Cardinal "have mercy upon us! Havecompassion upon the world! Give us peace!" The stern and vindictivegenius of the Cardinal sunk before the man of God. He raised Vincentfrom the ground. He told him, with much apparent benignity, that "thegeneral pacification of Europe was his great object, but thatunfortunately it did not depend on him alone; there being, both withinand without the kingdom, those who sought the contrary, and preventedpeace. " Few ministers have shewn greater ability, or produced greaterpublic or private misery, than Richelieu. It may, on the other hand, bedoubted, whether, at the day of general retribution, when every child ofAdam will have to account for his works, even one will appear with morenumerous deeds of useful and heroic charity than St. Vincent ofPaul. [042]

[Sidenote: CHAP. XI. 1634-1645. ]

The affairs of the important embassy entrusted to Grotius, prospered inhis hands. In his conduct, there was an uniform assemblage of prudence, activity, moderation, and firmness. To the French monarch, he was alwaysacceptable--not always so to the cardinal minister. It was the constantobject of the latter, to delay the payments of the subsidies promisedto Sweden, or to make deductions from them; and to lessen the number ofsoldiers, which France was bound, by treaty to supply. Sometimes byblandishments, sometimes by loftiness, the minister or his agentsendeavoured to induce Grotius to sanction these irregularities: butGrotius was always true to the interests of the country which herepresented: it does not appear, that the Cardinal gained a single pointagainst him. Towards the close of his embassy, Grotius succeeded inrenewing the treaty between Sweden and France, on terms which wereconsidered to do great honour to his diplomatic talents. 

In the discharge of his embassy, Grotius had to sustain otherunpleasantnesses. His pension was not regularly paid: this oftensubjected him to great inconveniences. He had disputes respecting rankand ceremonial, both with the French ministry and the ambassadors ofother states. It must surprise an English reader to find, that Grotiusquestioned the right of the English ambassador to precedence over him:the French court often played one ambassador, against the other. 

[Sidenote: Embassy of Grotius to the Court of France. ]

In the midst of these troubles, Grotius preserved the serenity of hismind; and his attachment to sacred and profane literature. He cultivatedthe acquaintance of the learned and the good, of every communion; andpossessed their esteem and regard. His conduct as ambassador was alwaysapproved by the Chancellor Oxenstiern, while he lived, and after hisdecease, by his son and successor in his office. The Queen of Sweden wasequally favourable to Grotius; but she unadvisedly took an adventurerinto her confidence, and sent him, in an ambiguous character, to Paris. This disgusted Grotius: and age and infirmities now thickened upon him. He applied to the Queen for his recall. She granted it in the mostflattering terms, and desired him to repair immediately to Stockholm, toreceive, from her, distinguished marks of her favour. She wrote to theQueen of France, a letter, in which she expressed herself in a mannerhighly honourable to Grotius: she acknowledged her obligations to himand protested that she never would forget them. This was towards themonth of March 1645. 

[Sidenote: CHAP. XI. 1634-1645. ]

About three years after this event, the war of thirty years wasconcluded by the peace of Westphalia. France and the Protestant princesof Europe dictated the terms: the Swedes were indemnified for theircharges of the war, by Pomerania, Steten, Rugen, Wismar and Verden: thehouse of Brandenburgh obtained Magdeburgh, Halberstad, Minden and Camin;Alsace was conquered, and retained by France; Lusatia, was ceded toSaxony. The history of the treaty of Westphalia has been ably written by_Father Bougeant_, a French Jesuit: some critics have pronounced it thebest historical work in the French language. Till the late revolution ofFrance, it was the breviary of all French aspirants to politicaldistinction. 

CHAPTER XII. 

THE RELIGIOUS SENTIMENTS OF GROTIUS:--SOME OTHER OF HIS WORKS. 

1. _Subsequent History of Arminianism_. 2. _Grotius's ReligiousSentiments_. 3. _His Projects of Religious Pacification_. 

XII. 1. 

_Subsequent History of Arminianism. _

We left the Arminians under the iron arm of Prince Maurice:--He died in1625:--We have mentioned, that Prince Frederick-Henry his brother, andsuccessor in the Stadtholderate, adopted more moderate councils in theirregard; that he recalled the Remonstrants, with some exceptions, frombanishment; that many settled at Amsterdam and Rotterdam; and that theArminians founded a college in the former city:--_Episcopius_ was itsfirst professor of theology:--it has never been without teachers, ofeminence for learning, as Courcelles, Pollemberg, Limborch, Le Clerc, Cottemburgh, and Wetstein. 

[Sidenote: CHAP. XII. ]

It should be added, that the authority of the Synod of Dort insensiblydeclined:--its authority was never formally acknowledged by the provincesof _Friesland_, _Zealand_, _Utrecht_, _Gueldreland_ and_Gröningen_: In 1651, they were induced to intimate that they would seewith pleasure, the reformed religion maintained upon the footing, uponwhich it had been maintained and confirmed by the Synod of Dort; butthis intimation was never considered to have the force of a legislativeenactment. [043]

[Sidenote: XII. 1. History of Arminianism. ]

The theological system of the Arminians, after their return to Holland, underwent, if we credit Dr. Mosheim, [044] a remarkable change. Theyappear, by his account, to have almost coincided with those, who excludethe necessity of divine grace in the work of conversion andsanctification; and think that Christ demands from men, rather virtuethan faith; and has confined that belief, which is essential forsalvation, to very few articles. Thus the modern Arminians, accordingto Dr. Mosheim, admit into their communion, --1st. All, with an exceptionof Catholics, who receive the holy scriptures; and more especially theNew Testament; allowing at the same time to every individual, his owninterpretation of the sacred books:--2dly. All whose lives are regulatedby the law of God:--3dly. And all, who neither persecute nor bear illwill towards those who differ from them in their religious sentiments. Their _Confession of Faith_ was drawn up by Episcopius in 1622: fourdivines of the established church of Holland published a _Refutation_ ofit: the authors of the _Confession_ replied to it in the following year, by their _Apology_. 

[Sidenote: CHAP. XII. ]

James I. Of England directed his theological representatives in theSynod of Dort, to join the members in the condemnation of the doctrinesof Arminius:--but, when the English divines returned from that assembly, and gave a full account of its proceedings, the King and the greatestpart of the English clergy expressed their dissatisfaction with them, and declared that the sentiments of Arminius on the divine decrees, waspreferable to those of Calvin and Gomarus. By the exertions ofArchbishop Laud, and afterwards, in consequence of the general tendencyof the public mind to doctrines of mildness and comprehension, anArminian construction of the English articles on predestination andfree-will was adopted:--it has since prevailed, --and the Arminian creed, by the number of its secret or open adherents, has insensibly foundadmittance into every Protestant church. 

[Sidenote: History of Arminianism. ]

If we believe the celebrated Jurieu[045], Arminianism even in itsSocinian form, abounded, in less than a century, after the death ofArminius, in the United Provinces, and among the Hugonots of theadjacent part of France. By his account, the dispersion of the FrenchHugonots, in consequence of the revocation of the Edict of Nantes, revealed to the terrified reformers of the original school, the alarmingsecret of the preponderance of Socinianism in the reformed church. Itsmembers, according to Jurieu, being no longer under the controul of thecivil power, spread their Socinian principles every where, with theutmost activity and success: even in England, Jurieu professed todiscover the effect of their exertions. He mentions that in 1698, thirty-four French refugee ministers residing in London addressed aletter to the synod, then sitting at Amsterdam, in which they declared, that Socinianism had spread so rapidly, that, if the ecclesiasticalassemblies supplied no means for checking their growth, or usedpalliatives only, the mischief would be incurable. 

[Sidenote: CHAP. XII. ]

This charge, however, the Arminians have indignantly rejected. A writerin the _Bibliotheque Germanique_[046] relates, that

 "the celebrated Anthony Collins called on M. Le Clerc of Amsterdam: He was accompanied by some Frenchmen, of the fraternity of those, who think freely. They expected to find the religious opinions of Le Clerc in unison with their own, but, they were surprised to find the strong stand which he made in favour of revelation. He proved to them, with great strength of argument, the truth of the Christian religion. Jesus Christ, he told them, was born among the Jews; still, it was not the Jewish religion which he taught; neither was it the religion of the Pagan neighbourhood; but, a religion infinitely superior to both. One sees in it the most striking marks of divinity. The Christians, who followed, were incapable of imagining any thing so beautiful. Add to this, that the Christian religion is so excellently calculated for the good of society, that, if we did not derive so great a present from heaven, the good and safety of men would absolutely demand from them an equivalent. "

Throughout the conversation, M. Le Clerc reproached the Deists strongly, for the hatred, which they shewed to Christianity. He proved, that, bybanishing it from the world, "they would overturn whatever was most holy and respectable among men; break asunder the surest bonds of humanity; teach men to shake off the yoke of law; deprive them of their strongest incitement to virtue, and bereave them of their best comfort. What, " (he asked them) "do you substitute in its place? Can you flatter yourself, that you will discover something better? You expect, no doubt, that men will erect statues to you, for your exertions to deprive them of their religion! Permit me to tell you, that the part you act makes you odious and despicable in the eyes of all honest men. "

He finished the conversation by requesting Mr. Collins to bring him nomore such visitors. 

[Sidenote: XII. 1. History of Arminians. ]

From the close of the 17th century, till the present time, Arminianismhas been continually on the increase. It is a just observation of Mr. Gibbon, that "the disciples of Arminius must not be computed by theirseparate congregations. "

Doctor Maclaine says, it is certain, that the most eminent philosophershave been found among the Arminians. "If both Arminians and Calvinists, "says Mr. Evans, in the excellent work we have cited, "claim a _King_ (_James_ I. ), it is certain that the latter alone can boast of a _Newton_, a _Locke_, a _Clarke_, or a _Boyle_. Archbishop _Usher_ is said to have lived a _Calvinist_; and died an _Arminian_. The members of the episcopal church in Scotland; the Moravians, the general Baptists, the Wesleyan Methodists, the Quakers or Friends, are Arminians; and it is supposed that a great proportion of the Kirk of Scotland teach the doctrines of Arminius, though they have a Calvinistic confession of faith. What a pity it is that the opinions either of Calvinists or Arminians, "

--(we beg leave to add: or any other Catholic or Protestant opinionswhatsoever)--

 "cannot in the eyes of some persons be held without a diminution of Christian charity!"

XII. 2. 

_Grotius's Religious Sentiments_. 

[Sidenote: CHAP. XII. ]

To the milder form of Arminianism, Grotius always inclined. During hisembassy in France, he adopted it without reserve. He was soon disgustedwith the French Calvinists. The ministers of Charenton accepted thedecisions of the Synod of Dort, and, in conformity with them, refused, when Grotius repaired to Paris, after his escape from Louvestein, toadmit him into their communion. On his arrival at Paris, in quality ofambassador, they offered to receive him: Grotius expressed pleasure atthe proposal; and, intimated to them, that if he should go into anycountry, in which the Lutherans, knowing his sentiments on the sacramentof our Lord's Supper, should be willing to receive him into theircommunion, he would make no difficulty in joining them. Thus every thingappeared to be settled; but the ministers then objected to receiveGrotius as ambassador from Sweden, because that kingdom was Lutheran. Grotius, upon this, resolved to have the divine service performed in hishouse. Lutherans publicly attended it. "We have celebrated, " he writesto his brother, "the Feast of the Nativity in my house: the Duke ofWirtemberg, the Count de Saxenburgh, and several Swedish and Germanlords, attended at it. " His first chaplain was imprudent, his secondgave him great satisfaction. 

[Sidenote: XII. 2. Grotius' Religious Sentiments. ]

Burigni has collected, in the last chapter of his Life of Grotius, amultitude of passages, which shew his gradual leaning to the RomanCatholic faith. He produces several passages from his works, whichprove, --

_That_ he paid high regard to decisions of the councils, and thediscipline of the primitive church; and thought the sentiments of theantient church should be deferred to, in the explanation of theScriptures: [047]

_That_, the early reformers were held by him in no great esteem:[048]

_That_, mentioning Casaubon's sentiments, Grotius said that this learnedman thought the Roman Catholics of France better informed than those ofother countries, and came nearer to truth than the ministers ofCharenton:--

 "It cannot, " says Grotius, "be denied, that there are several Roman Catholic pastors here, who teach true religion, without any mixture of superstition; it were to be wished that all did the same:"[049]

_That_ the Calvinists were schismatics, and had no mission:[050]

[Sidenote: CHAP. XII. ]

_That_ the Jesuits were learned men and good subjects. "I know many ofthem, " he says, in one of his writings against Rivetus, "who are verydesirous to see abuses abolished, and the church restored to itsprimitive unity. "--We shall hereafter see that Father Petâu, anillustrious member of the society, possessed the confidence ofGrotius:[051]

_That_, Grotius looked upon the abolition of episcopacy and of a visiblehead of the church, as something very monstrous:[052]

_That_, he acknowledged that some change was made in the eucharisticbread; that, when Jesus Christ, being sacramentally present, favours uswith his substance, --as the Council of Trent expresses its doctrine onthe Eucharist, --the appearances of bread and wine remain, and in theirplace succeed the body and blood of Christ: [053]

[Sidenote: XII. 2. Grotius's Religious Sentiments. ]

_That_, Grotius did not approve of the sentiments of the Calvinistsconcerning the Eucharist, and reproached them with their contradiction. 

 "You will hear them state in their confessions, " says Grotius, "that they really, substantially and essentially partake of Christ's body and his blood; but, in their disputes, they maintain that Christ is received only spiritually, by faith. The antients go much further: they admit a real incorporation of Jesus Christ with us, and the reality of Christ's body, as Saint Hilarius speaks. "

It must however be remarked that, although Grotius thought that the term_Transubstantiation_ adopted by the council of Trent, was capable of agood interpretation, it is not clear, what was his precise opinionrespecting the Eucharist. He proposed the following formulary:

 "We believe that, in the use of the supper, we truly, really, and substantially, --that is to say, --in its proper substance, --receive the true body and the true blood of Jesus Christ, in a spiritual and ineffable manner: [054]"

_That_, Grotius justified the decision of the Council of Trent, concerning the number of the sacraments:[055]

_That_, after the year 1640, he took no offence at the use of images inchurches, or at prayers for the dead:[056]

_That_, he thought the bishops of Rome may be in error, but cannot longremain in it, if they adhere to the universal church;--this seems topresuppose the church's infallibility:[057]

[Sidenote: CHAP. XII. ]

_That_ in the opinion of Grotius; fasting was early used in the church;the observance of Lent was a very early practice: the sign of the crosshad something respectable in it; the fathers held virginity a moreperfect state than marriage; and the celibacy of the priests conformableto the antient discipline of the church:[058]

And

 "that those, who shall read the decrees of the Council of Trent, with a mind disposed to peace, will find that every thing is wisely explained in them: and agreeable to what is taught by the Scriptures and the antient fathers. "[059]

It is certain, that Grotius was intimate with Father Petâu, a Jesuit, inferior to none of his society, in genius and learning; that the goodfather used all his endeavours to convert Grotius to the Roman Catholicreligion; and was, at length, so much persuaded of his friend'scatholicity, that, when he heard of his death, he said prayers for therepose of his soul. [060]

[Sidenote: XII. 3. His Project of Religious Pacification. ]

As the religion of Grotius was a problem to many, Menâge wrote thefollowing Epigram upon it: the sense of it is, that--

 "As many sects claimed the religion of Grotius, as the towns, which contended for the birth of Homer. "

 _Smyrna, Rhodos, Colophon, Salamis, Chios, Argos, Athenæ, Siderei certant vatis de patriâ Homeri: Grotiadæ certant de religione, Socinus, Arrius, Arminius, Calvinus, Roma, Lutherus_. 

XII. 3. 

_Grotius's Project of Religious Pacification. _

A wish for religious peace among Christians grew with the growth andstrengthened with the strength of Grotius. It was known, before hisimprisonment at Louvestein, that he entertained these sentiments: heavows them in the dedication to Lewis XIII. Of his treatise _de JureBelli et Pacis_. 

 "I shall never cease, " he says in a letter to his brother, [061] "to use my utmost endeavours for establishing peace among Christians; And, if I should not succeed, it will be honourable to die in such an enterprise. " "I am not the only one, who has conceived such projects, " he writes in another letter to his brother:[062] "Erasmus, Cassander; Wicelius and Casaubon had the same design. La Meletiere is employed at present in it. Cardinal de Richelieu declares that he will protect the coalition; and he is such a fortunate man, that he never undertakes any thing, in which he does not succeed. If there were no hopes of success at present, ought we not to sow the seed, which may he useful to posterity?[063] Even if we should only diminish the mutual hatred among Christians, and render them more sociable, would not this be worth purchasing at the price of some labour and reproaches?"[064]

Grotius expressed himself in similar terms to Baron Oxenstiern: Surelyit is the true language of the Gospel. 

[Sidenote: CHAP. XII. ]

In the first appendix to this work, --we shall insert, an account

 "of the Formularies, Confessions of Faith, and Symbolic Books, of the Roman Catholic, Greek, and principal Protestant churches:"--

In the second appendix, --we shall insert an account of the principalattempts made, since the Reformation, for the re-union ofChristians. --The former is abridged from the "Historical and LiteraryAccount of the Confessions of Faith, " which was formerly published bythe present writer;--the second is an essay appended to that work:--bothhave been before referred to in the present publication. 

[Sidenote: XII. 3. His Project of Religious Pacification. ]

Grotius[065] thought that the most compendious way to produce universalreligious peace among Christians, would be to frame, with theconcurrence of all the orthodox Eastern and Western churches, aformulary which should express, briefly and explicitly, all the articlesof faith, the belief of which they agree in thinking essential tosalvation. In a letter addressed from Paris in 1625, [066] he mentionsthat Gustavus Adolphus had entertained projects of religiouspacification, and had taken measures to effect it; that he had procureda meeting of divines of the Lutheran and Reformed churches and that theyhad separated amicably: Grotius says that the differences between themwere as slight as those between the Greek and Coptic churches. 

For some time, Grotius flattered himself that he should succeed in hisproject of pacification. In one of his letters to his brother, hementions distinguished Protestants, who approved and encouraged them

 "I perceive, " he says, "that by conversing with men of the most learning among the reformed, and explaining my sentiments to them, they are of my opinion; and that their number will increase, if my treatises are dispersed. I can truly affirm, that I have said nothing in them from party spirit, but followed truth as closely as I could. "[067]

[Sidenote: CHAP. XII. ]

He imagined that some Catholics entered into his views. 

 "The ablest men among the Catholics, " he thus writes to his brother, "think that what I have published is written with great freedom and moderation, and approve of it. "[068]

These pacific projects of Grotius cemented the union between him andFather Petâu. 

 "I had, " says that most learned Jesuit, in his 12th Letter, "a great desire to see and converse with Grotius. We have been long together, and very intimate. He is, as far as I can judge, a good man, and possesses great candour. I do not think him far from becoming a Catholic, after the example of Holstenius as you hoped. I shall neglect nothing in my power to reconcile him to Christ, and put him in the way of salvation. "[069]

[Sidenote: His Project of Religious Pacification. ]

[Sidenote: CHAP. XII. ]

[Sidenote: XII. 3. His Project of Religious Pacification. ]

[Sidenote: CHAP. XII. ]

As Grotius lays so much stress on the pacific labours of Erasmus, Wicelius, Cassander and Casaubon, we shall briefly mention, in thepresent chapter, the labours of the three first: Casaubon's we shallnotice, in the second appendix to this work. 

[Sidenote: XII. 3. His Project of Religious Pacification. ]

[Sidenote: CHAP. XII. ] It appears that _Erasmus_ had it incontemplation to compose three dialogues, upon the important subject ofreligious pacification: the speakers were to have been Luther, under thename of Thrasimacus, and a Catholic divine, under that of Eubolus. Inthe first dialogue, they were to have discussed the proper methods ofterminating the religious controversies of the times; in the second, tohave investigated what were the points in controversy, the belief ofwhich was essential to a member of the church of Christ; in the third, they were to have inquired what were the best means to procure a goodunderstanding between the contending parties, and to effect their union. It is to be lamented that Erasmus did not execute his design. Hisgeneral sentiments appear in his _Paraphrase upon the 83d Psalm_; theyare expressed with great wisdom and moderation. [071]

[Sidenote: XII. 3. His Project of Religious Pacification. ]

_Wicelius_, --who is next mentioned by Grotius, had been professed in areligious order: had quitted it, and embraced Lutheranism: he afterwardsforsook that communion, and returned to the Catholic: upon this, he wasappointed to a curacy; and, in the discharge of his functions, obtainedgeneral esteem: he was much regarded by the Emperors Ferdinand andMaximilian. In 1537, he published at Leipsic a Latin work, "On themethod of procuring Religious Concord, --_Methodus ConcordiæEcclesiasticæ_. " He addressed it to the pope, to all sovereigns, bishops, doctors, and generally to all christians, exhorting them topeace, and to desist from contention. He assumed in it, that the truereligion had been preserved in the Catholic church; but he allows thatmodern doctors had involved it in numerous scholastic subtleties, unknown to antiquity. He complains that on one hand the reformers leftnothing untouched; that, on the other, the scholastics would retainevery abuse, and every superfluity: Wisdom, he thought, lay betweenthem; the reformers should have respected what antiquity consecrated;the Catholics should have abandoned modern doctrines and modernpractices to the discretion of individuals. 

The "Royal Road, " or _Via Regia_ of Wicelius, a still more importantwork, was published by him at Helmstadt in 1537. Both works wereapproved, and the perusal of them warmly recommended, by the emperors:they have been often reprinted; they are inserted, with a life of theirauthor, in the second volume of _Brown's Fasciculus_. 

 "If all the divines of those times, " says Father Simôn the oratorian, [073] "had possessed the same spirit as Wicelius, the affairs of religion might have taken a different turn. "

[Sidenote: CHAP. XII. ]

[Sidenote: XII. 3. His Project of Religious Pacification]

_Cassander_, another peacemaker, mentioned with praise by Grotius, isthe subject of a long and interesting article in _Dupin's EcclesiasticalHistory_:[074]

 "He was, " says Dupin, "solidly learned; and thoroughly versed in ecclesiastical antiquity and the controversies of his own times. The flaming zeal, which he had for the re-union and peace of the church, made him yield much to the Protestants, and led him to advance some propositions that were too bold. But he always kept in the communion of the Catholic church. He declared that he submitted to its judgments, and openly condemned the authors of the schism and their principal errors. He was a gentle, humble and moderate man; patient under afflictions, and entirely disinterested. In his disputes, he never returned injury for injury; and neither in his manners nor in his writings were presumption or arrogance ever discoverable. He avoided glory, honor, or wealth; and lived private and retired, having no other thought or wish, but to promote the peace of the church; no employment, but study; no business, but to compose books, which might be profitable to the public; and no passion, but knowing and teaching the truth. "

His character procured him universal respect. The emperor and severalCatholic princes in Germany fixed upon him as a mediator in thereligious disputes, by which the empire was, at that time, agitated. Inconformity with their views he published his celebrated, "_Consultatiode Articulis Religionis inter Catholicos et Protestantes Controversis_. "

 "In this work, " says Mr. Chalmers, "he discusses the several articles of the Augsburgh Confession, stating their difference from the doctrines of the Catholic church, and the concessions that might safely be made in respect to them. This work was written with great liberality, was much applauded by those, who were desirous of a coalition: they were too soon convinced that every attempt of this kind was nugatory. Cassander presented it to the Emperors Ferdinand I. And Maximilian II. They received it favourably; the former invited Cassander to Vienna, but his infirmities prevented his accepting the offer. "

[Sidenote: CHAP. XII. ]

In 1542, Grotius published his "_Road to Religious Peace, --Via ad PacemEcclesiasticam_:" he inserted in it Cassander's "_Consultation_, " andaccompanied it with notes. 

All pacific persons reverenced Grotius, and still reverence his memory, for his attempts to restore the religious peace of Christendom: all theviolent condemned him, and opposed his projects. The contradictions, which he met with, chagrined him; so that he sometimes lost thattranquillity of mind, which he had possessed in his deepest adversity. But, to use his own words, he looked to the blessed Peacemaker for hisreward, and trusted that posterity would do justice to its intentions. --

 "Perhaps, by writing to reconcile such as entertain very opposite sentiments, I shall, " says Grotius, "offend both parties: but, if that should so happen, I shall comfort myself with the example of him, who said, If I please men, I am not the servant of Christ. "

[Sidenote: XII. 3. His Project of Religious Pacification. ]

 "Grotius, " says Burigni, "content with gratifying his pacific desires, expected his reward from posterity. This he clearly intimates in the following verses, written by him on the subject:

 "_Accipe, sed placidé, quæ, si non optimo, certé Espressit nobis non mala pacis amor. Et tibi dic, nostro labor hic si displicet avo, A gratia pretium posteritate feret_. "

The projects of religious pacification did not cease with Grotius:several divines of distinction adopted it; and attempted, some with moreprudence and ability than others, to carry it into effect. The principalof these are noticed in the second appendix to the present work. Nonesucceeded: One description of persons, who engaged in this design, wasdenominated _Syncretists_, or _Calixtines_, from _George Calixtus_ theirleader: the other, from their calling men from controversy to holinessof life, received the appellation of _Pietists_: A third party, --perhapswe may style them, the _Ultra-orthodox_, --more hostile to the formerthan to the latter--arose in opposition to both, and accused them ofsacrificing the doctrines of faith to a mistaken zeal for union andsanctity. [075]

It is certain[076] that the friends of union too often erred inthis, --that they aimed rather at an uniformity of _terms_ than of_sentiments_; and thus seemed satisfied, when they engaged thecontending parties to use the same _words and phrases_, though their_real difference_ in opinion remained the same. This could not bejustified: it tended evidently to extinguish truth and honour, and tointroduce equivocation. 

CHAPTER XIII. 

THE DEATH OF GROTIUS. 

1645

[Sidenote: CHAP. XIII. 1645. ]

Every thing respecting the recall of Grotius being settled, he embarkedat Dieppe for Holland. He was extremely well received at Amsterdam andRotterdam: the constituted authorities, of the former city fitted avessel, which was to take him to Hamburgh: there, after along andharassing journey, he arrived on the 16th of May. From Hamburgh heproceeded to Lübec: the magistrates of that city gave him an honourablereception. He proceeded to Wismar; where Count Wismar, the admiral ofthe Swedish fleet, gave him a splendid entertainment, and afterwardssent him in a man-of-war to Colmar: thence, he went by land toStockholm. When he arrived there, Queen Christina was at Upsal; but, hearing that Grotius was at Stockholm, she returned to that city to meethim. On the day after her arrival, she favoured him with a longaudience: she expressed to him great satisfaction at his conduct, andmade him large promises. These audiences were often repeated; and onceshe permitted him to have the honour of dining with her. She assuredhim, that if he would continue in her service, as Councillor of State, and bring his family into Sweden, he should have no reason to complainof her. But Grotius was anxious to leave Sweden; and his passport beingdelayed, he resolved to quit it without one, and actually proceeded to aseaport about seven leagues distant from Stockholm. The Queen, beinginformed of his departure, sent a gentleman to inform him, that shewished to see him once more. On this invitation he returned toStockholm, and was immediately admitted into the Queen's presence; hethen explained to her his reasons for wishing to quit Sweden. The Queenappeared to be satisfied with them: she made him a present in money oftwelve or thirteen thousand Swedish imperials, of the value of about tenthousand French crowns; she added to the present, some plate, thefinishing of which had, she told him, been the only cause of the delayof his passport. She then put it into his hands, and a vessel wasappointed to carry him to Lübec. On the 12th August he embarked for thatcity. 

[Sidenote: The Death of Grotius. ]

What were his real motives for refusing Christina's offers, or in whatplace he ultimately intended to fix himself, is not known. 

The vessel in which he embarked had scarcely sailed from Lübec, when itwas overtaken by a violent storm, and obliged, on the 17th August, totake shelter in a port fourteen miles distant from Dantzic. Grotius wentfrom it in an open wagon to Lübec, and arrived very ill at Rostock[077]on the 26th August. No one, there, knew him: his great weaknessdetermined him to call in the aid of a physician: one accordinglyattended him: his name was Stochman. On feeling Grotius's pulse, he saidhis indisposition proceeded from weakness and fatigue, and that, withrest and some restoratives, he might recover; but, on the following dayhe changed his opinion. Perceiving that the weakness of Grotiusincreased, and that it was accompanied with a cold sweat and othersymptoms indicating an exhaustion of nature, the physician announcedthat the end of his patient was near. Grotius then asked for aclergyman. _John Quistorpius_ was brought to him. Quistorpius, in aletter to Calovius, gives the following particulars of Grotius's lastmoments:

 "You are desirous of hearing from me, how that Phoenix of Literature, Hugo Grotius, behaved in his last moments, and I am going to tell you. He embarked at Stockholm for Lübec, and after having been tossed for the three days, by a violent tempest, he was shipwrecked, and got to shore on the coast of Pomerania, from whence he came to our town of Rostock, distant above sixty miles, in an open wagon through wind and rain. He lodged with Balleman; and sent for M. Stochman, the physician, who observing that he was extremely weakened by years, by what he suffered at sea, and by the inconveniences attending the journey, judged that he could not live long. The second day after Grotius's arrival in this town, that is, on the 18th of August, O. S. He sent for me, about nine at night, I went, and found him almost at the point of death: I said, 'There was nothing I desired more, than to have seen him in health, that I might have the pleasure of his conversation. ' He answered, 'God had ordered it otherwise. ' I desired him: to prepare himself for a happier life, to acknowledge that he was a sinner, and to repent of his faults: and, happening to mention the publican, who acknowledged that he was a sinner, and asked God's mercy; he answered, '_I am that publican_. ' I went on, and told him that he must have recourse to Jesus Christ, without whom there is no salvation. '

 "He replied, '_I place all my hope in Jesus Christ_. '

[Sidenote: The Death of Grotius. ]

 "I began to repeat aloud in German, the prayer which begins _Herr Jesu:_[078] he followed me in a very low voice; with his hands clasped. When I had done, I asked him, 'if he understood me. ' He answered, '_I understand you very well_. ' I continued to repeat to him those passages of the word of God, which are commonly offered to the remembrance of dying persons; and asking him, 'if he understood me, ' he answered, '_I heard your voice, but I did not understand what you said. _'

 "These were his last words; soon afterwards he expired; just at midnight. His body was delivered to the physicians, who took out his bowels. I easily obtained leave to bury them in our principal church, which is dedicated to the Virgin. "

His corpse, was afterwards carried to Delft, and deposited in the tombof his ancestors. He wrote this modest epitaph for himself, "GROTIUS HIC HUGO EST, BATAVUM CAPTIVUS ET EXSUL, LEGATUS REGNI, SUECIA MAGNA, TUI. "

Burigni informs us that Grotius had a very agreeable person, a goodcomplexion, an aquiline nose, sparkling eyes, a serene and smilingcountenance; that he was not tall, but very strong, and well built. Theengraving of him prefixed to the _Hugonis Grotii Manes_ answers thisdescription. 

It is needless to give an account of his descendants, or theirprosperous or adverse fortunes: they are noticed at length by Burigni. In _Mr. Boswell's Life of Johnson_, mention is made of one who was thenin a state of want. Dr. Johnson, in a letter to Dr. Vyse, "requests him to recommend, an old friend, to his grace the Archbishop of Canterbury. His name, " says the Doctor, "is De Groot. He has all the common claims to charity; he is poor and infirm in a great degree. He has likewise another claim, to which no scholar can refuse attention: he is, by several descents, the nephew of Hugo Grotius; of him, of whom every man of learning has perhaps learned something. Let it not be said, that, in any lettered country, the nephew of Grotius, ever asked a charity, and was refused. "

The reader must be pleased, to be informed, that the application, --itwas for some situation, in the charter-house, --was successful. Dr. Vyseinformed Dr. Johnson of it, by letter. In his answer, "Dr. Johnson, " by Dr. Vyse's account, "rejoiced much, and was lavish of the praise he bestowed upon his favourite Hugo Grotius. "[079]

[Sidenote: The Death of Grotius. ]

Three points were united in Grotius, each of which would stronglyrecommend him to Dr. Johnson: he was learned, pious, and opposed to thedoctrines of Calvin. It is still more unnecessary to mention the variousencomiums, which the learned of all nations have made of Grotius, inprose and verse. That he was one of the most universal scholars, whomthe world has produced, and that he possessed sense, taste, and geniusin a high degree, is universally confessed. It is equally true, thatboth his public and his private character, are entitled to a high degreeof praise. 

When Queen Christina, heard of his death, she wrote to his widow, aletter of condolence, and requested, that the manuscripts which he hadleft, might be sent to her:

 "My ambassador, " the Queen says in this letter, "has made you acquainted, with my high esteem, for his learning, and the good services he did me; but he could not express, how dear I hold his memory, and the effects of his great labours. If gold, or silver, could do any thing towards redeeming such a valuable life, I would gladly employ all, I am mistress of, for that purpose. "

She concludes by asking his widow, for all the manuscripts "of thatlearned man, whose works had given her such pleasure. " The Queen assuresher, that "they could not fall into better hands, " and that, "theauthor, having been useful to her in his lifetime, it was not just thatshe should be deprived, after his death, of the fruits of his labours. "

It remains to mention, that, after the death of Grotius, his wifecommunicated with the Church of England: this, it is said, she did inconformity to the dying injunctions of her husband: it is certain, thatGrotius respected the Church of England. His wife died at the Hague, inthe communion of the Remonstrants. Through life, she was uniformlyrespected; and, whenever the services of Grotius, to sacred and profaneliterature, are recorded, her services to him, should be mentioned withpraise. 

CHAPTER XIV. 

HISTORICAL MINUTES OF THE REVOLUTIONS OF THE GOVERNMENT OF THE SEVENUNITED PROVINCES, FROM THE DEATH OF WILLIAM II. TILL THE ESTABLISHMENTOF THE KINGDOM OF THE NETHERLANDS. 

1680-1815. 

In some of the preceding pages, the principal events in the history ofthe Seven United Provinces, till the death of William II, in 1680, havebeen briefly mentioned: in the present chapter, we shall insert asummary account of the revolutions of their government, till the presenttime. 

XIV. 1. 

_William III. _

1650-1702. 

William III. Was born after the death of William II. His father. Immediately after that event, his mother claimed for him thestadtholderate, and all the other dignities, pre-eminences, and rights, which his father and grandfather had enjoyed; but, so great, at thattime, was the public jealousy of the ambitious views of the house ofOrange, that the States General would not even take her claims intodeliberation. A general assembly of the States was held in 1661. Theyconfirmed the Treaty of Union, of 1579; attributed to themselves, theappointment of all civil and military offices; placed the army under theauthority of the provinces and municipalities, and invested the councilof state with the general direction of the military concerns of thenation. A war with England, which was then governed by Cromwell, soonfollowed; it was the commencement of the naval glory of the UnitedStates. But the government was distracted by the contests anddissensions between the republican and the Orange factions. The formerwere headed by John de Witt. He possessed transcendent abilities, was atrue lover of his country, and, on every occasion, advised the wisestmeasures. Some of the military operations of the States provingunsuccessful, the Orange faction endeavoured to persuade the people, that this reverse of fortune was owing to the want of a Stadtholder; andexhorted them to confer this dignity on the young prince, to beexercised, during his minority, by one of the family. This propositionwas successfully resisted by De Witt. Peace between England and theUnited Provinces being concluded, Cromwell endeavoured to unite them toEngland by a federative alliance; but they rejected the proposition. Atthe suggestion of De Witt, the States of Holland passed an Act, by whichthey bound themselves never to appoint the Prince of Orange, or any ofhis descendants, to the office of Stadtholder, or Captain General; andto prevent, to their utmost power, the other States from making such anappointment. This measure displeased the other States. In 1665, theoffice of Commander in Chief becoming vacant, the opposite partyendeavoured to procure it for one of the Orange family; this attemptalso proved abortive. In 1661 a war broke out between England, --whichwas then governed by Charles II. , and the United States; these displayedin it, chiefly under the command of De Ruyter, prodigies of valour andnaval skill; the year 1667 was famous in their annals, by their fleet'ssailing up the river Thames, and burning the English fleet at Chatham. The peace of Breda immediately followed. 

[Sidenote: XIV. 1. William III. ]

Still, the civil discord continued. The States of Holland renewed the_Edict of Exclusion_, with the addition of a clause, that, whenever aperson should be invested, with the office of Captain, or AdmiralGeneral, he should swear never to aspire to the office of Stadtholder, and to refuse it, if it should be offered to him. 

[Sidenote: CHAP. XIV 1650--1702. ]

The year 1671 is remarkable for the league entered into by Louis XIV. And Charles II. Against the United States, and by their vigourousresistance to it. The circumstances into which it drove the UnitedStates, compelled them to appoint the Prince of Orange Captain Generaland Admiral: he took the oath prescribed by the Perpetual Edict, not toaspire to the stadtholderate, and to reject it, if offered. He was atthis time in his twenty-second year: he owed his elevation to thecritical situation in which the United States were then placed; but itwas also owing to the great prudence with which he had conducted himselfwhen fortune was opposed to him; and to the talents and application tobusiness which he then discovered. 

At sea, the navy of the United States was generally successful. At land, the arms of Lewis XIV. Triumphed; he conquered Gueldres, Overyssell, andthe city and province of Utretcht. This maddened the populace. Theymassacred John De Witt, and Cornelius De Witt, his brother, after havingsubjected them to the cruellest tortures and the most brutalindignities. To the indelible reproach of William III. He did notinterfere to prevent or stop these horrors. His measures for obtainingthe stadtholderate succeeded. 

[Sidenote: XIV. 1. William III. ]

On the 4th of July 1672, it was re-established in the person of WilliamIII. ; and all the dignities and rights enjoyed by his predecessors wereconferred upon him. These, in 1674, were made hereditary in his family. His subsequent conduct is entitled, on many accounts, to the warmestpraise. The success of the United States at sea compelled Charles II. Tomake peace with them, so that Lewis XIV. Was their only enemy. The warwith him was terminated by the peace of Nimeguen in 1678. Ten yearsafter it, the Stadtholder, on the abdication of James II. Became King ofEngland. In 1690, England, Spain, Austria, and the United Provinces, entered into the Grand Alliance against France. The Duke of Savoy andseveral Princes of Germany afterwards joined it. In general, theproceedings of the confederacy were unsuccessful; the war was terminatedin 1697 by the peace of Ryswick. In 1700, the disputes on the successionto the Spanish monarchy, in consequence of the death of Charles II. OfSpain, without issue, called the world again to arms. William III. Diedin 1702. 

XIV. 2. 

_John William Count of Nassau Dietz_, 1702-1711; _William IV_. 1711-1751. 

The government of William III. Was generally displeasing to the UnitedStates: they accused him of sacrificing them to the interests of hisEnglish monarchy, and to the hatred which he always bore to the French. He was also suspected, and not without reason, of a design to acquirethe independent sovereignty of the provinces. At first, his influencewithin them was so great, that he was said to be King in the UnitedStates, and Stadtholder in England; but it declined gradually; and anattempt by him to obtain the succession to the stadtholderate for JohnFriso, Prince of Nassau and Hereditary Stadtholder of Frizeland, absolutely failed. He made, by his will, that prince his testamentaryheir. 

Upon the decease of William III. A general wish to discontinue thestadtholderate was expressed in most of the provinces; those of Holland, Zealand, Utrecht, Gueldres, and Overyssell, came to a formal resolutionto this effect They recognised the supreme power of the States General, and conferred the direction of their political concerns on Heinsius, theactual Grand Pensionary, a person of great learning, uncommon talentsfor business, and acknowledged integrity. 

[Sidenote: XIV. 2. John William Count of Nassau Diets, 1702-1711;William IV. 1711-1749. ]

As testamentary heir of William III. , John-William assumed the title ofPrince of Orange: he died in 1711, without having exercised the power ofthe stadtholderate, except in the province of Frizeland. 

The war of the succession terminated in 1713, by the peace of Utretcht:it was succeeded in 1715 by the Barrier Treaty, and in 1719 by theQuadruple Alliance, ever memorable for the triumphant campaigns ofMarlborough, by which it was followed. The pensionary Heinsius died in1720. In his life-time, several weak attempts had been made, indifferent provinces, to restore in them the stadtholderate. Theysucceeded only at Gueldres; and even there, it was restored with greatlimitations. 

Upon the decease of Prince William-John, his rights and pretensionsdescended to Prince William, his son. In 1733, he married Mary, thedaughter of George II. Of England. This strengthened his cause; but thegeneral spirit of the United Provinces was so averse to theStadtholderate, that it was not till the invasion of Holland, by theFrench, in 1747, that the prince's party judged it advisable to bringforward his claim. At first they met with resistance, but finallyprevailed, and Prince William of Orange became the sole Stadtholder ofevery province: until his time each of the provinces of Frizeland andGroningen had its particular Stadtholder. The dignities of CaptainGeneral and Admiral were also conferred on him; and, in addition tothese, some rights and privileges which no former Stadtholder hadenjoyed. 

The reverses of the United Provinces continued, and the aggrandisementof the Stadtholderate increased proportionally. As yet William IV. Hadno male issue. In 1748, the Orange faction proposed that theStadtholderate should be declared hereditary; and that, in default ofmales, females should be admitted into the succession. After someopposition the measure was carried in all the provinces, exceptFrizeland and Groningen. From this time the United Provinces ceased tobe a republic, and became a monarchy, limited by the antient usages andinstitutions. William IV. Died in 1749. 

XIV. 3. 

_From the Death of William IV. Till the Erection of the Kingdom of theNetherlands_. 

1749-1815. 

At the death of William IV. William, his son, and afterwards hissuccessor in the Stadtholderate, was an infant, in very tender years. His mother was named by the states Governess of the United Provinces. She appointed the Duke of Brunswick to the command of their armies;thus, after all their exertions and sacrifices for liberty, the UnitedProvinces became subject to the government of an English princess and aGerman prince; and an English party became predominant in theirpolitics; William V. Married a princess of Prussia, and thus the Orangeparty was strengthened by Prussian influence. 

[Sidenote: XIV. 3. From the death of William IV. Till the erection ofthe Kingdom of the Netherlands. ]

These opposite, and conflicting interests, filled every province, withdissension; and, on some occasions, armed one body of citizens againstanother. The English party, sided with the Orange faction; the French, with the republicans. At first the latter prevailed; they led the statesinto measures, which forced England to declare war against them. In1782, they acknowledged the independence of the United States ofAmerica. Still, the dissensions continued. After a long conflict, therepublican party acquired the ascendant; they suspended the Prince ofOrange from his functions, and filled all the principal places of trustwith their own adherents. But the Orange party soon rallied; the Duke ofBrunswick entered Holland at the head of a victorious army, and, in1787, re-established the Stadtholderate. 

[Sidenote: CHAP. XIV. 1749-1816. ]

His victorious career, was soon terminated. In 1799, the revolutionaryarmy of France made themselves masters of the whole territory of theUnited States; and established _The Batavian Republic_. It wassuccessively governed, but always under the overpowering controul ofFrance, by a Convention, a Directory, and a Consul, with the appellationof Grand Pensionary. In 1806, even these forms of her antient governmentwere abolished; Napoleon sending Louis, one of his brothers, to reignover the United Provinces, with the title and powers of royalty; butwith an intimation, that France was entitled to his first attentions anda priority of duty. The demands of Napoleon for attentions and dutieswere so exorbitant, that rather than be instrumental in the inflictionof the miseries which a compliance with them must occasion, Louisresigned his throne. Napoleon then incorporated the United Provincesinto his empire, "as an alluvion, " for such he termed them, "to theRivers of France. " Scenes of the most grinding oppression followed: theBatavians were relieved from it by the fall and abdication of Napoleon. 

[Sidenote: XIV. 3. Establishment of the Kingdom of the Netherlands. ]

Before this event, William V. Died, leaving a son, called from hispretensions to the stadtholderate, William VI. We have seen that, on thedeath of the Emperor Charles V. All the seventeen provinces, composingthe Netherlands, devolved to Philip II. His son; the successfuldefection of the Seven United Provinces has been mentioned; the tenremaining provinces were afterwards transferred to the House of Austria, and were inherited by the Emperor Joseph II. The French made an easyconquest of them in an early stage of the Revolution. 

We now reach the ultimate fate of both the divisions of the Netherlands. The congress of Vienna, by an act of the 9th June 1815, created andconferred upon this prince, THE KINGDOM OF THE NETHERLANDS, consistingof the seventeen provinces, and a portion of Luxemburgh. It isconfessedly the first among the kingdoms of the second order. 

 * * * * *

It was our wish to present our readers with a sketch of the literaryhistory of the Netherlands, during the period treated of in thischapter; but after most diligent and extensive searches, both in theBritish and foreign markets, we have not been able to discover materialsfor it; persons of acknowledged learning, both in Germany and theNetherlands, have assured us that no such history exists. 

 * * * * *

APPENDIX

I. 

REFERRED TO IN PAGE 188. 

SOME ACCOUNT OF THE FORMULARIES, CONFESSIONS OF FAITH, OR SYMBOLICBOOKS, OF THE ROMAN CATHOLIC, GREEK, AND PRINCIPAL PROTESTANT CHURCHES. 

The constitutions of the Roman Catholic, and Protestant Churches, differin nothing more, than in the following important points: The CatholicChurch, acknowledges the authority of the Scriptures, and, in additionto them, a body of traditionary law. She receives both under theauthority, and with the interpretation of the Church, and believes thatthe authority of the Church in receiving and interpreting them isinfallible. The Protestant Churches generally profess to acknowledge nolaw but the Scriptures, no interpreter of the Scriptures, but theunderstanding and conscience of the individual who peruses them. 

That the Roman Catholic Church should propound a formulary of her faith, enlarge this formulary from time to time, as further interpretation iswanted, and enforce acquiscence in it by spiritual censures, isconsistent with _her_ principles. Whether such a pretension can beavowed, without inconsistency, by any Protestant Church, has been asubject of much discussion. In point of fact, however, no ProtestantChurch is without her formulary, or abstains from enforcing it bytemporal provisions and spiritual censures. To enforce their formulariesby civil penalties, is inconsistent with the principles, of everychristian church. All churches howsoever have so enforced, and haveblamed the others, for so enforcing them. 

Such formularies, from the circumstance of their collecting into oneinstrument, several articles, of religious belief, are generally knownon the Continent, by the appellation of SYMBOLIC BOOKS. 

I. The symbolic books, received by ALL TRINITARIAN CHRISTIANCHURCHES, --are, 1. _The Symbol of the Apostles_; and

 2. _The Nicene Symbol_. 

II. The symbolic books, received by the ROMAN CATHOLIC Church, --are, 1. The General Councils;

 2. Among these, --_the Council of Trent_, --as immediately applying to the controversies between the Catholic and Protestant Churches, is particularly regarded;

 3. _The Symbol of Pope Pius IV_. ;

 4. _The Catechism of the Council of Trent_. 

III. The symbolic books of the GREEK CHURCH, --are, 1. _The Confession, of her true and sincere faith_, which, on the taking of Constantinople, by Mahomet II, in 1453, Gennadius, its patriarch, presented to the conqueror;

 2. _The Orthodox Confession, of the Catholic and Apostolic Greek Church_, published in 1642, by Mogilow, the Metropolitan of Kiow. 

IV. The symbolic books of the LUTHERAN CHURCHES, are

 1. _The Confession of Augsburgh_;

 2. _The Apology of the Confession of Augsburgh_;

 3. _The Articles of Smalcald_;

 4. _And_, (in the opinion of some Lutheran Churches), --_The Form of Concord_;

 5. _The Saxon, Wirtenburgian, Suabian, Pomeranian, Mansfeldian, Antwerpensian, and Copenhagen Confessions_, possess, in particular places, the authority of Symbolic books:--the two first are particularly respected. 

V. The symbolic books of the REFORMED CHURCHES. The reformed Church, inthe largest extent of that expression, comprises all the religiouscommunities, which have separated from the Church of Rome. In thissense, it is often used by English writers: but, having, soon after theReformation, been used by the French Protestants to describe theirchurch, which was Calvinistic, it became, insensibly, the appellation ofall Calvinistic churches on the Continent. The principal symbolic booksof these churches, --are, 1. _The Confession of the Helvetian Churches_;

 2. _The Tetrapolitan Confession_, --signed by the four cities of Strasburgh, Constance, Memmingen, and Lindau;

 3. _The Catechism of Heidelbergh_;

 4. _The Gallic Confession of Faith_;

 5. _The Belgic Confession of Faith_;

 6. _The Canons of the Council of Dort_. 

 VI. The symbolic books of the WALDENSES, --are, _Their original and reformed Creeds_. 

VII. The symbolic books of the _Bohemians_, --are, 1. _The Confession of faith of the Calixtines and Taborites_, signed at the Synod of Cuttenburgh in 1541;

 2. _The Confession of the faith of the Bohemians_, --inserted in the "Harmony of Confessions, " published at Cambridge in 1680. 

 3. _The Consent of faith at Sendomer_. 

VIII. The symbolic book of the ARMINIANS, --is

 _The Declaration of the Remonstrants_, drawn up by Episcopius, and signed in 1622. 

IX. The symbolic book of the SOCINIANS is _The Catechism of Racow_;--thebest edition of it was published in 1609, reprinted at Frankfort, in1739. An English translation of it has been published by Mr. Rees. 

X. The UNITARIANS have no symbolic book. To Doctor Lardner's _Letter onthe Logos_ they shew universal respect. 

XI. The symbolic books of THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND, --are, 1. _The Theological Oaths_, --containing a Declaration of the belief of the Monarch's spiritual supremacy;--and Declarations against Transubstantiation, --the invocation of Saints, --and the sacrifice of the Mass;

 2. _The Thirty-nine Articles_. 

XII. The symbolic book of the ENGLISH AND SCOTTISH PRESBYTERIANS, --is

 "_The Articles of Religion_ approved and passed by both Houses of Parliament after advice had with an assembly of divines, called together for that purpose. " These were sent into Scotland, and immediately sanctioned by the General Assembly, and Parliament of that kingdom; and thus became a law of the Church and State. 

XIII. The symbolic books of the Anabaptists may be said to be, --

 THEIR SEVERAL CONFESSIONS OF FAITH:--Five were published at Amsterdam, in 1675, in one volume 8vo. 

XIV. The symbolic books of the Quakers, --are, 1. _Barclay's Catechism and Confession of Faith_, published in 1675;

 2. His _Theses Theologicæ_;

 3. His _Apology_, --a logical demonstration of the propositions in the Theses. It was translated into almost every language and presented to all the ministers assembled at Nimeguen;

 4. But some persons assert that the real doctrines of the Quakers are more easily discoverable from _The Christian Quaker and his divine testimony, vindicated by Scripture reason and authorities against the injurious attempts that have been lately made by several adversaries_. --This work appeared in 1674; the first part of it was written by Penn, the second by Whithead, one of his most distinguished disciples. 

XV. It may be added, that the symbolic book of the Jews, --is

 _The Schelosch aikara ikkarim, --the Thirteen Articles of Faith_ framed by Rabbi Moses Ben Maimon in the 12th century: it is frequently inserted in the Jewish prayer books. Sebastian Munster published it with a Latin translation and an abridgment of the History of Josephus, in one vol. 8vo. At Worms in 1529. 

Many Christian Catechisms have been translated into Hebrew for thebenefit of the Jews. 

 * * * * *

An historical and literary account of all these Confessions of Faith, and of several works and circumstances connected with them, is attemptedto be given, by the Author of these pages, in his "_Historical andLiterary Account of the Formularies, Confessions of Faith, and SymbolicBooks, of the Roman Catholic, Greek, and principal ProtestantChurches. _"

THE SYLLOGE CONFESSIONUM printed at the Clarendon Press in 1804, contains the _Professio Fidei Tridentinæ, Confessio Helvetica, Augustana, Saxonica, Belgica_. "

"The Harmony of the Confessions of the Faith of the Christian andReformed Churches" published at Cambridge in 1586, 8_vo_. Attempts toreconcile the Confession of Augsburgh, the Confession of the FourCities, the Confession of Bâsle, the first Confession of Helvetia; theConfession of Saxony, the Confession of Wirtemburgh, the FrenchConfession, the English Confession, the latter Confession of Helvetia, the Belgic Confession, and that of Bohemia. 

On the general subject, _Walchius's Bibliotheca Theologica Selecta_, maybe usefully consulted. 

APPENDIX II. 

REFERRED TO IN PAGE 188. 

ON THE REUNION OF CHRISTIANS. 

The attempts, made at different times for the re-union of Christians, are the subject of a learned and interesting work, published at Paris, with the title of "_Histoire critique des projéts formés depuis troiscents ans pour la Reunion des communions Chretiennes, par M. Tabaraud, ancien Prétre de L'Oratoire, Paris_, 1824. " An excellent sketch of theseattempts had been previously given by _Doctor Mosheim, in hisEcclesiastical History, Cent. XVI. Ch. III. Sect. 3. Part 2. C. 1. AndCent. XVII. Cha. I. Sect. 2. P_. 1. To these publications the reader isreferred:--the present Essay may be found to contain, I. A general view of the attempts made after the Reformation, to unite the Lutheran and Calvinist churches:

 II. Some account of the Attempts made at different times by the sovereigns of France for the conversion of their protestant subjects:

 III. The correspondence of Bossuet and Leibniz, under the auspices of Lewis the Fourteenth, for the reunion of the Lutheran Churches to the Church of Rome:

 IV. Some account of an attempt made in the reign of George the First, to reunite the Church of England to the Church of Rome:

 V. And some general remarks on the Reunion of Christians. 

I. 

_Attempts made to unite the Lutheran, and Calvinist Churches. _

The great division of Protestant Churches is, into the Lutheran, andCalvinist communions. The Abbé Tabaraud relates in the work, which wehave just cited, not fewer than fifteen different attempts to effect areunion of their churches. In reading his account and that given byMosheim of these attempts, the writer thinks that, on each side, therewas something to commend and something to blame. It seems to him, thatthe Lutherans deserve credit for the open and explicit manner, in which, on these occasions, they propounded the tenets of their creed to theCalvinists; that the conduct of the Calvinists was more liberal andconciliating; but that, on the other hand, the conduct of the Lutheranstowards the Calvinists, was generally repulsive, and sometimes deservinga much harsher name; while the conduct of the Calvinists, was sometimeschargeable, with ambiguity. 

 "It was deplorable, " says Mosheim, (Cent. Xvii. Sect. 2. Part 2. Art. 3. ) "to see two churches, which had discovered, an equal degree of pious zeal, and fortitude, in throwing off the despotic yoke of Rome, divided among themselves, and living in discords, that were highly detrimental, to the interests of religion, and the well-being of society. Hence, several eminent divines, and leading men, both among the Lutherans, and Calvinists, sought anxiously, after some method, of uniting the two churches, though divided in their opinions, in the bonds of Christian charity, and ecclesiastical communion. A competent knowledge, of human nature, and human passions, was sufficient, to persuade these wise, and pacific mediators, that a perfect uniformity in religious opinions, was not practicable, and that it would be entirely extravagant, to imagine that any of these communities, could ever be brought, to embrace universally, and without limitation, the doctrines of the other. They made it, therefore, their principal business, to persuade those, whose spirits were inflamed with the heat of controversy, that the points in debate between the two churches, were not essential, to true religion;--that the fundamental doctrines, of Christianity, were received, and professed, in both communions; and that the difference of opinion, between the contending parties, turned, either upon points of an abstruse, and incomprehensible nature, or upon matters of indifference, which neither tended, to make mankind wiser, or better, and in which the interests of genuine piety, were in no wise concerned. Those, who viewed things in this point of light, were obliged to acknowledge, that the diversity of opinions, between the two churches, was by no means, a sufficient reason, for their separation; and that of consequence, they were called, by the dictates of that gospel, which they both professed, to live, not only in the mutual exercise, of Christian charity, but also to enter, into the fraternal bonds, of church communion. The greatest part, of the reformed doctors, seemed disposed, to acknowledge, that the errors of the Lutherans, were not, of a momentous nature, nor of a pernicious tendency; and that the fundamental doctrines of Christianity, had not undergone, any remarkable alteration, in that communion; and thus, on their side, an important step, was made, towards peace, and union, between the two churches. But the greatest part of the Lutheran doctors declared, that they could not form, a like judgment, with respect, to the doctrine, of the Reformed churches; they maintained tenaciously, the importance of the points, which divided the two communions, and affirmed, that a considerable part of the controversy turned upon the fundamental principles, of all religion, and virtue. It is not at all surprising, that this steadiness and constancy of the Lutherans, was branded by the opposite party, with the epithets, of morose obstinacy, supercilious arrogance, and such like odious denominations. The Lutherans, were not behind hand with their adversaries, in acrimony, of style; they recriminated with vehemence, and charged their accusers with instances of misconduct, different in kind, but equally condemnable. They reproached them with having dealt disingenuously, by disguising, under ambiguous expressions, the real doctrine of the Reformed churches; they observed further, that their adversaries, notwithstanding their consummate prudence and circumspection, gave plain proofs, on many occasions, that their propensity to a reconciliation, between the two churches, arose from views of private interest, rather than from a zeal for the public good. "

It is observable that Mosheim applies these observations to a latestage of the reformation, when much of its first violence had subsided. 

The nearest approach[080] to a reunion, between any Protestantchurches, seems to be that, which took place at Sendomer, in the year1570. 

II. 

_Attempts for a Reunion of the Calvinist Churches to the See of Rome. _

Having thus summarily noticed, the unsuccessful attempts, to effect anunion, between the Lutheran, and Calvinist churches, we proceed to asimilar summary mention of the attempts, equally unsuccessful, to effectthe reunion of the Calvinists, to the church of Rome, which were made, 1st, during the reign of Henry the Fourth:

2dly, during the reign of Lewis the Thirteenth: and

3dly, during the reign of Lewis the Fourteenth:

4thly, we shall afterwards notice, the Revocation of the edict ofNantes, and the complete restoration of the protestants of France, totheir civil rights, in the reign of Lewis the Eighteenth. 

II. 1. 

An attempt to reunite the Calvinists to the church of Rome was made atthe celebrated Conference held at Poissi in 1561. In the work which wehave cited, the Abbé Tabaraud gives a short and clear account of thisconference. It failed of success, and a long civil war of religionensued. It was closed by the conversion of _Henry the Fourth_ to theRoman Catholic religion. He was no sooner quietly seated on the throne, than he conceived the arduous, but certainly noble project of pacifyingthe religious contests of the world. It appears that he was induced toentertain hopes of the success of this measure, by the assurances givenhim by the Calvinist ministers, when his change of religion, was inagitation, that salvation might be obtained in the church of Rome; andfrom his expectation of finding a spirit of conciliation, andconcession, in the see of Rome. 

 "I have heard, from persons of distinction, " says Grotius[081], "that Henry the Fourth declared that he had great hopes of procuring for the King of England, and the other protestant princes, who were his allies, conditions, which they could not honorably refuse, if they had any real wish of returning to the unity of the church; and that he had once an intention of employing bishops of his own kingdom on this project; but that this project failed by his death. "

It is said, that with these views he had sent for _Isaac Casaubon_, aprotestant divine of equal learning and moderation, and appointed himhis librarian; and that he intended confidentially employing him inpreparing means for the success of the measure, and smoothing theobstacles which might impede its progress. Grotius[082] mentions, as asaying of Casaubon, that "the catholics of France had a juster way ofthinking than the ministers of Charenton:" these were the most rigid ofthe French Hugonot ministers. It is observable that the Frenchgovernment always considered the Hugonots of a much more refractorydisposition than the Lutherans. 

II. 2. 

The pacific views of Henry the Fourth, were terminated by his decease. The capture of la Rochelle by the arms of _Lewis the XIIIth_, was afatal blow to the political consequence of the Protestant party inFrance. Cardinal Richelieu immediately set on foot a project, for thegeneral conversion, of the body: two persons, of very differentcharacters, were employed by him, in this measure; Father Joseph, acapuchin friar, the confident, of all the cardinal's political andprivate schemes, and Father P. Dulaurens, an oratorian, who lived inretirement, wholly absorbed in the exercises of religion. They beganthe work of reunion by holding frequent conferences, on an amicablefooting, with several of the protestant ministers; and it was resolved, that, with the permission of the pope, and the authority of the king, anassembly, should be convened, of ecclesiastics of each communion. FatherDulaurens, recommended that the intended communications with theministers, should not take place, till they reached, the capital; but, the cardinal, thought it more advisable, that the ministers, should beseparately informed, of the project, before they left the provinces. Itwas accordingly communicated to them, and favourably received, by theministers, of Languedoc, and Normandy, but met with an unfavourablereception, from the ministers of Sedan. It was resolved, that theassembly, should meet, and begin their deliberations, with thedifferences in the opinions, of the two churches, respecting theSacraments. Father Dulaurens recommended, that for some time, at least, the Bible, even in the Calvinist version, of Olivétan, should be theonly book appealed to, on either side, as authority: but the Cardinalinsisted, on a resort to tradition. Grotius mentions that in severalarticles, (as communion under both kinds, and the invocation of saints), the Cardinal was willing, that concessions, should be made to theProtestants; and suggested, that, as a medium, to reconcile them to thePope, a patriarchate should be established, in France, and he himself, be the first patriarch[083]. 

Notwithstanding the general loftiness, and overbearing nature, of hismanners, it appears, particularly from M. De Rullhiêres[084] (6. ) thatthe Cardinal, acted on this occasion, with great moderation, andrecommended to his royal master, a similar line of moderation, in allhis conduct, towards his Protestant subjects. 

II. 3. 

The Cardinal's project, was suspended, by his decease; and resumed, under _Lewis the Fourteenth_. In 1662, a plan, drawn up by M. Le Blancde Beaulieu, a professor of Divinity, at Sedan, singularly esteemed, both by the Roman Catholics, and Protestants, by which the essentialarticles, in dispute, were reduced to a small number, was adopted, bythe Court, to serve as the basis of discussion. It was resolved, thatdifferent synods of Protestant ministers, should be convened; thatthese, should be composed, of ministers of known moderation, and pacificviews, and the articles, drawn up by M. Le Blanc de Beaulieu, presentedto them. Three years were employed, in negotiations for effecting thisproject: several ministers in the lower Languedoc, and the Isle ofFrance, expressed themselves, in terms favourable, to the measure, butthe synod of Charenton, took the alarm, and the project, was abandoned. 

The Revocation of the Edict of Nantes, a measure equally unwise, andunjust, too soon followed. It is more to be attributed, to his ministersand advisers, than to Lewis the Fourteenth himself. From the_Eclaircissemens Historiques_ of M. De Rullhiêres, and the life ofBossuet, by M. Baussét[085], it seems evident, that Lewis theFourteenth, had been induced, to believe, that the number of Protestantswas much smaller; that the conversions of them, would be much morerapid, general, and sincere; and that the measures, for hastening theirconversion, would be much less violent than they really were. It is alsodue, to the monarch, to add, that from the authors, whom we have cited, it is evident, that when he began to perceive the true state, of thetransaction, though from false principles of honour, and policy, hewould not revoke the edict, he wished it not to be put into greatactivity, and checked the forwardness, of the Intendants general in itsexecution. 

It is whimsical, (if on so serious a subject such a word may be used), that the dragonâde, or employment of the dragoon troops, in forcing theconversion, of the Hugonots, was owing to the wish of Louvois, theminister, of Lewis the Fourteenth, to become himself, a missionary. Observing how much the apparent success, of the missionaries, recommended them, to Lewis the Fourteenth, he began to consider them asdangerous rivals for the favour of his royal master, and determined, therefore, to become himself, a principal performer. With this view, heinstituted the dragoon missions, and thus brought a material part, ofthe work of conversion, into the war department. 

II. 4. 

The death of Lewis, and the known disposition of the Regent, appeared tothe Protestant party, in France, to afford a proper opportunity ofrecovering their rights. Duclos, in his _Mémoires secréts sur les regnesde Louis XIV. Et de Louis XV_. , says, that the Regent himself wished torestore the Protestants, to their civil rights, but was dissuaded by hiscouncil. Still, he seldom permitted the edicts against them to beexecuted; and speaking generally, the Protestants seem to have sufferedno active persecution in any part of the reign of Lewis, the XVth. Oneintolerable grievance, however, they unquestionably suffered in everypart of it. Their religious principles did not permit them to be marriedby a Roman Catholic priest, in the manner prescribed by the law of thestate, and that law did not recognize the legal validity of a marriage, celebrated in any other form. The consequence was, that in the eye ofthe law, the marriage of Protestants was a mere concubinage, and theoffspring of it illegitimate. To his immortal honour, _Lewis the XVIth_, by his edict of the 17th of November, 1787, accorded to all hisNon-catholic subjects the full and complete enjoyment of all the rightsof his Roman-catholic subjects. On a division in the Parliament, thisedict was registered by a majority of 96 votes against 16. 

The persecution of the Hugonots in consequence of the revocation of theEdict of Nantes, was condemned by the greatest men in France. M. D'Aguesseau, the father of the celebrated chancellor, resigned hisoffice of Intendant of Languedoc rather than remain a witness of it: hisson repeatedly mentions it with abhorrence. Fénélon, Flechier, andBossuet, [086] confessedly the ornaments of the Gallican church, lamentedit. To the utmost of their power, they prevented the execution of theedict, and lessened its severities, when they could not prevent them. Most sincerely lamenting and condemning the outrages committed by theRoman Catholics against the Protestants at Nismes, as violations of thelaw of God and man, but doubting of the nature and extent, which somehave attributed to them, the writer of these pages begs leave to referto the sermon preached on them by the Reverend James Archer, a RomanCatholic priest, and printed for Booker, in Bond-street, by the desireof two Roman Catholic congregations, as expressing the doctrine of theRoman Catholic church, and of all real christians on heretics and thepersecution of heretics. 

III. 

_The Correspondence of Bossuet and Leibniz, under the auspices of Lewisthe XIVth, for the Reunion of the Lutheran Protestants to the RomanCatholic Church. _

This correspondence forms one of the most interesting events in the lifeof Bossuet; the letters, of which it consists, and the other writtendocuments, which relate to it, are highly interesting. We shall attemptto present our readers with a short account--

 1st. Of the circumstances which led to this correspondence;

 2ndly. Of the Project of Reunion, delivered by Molanus, a Lutheran Divine, and Bossuet's sentiments on that Project;

 3dly. Of the intervention of Leibniz in the negotiation; and

 4thly. Of the Project suggested by Bossuet, and the principal reasons, by which he contended for its reception. 

III. 1. 

It appears that, towards the 17th century, the Emperor Leopold, andseveral sovereign princes in Germany, conceived a project of re-unitingthe Roman Catholic and Lutheran churches. The Duke of Brunswick, who hadrecently embraced the Roman Catholic religion, and published his _FiftyReasons for his conversion_, (once a popular work of controversy), andthe Duke of Hanover, the father of the first prince of the illustrioushouse, which now fills the throne of England, were the originalpromoters of the attempt. It was generally approved; and the mention ofit at the Diet of the Empire was favourably received. Somecommunications upon it took place between the Emperor and the ducalPrinces: and with all their knowledge, several conferences were heldupon the subject, between certain distinguished Roman Catholic andProtestant Divines. In these, the Bishop of Neustadt, and Molanus, theAbbot of Lokkum, took the lead. The first had been consecrated Bishop ofTina in Bosnia, then under the dominion of the Turks, with OrdinaryJurisdiction over some parts of the Turkish territories. His conduct hadrecommended him to Innocent the XIth, and that pope had directed him tovisit the Protestant states in Germany, and inform him of their actualdispositions in respect to the Church of Rome. In consequence of thismission, he became known to the Emperor, who appointed him to the See ofNeustadt, in the neighbourhood of Vienna. Molanus, was Director of theProtestant Churches and Consistories of Hanover. Both were admirablycalculated for the office intended them, on this occasion. Eachpossessed the confidence of his own party, and was esteemed by theother; each was profoundly versed in the matters in dispute; eachpossessed good sense, moderation, and conciliating manners; and each hadthe success of the business at heart, with a fixed purpose, thatnothing, but a real difference on some essential article of doctrine, should frustrate the project. 

The effect of the first conferences was so promising, that the Emperorand the two Princes resolved, that they should be conducted in a mannermore regular, and more likely to bring the object of them to aconclusion. With this view, the business was formally entrusted by boththe princes to Molanus alone, and the Emperor published a rescript, dated the 20th March, 1691, by which he gave the Bishop of Neustadt fullauthority to treat, on all matters of religion, with the states, communities, and individuals of the empire, reserving to theecclesiastical and imperial powers, their right to confirm the acts ofthe Bishop, as they should judge adviseable. Under these auspiciouscircumstances, the conference between the Bishop of Neustadt and Molanusbegan. 

But, before the events which we have mentioned took place, acorrespondence on the subject of a general reunion between Catholics andProtestants had been carried on for some time, between Pelisson andLeibniz. The former held a considerable rank among the French writers, who adorned the reign of Lewis the Fourteenth; the latter was eminentlydistinguished in the literary world. In the exact sciences, he wasinferior to Newton alone; in metaphysics, he had no superior; in generallearning, he had scarcely a rival. He had recommended himself to theBrunswick family, by three volumes, which he had recently published, onthe Antiquities of that illustrious House; and was then engaged in theinvestigation of its Italian descent, and early German shoots. Theresult of it, under the title of _Origines Guelphicæ_, was published, after his decease, by Scheidius, and is considered to be a perfect modelof genealogical history. He was also thoroughly conversant in thetheological disputes of the times; and in all the questions of dogma, or history, which enter into them. 

His correspondence with Pelisson, came to the knowledge of Louisa, Princess Palatine, and Abbess of Maubrusson. She was a daughter ofFrederick, the Elector, and Count Palatine of the Rhine, and a sister, of the Duchess of Hanover. In early life, she had been converted to theRoman Catholic religion, and had the conversion of her sister, very muchat heart. With this view, she sent to her, the correspondence betweenLeibniz and Pelisson, and received from her an account of what waspassing, between the Bishop of Neustadt, and Molanus. Both the ladieswere anxious, to promote the measure, and that Bossuet should take init, the leading part, on the side of the Catholics. This was mentionedto Lewis the Fourteenth, and had his approbation. The Emperor and boththe Princes, by all of whom Bossuet, was personally esteemed, equallyapproved of it, and it was finally settled that Bossuet and Leibniz, should be joined, to the Bishops of Neustadt, and Molanus, and that thecorrespondence with Bossuet, should pass through the hands of Madame deBrinon, who acted, as secretary to the Abbess of Maubrusson, and iscelebrated, by the writers of the times, for her wit and dexterity inbusiness. Thus the matter assumed, a still more regular form, and muchwas expected from the acknowledged talents, learning, and moderation ofthe actors in it, and their patrons. 

III. 2. 

The conferences between the Bishop of Neustadt, and Molanus continuedfor seven months, and ended in their agreeing on 12 articles, to servefor the basis of the discussion, on the terms of the reunion. 

The Bishop of Neustadt, communicated these articles to Bossuet. Heseems, to have approved of them generally, but to have thought, thatsome alteration in them, was adviseable. This being mentioned toMolanus, he published his _Cogitationes Privatæ_, a profound andconciliating dissertation. Without entering into any discussion, on thepoints in dispute, between the churches, he suggested in it a kind oftruce, during which, there should be ecclesiastical communion betweenthem: the Lutherans, were to acknowledge the Pope, as the first ofBishops, in order, and dignity: the Church of Rome, was to receive theLutherans, as her children, without exacting from them, any retractationof their alledged errors, or any renunciation, of the articles in theircreed, condemned by the Council of Trent. The anathemas of that council, were to be suspended, and a general council was to be convened, in whichthe Protestants were to have a deliberative voice: the sentence of thatcouncil, was to be definitive, and, in the mean time, the members ofeach party, were to treat the members of the other, as brethren, whoseerrors, however great they might appear, were to be tolerated, frommotives of peace, and in consideration, of their engagements to abandonthem, if the council should pronounce against them. To show theprobability of a final accommodation, Molanus notices, in hisDissertation, several points, in which one party imputed to the othererrors, not justly chargeable on them; several, on which they disputed, merely for want of rightly understanding each other; and several, inwhich the dispute was of words only. 

It appears that the Bishop of Neustadt, communicated this dissertation, to Bossuet, and that Bossuet was delighted, with the good sense, candour, and true spirit of conciliation, which it displayed. In hisletters he frequently mentions the author, and always in terms, Of thehighest praise. His own language was equally moderate and conciliating. 

 "The Council of Trent, " he says in one of his letters, "is our stay; but we shall not use it to prejudice the cause. This would be, to take for granted, what is in dispute between us. We shall deal more fairly with our opponents. We shall make the council serve, for a statement, and explanation, of our doctrines. Thus, we shall come to an explanation, on those points, in which either of us imputes to the other, what he does not believe, and in which we dispute, only because we misconceive each other. This may lead us far; for _the Abbot of Lokkum, has actually conciliated the points so essential, of Justification, and the Eucharist: nothing is wanting in him, on that side, but that he should be avowed. Why should we not hope to conclude, in the same manner, disputes, less difficult, and of less importance? Cela se peut pousser si avant, que M. L'Abbé de Lokkum, a concilié, actuellement les points si essentiels, de la justification, et du sacrifice de l'Eucharistie, et il ne lui manque de ce coté la, que de se faire avouer. Pourquoi ne pas espérer de finir, par les mêmes moyens, des disputes, moins difficiles, et moins importantes?"_

With these rational and conciliatory dispositions, Bossuet, and Molanus, proceeded. But, after this stage of the business, Molanus disappears, and Leibniz comes on the scene. 

III. 3. 

A Letter, written by Bossuet to M^me de Brinon, having been communicatedby her to Leibniz, opened the correspondence between him and Bossuet. Inthat letter, Bossuet declared explicitly, that the Church of Rome, wasready, to make concessions, on points of discipline, and to explaindoctrines, but would make no concession in respect to defined articlesof faith; and, in particular, would make no such concession, in respectto any which had been defined by the Council of Trent. Leibniz's Letterto M^me de Brinon, in answer to this communication, is very important. He expresses himself in these terms;

 "The Bishop of Meaux says, "1st. That the Project delivered to the Bishop of Neustadt, does not appear to him quite sufficient;

 "2dly. That it is, nevertheless, very useful, as every thing must have its beginning:

 "3dly. That Rome will never relax from any point of doctrine, defined by the church, and cannot capitulate, in respect to any such article;

 "4thly. That the doctrine, defined in the Council of Trent, is received in and out of France by all Roman Catholics;

 "5thly, That satisfaction may be given to Protestants, in respect to certain points of discipline, or in the way of explanation, and that this had been already done in an useful manner, in some points, mentioned in the Project of the Bishop of Neustadt. 

 "These are the material propositions, in the letter of the Bishop of Meaux, and I believe all these propositions true. Neither the Bishop of Neustadt, nor those who negotiated with them, make any opposition to them. There is nothing in them, which is not conformable to the sentiments of those persons. The third of them in particular, which might be thought, an obstacle, to these Projects of Accommodation, could not be unknown to them; one may even say, that they built on it. "

It seems difficult to deny, that, in this stage of the business, muchhad been gained to the cause of reunion. The parties were come to acomplete understanding on the important articles of Justification, andthe Eucharist; and it was admitted, both by Leibniz, and Molanus, that, in their view of the concern, an accommodation might be effected, between the Roman Catholic, and Lutheran churches, though the former, retained all her defined doctrines, and, in particular, all herdoctrines, defined by the Council of Trent. The question then was, whatshould be done in respect to the remaining articles in differencebetween the churches? It is to be wished, that it had been left toBossuet, and Molanus, to settle them, in the way of amicableexplanation, in which they had settled, the two important articles, which we have mentioned. It is evident, from the passages, which we havecited, from Bossuet, that it was his wish, that the business shouldproceed on that plan, and that he had hopes of its success. Unfortunately, the business took, another direction: Leibniz proclaimed, that after every possible explanation should be given, the Lutheranchurch would, still retain, some articles, contrary to the defineddoctrines, of the Church of Rome, and anathematized, by the Council ofTrent. To remove the final effect of this objection, Leibniz held outMolanus's first project, that the Lutherans should express a generalacquiescence, in the authority of the church, and promise obedience, tothe decisions of a General Council, to be called, for the purpose ofpronouncing, on these points; and that, in consequence of theseadvances, on their part, the anathemas of the Council of Trent, shouldbe suspended, and the Lutherans received, provisionally, within thepale, of the Catholic church. To bring over Bossuet to this plan, heexerted great eloquence, and displayed, no common learning. 

III. 4. 

But the eloquence, and learning, of Leibniz, were without effect. Inlanguage, equally temperate and firm, Bossuet, adhered to his text, that in matters of discipline, or any other matter, distinct from faith, the Church of Rome, would show the utmost indulgence to the Lutherans;but that, on articles of faith, and specifically, on those propounded bythe Council of Trent, there could be no compromise. This, however, heconfined to articles of faith alone: and even on articles of faith, hewished to consult the feelings of Protestants, as much as possible. Heoffered them every fair explanation of the tenets of the council; herequired from them no retractation, of their own tenets:

 "Molanus, " he says, "will not allow retractation to be mentioned. It may be dispensed with; it will be sufficient, that the parties acknowledge, the truth, by way of declaration or explanation. To this, the Symbolical Books, give a clear opening, as appears by the passages, which have been produced from them, and will appear, by other passages, which may be produced from them. "

If Bossuet was thus considerate, in what regarded faith, it will easilybe supposed, how indulgent his sentiments were, in respect to all, thatmerely regarded discipline. A complete confession of faith, being onceobtained from the Lutherans, he was willing, to allow them, if theyrequired it, communion under both kinds; that their Bishops, shouldretain their Sees; and that, where there was no Bishop, and the wholebody of the people, was Protestant, under the care, of a superintendant, _that_ superintendant, should be consecrated their Bishop; that, wherethere was a Catholic Bishop, and a considerable part of the diocese, wasLutheran, the superintendant, should be consecrated priest, and investedwith rank, and office, that the Lutheran ministers, should beconsecrated priests; that provision should be made for their support;that such of their bishops, and ministers, as were married, mightretain their wives, and that the consciences of those, who heldpossessions of the church, should be quieted, except in respect, tohospitals, whose possessions he thought, could not conscientiously bewithheld, from the poor objects of their foundations; and that everyother arrangement should be made, by the church and state, which wouldbe agreeable, to the feelings, and prejudices, of their new brethren. 

Such were the advances made by Bossuet; and much discussion on them, took place, between him, and Leibniz. It continued ten years. They arevery learned, and a scholar will read them with delight; but, unfortunately, they rather retarded, than promoted, their object. Thereal business ended, when Molanus quitted the scene. We shall close thisarticle, with the following extract from the last letter but one, written by Bossuet, on the subject. It is addressed to Leibniz, andbears date the 12th August, 1701, ten years, after his first letter, onit was written:

 "Among the divines of the Confession of Augsburg, I always placed M. Molanus, in the first rank, as a man, whose learning, candour and moderation made him one of the persons, the most capable I have known, of advancing the NOBLE PROJECT OF REUNION. In a letter, which I wrote to him some years ago, by the Count Balati, I assured him, that, if he could obtain, the general consent of his party, to what he calls, his Private Thoughts, _Cogitationes Privatæ_, I promised myself, that, by joining to them, the remarks, which I sent to him, on the Confession of Augsburg, and the other Symbolic writings of the Protestants, the work of the Reunion would be perfected, in all its most difficult and most essential points; so that well disposed persons might, in a short time, bring it to a conclusion. "

The passage is so important, that it is proper to present it to thereader in Bossuet's own words. 

 "Parmi les Théologiens de la Confession d'Ausbourg, j'ai toujours mis, au premier rang, M. L'Abbé de Lokkum, comme un homme, dont le sçavoir, la candeur, et la modération le rendolent un des plus capables, que je connusse, pour avancer CE BEAU DESSEIN. Cela est si véritable, que j'ai cru devoir assurer ce docte Abbé, dans la réponse que je luis fis, il y a dejà, plusieurs années, par M. Le Comte Balati, que s'il pouvoit faire passer ce qu'il appelle ses Pensées Particulières _Cogitationes Privatæ_, à un consentement suffisent, je me promettois qu'en y joignant les remarques, que je lui envoyois, sur la Confession d'Ausbourg, et les autres écrits Symboliques des Protestans, l'ouvrage de la Réunion seroit achevé dans ses parties les plus difficiles et les plus essentielles; en sorte qu'il ne faudroit à des personnes bien disposées, que très peu de tems pour la conclure[087]. "

Dom. De Foris, the Benedictine Editor of the new edition of the works ofBossuet and the Abbé Racine, _Abrégé de l'Histoire Ecclésiastique_[088]are very severe in their censures of the conduct of Leibniz in thenegotiations for the Reunion, and attribute its failure to hispresumption and duplicity. To the writer of these pages, it appearsclear, that Leibniz was sincere in his wishes for the reunion; and that, if he occasioned its failure, it was unintentionally. While thebusiness was in the hands of Bossuet, and Molanus, it was a treaty, notfor the reunion of the Roman Catholic church, and all Protestantchurches, but for the reunion of the Roman Catholic church, and theLutheran church; and to this, Molanus's endeavours to reconciledifferences, were directed. Leibniz, whose principles in religion, weremuch wider, than those of Molanus, seems to have wished, that thenegotiation should be placed, on a broader basis, and extended to areunion of the church of Rome, with every denomination of Christians. This gave the negotiation a different direction, and in a great measure, undid what had been, so happily begun. We have seen, that, to the verylast, Bossuet, called out for Molanus, and entertained great hopes, that, if the matter were left to Molanus, and him, the noble Project ofReunion, would be crowned with success. There is no part of Bossuet'sliterary or active life, in which he appears to greater advantage, or ina more amiable light, than on this occasion. 

IV. 

_Attempt in the reign of Lewis the XV. To effect an union between theChurch of Rome and the Church of England. _

Of all Protestant churches, the national church of England most nearlyresembles the church of Rome. It has retained much of the dogma, andmuch of the discipline of Roman Catholics. Down to the sub-deacon it hasretained the whole of their hierarchy; and, like them, has its deans, rural deans, chapters, prebends, archdeacons, rectors, and vicars; aliturgy, taken in a great measure, from the Roman Catholic liturgy; andcomposed like that, of Psalms, Canticles, the three creeds, litanies, epistles, gospels, prayers, and responses. Both churches have thesacraments of baptism, and the eucharist, the absolution of the sick, the burial service, the sign of the cross in baptism, the reservation ofconfirmation, and order to bishops, the difference of episcopal, andsacerdotal dress, feasts, and fasts. Without adopting all the generalcouncils of the church of Rome, the church of England has adopted thefirst four of them; and, without acknowledging the authority of theother councils, or the authority of the early fathers, the Englishdivines of the established church, allow them to be entitled, to a highdegree of respect. [089] On the important article of the eucharist, thelanguage, of the Thirty-nine Articles, sounds very like, the doctrine ofthe church of Rome. 

At the time, of which we are speaking, the doctrines of the high church, which are generally considered to incline to those of the RomanCatholics, more than the doctrines of the low church, were in theirzenith; and in France, where the ultramontane principles on the power ofthe Pope had always been discountenanced, the disputes of Jansenism weresupposed to reduce it very low. On each side, therefore, the time wasthought favourable to the project of Reunion. 

It was also favourable to it, that, a few years before this time, anevent had taken place, which naturally tended to put both sides intogood humour. 

On the occasion of the marriage of the Princess Christina ofWolfenbuttell, a Lutheran, with the archduke of Austria, her courtconsulted the faculty of theology of the University of Helmstadt, onthe question, "Whether a Protestant Princess, destined to marry a catholic prince, could, without wounding her conscience, embrace the Roman Catholic religion?" The faculty replied, that, "it could not answer the proposed question, in a solid manner, without having previously decided, whether the catholics were, or were not engaged in errors, that were fundamental, and opposed to salvation; or, (which was the same thing), whether the state of the catholic church was such, that persons might practise in it, the true worship of God, and arrive at salvation. " This question the divines of Helmstadt, discussed at length; and concluded in these terms: "After having shown, that the foundation of religion, subsists in the Roman Catholic religion, so that a person may be orthodox in it, live well in it, die well in it, and obtain salvation in it, the discussion of the proposed question, is easy. We are, therefore, of opinion, that the most Serene Princess of Wolfenbuttell, may, in favour of her marriage, embrace the catholic religion. "

This opinion is dated the 28th of April 1707, and was printed in thesame year at Cologne. The Journalists of Trevoux inserted both theoriginal and a French translation of it in their journal of May, 1708. 

Under these circumstances, the correspondence in question took place. Itbegan, in 1718, through Doctor Beauvoir, chaplain to Lord Stair, hisBritannic majesty's ambassador at Paris. Some conversation, on thereunion of the two churches, having taken place, between Doctor Dupin, and him, he acquainted the archbishop of Canterbury, with the subject ofthem. This communication, produced some compliments from the archbishop, to Dr. Dupin, and these, led the latter, to address, to his grace, aletter, in which he mentioned generally, that, on some points indispute, the supposed difference between the two communions wasreconcileable. The correspondence getting wind, Doctor Piers, pronounceda discourse in the Sorbonne, in which he earnestly exhorted hiscolleagues, to promote the reunion, by revising those articles, ofdoctrine, and discipline, which protestants branded with the name ofpapal tyranny; and contended, that, by proscribing the ultramontanedoctrines, the first step to the reunion would be made. The discourse, was communicated to Dr. Wake: in his answer, he pressed Dr. Dupin, for amore explicit declaration, on the leading points, in controversy. 

In compliance with this requisition, Doctor Dupin drew up his_Commonitorium_, and communicated it, to several persons of distinction, both in the state, and church of France. He discussed in it, theThirty-nine Articles, as they regarded doctrine, morality, anddiscipline. He insisted on the necessity of tradition, to interpret thescriptures, and to establish the canonicity of the books, of the Old andNew Testament. He insisted on the infallibility, of the church, infaith, and morals; he contended, that the sacrifice of the mass, was nota simple sacrament, but a continuation of the sacrifice of the cross. 

The word Transubstantiation, he seemed willing to give up, if the RomanCatholic doctrine, intended to be expressed by it, were retained. Heproposed, that communion under both kinds, or under bread alone, shouldbe left, to the discretion of the different churches, and consented, that persons in holy orders should retain their state, with suchprovisions, as would place the validity of their ordination, beyondexception. The marriage of priests, in the countries, in which suchmarriages were allowed, and the recitation of the divine service in thevulgar tongue, he allowed; and intimated that no difficulty would befound in the ultimate settlement of the doctrine, respecting purgatory, indulgences, the veneration of saints, relics, or images. He seems tohave thought, that the Pope can exercise, no immediate jurisdiction, within the dioceses of bishops, and that his primacy invested him, withno more than a general conservation, of the deposit of the faith, aright to enforce, the observance of the sacred canons, and the generalmaintenance of discipline. He allowed, in general terms, that there waslittle substantially wrong, in the discipline of the Church of England;he deprecated all discussion, on the original merit of reformation, andhe professed to see no use in the Pope's intervention, till the basis ofthe negotiation, should be settled. 

The answer of the archbishop, was not very explicit. It is evident fromit, that he thought, the quarrels on Jansenism, had alienated theJansenists and their adherents, from the Pope, much more, than they haddone, in reality. He was willing to concede, to the Pope, a primacy ofrank and honour, but would by no means allow him, a primacy ofjurisdiction, or any primacy, by divine right. On the other points, heseemed to have thought, that they might come to an agreement, on whatthey should declare, to be the fundamental doctrine of the churches, andadopt, on every other point of doctrine, a general system, of christiantoleration. 

The correspondence, which is very interesting, may be seen, in the lastvolume of the English translation, of Doctor Mosheim's EcclesiasticalHistory. To facilitate, the accomplishment of the object of it, DoctorCourayer, published his celebrated treatise, on _the Validity of EnglishOrdinations_. 

Both Dr. Wake, and Dr. Dupin. Were censured, by the members of theirrespective communions, for the parts, which they had taken, in thisbusiness. Several rigid members of the English Church, and even someforeign protestants, blamed Dr. Wake, for what they termed, his toogreat concessions. In France, the worst of motives, were imputed to Dr. Dupin, and his associates; they were accused, of making unjustifiablesacrifices, in order to form an union, between the Jansenists, and themembers of the English Church. Even the regent, took the alarm: heordered Dr. Dupin, to discontinue the correspondence, and to leave allthe papers, respecting it, with the minister. This was done, but themost important of them, have been printed, in the interesting andextensively circulated publication, which has been mentioned. 

V. 

_Miscellaneous Remarks on the Reunion of Christians. _

It does not appear, that subsequently to the communications, betweenArchbishop Wake, and Dr. Dupin, any attempts for a general, or partialreunion of christians, were made in the last century: but, early in thepresent, _Napoleon_, conceived the project, of effecting, such areunion. He is said, to have particularly had in view, thecatholicizing, as it was termed, the northern part, of Germany. Toforward his design, many works were published: one of them, the _Essaisur l'Unité des Cultes_, of M. Bonald, is written, with great ingenuity. That Essay, and several others by the same author, were inserted in the_Ambigu_ of Peltier, and deserve the attention, of every reader. Thoughthey contain some things, to which a Roman Catholic writer, wouldobject, they are evidently written, by a Roman Catholic pen. 

The first point to be considered, by those, who meditate the project ofreunion, is, its practicability--those, who are disposed, to contend forthe affirmative, will observe, the number of important articles, ofChristian Faith, in which, all Christians, are agreed, and theproportionally small number of those, in which, any Christians disagree. 

All Christians believe, 1st. That there is one God;

 2d. That he is a Being, of infinite perfection;

 3d. That he directs all things, by his providence;

 4th. That it is our duty to love him, with all our hearts, and our neighbour, as ourselves;

 5th. That it is our duty, to repent, of the sins we commit;

 6th. That God, pardons the truly penitent;

 7th. That there is a future state, of rewards, and punishments, when all mankind shall be judged, according to their works;

 8th. That God, sent his Son, into the world, to be its saviour, the author of eternal salvation, to all, that obey him;

 9th. That he is the true Messiah;

 10th. That he taught, worked miracles, suffered, died, and rose again, as is related in the four gospels;

 11th. That he will hereafter, make a second appearance on the earth, raise all mankind from the dead, judge the world in righteousness, bestow eternal life on the virtuous, and punish the workers of iniquity. 

In the belief of these articles, all Christians, the Roman Catholic, allthe Oriental churches, all the members of the Church of England, allLutherans, Calvinists, Socinians, and Unitarians, are agreed. Inaddition to these, each division, and subdivision of Christians, has itsown tenets. Now, let each settle among its own members, what are thearticles of belief, peculiar to them, which, in their cool deliberatejudgment, they consider as _absolutely necessary_ that a person shouldbelieve, to be a member of the church of Christ; let these articles bedivested of all foreign matter, and expressed in perspicuous, exact, andunequivocal terms; and, above all, let each distinction of Christians, earnestly wish, to find an agreement, between themselves and theirfellow Christians:--the result of a discussion conducted on this plan, would most assuredly be, to convince all Christians, that the essentialarticles of religious credence, in which there is, a real differenceamong Christians, are not so numerous, as the verbal disputes, andextraneous matter, in which controversy is too often involved, make themgenerally thought. 

Still, --some articles will remain, the belief of which, one denominationof Christians, will consider to be the obligation of every Christian, and which other Christian denominations, will condemn. On some of those, a _speedy_ reunion of Christians is not to be expected: but, to use thelanguage of Mr. _Vansittart_, in His excellent letter to the reverendDr. Marsh and John Coker, Esq. , "There is an inferior degree of Reunion, more within our prospect, and yet perhaps as perfect as human infirmity allows us to hope for; wherein, though all differences of opinion, should not be extinguished, yet they may be refined, from all party prejudices, and interested views, so softened by the spirit of charity, and mutual concession, and so controuled by agreement, on the leading principles, and zeal, for the general interests of christianity, that no sect, or persuasion, should be tempted to make religion, subservient to secular views, or to employ political power, to the prejudice of others. --The existence of Dissent, will, perhaps, be inseparable from religious freedom, so long, as the mind of man, is liable to error: but it is not unreasonable to hope, that hostility, may cease, though perfect agreement, cannot be established. IF WE CANNOT RECONCILE ALL OPINIONS, LET US RECONCILE ALL HEARTS. "

These pages, cannot be closed better, than by these golden words!!!

FINIS. 

 * * * * *

FOOTNOTES. 

[Footnote 001: Tom. Xi. P. 1. 200. ]

[Footnote 002: De Institutiones Clericorum, L. Iii. C. Xviii. &c. ]

[Footnote 003: In his "Recueil des Ecrits pour servir d'eclaircissementde l'histoire de France, 2 vol. Paris 1798. "]

[Footnote 004: "Roswede, or Aroswethe, a nun in the monastery ofGardersheim, lived in the reigns of Otho II. And III. Towards the end ofthe tenth century. She composed many works in prose and verse. In 1501, some of her poems, on the Martyrdom of St. Denys, the Blessed Virgin, St. Ann, &c. Were printed at Nuremburgh. Her verses in praise of OttoII. Would be tolerable, if they were not Leonines: there are in themsome errors of prosody. " Bib. Univers. Et Histor. Vol. Ii. P. 46. ]

[Footnote 005: For a fuller account of Feudal and Civil Jurisprudence, the writer of these pages begs leave to refer to his work, entitled, "HORÆ JURIDICÆ SUBSECIVÆ, being a connected series of Notes respectingthe Geography, Chronology, and Literary History of the principal Codesand original Documents of the Grecian, Roman, Feudal, and Canon Law. " 1vol. 8vo. ]

[Footnote 006: It is entitled, "_Martiani Minei Felicis CapellæCarthaginiensis, Viri Procunsularis, Satyricon, in quo de NuptiisPhilologiæ et Mecurii libri duo, & de septem artibus liberalibus librisingulares. Omnes, et emendati et Notis sive Februis Hug. Grotiiillustrati. Ex Officina Plantiniana, Apud Christophorum RaphelingiumAcademiæ Lugduno-Bat. Typographum_ M. D. C. " [Transcriber's note:Apostrophic date 1600] The Dedication to the Prince of Condé follows:then, Encomiastic Verses by Scaliger, and Tiliabrogus. The two works arethen inserted, with an address to the reader, Errata, and VariousReadings. Afterwards, _Hugeiani Grotii Februa[007] in Satyricon MartianiCapellæ:_ this contains his notes. They are preceded by an Engraving ofGrotius. Round it, is written, "_Anno_ M. D. C. " [Transcriber's note:Apostrophic date 1600] Hora Ruit. [008] Æt. Xv. Under the engraving thefollowing verses are printed, "_Quem sibi quindenis_ ASTRÆA _sacravit ab annis, Talis, _ HUGEIANI GROTII _ora fero_. "]

[Footnote 007: "Corrections"--or more literarily, "Purifications". ]

[Footnote 008: These words were used by Grotius for his motto. ]

[Footnote 009: Fabricii Bibliotheca Latina, Lib iii. C. 15. In 1794, John Adam Goez published the "Treatise on the Marriage of Philology andMercury" separately, in a duodecimo volume: he mentions, in the preface, an edition of it by Walthard. It is on the authority of Goez that wehave assigned the age of Capella to the third century: others place himin a much later period. ]

[Footnote 010: Montucla. Histoire des Mathematiques, Vol. Ii. P. 657. ]

[Footnote 011: Vol. 9. P. 147. Ii. 1. ]

[Footnote 012: A similar exclusive claim in respect to the Indian seas, under the grant of Pope Alexander VI. , was set up by the Portuguese;similar claims to the Ligustic and Adriatic seas, have been and stillcontinue to be made by the Genoese and Venetians. Those, who seek forinformation on the subject, should consult the _Dissertation ofBynkershook de Dominio Maris_, and note 61 to the recent edition of SirEdward Coke's Commentary upon Littleton. ]

[Footnote 013: "Mais, dites vous, dans ce tems même, le jeune Pisonpouvolt avoir dix ans: Grotius faisoit bien des vers a cet âge. Je lesçais, mais les Grotius sont ils bien commune! combien d'enfanstrouveres vous de dix ans, qui ayent nonseulement assez du feu pourfaire des vers, mais encore assez de jugement pour en juger sainement. "Gibbon's Posthumous Works, 8vo. Vol. I. P. 520. --"Salmasius, " says Mr. Gibbon in another part of the same entertaining publication, (vol. V. P. 209), "had read as much as Grotius; but their different modes of readinghad made the one an enlighten'd philosopher; and the other, to speakplainly, a pedant puffed up with an useless erudition. "]

[Footnote 014: Bentivoglio, Histoire des Guerres de Flandres, l, xxviii. ]

[Footnote 015: _Bella plusquam civilia. _ Lucan. ]

[Footnote 016: Those who wish to obtain a clear, concise, and exactnotion of Calvinism and Arminianism, will usefully peruse the account ofthem in Mr. Evans's "_Sketch of the Denominations of the ChristianWorld_. " The thirteenth Edition is now before us, and we believe that ithas been often since reprinted. ]

[Footnote 017: Mosheim's Ecc. Hist. Cent. Xvi, ch. 2. § 3. Part 2. ]

[Footnote 018: Chalmer's Biographical Dictionary, Title "Arminius. "]

[Footnote 019: A short and clear account of Arminianism is given by LeClere, in his Bibliotheque ancienne et moderne, Vol. II. Art. 3. P. 123. ]

[Footnote 020: The best discussion of this subject, which has falleninto the hands of the writer, is Bourduloué's Sermon _sur laPredestination_. ]

[Footnote 021: English Translation of Burigni's Life of Grotius, pp. 43, 44, 45. ]

[Footnote 022: Vol. I. ]

[Footnote 023: _Letters from and to Sir Dudley Carleton, during hisEmbassy in Holland, from January 1615-16[**Modern presentation. ] toDecember 1620. London, 1757, p. 84_, --Sir Dudley Carleton's Lettersabound with harsh expressions respecting Grotius. The Editor of thiscorrespondence has inserted (p. 415) a letter from Grotius to Dr. Lancelot Andrews, written from the Castle at Louvestein. "This letter, "says the Editor, "which was never printed before, deserves a place here, not only for its elegance and spirit, and its connection with thesubject of the work, but likewise in justice to the memory of the greatwriter, as it contains his own justification of his conduct, which maybe compared with the less favourable accounts of it in the precedingletters of Sir Dudley Carleton. The original is extant among themanuscripts in the library of the late Sir Hans Sloane, bart. Now partof the British Museum. "--"Utinam, " says Grotius in this letter, "D. Carleton mihi esset plus æquior; cui mitigando propinqui mei operamdant. Sed partium, studia mire homines obcæcant. "]

[Footnote 024: The history of this Synod, and of the whole controversyupon Arminianism, is contained in Brand's _History of the Reformation_:the account of the synod in these pages, is principally extracted fromthe French abridgment of that work, in 3 volumes 8vo. The Calvinianrepresentation of the Arminian doctrines, and the proceedings of thesynod, may be seen in the late Mr. Scott's _Articles of the Synod ofDort_, to which he has prefixed the History of the Events which _madeway for that Synod_: it is severely censured by Mr. James Nichols, inhis _Calvinism and Arminianism compared_. Introd. Cxlii. 

The Abridgment of Brand's History, was translated into the Englishlanguage and published in 1724-25[**Modern presentation. ] by _M. De laRoche_. He concludes his Preface to it by observing, that "No good mancan read the work without abhorring arbitrary power, and all manner ofpersecution. " The persecution of the Scottish Non-conformists by theEpiscopalians, and the persecution of the Remonstrants by theContra-Remonstrants, were attended with this enormity, that, in mostother instances, when one denomination of christians has persecutedanother, it has been on the ground that the errors of the sufferers wereimpious, and led the maintainers of them to eternal perdition, andtherefore rendered these wholesome severities, as the persecutors termthem, a salutary infliction. But, when the Protestant Episcopalianpersecuted the Scottish Non-conformist, or the Contra-Remonstrantpersecuted the Remonstrant, he persecuted a Christian who agreed withhim in all which he himself deemed to be substantial articles of faith, and differed from him only about rites and opinions, which he himselfallowed to be indifferent. --See Mr. Neale's just remark, Vol. II. Ch. Vi. ]

[Footnote 025: In 1765, Lord Hailes published a beautiful edition of"The Works of the Ever-memorable Mr. John Hales of Eaton, then firstcollected together, " in three volumes, at Glasgow. It is to be lamentedthat he did not accompany it with a full biographical account of Mr. Hales. 

"His biographers, " says Mr. Chalmers, "all allow that he may be classedamong those divines who were afterwards called Latitudinarians. " May henot be termed the founder of that splendid school? Perceiving that theminds of men required to be more liberally enlightened, and theiraffections to be more powerfully engaged on the side of religion thanwas formerly thought necessary, they set themselves, to use the languageof Bishop Burnet, "to raise those who conversed with them to anothersort of thoughts, and to consider the Christian religion as a doctrinesent from God, both to elevate and to sweeten human nature. With thisview, they laboured chiefly to take men from being in parties fromnarrow notions, and from fierceness about opinions. They also continuedto keep a good correspondence with those who differed from them inopinion and allowed a great freedom both in philosophy and divinity. "(Burnet's History of his own Times. Vol. I. P. 261-268, oct. Edit. )Hales, Chillingworth, Taylor, Cudworth, Wilkins, Tillotson, Stillingfleet, and Patrick, were among their brightest ornaments. Theywere in some respects hostile to the Roman Catholics: _in hoc nonlaudo_. --See the Writer's History of the English, Irish, and ScottishCatholics. Vol. III. C. Lxviii. Sect. 1. 3d edition. ]

[Footnote 026: "King James, " says Mr. James Nichols, in his Calvinismand Arminianism compared, p. 242, "sent a deputation of respectableBritish divines, for the double and undisguised purpose of condemningthe Remonstrants, but especially Vórstius, (whom his Majesty had longbefore exposed to the world as an arch-heretic), and of assisting thePrince of Orange in his design of usurping the liberties of the UnitedProvinces, and assuming the supreme authority. The Elector Palatine senthis Heidelberg divines for the same family purpose; and the Duke ofBouillon employed all his influence with the chief pastors among theFrench reformed. "]

[Footnote 027: The words of the former are remarkable: "The errors ofpublic actions, if they be not very gross, are with less inconveniencetolerated than amended. For the danger of alteration, of disgracing anddisabling authority, makes that the fortune of such proceeding admits ofno redress; but being howsoever well or ill done, they must ever afterbe upheld. The most partial spectator of our synodal acts cannot butconfess, that, in the late discussion of the Remonstrants, with so muchcholer and heat, there was a great oversight committed, andthat, --whether we respect our common profession of Christianity, 'quænil nisi justum suadet et lene, ' or the quality of this people, apt tomutiny by reason of long liberty, and not having learned to beimperiously commanded, --in which argument the clergy should not haveread their first lesson. The synod, therefore, to whom it is not now _inintegro_ to go back and rectify what is amiss, without disparagement, must now go forward and leave events to God, and for the countenance oftheir actions do the best they may. " Letter to Sir Dudley Carleton, 11January 1619. ]

[Footnote 028: _Nichol's Calvinism and Arminianism compared_, Vol. II. P. 592]

[Footnote 029: _Decline and Fall_, Ch. LIV. Towards the end. ]

[Footnote 030: The writers who have given an account of the Synod ofDort are mentioned by Fabricius, Bib. Græca, Vol. XI. P. 723. Someuseful observations upon the proceedings of the Synod may be found in"Mr. Nichols's _Calvinism and Arminianism compared_. " It is much to bewished that the promised continuation of this work should speedily makeits appearance. 

But no work upon this famous Synod deserves more attention than"_Johannis Halesii, Historia Concilii Dordraceni, J. Laur. MoshemiusTheol. Doct. Et P. P. C. Ex Anglico Sermone latine vertit, variisobservationibus et Vitâ Halesii ausit. Accessit ejusdem de auctoritateConcilii Dordraceni Paci Sacræ noxii, Consultatio. Hamburgi_, 8vo. " M. Le Clere's criticism on this work (_Bibliotheque ancienne et moderne_Vol. 23, art. 4. ) contains much valuable information upon the Synod, anda summary of the life and writings of Mr. Hales. --Des Maizeaux publisheda curious account of them in 1719. ]

[Footnote 031: Pfaffii Hist. Literaria, vol. Ii. P. 303. ]

[Footnote 032: Burigni's Life of Grotius, lib. Ii. Sect. 12. ]

[Footnote 033: Cent XVII, sect. 2, Part 2 (Note Y. )]

[Footnote 034: Mr. James Nicholls's Calvinism and Arminianism compared. Vol. I. P. 597, 600, 634, 636. ]

[Footnote 035: See Mr. Dugald Stewart's first Dissertation, sect. III. ]

[Footnote 036: See Joannis Christopheri Locheri Dissertatio EpistolicaHistoriam libelli Grotiani _De Veritate Religionis Christianæ_complectens, 1725, in quarto; and the Journal de Scavans for the year1724. ]

[Footnote 037: See Nichols's Calvinism and Arminianism compared, vol. I. P. 289. ]

[Footnote 038: On the respect, which the Church of England considers tobe due to the writings of the early Fathers, see the excellent Appendixto the Sermons of Dr. Jebb, the Right Reverend Bishop of Limerick. ]

[Footnote 039: Vol. Iii. L. 38. This letter merits a serious perusal. ]

[Footnote 040: Dict. Historique, Preliminaire, p. Xxix. ]

[Footnote 041: Vol. 1. P. 121]

[Footnote 042: Those, who will read his life, published by the writer ofthese pages, with other Tracts, in 1819, will not, it is believed, thinkthis too strong an assertion. Is it not to be earnestly hoped, that inthe distress by which we are now visited, and the greater distress withwhich we are threatened, many St. Vincents will appear?]

[Footnote 043: Mosheim's Ecc. Hist. Ch. Ii. Sect. Ii. Part. Ii. AndBynkershock's Quest. Juris publici, lib. Ii. Ch. 18. ]

[Footnote 044: Le Clerc, (Bib. Anc. Et Mod. Vol. Xxiii. Art. Iv. )strenuously objects to this representation of Dr. Mosheim. "TheArminians, " he says, "have introduced no dogma as necessary tosalvation, which was unknown to the framers of their Confession ofFaith; neither have they retrenched from it, any article essential tofaith. " He however observes, "that there are many ways of explainingdogmas. " Now, the same dogma explained in two ways, amounts to twodogmas. ]

[Footnote 045: See the third part of "_the last of Bossuet's SixAddresses to the Protestants_, " and the passages which he cites in itfrom Jurieu. 

For the actual state of Religious Doctrine, both in the Lutheran andReformed Churches of Germany, the reader may usefully consult, "_TheState of the Protestant Religion in Germany, in a series of Discoursespreached before the University of Cambridge, by the Rev. Hugh JamesRose, M. A. 8vo. 1825_;" and "_Entretiens Philosophiques sur la Re-uniondes differens communions chretiens, par feu M. Le Baron Starck, MinistreProtestant, et premier predicateur, de la Cour de Hesse Darmstadt, &c. 8vo. 1818_;" and "_Tabaraud's Histoire des Re-unions des Chrêtiens. _"]

[Footnote 046: Tom. XLVI. Art. 12. P. 208. ]

[Footnote 047: Page 283. ]

[Footnote 048: Page 284, 285. ]

[Footnote 049: Page 286. ]

[Footnote 050: Page 287. ]

[Footnote 051: Page 288. ]

[Footnote 052: Page 288. ]

[Footnote 053: Page 291. ]

[Footnote 054: Page 292. ]

[Footnote 055: Page 293. ]

[Footnote 056: Page 294. ]

[Footnote 057: Page 296. ]

[Footnote 058: Page 298. ]

[Footnote 059: Page 299. ]

[Footnote 060: Page 300. M. Le Clerc, (_Sentimens de quelquesTheologiens de Hollande, dix-septieme Lettre_) defends Grotius withgreat ability against the charge of Socinianism: he justly observes, that, his abstaining from unpleasing propositions, his silence onoffensive doctrines, and his conciliating expressions, should not tooeasily be accounted proofs, of belief of his precise sentiments of anyparticular tenets. Grotius, says Le Clerc, was like an arbitrator, who, to bring to amity the parties in difference, recommends to each, that heshould give something of what he himself considers to be his strictright. ]

[Footnote 061: Ep. 363. P. 364]

[Footnote 062: Ep. 491. P. 195. ]

[Footnote 063: Ep. 494. P. 896. ]

[Footnote 064: Ep. 1706. P. 736. ]

[Footnote 065: _Comparison of Calvinism and Arminianism_. Vol. Ii. P. 560. ]

[Footnote 066: Ib. Vol. Ii. P. 609. ]

[Footnote 067: Ep. 1538. P. 573, 690, 926. ]

[Footnote 068: Ep. 528. P. 400. ]

[Footnote 069: "Those, " says Mr. James Nichols, [070]

 "who wish to behold the praises to which HUGO GROTIUS or HUGH DE GROOT, is justly entitled, and which he has received in ample measure from admiring friends and reluctant foes, may consult SIR THOMAS POPE BLOUNT's _Censura celebriorum Authorum_. His well earned reputation is founded on too durable a basis to be moved by such petty attacks as those to which I have alluded in a previous part of this introduction (p. Xxi. ), or those of Mr. Orme in page 641. 

 "That a man so accomplished, virtuous, fearless, and unfortunate, should have had many enemies, among his contemporaries, is not wonderful. But the number of those who evinced their hatred to him, or to his philanthropic labours, increased after his decease, when they could display it with impunity. 'This very pious, learned, and judicious man, ' says Dr. Hammond, 'hath of late, among many, fallen under a very unhappy fate, being most unjustly calumniated, sometimes as a SOCINIAN, sometimes as a PAPIST, and, as if he had learnt to reconcile contradictions, sometimes _as both of them together. _'

 "One cause of the Charge of SOCINIANISM being preferred against him, has been already mentioned, (p. Xxxiii. ) and it is more fully explained in pages 637, 642. The reader will not require many additional reasons to convince him of the untenable ground for such an accusation, when he is told that VOETIUS, one of the most violent of his enemies, laid down this grand axiom--'To place the principal part of religion in an _observance of Christ's commands is_ RANK SOCIANISM!' To such a _practical observance of the_ requisitions of the Gospel, by what name soever it might be stigmatized, Grotius pleaded guilty. He says (p. 637) 'I perceive this was accounted the principal part of religion by the Christians of the primitive ages; and their various assemblies, divines, and martyrs taught, 'that the doctrines _necessary to be known_ are exceedingly few, but that God forms his estimate of us from the purpose and intention of an obedient spirit. ' I am likewise of the same opinion, and shall never repent of having maintained it. '

 "But as the charge of POPERY is of the utmost consequence, I have discussed this topic at great length, (pp. 566, 746), and have proved (pp. 549, 561), that Grotius was as little attached to the principles or the practice of the Romish church as the most zealous of his accusers. Whatever tends to vindicate the conduct of Grotius in this matter, will operate still more powerfully in favour of Archbishop Laud. The design of Grotius is well described by Dr. Hammond, in a _Digression_ which he added to his _Answer_ to the _Animadversions on his Dissertations_; in which he says, "'For the charge of Popery that is fallen upon him, it is evident from whence that flows, --either from his _profest opposition to many doctrines of some Reformers, Zuinglius and Calvin, &c_. Or from his _Annotations on Cassander, and the Debates with Rivet consequent thereto, the Votum pro pace and Discussio_. '

 "For the former of these, it is sufficiently known what contests there were, and at length how profest the divisions betwixt the Remonstrants and Contra-Remonstrants; and it is confessed that he maintained (all his time) the Remonstrants party, vindicating it from all charge, whether of Pelagianism or Semi-Pelagianism, which was by the opposers objected to it, and pressing the favourers of the doctrine of Irrespective Decrees with the odious consequences of making God the _author and favourer of sin_, and frequently expressing his sense of the evil influences that some of those doctrines were experimented to have on men's lives. And by these means it is not strange that he should fall under great displeasure from those who, having espoused the opinion of Irrespective Decrees, did not only publish it as the THE TRUTH and TRUTH OF GOD, but farther asserted the questioning of it to be injurious to God's free grace and his Eternal Election, and consequently retained no ordinary patience for or charity to opposers. But, then, still this is no medium to to infer that charge. The doctrines which he thus maintained were neither branches nor characters of Popery, but asserted by some of the first and most learned and pious Reformers. Witness the writings of Hemingius in his _Opuscula_, most of which are on these subjects. Whereas on the contrary side, Zuinglius and others, who maintained the rigid way of Irrespective Decrees, and infused them into some of this nation of ours, are truly said, by an excellent writer of ours, Dr. Jackson, to _have had it first from some ancient Romish Schoolmen_, and so to have had as much or more of that guilt adherent to them, as can be charged on their opposers. So that from hence to found the jealousy, to affirm him a papist because he was not a contra-remonstrant, is but the old method of speaking all that is ill of those who differ from our opinions on any thing; as the Dutchman in his rage calls his horse an ARMINIAN, because he doth not not go as he would have him. And this is all that can soberly be concluded from such suggestions, that they are displeased and passionate that thus speak. 

 "As for the _Annotations on Cassander_, &c. And the consequent vindications of himself against _Rivet_, those have with some colour been deemed more favourable toward Popery; but yet I suppose will be capable of benign interpretations, if they be read with these few cautions or remembrances:

 "_First_. That they were designed to shew a way to peace whensoever men's minds on both sides should be piously affected to it. 

 "_Secondly_. That he did not hope for this temper in his age, the humour on both sides being so turgent, and extremely contrary to it, and the controversy debated on both sides by those 'who, ' saith he, '_desire to eternize, and not to compose contentions_, ' and therefore makes his appeal to posterity, when this paroxysm shall be over. 

 "_Thirdly_. That for the chief usurpations of the papacy; he leaves it to Christian princes to join together to vindicate their own rights, and reduce the Pope _ad Canones_, to that temper, which the ancient canons allow and require of him; and if that will not be done, to reform every one in their own dominions. 

 "_Fourthly_. That what he saith in favour of some Popish doctrines, above what some other learned Protestants have said, is not so much by way of _assertion_ or _justification_ of them, as to shew what reasons they may justly be thought to proceed upon, and so not to be go irrational or impious as they are ordinarily accounted; and this only in order to the peace of the christian world, that we may have as much charity to others and not as high animosities, live with all men as sweetly and amicably, and peaceably, and not as bitterly as is possible, accounting the wars and seditions, and divisions and rebellions, that are raised and managed upon the account of religion, far greater and more scandalous unchristian evils, than are the errors of some Romish doctrines, especially as they are maintained by the more sober and moderate men among them, Cassander, Picherel, &c. 

 "_Fifthly_. What he saith in his _Discussio_, of a conjunction of Protestants with those that adhere to the Bishop of Rome, is no farther to be extended, than his words extend it. That there is not any other visible way to the end there mentioned by him, of acquiring or preserving universal unity. That this is to be done, not crudely, by returning to them as they are, submitting our necks to our former yokes, but by taking away at once the division, and the causes of it, on which side soever; adding only in the third place, that the bare primacy of the Bishop of Rome, _secundum Canones_, such as the ancient canons allow of, (which hath nothing of _supreme universal power_, or authority in it, ) is none of those causes, nor consequently necessary to be excluded in the [Greek: diallaktikon], citing that as the confession of that excellent person Philip Melancthon. So that in effect, that whole speech of his which is so solemnly vouched by Mr. Knott, and looked on so jealously by many of us, is no more than this, 'that such a Primacy of the Bishop of Rome, as the ancient canons allowed him, were, for so glorious an end as is the regaining the peace of christendom, very reasonably to be afforded him, nay absolutely necessary to be yielded him, whensoever any such catholic union shall be attempted, which as it had been the express opinion of Melancthon, one of the first and wisest Reformers, so it is far from any design of establishing the usurpations of the Papacy, or any of their false doctrines attending them, but only designed as an expedient for the restoring the peace of the whole christian world, which every disciple of Christ is so passionately required to contend and pray for. '

"At the conclusion of the Doctor's _Continuation of the Defence of_ HUGOGROTIUS, he thus expresses himself:

 "'As this is an act of mere justice and charity to the dead, --and no less to those who, by their sin of uncharitable thoughts towards him, are likely to deprive themselves of the benefit of his labours, --so is it but a proportionable return of debt and gratitude to the signal value and kindness, which in his lifetime, he constantly professed to pay to this church and nation, expressing his opinion, "that of all churches in the world, it was the most careful observer and transcriber of primitive antiquity, " and more than intimating his desire to end his days in the bosom and communion of our mother. Of this I want not store of witnesses, which from time to time have heard it from his own mouth whilst he was ambassador in France, and even in his return to Sweden, immediately before his death; and for a real evidence of this truth, it is no news to many, that, at the taking his journey from Paris, he appointed his wife, whom he left behind, to resort to the English Assembly at the Agent's house, which accordingly she is known to have practised. '"]

[Footnote 070: Calvinism and Arminianism compared, Introduction, cxxxii. ]

[Footnote 071: A dialogue on the Reformation was also in thecontemplation of Mr. Gibbon: "I have, " he says in the Memoirs of hislife and writings, [072] "sometimes thought of writing a dialogue of thedead, in which Luther, Erasmus and Voltaire should mutually acknowledgethe danger of exposing an old superstition to the contempt of the blindand fanatic multitude. "]

[Footnote 072: Vol. I. P. 269, of the 8vo. Edition of his works. ]

[Footnote 073: A full account of the writings of _Wicelius_, and of hisprojects of Pacification, is given by _Father Simon_ in the _BibliotequeCritique, par M. De Sainjore_, Tom. Ii. Ch. 18. He concludes it, byobserving, that

 "the great love which Wicelius had for the peace of the church, might induce him to use expressions, somewhat harsh, but which really ought not to be censured with too much rigour. It is evident that his only view was to be useful to persons of his own time, to whom he consecrated the latter part of his life. --I do not recollect to have read that he was censured at Rome, and the Spanish Inquisitors seem to have observed the same moderation in his regard. "]

[Footnote 074: XVI. Cent. Book V. P. 41, in the Englsh translation. ]

[Footnote 075: See Mosheim's Ecclesiastical History, Cent. XVII. Ch. Ii. Sect. Ii. Part II. ]

[Footnote 076: Eccles. Hist. Cent. XVI. Ch. Ii. Sect. Iii. Part. II. ]

[Footnote 077: Observat. Hallen, 15 t. P. 341. ]

[Footnote 078: It is a prayer addressed to Jesus Christ, and suited tothe condition of a dying person who builds his hope on the Mediator. _M. Le Clerc_ has inserted it at length in the _Sentimens de quelquesTheologiens de Hollande_, 17 Lettre, p. 397. ]

[Footnote 079: Boswell's Life of Samuel Johnson, 2d Vol. P. 502. 2dEdition. ]

[Footnote 080: The author's "Confessions of Faith, " mention thisconvention, its dissolution, and the subsequent union of the Helvetian, and Bohemian protestant congregations, in the Synods, held at Astrog, inthe years 1620, and 1627. The original settlement of these churches, wasin Bohemia, and Moravia. Persecution scattered the members of them: aconsiderable number of the fugitives, settled at Herrenhut, a village inLusatia. There, under the protection and guidance of Count Zinzendorf, they formed themselves into a new community, which was designed tocomprehend their actual and future congregations, under the title of"_The Protestant Church of the Unitas Fratrum, or United Brethren of theConfession of Augsburgh_. " That Confession is their only symbolic book;but they profess great esteem for the eighteen first chapters of theSynodical Document of the church of Berne in 1532, as a declaration oftrue Christian Doctrine. They also respect, the writings of CountZinzendorf, but do not consider themselves, bound by any opinion, sentiment, or expression, which these contain. It is acknowledged, that, towards the middle of the last century, they used in their devotionalexercises, particularly in their hymns, many expressions justlycensurable: but these have been corrected. They consider Lutherans andCalvinists, to be their brethren in faith, as according with them in theessential articles of religion; and therefore, when any of their membersreside at a distance from a congregation of the United Brethren, theynot only attend a Lutheran, or Calvinist church, but receive theSacrament, from its ministers, without scruple. In this, they profess toact in conformity to the Convention at Sendomer. The union, whichprevails both among the congregations, and the individuals which composethem, their modest and humble carriage, their moderation in lucrativepursuits, the simplicity of their manners, their laborious industry, their frugal habits, their ardent but mild piety, and their regulardischarge of all their spiritual observances, are universallyacknowledged and admired. Their charities are boundless, their kindnessto their poor brethren is most edifying; there is not among them abeggar. The care, which they bestow, on the education of their children, in forming their minds, chastening their hearts, and curbing theirimaginations, --particularly in those years, "When youth, elate and gay, Steps into life and follows, unrestrained, Where passion leads, or reason points the way. " _Lowth. _

are universally acknowledged, universally admired, and deserve universalimitation. 

But, it is principally, by the extent and success of their missionarylabours, that they now engage, the attention of the public. These began, in 1732. In 1812, they had thirty-three settlements, in heathen nations. One hundred and thirty-seven missionaries, were employed in them: theyhad baptized, twenty-seven thousand, four hundred converts: and such hadbeen their care, in admitting them to that sacred rite, and such theirassiduity, in cultivating a spirit of religion, among them, thatscarcely an individual, had been known, to relapse into paganism. Alltravellers, who have visited their settlements, speak with wonder, andpraise, of the humility, the patient endurance of privation, andhardship, the affectionate zeal, the mild, and persevering exertions ofthe missionaries; and the innocence, industry and piety of theconverts:--the European, the American, the African, and the Asiatictraveller speaks of them, in the same terms: and, that they speakwithout exaggeration, the conduct both of the pastor, and the flock inthe different settlements of the United Brethren in England, incontestibly proves. Whatever he may think of their religious tenets, _Talis cum sitis, utinam nostri essetis_, must be the exclamation ofevery christian, who considers their lives. Those, who desire furtherknowledge of this amiable, and worthy denomination of Christians, willfind it in _David Cranz's ancient and modern History of the Brethren, printed at Barby, 1771, and the two continuations of it, Barby_, 1791, and 1804. The History has been translated into English; and is becomeexceedingly scarce; the Continuations have not been translated. Mr. LaTrobe, the Pastor of the United Brethren in London, has published a_Concise Historical Account of the Protestant Church of the UnitedBrethren adhering to the Confession of Augsburgh_. ]

[Footnote 081: Epist. 1706, p. 736. ]

[Footnote 082: Ib. Epist. 613. ]

[Footnote 083: Epist. Part. I. Epist. 432. Part II. Epist. 53. TheFrench public strongly suspected the Cardinal of this design. It gaverise to the celebrated libel, entitled "_Optatus Gallus, _" _Grotius_, (Lit. 982. ) notices a prophecy of Nostradamus, then in circulation:

 "_Celui qui était bien avant dans le regne, Ayant chat rouge, proche, hierarchie, Apre et cruel, et se fera tant craindre, Succedera, a sacrée Monarchie. _"

If the event in question had happened, Nostradamus would have passed, with many for a prophet. ]

[Footnote 084: Eclaircissemens de l'édit de Nantes, page 1. C. 6. ]

[Footnote 085: V. 2. P. 38, 148. ]

[Footnote 086: We are grieved to add, that he allowed the _right_ of asovereign to persecute for religion. ]

[Footnote 087: This article is extracted from Oeuvres Posthumes deBossuet, vol. I. Nouvelle édition des Oeuvres de Bossuet, vol. Ii. Leibnizii Opera, studio Ludovici Dutens, vol. I. And v. And the Penséesde Leibniz, vol. Ii. 8vo. ]

[Footnote 088: Tom. Xiii. ]

[Footnote 089: See the Appendix to the Sermons of Dr. Jebb, the presentexcellent Bishop of Limerick. --Cadel, 1824. ]

 * * * * *

 Luke Hansard & Sons, near Lincoln's-Inn Fields, London. 

 * * * * *

 By the same Author, THE LIFE OF ERASMUS:

 WITH

 HISTORICAL REMARKS ON THE STATE OF LITERATURE BETWEEN THE TENTH AND SIXTEENTH CENTURIES.