Transcriber's Note

A number of typographical errors and inconsistencies have beenmaintained in this version of this book. They have been marked with a[TN-#], which refers to a description in the complete list found at theend of the text. One error that was corrected is also listed at the endof the text. 

The following code is used for a character that is not able to berepresented in the text format used for this version of the book. 

 [k] tresillo

 LIBRARY

 OF

 ABORIGINAL AMERICAN LITERATURE. 

 No. 1. 

 EDITED BY

 D.  G. BRINTON

 BRINTON'S LIBRARY OF ABORIGINAL AMERICAN LITERATURE. NUMBER 1. 

 THE MAYA CHRONICLES. 

 EDITED BY DANIEL G. BRINTON

 AMS PRESS NEW YORK

 Reprinted from the edition of 1882, Philadelphia First AMS EDITION published 1969 Manufactured in the United States of America

 Library of Congress Catalogue Card Number: 70-83457

 AMS PRESS, INC. New York, N. Y. 10003

 TO THE MEMORY OF CARL HERMANN BERENDT, M. D. , WHOSE LONG AND EARNEST DEVOTION TO THE ETHNOLOGY AND LINGUISTICS OF AMERICA HAS MADE THIS WORK POSSIBLE, AND WHOSE UNTIMELY DEATH HAS LOST TO AMERICAN SCHOLARS RESULTS OF FAR GREATER IMPORTANCE, THIS VOLUME IS DEDICATED. 

PREFACE. 

The belief that the only solid foundation for the accurate study ofAmerican ethnology and linguistics must be in the productions of thenative mind in their original form has led me to the venturesomeundertaking of which this is the first issue. The object of the proposedseries of publications is to preserve permanently a number of rudespecimens of literature composed by the members of various Americantribes, and exhibiting their habits of thought, modes of expressions, intellectual range and æsthetic faculties. 

Whether the literary and historical value of these monuments is littleor great, they merit the careful attention of all who would weigh andmeasure the aboriginal mind, and estimate its capacities correctly. 

The neglect of this field of study is largely owing to a deficiency ofmaterial for its pursuit. Genuine specimens of native literature arerare, and almost or quite inaccessible. They remain in manuscript in thehands of a few collectors, or, if printed, they are in forms notconvenient to obtain, as in the ponderous transactions of learnedsocieties, or in privately printed works. My purpose is to gathertogether from these sources a dozen volumes of moderate size andreasonable price, and thus to put the material within the reach ofAmerican and European scholars. 

Now that the first volume is ready, I see in it much that can beimproved upon in subsequent issues. I must ask for it an indulgentcriticism, for the novelty of the undertaking and its inherentdifficulties have combined to make it less finished and perfected thanit should have been. 

If the series meets with a moderate encouragement, it will be continuedat the rate of two or three volumes of varying size a year, and will, Ithink, prove ultimately of considerable service to the students of manin his simpler conditions of life and thought, especially of Americanman. 

CONTENTS. 

INTRODUCTION. 

 § 1. The Name Maya, p. 9. § 2. The Maya Linguistic Family, p. 17. § 3. Origin of the Maya Tribes, p. 20. § 4. Political Condition at the Time of the Conquest, p. 25. § 5. Grammatical Observations, p. 27. § 6. The Numeral System, p. 37. § 7. The Calendar, p. 50. § 8. Ancient Hieroglyphic Books, p. 61. § 9. Modern Maya Manuscripts, p. 67. § 10. Grammars and Dictionaries, p. 72. 

THE CHRONICLES. 

 INTRODUCTORY p. 81

 I. The Series of the Katuns, p. 89. Text, p. 95. Translation, p. 100. Notes, p. 106. 

 II. The Series of the Katuns, p. 136. Text, p. 138. Translation, p. 144. Notes, p. 150. 

 III. The Record of the Count of the Katuns, p. 152. Text, p. 153. Translation, p. 158. Notes, p. 163. 

 IV. The Maya Katuns, p. 165. Text, p. 166. Translation, p. 169. Notes, p. 173. 

 V. The Chief Katuns, p. 177. Text, p. 178. Translation, p. 180. Notes, p. 182. 

THE CHRONICLE OF CHAC XULUB CHEN. 

 Introductory, p. 189. Text, p. 193. Translation, p. 216. Notes, p. 242. 

 VOCABULARY p. 261

I. 

INTRODUCTION. 

CONTENTS. 

1. THE NAME "MAYA. " 2. THE MAYA LINGUISTIC FAMILY. 3. ORIGIN OF THE MAYATRIBES. 4. POLITICAL CONDITION AT THE TIME OF THE CONQUEST. 5. GRAMMATICAL OBSERVATIONS. 6. THE NUMERAL SYSTEM. 7. THE CALENDAR. 8. ANCIENT HIEROGLYPHIC BOOKS. 9. MODERN MAYA MANUSCRIPTS. 10. GRAMMARS ANDDICTIONARIES OF THE LANGUAGE. 

§ 1. _The Name "Maya. "_

In his second voyage, Columbus heard vague rumors of a mainland westwardfrom Jamaica and Cuba, at a distance of ten days' journey in acanoe. [9-1] Its inhabitants were said to be clothed, and the specimensof wax which were found among the Cubans must have been brought fromthere, as they themselves did not know how to prepare it. 

During his fourth voyage (1503-4), when he was exploring the Gulfsouthwest from Cuba, he picked up a canoe laden with cotton clothingvariously dyed. The natives in it gave him to understand that they weremerchants, and came from a land called MAIA. [10-1]

This is the first mention in history of the territory now calledYucatan, and of the race of the Mayas; for although a province ofsimilar name was found in the western extremity of the island of Cuba, the similarity was accidental, as the evidence is conclusive that nocolony of the Mayas was found on the Antilles. [10-2] These islands werepeopled by a wholly different stock, the remnants of whose languageprove them to have been the northern outposts of the Arawacks of Guiana, and allied to the great Tupi-Guaranay stem of South America. 

MAYA was the patrial name of the natives of Yucatan. It was the propername of the northern portion of the peninsula. No single province boreit at the date of the Conquest, and probably it had been handed down asa generic term from the period, about a century before, when this wholedistrict was united under one government. 

The natives of all this region called themselves _Maya uinic_, Maya men, or _ah Mayaa_, those of Maya; their language was _Maya than_, the Mayaspeech; a native woman was _Maya cħuplal_; and their ancient capital was_Maya pan_, the MAYA banner, for there of old was set up the standard ofthe nation, the elaborately worked banner of brilliant feathers, which, in peace and in war, marked the rallying point of the Confederacy. 

We do not know where they drew the line from others speaking the sametongue. That it excluded the powerful tribe of the Itzas, as a recenthistorian thinks, [12-1] seems to be refuted by the documents I bringforward in the present volume; that, on the other hand, it did notinclude the inhabitants of the southwestern coast appears to beindicated by the author of one of the oldest and most completedictionaries of the language. Writing about 1580, when the traditions ofdescent were fresh, he draws a distinction between the _lengua de Maya_and the _lengua de Campeche_. [12-2] The latter was a dialect varyingvery slightly from pure Maya, and I take it, this manner of indicatingthe distinction points to a former political separation. 

The name Maya is also found in the form _Mayab_, and this is asserted byvarious Yucatecan scholars of the present generation, as Pio Perez, Crescencio Carrillo, and Eligio Ancona, to be the correct ancient form, while the other is but a Spanish corruption. [13-1]

But this will not bear examination. All the authorities, native as wellas foreign, of the sixteenth century, write _Maya_. It is impossible tosuppose that such laborious and earnest students as the author of theDictionary of Motul, as the grammarian and lexicographer Gabriel de SanBuenaventura, and as the educated natives whose writings I print in thisvolume, could all have fallen into such a capital blunder. [13-2]

The explanation I have to offer is just the reverse. The use of theterminal _b_ in "Mayab" is probably a dialectic error, other examples ofwhich can be quoted. Thus the writer of the Dictionary of Motul informsus that the form _maab_ is sometimes used for the ordinary negative_ma_, no; but, he adds, it is a word of the lower classes, _es palabrade gente comun_. So I have little doubt but that _Mayab_ is a vulgarform of the word, which may have gradually gained ground. 

As at present used, the accent usually falls on the first syllable, _Ma´ya_, and the best old authorities affirm this as a rule; but it is arule subject to exceptions, as at the end of a sentence and in certaindialects Dr. Berendt states that it is not infrequently heard as_Ma´ya´_ or even _Maya´_. [14-1]

The meaning and derivation of the word have given rise to the usualnumber of nonsensical and far-fetched etymologies. The Greek, theSanscrit, the ancient Coptic and the Hebrew have all been called in tointerpret it. I shall refer to but a few of these profitlesssuggestions. 

The Abbé Brasseur (de Bourbourg) quotes as the opinion of Don Ramon deOrdoñez, the author of a strange work on American archæology, called_History of the Heaven and the Earth_, that _Maya_ is but anabbreviation of the phrase _ma ay ha_, which, the Abbé adds, means wordfor word, _non adest aqua_, and was applied to the peninsula on accountof the scarcity of water there. [15-1]

Unfortunately that phrase has no such, nor any, meaning in Maya; were it_ma yan haa_, it would have the sense he gives it; and further, as theAbbé himself remarked in a later work, it is not applicable to Yucatan, where, though rivers are scarce, wells and water abound. He thereforepreferred to derive it from _ma_ and _ha_, which he thought he couldtranslate either "Mother of the Water, " or "Arm of the Land!"[15-2]

The latest suggestion I have noticed is that of Eligio Ancona, who, claiming that _Mayab_ is the correct form, and that this means "notnumerous, " thinks that it was applied to the first native settlers ofthe land, on account of the paucity of their numbers![15-3]

All this seems like learned trifling. The name may belong to thatancient dialect from which are derived many of the names of the days andmonths in the native calendar, and which, as an esoteric language, wasin use among the Maya priests, as was also one among the Aztecs ofMexico. Instances of this, in fact, are very common among the Americanaborigines, and no doubt many words were thus preserved which could notbe analyzed to their radicals through the popular tongue. 

Or, if it is essential to find a meaning, why not accept the obvioussignification of the name? _Ma_ is the negative "no, " "not;" _ya_ meansrough, fatiguing, difficult, painful, dangerous. The compound _maya_ isgiven in the Dictionary of Motul with the translations "not arduous norsevere; something easy and not difficult to do;" _cosa no grave nirecia; cosa facil y no dificultosa de hacer_. It was used adjectively asin the phrase, _maya u chapahal_, his sickness is not dangerous. So theymight have spoken of the level and fertile land of Yucatan, abounding infruit and game, that land to which we are told they delighted to give, as a favorite appellation, the term _u luumil ceh, u luumil cutz_, theland of the deer, the land of the wild turkey; of this land, I say, theymight well have spoken as of one not fatiguing, not rough norexhausting. 

§ 2. _The Maya Linguistic Family. _

Whatever the primitive meaning and first application of the name Maya, it is now used to signify specifically the aborigines of Yucatan. In amore extended sense, in the expression "the Maya family, " it isunderstood to embrace all tribes, wherever found, who speak relateddialects presumably derived from the same ancient stock as the Mayaproper. 

Other names for this extended family have been suggested, as Maya-Kiche, Mam-Huastec, and the like, compounded of the names of two or more of thetribes of the group. But this does not appear to have much advantageover the simple expression I have given, though "Maya-Kiche" may beconveniently employed to prevent confusion. 

These affiliated tribes are, according to the investigations of Dr. CarlHermann Berendt, the following:--

 1. The Maya proper, including the Lacandons. 

 2. The Chontals of Tabasco, on and near the coast west of the mouth of the Usumacinta. 

 3. The Tzendals, south of the Chontals. 

 4. The Zotzils, south of the Tzendals. 

 5. The Chaneabals, south of the Zotzils. 

 6. The Chols, on the upper Usumacinta. 

 7. The Chortis, near Copan. 

 8. The Kekchis, and

 9. The Pocomchis, in Vera Paz. 

 10. The Pocomams. }

 11. The Mams. }

 12. The Kiches. }

 13. The Ixils. } In or bordering on Guatemala. 

 14. The Cakchiquels. }

 15. The Tzutuhils. }

 16. The Huastecs, on the Panuco river and its tributaries, in Mexico. 

The languages of these do not differ more, in their extremes, than theFrench, Spanish, Italian and other tongues of the so-called Latin races;while a number resemble each other as closely as the Greek dialects ofclassic times. 

What lends particular importance to the study of this group of languagesis that it is that which was spoken by the race in several respects themost civilized of any found on the American continent. Copan, Uxmal andPalenque are names which at once evoke the most earnest interest in themind of every one who has ever been attracted to the subject of thearchæology of the New World. This race, moreover, possessed an abundantliterature, preserved in written books, in characters which were in somedegree phonetic. Enough of these remain to whet, though not to satisfy, the curiosity of the student. 

The total number of Indians of pure blood speaking the Maya proper maybe estimated as nearly or quite 200, 000, most of them in the politicallimits of the department of Yucatan; to these should be added nearly100, 000 of mixed blood, or of European descent, who use the tongue indaily life. [19-1] For it forms one of the rare examples of Americanlanguages possessing vitality enough not only to maintain its ownground, but actually to force itself on European settlers and supplanttheir native speech. It is no uncommon occurrence in Yucatan, says Dr. Berendt, to find whole families of pure white blood who do not know oneword of Spanish, using the Maya exclusively. It has even intruded onliterature, and one finds it interlarded in books published in Merida, very much as lady novelists drop into French in their imaginativeeffusions. [20-1]

The number speaking the different dialects of the stock are roughlyestimated at half a million, which is probably below the mark. 

§ 3. _Origin of the Maya Tribes. _

The Mayas did not claim to be autochthones. Their legends referred totheir arrival by the sea from the East, in remote times, under theleadership of Itzamna, their hero-god, and also to a less numerous, immigration from the west, from Mexico, which was connected with thehistory of another hero-god, Kukul Càn. 

The first of these appears to be wholly mythical, and but a repetitionof the story found among so many American tribes, that their ancestorscame from the distant Orient. I have elsewhere explained this to be buta solar or light myth. [20-2]

The second tradition deserves more attention from the historian, as itis supported by some of their chronicles and by the testimony of severalof the most intelligent natives of the period of the conquest, which Ipresent on a later page of this volume. 

It cannot be denied that the Mayas, the Kiches and the Cakchiquels, intheir most venerable traditions, claimed to have migrated from the northor west, from some part of the present country of Mexico. 

These traditions receive additional importance from the presence on theshores of the Mexican Gulf, on the waters of the river Panuco, north ofVera Cruz, of a prominent branch of the Maya family, the _Huastecs_. Theidea suggests itself that these were the rearguard of a great migrationof the Maya family from the north toward the south. 

Support is given to this by their dialect, which is most closely akin tothat of the Tzendals of Tabasco, the nearest Maya race to the south ofthem, and also by very ancient traditions of the Aztecs. 

It is noteworthy that these two partially civilized races, the Mayas andthe Aztecs, though differing radically in language, had legends whichclaimed a community of origin in some indefinitely remote past. We findthese on the Maya side narrated in the sacred book of the Kiches, the_Popol Vuh_, in the Cakchiquel _Records of Tecpan Atitlan_, and invarious pure Maya sources which I bring forward in this volume. TheAztec traditions refer to the Huastecs, and a brief analysis of themwill not be out of place. 

At a very remote period the Mexicans, under their leader Mecitl, fromwhom they took their name, arrived in boats at the mouth of the riverPanuco, at the place called Panotlan, which name means "where onearrives by sea. " With them were the Olmecs under their leader Olmecatl, the Huastecs, under their leader Huastecatl, the Mixtecs and others. They journeyed together and in friendship southward, down the coast, quite to the volcanoes of Guatemala, thence to Tamoanchan, which isdescribed as the terrestial[TN-1] paradise, and afterwards, some of themat least, northward and eastward, toward the shores of the Gulf. 

On this journey the intoxicating beverage made from the maguey, called_octli_ by the Aztecs, _cii_ by the Mayas, and _pulque_ by theSpaniards, was invented by a woman whose name was _Mayauel_, in which wecan scarcely err in recognizing the national appellation _Maya_. [23-1]Furthermore, the invention is closely related to the history of theHuastecs. Their leader, alone of all the chieftains, drank to excess, and in his drunkenness threw aside his garments and displayed hisnakedness. When he grew sober, fear and shame impelled him to collectall those who spoke his language, and leaving the other tribes, hereturned to the neighborhood of Panuco and settled therepermanently. [23-2]

The annals of the Aztecs contain frequent allusions to the Huastecs. Themost important contest between the two nations took place in the reignof Montezuma the First (1440-1464). The attack was made by the Aztecs, for the alleged reason that the Huastecs had robbed and killed Aztecmerchants on their way to the great fairs in Guatemala. The Huastecs aredescribed as numerous, dwelling in walled towns, possessing quantitiesof maize, beans, feathers and precious stones, and painting their faces. They were signally defeated by the troops of Montezuma, but not reducedto vassalage. [24-1]

At the time of the Conquest the province of the Huastecs was denselypeopled; "none more so under the sun, " remarks the Augustinian friarNicolas de Witte, who visited it in 1543; but even then he found italmost deserted and covered with ruins, for, a few years previous, theSpaniards had acted towards its natives with customary treachery andcruelty. They had invited all the chiefs to a conference, had enticedthem into a large wooden building, and then set fire to it and burnedthem alive. When this merciless act became known the Huastecs desertedtheir villages and scattered among the forests and mountains. [24-2]

These traditions go to show that the belief among the Aztecs was thatthe tribes of the Maya family came originally from the north ornortheast, and were at some remote period closely connected with theirown ancestors. 

§ 4. _Political Condition at the Time of the Conquest. _

When the Spaniards first explored the coasts of Yucatan they found thepeninsula divided into a number of independent petty states. Accordingto an authority followed by Herrera, these were eighteen in number. There is no complete list of their names, nor can we fix with certaintytheir boundaries. The following list gives their approximate position. On the west coast, beginning at the south--

 1. _Acalan_, on the Bahia de Terminos. 2. _Tixchel_ (or Telchac?) 3. _Champoton_ (Chakanputun, or Potonchan). 4. _Kinpech_ (Campech or Campeche). 5. _Canul_ (Acanul or H' Canul). 6. _Hocabaihumun. _ 7. _Cehpech_, in which Merida was founded. 8. _Zipatan_, on the northwest coast. 

On the east coast, beginning at the north--

 9. _Choaca_, near Cape Cotoche. 10. _Ekab_, opposite the Island of Cozumel. 11. _Conil_, or of the Cupuls. [TN-3] 13. _Bakhalal_, or Bacalar. 14. _Chetemal. _ 15. _Taitza_, the Peten district. 

Central provinces--

 16. _H' Chel_ (or Ah Kin Chel) in which Itzamal was located. 17. _Zotuta_, of the Cocoms. 18. _Mani_, of the Xius. 19. _Cochuah_ (or Cochva, or Cocolá), the principal town of which was Ichmul. 

As No. 15, the Peten district, was not conquered by the Spaniards until1697, it was doubtless not included in the list drawn up by Herrera'sauthority, so that the above would correspond with his statement. 

Each of these provinces was ruled by a hereditary chief, who was called_batab_, or _batabil uinic_ (_uinic_=man). He sometimes bore two names, the first being that of his mother, the second of his father, as _CanEk_, in which _Can_ was from the maternal, _Ek_ from the paternal line. The surname (_kaba_) descended through the male. It was called _hachkaba_, the true name, or _hool kaba_, the head name. Much attention waspaid to preserving the genealogy, and the word for "of noble birth" was_ah kaba_, "he who has a name. "

Each village of a province was organized under a ruler, who was styled_halach uinic_, the true or real man. Frequently he was a junior memberof the reigning family. He was assisted by a second in command, termed_ah kulel_, as a lieutenant, and various subordinate officials, whoseduties will be explained in the notes to Nakuk Pech's narrative. 

Personal tenure of land did not exist. The town lands were divided outannually among the members of the community, as their wants required, the consumption of each adult being calculated at twenty loads (of aman) of maize each year, this being the staple food. [27-1]

§ 5. _Grammatical Observations. _

Compared with many American languages, the Maya is simple inconstruction. It is analytic rather than synthetic; most of its rootsare monosyllables or dissyllables, and the order of their arrangement isvery similar to that in English. It has been observed that foreigners, coming to Yucatan, ignorant of both Spanish and Maya, acquire aconversational knowledge of the latter more readily than of theformer. [28-1]

An examination of the language explains this. Neither nouns noradjectives undergo any change for gender, number or case. Before animatenouns the gender may be indicated by the prefixes _ah_ and _ix_, equivalent to the English _he_ and _she_ in such expressions as_he-bear_, _she-bear_. The plural particle is _ob_, which can besuffixed to animate nouns, but is in fact the third person plural of thepersonal pronoun. 

The conjugations of the verbs are four in number. All passives andneuters end in _l_, and also a certain number of active verbs; theseform the first conjugation, while the remaining three are of activeverbs only. The time-forms of the verb are three, the present, theaorist, and the future. Taking the verb _nacal_, to ascend, these formsare _nacal_, _naci_, _nacac_. The present indicative is:--

 Nacal in cah, I ascend. Nacal á cah, thou ascendest. Nacal ú cah, he ascends. Nacal c cah, we ascend. Nacal a cah ex, you ascend. Nacal u cah ob, they ascend. 

When this form is analyzed, we discover that _in_, _á_, _ú_, _c_, _a-ex_, _u-ob_, are personal possessive pronouns, my, thy, his, our, your, their; and that _nacal_ and _cah_ are in fact verbal nounsstanding in apposition. _Cah_, which is the sign of the present tense, means the doing, making, being occupied or busy at something. Hence_nacal in cah_, I ascend, is literally "the ascent, my being occupiedwith. " The imperfect tense is merely the present with the additionalverbal noun _cuchi_ added, as--

 Nacal in cah cuchi, I was ascending. Nacal á cah cuchi, Thou wast ascending. Etc. 

_Cuchi_ means carrying on, bearing along, and the imperfect may thus berendered:--

"The ascent, my being occupied with, carrying on. "

This is what has been called by Friedrich Müller the "possessiveconjugation, " the pronoun used being not in the nominative but in thepossessive form. 

The aorist presents a different mode of formation:--

 Nac-en, (i. E. Naci-en) I ascended. Nac-ech, Thou ascended. Naci, He ascended. Nac-on, We ascended. Nac-ex, You ascended. Nac-ob, They ascended. 

Here _en_, _ech_, _on_, _ex_, are apparently the simple personalpronouns I, thou, we, you, and are used predicatively. The future isalso conjugated in this form by the use of the verbal _bin_, _binel_, togo:

 Bin nacac en, I am going to ascend. Bin nacac ech, Thou art going to ascend. Etc. 

The present of all the active verbs uses this predicative form, whiletheir aorists and futures employ possessive forms. Thus:--

 Ten cambezic, I teach him. Tech cambezic, Thou teaches him. Lay cambezic, He teaches him. 

Here, however, I must note a difference of opinion between eminentgrammatical critics. Friedrich Müller considers all such forms as--

 Nac-en, I ascended, to exhibit "the predicative power of the true verb, " basing his opinionon the analogy of such expressions as--

 Ten batab en, I (am) a chief. [31-1]

M. Lucien Adam, on the other hand, says:--"The intransitive preterit_nac-en_ may seem morphologically the same as the Aryan _ás-mi_; buthere again, _nac_ is a verbal noun, as is demonstrated by the plural ofthe third person _nac-ob_, 'the ascenders. ' _Nac-en_ comes to mean'ascender [formerly] me. '"[31-2]

I am inclined to think that the French critic is right, and that, infact, there is no true verb in the Maya, but merely verbal nouns, _nomina actionis_, to which the pronouns stand either in the possessiveor objective relations, or, more remotely, in the possessive relation toanother verbal noun in apposition, as _cah_, _cuchi_, etc. Theimportance of this point in estimating the structure of the languagewill be appreciated by those who have paid any attention to the scienceof linguistics. 

The objective form of the conjugation is composed of the simple personalpronouns of both persons, together with the possessive of the agent andthe particle _ci_, which conveys the accessory notion of present actiontowards. Thus, from _moc_, to tie:--

 Ten c in moc ech, I tie thee, literally, I my present tying thee. 

These refinements of analysis have, of course, nothing to do with theconvenience of the language for practical purposes. As it has no dual, no inclusive and exclusive plurals, no articles nor substantive verb, notransitions, and few irregular verbs, its forms are quickly learned. Itis not polysynthetic, at any rate, not more so than French, and itswords undergo no such alteration by agglutination as in Aztec andAlgonkin. Syncopated forms are indeed common, but to no greater extentthan in colloquial English. The unit of the tongue remains the word, notthe sentence, and we find no immeasurable words, expressing inthemselves a whole paragraph, such as grammarians like to quote from theEskimo, Aztec, Qquichua and other highly synthetic languages. 

The position of words in a sentence is not dissimilar from that inEnglish. The adjective precedes the noun it qualifies, and sentencesusually follow the formula, subject--verbal--object. Thus:--

 _Hemac cu yacuntic Diose, utz uinic. _ He who loves God, [is] good man. 

But transposition is allowable, as--

 _Taachili u tzicic u yum uinic. _ Generally obeys his father, a man. 

As shown in this last example, the genitive relation is indicated by thepossessive pronoun, as it sometimes was in English, "John, his book;"but the Maya is "his book John, " _u huun Juan_. 

Another method which is used for indicating the genitive and ablativerelations is the termination _il_. This is called "the determinativeending, " and denotes whose is the object named, or of what. It isoccasionally varied to _al_ and _el_, to correspond to the lastpreceding vowel, but this "vocalic echo" is not common in Maya. While itdenotes use, it does not convey the idea of ownership. Thus, _u cħeen inyum_, my father's well, means the well that belongs to my father; but_cħenel in yum_, my father's well, means the well from which he obtainswater, but in which he has no proprietorship. Material used is indicatedby this ending, as _xanil na_, a house of straw (_xan_, straw, _na_, house). 

Compound words are frequent, but except occasional syncope, the membersof the compound undergo no change. There is little resembling theincapsulation (_emboitement_) that one sees in most American languages. Thus, midnight, _chumucakab_, is merely a union of _chumuc_, middle, and_akab_, night; dawn, _ahalcab_, is _ahal_, to awaken, _cab_, the world. 

While from the above brief sketch it will be seen that the Maya is freefrom many of the difficulties which present themselves in most Americantongues, it is by no means devoid of others. 

In its _phonetics_, it possesses six elements which to the Spaniardswere new. They are represented by the signs:

 cħ, k, pp, tħ, tz, ɔ. 

Of these the cħ resembles dch, pronounced forcibly; the ɔ is as dz; thepp is a forcible double p; and in the tħ the two letters are to bepronounced separately and forcibly. There remains the _k_ which is themost difficult of all. It is a sort of palato-guttural, the only one inthe language, and its sound can only be acquired by long practice. 

The _particles_ are very numerous, and make up the life of the language. By them are expressed the relations of space and time, and all the finershades of meaning. Probably no one not to the manor born could rendercorrectly their full force. Buenaventura, in his Grammar, enumeratessixteen different significations of the particle _il_. [35-1]

The elliptical and obscure style adopted by most native writers, partlyfrom ignorance of the art of composition, partly because they imitatedthe mystery in expression affected by their priests, forms a seriousobstacle even to those fairly acquainted with the current language. Moreover, the older manuscripts contain both words and forms unfamiliarto a cultivated Yucatecan of to-day. 

I must, however, not omit to contradict formally an assertion made bythe traveler Waldeck, and often repeated, that the language hasundergone such extensive changes that what was written a century ago isunintelligible to a native of to-day. So far is this from the truththat, except for a few obsolete words, the narrative of the Conquest, written more than three hundred years ago, by the chief Pech, which Iprint in this volume, could be read without much difficulty by anyeducated native. 

Again, as in all languages largely monosyllabic, there are manysignifications attached to one word, and these often widely different. Thus _kab_ means, a hand; a handle; a branch; sap; an offence; while_cab_ means the world; a country; strength; honey; a hive; sting of aninsect; juice of a plant; and, in composition, promptness. It will bereadily understood that cases will occur where the context leaves itdoubtful which of these meanings is to be chosen. 

These _homonyms_ and _paronyms_, as they are called by grammarians, offer a fine field for sciolists in philology, wherein to discoveranalogies between the Maya and other tongues, and they have beenvigorously culled out for that purpose. All such efforts areinconsistent with correct methods in linguistics. The folly of theprocedure may be illustrated by comparing the English and the Maya. Isuppose no one will pretend that these languages, at any rate in theirpresent modern forms, are related. Yet the following are but a few ofthe many verbal similarities that could be pointed out:--

 MAYA. ENGLISH. Bateel, battle. Cħab, to grab, to take. Hol, hole. Hun, one. Lum, loam. Pol, poll (head). Potum, a pot. Pul, to pull, carry. Tun, stone. 

So with the Latin we could find such similarities as _volah_=volo, _ɔa_=dare, etc. 

In fact, no relationship of the Maya linguistic group to any other hasbeen discovered. It contains a number of words borrowed from the Aztec(Nahuatl); and the latter in turn presents many undoubtedly borrowedfrom the Maya dialects. But this only goes to show that these two greatfamilies had long and close relations; and that we already know, fromtheir history, traditions and geographical positions. 

§ 6. _The Numeral System. _

The Mayas had a mathematical turn, and possessed a developed system ofnumeration. It counted by units and scores; in other words, it was avigesimal system. The cardinal numbers were:--

 Hun, one. Ca, two. Ox, three. Can, four. Ho, five. Uac, six. Uuc, seven. Uaxac, eight. Bolon, nine. Lahun, ten. Buluc, eleven. Lahca, twelve. Oxlahun, thirteen. Canlahun, fourteen. Holhun, fifteen. Uaclahun, sixteen. Uuclahun, seventeen. Uaxaclahun, eighteen. Bolonlahun, nineteen. Hunkal, twenty. 

The composition of these numerals from twelve to nineteen inclusive iseasily seen. _Lahun_ is apparently a compound of _lah hun_ (sc. _uinic_), "it finishes one (man);" that is, in counting on the fingers. _Lah_ means the end, to end, and also the whole of anything. _Kal_, ascore, is literally a fastening together, a shutting up, from the verb_kal_, to shut, to lock, to button up, etc. 

From twenty upward, the scores are used:--

 Hun tu kal, one to the score, 21. Ca tu kal, two to the score, 22. Ox tu kal, three to the score, 23, and so on up to

 Ca kal, two score, 40. 

Above forty, three different methods can be used to continue thenumeration. 

1. We may continue the same employed between 20 and 40, thus:--

 Hun tu cakal, one to two score, 41. Ca tu cakal, two to two score, 42. Ox tu cakal, three to two score, 43, and so on. 

2. The numeral copulative _catac_ can be used, with the numeral particle_tul_; as:--

 Cakal catac catul, two score and two, 42. Cakal catac oxtul, two score and three, 43. 

3. We may count upon the next score above, as:

 Hun tu yoxkal, one on the third score, 41. Ca tu yoxkal, two on the third score, 42. Ox tu yoxkal, three on the third score, 43. 

The last mentioned system is that advanced by Father Beltran, and is theonly one formally mentioned by him. It has recently been carefullyanalyzed by Prof. Leon de Rosny, who has shown that it is a consistentvigesimal method. [40-1]

It might be asked, and the question is pertinent, and is left unansweredby Prof. Leon de Rosny, why _hun tu kal_ means "one to the score, " and_hun tu can kal_ is translated, "one on the fourth score. " Thisimportant shade of meaning may be given, I think, by the possessive _u_which originally belonged in the phrase, but suffered elision. Properlyit should be, Hun tu u can kal. 

This seems apparent from other numbers where it has not sufferedelision, but merely incorporation, as:--

 Hun tu yox kal=hun tu u ox kal, 41. Hu tu yokal=hun tu u ho kal, 81. 

This system of numeration, advanced by Beltran, appears to have beenadopted by all of the later writers, who may have learned the Mayalargely from his Grammar. Thus, in the translation of the Gospel of St. John, published by the Baptist Bible Translation Society, chap. II, v. 20; _Xupan uactuyoxkal hab utial u mental letile kulnaa_, "forty and sixyears was this temple in building;"[41-1] and in that of the Gospel ofSt. Luke, said to have been the work of Father Joaquin Ruz, the samesystem is followed. [41-2]

Nevertheless, Beltran's method has been severely criticised by Don JuanPio Perez, who ranks among the ablest Yucatecan linguists of thiscentury. He has pronounced it artificial, not in accordance with eitherthe past or present use of the natives themselves, and built up out ofan effort to assimilate the Maya to the Latin numeral system. 

I give his words in the original, from his unpublished essay on Mayagrammar. [42-1]

"Los Indios de Yucatan cuentan por veintenas, que llaman _kal_ y encierto modo tienen diez y nueve unidades hasta completar la primeraveintena que es _hunkal_ aunque en el curso de esta solo se encuentranonce numeros simples, pues los nombres de los restantes se forman de losde la primera decena. 

"Para contar de una à otra veintena los numeros fraccionarios ò las diezy nueve unidades, terminadas por la particula _tul_ ò su sincopa_tu_, [42-2] se juntan antepuestas à la veintena espresada; por exemplo, _hunkal_, 20; _huntukal_, 21; _catukal_, 22; y _huntucakal_, 41;_catucakal_, 42; _oxtucankal_, 83; _cantuhokal_, 140, etc. 

"El Padre Fr. Beltran de Santa Rosa, como puede verse en su _Arte deLengua Maya_, formó un sistema distinto à este desde la 2ª veintenahasta la ultima, pues para espresar las unidades entre este y la 3ªveintena pone à esta terminandolas y por consiguiente rebajandole suvalor por solo su anteposicion à dichas unidades fraccionarias, y asipara espresar el numero 45 por ejemplo dice _ho tu yoxkal_, cuando_oxkal_ ò _yoxkal_ significa 60. 

"No sé de donde tomó los fundamentos en que se apoya este sistema, quizaen el uso de su tiempo, que no ha llegado hasta este; aunque he visto envarios manuscritos antiguos, que los Indios de entonces como los deahora, usaban el sistema que indico, y espresaban las unidades integrasque numeraban, y para espresar el numero 65 dicen; _Oxkal catac hotul_ ù_hotu oxkal_, que usa el Padre Beltran por 45. [43-1]

"Mas el metodo que explico esta apoyado en el uso y aun en el curso quese advierte en la 1ª y 2ª veintena é indican que asi deben continuar lasdecenas hasta la 20ª y no formar sistemas confusos que por ser mas ômenos análogos à la numeracion romana lo juzgaban mas ô menos perfectos, porque la consideraban como un tipo a que debia arreglarse cualquieraotra lengua, cuando en ellas todo lo que no este conforme con el usorecibido y corriente, es construir castillos en el aire y hacer reformasque por mas ingeniosas que sean, no pasan de inoficiosas. "

In the face of this severe criticism of Father Beltran's system, Icannot explain how it is that in Pio Perez's own Dictionary of the Maya, the numerals above 40 are given according to Beltran's system; and thatthis was not the work of the editors of that volume (which was publishedafter his death), is shown by an autographic manuscript of hisdictionary in my possession, written about 1846, [44-1] in which also thenumerals appear in Beltran's form. 

Three other manuscript dictionaries in my collection, all composedprevious to 1690, affirm the system of Beltran, and I am thereforeobliged to believe that it was authentic and current among the nativeslong before white scholars began to dress up their language in theill-fitting garments of Aryan grammar. 

Proceeding to higher numbers, it is interesting to note that they alsoproceed on the vigesimal system, although this has not heretofore beendistinctly shown. The ancient computation was:

 20 units = one _kal_ = 20 20 kal = one _bak_ = 400 20 bak = one _pic_ = 8, 000 20 pic = one _calab_ = 160, 000 20 calab = one _kinchil_ or _tzotzceh_ = 3, 200, 000 20 kinchil = one _alau_ = 64, 000, 000

This ancient system was obscured by the Spaniards using the word _pic_to mean 1000 and _kinchil_ to mean 1, 000, 000, instead of their originalsignifications. 

The meaning of _kal_, I have already explained to be a fasteningtogether, a package, a bundle. _Bak_, as a verb, is to tie around andaround with a network of cords; _pic_ is the old word for the shortpetticoat worn by the women, which was occasionally used as a sac. If weremember that grains of corn or of cacao were what were generallyemployed as counters, then we may suppose these were measures ofquantity. The word _kal_ (_qal_), in Kiche means a score and alsospecifically 20 grains of cacao; _bak_ in Cakchiquel means a corn-cob, and as a verb to shell an ear of corn, but I am not clear of anyconnection between this and the numeral. Other meanings of _bak_ in Mayaare "meat" and the _partes pudendas_ of either sex. 

_Calab_, seems to be an instrumental form from _cal_, to stuff, to fillfull. [45-1] The word _calam_ is used in the sense of excessive, overmuch. In Cakchiquel the phrase _mani hu cala_, not (merely) one_cala_, is synonymous with _mani hu chuvi_, not (merely) one bag orsack, both meaning a countless number. [46-1] In that dialect thespecific meaning of _cala_ is 20 loads of cacao beans. [46-2]

The term _tzotzceh_ means deerskin, but for _kinchil_ and _alau_, I havefound no satisfactory derivation that does not strain the forms of theword too much. I would, however, suggest one possible connection ofmeaning. 

In _kinchil_, we have the word _kin_, day; in _alau_, the word _u_month, and in the term for mathematical infinity, _hunhablat_, we find_hun haab_, one year, just as in the related expression, _hunhablazic_, which signifies that which lasts a whole year. If this suggestion iswell grounded, then in these highest expressions of quantity (and I aminclined to think that originally _hun hablat_, one _hablat_=20 _alau_)we have applications of the three time periods, the day, the month, andthe year, with the figurative sense that the increase of one over theother was as the relative lengths of these different periods. 

I think it worth while to go into these etymologies, as they may throwsome light on the graphic representation of the numerals in the Mayahieroglyphics. It is quite likely that the figures chosen to representthe different higher units would resemble the objects which their namesliterally signify. The first nineteen numerals were written by acombination of dots and lines, examples of which we find in abundance inthe Codex Troano and other manuscripts. The following explanation of itis from the pen of a native writer in the last century:--

[Illustration]

"Yantac thun yetel paiche tu pachob, he hunppel thune hunppel bin haabe, uaix cappele cappel bin haabe, uaix oxppel thuun, ua canppel thuune, canppel binbe, uaix oxppel thuun baixan; he paichee yan yokol xane, uahunppel paichee, hoppel haab bin; ua cappel paichee lahunppiz bin; uaixhunppel paichee yan yokol xane, ua yan hunppel thuune uacppel bin be;uaix cappel thuune yan yokol paichee uucppel bin be; ua oxppel thuun yanyokole, uaxppel binbe; uaixcanppel thun yan yokole paichee (bolonppelbinbe); yanix thun yokol (cappel) paichee buluc piz; uaix cappel thunelahcapiz; ua oxppel thuun, oxlahunpiz. "

"They (our ancestors) used (for numerals in their calendars) dots andlines back of them; one dot for one year, two dots for two years, threedots for three, four dots for four, and so on; in addition to these theyused a line; one line meant five years, two lines ten years; if one lineand above it one dot, six years; if two dots above the line, sevenyears; if three dots above, eight; if four dots above the line, nine; adot above two lines, eleven; if two dots, twelve; if three dots, thirteen. "[48-1]

The plan of using the numerals in Maya differs somewhat from that inEnglish. 

In the first place, they are rarely named without the addition of a_numeral particle_, which is suffixed. These particles indicate thecharacter or class of the objects which are, or are about to be, enumerated. When they are uttered, the hearer at once knows what kind ofobjects are to be spoken of. Many of them can be traced to a meaningwhich has a definite application to a class, and they have analogues inEuropean tongues. Thus I may say "seven head of"--and the hearer knowsthat I am going to speak of cattle, or sheep, or cabbages, or similarobjects usually counted by heads. So in Maya _ac_ means a turtle or aturtle shell; hence it is used as a particle in counting canoes, houses, stools, vases, pits, caves, altars, and troughs, and some generalappropriateness can be seen; but when it is applied also to cornfields, the analogy seems remote. 

Of these numeral particles, not less than _seventy-six_ are given byBeltran, in his Grammar, and he does not exhaust the list. Of these_piz_ and _pel_, both of which mean, single, singly, are used incounting years, and will frequently recur in the annals I present inthis volume. 

By their aid another method of numeration was in vogue for countingtime. For "eighty-one years, " they did not say _hutuyokal haab_, but_can kal haab catac hunpel haab_, literally, "four score years and oneyear. " The copulative _catac_ is also used in adding a smaller number toa _bak_, or 400, as for 450, _hun bak catac lahuyoxkal_, "one _bak_ andten toward the third score. " _Catac_ is a compound of _ca tac_, _ca_meaning "then" or "and, " and _tac_, which Dr. Berendt considered to bean irregular future of _talel_, to come, "then will come fifty, " butwhich may be the imperative of _tac_ (_tacah_, _tace_, thirdconjugation), which means to put something under another, as in thephrase _tac ex che yalan cum_, put you wood under the pot. 

It will be seen that the latter method is by addition, the former bysubtraction. Another variety of the latter is found in the annals. Forinstance, "ninety-nine years" is not expressed by _bolonlahutuyokalhaab_, nor yet by _cankal haab catac bolonlahunpel haab_, but by _hunpelhaab minan ti hokal haab_, "one single year lacking from five scoreyears. "

§ 7. _The Calendar. _

The system of computing time adopted by the Mayas is a subject tooextensive to be treated here in detail, but it is indispensable, for theproper understanding of their annals, that the outlines of theirchronological scheme be explained. 

The year, _haab_, was intended to begin on the day of the transit of thesun by the zenith, and was counted from July 16th. It was divided intoeighteen months, _u_ (_u_, month, moon), of twenty days, _kin_ (sun, day, time), each. The days were divided into groups of five, asfollows:--

 1. _Kan. _ 6. _Muluc. _ 11. _Ix. _ 16. _Cauac. _ 2. Chicchan. 7. Oc. 12. Men. 17. Ahau. 3. Cimi. 8. Chuen. 13. Cib. 18. Imix. 4. Manik. 9. Eb. 14. Caban. 19. Ik. 5. Lamat. 10. Ben. 15. Eɔnab. 20. Akbal. 

The months, in their order, were:--

 1. Pop. 2. Uo. 3. Zip. 4. Zoɔ. 5. Zeec. 6. Xul. 7. Ɔe-yaxkin. 8. Mol. 9. Chen. 10. Yaax. 11. Zac. 12. Ceh. 13. Mac. 14. Kankin. 15. Moan. 16. Pax. 17. Kayab. 18. Cumku. 

As the Maya year was of 365 days, and as 18 months of 20 days eachcounted only 360 days, there were five days intervening between the lastof the month Cumku and the first day of the following year. These werecalled "days without names, " _xma kaba kin_ (_xma_, without, _kaba_, names, _kin_, days), an expression not quite correct, as they were namedin regular order, only they were not counted in any month. 

It will be seen, by glancing at the list of days, that this arrangementbrought at the beginning of each year, the days Kan, Muluc, Ix and Cauacin turn, and that no other days could begin the year. These days weretherefore called _cuch haab_, "the bearers of the years" (_cuch_, tobear, carry, _haab_, year), and years were distinguished as "a yearKan, " "a year Muluc, " etc. , as they began with one or another of these"year bearers. "

But the calendar was not so simple as this. The days were not countedfrom one to twenty, and then beginning at one again, and so on, but byperiods of 13 days each. Thus, in the first month, beginning with 1 Kan, the 14th day of that month begins a new "week, " as it has been called, and is named 1 Caban. Twenty-eight of these weeks make 364 days, thusleaving one day to complete the year. When the number of these odd daysamounted to 13, in other words when thirteen years had elapsed, thisformed a period which was called "the _katun_ of days, " _kin katun_, andby Spanish writers an "indiction. "

It will be readily observed by an inspection of the following table, that four of these indictions, in other words 52 years, will elapsebefore a "year bearer" of the same name and number recommences a year. 

 ___________________________________________________________ _1st year. _ | _14th year. _ | _27th year. _ | _40th year_[TN-5] ----------------------------------------------------------- 1 | Kan | Muluc | Ix | Cauac 2 | Muluc | Ix | Cauac | Kan 3 | Ix | Cauac | Kan | Muluc 4 | Cauac | Kan | Muluc | Ix 5 | Kan | Muluc | Ix | Cauac 6 | Muluc | Ix | Cauac | Kan 7 | Ix | Cauac | Kan | Muluc 8 | Cauac | Kan | Muluc | Ix 9 | Kan | Muluc | Ix | Cauac 10 | Muluc | Ix | Cauac | Kan 11 | Ix | Cauac | Kan | Muluc 12 | Cauac | Kan | Muluc | Ix 13 | Kan | Muluc | Ix | Cauac. -----------------------------------------------------------

A cycle of 52 years was thus obtained in a manner almost identical withthat of the Aztecs, Tarascos and other nations. 

But the Mayas took an important step in advance of all theircontemporaries in arranging a much longer cycle. 

This long cycle was an application of the vigesimal system to theirreckoning of time. Twenty days were a month, _u_ or _uinal_; twentyyears was a cycle, _katun_. To ask one's age the question was put_haypel u katunil_? How many katuns have you? And the answer was, _hunpel katun_, one katun (twenty years), or, _hopel in katunil_, I amfive katuns, or a hundred years old, as the case might be. 

The division of the katuns was on the principle of the Beltran system ofnumeration (see page 40), as, _xel u ca katun_, thirty years. _xel u yox katun_, fifty years. 

Literally these expressions are, "dividing the second katun, " "dividingthe third katun, " _xel_ meaning to cut in pieces, to divide as with aknife. They may be compared to the German _dritthalb_, two and a half, or "the third a half. "[54-1]

The Katun of 20 years was divided into five lesser divisions of 4 yearseach, called _tzuc_, a word with a signification something like theEnglish "bunch, " and which came to be used as a numeral particle incounting parts, divisions, paragraphs, reasons, groups of towns, etc. [54-2]

These _tzuc_ were called by the Spaniards _lustros_, from the Latin_lustrum_, although that was a period _five_ years. Cogolludo says:"They counted their eras and ages, which they entered in their books, byperiods of 20 years each, and by _lustros_ of four years each. The firstyear they placed in the East [that is, on the Katun-wheel, and in thefigures in their books], calling it _cuch haab_; the second in the West, called _Hijx_; the third in the South, _Cavac_; and the fourth, Muluc, in the North, and this served them for the Dominical letter. When fiveof the _lustros_ had passed, that is 20 years, they called it a _Katun_, and they placed one carved stone upon another, cemented with lime andsand, in the walls of their temples, or in the houses of theirpriests. "[55-1]

The historian is wrong in saying that the first year was called_cuchhaab_; that was the name applied to all the Dominical days, and asI have said, means "year bearer. " The first year was called _Kan_, fromthe first day of its first month. 

This is but one of many illustrations of how cautious we must be inaccepting any statement of the early Spanish writers about the usages ofthe natives. 

There is, however, some obscurity about the length of the _Katun_. Allthe older Spanish writers, without exception, and most of the nativemanuscripts, speak of it distinctly as a period of twenty years. Yetthere are three manuscripts of high authority in the Maya which statethat it embraced twenty-four years, although the last four were notreckoned. This theory was adopted and warmly advocated by Pio Perez, inhis essay on the ancient chronology of Yucatan, and is also borne out bycalculations which have been made on the hieroglyphic Codex Troano, byM. Delaporte, in France, and Professor Cyrus Thomas, in the UnitedStates. [56-1]

This discrepancy may arise from the custom of counting the katuns by twodifferent systems, ground for which supposition is furnished by variousmanuscripts; but for purposes of chronology and ordinary life, it willbe evident that the writers of the annals in the present volume adoptedthe Katun of twenty years' length; while on the other hand the nativePech, in his History of the Conquest, which is the last piece in thevolume, gives for the beginning and the end of the Katun the years1517-1541, and therefore must have had in mind one of twenty-four years'duration. The solution of these contradictions is not yet at hand. 

This great cycle of 13 × 20=260 years was called an _ahau Katun_collectively, and each period in it bore the same name. 

This name, _ahau Katun_, deserves careful analysis. _Ahau_ is theordinary word for chief, king, ruler. It is probably a compound of _ah_, which is the male prefix and sign of the _nomen agentis_, and _u_, collar, a collar of gold or other precious substance, distinguishing thechiefs. _Katun_ has been variously analyzed. Don Pio Perez supposed itwas a compound of _kat_, to ask, and _tun_, a stone, because at theclose of these periods they set up the sculptured stone, which wasafterwards referred to in order to fix the dates of occurrences. [57-1]This, however, would certainly require that _kat_ be in the passive, _katal_ or _kataan_, and would give _katantun_. Beltran in his Grammartreats the word as an adjective, meaning very long, perpetual. [57-2] Butthis is a later, secondary sense. Its usual signification is a body orbatallion[TN-7] of warriors engaged in action. As a verb, it is tofight, to give battle, and thus seems related to the Cakchiquel _[k]at_, to cut, or wound, to make prisoner. [58-1] The series of years, orderedand arranged under a controlling day and date, were like a row ofsoldiers commanded by a chief, and hence the name _ahau katun_. 

Each of these _ahaus_ or chiefs of the Katuns was represented in thenative calendars by the picture or portrait of a particular personagewho in some way was identified with the Katun, and his name was given toit. This has not been dwelt upon nor even mentioned by previous writerson the subject, but I have copies of various native manuscripts whichillustrate it, and give the names of each of the rulers of the Katuns. 

The thirteen _ahau katuns_ were not numbered from 1 upward, butbeginning at the 13th, by the alternate numbers, in the followingorder:--

 13, 11, 9, 7, 5, 3, 1, 12, 10, 8, 6, 4, 2

Various reasons have been assigned for this arrangement. It would beforeign to my purpose to discuss them here, and I shall merely quote thefollowing, from a paper I wrote on the subject, printed in the _AmericanNaturalist_, Sept. , 1881:--

 "Gallatin explained them as the numerical characters of the days "Ahau" following the first day of each year called Cauac; Dr. Valentini thinks they refer to the numbers of the various idols worshiped in the different Ahaus; Professor Thomas that they are the number of the year (in the indiction of 52 years) on which the Ahau begins. Each of these statements is true in itself, but each fails to show any practical use of the series; and of the last mentioned it is to be observed that the objection applies to it that at the commencement of an Ahau Katun the numbers would run 1, 12, 10, 8, etc. , whereas we know positively that the numbers of the Ahaus began with 13 and continued 11, 9, 7, 5, etc. 

 "The explanation which I offer is that the number of the Ahau was taken from the last day Cauac preceding the Kan with which the first year of each Ahau began--for, as 24 is divisible by 4, the first year of each Ahau necessarily began with the day Kan. This number was the "ruling number" of the Ahau, and not for any mystical or ceremonial purpose, but for the practical one of at once and easily converting any year designated in the Ahau into its equivalent in the current Kin Katun, or 52 year cycle. All that is necessary to do this is, to _add the number of the year in the Ahau to the number of the year Cauac corresponding to this "ruling number. " When the sum exceeds 52, subtract that number. _

 "Take an example: To what year in the Kin Katun does 10 Ahau XI (the 10th year of the 11th Ahau) correspond?

 "On referring to a table, or, as the Mayas did, to a 'Katun wheel, ' we find the 11th Cauac to be the 24th year of the cycle; add ten to this and we have 34 as the number of the year in the cycle to which 10 Ahau XI corresponds. The great simplicity and convenience of this will be evident without further discussion. "

The important question remains, how closely, by these cycles, did theMayas approximate to preserving the exact date of an event?

To answer this fairly, we should be sure that we have a perfectlyauthentic translation of their hieroglyphic annals. It is doubtful thatwe have. Those I present in this volume are the most perfect, so far asI know, but they certainly do not agree among themselves. Can theirdiscrepancies be explained? I think they can in a measure (1) by thediffering length of the katuns, (2) by the era assumed as thecommencement of the reckoning. 

It must be remembered that there was apparently no common era adopted bythe Mayas; each province may have selected its own; and it is quiteerroneous to condemn the annals off-hand for inaccuracy because theyconflict between themselves. 

§ 8. _Ancient Hieroglyphic Books. _

The Mayas were a literary people. They made frequent use of tablets, wrote many books, and covered the walls of their buildings withhieroglyphic signs, cut in the stones or painted upon the plaster. 

The explanation of these signs is one of the leading problems inAmerican archæology. It was supposed to have been solved when themanuscript of Bishop Landa's account of Yucatan was discovered, sometwenty years ago, in Madrid. The Bishop gave what he called "an A, B, C, " of the language, but which, when applied to the extant manuscriptsand the mural inscriptions, proved entirely insufficient to decipherthem. 

The disappointment of the antiquaries was great, and by one of them, Dr. Felipe Valentini, Landa's alphabet has been denounced as "a Spanishfabrication. "[61-1] But certainly any one acquainted with the history ofthe Latin alphabet, how it required the labor of thousands of years andthe demands of three wholly different families of languages, to bring itto its perfection, should not have looked to find among the Mayas, oranywhere else, a parallel production of human intelligence. Moreover, rightly understood, Landa does not intimate anything of the kind. Hedistinctly states that what he gives are the sounds of the Spanishletters as they would be transcribed in Maya characters; not at all thatthey analyzed the sounds of their words and expressed the phoneticelements in these characters. On the contrary, he takes care to affirmthat they could not do this, and gives an example in point. [62-1] Dr. Valentini, therefore, was attacking a windmill, and entirelymisconstrued the Bishop's statements. 

I shall not, in this connection, enter into a discussion of the natureof these hieroglyphics. It is enough for my purpose to say that theywere recognized by the earliest Spanish explorers as quite differentfrom those of Mexico, and as the only graphic system on the continent, so far as they knew it, which merited the name of writing. [62-2]

The word for book in Maya is _huun_, a monosyllable which reappears inthe Kiche _vuh_ and the Huasteca _uuh_. In Maya this initial _h_ isalmost silent and is occasionally dropped, as _yuunil Dios_, the book ofGod (syncopated form of _u huunil Dios_, the suffix _il_ being the"determinative" ending). I am inclined to believe that _huun_ is merelya form of _uoohan_, something written, this being the passive participleof _uooh_, to write, which, as a noun, also means a character, aletter. [63-1]

Another name for their books, especially those containing the propheciesand forecasts of the priestly diviners, is said to have been _anahte_;or _analte_. This word is not to be found in any of the earlydictionaries. The usual authority for it is Villagutierre Sotomayor, whodescribes these volumes as they were seen among the Itzas of Lake Peten, about 1690. [64-1]

These books consisted of one long sheet of a kind of paper made bymacerating and beating together the leaves of the maguey, and afterwardssizing the surface with a durable white varnish. The sheet was foldedlike a screen, forming pages about 9 × 5 inches. Both sides were coveredwith figures and characters painted in various brilliant colors. On theouter pages boards were fastened, for protection, so that the completedvolume had the appearance of a bound book of large octavo size. 

Instead of this paper, parchment was sometimes used. This was made fromdeerskins, thoroughly cured and also smoked, so that they should be lessliable to the attacks of insects. A very durable substance was thusobtained, which would resist most agents of destruction, even in atropical climate. Twenty-seven rolls of such parchment, covered withhieroglyphics, were among the articles burned by Bishop Landa, at Mani, in 1562, in a general destruction of everything which related to theancient life of the nation. He himself says that he burned all that hecould lay his hands upon, to the great distress of the natives. [65-1]

A very few escaped the destructive bigotry of the Spanish priests. Sofar as known these are. --

1. The Codex Tro, or Troano, in Madrid, published by the Frenchgovernment, in 1869. 

2. What is believed to be the second part of the Codex Troano, now(1882) in process of publication in Paris. 

3. The Codex Peresianus, in the National Library, Paris, a very limitededition of which has been issued. 

4. The Dresden Codex, in Kingsborough's Mexico, and photographed incolors, to the number of 50 copies, in 1880, which is believed tocontain fragments of two different manuscripts. 

To these are, perhaps, to be added one other in Europe and two inMexico, which are in private hands, and are alleged to be of the samecharacter. 

All the above are distinctly in characters which were peculiar to theMayas, and which are clearly variants of those found on the sculpturedbeams and slabs of Uxmal, Chichen Itza, Palenque and Copan. 

It is possible that many other manuscripts may be discovered in time, for Landa tells us that it was the custom to bury with the priests thebooks which they had written. As their tombs were at times of solidstones, firmly cemented together, and well calculated to resist themoisture and other elements of destruction for centuries, it is nowiseunlikely that explorations in Yucatan will bring to light some of thesehidden documents. 

The contents of these books, so far as we can judge from the hints inthe early writers, related chiefly to the ritual and calendar, to theirhistory or Katuns, to astrological predictions and divinations, to theirmythology, and to their system of healing disease. 

§ 9. _Modern Maya Manuscripts. _

As I have said, the Mayas were naturally a literary people. Had theybeen offered the slightest chance for the cultivation of theirintellects they would have become a nation of readers and writers. Striking testimony to this effect is offered by Doctor Don Augustin deEchano, Prebend of the Cathedral Church of Merida, about the middle ofthe last century. He observes that twelve years of experience among theIndians had taught him that they were very desirous of knowledge, andthat as soon as they learned to read, they eagerly perused everythingthey could lay their hands on; and as they had nothing in their tonguebut some old writings that treated of sorceries and quackeries, theworthy Prebend thought it an excellent idea that they should besupplied, in place of these, with some ---- _sermons_![67-1] But whatelse could be expected of a body of men who crushed out with equalbigotry every spark of mental independence in their own country?

The "old writings" to which the Prebend alludes were composed by nativeswho had learned to write the Maya in the alphabet adopted by the earlymissionaries and conquerors. An official document in Maya, still extant, dates from 1542, and from that time on there were natives who wrotetheir tongue with fluency. But their favorite compositions were workssimilar to those to which their forefathers had been partial, prophecies, chronicles and medical treatises. 

Relying on their memories, and no doubt aided by some of the ancienthieroglyphical manuscripts, carefully secreted from the vandalism of themonks, they wrote out what they could recollect of their nationalliterature. 

There were at one time a large number of these records. They arereferred to by Cogolludo, Sanchez Aguilar and other early historians. Probably nearly every village had one, which in time became to beregarded with superstitious veneration. 

Wherever written, each of these books bore the same name; it was alwaysreferred to as "The Book of Chilan Balam. " To distinguish them apart, the name of the village where one was composed was added. Thus we havestill preserved to us, in whole or in fragments, the Book of ChilanBalam of Chumayel, of Kaua, of Nabula, etc. , in all, it is said, aboutsixteen. 

"Chilan Balam" was the designation of a class of priests. "Chilan, " saysBishop Landa, "was the name of their priests, whose duty it was to teachthe sciences, to appoint holy days, to treat the sick, to offersacrifices, and especially to utter the oracles of the gods. They wereso highly honored by the people that usually they were carried onlitters on the shoulders of the devotees. "[69-1] Strictly speaking, inMaya, _chilan_ means "interpreter, " "mouth-piece, " from "_chij_, " "themouth, " and in this ordinary sense frequently occurs in other writings. The word _balam_--literally, "tiger, "--was also applied to a class ofpriests, and is still in use among the natives of Yucatan as thedesignation of the protective spirits of fields and towns, as I haveshown at length in a study of the word as it occurs in the native mythsof Guatemala. [70-1] "_Chilan Balam_, " therefore, is not a proper name, but a title, and in ancient times designated the priest who announcedthe will of the gods and explained the sacred oracles. This accounts forthe universality of the name and the sacredness of its associations. 

The dates of the books which have come down to us are various. One ofthem, "The Book of Chilan Balam of Mani, " was undoubtedly composed notlater than 1595, as is proved by internal evidence. Various passages inthe works of Landa, Lizana, Sanchez Aguilar and Cogolludo--all earlyhistorians of Yucatan--prove that many of these native manuscriptsexisted in the sixteenth century. Several rescripts date from theseventeenth century--most from the latter half of the eighteenth. 

The names of the writers are generally not given, probably because thebooks, as we have them, are all copies of older manuscripts, with merelythe occasional addition of current items of note by the copyist; as, forinstance, a malignant epidemic which prevailed in the peninsula in 1673is mentioned as a present occurrence by the copyist of "The Book ofChilan Balam of Nabula. "

These "Books of Chilan Balam" are the principal sources from which SeñorPio Perez derived his knowledge of the ancient Maya system of computingtime, and also drew what he published concerning the history of theMayas before the Conquest, and from them also are taken the variouschronicles which I present in the present volume. 

That I am enabled to do so is due to the untiring researches of Dr. CarlHermann Berendt, who visited Yucatan four times, in order to study thenative language, to examine the antiquities of the peninsula, and totake accurate copies, often in fac-simile, of as many ancientmanuscripts as he could discover. After his death, his collection cameinto my hands. 

The task of deciphering these manuscripts is by no means a light one, and I must ask in advance for considerable indulgence for my attempt. Words and phrases are used which are not explained in the dictionaries, or, if explained, are used in a different sense from that now current. The orthography is far from uniform, each syllable is often writtenseparately, and as the punctuation is wholly fanciful or entirelyabsent, the separation of words, sentences and paragraphs is oftenuncertain and the meaning obscure. 

Another class of documents are the titles to the municipal lands, therecords of surveys, etc. I have copies of several of these, and amongthem was found the history of the Conquest, by Nakuk Pech, which Ipublish. It was added to the survey of his town, as a general statementof his rights and defence of the standing of his family. 

My translations are not in flowing and elegant language. Had they beenso, they would not have represented the originals. For the sake ofaccuracy I have not hesitated to sacrifice the requirements of Englishcomposition. 

§ 10. _Grammars and Dictionaries of the Language. _

The learned Yucatecan, Canon Crescencio Carillo y Ancona, states in hislast work that there have been written thirteen grammars and seventeendictionaries of the Maya. [72-1]

The first grammar printed was that of Father Luis de Villalpando. Thisearly missionary died in 1551 or 1552, and his work was not issued untilsome years later. Father Juan Coronel also gave a short Maya grammar tothe press, together with a _Doctrina_. It is believed that copies ofboth of these are preserved. Beltran, however, acknowledges that inpreparing his own grammar he has never seen either of these earlierworks. [73-1]

In 1684, the _Arte de la Lengua Maya_, composed by Father Gabriel de SanBuenaventura, a French Franciscan stationed in Yucatan, was printed inMexico. [73-2] Only a few copies of this work are known. It has, however, been reprinted, though not with a desirable fidelity, by the AbbeBrasseur (de Bourbourg), in the second volume of the reports of the_Mission Scientifique au Mexique et à l'Amerique Centrale_, Paris, 1870. 

The leading authority on Maya grammar is Father Pedro Beltran, who was anative of Yucatan, and instructor in the Maya language in the convent ofMerida about 1740. He was thoroughly conversant with the native tongue, and his _Arte_ was reprinted in Merida, in 1859, as the best work of thekind which had been produced. [74-1]

The eminent antiquary, Don Juan Pio Perez contemplated writing a Mayagrammar, and collected a number of notes for that purpose, [74-2] as didalso the late Dr. Berendt, but neither brought his work to any degree ofcompleteness. I have copies of the notes left by both these diligentstudents, as also both editions of Beltran, and an accurate MS. Copy ofBuenaventura, from all of which I have derived assistance in completingthe present study. 

The first Maya dictionary printed was issued in the City of Mexico in1571. It was published as that of Father Luis de Villalpando, but as hehad then been dead nearly twenty years, it was probably merely basedupon his vocabulary. It was in large 4to, of the same size as the secondedition of Molina's _Vocabulario de la Lengua Mexicana_. At least onecopy of it is known to be in existence. 

For more than three centuries no other dictionary was put to press, although for some unexplained reason that of Villalpando was unknown inYucatan. At length, in 1877, the publication was completed at Mérida, ofthe _Diccionario de la Lengua Maya_, by Don Juan Pio Perez. [75-1] Itcontains about 20, 000 words, and is Maya-Spanish only. It is the resultof a conscientious and lifelong study of the language, and a work ofgreat merit. The deficiencies it presents are, that it does not give theprincipal parts of the verbs, that it omits or does not explaincorrectly many old terms in the language, and that it gives very fewexamples of idioms or phrases showing the uses of words and theconstruction of sentences. 

I can say little in praise of the _Vocabulaire Maya-Francais-Espagnole_, compiled by the Abbé Brasseur (de Bourbourg), and printed in the secondvolume of the Report of the _Mission Scientifique au Mexique et àl'Amerique Centrale_. It contains about ten thousand words, but many ofthese are drawn from doubtful sources, and are incorrectly given; whilethe derivations and analogies proposed are of a character unknown to thescience of language. 

Besides the above and various vocabularies of minor interest, I havemade use of three manuscript dictionaries of the first importance, whichwere obtained by the late Dr. Berendt. They belonged to three Franciscanconvents which formerly existed in Yucatan, and as they are allanonymous, I shall follow Dr. Berendt's example, and refer to them bythe names of the convents to which they belonged. These were the conventof San Francisco in Merida, that at the town of Ticul and that at Motul. 

The most recent of these is that of the convent of Ticul. It bears thedate 1690, and is in two parts, Spanish-Maya and Maya-Spanish. 

The _Diccionario del Convento de San Francisco de Merida_ bears no date, but in the opinion of the most competent scholars who have examined it, among them Señor Pio Perez, it is older than that of Ticul, probably byhalf a century. It is also in two parts, which have evidently beenprepared, by different hands. 

_The Diccionario del Convento de Motul_ is by far the most valuable ofthe three, and has not been known to Yucatecan scholars. A copy of itwas picked up on a book stall in the City of Mexico by the AbbéBrasseur, and sold by him to Mr. John Carter Brown, of Providence, R.  I. In 1864 this was very carefully copied by Dr. Berendt, who also madeextensive additions to it from other sources, indicating such by the useof inks of different colors. This copy, in three large quarto volumes, in all counting over 2500 pages, is that which I now have, and havefound of indispensable assistance in solving some of the puzzlespresented by the ancient texts in the present volume. 

The particular value of the _Diccionario de Motul_ is not merely therichness of its vocabulary and its numerous examples of construction, but that it presents the language as it was when the Spaniards firstarrived. The precise date of its compilation is indeed not given, butthe author speaks of a comet which he saw in 1577, and gives otherevidence that he was writing in the first generation after the Conquest. 

FOOTNOTES:

[9-1] "Tambien diz [el Almirante] que supó que ... Aquella isla Españolaó la otra isla Jamaye estaba cerca de tierra firme, diez jornadas deCanoa que podia ser sesenta á setenta leguas, y que era la gente vestidaalli. " Navarrete, _Viages_, Tom. I, pag. 127. 

[10-1] "In questo loco pigliorono una Nave loro carica di mercantia etmerce la quale dicevono veniva da una cierta provintia chiamata MAIAMvel Iuncatam con molte veste di bambasio de le quale ne erono il forciodi sede di diversi colori. " _Informatione di Bartolomeo Colombo. _ It isthus printed in Harisse, _Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima_, p. 473;but in the original MS. In the Magliabechian library the words "velIuncatam" are superscribed over the word "MAIAM, " and do not belong tothe text. (Note of Dr. C.  H. Berendt. ) They are, doubtless, a latergloss, as the name "Yucatan" cannot be traced to any such early date. The mention of _silk_ is, of course, a mistake. Peter Martyr alsomentions the name in his account of the fourth voyage: "Ex Guaassainsula et Taia Maiaque et cerabazano, regionibus Veraguæ occidentalibusscriptum reliquit Colonus, hujus inventi princeps, " etc. _Decad. _ III, Lib. IV. 

[10-2] I have collected this evidence, drawing largely from themanuscript works on the Arawack language left by the Moravianmissionary, the Rev. Theodore Schultz, and published it in a monograph, entitled: _The Arawack Language of Guiana in its Linguistic andEthnological Relations_. (_Transactions of the American PhilosophicalSociety_, 1871. ) There was a province in Cuba named _Maiye_; see NicolasFort y Roldan, _Cuba Indígena_, pp. 112, 167 (Madrid, 1881). Accordingto Fort, this meant "origin and beginning, " in the ancient language ofCuba; but there is little doubt but that it presents the Arawacknegative prefix _ma_ (which happens to be the same in the Maya) and maybe a form of _majùjun_, not wet, dry. 

[12-1] Eligio Ancona, _Historia de Yucatan_, Tom. I, p. 31 (Merida, 1878). 

[12-2] _Diccionario Maya-Español del Convento de Motul. _ MS. _Sub voce, ichech. _ The manuscript dictionaries which I use will be described inthe last section of this Introduction. The example given is:--

"ICHECH; tu eres, en lengua de Campeche; _ichex_, vosotros seis; _inen_, yo soy; _in on_, nosotros somos. De aqui sale en lengua de Maya, _tech cech ichech e_, tu que eres por ahi quien quiera, " etc. 

[13-1] See Eligio Ancona, _Hist. De Yucatan_, Tom. I, p. 37. 

[13-2] "MAYA (accento en la primera); nombre proprio de esta tierra deYucatan. " _Diccionario de Motul_, MS. "Una provincia que llamavan de la_Maya_, de la qual la lengua de Yucatan se llama _Mayathan_. " Diego deLanda, _Relacion de las Cosas de Yucatan_, p. 14. "Esta tierra deYucatan, à quien los naturales llaman _Ma´ya_, " Cogolludo, _Historia deYucatan_, Lib. IV, Cap. III. "El antiguo Reyno de Maya ò Mayapan que hoyse llama Yucatan. " Villagutierre, _Historia de el Itza y de elLacandon_, p. 25. The numerous MSS. Of the Books of Chilan Balam arealso decisive on this point. 

[14-1] _Nombres Geograficos en Lengua Maya_, folio, MS. In mycollection. 

[15-1] Note to Landa, _Rel. De las Cosas de Yucatan_, p. 14. 

[15-2] _Vocabulaire Maya-Francais-Espagnole_, _sub voce_, MAYA. 

[15-3] _Hist. De Yucatan_, p. 37. 

[19-1] A discussion of the items of the census of 1862 may be found inthe work of the Licentiate Apolinar Garcia y Garcia, _Historia de laGuerra de Castas de Yucatan_, Tomo I, Prologo, pp. Lxvii, et seq. (Merida 1865. ) The completion of this meritorious work was unfortunatelyprevented by the war. The author was born near Chan Ɔenote, Yucatan, in 1837, and was appointed _Juez de Letras_ at Izamal in 1864. 

[20-1] See, for example, _El Toro de Sinkeuel, Leyenda Hipica_ (Merida, 1856), a political satire, said to be directed against General Ampudia, by Manuel Garcia. 

[20-2] D.  G. Brinton, _The Myths of the New World; a Treatise on theSymbolism and Mythology of the Red Race of America_, Chap. VI (2d Ed. New York, 1876). 

[23-1] _Maya-uel_ may be from _maya_ and _ohel_, to know eitherintellectually or carnally; or the last syllable may be _uol_, will, desire, mind. This inventive woman would thus have been named "the Mayawit" (in the old meaning of the word). 

[23-2] Sahagun, _Historia de la Nueva España_, Lib. X, Cap. XXIX, p. 12. 

[24-1] Fray Diego Duran, _Historia de las Indias de Nueva España y Islasde Tierra Firme_, Cap. XIX (Ed. Mexico, 1867). 

[24-2] See _Lettre de Fray Nicolas de Witt_ (should be Witte), 1554, inTernaux Compans, _Recueil des Piéces[TN-2] sur le Mexique_, p. 254, 286;also the report of the "Audiencia" held in Mexico in 1531, in Herrera, _Historia de las Indias Occidentales_, Dec. IV, Lib. IX, Cap. V. 

[27-1] I mention this particularly in order to correct a grave error inLanda's _Relacion de las Cosas de Yucatan_, p. 130. He says, "Suelen decostumbre sembrar para cada casado con su muger medida de cccc piés quellaman _hun-uinic_, medida con vara de XX pies, XX en ancho y XX enlargo. " The agrarian measure _uinic_ or _hun uinic_ (one man) contained20 _kaan_, each 24 yards (_varas_) square. One _kaan_ was estimated toyield two loads of corn, and hence the calculation was forty loads ofthe staff of life for each family. Landa's statement that a patch 20feet square was assigned to a family is absurd on the face of it. 

[28-1] "La lengua castellana es mas dificultosa que la Maya para lagente adulta, que no la ha mamado con la leche, como lo ha enseñado laexperiencia en los estranjeros de distintas naciones, y en los negrosbozales que se han radicado en esta provincia, que mas facilmente hanaprendido la Maya que la castellana. " Apolinar Garcia y Garcia, _Historia de la Guerra de Castas en Yucatan_. Prologo, p. Lxxv. (folio, Merida, 1865). 

[31-1] Friedrich Müller, _Grundriss der Sprachwissenschaft_, II Band, s. 309. (Wien, 1882). 

[31-2] Lucien Adam, _Etudes sur six Langues Américaines_, p. 155. (Paris, 1878). 

[35-1] Gabriel de San Buenaventura, _Arte de la Lengua Maya_, fol. 28(Mexico, 1684). 

[40-1] _Mémoire sur la numération dans la langue et dans l'Ecrituresacrée des anciens Mayas_, in the Compte-Rendu of the CongrèsInternational des Américanistes, Vol. II, p. 439 (Paris, 1875). 

[41-1] _Leti u Ebanhelio Hezu Crizto hebix Huan_, London, 1869. Thistranslation was made by the Rev. A. Henderson and the Rev. RichardFletcher, missionaries to the British settlements at Belize. 

[41-2] _Leti u Cilich Evangelio Jesu Christo hebix San Lucas. _ Londres, 1865. The first draught of this translation, in the handwriting ofFather Ruz, with numerous corrections by himself, is in the library ofthe Canon Crescencio Carrillo at Mérida. A copy of it was obtained bythe Rev. John Kingdon of Belize, and printed in London without anyacknowledgment of its origin. It does not appear to me to be accurate. For instance, chap. X, v. 1, "The Lord appointed other seventy also, "where the Maya has _xan lahcatu cankal_, "seventy-two;" and again chap. XV, v. 4, the ninety-nine sheep are increased to _bolon lahu uaxackal_, one hundred and fifty-nine!

[42-1] _Apuntes para una Gramatica Maya. _ Por Don Juan Pio Perez, MSS. Pp. 126, 128. 

[42-2] "Me parece que _tu_ es síncopa de _ti u_. " (Note of Dr. Berendt. )There is no doubt but that Dr. Berendt is correct. 

[43-1] This is not correct. Beltran gives for 45, _hotu yoxkal_, which Ianalyze, _ho ti u u ox kal_. 

[44-1] _Apuntes del Diccionario de la Lengua Maya. Por un yucatecoaficionado à la lengua_, 4to, pp. 486, MSS. 

[45-1] "CAL: hartar ô emborrachar la fruta. " _Diccionario Maya-Españoldel Convento de San Francisco_, Merida, MS. I have not found this wordin other dictionaries within my reach. 

[46-1] _Calepino en Lengua Cakchiquel por Fray_ Francisco deVarea, [TN-4] MS. S.  v. _chuvi_. This MS. Is in the Library of theAmerican Philosophical Society, Philadelphia. 

[46-2] F. Pantaleon de Guzman, _Compendio de Nombres en LenguaCakchiquel_, MS. This MS. Is in my collection. 

[48-1] _Codice Perez_, p. 92, MS. This is a series of extracts fromvarious ancient Maya manuscripts obtained by the late distinguishedYucatecan antiquary, Don Juan Pio Perez, and named from him by CanonCrescencio Carrillo and other linguists. A copy of it is in mycollection. It is in quarto, pp. 258. 

[54-1] All the examples in the above paragraph are from the Appendix tothe _Diccionario Maya-Español del Convento de San Francisco, Merida_, MS. It also gives its positive authority to the length of the katuns, asfollows: "Dicese que los Indios contaban los años à pares (_sic_), ycuando llegaba uno a veinte años, entonces decian que tenian _hunpelkatun_, que son veinte años. '[TN-6] I think the words _à pares_, must be anerror for _à veintenas_; they may mean "in equal series. "

[54-2] The _Diccionario de Motul_ MS. Has the following lengthyentries:--

"TZUC: copete ô coleta de cabellos; ô de crines de caballo, ô las barbasque echa el maiz por arriba estando en la mazorca; y la cabeza quetienen algunas hachas y martillos en contra del tajo, y la cabeza delhorcon, y las nubes levantadas en alto y que dan que denotan segun dicetempestad de agua. Partes, enpartimieñtos. Cuenta para pueblos, parapartes, parrafos i articulos, diferencios y vocablos montones. "

[55-1] _Historia de Yucatan_, Lib. IV, cap. V. 

[56-1] M. Delaporte's calculations are mentioned by Leon de Rosny, _Essai sur le Déchiffrement de l'Ecriture Hiératique de l'AmériqueCentrale_, p. 25 (Paris, 1876); Professor Thomas' will be found in the_American Naturalist_, for 1881, and in his _Study of the Codex Troano_, Washington, 1882. 

[57-1] Pio Perez, _Cronologia Antigua de Yucatan_. § VIII. 

[57-2] "_Katun_, para siempre. " Beltran de Santa Rosa, _Arte del IdiomaMaya_, p. 177. 

[58-1] The following extracts from two manuscripts in my hands willthrow further light on this derivation--

KATUN: espacio de veinte años; _hun katun_, 20 años; _ca katun_, 40años, etc. 

KATUN: batallon de gente, ordenada de guerra y ejercito asi, y soldadoscuando actualmente andan en la guerra. 

KATUN (TAH, TÉ): guerrear, hacer guerra, ò dar guerra. 

KATUNBEN: el que tiene tantas venteinas de años, segun el numeral que sele junta, _hay katunben ech?_ cuantas venteinas de años tienes tu? _cakatunben en_, tengo dos venteinas. 

DICCIONARIO DE MOTUL, MS. , 1590. 

ÇAT (he): generalmente sig^a cortar algo con acha, cuchillo ô hiera;detener algo que se huya, atajarlo, etc. 

Varea, _Calepino en Lengva[TN-8] Cakchiquel_, MS. , 1699. 

[61-1] _Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society_, 1880. 

[62-1] The example he gives is the word _le_, which he says "paraescrivirle con sus caracteres _habiendoles nosotros hecho entender_ queson dos letras, lo escrivian ellos con tres, " etc. , thus plainly sayingthat they did not analyze the word to its phonetic radicals in theirsystem. _Relacion de las Cosas de Yucatan_, p. 318. 

[62-2] Las Casas says, with great positiveness, that they found inYucatan "letreros de ciertos caracteres que en otra ninguna parte. "_Historia Apologetica_, cap. CXXIII. I also add an interestingdescription of their books and letters, furnished by the companions ofFather Alonso Ponce, the Pope's Commissary-General, who traveled throughYucatan in 1586, when many natives were still living who had been bornbefore the Conquest (1541). Father Ponce had traveled through Mexico, and, of course, had learned about the Aztec picture-writing, which hedistinctly contrasts with the writing of the Mayas. Of the latter hesays: "Son alabados de tres cosas entre todos los demas de la NuevaEspaña, la una de que en su antiguedad tenian caracteres y letras, conque escribian sus historias y las ceremonias y orden de los sacrificiosde sus idolos y su calendario, en libros hechos de corteza de ciertoarbol, los cuales eran unas tiras muy largas de quarta ó tercia enancho, que se doblaban y recogian, y venia á queder á manera de un libroencuardenada en cuartilla, poco mas, ó menos. Estas letras y caracteresno las entendian, sino los sacerdotes de los idolos, (que en aquellalengua se llaman 'ahkines'), y algun indio principal. Despues lasentendieron y supieron léer algunos frailes nuestros y aun lasescribien. " (_Relacion Breve y Verdadera de Algunas Cosas de las Muchasque Sucedieron al Padre Fray Alonso Ponce, Comisario-General en lasProvincias de la Nueva España_, page 392). I know no other author whomakes the interesting statement that these characters were actually usedby missionaries to impart instruction to the natives. 

[63-1] "_uooh_; caracter o letra. _uooh_ (tah, te) escribir. _uoohan_, cosa que esta escrita. " _Diccionario de Motul_, MS. 

[64-1] His words are: "Y satisfaciendoles por la quenta señalada, queellos mismos tenian, de que vsavan, para ajustar sus antiguas Profezias, y los Tiempos de su cumplimiento, que eran vnos Caracteres y Figuraspintadas en vnas cortezas de Arboles, como de una quarta de largo cadahoja, ò tabilla, y del gruesso como de vn real de à ocho, dobladas à vnaparte, y à otra, à manera de Viombo, que ellos llamavan Analtees, " etc. , _Historia de la Conquista de la Provincia de el Itza_, Lib. VII. Cap I(Madrid, 1701). Pio Perez spells the word _anahté_, _Diccionario de laLengua Maya_, s.  v. Following a MS. Of the last century, given in the_Codice Perez_. The word _hunilté_, from _huunil_, the "determinative"form of "_hun_, " and _té_, a termination to nouns which specifies orlocalizes them (e.  g. _amay_, an angle, _amay té_, an angular figure, etc). , would offer a plausible derivation for _analté_. 

[65-1] "Se les quemamos todos lo qual à maravilla sentian y les davapena. " _Relacion de las Cosas de Yucatan_, p. 316. 

[67-1] "La experiencia de manejar tan incessantemente à los Indios encerca de doce años que los servi, me enseñó, que el motivo de estartodavia muchos tan pegados à sus antiguedades, era porque siendo losnaturales muy curiosòs, y aplicandose à saber leer: los que esto logran, quanto papel tienen à mano, tanto leen: y no aviendo entre ella, mastratados en su idioma, que los que sus antepasados escribieron, cuyamateria es solo de sus hechicerias, encantos, y curaciones con muchosabusos, y ensalmos; ya se ve que en estos bebian insensiblemente eltosigo para vomitar despues su malicia en otros muchos. " _Aprobacion delDoctor D. Augustin de Echano_, etc. , to Dr. Don Francisco EugenioDominguez, _Platicas de los Principales Mysterios de Nvestra[TN-9] S^taFee, hechas en el Idioma Yucateco_. Mexico, 1758. This extremely rarework is highly prized for the purity and elegance of the Maya employedby the author. 

[69-1] _Relacion de las Cosas de Yucatan_, page 160. 

[70-1] _The Names of the Gods in the Kiche Myths of Central America. Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society_, Vol. XIX, 1881. Theterminal letter in both these words--"_chilan_, " "_balam_, "--may beeither "_n_" or "_m_, " the change being one of dialect and localpronunciation. I have followed the older authorities in writing "_ChilanBalam_, " the modern preferring "_Chilam Balam_. "

[72-1] _Historia Antigua de Yucatan, p. 123_ (Merida, 1882). 

[73-1] _Arte del Idioma Maya_, p. 242 (2d ed). 

[73-2] _Arte de la Lengua Maya_, compuesto por el R.  P. Fr. Gabriel deSan Buenaventura Predicador y difinidor habitual de la Provincia de SanJoseph de Yucathan del Orden de N.  P.  S. Francisco. Año de 1684. Conlicencia; En Mexico, por la Viuda de Bernardo Calderon, 4to. Pag. 1-4, leaves 5-41. 

[74-1] _Arte del Idioma Maya reducido a succintas reglas, y semilexiconYucateco_ por el R.  P.  F. Pedro Beltran de Santa Rosa Maria. En Mexicopor la Viuda de D. Joseph Bernardo de Hogal. Año de 1746. 8vo, pp. 8, 1-188. Segunda edicion, Mérida de Yucatan, Imprenta de J.  D. Espinosa. Julio, 1859. 8vo, 9 leaves, pp. 242. 

[74-2] _Apuntes para una Gramatica Maya. _ Por Don Juan Pio Perez, pp. 45-136. _MSS. _

[75-1] _Diccionario de la Lengua Maya_, por D. Juan Pio Perez. Merida deYucatan. Imprenta literaria, de Juan F. Molina Solis, 1866-1877. Large8vo, two cols. Pp. I-xx, 1-437. 

THE CHRONICLES. 

 I. THE SERIES OF THE KATUNS. _From the Book of Chilan Balam of Mani. _

 II. THE SERIES OF THE KATUNS. _From the Book of Chilan Balam of Tizimin. _

 III. THE RECORD OF THE COUNT OF THE KATUNS. _From the Book of Chilan Balam of Chumayel. _

 IV. THE MAYA KATUNS. _From the Book of Chilan Balam of Chumayel. _

 V. THE CHIEF KATUNS. _From the Book of Chilan Balam of Chumayel. _

THE CHRONICLES. 

The chronicles and fragments of chronicles which I have collected hereare all taken from the various "Books of Chilan Balam. " They constituteabout all that remains to us, so far as I know, of the ancient historyof the peninsula. There are, indeed, in other portions of these "Books"references to historical events before the Conquest, but no otherconsecutive narrations of them. 

Except the one given first, none of these has ever been printed, noreven translated from the Maya into any European language. Whether theycorroborate or contradict one another, it is equally important forAmerican archæology to have them preserved and presented in theiroriginal form. 

It does not come within my present purpose to try to reconcile thediscrepancies between them. I am furnishing materials for history, notwriting it, and my chief duty is to observe accuracy, even at the riskof depreciating the value of the documents I offer. 

I have, therefore, followed strictly the manuscripts which I possess infac-similes of the originals, and when I believe the text is corrupt orin error, I have suggested apart from the text what I suppose to be theneeded correction to the passage. 

In the notes I have also discussed such grammatical or historicalquestions as have occurred to me as of use in elucidating the text. 

There will be found considerable repetition in these different versions, as must necessarily be from their character, if they have a claim to beauthentic records; but it is also fair to add that details will be foundin each which are omitted in the others, and hence, that all arevaluable. 

This similarity may be explained by two suppositions; either they arecopies from a common original, or they present the facts they narrate ingeneral formulæ which had been widely adopted by the priests forcommitting to memory their ancient history. The differences which wefind in them preclude the former hypothesis except as it may apply tothe first two. The similarities in the others I believe are no more thanwould occur in relating the same incidents which had been learnedthrough fixed forms of narration. 

The division into sections I have made for convenience of reference. Thevariants I have given at the bottom of the page are readings which Ithink are preferable to those in the text, or corrections of manifesterrors; but I have endeavored to give the text, just as it is in thebest MSS. I have, errors and all. 

It is not my purpose to enter into a critical historical analysis ofthese chronicles. But a few remarks may be made to facilitate theirexamination. 

Making the necessary omissions in No. II, which I point out in theprefatory note to it, it will be found that all five agree tolerablywell in the length of time they embrace. Nos. III and IV begin at alater date than the others, but coincide as far as they go. 

The total period of time, from the earliest date given, to thesettlement of the country by the Spaniards, is 71 katuns. If the katunis estimated at twenty years, this equals 1420 years; if at twenty-fouryears, then we have 1704 years. 

All the native writers agree, and I think, in spite of the contrarystatement of Bishop Landa, that we may look upon it as beyond doubt, that the last day of the 11th katun was July 15th, 1541. Therefore theone of the above calculations would carry us back to A.  D. 121, theother to B.  C. 173. 

The chief possibility of error in the reckoning would be from confusingthe great cycles of 260 (or 312) years, one with another, and assigningevents to different cycles which really happened in the same. This wouldincrease the number of the cycles, and thus extend the period of timethey appear to cover. This has undoubtedly been done in No. II. 

According to the reckoning as it now stands, six complete great cycleswere counted, and parts of two others, so that the native at the time ofthe Conquest would have had eight great cycles to distinguish apart. 

I have not found any clear explanation how this was accomplished. We donot even know what name was given to this great cycle, nor whether thecalendar was sufficiently perfected to prevent confusion in dates in theremote past. 

I find, however, two passages in the collection of ancient manuscripts, which I have before referred to as the _Codice Perez_, which seem tohave a bearing on this point; but as the text is somewhat corrupt andseveral of the expressions archaic, I am not certain that I catch theright meaning. These passages are as follows:--

 U hiɔil lahun ahau u ɔocol hun uuɔ katun, u zut tucaten oxlahunpiz katun ɔiban tu uichob tu pet katun; la hun uuɔ katun u kaba ca bin ɔococ u than lae, u hoppol tucaten; bay hoppci ca ɔib lae ca tun culac u yanal katun lae. Cabin ɔococ uaxac ahau lae u hoppol tucaten lae. (Page 90. )

 U hiɔil Lahun Ahau u ɔocol u nuppul oxlahunpez katun ɔiban u uichob tu pet tzaton lo hun (_sic_) uuɔ katun u kaba ca bin ɔococ u than lae, ca tun culac u yanal katun ca bin ɔococ uaxac Ahau lae; hu hoppol tucaten bay hoppci ca ɔib. (Page 168. )

_Translation. _

 At the last of the tenth ahau katun is ended one doubling of the katun, and the return a second time of thirteen katuns is written on the face of the katun circle; one doubling of the katuns, as it is called, will then finish its course, to begin again; and when it begins, it is written that another katun commences: when the eighth katun ends it begins again (_i.  e. _, to count with this eighth as the first of the next "doubling"). 

 At the last of the tenth Ahau Katun is ended the joining together of thirteen katuns (which is) written on the face of the katun circle; one doubling of the katuns, as it is called, will then finish its course, and another katun will begin and will end as the eighth katun; this begins a second time, as it began (at first) and was then written. 

In other words, if I do not miss the writer's meaning, the repetitionsof the great cycle of thirteen katuns were not counted from either ofits terminals, to wit, the thirteenth or the second katun, but from thetenth katun. These repetitions were called _uuɔ katun_, the doublingor foldings over of the katuns, and they were inscribed on the circle orwheel of the katuns at that part of it where the tenth katun wasentered. These wheels were called _u pet katun_, the circle of thekatuns, or _u met katun_, the wheel of the katuns, or _u uazaklomkatun_, the return of the katuns. I have several copies of them, and oneis given in Landa's work, but I know of none which is a genuineoriginal, and, therefore, it is not surprising that I do not find on anyof them the signs referred to adjacent to the tenth katun. 

For the convenience of the reader I have drawn up the followingchronological table of the events referred to in the Chronicles, arranging them under the Great Cycles and Katuns to which they wouldbelong were the former numbered according to the regular sequence givenon page 59. I have also inserted the katuns which were omitted by thenative chroniclers, but which, according to that sequence, are necessaryin order to complete their records in accordance with the theory of theMaya calendar. The references in Roman numerals are to the differentchronicles. 

SYNOPSIS OF MAYA CHRONOLOGY. 

 _Great Cycle. _ _Katun. _

 I. 8 They leave Nonoual (I. ) 6 4 2 II. 13 They arrive at Chacnouitan (I. ) 11 9 7 5 3 1 12 10 8 Chichen Itza heard of (II. ) 6 Bacalar and Chichen Itza discovered (I, II, III. ) 4 Ahmekat Tutulxiu arrives (I?, II. ) 2 III. 13 _Pop_ first counted (_i.  e. _ calendar arranged) (II, III. ) 11 Remove to Chichen Itza (I. ) 9 7 5 3 1 Abandon Chichen Itza; remove to Champoton (I, II. ) 12 10 Abandon Chichen Itza; remove to Champoton (III. ) 8 6 Champoton taken (I, II. ) 4 Champoton taken (III. ) 2 IV. 13 11 9 7 5 3 1 12 10 8 Champoton abandoned (I, II, III. ) 6 The Itzas houseless (I. [TN-10] II, III. ) The [TN-11]well dressed" driven out (IV. ) 4 Return to Chichen Itza (I, II. ) 2 Uxmal founded (I. ) The League in Mayapan begins (I. ) V. 13 Mayapan founded (V. ) 11 9 7 5 Chichen Itza destroyed by Kinich Kakmo (IV. ) 3 1 The last of the Itzas leave Chichen Itza (IV. ) 12 10 Uxmal founded (II. ) 8 Plot of or against Hunac Ceel (I, II, III. ) Zaclactun Mayapan founded (IV. ) Chakanputun burned (IV. ) 6 War with Ulmil (I. ) 4 The land of Mayapan seized (II, III. ) 2 VI. 13 11 Mayapan attacked by Itzas under Ulmil and depopulated by foreigners (I. ) 9 7 5 Naked cannibals came (IV. ) 3 1 Tancah Mayapan destroyed (IV. ) 12 10 8 Mayapan finally destroyed (I, II, III, V. ) 6 The Maya league ended (V. ) 4 The pestilence (II, III, IV. ) 2 Spaniards first seen (I, II. ) Smallpox (III. ) VII. 13 Ahpula died (I, II, III. ) The pestilence (I. ) 11 Spaniards arrive (I, II, III, IV, V. ) Ahpula died (IV. )

I. THE SERIES OF THE KATUNS. 

_From the Book of Chilan Balam of Mani. _

The first chronicle which I present is the only one which has beenheretofore published. On account of its comparative fullness it deservesespecial attention. It is taken from the Book of Chilan Balam of thetown of Mani. 

This town, according to a tradition preserved by Herrera, was foundedafter the destruction of Mayapan, and, therefore, not more than seventyyears before the arrival of the Spaniards. Mayapan was destroyed inconsequence of a violent feud between the two powerful families whojointly ruled there, the Cocoms and the Xius or Tutul Xius. The latter, having slain all members of the Cocom family to be found in the city, deserted its site and removed south about fifteen miles, and thereestablished as their capital a city to which they gave the name Mani, "which means 'it is past, ' as if to say 'let us start anew. '"[89-1]

At the time of the Conquest the reigning chief of the Tutulxius wasfriendly to the Spaniards, and voluntarily submitted to their rule, aswe are informed with much minuteness of detail by the historianCogolludo. [90-1] We may reasonably suppose, therefore, that thischronicle was brought from Mayapan in the "Books of Science, " whichHerrera refers to as esteemed their greatest treasure by the chiefs whobroke up their ancient confederation when Mayapan was deserted. Hencethe records ran a better chance of being preserved in this province thanin those which were desolated by war. As I have already said (page 65) alarge number were destroyed precisely at Mani by Bishop Landa, in 1562. 

I find among the memoranda of Dr. Berendt reference to four "Books ofChilan Balam, " of Mani. These dated from 1689, 1697, 1755 and 1761, respectively, but I have not learned from which of these Pio Perezextracted the chronicles he gave Mr. John L. Stephens. Dr. Berendt addsthat it was from one which was in possession of a native schoolmaster ofMani, who, having the surname Balam, claimed to be descended from theoriginal Chilan Balam![91-1]

The first publication of the document was in the Appendix to the secondvolume of Mr. Stephens' _Incidents of Travel in Yucatan_ (New York, 1843). It included the original Maya text, with a not very accuratetranslation into English of Pio Perez's rendering of the Maya. From Mr. Stephen's volume, the document has been copied into various publicationsin Mexico, Yucatan and Europe. 

The other attempt at an independent translation was that of the AbbéBrasseur (de Bourbourg), published at Paris in 1864, in the same volumewith Landa's _Relacion de las Cosas de Yucatan_. The text he took fromStephens' book, errors and omissions included, and his translation isentirely based on the English one, as he evidently did not have accessto the original Spanish of Pio Perez. 

The most important recent study of the subject has been made by Dr. Valentini, who published the notes of Pio Perez on his translation, andgave a general re-examination of ancient Maya history, with a great dealof sagacity and a large acquaintance with the related Spanishliterature. [92-1] He is, however, in error in stating that he was thefirst to publish the notes of Perez, as they had previously been printedin a work by Canon Carrillo. [92-2]

Much use of this chronicle has been made by the recent historians ofYucatan, Don Eligio Ancona and the Canon Crescencio Carrillo y Ancona;but I am surprised to find that they have depended entirely on theprevious labors of Pio Perez, Stephens and Brasseur, and have made noattempt to verify or extend them. 

Dr. Berendt, although earnestly devoted to collecting and copying theserecords did not, as Dr. Valentini observes, ever attempt a translationof any of them. 

No hint is given as to the author of the document, nor do we know fromwhat sources he derived his information. It has been plausibly suggestedthat it was an epitome of the history of their nations, which waslearned by heart and handed down from master to disciple, and whichserved as a verbal key to the interpretation of the painted andsculptured records, and to the "katun stones" which were erected at theexpiration of each cycle and inscribed with the principal events whichhad transpired in it. 

The Abbé Brasseur placed at the head of his edition of this chroniclethe title, in Maya:--

"LELO LAI U TZOLAN KATUNIL TI MAYAB, "

which he translates--

"SÉRIES DES EPOQUES DE L'HISTOIRE MAYA. "

This is an invention of the learned antiquary. There is no such nor anyother title to the original. It is simply called in the first line _utzolan katun_, the arrangement or order of the katuns. The word _tzolan_is a verbal noun, the past participle of the passive voice of _tzol_, which means to put in order, to arrange, and is in the genitive of thething possessed, as indicated by the pronoun _u_. Literally, the phrasereads, "their arrangement (the) katuns. "

TEXT. 

1. Lai u tzolan katun lukci ti cab ti yotoch Nonoual cante aniloTutulxiu ti chikin Zuiua u luumil u talelob Tulapan [95-1]chiconahthan. 

2. Cante bin ti katun lic u ximbalob ca uliob uaye yetel HolonChantepeuh yetel u cuchulob. Ca hokiob ti petene uaxac ahau bin yancuchi uac ahau, can ahau, cabil ahau, cankal haab catac hunppel haab, tumen hun piztun oxlahun ahau cuchie, ca uliob uay ti petene, cankalhaab catac hunppel haab, tu pakteil, yetel cu ximbalob lukci tu luumilobca talob uay ti petene Chacnouitan lae; u añoil lae 81 ---- ---- ---- 81. 

3. Uaxac ahau, uac ahau; cabil ahau kuchci chacnouitan Ahmekat Tutulxiu;hunppel haab minan ti hokal haab cuchi yanob chacnouitan lae; lai uhabil lae ---- ---- ---- 99 años. 

4. Laitun uchci u chicpahal tzucubte Ziyan caan lae Bakhalal; can ahau, cabil ahau, oxlahun ahau, oxkal haab cu tepalob Ziyan caan ca emob uaylae; lai u habil cu tepalob Bakhalal [96-1]chuulte laitun chicpahciChicħen Itza lae ---- ---- 60 años. 

5. Buluc ahau, bolon ahau, uuc ahau, ho ahau, ox ahau, hun ahau, uackalhaab, cu tepalob Chichen Itzaa, ca paxi Chicħen Itza, ca binob cahtalChanputun, ti yanhi u yotochob ah Itzaob kuyan uincob lae; lay u habillae ---- ---- 120. 

6. Uac ahau chucuc u luumil Chanputun. Can ahau, cabil ahau, oxlahunahau, buluc ahau, bolon ahau, uuc ahau, ho ahau, ox ahau, hun ahau, lahca ahau, lahun ahau, uaxac ahau paxci Chanputun; oxlahunkal haab cutepalob Chanputun tumenel Ytza uinicob ca talob u tzac le u yotochob tucaten; laixtun u katunil binciob ah Itzaob yalan che, yalan [96-2]aban, yalan ak ti numyaob lae; lai u habil cu [96-3]xinbal lae ---- ---- ----260. 

7. Uac ahau, can ahau, cakal haab, ca talob u heɔob yotoch tu caten catu zatahob chakanputun; lay u habil lae ---- ---- ---- 40. 

8. Lai u katunil cabil ahau u heɔcicab Ahcuitok Tutulxiu Uxmal; cabilahau, oxlahun ahau, buluc ahau, bolon ahau, uuc ahau, ho ahau, ox ahau, hun ahau, lahca ahau, lahun ahau; lahun kal haab cu tepalob yetel uhalach uinicil chicħen Itza yetel Mayalpan; lai u habil lae ---- ----200. 

9. Lai u katunil buluc ahau bolon ahau uuc ahau, uaxac ahau, paxci uhalach uinicil Chicħen Itzaa tumenel u kebanthan Hunac eel; ca uch tiChacxibchac Chichen Itzaa tu kebanthan Hunac eel u halach uinicilMayalpan ich paae. Cankal haab catac lahunpiz haab, tu lahun tun, uaxacahau cuchie lai u habil paxci tumenel Ahzinteyut chan yetel Tzuntecum, yetel Taxcal, yetel Pantemit, Xuchueuet yetel Ytzcuat, yetel Kakaltecat;lai u kaba uiniclob lae uuctulob ah Mayelpanob lae ---- ---- ---- ----90. 

10. Laili u katunil uaxac ahau lai ca binob u paa ah Ulmil ahau tumenelu uahal uahoob yetel ah Itzmal ulil ahau lae oxlahun uuɔ u katunilobca paxob tumen Hunac eel; tumenel u ɔabal u natob; uac ahau ca ɔocihunkal haab catac canlahun pizi; lai u habil cu [97-1]xinbal ---- 34. 

11. Uac ahau, can ahau, cabil ahau, oxlahun ahau, buluc ahau chucuc uluumil ich paa Mayapan, tumenel u pach tulum, tumenel multepal ich cahMayalpan, tumenel Ytza uinicob yetel Ulmil ahau lae, cankal haab catacoxppel haab; yocol buluc ahau cuchi paxci Mayalpan tumenel ahuitzilɔul tan cah Mayapan ---- ---- 83. 

12. Uaxac ahau lai paxci Mayapan; lay u katunil uac ahau, can ahau, cabil ahau, lai haab, cu ximbal ca yax mani españoles u yax ulci caaluumi Yucatan tzucubte lae oxkal haab paxac ichpaa cuchie ---- ---- -------- 60. 

13. Oxlahun ahau, buluc ahau uchci mayacimil ich paa yetel nohkakil;oxlahun ahau cimci Ahpula; uacppel haab u binel ma ɔococ u xocoloxlahun ahau cuchie; ti yanil u xocol haab ti lakin cuchie, canil kancumlahi pop, tu holhun zip catac oxppeli, bolon imix u kinil lai cimciAhpula; laytun año cu ximbal cuchi lae ca oheltab lai u xoc _numeroilanos_ lae 1536 años cuchie, oxkal haab paxac ichpa cuchi lae. 

14. Laili ma ɔococ u xocol buluc ahau lae lai ulci _españoles_ kuluincob ti lakin, u talob ca uliob uay tac luumil lae; bolon ahau hoppci_cristianoil_; uchci caputzihil; laili ichil u katunil lae ulci yax_obispo_ Toroba u kaba; heix año cu ximbal uchie 1544. 

15. Yan cuchi uuc ahau cimci yax obispo de landa; ychil u katunil hoahau ca yan cahi padre manii lai año lae ---- ---- ---- 1550. 

16. Lai año cu ximbal ca cahi padre yok haa 1552. 

17. Lai año cu ximbal ca uli Oidor la ca paki Espital ---- ---- -------- 1559. 

18. Lai año cu ximbal ca kuchi Doctor Quijada yax gob^or uaye -------- ---- 1560. 

19. Lai año cu ximbal ca uchci cħuitab lae 1562. 

20. Lai año cu ximbal ca uli Mariscal gob^or ca betab [99-1]thulub---- ---- ---- 1563. 

21. Lai año cu ximbal ca uchci nohkakil lae 1609. 

22. Lai año cu ximbal ca hichiucal kaxob 1610. 

23. Lai año cu ximbal ca ɔibtah cah tumenel Juez Diego Pareja 1611. 

TRANSLATION. 

1. This is the arrangement of the katuns since the departure was madefrom the land, from the house Nonoual, where were the four Tutulxiu, from Zuiva at the west; they came from the land Tulapan, having formed aleague. 

2. Four katuns had passed in which they journeyed when they arrived herewith Holon Chantepeuh and his followers. When they set out for thiscountry it was the eighth ahau. The sixth ahau, the fourth ahau, thesecond ahau (passed), four score years and one year, for it was thefirst year of the thirteenth ahau when they arrived here in thiscountry; four score years and one year in all had passed since theydeparted from the land and came here, to the province Chacnouitan. Thesewere years 81. 

3. The eighth ahau, the sixth ahau; in the second ahau Ahmekat Tutulxiuarrived at Chacnouitan; they were in Chacnouitan five score yearslacking one year; these were years 99. 

4. Then took place the discovery of the province Ziyan caan or Bakhalal;the fourth ahau, the second ahau, the thirteenth ahau, three score yearsthey ruled Ziyan caan when they descended here: in these years that theyruled Bakhalal it occurred then that Chichen Itza was discovered. 60years. 

5. The eleventh ahau, the ninth ahau, the seventh ahau, the fifth ahau, the third ahau, the first ahau, six score years, they ruled at ChichenItza; then they abandoned Chichen Itza and went to live at Chanputun;there those of Itza, holy men, had their houses; these were years 120. 

6. In the sixth ahau the land of Chanputun was seized. The fourth ahau, the second ahau, the thirteenth ahau, the eleventh ahau, the ninth ahau, the seventh ahau, the fifth ahau, the third ahau, the first ahau, thetwelfth ahau, the tenth ahau; the eighth ahau Chanputun was abandoned;thirteen score years Chanputun was ruled by the Itza men when they camein search of their houses a second time; in this katun those of Itzawere under the trees, under the boughs, under the branches, to theirsorrow; the years that passed were 260. 

7. The sixth ahau, the fourth ahau, two score years, (had passed) whenthey came and established their houses a second time, and they lostChakanputun; these were years 40. 

8. In the katun the second ahau Ahcuitok Tutulxiu founded (the city of)Uxmal; the second ahau, the thirteenth ahau, the eleventh ahau, theninth ahau, the seventh ahau, the fifth ahau, the third ahau, the firstahau, the twelfth ahau, the tenth ahau; ten score years they ruled withthe governor of Chichen Ytza and Mayapan; these were years 200. 

9. Then were the katuns eleventh ahau, ninth ahau, sixth ahau; in theeighth ahau the governor of Chichen Itza was driven out on account ofhis plotting against Hunac Eel; and this happened to Chac Xib Chac ofChichen Itza on account of his plotting against Hunac Eel the governorof Mayapan, the fortress. Four score years and ten years, and it was thetenth year of the eighth ahau that it was depopulated by Ah ZinteyutChan, with Tzuntecum, and Taxcal, and Pantemit, Xuchueuet and Ytzcuatand Kakaltecat: these were the names of the seven men of Mayapan 90. 

10. In this eighth ahau they went to the fortress of the ruler of Ulmilon account of his banquet to Ulil ruler of Itzmal; they were thirteendivisions of warriors when they were dispersed by Hunac Eel, in orderthat they might know what was to be given; in the sixth ahau it ended, one score years and fourteen; the years that passed were 34. 

11. The sixth ahau, the fourth ahau, the second ahau, the thirteenthahau, the eleventh ahau; then was invaded the land of the fortress ofMayapan by the men of Itza and their ruler Ulmil on account of theseizure of the castle by the joint government in the city of Mayapan;four score years and three years; the eleventh ahau had entered whenMayapan was depopulated by foreigners from the mountains in the midst ofthe city of Mayapan 83. 

12. In the eighth ahau Mayapan was depopulated; then were the sixthahau, the fourth ahau, the second ahau; during this year the Spaniardsfirst passed and first came to this land the province of Yucatan, sixtyyears after the fortress was depopulated. ---- ---- ---- ---- 60. 

13. The thirteenth ahau; the eleventh ahau took place the pestilence inthe fortresses and the smallpox; in the thirteenth ahau Ahpula died; forsix years the count of the thirteenth ahau will not be ended; the countof the year was toward the East, the month Pop began with (the day)fourth Kan; the eighteenth day of the month Zip (that is), 9 Imix, wasthe day on which Ahpula died; and that the count may be known in numbersand years it was the year 1536, sixty years after the fortress wasdestroyed. 

14. The count of the eleventh ahau was not ended when the Spaniards, mighty men, arrived from the east; they came, they arrived here in thisland; the ninth ahau Christianity began; baptism took place; also inthis katun came the first bishop Toroba by name; this was the year 1544. 

15. In the seventh ahau died the first bishop de Landa; in the fifthkatun the Fathers first settled at Mani, in the year 1550. 

16. As this year was passing the fathers settled upon the water -------- ---- 1552

17. As this year was passing the auditor came and the hospital was built---- ---- 1559

18. As this year was passing the first governor Dr. Quijada, arrivedhere ---- ---- 1560

19. As this year was passing the hanging took place ---- ---- ---- ----1562

20. As this year was passing the Governor Marshall came and built thereservoirs ---- 1563

21. As this year was passing the smallpox occurred ---- ---- ---- ----1609

22. As this year was passing those of Tekax were hanged ---- ---- ----1610

23. As this year was passing the towns were written down by Judge DiegoPareja ---- 1611

NOTES. 

1. The introductory paragraph is not less obscure in construction thanit is important in its historical statements, and I shall give it, therefore, a particularly careful analysis. 

I have already explained the term _u tzolan katun_; _lukci_ is theaorist of _lukul_, which forms regularly _luki_, but the mutation to_ci_ is used when the meaning _since_ or _after that_ is to be conveyed;as Beltran says, "cuando el verbo trae estos romances, _despues que òdesde que_, como este romance; despues que murio mi padre, estoy triste:_cimci in yume, okomuol_" (_Arte del Idioma Maya_, p. 61). _cab_ meanscountry or place, in the sense of residence, whereas _luum_, used in thesame paragraph, is land or earth, in the general sense. The _Dicc. DeMotul_ says: "_cab_, pueblo ò region; _in cab_, mi pueblo, donde yo soynatural. " _yotoch_ is a compound of the possessive pronoun _u_, his ortheir, and _otoch_, the word for house when it is indicated whose houseit is; otherwise _na_ is used; _otoch_ is probably allied to _och_ averbal root signifying to give food to, the house being looked upon asspecifically the place where meals are prepared. 

The word _cante_ is translated by Perez and Brasseur as _four_, andapplied to the Tutulxiu, while the intervening word _anilo_ is nottranslated by either: _cante_ is no doubt the numeral _four_ with thenumeral particle _te_ suffixed. But here a serious difficulty arises. According to all the grammars and dictionaries the particle _te_ isnever used for counting persons, but only "years, months, days (periodsof time), leagues, cacao, eggs and gourds. " Moreover, what is _anilo_?We have, indeed, the form _tenilo_, I am that one, from the particle _i_(Buenaventura, _Arte de la Lengua Maya_, fol. 27, verso); and we mighthave _yanilo_, they are those. But this necessitates a change in thetext, and if that has to be done I should prefer to suppose that _anilo_was a mistake of the copyist, and that we should read _katun_ or_katunile_. This would reconcile the numeral particle and would do awaywith the _four_ Tutulxius, of whom we hear nothing afterwards. 

_chikin_, the West, literally, that which bites or eats the sun, from_chi_, the mouth, and, as a verb, to bite. An eclipse is called in Maya_chibal kin_, the sun bitten; _ti chikin_, toward the West. 

_talelob_, plural form of _tal_ or _talel_, to come to, to go from. 

_chiconahthan_ is not translated by either Pio Perez or Brasseur, nor inthat precise form has it any meaning. I take it, however, to be a faultyorthography for _chichcunahthan_ which means to support that whichanother says, hence, to agree with, to act in concert with; "_chichcunahu thanil_, having renewed the agreement" (_Diccionario de Ticul_). Itrefers to an agreement entered into by the different leaders who wereabout to undertake the migration into unknown lands. Possibly, however, this is not a Maya word, but another echo of Aztec legend. _Chiconauhtlan_, "the place of the Nine, " was a village and mountainnorth of the lake of Tezcuco and close to the sacred spot Teotiuacan, where, in Aztec myth, the gods assembled to create the sun and moon(Sahagun, _Historia de Nueva España_, Lib VII, cap. II). _TulapanChiconauhtlan_ would thus become a compound local name. 

It will be seen from the above that the translation which I have givenof this paragraph does not satisfy me as certainly correct. I shall nowgive the original with an interlinear translation, and also those of PioPerez and Brasseur, adding a free rendering which I am inclined toprefer, although it modifies the text somewhat. 

_Interlinear Translation. _

 Lai u tzolan katun lukci This (is) their order the katuns since they departed

 ti cab, ti yotoch Nonoual cante from the land from their house Nonoual the four

 anilo, Tutulxiu ti chikin Zuiua, those the (?) Tutulxiu to the West (of) Zuiua

 u luumil u talelob Tulapan chiconah than. Their land (which) they came (from) was Tulapan acting in concert. 

_Translation of Pio Perez. _

Esta es la serie de Katunes corridos desde que se quitaron de la tierray casa de Nonoual en que estaban los cuatro Tutulxiu al poniente deZuina; el pais de donde vinieron fué Tulapan. 

_Translation of Brasseur. _

C' est ici la série des epoques écoulées depuis que s' enfuirent lesquatre Tutul Xiu de la maison de Nonoual etant a l'ouest de Zuinà, etvinrent de la terre de Tulapan. 

_Free translation suggested. _

This is the order of the Katuns since the four Katuns during which theTutulxiu left their home and country Nonoual to the west of Zuiua, andwent from the land and city of Tula, having agreed together to thiseffect. 

I have said nothing of the proper names in this paragraph. They areremarkable for the fact that three out of the four are unquestionablyNahuatl or Aztec, and hence they have given occasion for considerabletheorizing in favor of the "Toltec" origin of the Maya civilization, andalso of the Nahuatl descent of the princely family of the Tutulxiu. 

Their name is the only one in the paragraph with a distinctively Mayaphysiognomy. It is a compound of _xiu_, the generic term for herb orplant, and _tutul_, a reduplicated form of _tul_, an abundance, anexcess, as in the verb _tutulancil_, to overflow, etc. (_Diccionario deTicul_, MS. ). It would appear therefore to be a local name, and tosignify a place where there was an abundance of herbage. The surname isXiu only, and as such is still in use in Yucatan. 

But it may also be claimed that even this is a Nahuatl name; for also inthat tongue _xiuitl_ means a plant, as well as a turquoise, a comet, ayear, and in composition a greenish or bluish color; while _tototl_ is abird or fowl. The Maya _xiu_ and the Nahuatl _xiuitl_ (in which _itl_ isa termination lost in composition) are undoubtedly the same word. Whichnation borrowed it from the other? It is certainly a loan-word, forthese two languages have no common origin, while, as we might expectfrom neighbors, each does have a number of loan-words from the other. 

I answer that the Maya _xiu_ is unquestionably a loan from the Nahuatl, and my reason for the opinion is that while in Maya the root _xiu_ issterile and has no relations to other words (unless perhaps to _xiitil_, to open like a flower, to brood as a bird, to augment, to grow), inNahuatl it is a very fertile root, and nearly thirty compounds of it canbe found in the dictionaries (See Molina, _Vocabulario de la LenguaMexicana_, fol. 159, verso). But the composition of the name follows theMaya and not the Nahuatl analogy. 

That in either language the name Tutulxiu can be translated "Bird-tree"(Vogelbaum), as is argued by Dr. Carl Schultz-Sellack (_Archiv fürEthnologie_, Band XI, 1879), and on which translation he bases a longargument, is very doubtful. It certainly could not in Maya; and inNahuatl, _tototl_ in composition would drop both its terminalconsonants. 

The remaining names, Nonoual, Zuiua, Tula-pan, clearly indicate theirNahuatl origin. Zuiua, which was erroneously printed in Pio Perez'sversion as Zuina is Zuiva; Nonoual is Nonohual; Tulapan, literally "thestandard of Tula, " refers to the famous city of the Toltecs, presidedover by Quetzalcoatl. All these names are borrowed directly from themyth of this hero-god. 

_Zuiven_ was the name of the uppermost heaven, the abode of the CreatorHometeuctli, the father of Quetzalcoatl, and the place of his firstbirth as a divinity. In later days, when the Quetzalcoatl myth hadextended to the Kiches and Cakchiquels, members of the Maya family inGuatemala, "Tulan Zuiva" was identified with the Aztec Chicomoztoc, thefamous "Seven Caves, " "Seven Ravines, " or "Seven Cities, " from which somany tribes of Mexico, wholly diverse in language and lineage, claimedthat their ancestors emerged in some remote past (compare the _CodexVaticanus_, Lam. I; _Codex Zumarraga_, chap. I, with the _Popol Vuh_, pp. 214, 227). To this spot the ancestors of the Guatemalan tribes werereported to have gone to receive their gods; from it issued the Aztecgod Huitzilopochtli; in it still were supposed to dwell his mother andother mighty divinities; and Quetzalcoatl was again the youngest born ofIztac Mixcohuatl, the mighty lord of the Seven Caves (Motolinia, _Historia de los Indios de Nueva España_ p[TN-12] 10, etc. ). 

_Tula_, properly _Tollan_, a syncopated form of _Tonatlan_, which means"the place of the Sun, " was a name applied to a number of towns inMexico, all named after that magnificent city inhabited by the Tolteca("dwellers in the place of the Sun"), servants and messengers of theLight-God their ruler, the benign, the virgin-born Quetzalcoatl. Thecommon tradition ran that it was destroyed by the wiles of Tezcatlipoca, the brother, yet the eternal enemy, of Quetzalcoatl, and that at itsdestruction the Toltecs disappeared, no one knew whither, whileQuetzalcoatl, after reigning a score of years in Cholula, journeyed fareastward to the home of the Sun, where he enjoyed everlasting life. 

_Nonohual_ also had a place in this myth. It was a mountain over againstTulan. There it was that the eldest sister of Quetzalcoatl resided. Whenhe was made drunken by the insidious beverage handed him as a healingdraught by Tezcatlipoca, he sent for this sister, held to her lips theintoxicating cup, and with her passed a night of debauch, the memory ofwhich filled him with such shame that nevermore dared he face hissubjects. Such is the story recited at length in the Aztec chroniclecalled the _Codex Chimalpopoca_. 

_Nonoalco_ was also the name of a small village near the city of Mexicowhich still appears on the maps. Sahagun tells us that some extremeeastern tribes in Mexico called themselves _Nonoalca_ (_Historia de laNueva España_, Lib. X, cap, [TN-13] XXIX, p[TN-14] 12); and thelicenciate Diego Garcia de Palacio mentions "quatro lugares de Indiosque llaman los Nunualcos" as dwelling, in his time (1576), in theeastern part of the province of San Salvador, of Aztec descent, and whohad recently come there. (_Carta al Rey de España_, p. 60, New York, 1860). It should be mentioned in reference to these names and all othersof similar vocalization, that both in Maya and Nahuatl the Spanishconstantly confound the short ŏ and ŭ. As the Bachelor Don AntonioVasquez Gastelu observes: "usan de la _o_ algunos tan obscuramente, quetira algo à la pronunciacion de la _u_ vocal" (_Arte de lenguaMexicana_, fol. 1, verso, La Puebla de los Angeles, 1726). 

Señor Alfredo Chavero, in his Appendix to Duran's _Historia de lasIndias de Nueva España_ (p. 45, Mexico, 1880), claims that _Nonoalca_was the name given to the Maya-Kiche tribes, or rather adopted by them, when, at an extremely remote epoch, they penetrated to the central tableland of Mexico. He thinks that subsequently they became united with theToltecs, and were dispersed with that people at the destruction of thecity of Tula. The grounds for this theory he claims to find in certainunpublished manuscripts, which unfortunately he does not give inextracts, but only in general statements. Like much that this writerpresents, these assertions lack support. All the names he quotes as ofNonoalca, that is, Maya origin, are distinctly not of the latter tongue, but are Nahuatl. And the introduction of the mystical city of Tula is ofitself enough to invest the story with the garb of unreality. 

It is, in fact, nowhere in terrestrial geography that we need look forthe site of the Tula of Quetzalcoatl, nor at any time in human historydid the Tolteca ply their skillful hands, nor Tezcatlipoca spread hissnares to destroy them. All this is but a mythical conception of thedaily struggle of light and darkness, and those writers who seek in theToltecs the ancestors or instructors of any nation whatsoever, make theonce common error of mistaking myth for history, fancy for fact. Therefore, any notion that Yucatan was civilized by the Toltecs aftertheir dispersion, or owes anything to them, as so many, and I might sayalmost all recent writers have maintained, is to me an absurdity. 

This reference to the Quetzalcoatl myth at the commencement of the Mayachronicle needs not surprise us. We encounter it also in the Kiche_Popol Vuh_ and the Cakchiquel _Memorial de Tecpan Atitlan_. Thesemembers of the Maya family also grafted that myth upon their owntraditions. As history, it is valueless; but as indicative of a long andearly intercourse between the Maya and Nahuatl speaking tribes, it is ofgreat interest. As this question will also recur in reference to variouslater passages in the Maya chronicles, I will discuss it here. 

One of the earliest historians of Yucatan, the Doctor Don Pedro Sanchezde Aguilar, states that six hundred years before the Spanish conquestthe Mayas were vassals of the Aztecs, and that they were taught orforced by these to construct the extraordinary edifices in theircountry, such as are found at Uxmal and Chichen Itza. His words are:"Fueron tan politicos y justiciosos en Yucatan como los Mexicanos, cuyosvasallos habian sido seis cientos años antes de la llegada de losEspañoles. De lo cual tan solamente hay tradicion y memoria entre ellospor los famosos, grandes y espantosos edificios de cal y canto ysilleria y figuras y estatuas de piedra labrada que dejaron en Oxumual[Uxmal] y en Chicheniza que hoy se veen y se pudieran habitar. " _Informecontra Idolum Cultores del Obispado de Yucatan_, fol. 87 (Madrid, 1639). 

The vague tradition here referred to was made part of the testimony in alawsuit at Valladolid, Yucatan, in 1618. These old documents werebrought to light by the late eminent Yucatecan historian Doctor JustoSierra, and Dr. Berendt took a copy in manuscript of the most importantpoints. I think it worth while to insert and translate this testimony. 

VILLA DE VALLADOLID--AÑO DE 1618. 

"DOCUMENTO 1º. A la primera pregunta dijo este testigo que conoce aldicho Don Juan Kahuil y à la dicha Doña Maria Quen su legitima muger yque todos los contenidos en la pregunta, tuvo noticia muy larga de supadre de este testigo, porque fue en su antiguedad _ahkin_, sacerdoteentre los naturales antiguos, antes que recibiesen agua de bautismo, como los susodichos contenidos en la pregunta vinieron del reino deMexico y poblaron estas provincias, y que era gente bellicosa y valerosay Señores, y asi poblaron à Chichenica los unos, y otros se fueron haciael Sur que poblaron á Bacalar, y hacia el Norte que poblaron la costa;porque eran tres ò cuatro Señores y uno que se llamo _Tumispolchicbul_era deudo de Moctezuma, rey que fuè de los reinos de Mexico, y que_Cuhuikakcamalcacalpuc_ era deudo muy cercano de dicho Don Juan Kahuilpor parte de sus padres, y que dicha _Ixnahaucupul_ hija de _Kukumcupul_fue muger de su abuelo de dicho D. Juan Kahuil, todos los cuales fueronlos que vinieron de Mexico à poblar estas Provincias, gente principal ySeñores, pues poblaron y se señorearon de esta tierra, porque como dichotiene, le oyó decir al dicho su padre que eran tenidos, obedecidos yrespetados como à Señores de esta tierra, y de uno de ellos procede eldicho D. Juan Kahuil, y de estos hay mucha noticia y dicho su padre ledijo muchas veces, que habia constancia entre ellos de lo sucedido porestos Señores. 

"2º. A la segunda pregunta dice este testigo, que como dicho tiene, oyódecir à su padre y otros Indios principales que los susodichoscontenidos en la primera pregunta vinieron de los reynos de Mejico àpoblar estàs provincias, los unos se quedaron en Chichinica que fueronlos que edificaron los edificios sontuosos que hay en el dicho asiento, y otros se fueron à poblar à Bacalar, y otros fueron à poblar la costahacia el norte, y este que fué à poblar la costa, se llamaba _Cacalpuc_, de donde procede el dicho D. Juan Kahuil, y estos que así serepartieron, fueron à poblar las provincias susodichas, y las tuvieronsugetas y en govierno, y que le cupo à un Cocom, el poblar enChichinica, y le obedecian todos por Señor, y los de la isla de cuzumelle eran sugetos; y de alli (de Chicinica) se pasaron à la provincia deSotuta, donde estaban, cuando los conquistadores vinieron, y siemprefueron tenidos, obedecidos y respetados como Señores. 

"3º. A la primera pregunta dijò este testigo que conoce al dicho D. JuanKahuil, y à la dicha Da Maria Quen, su muger, y que de todos loscontenidos en la pregunta, tuvo muy larga noticia de ellos, porque D. Juan Camal, cacique è gobernador que fuè del pueblo de Sisal, de losprimeros que lo gobernaron por comision e titulo que le diò el OidorTomas Lopez, oiendo como era de los antiguos caciques del dicho puebloen estas provincias, lo trataba en conversacion à sus principales y estetestigo, que siempre estaba en su casa, y fué alguacil mayor ordinarioen ella, como los contenidos habian venido de Mejico à poblar estatierra de Yucatan, y que los unos poblaron à Chichinica y hicieron losedificiós que estan en dicho asiento muy suntuosos, y que habiendo sidolos que vinieron de Mejico, cuatro deudos ò parientes con sus allegadosy gente que trajaron; el uno pobló como dicho tiene à Chichinica, y elotro fué à poblar à Bacalar, y el otro hacia el Norte y pobló en lacosta, y el otro fué hacia Cozumel; è poblaron con gente, y fueronSeñores de estas provincias, y las gobernaron y señorearon muchos años;y que oyó decir que uno de ellos llamado _Tanupolchicbul_ era parientede Moctezuma, rey de Mejico. "

(_Translation. _)

CORPORATION OF VALLADOLID--YEAR 1618. 

"DOCUMENT NO. 1. To the first question the witness answered that heknows the said Don Juan Kahuil and the said Dona Maria Quen his lawfulwife, and all those referred to in the question; that this witness hadfull information from his father, who formerly was _ahkin_ or priestamong the natives, before they had received the water of baptism, howthe parties above mentioned in the question came from the kingdom ofMexico, and established towns[116-1] in these provinces, and that theywere a warlike and valiant people and lords, and thus some of themestablished themselves at Chichen Itza, and others went to the south andestablished towns at Bacalar, and toward the north and established townson the coast; because they were three or four lords, and one, who wasnamed _Tumispolchicbul_, was a kinsman of Montezuma, king of the kingdomof Mexico, and that _Cuhuikakcamalcacalpuc_ was a very near kinsman ofthe said Don Juan Kahuil on his father's side, and that the said_Ixnahaucupul_, daughter of _Kukumcupul_ was wife of the grandfather ofthe said Don Juan Kahuil, all of whom were those who came from Mexico tofound towns in these provinces, prominent people and lords; then theyfounded towns and ruled this land, because as he said, he heard his saidfather say that they were regarded, obeyed and respected as lords ofthis land, and that from one of them proceeded the said Don Juan Kahuil;and of these there is abundant information, and his said father oftensaid to him that there was unanimity among them as to what took place bythese lords. 

"2ND. To the second question this witness answered that as he has said, he heard his father and other leading Indians say that the parties abovementioned in the first question came from the Kingdom of Mexico to foundtowns in these provinces; some remained in Chichen Itza, who were thosewho built the sumptuous edifices which are in the said locality; otherswent to found towns at Bacalar, and others to found towns on the coastto the north; and he who went to found towns on the coast was namedCacalpuc, from whom proceeds the said Don Juan Kahuil and those who thusmade division went to found towns in the above mentioned provinces, andheld them under subjection and government; and he chose a certain Cocomto rule in Chichen Itza, and they all obeyed him as lord, and those ofthe island of Cozumel were subject to him; and from there (from ChichenItza) they passed to the province of Zotuta, where they were when theconquerors came, and they were always regarded, obeyed and respected aslords. 

"3RD. To the first question this witness answered that he knew all theparties mentioned in the question and had abundant information aboutthem, because Don Juan Carnal who was chief and governor of Sisal, oneof the first who governed it by commission and brief given him by theAuditor Tomas Lopez, being one of the ancient chiefs of the said town inthese provinces, spoke of the subject in conversation with his leadingmen and with this witness, who was constantly in his house and was chiefclerk in ordinary in it, saying the parties mentioned had come fromMexico to found towns in this land of Yucatan, and that some settled atChichen Itza, and erected the very stately edifices which are in thesaid locality, and that those who came from Mexico were four kinsmen orrelatives with their friends and the people they brought with them; onesettled as heretofore said at Chichen Itza, one went to settle atBacalar, one went toward the north and settled on the coast, and theother went toward Cozumel; and they founded towns with their people, andwere lords of these provinces, and governed them and ruled them manyyears; and that he had heard it said that one of them named_Tanupolchicbul_ was a kinsman of Moctezuma, King of Mexico. "

This legend is also related, with some variation, by Herrera, and as Ishall have occasion more than once to refer to his account, I shalltranslate it. 

"At Chichen Itza, ten leagues from Itzamal, the ancients say therereigned three lords, brothers, who came from the west, and gatheredtogether many people, and reigned some years in peace and justice; andthey constructed large and very beautiful edifices. It is said that theylived unmarried and very chastely; and it is added that in time one ofthem was missing, and that his absence worked such bad results that theother two began to be unchaste and partial; and thus the people came tohate them, and slew them, and scattered abroad, and deserted theedifices, especially the most stately one, which is ten leagues from thesea. 

"Those who established themselves at Chichen Itza call themselves Itzas;among these there is a tradition that there ruled a great lord calledCuculcàn, and all agree that he came from the west; and the onlydifference among them is as to whether he came before or after or withthe Itzas; but the name of the building at Chichen Itza, and whathappened after the death of the lords above mentioned, show thatCuculcan ruled the country jointly with them. He was a man of gooddisposition, was said not to have had either wife or children, and notto have known woman; he was devoted to the interests of the people, andfor this reason was regarded as a god. In order to pacify the land heagreed to found another city, where all business could be transacted. Heselected for this purpose a site eight leagues further inland from wherenow stands the city of Merida, and fifteen leagues from the sea. Therethey erected a circular wall of dry stone, about a half quarter of aleague in diameter, leaving in it only two gateways. They erectedtemples, giving to the largest the name Cuculcàn, and also constructedaround the wall the houses of the lords among whom Cuculcàn had dividedthe land, giving and assigning towns to each. To the city he gave thename Mayapan, which means "the Standard of the Maya, " as Maya is thename of their language. 

"By this means the country was quieted and they lived in peace for someyears under Cuculcan, who governed with justice, until, having arrangedfor his departure, and recommending them to continue the wise rule hehad established, he left them and returned to Mexico by the same routehe had come, remaining in Champoton some time, where, in memory of hisjourney, he erected a building in the sea, which remains to thisday. "[120-1]

Bishop Landa and some other early writers also give versions of thistradition, but do not add any facts to those in the above quotations. Evidently it was a widespread legend of the origin of the greatbuildings of Chichen Itza. Is it a tradition of fact or is it a myth?

I confess that to me it has a suspiciously mythical aspect. It is toosimilar to what I may call the standard hero-myth of the AmericanAborigines. Everywhere, both in North and South America, we find themyth of the four brothers who divided the land between them, one of whomis superior to the others and becomes the ruler and instructor of theancestors of the nation. He does not die, but disappears, or goes toheaven, and is often expected to return. Just so in one of the Mayamyths, Cuculcan did not return to Mexico, but rose to heaven, whenceonce every year he descended to his temple at Mayapan and received thegifts which from far and wide pious pilgrims had brought to his shrine(Landa, _Relacion_, p. 302). All these myths relate to the worship ofthe four cardinal points and to the Light-God, as I have shown in aprevious work (_The Myths of the New World_, chap. III. New York, 1876). 

The proper names in the legend have nothing of a Nahuatl appearance. They are all pure Maya. The "kinsman of Moctezuma, " the second readingof whose name is the correct one, is given as _tan u pol chicbul_, "infront of the head of the jay-bird, " the _chicbul_ being what theSpaniards call the _mingo rey_, which I believe is a jay (Beltran, _Artedel Idioma Maya_, p. 229). The other long name is a compound of _Zuhuykak camal cacal puc_. The historian Cogolludo informs us that _ZuhuyKak_, literally "virgin fire, " was the daughter of a king, afterwardsdeified as goddess of female infants (_Historia de Yucatan_, Lib. IV, cap. VIII). _Camal_ was and is a common patronymic in Yucatan;_cacalpuc_ means "mountain land, "[121-1] and thus the whole name iseasily identified as Maya. Possibly the member of the family Camal whobore the name was a priest of the goddess. 

It will be noticed that neither the legend nor the legal testimonyspeaks of these foreigners as of a different language or lineage, butleaves us to infer the contrary. Had they been of Aztec race it wouldcertainly have been noticed, for the Mayas had frequent mercantilerelations with these powerful neighbors, they borrowed many words fromthe Nahuatl tongue, and single chiefs in Yucatan formed alliances withthe Aztec rulers, and introduced Aztec warriors even into Mayapan, as isshown by the Chronicles I publish in this work, and also by the factthat a small colony of Aztecs, descendants of these mercenaries, wasliving in the province of Canul, west of Merida, when the Spaniardsconquered the country (Landa, _Relacion_, p. 54). Therefore the Aztecswere no strangers to the Mayas, and doubtless the learned members of thepriesthood and nobles in the fifteenth century were quite well aware ofthe existence of the powerful empire of Anahuac. 

But regarding the legend I have quoted as, in part at least, based onactual history, we may accept the fact that there was an importantemigration from Mexico, and yet not one of either Aztecs or "Toltecs. "It must be remembered that the Huastecas, an important branch of theMaya family, occupied from time immemorial the coast of the Mexican Gulfnorth of Vera Cruz, and west to the mountains of Meztitlan, a provinceinhabited by a Nahuatl speaking race, but not subject to the dynasty ofthe Montezumas. 

I have already referred briefly to their history, and it is possiblethat after their serious reverses, about 1450, they sent migratorybodies to their relatives in Yucatan. At any rate, there seems aconsensus of testimony that the general trend of migration of the Mayarace, was from north to south, and in Central America, from west toeast. 

We have in this paragraph examples of the use of three of the "numeralparticles. " _Cante bin ti katun_, literally, "it (_i.  e. _ time) went onfor four katuns, " and a few lines later _hunpel haab_, one year, _hunpiztun_, the first year. 

The correct translation of _peten_ has been debated; it is from the root_pet_, anything round, a circle, and usually means "island. " By a lateruse it signifies any locality with definite boundaries, hence aprovince, or kingdom. The following is the entry in the _Diccionario deMotul_:

"PETEN; isla, _item_ provincia, region, comarca--_uay tu petenilYucatan_, aqui en la provincia de Yucatan. "

The name of the first leader, Holon Chan Tepeuh, does not recur in theAnnals. Its signification is: _holon_, a generic name for large bees andflies; _chan_, sufficient, powerful, still in use in Yucatan as asurname; _tepeuh_, ruler, from _tepeual_, to rule. This last word ismarked in the _Diccionario de Motul_ as a "vocablo antiquo. " It is ofAztec origin, as in the Nahuatl language _tepeuani_ means "conqueror. "The name we are considering should probably be rendered "Holon Chan, theruler. " The province ruled by the Chan family at the time of theconquest was on the eastern coast, south of that of the Cupuls. 

The name _Chacnouitan_ is elsewhere, as we shall see, spelled_Chacnovitan_ and _Chacnabiton_. I am inclined to believe the lastmentioned is nearest the correct form. By Pio Perez it was supposed tobe an ancient name of Yucatan, and he translates the phrase, _uay tipetene Chacnouitan_, by "à esta isla de Chacnavitan (Yucatan). " Dr. Valentini says: "the translation could as well stand for 'that distantisland, '" and that "Chacnouitan was neither the whole nor the northernpart of Yucatan, but a district situated in the southwest of thepeninsula, " (_loc. Cit. _ p. 38). 

With this I cannot agree, as the adverb _uay_ always refers to the place(in no matter how wide an accepation) where the speaker is. Therefore Itranslate it "here, (_i.  e. _ to this general country of Yucatan, and atfirst) to the province Chacnouitan. " The province referred to was, Idoubt not, somewhere around Lake Peten. The word _chac_ is often used inlocal names in Yucatan, and usually means either "water" or "red, " as itis a homonym with several significations. 

Several names similar to it are found in the Peten district. On LakeYaxta, are the ruins of the very ancient city Napeten, and that lake mayhave once been called "Chac-napeten, " "the water of Napeten. " Again, onthe road from Peten to Bacalar is the town Chacnabil, and the compound_Chacnabiltan_ would mean "toward or in the direction of Chacnabil" (see_Itinerarios y Leguarios que proceden de Merida, etc. _, p. 15, Merida, 1851). The Itzas always remembered the Peten district, and when they metwith reverses in northern Yucatan, they returned to it and establishedan important State there, which was not destroyed until the last decadeof the seventeenth century. 

3. _Hunpel haab minan ti hokal haab_, "one year lacking from five scoreyears. "

The name Ahmekat is probably an old form for _ahmeknah_ or _ahmektan_, both of which are given in the _Diccionario de Motul_ for chieftain, leader, captain. 

4. _Lai tun_, the relative _lai_ with the particle _tun_, which iscalled by Beltran a "particula adornativa. " _uchci_ is the aorist of thedefective verb _uchul_, _uchi_, _uchuc_, to happen, to take place, cometo pass. _Emob_ is the third plural of _emel_, to descend, to disembark, arrive. Pio Perez translates the phrase _ca emob uay lae_, "luegobajaron aqui. " As this was written in the province of Mani, the "here"now refers in a narrower sense to the vicinity of the writer. The word_chuulte_ I take to be an error of transcription for _uchci_, as it isso translated by Pio Perez. It is noteworthy that the word _chicpahci_, "discovered, " conveys the sense that Chichen Itza was already inexistence when the migration here recorded reached northen[TN-15]Yucatan. It is from _chicul_, a sign or mark by which something isrecognized. 

Of the proper names in this section Bakhalal, "the canebrakes" (_halal_, the cane, _bak_, a roll or enclosure), is the modern province ofBacalar, on the east coast of the peninsula. _Ziyan caan_ appears to beused as a synonym of it, or else refers to a part of it. Its meaning isa picturesque reference to the view from the sea shore, where thehorizon is clearly defined, and the sky seems to rise from the water, "the birth of the sky;" _Ziyan_, birth, _caan_, sky. 

The name Chi Cħeen Itza was that of one of the grandest ancient citiesof Yucatan. _Cħeen_ is the name applied to a tract of low-lying fertileland, especially suitable to the production of cacao (Berendt); _chi_ isedge or border. It is therefore a name referring to a locality, "on theborder of the _cħeen_ of the Itzas. " _Cħeen_ also means well or cistern, and another derivation is "at the mouth of the well, " as _chi_ can alsobe rendered "mouth;" either of these is appropriate to the features ofthe locality, as it is a fertile low-lying tract with two large naturalreservoirs near by. 

5. _Paxi_, from _paaxal_, a neuter form of the active verb _pa_, tobreak in pieces; it means "to go to pieces, to fall in ruins, to bedepopulated or deserted. " Applied to a city it is often translated "tobe destroyed, " but it does not convey quite so positive a meaning. _Kuyan uincob_, "men of God, " from _Ku_ the general name for Divinity. Chichen Itza was one of the chief centres of religious life in Yucatan, and its priests were esteemed among the most learned in the peninsula. 

The name Chanputun, Champoton, or, reversed, Potonchan, is derived byGomara from the Nahuatl _potonia_, to smell badly, and _chan_, house (incomposition). Elsewhere, however, we find it in the form Chakanputun, and this is Maya. _Chakan_ is the term applied to a grassy plain, asavanna, and it was especially applied to the ancient province in whichthe city of Ho, now Merida, was situated, as appears from the followingentry in the _Diccionario de Motul, MS. _

"AHCHAKAN: el que es de Mérida, o de los pueblos de aquella comarca, quese llama _Chakan_. "

The correct form of the name is probably _Chakan peten_, the savannaregion. 

6. The only obscure expression in this section is _yalan che, yalanaban, yalan ak_. This often recurs in the ancient Maya manuscripts, andwas evidently a well-known formula, probably the refrain of one of theirancient chants. In Mr. Stephens' translation it is rendered "under theuninhabited mountains" (!) which is an attempt to render Pio Perez'swords "bajo los montes despoblados, " "in the uninhabited forests. "_Aban_ or _haban_ is an obsolete word, only found in compounds, as_yoxhaban_, huts made of branches. Both it and _ak_ were the names ofvarious branches or twigs. The phrase is literally "under the trees, under the branches, under the foliage, " and meant that those who thuslived were homeless and houseless. It is a striking testimony to thelove of solid buildings and walled cities which characterized the Mayas. 

I will add a verse from a curious prophetic chant in one of the Books ofChilan Balam, where this expression occurs, and which is an interestingexample of these strange songs. 

TZOLAH TI AHKIN CHILAM. 

(_Recital of the priest Chilam. _)

 Uien, uien, a man uah; Uken, uken, a man haa; Tu kin, puz lum pach, Tu kin, tzuch lum ich, Tu kin, naclah muyal, Tu kin, naclah uitz, Tu kin, chuc lum ɔiic, Tu kin, hubulhub, Tu kin, coɔ yol chelem, Tu kin, eɔeleɔ, Tu kin, ox ɔalab u nak yaxche, Tu kin, ox chuilab xotem, Tu kin, pan tzintzin Yetel banhob yalan che yalan haban. 

_Translation. _

 Eat, eat, thou hast bread; Drink, drink, thou hast water; On that day, dust possesses the earth, On that day, a blight is on the face of the earth, On that day, a cloud rises, On that day, a mountain rises, On that day, a strong man seizes the land, On that day, things fall to ruin, On that day, the tender leaf is destroyed, On that day, the dying eyes are closed, On that day, three signs are on the tree, On that day, three generations hang there, On that day, the battle flag is raised, And they are scattered afar in the forests. 

7. _Heɔob_, from _heɔ_, _heɔel_ or _eɔ_, to fix firmly, to settle, tofound: _heɔel ca cah uaye_, let us settle here, "poblamos aqui" (_Dicc. De San Francisco_, MS. ). 

8. The founding of Uxmal by Ahcuitok Tutulxiu is recorded in thisparagraph; _ahcui_ is the name of a species of owl, _tok_ is the flintstone. By some old writers Uxmal is spelled Oxmal, which would give themeaning "to pass thrice, " _ox_, three, _mal_, to pass. From _mal_, preterite _mani_, also was derived the name of the chief city of theTutulxiu, with a peculiar signification explained in a note on aprevious page. 

Mr. Stephens has taken considerable pains to prove that Uxmal with itsastonishing edifices was inhabited at and after the conquest (_Incidentsof Travel in Yucatan_, Vol. II, p. 259); there may, indeed, have been anIndian village there, but the first European traveler who has left us adescription of it, and who visited it in 1586, when many natives, bornbefore the conquest, were still living, describes the massive buildingsas even then in ruins, and very large trees growing upon them. An oldIndian told him that according to their traditions, these structures hadat that time been built nine hundred years, and that their builders hadleft the country nearly that long ago. (_Relacion Breve y Verdadera dealgunas cosas de las muchas qui[TN-16] sucedieron al Padre Fray AlonzoPonce_, in the _Coleccion de Documentos para la Historia de España_, vol. LVIII, p. 461. )

The phrase _u heɔicab Ahcuitok Tutulxiu Uxmal_ is translated by PioPerez "se pobló en Uxmal, " [TN-17]established himself in Uxmal, "conveying the impression that he merely moved to that city. This is, however, not the sense of the original. _Heɔicab_ is an active verbgoverning Uxmal as its direct object, and means to found firmly orpromptly. 

The expression _halach uinicil_, the real man, the true man, is a commonidiom for governor or ruler, he being the only "real man" in anautocratic community (ante p. 26). 

The name of Mayapan is given in the form Mayalpan, which I think isdialectic. It is spoken of as an established city under the joint ruleof several chiefs at the date of the founding of Uxmal. 

9. This paragraph describes how the ruler of the Itzas lost his share inthe government of Mayapan. _Kebanthan_, literally a plot, or to plot todo some injury--"concertar de hacer algun mal, y el tal concierto, "_Diccionario de Motul_, MS. I have followed Pio Perez in translating"against Hunac Eel, " although "by Hunac Eel" seems more correct. Elsewhere the name is Hunac Ceel. Ancona argues that he was a member ofthe Cocom family (_Hist. De Yucatan_, I. P. 157. )

Several of the names of the seven "men of Mayapan" have a Nahuatlappearance. Kakaltecat=Cacaltecatl, He of the Crow; Ytzcuat=Itzcoatl, Smirch-faced snake; Xuchueuet=Xochitl, the rose or flower;Pantemit=Pantenamitl, the Conqueror of the city wall. These would seemto bear out what Landa and Herrera say, to the effect that at one periodthe rulers of Mayapan invited Aztec warriors from the province ofTabasco to come and dwell in the city and aid them in controlling theinhabitants. 

Both Dr. Valentini and Señor Pio Perez are of opinion the Katuns at thecommencement of this paragraph should read the 10th, 8th and 6th, instead of the 11th, 9th and 6th, as it is necessary in order toestablish consistency with what follows. 

10. This is one of the most obscure sections in the chronicle. Thephrase _tumenel u uahal uahob_ is rendered by Pio Perez "because he madewar, " while Brasseur translates it "because of his great feasts. " Themeaning of the root _uah_ is maize cakes, or, more generally, bread. The_Diccionario de Motul_ gives: "UAHIL; banquete, convite ô comida, " whichis in favor of Brasseur's translation. 

_Oxlahun uuɔ_, "thirteen divisions;" _uuɔ_ or _uuuɔ_ means literally afold or double, and hence appears to have been applied to ranks of menin double rows. I do not find, however, any such meaning given in thedictionaries. As a numeral particle it is used to count whatever occursin folds or doubles. 

The number thirteen had a sacredness attached to it, from its frequentuse in the calendar. It appears from a passage in the _Popol Vuh_ thatthe Cakchiquels, Pokomams and Pokomchis also divided their tribes intothirteen sections (_Popol Vuh_, p. 206). In the Maya language, 13 isalso used to signify a great but indefinite number: thus _oxlahuncacab_, thirteen generations, is equivalent to "forever"; _oxlahunpixan_, thirteen times happy, is to be happy in the supreme degree; moreremote from customary analogies is the phrase for "full moon, " _oxlhauncaan u_, literally "the thirteen-sky moon, " the moon which fills withits light the whole sky (_Diccionario de Motul_, MS. ). 

The phrase _u ɔabal u natob_ is not translated at all in the Englishrendering in Stephens' _Travels_, nor in that of Valentini. Brasseurparaphrases it "by him who gives intelligence. "

The proper names Ulmil and Ulil seem both to be derived from _ula_, host, the master of the feast. 

Here, again, I shall give the originals of the two previous translators. 

_Translation of Pio Perez. _

"En este mismo periodo ô _katun_ del 8º ahau fueron á destruir al reyUlmil porque le hacia la guerra al rey de Izamal Ulil. Trece divisionesde combatientes tenia cuando los dispersó Hunac-eel para escarmentarlos:la guerra se concluyó en el 6º ahau á los 34 años. "

_Translation of Brasseur. _

"C'est dans la même période du Huit Ahau qu'ils allèrent attaquer le roiUlmil, à cause de ses grands festins avec Ulil, roi d'Ytzmal: ilsavaient treize divisions de troupes, lorsqu'ils furent défaits parHunac-Eel, par celui qui donne l'intelligence. Au Six Ahau, c'en etaitfait, après trente quatre ans. "

The name Hunac Eel should be Hunac Ceel, as it is given in the otherchronicles. It means "he who causes great fear, " _hunac_ in compositionmeans much, great, and _ceel_, cold, also the fright and terror whichmakes one shiver as with cold ("espanto, asombro ô turbacion que causafrió. " _Dicc. De Motul_, MS). [TN-18]

11. This important section describes the destruction of the great cityof Mayapan, which occurred somewhere between A. D. 1420-1450. The reasonsgiven for the act are not clear. 

_Tumenel u pack tulum, tumenel multepal ich cah Mayalpan_, appears to meto have the precise meaning I have given in the text; but Pio Pereztranslates the passage thus "fué invadido por los hombres de Itza y surey Ulmil, el territorio fortificado de Mayalpan, porque tenia murallas, y porque gobernaba en comun el pueblo de aquella ciudad. "

The expression _multepal_, from _mul_, to do an act jointly, or incommon, and _tepal_, to govern, is interesting as showing that thegovernment of the country in its golden days of prosperity was not oneof an autocratic monarch, but a league or confederation of the principalchiefs of the peninsula. This is also borne out by the descriptions ofthe ancient government to be found in the pages of Landa and Herrera. 

The Itzas seized the territory in and around Mayapan, but they were notthe ones who destroyed the city. This was the work of _Ahuitzilɔul_, foreign mountaineers. _Ɔul_, is the common term for a foreigner in Maya, and is now-a-days applied especially to the whites. _Uitz_, mountain, isused with reference to the high sierra which runs through centralYucatan, and so Pio Perez understood _ahuitzil_, "los que tenian susciudades en la parte montañosa. " This is probably correct, though we donot know to whom this appellation refers. Yet it may be added thatanother meaning can be given to the phrase; _uitz_ is the term appliedby the natives in some parts of the peninsula to the artificial moundsor pyramids on which their temples were situated, which are usuallycalled _muul_. [132-1] In this sense _ahuitzil ɔul_ should be rendered"foreigners who had great pyramids. "

The words _tan cah Mayapan_ (not Mayalpan as before) are rendered by PioPerez and Brasseur as the name of a province or district; but as theysimply mean "in the middle of the city of Mayapan, " it appears to betheir signification here. 

12. "After the fortress was depopulated" or destroyed. This no doubtrefers to the fortress of Mayapan, spoken of in the previous section. Aguilar and his companions were wrecked on the coast of Yucatan, in1511, and this is probably the earliest date of any actual landing ofEuropeans, although in 1506, Pinzon had sighted the eastern shores. 

13. _Mayacimil_, "the death of the Mayas, " a term applied to a generaland fatal pestilence. Such are referred to by Landa (_Relacion_, § X. )and Cogolludo (_Historia de Yucatan_, Lib. IV, cap. VI), [TN-19] The_Diccionario de Motul_, MS. Has this entry:

"MAYACIMIL: una mortandad grande que fué en Yucatan. Y tomase porqualquier mortandad y pestilencia que lleva mucha gente. "

_Noh kakil_, _noh_, great, _kak_, fire, is the usual word for thesmallpox. 

The reference to the death of Ahpula, who, as we learn from anotherchronicle, was a member of the royal Xiu family, is especially valuableas assigning a definite date in both the Maya and European calendars. Itis specified with great minuteness, and yet Pio Perez made the seriouserror in his computations regarding the Maya calendar of reading "thesixth year of the 13th ahau" instead of "six years from the close of the13th ahau, " as, in fact, he himself elsewhere translated it. 

The expression _u xocol haab ti lakin cuchie_, "the reckoning of theyear was toward the East, " refers to the circle or wheel marked with thefour cardinal points by which the years were arranged with reference tothe four "year-bearers" Kan, Muluc, Ix and Cauac. 

The last words of this section, "sixty years after the fortress wasdestroyed, " are an obvious error, as in the preceding section this dateis said to be that of the first arrival of the Spaniards. 

14. _Kul uincob_, "mighty men, " from _kul_, strong, powerful, probablyakin to _ku_, god, but not with the religious signification which_kuyen_ has (see page 125). _Caputzihil_, literally "to be born a secondtime. " Bishop Landa assures us positively that a rite of baptism wasknown to the Mayas before the arrival of the whites, and that this namewas applied to it (_Relacion_, p. 144). As will be seen on a later page, Maya writers usually employed another term to express Christian baptism. 

The year in which Bishop Francisco Toral first came to Yucatan was 1562(Cogolludo, _Hist. De Yucatan_, Lib. VI, cap. VI). He died in Mexico in1571. 

The remainder of this chronicle has never been translated or published. It refers to facts after the Conquest, but I think it of interest togive it completely, as its manner of dealing with known dates will throwlight on its general accuracy. 

15. Bishop Diego de Landa, second bishop of the diocese of Merida, diedat that city in 1579, aged fifty-four years. The first missionaries thatcame to Mani were Fathers Villalpando and Benavente, in 1547 (Cogolludo, _Hist. _, Lib. V, cap. VII). The convent there was established in 1549. 

16. No town of the name Yokhaa is now known. But I find on the ancientnative map of Mani, dating from 1557, given by Stephens (_Travels inYucatan_, Vol. II, p. 264), a locality marked _Yokha_, marked with across. This is no doubt the reference in the text. 

17. The Auditor Don Tŏmas Lopez came to Yucatan from Guatemala. He wasin Yucatan as early as 1552, and published laws in that year (Cogolludo, Lib. V, cap. XIX, Lib. VII, cap. XI). A hospital was founded very earlyin Mani, according to Cogolludo, but he does not give the exact date(_ibid. _, Lib. IV, cap. XX). 

18. Doctor Don Diego Quijada arrived in Yucatan in 1562, and remaineduntil 1565. 

19. When Landa was provincial, 1562-65, various Indians were hanged onaccount of the prevalence of suicide. 

20. What Marshall is referred to is uncertain, _thulub_ should probablybe _chulub_, and so I have translated it. Berendt suggested _ca botabchulub_, "when they paid for water, " the reference being to a greatdrought. 

21. An epidemic of measles and smallpox, in 1609, is referred to byCogolludo (Lib. IX, cap. I). 

22. In 1610 three Indians of Tekax were hanged for having killed theirchief Don Pedro Xiu (Cogolludo, Lib. IX, cap. I). 

23. The reference is to a census or assessment of the town. None ismentioned in this year by Cogolludo, nor does he speak of the JudgeDiego Pareja. 

FOOTNOTES:

[89-1] "No lo pudiendo sufrir los otros Señores, se conjuraron con elSeñor de los Tutuxius, i acudiendo en Dia señalado à la Casa del SeñorCocom, le mataron con sus Hijos, salvo uno, que estaba ausente, i lesaquearon la Casa, i le tomaron sus Heredades, i desamparon la Ciudad[de Mayapan], deseando cada Señor vivir en libertad en sus Pueblos, alcabo de quinientos Años, que se fundò, en la qual havian vivido conmucha Policia; i havria que se despoblò, segun la cuenta de los Indios, hasta que llegaron los Castellanos à Yucatàn, setenta Años. Cada Señorprocurò de llevar los mas Libros de sus Ciencias, que pudò, à su Tierra, adonde hicieron Templos; i esta es la principal causa de los muchosEdificios, que hai en Yucatan. Siguiò toda su gente Ahxiui, Señor de losTutuxius, i poblò en Mani, que quiere decir, ià pasò; como si dixese, hagamos Libro nuevo; i de tal manera poblaron sus Pueblos, que hicieronuna gran Provincia, que se llama oi dia, Tutuxiù. " Herrera, _Historia delas Indias Occidentales_, Dec. IV, Lib. X, caps. II, III. 

[90-1] _Historia de Yucatan_, Lib. III, cap. VI. 

[91-1] I quote Dr. Berendt's words. "Los datos historicós que publicòStephens en el Apendice de su obra fueron extractados de tal libro deChilam Balam en poder de un Indio de Mani, maestro de escuela, que portener el mismo apelido Balam pretendió ser descendiente del sacerdote delos Mayas que llegó à padrinar esta clase de escritos. " _Chilam Balam, Articulos y Fragmentos en Lengua Maya_ MSS. , Advertencia, p. Vii. 

I have also in my collection a manuscript copy of what Yucatecanscholars call the _Codice Perez_, a mass of materials copied by SeñorPio Perez, among them this chronicle. The following is his own note atits close:--

"Hasta aqui termina el libro titulado Chilambalam que se conserva en elPueblo de Mani en poder del maestro de Capilla. "

[92-1] _The Katunes of Maya History_, A Chapter in the Early Chronologyof Central America, with special reference to the Pio Perez Manuscripts. By Philip J.  J. Valentini, Ph. D. _Proceedings of the AmericanAntiquarian Society_, 1879. (Worcester, Mass. Press of Charles Hamilton, 1880). The reprint is 60 pages, octavo. 

[92-2] Crescencio Carrillo, _Manual de Historia y Geografia de laPeninsula de Yucatan_, pp. 16-27. (12mo: Merida de Yucatan; imprenta deJ.  D. Espinosa e Hijos. )

[95-1] chichcunahthan. 

[96-1] uchuc. 

[96-2] haban. 

[96-3] ximbal. 

[97-1] ximbal. 

[99-1] chulub. 

[116-1] The Spanish word "poblar" does not mean to people an uninhabitedcountry, but to found villages and gather the people into communities. 

[120-1] _Historia de las Indias Occidentales Dec. _ IV, Lib. X, cap. II. 

[121-1] _Cacal_ is reduplicated from _cab_, land, province, town. Thechange from _b_ to _l_ is also seen in _cacalluum_, "tierra buena parasembrar, " _Diccionario de Motul_; also in the town names Tixcacal, Xcacal, etc. 

[132-1] "En toda la Peninsula existen unos cerros á mano ô monticulosartificiales, que comunmente llaman los naturales en idioma Maya _Muul_en algunos lugares, y en otros _Uitz_. " Don Jose T. Cervera in the_Revista de Merida_, Dec. 3, 1871. 

II. THE SERIES OF THE KATUNS. 

_From the Book of Chilan Balam of Tizimin. _

Tizimin is a town of some importance, in the district of Valladolid, about a hundred miles east of Merida. The "Book of Chilan Balam" whichwas found there is one of the most ancient known, and appears to havebeen written about the close of the sixteenth century. It is now in thepossession of the eminent antiquary, the Canon Crescencio Carrillo yAncona, of Merida, who has described it in his work on Mayaliterature. [136-1] It contains 26 leaves, without numeration, and on the17th this chronicle is inserted without title or prefatory remarks. Itis evidently a version of that previously given from the Book of Mani, although a few additional particulars are stated, and there seems tohave been an attempt to arrange the epochs in more completeness. 

This has led to the insertion of a number of katuns which I think itevident do not properly come into the count. To correct the list thekatuns 8th, 6th, and 4th, mentioned in §2, should be considered the sameas 8th, 6th, and 4th, repeated in §3 and §4. Again, in section 11, the8th katun, on which the attack on Mayapan occurs, is to be consideredthe same as the 8th with which §12 begins, and the whole of the 25katuns which are either stated to have intervened, or must be added inorder to make the series correct, are to be omitted. Finally, the 8thkatun at the close of §10 should immediately follow the 10th at theclose of §8. 

TEXT. 

 1. Uaxac ahau. 

 Uac ahau[TN-20]

 Can ahau. 

 Cabil ahau--[138-1]cakal hab catac humppel hab tu humpiztun ahoxlahunahau. 

 2. Oxlahun ahau. 

 Uaxac ahau. 

 Uac ahau. 

 Ca ahau; kuchci chacnabiton mekat tutul xiu, humppel hab mati hokal hab. 

 3. Uaxac ahau; uch cuchi [138-2]canpahal chicħen Ytza; uch cu chicpahal tzucubte Zian can lae. 

 4. Can ahau. 

 Cabil ahau. 

 Oxlahun ahau; lai tzolci pop. 

 5. Buluc ahau. 

 Bolon ahau. 

 Uuc ahau. 

 Ho ahau. 

 Ox ahau. 

 Hun ahau; lahunkal hab cu tepal chicħen Ytza, ca paxi ca binob t cahtal chakanputun ti yanhi yotochob ahYtzaob kuyan uinicobi. 

 6. Uac ahau; chuccu lumil chakanputun. 

 Can ahau. 

 Cabil ahau. 

 Oxlahun ahau. 

 Buluc ahau. 

 Bolon ahau. 

 Uuc ahau. 

 Ho ahau. 

 Ox ahau. 

 Hun ahau. 

 Lahca ahau. 

 Lahun ahau. 

 Uaxac ahau; paxci chakanputun; oxlahunkal hab cu tepal chacanputun tumen Ytza [139-1]unincob; ca talob u tzaclob yotochob tucaten; ca u zatahob be chakanputun; lay u katunil [139-2]biciob ahYtzaob yalan che, yalan haban, yalan ak ti numyaob. 

 7. Vac ahau. 

 Can ahau; cakal hab ca talob u heɔ yotochob tu caten; ca u zatahob be chankanputun. 

 Cabil ahau. 

 Oxlahun ahau. 

 Buluc ahau. 

 Bolon ahau. 

 Vuc ahau. 

 Ho ahau. 

 Ox ahau. 

 Hun ahau. 

 Lahca ahau. 

 8. Lahun ahau; u heɔcicab ahzuitok tutulxiu uxmal; lahunkal hab cuchi ca heɔiob lum Uxmal. 

 9, 10. Buluc ahau. 

 Bolon ahau. 

 Uuc ahau. 

 Ho ahau. 

 Ox ahau. 

 Hun ahau. 

 Lahca ahau. 

 Lahun ahau. 

 Uaxac ahau; paxci u halach vinicil chicħen Ytza tu kebanthan hunac ceel, ah zinte yut chan, tzumte cum, taxal, pantemit, xuchvevet, Itzcoat, kakal cat, lai u kaba u uinicilob lae uuctulob tumen u uahal uahob y ytzmal ulil ahau: oxlahun uuɔ u katunilob ca paxob tumen hunac ceel, tumen u ɔabal u natob. 

11. Uac ahau. 

 Can ahau; cakal hab ca chuci u lumil ahau, tumen u kebanthan hunac ceel. 

 Cabil ahau. 

 Oxlahun ahau. 

 Buluc ahau. 

 Bolon ahau. 

 Uuc ahau. 

 Ho ahau. 

 Ox ahau. 

 Hun ahau. 

 Lahca ahau. 

 Uaxac ahau; uchci puchtun ich paa Mayapan tumen u pach tulum, tu tumen multepal ich cah mayapan. 

 Uac ahau. 

 Cabil ahau; oxlahun tun mani ɔulob u yaxil cob u lumil Yucatan tzucubte; cankal hab catac oxlahun pizi. 

 Buluc ahau. 

 Bolon ahau. 

 Uuc ahau. 

 Ho ahau. 

 Ox ahau. 

 Hun ahau. 

 Lahca ahau. 

 Lahun ahau, [TN-21]

 Uaxac ahau. 

 Uac ahau. 

 Can ahau. 

 Cabil ahau. 

 Oxlahun ahau. 

 Buluc ahau. 

12. Uaxac ahau; paxci cah mayapan tumenel vitzil ɔul; lahunkal hab catac cankal habi. 

13. Can ahau; uchi maya cimlal ocnalkuchil ych paa. 

 Cabil ahau; uchci nohkakil. 

 Oxlahun ahau; [142-1]uchci cimil ahpulha, uacppel hab u binel ca ɔococ u xol oxlahun ahau cuchie, ti yan u xocol hab ti lakin cuchie, canil kan, cumlahi pop hool han, tu holhun zip catac oxppeli, bolon imix u kinil cimci ahpulha laitun hab=1536 cuchi. 

14. Buluc ahau; ulci ɔulob----kul uincob ti lakin u talob ca ulob uai tac lumile. 

 Bolon ahau; hopci xptianoil; uchci caputzihil; lai li ichil u katunil ulci yax obispo toral heix hab cu [142-2]xinbal cuchie--1544. 

15. Vuc ahau; cimci obispo Landa ichil u katunil. 

16. Ho ahau, ca yum cahi padre mani lai hab cu ximbal cuchi la--1550; lai hab cu ximbal ca cahiob yok ha, 1552 cuchi. 

17. 1559, hab ca uli oydor ca paki spital. 

18. 1560, u habil ca uli Doctor quixada yax halach uinic uai ti lume. 

19. 1562, hab ca uchci chuitab. 

20. 1563, hab ca uli mariscal. 

21. 1569, hab ca uchi kakil. 

22. 1619, u habil ca hichi u cal [143-1]ahkaxob. 

23. 1611, hab ca ɔibtabi cah tumenel Jues. 

TRANSLATION. 

 1. The eighth ahau. 

 The sixth ahau. 

 The fourth ahau. 

 The second ahau; four score years and one year to the first year of the thirteenth ahau. 

 2. The thirteenth ahau. 

 The eighth ahau. 

 The sixth ahau. 

 The fourth ahau; Mekat Tutulxiu arrived at Chacnabiton; five score years lacking one year. 

 3. The eighth ahau; it occurred that Chichen Itza was learned about; the discovery of the province of Zian can took place. 

 4. The fourth ahau. 

 The second ahau. 

 The thirteenth ahau; then Pop was counted in order. 

 5. The eleventh ahau. 

 The ninth ahau. 

 The seventh ahau. 

 The fifth ahau. 

 The third ahau. 

 The first ahau; ten score years they ruled Chichen Itza, then it was destroyed and they went to live at Chakanputun, where were the houses of those of Itza, holy men. 

 6. The sixth ahau; the land of Chakanputun was seized. 

 The fourth ahau. 

 The second ahau. 

 The thirteenth ahau. 

 The eleventh ahau. 

 The ninth ahau. 

 The seventh ahau. 

 The fifth ahau. 

 The third ahau. 

 The first ahau. 

 The twelfth ahau. 

 The tenth ahau. 

 The eighth ahau; Chakanputun was abandoned; for thirteen score years Chakanputun was ruled by the men of Itza; then they came in search of their houses a second time; and they lost the road to Chakanputun; in this katun those of Itza were under the trees, under the boughs, under the branches, to their sorrow. 

 7. The sixth ahau. 

 The fourth ahau: two score years, and they came and established their houses a second time; when they lost the road to Chakanputun. 

 The second ahau. 

 The thirteenth ahau. 

 The eleventh ahau. 

 The ninth ahau. 

 The seventh ahau. 

 The fifth ahau. 

 The third ahau. 

 The first ahau. 

 The twelfth ahau. 

 8. The tenth ahau; Ahzuitok Tutulxiu founded Uxmal: ten score years had passed when they established the territory of Uxmal. 

 9, 10. The eleventh ahau. 

 The ninth ahau. 

 The seventh ahau. 

 The fifth ahau. 

 The third ahau. 

 The first ahau. 

 The twelfth ahau. 

 The tenth ahau. 

 The eighth ahau; the ruler deserted (depopulated) Chichen Itza, on account of the plot of Hunac Ceel; Ahzinteyut Chan, Tzumtecum, Taxal, Pantemit, Xuchueuet, Itzcoat, Kakalcat, these were the names of the seven men; on account of the banquet with Ulil, ruler of Itzmal; there were thirteen divisions of warriors when they were driven out by Hunac Ceel, in order that they might know what was to be given. 

11. The sixth ahau. 

 The fourth ahau: two score years; then the ruler seized the land on account of the plot of Hunac Ceel. 

 The second ahau. 

 The thirteenth ahau. 

 The eleventh ahau. 

 The ninth ahau. 

 The seventh ahau. 

 The fifth ahau. 

 The third ahau. 

 The first ahau. 

 The twelfth ahau. 

 The tenth ahau. 

 The eighth ahau; fighting took place in the fortress Mayapan, on account of the seizure of the castle, and on account of the joint government in the city of Mayapan. 

 The sixth ahau. 

 The second ahau; on the thirteenth foreigners passed, they say for the first time, to this land, the province Yucatan; four score years and thirteen. 

 The eleventh ahau. 

 The ninth ahau. 

 The seventh ahau. 

 The fifth ahau. 

 The third ahau. 

 The first ahau. 

 The twelfth ahau. 

 The tenth ahau. 

 The eighth ahau. 

 The sixth ahau. 

 The fourth ahau. 

 The second ahau. 

 The thirteenth ahau. 

 The eleventh ahau. 

12. The eighth ahau; Mayapan was depopulated by foreigners from the mountains; ten score years and four score years. 

13. The fourth ahau; the pestilence, the general death, took place in the fortress. 

 The second ahau; the smallpox took place. 

 The thirteenth ahau; the death of Ahpulha took place; it was the sixth year when ended the count of the thirteenth ahau; the count of the year was from the east, (the month) Pop passed on the fifth kan; on the eighteenth of (the month) Zip, 9 Imix, was the day Ahpulha died; it was the year 1536. 

14. The eleventh ahau; foreigners arrived--mighty men from the east; they came, they arrived here in this land. 

 The ninth ahau; Christianity began; baptism took place; also in this katun came the first bishop Toral; the year which was passing was--1544. 

15. The seventh ahau; bishop Landa died in this katun. 

16. The fifth ahau; the Fathers settled at Mani; the year that was passing was 1550; in the year 1552 they settled upon the water. 

17. 1559; this year came the auditor and built the Hospital. 

18. 1560; this year arrived Doctor Quixada, the first governor here in this land. 

19. 1562; this year took place the hanging. 

20. 1563; this year came Mariscal. 

21. 1569; this year smallpox occurred. 

22. 1610; this year those of Tekax were hanged. 

23. 1611; this year the towns were written down by the Judge. 

NOTES. 

The entire omission of the introductory paragraph of the Mani chronicle, with its references to the Quetzalcoatl myth, is noteworthy. 

As neither chronicle begins with the beginning of an Ahau Katun, it isobvious that some era was fixed upon in later days from which to countthe Katuns backward in time to the dawn of tradition, as well asforward. 

2. On the name _Chacnabiton_ see page 123. 

3. _Canpahal_ I take to be an old form of _canchahal_ or _canlaahal_, both of which mean to learn or learn about. On _Zian can_ see page 124. 

4. I am at a loss for the exact bearing of the expression _lai tzolciPop_. Pop is the first month in the Maya year; _tzoolol_ is "to becounted in order" (_Dicc. Motul_); the preterite in _ci_ would seem tojustify the rendering "since then Pop was counted in regularsuccession;" (see remarks on the effect of _ci_, on page 106); in otherwords, that the calendar was adopted at that time, which was also at thebeginning of an Ahau Katun, and, by the count given (supplying thekatuns not mentioned by the writer) thirty katuns, 600 years, sincetheir traditions began. 

6. _Chuccu_, passive of _chucah_, to seize, take possession of. 

_Zatahob be_, "they lost the road, " probably meant, in a figurativesense, that they were prevented by intervening unfriendly tribes fromcontinuing their intercourse with the western coast. _Biciob_, evidentlyfor _binciob_. The expression _yalan che_, _yalan haban_, _yalan ak_, has already been explained (page 126). 

13. _Ocnakuchil. _ The derivation of this word is stated to be from_ocol_, to enter, _na_, the houses, _kuch_, the crow or buzzard, thenumber of the dead being so great that the carrion birds entered thedwellings to prey upon the bodies. 

In the account of Ahpula's death _ca ɔococ_ should, I think, read _cama ɔococ_, "when not yet was ended. "

FOOTNOTES:

[136-1] _Disertacion sobre la Historia de la Lengua Maya ò Yucateca_, inthe _Revista de Merida_, 1870, p. 128. 

[138-1] cankal. 

[138-2] canlaahal. 

[139-1] uinicob. 

[139-2] binciob. 

[142-1] uchuc. 

[142-2] ximbal. 

[143-1] tikaxob. 

III. THE RECORD OF THE COUNT OF THE KATUNS. 

_From the Book of Chilan Balam of Chumayel. _

The village of Chumayel is about six leagues east of Mani, and withinthe boundaries of the province anciently ruled by the Xiu family. 

The copy of the Book of Chilan Balam which was found there was aredaction made by an Indian, Don Juan Josef Hoil, in 1782. Like allthese volumes it is a sort of common place book, in which were copiedmiscellaneous articles from much older manuscripts. One of these bearsthe date 1689, but most of them have no date attached. Hoil's originalis, I believe, in the possession of the Canon Crescencio Carrillo yAncona, of Merida. A fac-simile copy, by the hand of the late Dr. Berendt, is in my possession. 

At the close of the volume, ff. 40-44, are found three summaries of theancient history of Yucatan, which are those I am about to give. Theyhave never been translated from the original, nor published in any form, and they contain details of interest. They are evidently from differentsources, and are also different from those previously given. 

TEXT. 

U kahlay u xocan katunob uchi u chictahal u Chicħeen Ytza uchi lae layɔiban ti cab lae uchebal yoheltabal tumen hijmac yolah yohel te ti xocolkatun lae. 

 * * * * *

1. VI. Uac ahau uchci u chictahal u chicħeen Ytza. 

 IIII. Can ahau lae. 

 II. Cabil ahau. 

 XIII. Oxlahun ahau tzolci pop. 

 XI. Buluc ahau. 

 IX. Bolon ahau. 

 VII. Uuc ahau. 

 V. Ho ahau. 

 III. Ox ahau. 

 I. Hun ahau. 

 XII. Lahca ahau. 

 X. Lahun ahau; paxci u chicħeen Ytza; uchi oxlahun uuɔ katun cacahi chakanputun ti yotochob u katunil. 

 * * * * *

2. VI. Uac ahau. 

 IIII. Can ahau; chucci u lumil tumenob Chakanputun. 

 II. Cabil ahau. 

 XIII. Oxlahun ahau. 

 XI. Buluc ahau. 

 IX. Bolon ahau. 

 VII. Uuc ahau. 

 V. Ho ahau. 

 III. Ox ahau. 

 I. Hun ahau. 

 XII. Lahca ahau. 

 X. Lahun ahau. 

 VIII. Uaxac ahau; paxci chakan putunob tumenob ah Ytza uinicob ca taliob u tzacle u yotochob tu caten; oxlahun uuɔ u katunil; cahanob chakan putunob tic yotochob; layli u katunil binciob ah Ytzaob yalan che, yalan haban, yalan ak, ti numyaob lae. 

3. VI. Uac ahau. 

 IIII. Can ahau. 

 II. Cabil ahau. 

 XIII. Oxlahun ahau. 

 XI. Buluc ahau. 

 IX. Bolon ahau. 

 VII. Uuc ahau. 

 V. Ho ahau. 

 III. Ox ahau. 

 I. Hun ahau. 

 XII. Lahca ahau. 

 X. Lahun ahau. 

 VIII. Uaxac ahau; paxci ahYtza uinicob ti yotochob tu caten, tumen u kebanthan hun nac ceel, tumen u uahal uahob _y_ ahYtzmal; oxlahunuuɔ u katunil cahanobi ca paxiob tumen hun nac ceel, tumen a ɔabal u natob ahYtzaob lae. 

4. VI. Uac ahau. 

 IIII. Can ahau: chucci u luumil ichpaa Mayapan tumen AhYtza uinicob, likulob ti yotoche tumenel ahYtzmalob, tumen u kebanthan - - - - hun nac ceel lae. 

5. II. Cabil ahau. 

 XIII. Oxlahun ahau. 

 XI. Buluc ahau. 

 IX. Bolon ahau. 

 VII. Uuc ahau, [TN-22]

 V. Ho ahau. 

 III. Ox ahau. 

 I. Hun ahau. 

 XII. Lahca ahau. 

 X. Lahun ahau. 

 VIII. Uaxac ahau: uchci pucħtun ychpaa Mayapan tumen u pach paa, u pach tulum, tumen multepal ych cah Mayapan lal lae. 

6. VI. Uac ahau. 

 IIII. Can ahau: uchci mayacimlal; uchci ocnakuchil ych paa. 

 II. Cabil ahau: uchci kakil nohkakile. 

7. XIII. Oxlahun ahau; cimci Ahpula uacppel haab; u binel u xocol haab ti lakin cuchie; [156-1]caanil kan cumlahci pop ti lakin he tunte na cici pahool katun haab; hun hix cip catac oxppeli Bolon ymix hi; u kinil lay cimci Ahpula lae napotxiu tu habil _D^o. _ 158 años. 

8. XI. Buluc ahau: hulciob kul uinicob ti lakin; u yah talzah; ulob u yaxchun uay lae luumil coon maya uinice tu habil _D^o. _ 1523 años. 

 IX. Bolon ahau: hoppci _xpnoil_; uchci caputzihil; laytal ychil u katunil hulci _obispo_ tora [157-1]ua; xane hauci [157-2]huytabe tu habil _D^o. _ 1546 años. 

 VII. Uuc ahau: cimci _obispo de Landa_. 

 V. Hoo ahau. 

 III. Ox ahau. 

TRANSLATION. 

This is the Record of the count of the katuns from when took place thediscovery of Chichen Itza; this is written for the town in order that itmay be known by whoever wishes to know as to the counting of the katuns. 

 * * * * *

1. VI. In the sixth ahau took place the discovery of Chichen Itza. 

 IIII. This is the fourth ahau. 

 II. The second ahau. 

 XIII. The thirteenth ahau; Pop was set in order. 

 XI. The eleventh ahau. 

 IX. The ninth ahau. 

 VII. The seventh ahau. 

 V. The fifth ahau. 

 III. The third ahau. 

 I. The first ahau. 

 XII. The twelfth ahau. 

 X. The tenth ahau; Chichen Itza was abandoned; at this time it took place that thirteen divisions of warriors went to Chakanputun for houses. 

 * * * * *

2. VI. The sixth ahau. 

 IIII. The fourth ahau; the land was taken in possession by those of Chakanputun. 

 II. The second ahau. 

 XIII. The thirteenth ahau. 

 XI. The eleventh ahau. 

 IX. The ninth ahau. 

 VII. The seventh ahau. 

 V. The fifth ahau. 

 III. The third ahau. 

 I. The first ahau. 

 XII. The twelfth ahau. 

 X. The tenth ahau. 

 VIII. The eighth ahau: Chakanputun was deserted by the men of Itza when they came in search of their houses for the second time; thirteen divisions of warriors dwelt in the houses at Chakanputun; in this katun those of Itza were under the trees, under the boughs, under the branches, to their misery. 

3. VI. The sixth ahau. 

 IV. The fourth ahau. 

 II. The second ahau. 

 XIII. The thirteenth ahau. 

 XI. The eleventh ahau. 

 IX. The ninth ahau. 

 VII. The seventh ahau. 

 V. The fifth ahau. 

 III. The third ahau. 

 I. The first ahau. 

 XII. The twelfth ahau. 

 X. The tenth ahau. 

 VIII. The eighth ahau: the men of Itza were driven out of their houses a second time because of the plot of Hunac Ceel, because of the festivities with those of Itzmal; thirteen divisions of warriors dwelt there when they were driven out by Hunnac Ceel in order that those of Itza might know what was to be given. 

4. VI. The sixth ahau. 

 IIII. The fourth ahau; the territory of the fortress of Mayapan was seized by the men of Itza as also the houses by those of Itzamal because of the plotting - - - - of Hunnac Ceel. 

5. II. The second ahau. 

 XIII. The thirteenth ahau. 

 XI. The eleventh ahau. 

 IX. The ninth ahau. 

 VII. The seventh ahau. 

 V. The fifth ahau. 

 III. The third ahau. 

 I. The first ahau. 

 XII. The twelfth ahau. 

 X. The tenth ahau. 

 VIII. The eighth ahau: there was fighting in the fortress of Mayapan because of the seizure of the fortress and the fortified town by the joint government in the city of Mayapan. 

6. VI. The sixth ahau. 

 IV. The fourth ahau: the pestilence took place, the general death took place in the fortress. 

 II. The second ahau; the smallpox broke out. 

7. XIII. The thirteenth ahau; Ahpula died the sixth year; the count of the years was toward the east: (the month) Pop began on 4 Kan to the east * * * * * 9 Imix was the day on which Ahpula NapotXiu died in the year of the Lord 158. 

8. XI. The eleventh ahau: the mighty men came from the East, they brought the sickness; they arrived for the first time in this country we Maya men say in the year 1513. 

 IX. The ninth ahau: Christianity began; baptism took place; also in this katun arrived bishop Toral here; also the hanging ceased in the year 1546. 

 VII. The seventh ahau; bishop Landa died. 

 V. The fifth ahau. 

 III. The third ahau. 

NOTES. 

The writer states, in a brief introduction, the nature and purpose ofhis composition. 

_U kahlay_, the record, or the memoir, from _kahal_, to remember. Theconcrete meaning of the root is "to know by sight, to recognize. "_ɔiban_, past participle, passive voice, of _ɔib_ to write: the originalsignification of the word is "to paint. " _Yoheltabal_, passive form of_ohel_, to know, which is always conjugated with the pronominalprefixes, _u_, _a_, _y_. _Yolah_, syncopated form of _u uolah_, hewills, wishes, _uol=volo_, _uolah=voluntas_. 

It will be noticed that this chronicle is not called an "arrangement" ofthe katuns, _tzolan katun_, but a count or reckoning of them, _xocan_ or_xocol_, from _xoc_, to count. 

1. The count begins with the discovery of Chichen Itza, mentions thatPop was "counted in order" at the beginning of the next following AhauKatun, and having stated the desertion of Chichen Itza and the migrationto Chakanputun, the chronicler draws a line, as if to separate broadlythese occurrences from those which followed. 

5. The distinction between _paa_ and _tulum_ appears to be that _tulum_is an enclosure surrounded by a defensive wall, and this wall itself;while _paa_ is a castle, or, in Maya land, a mound or pyramid withbuildings on it erected for purposes of defence. 

6. _Kakil nohkakil_, the fire, the great fire, but here in the sense ofa contagious febrile disease, probably the smallpox. 

7. The text in this section is corrupt, and I leave a line untranslated. The writer informs us, what was omitted in the previous chronicles, thatthe Ahpula whose death is so carefully mentioned by all, was a member ofthe Xiu family which reigned over the province of Mani. They were almostthe first of the powerful Maya nobles to make friends with theSpaniards. The date 158 is apparently intended for 1538, or perhaps1508, which is more consistent with the following section, but less sowith the previous chronicles. 

_Kul uinicob_, as remarked on page 133, means "the mighty men, " not the"holy men, " as generally translated. The term was applied to theSpaniards. The _Dicc. De Motul_ MS. Says:--"KULVINIC: muy hombre, hombrede respeto y de hecho, y llaman así los Indios á los Españoles. " _U yahtalzah_, they bring the sickness, probably the smallpox. _Coon_ or_con_, 1st pers. Pl. Pres. Indic. Of the irregular verb _cen_ (_cihi_, _ciac_), to say, to tell. 

FOOTNOTES:

[156-1] Canil. 

[157-1] uay. 

[157-2] chuytabe. 

IV. THE MAYA KATUNS. 

_From the Book of Chilan Balam of Chumayel, _

The following chronicle is stated by its writer to be distinctivelycalled the "Maya Katuns, " and to be written for (or by) the Itzas. Wehave, therefore, no longer to do with the reckoning of the subjects ofthe Xiu family who ruled at Mani, but with one which emanates from thepriests of the Cocomes, who were hereditary masters of Chichen Itza. Itis evidently of different origin, although many of the same facts arereferred to in it. 

TEXT. 

U kahlay katunob utial ahYtzaob mayakatun u kaba lae. 

 * * * * *

1. Lahca ahau. 

 Lahun ahau. 

 Uaxac ahau. 

 Uac ahau; paxciob ahoni. 

 Can ahau. 

 Cabil ahau. 

 Oxlahun ahau. 

 Buluc ahau. 

 Bolon ahau. 

 Uuc ahau. 

 Hoo ahau; paxci u cah yahau ahYtzmal kinich kakmo _y_ pop hol chantumenel hun nac ceel. 

 Ox ahau. 

2. Hun ahau: paxci yala ahYtza tu cħicheen, tu yoxpiztun ychil hun ahaupaxci u chicħeen. 

 Lahca ahau. 

 Lahun ahau. 

3. Uaxac ahau: u katunil heɔci cah yala ahYtza likul yan che yalanhaban tan xuluc mul u kaba ti likulob ca u heɔahob luum ZaclactunMayapan u kaba tu uucpiztun uaxac ahau u katunil; laix u katunil cimciChakanputun tumen kak u pa cal yetel tec uilue. 

4. Uac ahau. 

 Can ahau. 

 Cabil ahau. 

 Oxlahun ahau. 

 Buluc ahau. 

 Bolon ahau. 

 Uuc ahau. 

 Hoo ahau: ulci ɔul ti chibil uinic, yxma pic ɔul u kaba; ma paxcipeten tumenelobi. 

 Ox ahau. 

5. Hun ahau: paxci peten tan cah mayapan u kaba tu hunpiztun ychil hunahau u katunile; lukci halach uinic tutul _y_ u Batabilob cabe _y_cantzuc culcahobe; lay u katunil paxi uincob tan cah [167-1]cauec[167-2]chahiob u Batabilob cabe. 

6. Lahca ahau te cħabi Otzmal u tunile. 

 Lahun ahau, te cħabi Zizal u tunile. 

 Uaxac ahau, te cħabi Kancaba u tunile. 

 Uac ahau, te cħabi hunnacthi u tunile. 

7. Can ahau, te cħabi atikuhe u tunilae; lay u katunil uchci mayacimlaltu hopiztun ychil can ahau u katunil lae. 

 Cabil ahau, te cħabi chacalna u tunile. 

 Oxlahun ahau, te cħabi euan u tunile. 

8. Buluc ahau, u yaxchun kin coloxpeten cħabi u tunile; laix u katunilcimci Ahpula Napotxiu u kaba tu hunpiztun Buluc ahau. Laix u katunil yaxhulciob españolesob uay tac lumil lae tu uucpiztun Buluc ahau u katuniltiix hoppi xpnoil lae tu habil quinientos diez y nueve años D^o 1519a^s. 

9. Bolon ahau ma cħabi u tunil lae; lay katun yax ulci obispo FrayFran^co [168-1]to Ral, huli tu uacpiztun ychil ahBolon ahau katun lae. 

 Uac ahau, ma cħabi u tunil lae; lay u katunil cimci Obispo e landalae, tii xuli uhel Obispo xani. 

 Hoo ahau. 

 Ox ahau. 

TRANSLATION. 

The Record of the Katuns by the men of Itza called the Maya Katuns. 

 * * * * *

1. The twelfth ahau. 

 The tenth ahau. 

 The eighth ahau. 

 The sixth ahau; the well dressed ones were driven out. 

 The fourth ahau. 

 The second ahau. 

 The thirteenth ahau. 

 The eleventh ahau. 

 The ninth ahau. 

 The seventh ahau. 

 The fifth ahau; the town was destroyed by Kinich kakmo, ruler ofItzmal, and Pop Hol Chan on account of Hunnac Ceel. 

 The third ahau. 

2. The first ahau; the remainder of the Itzas at Chichen were drivenout; on the third year in the first ahau Chichen was depopulated. 

 The twelfth ahau. 

 The tenth ahau. 

3. The eighth ahau; in this katun was founded a city by the remainder ofthe Itzas coming out of the woods from under the branches, from themidst of Xuluc Mul as it is called; they came from there and establishedthe land called Zaclactun Mayapan, in the seventh year of the eighthAhau katun; in this katun perished Chakanputun by fire, which destroyedit quickly, and suddenly consumed it. 

4. The sixth ahau. 

 The fourth ahau. 

 The second ahau. 

 The thirteenth ahau. 

 The eleventh ahau. 

 The ninth ahau. 

 The seventh ahau. 

 The fifth ahau; foreigners came seeking men to eat; "breechlessforeigners" they were called; the country was not depopulated by them. 

 The third ahau. 

5. The first ahau; the district in the middle of Mayapan (or TancahMayapan) was depopulated in the first year of the first ahau katun;there went forth the governor Tutul, with the chiefs of the country andfour divisions from the towns; in this katun the men in the centre ofthe town (or of Tancah) were driven out, and the chiefs of the countrylost their power. 

6. The twelfth ahau: the stone of Otzmal was taken. 

 The tenth ahau; the stone of Zizal was taken. 

 The eighth ahau; the stone of Kancaba was taken. 

 The sixth ahau; the stone of Hunnacthi was taken. 

7. The fourth ahau; the stone of Ahtiku was taken; in this katun tookplace the pestilence, in the fifth year in the fourth ahau katun. 

 The second ahau; the stone of Chacalna was taken. 

 The thirteenth ahau; the stone of Euan was taken. 

8. The eleventh ahau: in the time of its beginning, the stone ofColoxpeten was taken; in this katun died Ahpula Napotxiu, in the firstyear of the eleventh ahau; it was also in this katun that the Spaniardsfirst arrived here in this land, in the seventh year of the eleventhahau katun; also Christianity began in the year fifteen hundred andnineteen, the year of our Lord 1519. 

9. The ninth ahau; no stone was taken at this time; in this katun firstcame the bishop Brother Francisco Toral; he arrived in the sixth year ofthe ninth ahau katun. 

 The seventh ahau; no stone was taken: in this katun died Bishop Landa;then also ended the bishop his successor. 

 The fifth ahau. 

 The third ahau. 

NOTES. 

1. The writer begins with the 12th ahau, although nothing is noted untilthe 6th. Here we have the brief entry _paxciob ahoni_. This might betranslated "those of Oni were driven out or scattered. " But no suchlocality is known or mentioned elsewhere. The _Diccionario de Motul, MS. _ gives the meaning of _ahoni_ as "pulido, galan, muy bien vestido, "_ahoni a talel ex_, "you come very well dressed. " I suppose, therefore, that it was a term applied to some early tribe who distinguishedthemselves in comparison with their ruder neighbors by elegance ofcostume. Later we shall find a similar term, "breechless foreigners, "applied to another tribe whose condition of nudity suggested theirappellation. 

The name Kinich Kakmo is mentioned by Cogolludo as that of an idolworshiped at Itzamal. He says:--"They had another temple on anothermound in the northern part of the city, and this, from the name of anidol which they worshiped here, they called _Kinich Kakmó_, which meansthe sun with a face. They say that the rays were of fire and descendedat mid-day to consume the sacrifice, as the vacamaya flies through theair (which is a bird something like a parrot, though larger in size, andwith finely colored feathers). They resorted to this idol in time ofmortality, pestilence or much sickness, both men and women, and broughtmany offerings. They said that at mid-day a fire descended and consumedthe sacrifice in the sight of all. After this the priests replied totheir inquiries about the sickness, famine or pestilence, and thus theylearned their fate; although it often turned out quite the contrary ofwhat he predicted. " (_Historia de Yucatan_, Lib. IV, cap. VIII. )

The title given by Cogolludo to the divinity appears to have also beenadopted by the ruling chief, who may also have been the high priest. Itis both imperfectly and incorrectly translated by the historian. Itscomponents are _kin_, the sun, day; _ich_, the eye, the face; _kak_, fire; _moo_, the macaw, _Psittacus Macao_, deemed sacred throughoutMexico and Central America, on account of its beautiful plumage. Thefull translation of the name is "the Eye of Day, the Sacred Bird ofFire, " a symbolic name of a solar deity. 

The Chan family is mentioned by Sanchez Aguilar (_Informe contra IdolumCultores_, etc. ), as among the princely houses of Yucatan at the date ofthe Conquest. 

_Paxci u cah_, "the town, " that is, Chichen Itza. The writer composedhis chronicle at that place, so he does not think it necessary to nameit specifically. The distance in a straight line from Chichen Itza toItzamal is 40 geographical miles. 

2. _Yala_, the remainder, from _ala_, above, over. A portion of theItzas remained in Chichen after the attack by Kinich Kakmo; these alsonow leave it. 

3. The place _Xuluc mul_ is unknown in the present geography of thepeninsula. It means "the completed mounds, " _mul_ being, as I havebefore remarked, the name given to the artificial pyramids and tumuli ofstone so common in the peninsula, probably so called from the jointlabor of many in their construction. 

The province of Zaclactun-Mayapan is also unknown, although there is ahacienda Zaclactun within the boundaries of the modern district ofItzamal (Berendt, _Nombres geograficos en Lengua Maya_, MS. ). The nameapparently means "the place where white pottery is made. "

4. _Ti chibil uinic_ "for men to be eaten;" _chibil_, the passive of_chii_, to eat. The _Diccionario de Motul_ gives _chibil bak_, flesh tobe eaten. _Pic_ was the breech cloth or waist cloth, fastened around thewaist and falling to the knees, which was the common dress of the women. The Dictionary just quoted translates the word, "naguas de Indias que sesirven de saya ó faldellin ordinario, para cubrir desde la cinturaabajo; y son las blancas sin color ni bordado. " The phrase _ixma picɔul_, foreigners without a breech cloth, intimates that they werenude. 

Who were these naked cannibals, who raided the provinces in order toobtain their unnatural food? Those daring navigators, those nakedman-eaters, the Caribs, from whose name our word _cannibal_ is derived, at once suggest themselves. Curiously enough, the Abbe Brasseur hasargued for the probability of their invasions upon other (though I thinkinsufficient) grounds (see his _Informe acerca de las Ruinas de Mayapany de Uxmal_). This passage of the chronicle renders his theory probable. 

5. _Peten tan cah Mayapan_ could also be rendered, "the district TancahMayapan. "

6. _Cħabi Otzmal u tunile_, "the stone of Otzmal was taken. " Otzmal wasa locality under the rule of the Cocomes. (Cogolludo, _Historia_, Lib. III, cap. VI. ) Other versions read Itzmal and Uxmal. The reference is tothe _u heɔ katun_, the setting up of the Katun-stone as a memorial atthe end of each period of twenty years. Incomplete descriptions of thisceremony are given by Landa, _Relacion_, § IX, and Cogolludo, _Historia_, Lib. IV, cap. IV. I propose a more extended examination ofthis question in a future volume of this series, devoted to documentsrelating to the calendars and chronology of the Central Americannations. 

8. The death of Ahpula Napot Xiu is given with minuteness but not inaccordance with previous chronicles. In 1519 Cortes touched at theIsland of Cozumel, and that might have been assumed as the date of thecommencement of Christianity. 

FOOTNOTES:

[167-1] caua. 

[167-2] cahiob. 

[168-1] Toral. 

V. THE CHIEF KATUNS. 

_From the Book of Chilan Balam of Chumayel. _

The document which follows is brief, but of peculiar interest. It doesnot appear to aim at a connected history of events, but in the form of achant to refer certain incidents to the katuns in which they occurred. It has more of a mythological character, and the repetitions remind oneof the refrain of a song. 

It is also found in the Book of Chilan Balam of Chumayel, and isinserted without explanation or introduction, copied, no doubt, fromsome ancient writing. 

TEXT. 

1. Can ahau u kaba katun; uchci u zihilob----[178-1]pauaha en cuh uyahauob. 

2. [178-2]Oxhunte ti katun lic u tepalob, lay u kabaob tamuk u tepaloblae. 

3. Can ahau u kaba katun; emciob [178-3]noh hemal, [178-4]ɔeemal, ukabaob lae. 

4. Oxlahunte ti katun, lic u tepalob, lic u kabaticob, ti i ualac ucutob. Oxlahun cuthi, u cutob lae. 

5. Can ahau u katunil; uchci u caxanticob u chicħeen Ytzua; tiiutzcinnahi mactzil tiob tumen u yumoobe. Cantzuc lukciob cantzucul cab ukabaob; likul ti likin kin colah peten bini huntzuci; [178-5]kul xamannaco cob [178-6]hok huntzucci; heix hoki huntzucci holtun çuyuua tichikin; hoki huntzuccie canhek uitz, bolonte uitz u kaba u luumil lae. 

6. Can ahau u katunil [178-7]uhci u payalob tu cantzuccilob can tzucculcab u kabaob, ca emiob tu chicħeen Ytzae ahYtza tun u kabaob. Oxlahunteti katun, lic u tepalob; ca oci u kebanthanobi tumen hunnac ceeli. Capaxci u calob. Ca biniob tan yol che tan xuluc mul, u kaba. Can ahau ukatunil; uchci yauat pixanobi. Oxlahunte ti katun lic u tepalobi y unumyaobi. 

7. Uaxac ahau u katunil; uchci yulelob yalaob ahYtza u kabaob. Ca ulobtii ca ualac u tepalob Chakanputun. Oxlahun ahau u katunii u heɔob cahmayapan mayauinic u kabaob. Uaxac ahau paxci u cahobi; ca uacchabi tipeten tulacal. Uac katuni paxiob, ca haui u Maya kabaob. Buluc ahau ukaba u katunil hauci u maya kabaob; Maya uinicob Christiano u kabaobtulacal u cuchcabal tzo ma Sanc Pedro y Rey ahtepale. 

TRANSLATION. 

1. The fourth ahau was the name of the katun; the births took place;--;the towns were taken possession of by the rulers. 

2. It was the thirteenth katun in which they ruled; these were theirnames while they ruled. 

3. The fourth ahau was the name of the katun; in it they arrived, theGreat Arrival, the Less Arrival, as they are called. 

4. It was the thirteenth katun in which they ruled, in which they tooknames, at that time, while they resided here; in the thirteenth theresidence was continued, they resided here. 

5. The fourth ahau katun; then took place the search for Chichen Itza;at that time they were marvelously improved by the fathers. They wentforth in four divisions which were called the four territories. Onedivision came forth from the east of Kin Colah Peten; one division cameforth from the north of Nacocob; one division came forth from the gateof Zuyuua to the west; one division came forth from the mountains ofCanhek, the Nine Mountains, as the land is called. 

6. The fourth ahau katun; then took place the calling together of thefour divisions, the four territories as they were called, and theyarrived at Chichen Itza and were called the men of Itza. It was thethirteenth katun in which they ruled; then the plottings were introducedby Hunnac Ceel, and the territories were destroyed. Then they went intothe midst of the forests, into the midst of Xuluc Mul, so called. Thefourth ahau katun; then singing for their happiness took place. It wasthe thirteenth katun in which they governed and had heavy labor. 

7. The eighth ahau katun; thus it took place that there arrived theremainder of the Itza men as they were called; then they arrived; andabout that time they governed Chakanputun. In the thirteenth ahau katunthose called the Maya men founded the city Mayapan. In the eighth ahauthe towns were destroyed; then they were driven wholly out of theprovince. In the sixth katun they were destroyed, and it was ended withthose called Mayas. It was the eleventh ahau katun in which it endedwith those called Mayas. The Maya men were all called Christians andcame under the control of Saint Peter and the King, the rulers. 

NOTES. 

1. _U zihilob_, the births, probably meaning the beginning of things. _Pauaha en cuh_ has no meaning that I can make out; I therefore supposeit an error for _pachah u cah_, and translate in accordance with thisemendation. The phrase seems to refer to the first settlement of thecountry, or to the first time the scattered inhabitants were gatheredtogether in towns by their chiefs. 

2. "These were their names"; but no names are given. They seem to havebeen omitted by the copyist. 

3. _Emciob noh hemal ɔeemal_, faulty orthography for _noh emel, ɔeemel_, the latter syncopated from _ɔeɔemel_. Literally, "since they descended;the Great Descent, the Little Descent. "

The tradition here referred to is given at more length by Father Lizana, in his _Historia de Yucatan_, and is discussed also by Cogolludo(_Historia de Yucatan_, Lib. IV, cap. III). As the work of the former iswholly inaccessible, I quote from the reprint of a portion of it inBrasseur's edition of Diego de Landa's _Relacion_ p. 354. "In formertimes they called the East _Cen-ial_, the Little Descent, and the West_Nohen-ial_, the Great Descent. The reason they give for this is that onthe east of this land a few people descended, and on the west a greatmany; and with that syllable they understand little or much, to the eastand the west; and that few people came from one direction and many fromthe other. " Father Lizana goes on to express his opinion that the fewwho came from the East were the Carthaginians, and the many from theWest were the Mexicans. 

The very corrupt form in which he has given the words has led SeñorEligio Ancona to suppose they belonged to the archaic and secretlanguage of the priests (_Historia de Yucatan_, Tomo I, p. 24), and Dr. Carl Schultz-Sellack to imagine that they referred to East and West, right and left, as he adopted the misreading _ɔiic_, left, for _ɔeɔ_, little (_Die Amerikanischen Götter der Vier Weltgegenden_, in the_Archiv für Ethnologie_, Band XI, 1879). But they are readily analyzedwhen we have their correct orthography, as given above. The reference tothem in this place shows that the author of the chant was dealing withthe most ancient legends of his race. 

The Itzas who resided in the Peten district left the region aroundChichen Itza some time in the fifteenth century, probably after the fallof Mayapan. They were ruled by an hereditary chieftain, called by theSpaniards "the great king, Canek. " Under him the territory was dividedinto four districts, each with its own chief, with whom the Canekconsulted about important undertakings. 

Evidently in removing to Peten the Itzas were retracing their steps onthe line of their first entrance to the peninsula. They even attemptedto go further west, and guided, probably, by ancient memories, a largenumber set out for Tabasco and the banks of the Usumaciuta, [TN-23] whererepose the ruins of Palenque, possibly the home of their ancestors. Butthey were attacked and driven back by the natives of Tabasco, with theloss of their leader, a brother-in-law of the great Canek. These andother particulars about them are repeated by Villagutierre Sotomayor, _Historia de la Conquista de la Provincia de el Itza_, folio, Madrid, 1701. 

4. The elliptical form of expression here renders the translationdifficult. The verb _cutal_ (old form _cultal_), pret. _culhi_ or_cuthi_, fut. _culac_, means to sit down, to remain in a place, to be athome there, to reside, etc. Perhaps the translation both here and in § 2should be, "for thirteen katuns they ruled, etc. "

5. The word _yum_, plural _yumob_, means father and also chief, leader, ruler, etc. In modern Maya it is the translation of Sir, Mister, Señor. 

The proper names of the localities whence the four divisions are said tohave come, have a mythological cast. I cannot find any of them in thepresent geography of Yucatan. Kin Colah Peten is mentioned in a "katunwheel" in this same Book of Chilan Balam of Chumayel, as the name of oneof the towns which furnished a katun stone. Zuiva I have alreadyreferred to as appearing in the Quetzalcoatl myth (see page 110). 

The mountains of Canhek and the Nine Mountains take us to the Itzasaround Lake Peten, in the extreme south of the peninsula, this lastmentioned division being, in fact, that from the south. 

6. _U payalob_, plural passive of _pay_, to call, to summon. 

_Tan yol che_, _ol_ or _yol_ is the heart or centre of the leaf orplant; _tan xuluc mul_, see page 174. _Yauat pixanobi_, they were happyin singing, or, they gained favor by singing. The expression is obscure. The verb _auat_ is applied to the singing of birds, the crowing ofcocks, and generally to the natural sound made by any animal, and, incomposition, to the sound of musical instruments, as, _auatzah_, to playon the flute, to blow a trumpet. 

7. _Uacchahi_ from _uacchahal_, appears to be a strongly figurativeexpression. It is explained in Pio Perez' Dictionary, "salirse conesfuerzo de su cubierta ó encaje, saltarse de ella _como tripa por elano_. "

_Hauic_, from _haual_, to end, finish, cease to exist. Thus thechronicler closes his recital, repeating the to him no doubt bitter factthat the Maya nation and the Maya name had passed away. 

FOOTNOTES:

[178-1] pachah u cah. 

[178-2] oxlahunte. 

[178-3] nohemel. 

[178-4] ɔeɔemel. 

[178-5] likul. 

[178-6] hoki. 

[178-7] uchci. 

 THE CHRONICLE OF CHAC XULUB CHEN. 

 BY NAKUK PECH. 

 1562. 

CHRONICLE OF CHICXULUB. 

Among the ancient documents collected by Pio Perez was a series relatingto the town of Chicxulub, about six leagues north of Merida. They areentitled _Documentos de Tierras de Chicxulub, 1542_. They consist of ahistory of the town and of the conquest of the country, written by NakukPech, about 1562; a survey of the town lands by several members of thePech family, testified to Feb. 7, 1542; a partial list of the Spanishconquerors; a portion of an account by another member of the Pechfamily, and a further statement by Nakuk Pech. 

The longest and the most interesting of these is the history of theConquest, or, as the writer calls it, "the history and the chronicle ofChacxulubchen"--_u belil u kahlail Cħac Xulub Cħen_--this being one ofthe native forms of the name of the town. It is headed "Conquest andMap, " but the map has disappeared. Usually such "maps" accompanying thetitle papers of towns in Yucatan have as a central figure the outlinesof a church with the name of the town; around this is drawn the figureof the town lands, with the names of the wells, trees, stones and otherlandmarks mentioned in the titles. 

The writer, Nakuk Pech, baptized Pablo Pech, must have been betweensixty and seventy years of age when he drew up his statement, inasmuchas he mentions occurrences, as late as 1562, and also speaks of himselfas an adult in 1519. He belonged to a noble family, the Pechs of Cumkal, who are mentioned by Sanchez Aguilar as hereditary _batabs_, orindependent chiefs. They appear to have given their names to theprovince on the west coast called Kin Pech, or Campech, known to theEnglish as Campeachy, and to that of Ceh Pech, in which the city of Ho, afterwards called Merida, was situated. The Abbe Brasséur, [TN-24] on veryslight grounds, surmised that they were not originally of Maya stock, but probably descendants of the Caribs. [190-1]

He states that he was the son of Ak Kom Pech, in baptism Martin Pech, and the grandson of Ah Tunal Pech, while the head of the house of Pechseems to have been Ah Naum Pech, baptized Don Francisco de Montejo Pech. 

Pech always uses as the name of his town _Chac Xulub Chen_, which means"the well of the great horns, " probably because some huge antlers werefound there, or were set up to mark the spot. The modern name _ChicXulub_ was probably applied to it as a parody, or a play on words. Itmeans to cuckold one, to put horns on him. [191-1]

A literal translation of the document was made by Don Manuel EncarnacionAvila, of Merida, about 1860, and this has been of service to me incompleting the present rendering. But Señor Avila, though familiar withthe Maya of to-day, was evidently not at all acquainted with the ancientterms with reference to the calendar, and the usages of the nativesbefore the Conquest. He therefore made serious errors wherever suchoccurred. 

Moreover, as it was his purpose to give an extremely literaltranslation, he often sacrificed to this both clearness and correctness, and in various passages his sentences are unintelligible. 

The Abbé Brasseur (de Bourbourg) commenced to copy the original when inMerida, but completed only the first two paragraphs. He applied for acopy of the remainder; but by an error he received instead of this anunfinished transcript of another paper by the Pech family. Thesefragments he inserted, with a translation of his own, in the secondvolume of the Reports of the _Mission Scientifique au Mexique et àl'Amérique Centrale_, pp. 110-120 (4 to, Paris, Imprimerie Impériale:1870). As his lexicographic resources were, by his own statement, quitedeficient (_id. _, note to p. 116), he is scarcely to be criticised if, as is the case, much of his translation but faintly presents the meaningof the original. 

It will be seen that I have sacrificed every attempt at elegance in theEnglish translation to an endeavor to preserve faithfully the style ofthe original, even to its needless repetitions and awkward sentences. 

TEXT. 

_Concixta yetel Mapa. _

1. U hotzuc ca culhi ah buluc ahau lai katun ca uli Españolesob cacahiob te ti noh cah te ti Ho; lae te ix ah bolon ahaue ti tun cahicristianoili; lae he hab yax ulci ca yum Españolesob uay ti lum lae tuhabil 1511 años. 

 * * * * *

2. Ten cen yn Nakuk Pech yax hidalgos concixtadoren, uay ti lum lae tucacabil Maxtunil cin ɔabal ti yax cah tu cacabil cħacxulub Cħen. Bai bicɔaa nen in canante tumen in yumob Ah Naum Pech lic utzcinic utz olal ubelil u kahlail uay ti cacab Cħac Xulub Cħen in yax mekthantah lai cahlae capel cacab Chichinica _y_ uay Cħaac Xulub Cħen. 

3. Cen Nakuk Pech in kaba cuchi ti ma ococ haa tin pol cuchi u mehenenTahkom Pech D^on Martin Pech ti cah Xulkum Cheel; bai bic ɔaanoon cananhol cacabob tumen in yum Ah Naum Pech likul tu cah Mutul ca tahculcintaben in canante cacab Cħac Xulub Cħen lae ti manan to u manac utalel ca yum Españolesob uay tac lumi Yucatan lae ten tun halach uinicuai ti cah uai ti luum Cħac Xulub Cħen lae ca tun uli ca yum Sr. Adelantado uai ti peten lae ichil yabil 1519 años cuchi lae ten ix yaxbatab; ca uli Españolesob tu lumil uai Maxtunil lae toonix kame tu yabalɔaolalobe toonix yax ɔaic patan yetel ɔicil tiob _y_ ca ɔaic hanalobtiob capitanob Españolesob; hek Adelantado u kabae lai uli uai Maxtuniltu tancabal Nachi May; ti yanob ca binon cilob uchebal ca ɔaiccicioltiob; mayto ococob ti cah cuchi chenbel zutucahob paibe uai tilume oxppel u ɔanlob uai tu cacabil Maxtunile uai tun likulob cu binelobtu holpai ɔunul tu hol u payil Ɔilam tancoch yoxpel hab cahanobi. 

4. Tiob yan cuchi ca bini u kubulte in yumob tiob; lai Adelantado u kabalai zutui uai ti lum; lae Ixkakuk u kaba u ɔa in yum tiob lai u kaba laixcħuplal u ɔah tiob menyahticob _y_ tzenticob tiob tan yan cuchi ca talkatuntabilob tumen Cupulob ca tun lukobi ca biniob ti cahtalob ti Ecabkantanenkin u kaba u lumil cahlahciob; tix yanob cuchi ca katuntabiobtumen Ah Ecabob ca lukobie ca cuchob Cauaca ti tun ocobi te maniob ticah [194-1]Ɔekom ti u kaba cuhe manciob ca cuchiob ti cah TixcuumcuUuc ukaba cah kuchciob ti liculob ca kuchoob Tinuum u kaba cah kuchciob caixu tzaclahob u Chicħen Ytza u kaba ti tun u katahob u Rey cah u lahanobica alab tiobi: "Yan ahau, yume, " ci yalalob, "ye yan Ahau Cocom Aun PechAhau Pech, Namox Cheel Ahau Cheel Ɔiɔan tun; Katun ɔul, te xebnae, " ciyalalob tumen [195-1]naob Bon Cupul; u lukulob tu Chicħeen Ytza laecatun cuchiob yicnal Ahau Ixcuat Cocom te Akee: "Yume, matab a binelexte lae; bin zatacex, " cibin yalablob tumen Ahau Ixcuat Cocom caualkahiob tutulpachob, ca binob ca cuchob Cauaca tu caaten, caix kuchobtu holpayal Catzim u kaba tix nakob ti kankabe, ca biniob ti cahtalobtuyulpachob tet Ɔelebnae u kabae lai yax cahicob ca ulob uai ti luumlae. 

5. Lai ye tan Chanpatune uacppel hab cahanobi caix u hokzahubaob teCampeche; lai Adelantado u kaba yax ɔule lai mani uai ti lum; lae tiobtun yan Campech cuchi ca u katahob patan caix u yabi u thanob tumenbatabob tu cahalcahobe tulacal bini patan; tiob te maaniob ti kaknabeyahpulul patanob; lae ca tun binen _y_ in lakob Ah MaCamPech _y_ u yitɔin Ixkil Ytzam Pech in yahaulil cah Cumkale _y_ in yum yan ti cahXulcum Cheele; lai in lakob cat binen tu pach patan, laix ca yilahob, laix ca alak Nachi May, yoklal yohel maa yohel ma u thanob yoklal u yaxulob ichil yotoch, ca uliob lae laitah oklal u thanahob u lakintob, cabinob tu pach patan yoklal yettail tahiob Españolesob ti tun kubiobtumenel capitanobe; tiix c [196-1]matanok zayo _y_ capote _y_ zapato _y_u _y_ ppoc cicialtabion tumen te capitanob; caix lukon ca ɔoci caɔaic zililob Españolesob yan tacix ca buc ca ulon lay zayo _y_ capote, lay Ixkil Ytzam Pech yan Conkale laix ca lakah Macan Pech yan Yaxkukule_y_ in yum Ahkom Pech u noxibal ca binon. 

6. Cen ix Nakuk Pech lae in kaba ten yax batab yax kubob patan ca binonCampech ca kubob patan, caix uloon tutul pache tamuk u talel Españolesobtu bel Campech talel u cahob ti cahtal Ich can zi hoo ti nohcah ti Hoe;tuchi ix ca yubah u talelob Españolesob tu bel Campech, ca binon ca ɔabziltiob tolo ten caix binon tu caaten cat kube patan. Cen ix Nakuk Pechuai tu cabil Cħac Xulub Chen _y_ Ah Macan Pech yan tu cabil Yax Kukul_y_ Ixkil Ytzam Pech u noh batabil Conkale _y_ ten cen Ixnakuk Pechbatab uai ti cah Cħac Xulub Cħen teix oci ca ziltiob tucaaten teƆibkale[196-2] ix u chucan u nahubaob tucaaten ca kube ziltiob u lum ycab y u cħahucil hanalob u kamciob te Ɔibilkale ti tamuk u talel yocolobti cahtal ti Hoo lay D^n Fran^co de Montejo, yax capitan General yax uliuai tu peten ti Hoo lae _y_ D^n Fran^co de Bracamonte y Fran^co Tamayo_y_ Juan de Pacheco _y_ Perarberes lai capitanesob uliob ichil habil1541 años. 

7. Lai hab ca uliob ti Hoo ti cahtalob lay capitanob mektanmailEspañolesob, ca uliob ti Ho lae tenili batab cen Ix Nakuk Pech, ca uliEspañolesob te ti Hooe tenix kubi patan ti concixtadoresob ti Hoo, tenixbatab uai ti cacab Cħac Xulub Cħen lae tamuk u escribanoil RoderigoAlvares ichil yabil 1542 años. 

8. U tan u toxol cahob ti concixtadoresob tumen capitanob adelantado layyax Españolesob _y_ escribano Roderigo Alvares lai ɔibtic u xocaanpatanob ti yulel hun huntzuc ti cahob, baix tamuk u kubic patan in lakobtulacal lai in cħibalob lae ti tamuk ban patane yoklal toxbil patan tiobEspañolesob tumen capitanob adelantado _y_ escribano Rodrigo Alvarezichil hun hunteel hab uli Españolesob ti Hoo; tulacal ca ix cħaben cenIx Nakuk Pech ca ɔaben ti Don Julian Doncel encomendero lai u yax yumilcah uay Cħaac Xulub Cħen lae lai yax encomendero, caix machi in kab _y_tu tan capitan Don Fran^co de Montejo adelantado ten tun ɔabi ti batabilti D^n Julian Donsel tu kab, ca hoppi in tan lic u patan u yumil kuluinicilob. 

9. Cen Ix Nakuk Pech lae ten tan lic in batabil cuchi ca uli Albares yaxalcalde mayor uai tu petenil Yucatan ti Hoo lae, caix uli Alvara deCarvayor alcalde Mayor, li xan caix uli Oidor D^n Tomas Lopez tenilibatab cuchie heix in kabatah cen ix Nakuk Pech ca oci ha tin pole _y_ catin kama bautismo D^n Pablo Pech lay in kaba ca hau[198-1] in kabaticNakuk Pechil; hidalgoson yax batabon tumen capitanob cat yax chuca uaiti peten lae ton ix yax kubob patan ti ɔulob cat ɔab u chucil toon tumenDios _y_ Rey ahtepal; lae ton u cħibalon hidalgos tu yalomal in mehenobtulacal tu tan kinil cu binel tu nak u hayalcab; lae ton batabonyahaubiI[TN-25] uai ti luum ti ma yanac Santa Yglesiaob ti cacabob, tanto u ximbal tabal lumob tumen Españolesob uatub ci tan u moltalob utialu kulteob ti yoklal piz uinicob cuchi ti ma christianacobi tulacal inmektan cahil uinicob tumen in kamci in Cristianoil, cen Nakuk Pech cuchilaili batab en cuchi ca in kamah Santo Oleos _y_ Santo ocolal, utial incamzic in mektan cahilob tulacal tenix yax mache vara utial justiciail, tumen t binen in nant u than Dios _y_ ca noh Ahau Rey Ahtepal; laitun cayum ti Oidor D^n Tomas Lopes ca uchi lae yax ɔai u xicin patan tibatabob ti cahal cahob; lai temes ti ca yatan ɔooctun yahaubil Oidor D^nTomas Lopes ca tun tin kubah in bara ti in mehen D^n Pedro Pech ichilhabil 152 a^s. 

10. Lai cu xocol yabil cuchi lae ca in kamah u bara in yum Nakuk PechD^n Pablo Pech Ursula Pech ixan uai ti cacab Cħac Xulub Cħen, lae utialin meyactic Dios _y_ ca noh ahau Rey ahtepal utial in mektantic lai cahlae uai ti cacab Cħac Xulub Cħen lae. 

11. La tun ulicob tu cahalob yetel u yahkulelob _y_ u holpopob bay tucahal Yaxkukul, bay tu cahal Xulkum Cheel, bai tu cahal Maxtunilyaxcħibal Macan Pech yaxcħibal Tahkom Pech Xulkum Cheel, yet ulcob ixyahkinob yaxcħibal Macan Pech yaxcħibal Tahkom Pech Xulkum Cheel, yetulcobix u cuchulob tu pachob, ca uliob uai ti cahtale yet ulcobixyahkinob u holpopob _y_ yahkulelob tu pachob u halach uinicob, ca uliobtu cacabil Yaxkukul baix toon xan cat uloon uai tu cacabil Cħac XulubCħen lae, ca cahiob uai lae lai culcinaben Tah Nakuk Pech, tumen in yumTah Koon Pech u mehen Tah Tunal Pech yaxcħibal Maxtunile mektantic cah. 

12. Lae cat uli ɔulob uai tu lumil cacabob lae manan Maya uinicob tikuchi yolob u kube patan ti yax ɔulob cuchi, lae lai u yax cantahobɔulob Españolesob ɔocan ili tun u ɔabal cah canante. Cen tah Nakuk Pechin yax kamici cah uai ti cacab Cħac Xulub Cħen, ca uliob u chun u thanobtu pachob _y_ yahkulel _y_ u holpopob _y_ yahkinob lae, lai u kaba AhKul Matu _y_ Kulche _y_ ulcob ix yax kinob Ahkin Cocom Ahkin Tacu _y_ulcob ix u holpop Nachan Cen _y_ holpop Xuluc, lai u kaba, holpop laimektanmailob ca ulob uai tii u lum Maxtunil _y_ Ah Kul Chuc _y_ u holpoptu pachob; lai u heɔahob u cacabil uai Cħac Xulub Cħen caix uliob uholcanob u nacomob, nacom Kan, nacom Xuluc, nacom Pot, nacom May, nacomEk, lai u kaba nacomob, layobi u kab nacomob yah mektanul batab tahNakuk Pech ca ulen uai ti cah Cħac Xulub Cħen; lai chiccunic yol lai incu uchulob cat ulen uai ti cahtah uai ti luum uai tu cacabil Cħac XulubCħen. 

13. Cen tah Nakuk Pech lae ca ulen tumen u halach uinic tenob ca chichicah uai ti Cħac Xulub Cħen; lae tumen u nucteelob cuchi lae manan umanak u talel Españolesob uai ti luum, lae minan u yana cah chicunic cahuai Cħac Xulub Cħen; lai yobi t ubahilob lae ti xocan ili, yulelEspañolesob ti noh cah ti Ho, _y_ u kamal cristianoil tumen uinicob uaiTah Ceh Peche ɔocan ili ix in molic cah uai tulacahal Cħac Xulub Cħen, cen D^n Pablo Pech _y_ in yum D^n Martin Pech, conquixtador, XulkumCheel. 

14. Lae ti tum lae ti hoppi u licil u katun Españolesob ich mulcochleah[201-1] ca binon, _y_ in yum Ah Macan Pech yaxcħibal Yaxkukul, yYxkil Yɔam Pech yaxcħibal Cumkal, _y_ ti binen tu pach katun; ca oci upatan kooch uahobe lai tun mektanmai u yumil kul uiniclob cah, ca tibinon ti katun yah, yukul kah _y_ tuce tumenel u kuxilob ti kul uinicob;ichil uacpe u yanonie _y_ in lakob tu pach kul uinicob ti numia;mektanan tun in yum tumen u chunthanob, lay yobi hach ilaob yuchultulacal tu banalob tin cantah ichil in informacion tulacal lae uchebalyoheltabal tumen in cħibalob in mehenob tin pach ti uchen cimic uaiokolcab[201-2] lae yoklal in titulo in probanza ɔaan ten tumen ca yumilti Dios _y_ ca noh Ahau Rey ahtepal; manan in patan maix uchac in boticpatan maix in mehenob maix in u ixmehenob bin u bote patan yoklal tulukzah ten ca yumil ti Dios ichil u zahacil in puczical; ti mato inuilal u uich Españolesob cuchi tu ɔahten ich ich olal utial in kubicinba tu kab Españolesob _y_ in cahalob tulacal utial u cahal cahobtumenel capitanob Adelantado yax concixtadoresob; uliob uai ti u lumilYucatane; he hab yax ulci ɔulob tu lumil uai ti Cupule lae 1511 años. 

15. Cuchi mahun ilabac ɔulob Españolesob ca chuci Jeronimo de Aguilartumenob a Cusamilob; lai lae u chun yohelabal peten tulacal lae yoklalɔoci u xinbaltabal uchi lumob tulacal, lai tah oklal ma talan uchi lumobpeten tulacal lai tun cin ɔolic[202-1] tu tan Ahau ca tu cuchi tu tanAhau Ah Macan Pech D^n Pedro Pech _y_ u cuchteelob yax cħibalob unacomob tu pachob tulacal binob tu pach yoklal utzilob Ahau ylal uuichob u maseual uinicob; caix tu te ta lahun cakal u nucil uinicob ubines tu pach ti Ahau Rey ahtepal u tzicob ti messa nachi ti España, heix mac xenahi[202-2] tu tzicile tu tan Rey ahtepale; lai tun tu yalaAhau ca u bote patanob tulacal, yal u mehenob tulacal, heix ton AhPechob yaxcħibal uai ti lum _y_ yaxcħibal tal ti Cupul, ca bin tu yalahyabil peten _y_ yabil maya uinicob u bal lum, caix bin tu tzolah u xocantu tanil ca noh Ahau ca uɔac[202-3] u talel heɔbil u chi lum u ChinanteAhau; bay tun chacanhic ca lumil lae lai Aguilar, lae te hantabi tumenah Naum Ah Pot Cusamile tu yabil 1517 años; lai yabil hauic cħa katun, lae lai hauic u uacuntabal u tunil balcah, yoklal hunhunkal tun u taleluaatal u tunil balcah cuchi ti man uluc ɔul Españolesobe Cusamil cuchiuaital petenil; tumen ulic Españolesob ca t haui u betabal. 

16. 1519 años lai yabil yax ulcob Españolesob uai Cusamil tu yox mal, Fernando de Cortes _y_ Espoblaco Lara. A 28 de Febrero cuchi ca uliobCusamilob u yax mal ahohelilob hahal u cibel than. Lai yabil cuchcob tuChicħen tah mak opile ti tun yax oheltabi u Chicħeen Ytza tumen nohEspañolesob D^n Fran^co de Montejo Adelantado, u halach uinicob ca ɔanobtu Chicħen Ytza. 

17. 1521 años tu yoxlahunpiz u kinil agosto chucic u lumil Mexico tumenEspañolesob; uchci u yox katun tabalob[203-1] Españolesob tumen cahtulacal uai tu cahal Cupule; cauthi katahob Ah Ceh Pech tu cimil Zalibna_y_ etahau Lenpot Tixkocħoh tu provinciail Ticanto _y_ yicnal ahKinichkakmo Ytzmal u nup u than holtun Ake; lai yabil lae uchic u kuchulEspañolesob tu Chicħeen Ytza tu caten u heɔob u Chicħen Ytza, ti ca uliCapitan D^n Fran^co de Montejo yahtohil yahtochil Naocom Cupul kuchal ucah. Hunkal hab yax kuchcob tu Chicħen Ytza ti u kabahob ah makopilobeah ɔuɔopob. 

18. 1542 años lai hab ca u heɔahob lum Espanolesob ti Hich can Zihochuncan u nup u than Kinich Kakmo ahkin _y_ Ahtutul Xiu yahaulilcabecera Mani u pol u meta u heɔahob yaxcħibalob, lai yax hoppic yocolpatan tiob lae tu yoxten tun yulelob ta lumil, ca tun hunkul culhob, laeheklai culicob; helelae u hunten, ulcobe tu Chicħen Ytzae ti u yaxmakahob oop, matech u makal lai oop, ca u makahop Espanolesob u kabatcobahmakoopilob; u caten ulcobi tu Chicħene ca [204-1]u tocahob naobonCupul; tu yoxten yulelobe ca tun hunkul culhiob lae lai yabil lae 1542años lai tun hunkul culhiob uai ti lum Ychcanzi hoo--yanilob, helelaeoxlahun Kan ahcuchhab ti Maya xoclae. 

19. 1543 anos lai yabil binci Españolesob tet xaman Cheile u xacheteMayab uinicob u maseualtobe yoklal manan maseual uinic u palilob ti Ho;lai talob ti xache uinicob u maseualtob tu chi tun, ca kuchob ti Popceti uch ban patan tiobi likulob ti Ho, cat kuchob ti Popce tu chi, caulob ca biniob Tikom, man ti kin yanhicobe te Tixkome ti humkal u kinilyanob ca lukabi lai Españolesob. 

20. Lae 1544 años lai hab ca ɔan ɔul Cauaca Asiesa u capitanil, caɔanoob te Cauacae ti u chi pach yumili [204-2]ti oki patan tiobi cabulum ixim ɔabtiob tiob yan Cauacae, catun ca tu kalahob ti mascab ahkulCaamal tal Sisal ca tu kata u xocal cah tulacal, hun hab tialan timazcab tumenob, lai paye u bel Españolesob ca taliob ti cahtal Sachi, heclai Ahkul Kamal lae lai oci ti batabil Saci Sisale D^n Juan Caamal dela Cruz u kabatah yoklal hach hahal u than, lai yax utzcit Cruz Cauacae, u yabi u than tumen ɔulob, lae lai tumen lai ti oci ti batabil Sisal, ontkin ac u batabil cat cimil; lai ti pay u bel Españolesob ca binob tikatun yah Tixkochnah; xane he ɔulob lae hunppel hab ɔananob Cauaca, lukob cat talob Saci hunkul hi u kal uinicob ti mazcab yilab batabCaamal. 

21. Lae 1545 años ɔani ɔulob Saci laix yabil hopp ti cristianoil tumenpadresob orden de San Fran^co, te tu holhaa Champotone hali yax ulcobpadresob u machmaob cahlohil ti Jehucristo tu kabob lai lic yezic timaseual uinicob, cat yax ulob tu tu holhaa Chanpoton, lae te chikin uaitu cuchcabal u than uai Ichcansihoo, ti Hoo tu cahal Ichcansihoo lai ukaba; lai padresob hoppez Cristianoil uai ti cah peten Yucatan lae lai ukabaobe Fr. Juan de la Puerta _y_ Fr. Luis de Villarpando _y_ Fr. Diegode Becal _y_ Fr. Juan de Guerrero y Fr. Merchol de Benavente layobhoppes Cristianoil uai ti peten chikin lae ti mato tac Cristianoil uaiCupul; pachal hom to tac Cristianoil, baito bin cantic, ca bin hoppoctoon uai ti Cupule. 

22. 1546 años, lai hab ca uchi ahetzil[206-1] lae altose la tierra: 9 deNoviembre bol ulo de pasen 4 meses ca uchi tu bolonpis u kinil noviembreti yabil de 1546 años canppel u cinanil katun; lae ca zihi lae kuchihunppel hab yalcab uinicob; ca tali u molicubaob tu caten ocol u cibalpatan, ca zihi katune ulel u cibahob ahezobob tali chikin tabsic uinicobca yutzcinah katun lae Etz Cunul _y_ Ah Camal talob chikin he ɔulcimsabiobe catul mehen ɔulob u camzah palil Mena ti cimob Chamaxe, ppatal u cibahob; ca talob Saci tohyol tulacal ɔulob ca liki katunyokolob lae[206-2] tihi t tun u cimsabal; Ah Etz Camal Tipakan Ah Pakamtu cimilhi Surusano yokol Nicte; tumen u cahalobe hunppel akab hi ucimil ɔul tumen uinicob lae kohan yooc _y_ u kaboob, ca bini tu kinilkatun ti akab ti cah tulacal. 

23. 1547 años lai hab ca paxi u chem Exboxe Ecabe; ca bini Espanolesobbakzahticob u ɔahob katun yok Boxte Ecabe ual Ekboxil. 

24. Lae 1548 años ulci padre Emitanyo Saci chumes[206-3] Cristianoil. 

25. Lae 1550 años mol ci cah tulacal tabal tal Manii. 

26. 1551 años ulci padre Guadian Fr. Fernando Guererro Saci Sisal laioces haa tu hol uinicob lai chunbezob cristianoil uay tu cuch cabal Sacitulacal, tal chikin Cheel, tali Ecab, tali Cusamil, tali ti xaman, taliti nohol, xan lai chunmes[207-1] u pakal monisterio Saci Sisal. 

27. Lae 1552 años lai hab cahciob padresob yokab cuchi; lai yabil ulcobah canbesah _y_ kayob uai Zisale, talob chikin laobi canbez u kayobmissa y bisperas ti canto de organo _y_ chul y cantolano ti hunkul maohelon uai cuchi. 

Lae 1553 años lai hab ca uli Oidor D. Tomas Lopes uai tal lumil Yucatanlae tali Castella ca uli tu [207-2]chibil tumen ca noh ahau Rey ahtepalde Castilla u yanton tu kab Españolesob uaye, lai haues ca tocabal tumenEspañolesob, laix haues u chi on pek, laix ti chunmes u yanhal batabobti cahal cah, ca tu ɔa u barail, laix ti ɔai u takail patan xan oxppel uyocol patan ti Españolesob yub te cib uluum ixim cħoyche y sulbiltab _y_yic, buul, yib cuum, xamach, ppuul, ca muc yoklal patan ta c yumil ɔulilc beta ti matac oidor ɔaic u nucul bahunbal; lai uchci u cħabal kulchuuc tumen AhMacan Pech ca lukon Sisal yoklal u katci ah chucilkulchuc, lae tumen lai toci u chucil Ah Ceh Pech uay Cupul, lae laitalic uai tu pach Ah kin Pech Macan Pech u palil Ahmacan Pech yetel unacomob ti cab Yaxkukul lae. 

28. De 1519 años lai hab ca uli Españolesob uai tac cahal Con ah Ytzauai ti lum Yucatan, lae lai cin chicilbesah u kinil, yuil _y_ yabil yancanal, Cen D^n Pablo Pech, u mehen en D^n Martin Pech, ti Xulcum Cheel, concixtadoren, uai lae Maxtunil yetel Cħac Xulub Cħen, tal kamah ixɔulob tu uolol ca puczikal, maix ca ɔaab katun yah tiob laob lae D^nJuan de Montejo Adelantado y u chayanil capitanob bay yanil u kabaob tilibro; ton ix yax kamah Cristianoil concixtadores D^n Martin Pech umehen D^n Fernando Pech, D^n Pablo Pech u mehen en D^n Martin Pech, heltu yoxlahunpis u kinil u de Octubre de 1518, ocic ha tu holob in mektancahilob ti hunmolhob Maxtunile, ti ocol ha tu polob tumen yax obispo D^nFran^co Toral ti Maya uinicob; ca [208-1]oha tu polob men ca yum obispolae cat [208-2]es sabi u uinbail santo tiob cahob tulacal u uinbail S. Pedro _y_ S. Pablo y S. Juan, y S. Luis _y_ S. Antonio _y_ S. Miguel _y_S. Francisco _y_ S. Alonso y S. Agustin y S. Sebastian y S. Diego, ca u[208-3]ɔibotahob oleos ca u kabatah P^o yan cħa oleos. 

29. Lay u kahlail tulacal lae tin hun molcinzah uay ti librose uchebal unuctic uba uinicob himac bin oltic yohelto u ɔoc lukanil yanomal ca nohahau Dios uchac tumen tusinile. --U patanil hibic ulci Españolesob uaytac lumil lae tumen u yolat ca yumil ti Dios ahtepal uay ti peten; laebaix u than ca yum Señor D^n Juan de Montejo y D. Fran^co de Monte layyax ulob uai tac lumil lae laix tu ɔah u thanil u cumtal iglesia tiɔucenɔucil cahob u hol cababob y yotoch cah u kuna ca yum noh ahau bay ucah mensone u yotoch ah na mulbeobe[209-1]. 

30. Bay xan cu yalic ca noh yum Ah Naum Pech D^n Fran^co de Montejo Pechy D^n Juan Pech lai u kabaob ca oci haa tu holob tumen padresob yadelantado lay capitan hi layob ulob uai ti lume Yocolpeten, hek laikabanzabi ti Yucatanil tumen ca yax yumob Españolesob lae baix bin upatcantic ca yum Españolesob, hebic u beltahob, caxtu yalah binil hunkulcuxlacon tumen Dios, caix ti yubah Maya uinicob heklay u kabaob lae, catu yalah Naum Pech ti u mektan cahil ti ɔuɔucencil:--"Oheltex, talelu cah hunabku, ti peten heklai hahal Diose, u chicul hahal Dios; binexcuxlac, ca cici kamex, ma a ɔaicex katun yokolob ca pas ma u hanalob_y_ yukalob ixim, cax, uluum, cab, buul u hanalob yoklal [210-1]u colcahti Cristianoil lai u palil ton Dios;" bay tun cibahob mamac ɔai katuncaix tu likzahubaob ca bin u yan teob Españolesob tu concixtob tu yetxinbal tahob ɔulob. 

31. Bay xan he Nachi Cocom ti cahan tu holcacab Sutuytae tu chuccabalChicħen Ytzae heklay kabansabi Chicħen Ytzaile he Ah Cohuot Cocome tuyantah u than Dios _y_ ca noh ahau tu luksah u [210-2]ponob ubanderasob, utia ca noh ahau utial conquixta _y_ adelantado _y_ yumpadre clerigo tu cuch cahil xan maix u ɔa yah katun u lukzahubaobichilob kaxahob kunal _y_ yotoch cah tu cuchteelob. 

32. Hex Naɔi Mabun Chane culhi tu ca cabil u natatah bicil talel u cahhunkul cuxtal yoltah u kububaob ti Dios tu hahil Ah Catzimob _y_AhChulimob tu chuccabil Manil, _y_ Ah Tutul Yiu hex uay ti lakin Chel_y_ Tan Cupulob hex ti Campeche Naɔacab Canul; bay ɔa lukanhi u tanhahil Dios uay ti peten uay tu lumil Sacuholpatal Sacmutix tun, AhMutule, Tunal Pech culhi uay ti cah lae. 

33. He Ah Naum Peche uay u payahe mehenob caix ti yalah:--"Oheltex, hunynix u kaba kin ahbalcab bin uluk ahlikin cabob hun mexob Ahpul tuchicul hunabku ti peten ca xicex ti kam bu hahil asilex[211-1]:" bay tanbinciob tu xinbalob yalan che yalan haban, ca kuchiob tu tancabalNaɔaycab Canule Campech, ca yalahob:--"Hele tac u yulel a uula, AhNaɔacab Canule, caxti kam tuzebal la umen;" yalab lae ca tipp u chemobtu hol u kaknabil Campech, caix ti [211-2]yalahob ca yumtah banderasobsasacpon, ca ulon pixtahob Adelantado caix katabitiob tumen laiCristianoob Adelantado uatub ocahalob ichil Castellano than, matan unatob ca uchen nucahob than:--"matan c ubah than;" ci u thanob caixalabi Yucatanilob uay tu lumil cutz tu lumil ceh. 

34. Bay tun binciob capitanesob _y_ ca yum Adelantado D^n Fran^co deMontejo lay tu beltah u yabal ppis _y_ kuuch utial muse utial bucohɔimin[211-3] tumen binel u cibahob tu cahal Manii yicnal Ahtutul Xiu: cakuchob Yiba caniob Yibae, kuchob Nohcacab likul tal Becal, bay tunmanciob Españolesob ca kuchob Mani yicnal Tutul Xiu caix ti uacuntabicnacon Ikeb nacon Caixicum nacon Chuc lay bin xic u paye Ah Cuat Cocom;lay tun u chun u culcintabal [211-4]ahactan ob tumen u cuchulob calukzabi u uichob yalan nohoch [211-5]yacatun sa bin tal pulbil huntullay ma lukzabi u uich ti yacatun sabin, luksabi u uich ca ɔa be ti cabin nacpalancal ti yicnal Adelantado Manii, caix ualkahi yah pululob tucahal Cuuat Cocom; catun liki Ah Naum Pech _y_ tu catulilob xic u talezAh Cuat Cocom; cu kuchulob, ca yalah ti Naun Pech bicil ma yilahi maixyabahi ca yalah bicil ti binan tu Chicħen Ytzae tuzebal tal ci tu cailtumen Ahpechob, ca kuchob Manil kube u cħasahob tusebal u yalci Ah Cocomma yilah bal uch tu cahal caix ɔab u chucil ti cabin u chucob mac ubeltahlobe. 

35. Baix tun tal ci Ahpech tu cahalob yila u mektan cahilob uinicilobebaytun talciob hex cat tal ɔulob tumen bin uchci u cimsabal ɔuul ti cahtumen u cuchulob, catun manobca biniob yicnal Ah Batun Pech Cay Chel, lay tun yilahobe ca manob ca binob Maxtunil yicnal Machi May _y_ tun AhMacan Pech; bai tun ualkahciob tu lumilob tu mektan cahilob tuYaxkukule; lai D^n Pablo Pech Ah Macan Cam Pech tumenel halach uinic laimektanmail tulacal lai uay ti chi kin lae yoklal maix u lukul yolnacomob, tulacal bayxan lay tumen culcinaben in canant lay cacab CħacXubub Cħen lae tumenel maseneal uinicob lae tan u [212-1]sa uinolaboblai tumen [212-2]chic u nakci u yolah Dios ti cahob. 

36. Lae hex lay ytoria lae tulacal tux manel S^r Españolesob _y_kubabaob yax padresob, _y_ u kaba yax ɔulob bin ɔoloc[213-1] tumen lai uɔilibal, lae yoklal mentahan utial yoheltabal bic uchic concixta, uabicnumya tu mansahob uay yalan chee yalan aak yalan haban, ichil lay hablae _y_ u cha yan yax uinicob mehentzilob hancabob yoklal manal cappeloxppel hab cahanob ta muktun u ɔablahal cahob tumen ca yumil ɔulilob, lae ta muktun u ppizil cahob u ppizil u kaxilob cahob tumen Oidor TomasLopes yan sedula tu kabob tumen ca noh Ahau utial tun xotlahal kaxob timac cu cahtalob, ti ma yanac cahob cuchi tumen te zihnalon be naetulacalob, ti cu halach uinicil Naum Pech cuchi, ti ma uluc ɔulob heɔicCristianoil uay ti lum cuchi, he tun cat kuchi u kinil u yulah uay tipeten, lae cat ul ɔulob uai ti lum Yucatan lae, ca binon kameob tumen uzahacil ca puczikal, cat ɔoci Cristianoil uay ti lum lae cat ɔablahoncanante cacabob, ti ma yanac S^a Yglesia cuchi, cat hau u cahil lay benalae ma cah. 

37. Helelae lay u chun in patcantic hen cex bin uchic u yuchul concixtabahun numya t mansah _y_ S^r Españolesob yoklal maya uinicob cuchimatan yolte ukuubaob ti Dios, ten tun cen D. Pablo Pech tin tzolah uxicinob ti cacab Maxtunil. 

38. Bay tan matan culhani catun emon ti cacab Cħac Xulub Cħen, ɔoci tunu Cumtal S^a iglesia, lae ca tun ppisah ca ppisbi tu ɔutpach cahlahbalyanumal in mehenob u chen cimic yokolcab, tumen ma u macan tubaltiob[214-1] tumen Maya uinicob, ma u manbal cuntabalob u cħinal hencex bax tu ɔahton ca yumil ti Dios tumen u zahacil puczikale, lay tumenɔab u chucil ton tumen ca noh ahau Rey Ahtepal _y_ catun cumcintah S^aiglesia utial kultic ca yumil ti Dios _y_ yotoch cah tu lakin iglesia ukuna ca noh Ahau yetel meson. 

39. Bay xan licix in betic in uotoch pakil na tu xaman iglesia; ma uyalic Maya uinicob ua utialtob tu kinil, lay tumen ci chicilbezic hebixin mentah mailobe _y_ yum D^n Pablo Pech Ah Macan Pech, y in yum D^nMartin Pech Ah kom Pech, _y_ in yum D^n Ambrosio Pech Op Pech ix uMaya kaba y Yxkil Ytzam Pech y D^n Estevan Pech Ahkulul Pech. 

40. Tac kamah u noh comisionil u ppiz kaxob, tu ɔah u licenciail ca nohAhau Rey ahtepal ti ca yumil yax Oidor Tomas Lopes utial ca u ɔa nucte uthan ton utial ca ppizic u pach ca tocoynail he tux cahantacob uay uaytu pach cahal utial ca utzac oheltic tux cu manel u ppizil ca luumilutial kilacabob utial u tzenticubaob u ɔaic u hanalob ca encomenderosob, lay oklal cin ɔaic u juramentoil tu tanil tulacal uinicob layinformacion lae u hahil cu yilicob u tocoynailob tu xma yocol u yanaltocoynail, lay oklal ɔaic u hahil. 

41. Heix macx yax encomendero uay ti cacab Cħaac Xulub Cħen lae D^nJulian Donsel encomendero hi uay ti cacah lae ca tu yalah ti batabcaxicob u ɔabob u chicul chi kax u luumob uay tu pach u mektan cahil;yoklal tan u ppizil u chi lumob u chi kaxob ti lakin, ti nohol, tichikin, tulacal hen cex max cu cahtalob, tumen ɔoctun u heɔelCristianoil uay ti lume Cħaac Xulub Cħeen, _y_ lix cacilech u yumSantiago patron ah canan cah utial D^n Pablo Pech. 

CONQUEST AND MAP. 

1. The fifth division of the 11th Ahau Katun was placed when theSpaniards arrived and settled the city of Merida; it was during the 9thAhau that Christianity was introduced; the year in which first came ourlords the Spaniards here to this land was the

year 1511. 

2. I, who am Nakuk Pech, of the first hidalgos conquistadores here inthis land in the district Maxtunil, I am placed in the first town in thedistrict Chac Xulub Chen. As thus it is given me to guard by my lord AhNaum Pech, I wish to compose carefully the history and chronicle of thedistrict of Chac Xulub Chen here, my first command, the town having twodistricts, Chichinica and, here, Chac Xulub Chen. 

3. My name was Nakuk Pech before I was baptized, son of Ah Kom Pech, DonMartin Pech, of the town of Xul Kum Chel; thus we were given thedistricts to guard by our lord Ah Naum Pech from the town Mutul, and Iwas promoted to guard the district Chac Xulub Chen; when our lords, theSpaniards, did not pass nor come here to this land Yucatan, I was thengovernor here in this town, here in this land, Chac Xulub Chen. When ourlord, the Señor Adelantado came here to this province in the year 1519, I was head chief; when the Spaniards came here to the land of Maxtunilwe received them with loving attention; we also first gave them tributeand respect, and then we gave to eat to the Spanish captains; he who wascalled Adelantado came here to Maxtunil to the dwelling of Nachi May;then we went to see that they should be given pleasures; they did noteven enter the towns, not even visited the towns; they were here in thisland for three months, being placed here in the district of Maxtunil;then they departed and went to begin a seaport, the seaport Ɔilam, andremained there three years and a half. 

4. They were there when my father went to make delivery to them; hecalled the Adelantado returned here to this land; the maid servant namedIxkakuk was presented to them by my father to give them food and waitupon them; and they were there when they were attacked by the Cupuls;and they departed, and went to live at Ecab Kantanenkin, as is calledthe land where they settled; they were there when they were attacked bythose of Ecab, and they departed and arrived at Cauaca, which theyentered, and passed to the town Ɔekom, as the town is called; theypassed it and arrived at the town Tixcuumcuuc, so-called; and theydeparted from there and arrived at the town called Tinuum; and then theyall set out in search of Chichen Itza, so-called; there they asked theKing of the town to meet them, and the people said to them; "There is aKing, O Lord, " they said, "there is a King, Cocom Aun Pech, King Pech, Namox Chel, King Chel, of Ɔiɔantun; foreign warrior, rest in thesehouses, " they said to them, by the Captain Cupul. They departed fromChichen Itza and arrived with King Ixcuat Cocom of Ake; "Lords, youcannot go, you will lose yourselves, " was said to them by the KingIxcuat Cocom, and they turned back again, and went and arrived at Cauacafor the second time, and they reached the seaport called Catzun, wherethey marched by the sea, and went and returned to Ɔelebnae, as it iscalled, where they first settled when they first came to this land. 

5. They remained in Chanpatun six years, when they went forth toCampeche; he, called the Adelantado, the first Spaniard, passed here tothis land; they were at Campeche when they asked tribute; according toorders by the chiefs to all the villages there was tribute. They passedon by the sea (asking) for tribute to be brought to them. Then I wentwith my companions Ah Macan Pech and his younger brother Ixkil YtzamPech, the king of the town Cumkal, and my father, who was in the townXulcumcheel; these were my companions when I went back for the tribute;they saw it; also Nachi May accompanied us, because he knew that he (theAdelantado), did not know the language; because they first stayed at hishouse when they came, and for this reason they spoke to him to accompanythem when they went after the tribute, because he was a friend to theSpaniards when it (the tribute) was delivered to the captains; from themwe received coats and cloaks and shoes and rosaries and hats, and hadmuch pleasure from the captains; we left when the Spaniards had endedgiving these gifts; already we had our clothes when we arrived, thecoats and cloaks (we) Ixkil Ytzam Pech of Conkal, our companions AhMacan Pech of YaxKukul, and my father Ah Kom Pech, who were the greatestof us. 

6. And I Nakuk Pech by name was head chief when they first deliveredtribute, when we went to Campech to deliver tribute, and we came backwhen the Spaniards coming on the road from Campech came to the towns todwell at Ichcanzihoo, the city of Merida; and when it was heard that theSpaniards were coming on the road from Campech we went to give themgifts, and I went the second time to deliver tribute. And I Nakuk Pechof this district of Chac Xulub Chen, and Ah Macom Pech of the districtYan Kukul, and Ixkil Ytzam Pech the head chief of Conkal, and also INakuk Pech, chief here in the town Chac Xulub Chen, entered into givinggifts to them a second time at Ɔibikal, and they wished an abundance asecond time, and they were given gifts, pheasants, and honey, and sweetfood at Ɔibilkal, when they came to settle at Merida; Don Francisco deMontejo, first Captain General, first came here to this land, to Merida, with Don Francisco de Bracamonte and Francisco Tamayo and Juan dePacheco and Perarberes; these captains came in the year 1541. 

7. In the year when these captains who commanded came to Merida tosettle, then I, Ix Nakuk Pech, was chief, and when the Spaniards came toMerida, I paid tribute to the conquerors at Merida, as I was then chiefhere in the district Chac Xulub Chen, Roderigo Alvarez being Secretaryin the year 1542. 

8. When the Adelantado made the distribution of towns to the conquerorsby the captains, and the Secretary Roderigo Alvarez wrote out the listof tributes according to each division of the towns, all my companionsand kinsmen paid tribute, sufficient tribute according to the divisionof tribute to the Spaniards which the Adelantado made by the captains, and the Secretary Roderigo Alvarez, in the first year the Spaniards cameto Merida; and I, Nakuk Pech, was taken and given to Don Julian Doncelthe Encomendero, the first lord of the town Chac Xulub Chen, the firstEncomendero, and my hand was given him by the captain Don Francisco deMontejo, and I was given for a chief to Don Julian Doncel, in his hand, and I began to take tribute for the holy fathers. 

9. And I, Nakuk Pech, was thus chief when Alvarez, the first AlcaldeMayor, came to this province Yucatan, to Merida, and when Alvara deCarvayor was Alcalde Mayor; and when the Auditor Thomas Lopez came I waschief, and I was called Ix Nakuk Pech, and when I entered the water andreceived baptism, I was called Don Pablo Pech; and I ceased to be calledNakuk Pech; we first chiefs were created hidalgos by the captains whenpossession was first taken of this province, and we first paid tributeto the foreigners, and possession was given to us by God and the rulingking; and our descendants are hidalgos, and all our sons, until the timeshall come when the world shall end; and we chiefs were rulers in thisland when there was no Holy Church in the districts, and before theSpaniards began to march over the country, or to congregate together inorder to worship; and formerly, when the men were not Christians, Iruled wholly the men, and when I received Christianity I, Nakuk Pech, Iwas a chief; and I received the Holy Oils and the Holy Faith in orderthat I might teach it to all my subjects; and I was also the first toreceive the rod of the justicia, because I went to aid the Word of Godand our great Lord the ruling king; then our Lord, the Auditor DonThomas Lopez, was the first who divided the tribute of the chiefsaccording to the towns they occupied; and when the tribute wassatisfactorily finished by the governorship of the Auditor Don ThomasLopez, I gave my rod to my son Don Pedro Pech, in the year 1552. 

10. This was the number of the year when I received the rod from myfather, Nakuk Pech, Don Pablo Pech and of Ursula Pech, here in this townof Chac Xulub Chen, to serve God and our great ruler, the reigning king, in order that I may govern the town at this place Chac Xulub Chen. 

11. The first descendants of Macan Pech and of Ah Kom Pech, of XulkumChel, came to their towns with their priests and chiefs, to the town ofYaxkukul, to Xulkum Chel and to Maxtunil; they came back with theircompanions to this town; they came also with their priests and chiefsand ministers back to their rulers, when they came to the town Yaxkukul;and we, also, when we arrived at this town of Chac Xulub Chen. When wesettled here they appointed me, Nakuk Pech, by my father, Ah Kom Pech, son of Ah Tunal Pech, first descendant of Maxtunil, to govern this town. 

12. When the Spaniards came to the towns of this land there were noIndians who had a will to pay tribute to the first Spaniards; thereforethe first Spaniards made an account of what towns were to be given to begoverned. I, Nakuk Pech, I first received the town here, in the districtChac Xulub Chen, when first they came with orders to take it, with thechiefs, and captains and priests, whose names are Ah Kul Matu and (Ah)Kul Che; and the first priests arrived, the priest Cocom, the priestTacu; and the captains arrived, the captain Nachan Cen and the captainXuluc, as their names were, the captains who commanded when they came tothis land Maxtunil, with the priest Chuc and his captains, to takepossession; thus they found the town here, Chac Xulub Chen, when camethe soldiers and ensigns, Ensign Kan, Ensign Xuluc, Ensign Pot, EnsignMay, Ensign Ek, such were the names of the ensigns, the names of those Icommanded as chief when I, Nakuk Pech, came to this town Chac XulubChen; thus my mind was strengthened when these things happened, and whenI came here to settle here in the land and district Chac Xulub Chen. 

13. I, Nakuk Pech, came here by (order of) the governor that I shouldstrengthen the town Chac Xulub Chen; then among old men there was nosign that the Spaniards would come here to this land, nor was thevillage of Chac Xulub Chen strengthened then; it was when they heard theaccount, when the Spaniards came to the city of Merida and Christianitywas received by the men of the province of Ceh Pech. I finished bygathering together all the town of Chac Xulub Chen, I, Don Pablo Pech, and my father, Don Martin Pech, Conquistador of Xulkum Cheel. 

14. When the war against the Spaniards began we spread out our forcestogether with them, and went with my father, Ah Macan Pech, of the firstlineage of Yaxkukul, and Ixkil Yɔam Pech, of the first lineage ofCumkal, and I went after them to the war; then began the obligation oftribute to our rulers for the Spanish governors in the town; when wewent to the war there was _pinole_ and _tuce_ to drink, because theywere disgusted with the Christians; for six months we and my companionsfollowed the Christians in their misfortunes; my father was thengoverned by the regidors, who saw that all that I write in myinformation truly happened, everything, in order that it may be known bymy family, my sons, in the hereafter, until the end of the world, for mytitle and evidence given me by our Lord God and our great lord, thereigning king; I have no tribute nor do I pay tribute, nor will my sonsnor my daughters pay tribute, because our Lord God released me from itin the fear of my heart; before I had seen the face of the Spaniards Ihad been given willingness that I should deliver myself and all my towninto the hands of the Spaniards, in order that they might be inhabitedby the captains, the Adelantado and the first conquistadores who camehere to this land, Yucatan; and the year the first foreigners came hereto the land of the Cupuls was the year 1511. 

15. In former times no one saw Spanish foreigners, not until Jeronimo deAguilar was captured by the natives of Cozumel; then first the whole ofthe country became known, because all the country was marched over; butbecause the whole of the land was not made use of I spoke of it beforethe king, when there went before the king Ah Macan Pech, Don Pedro Pech, and his followers, and the first of his lineage, and all his chiefsafter him; they went after him to honor the king, that he might see thefaces of his servants; then fifty of the principal men went afterwardsto the lord the ruling king, to obey him at table, far off in Spain, andthose remained to obey before the ruling King; then the ruler said thatall should pay tribute and all their sons, even we the Pechs of thefirst lineage in this land, and the first lineage of the Cupuls; then itwas said, there is a great province, and many men and things in theland, and an account shall be made of it before our great king, and nowthey shall come to fix the limits of the land for our beloved king. Thusthe land was discovered by Aguilar, who was eaten by Ah Naum Ah Pat atCuzamil in the year 1517. In this year the katun ended, and then endedthe placing of the town stone, for at each twentieth stone they came toplace the town stones, formerly, when the Spaniards had not yet come toCuzamil, to this land; since the Spaniards came, it has ceased to bedone. 

16. In the year 1519 first came the Spaniards here to Cuzamil, for thethird time, Fernando de Cortes and Espoblaco Lara. On the 28th ofFebruary, there came to Cuzamil for the first time those who knew tospeak the true words. In this year the eaters of anonas first arrived atChichen, and then for the first time Chichen Itza became known to thegreat Spaniards, (and) to Don Francisco de Montejo, Adelantado, thegovernor, when they were posted at Chichen Ytza. 

17. In the year 1521, on the 13th day of August, the territory of Mexicowas taken by the Spaniards. The third attack on the same Spaniards tookplace by all the towns here in the town of Cupul, when they asked Ah CehPech about the killing at Zalibna, and his companion-king Cen Pot ofTixkokhoch of the province of Ticanto, with the priest Ich Kak Mo ofItzmal the companion of Holtun Ake. The year in which the Spaniardsarrived at Chichen Itza for the second time to settle at Chichen Itzawas that when arrived the captain Don Francisco de Montejo, the justone, leader of the Cupuls. They arrived at the town twenty years afterthey arrived at Chichen Ytza (the first time), where they were calledeaters of anonas, biters of anonas. 

18. In the year 1542, the Spaniards settled the territory of Merida; thefirst speaker, the companion priest Kinich Kakmo and the king of theTutulxiu of the capital Mani humbled their heads, and the first familieswere settled; then first they came under tribute the third time (theSpaniards) came to this land, and they established themselvespermanently, and stopped here. The first time when they came here toChichen Itza they began to eat anonas; never before had anonas beeneaten, and when the Spaniards ate them they were called anona-eaters;the second time they came to Chichen they stopped at the house of theCaptain Cupul; the third time they arrived they settled permanently, inthe year 1542 they settled permanently in the territory of Merida, the13th Kan being the year-bearer, according to the Maya reckoning. 

19. In the year 1543 the Spaniards went north of the Chels to procureMaya men for servants because there were no men for servants at Merida;they came to procure men for servants for their bidding; when theyreached Popce the tribute was increased by those from Merida, when thosewho command arrived at Popce, and they went on to Tikom, and theSpaniards remained at that time in Tikom more than twenty days beforethey departed. 

20. In the year 1544 the Spanish Captain Asiesa was posted in Cauaca, and the chiefs were gathered together from Cauaca for the tribute, andthey gave in Cauca honey, pheasants and maize; then they placed inprison the priest Caamal from Sisal, and asked for an account of all thetowns; one year he was kept by them in prison; he then served as guideto the Spaniards when they came to Valladolid, and this priest Kamal ofSisal entered as chief at Valladolid, and was called Don Juan Caamal dela Cruz, because he spoke very truthfully; he first introduced the crossin Cauaca, and he was listened to by the Spaniards, and for this heentered as chief at Sisal, and being chief a long time he died. He wasalso guide to the Spaniards when they went to war with Tixkochnah; andwhen the Spaniards had been posted one year in Cauaca, they went forthand came to Valladolid on purpose to see the men the chief Kamal hadplaced in prison. 

21. In the year 1545 the Spaniards were posted at Valladolid, and inthis year Christianity began by the fathers of the order of SanFrancisco in the port of Champoton; there first came the fathers havingin their hands the Redeemer Jesus Christ by name, that they might teachthe serving men; and first they came to the port of Champutun to thewest of this province called here Ichcansiho, then to Merida, the townIchcansiho as it is called. These are the names of the fathers who beganChristianity in this country Yucatan, Fr. Juan de la Puerta, and Fr. Luis de Villarpando, and Fr. Diego de Becal, and Fr. Juan de Guerrero, and Fr. Merchol de Benavente, these began Christianity in the west ofthis country, before Christianity came here to Cupul; afterwards thetrumpet of Christianity came here, as I was saying, and it began here atCupul. 

22. In the year 1546 there was a conjuration in the highlands of thecountry; on the 9th of November there had been peace for four months, and it occurred on the 9th day of November of the year 1546 that therewas war after four months: it began and continued for one year among themen, when they were gathered together for the second time for thetribute of wax; when the war began it took place that the conjurors camefrom the west to deceive the people and to set in order the war; theconjuror Cunul and Ah Camal came from the west and killed the Spaniardsand two sons of the Spaniards, scholars at Mena; they died at Chamax, where they wished to remain; then came to Valladolid all the Spaniardswho were well when the war broke out, and then began the massacre; theconjuror Camal Tipakan, of Pakam, killed Surusano over against Nicte; atthe towns one night the Spaniards were slain because the people fellsick in their hands and feet; there was then for a day and a night warin all the towns. 

23. In the year 1547 a ship was destroyed by Ex Box at Ecab; then theSpaniards went to make him fear, and made war against Box of Ecab, sonof Ek Box. 

24. In the year 1548 the father Ermitanyo came to Valladolid to beginChristianity. 

25. In the year 1550 there was a general reunion of the towns and theirdependencies at Mani. 

26. In the year 1551 the father guardian, Fr. Fernando Guerrero, camefrom Valladolid to Sisal and he baptized the people and introducedChristianity here into all the territory of Valladolid west of theChels; they came from Ecab, they came from Cozumel, they came from thenorth, they came from the south, and also he began the building of themonastery Valladolid-Sisal. 

27. In the year 1552 the fathers settled here; in this year they came toteach and sing here at Sisal, they came from the west to teach and singmass vespers with the singing of the organ and flute, and the cantollano, which never before did we know here. 

In the year 1553 the Auditor, Don Thomas Lopez arrived here in this landof Yucatan from Castilla, and he arrived as a messenger from our greatruler, the reigning king of Castilla, to protect us against the hand ofthe Spaniards here. He put a stop to our being burned by the Spaniards, he put a stop to our being bitten by dogs, he introduced the appointingof chiefs in each village by the giving of the baton; he also adjustedthe tribute for the third time, the tribute introduced by the Spaniards, mantles, wax, pheasants, maize, buckets, salt, peppers, broad beans, narrow beans, jars, pots, vases, all for tribute to our Spanish rulers, which we paid before the Auditor had given his attention to thesethings. At this time occurred the capture of the priest Chuuc by AhMacan Pech when we left Sisal, because he wished the priest Chuc to becaptured, as he had prevented the capture of Ah Ceh Pech here in Cupul;afterwards the priest Pech, Macan Pech with the servants of Macan Pechand his captains, came here to this town of Yaxkukul. 

28. From the year 1519 when the Spaniards came here to the town of ConahItza, here in this land, Yucatan, I have set forth the days, the monthsand the years as above stated, I, Don Pablo Pech, the son of Don MartinPech of Xul Kum Cheel, conquistador, here at Maxtunil and Chac XulubChen; since we received the Spaniards with good will and heart, nor didwe make war upon them, Don Juan de Montejo, Adelantado, and the rest ofthe captains, as their names are in the book; we also first receivedChristianity, we the conquistadores, Don Martin son of Don FernandoPech, Don Pablo Pech son of Don Martin Pech, on the 13th day of themonth of October, 1518; all my subjects received baptism in Maxtunil;they were baptized by the first bishop to the Maya people, Don FranciscoToral; and when he baptized us our father the bishop showed the imagesof the saints to all the villages, images of Saint Peter and St. Paul, and St. John and St. Louis, and St. Antony, and St. Michael, and St. Francis, and St. Alonzo, and St. Augustin and St. Sebastian, and St. Diego; and they desired the oils, and he who was called Peter took theoils. 

29. Such is the chronicle of everything I have collected for the books, in order that the people might know it, whoever wished to know it, ashad decreed it from the beginning our great lord God who governs theuniverse. It is the declaration of how the Spaniards came to this land, here to this country; by the will of the lord, the ruling God, also bythe orders of our lord Don Juan de Montejo, and Don Francisco deMontejo, who first came here to this land, and gave orders that churchesshould be built in the plastered villages, in the outlying districts, and a town house and a temple for our great ruler, and also a publichouse for travelers. 

30. Thus also said our great father, Ah Naum Pech, Don Francisco deMontejo Pech, and Don Juan Pech, as were their names when they werebaptized by the fathers; and as the Adelantado, the Captain, those whocame here to this land Yocol Peten, but called Yucatan by the firstSpaniards, as they the Spaniards, clearly relate. When our lord theSpaniards said that we are to live eternally with God, and when the Mayamen heard the names, then spoke Naum Pech to those he commanded, withsuavity:--"Know ye, there comes to the town the one God, to the countrythe true God, the sign of the true God; go ye to live with Him, joyfullyreceive Him, do not war against Him, and if they have not to eat ordrink give them maize, fowls, pheasants, honey, beans to eat, thatChristianity may enter and that we may be servants of God;" thus theywished it, and they did not make war, but rose up and went to aid theSpaniards in the conquest and marched together with the foreigners. 

31. Thus also Nachi Cocom, who dwelt in the chief town of Zututa in theprovince Chichen Itza, that called Chichen Itza, and Ah Cahuot Cocom, aiding the word of God and our great King, delivered up their standardsand banners for the sake of our great King, for the conquest, andreceived the Adelantado and the father the priest in their towns, nordid they make war, but abstained from all injury, and laid out churchesand town-houses for their followers. 

32. And Naɔi Mabun Chan settled in the district, and understood thatthe eternal life had come to his village, and wished that to God trulywould be delivered the Catzins and Chuls in the district of Mani, andthe Tutulxiu, and the Chels in the East, and the (middle) Tan Cupuls andin Campeche Naɔacab Canul; thus this earth was given by God to beredeemed, this land Zacuholpatal Zacmutixtun; and Tunal Pech of Mutulsettled here in this town. 

33. And Ah Naum Pech called the youths and said to him--"Know ye, thaton the day called 1 Ymix it will dawn, there will come from the easternlands bearded men with the sign of the only God to this land; go toreceive them with true pleasure;" therefore they went and marched underthe trees, under the branches, and they arrived at the house of NaɔayCab, of Canul at Campech and said:--"He, your guest, is now coming, AhNaɔa Cab of Canul, receive him promptly. " Thus they said when theships appeared in the port of Campeche, when they saw the bannerswaving, the white standard, and they came, when he had cast anchor, tothe Adelantado, and were asked in Castilian by the Christians, and theAdelantado, whether they had been baptized; but they did not know hislanguage, and replied: "We do not understand the words;" so they said, and thus they named this land here Yucatan, (which was known to us as)the land of the wild turkey, the land of the deer. 

34. Thus then the captains and our lord the Adelantado Don Francisco deMontejo went on; and they made much cloth and thread to cut intoclothing for the horses, as they wished to go to the town of Mani, tothe Tutulxiu. When they came to Yiba they held a talk in Yiba; theyarrived at Nohcacab coming out of Becal; thus the Spaniards passed andarrived at Mani, to Tutulxiu, and then were appointed the chief Ikeb, the chief Caixicum and the chief Chuc to go to invite Ah Cuat Cocom. They were at first taken and placed in a cave by his followers: thentheir eyes were put out in that great cave of weasels, and there was notone who did not have his eyes put out in the cave of weasels; their eyeswere put out and they were given the road to go groping to theAdelantado at Mani; and thus returned those who were cast out of thetown of Cuat Cocom. Then Ah Naum Pech rose up with both of them and cameto Ah Cuat Cocom; when they arrived, he said to Ah Naum Pech that he hadnot seen nor heard of it; he said he had gone to Chichen Itza, and hecame promptly to the towns with the Pechs, and they arrived at Mani todeliver up promptly (the offenders); and the Cocom said he had notwitnessed what had happened in his village, and he would give permissionthat they should be taken who had done it. 

35. Then Ah Pech came to the towns in order to see the people governedin them; the Spaniards also came, but on account of the massacre of theforeigners by the people, they passed on and went to Ah Batum Pech ofChel, whom they saw, and passed on, and went to Maxtunil, to Nachi Mayand Ah Macan Pech; they then returned to their lands to the towns theygoverned at Yaxkukul; Don Pablo Pech, Ah Macan Pech, was governor of allthe district to the west, nor did his captains at all give up theirspirits; soon I was appointed to guard the territory Chac Xulub Chen, because the serving men were at war on account of the labor given them, and by taking them the will of God was fulfilled in the towns. 

36. Such is the complete history of how passed the Spaniards and how thefirst fathers were received, and the names of the first conquerors Ishall set forth according to the register, because this is composed inorder that it may be known how the conquest occurred, and in what mannerthey labored here, under the trees, under the branches[TN-26] under thebushes, in those years and months; and what the people and their sonsfound to eat; for from two to three years they labored in thedistribution of the towns, by our rulers the Spaniards; they alsolabored in the measuring of the towns, and the measuring of the forestsof the towns by the Auditor Tomas Lopez, holding in his hand the Cedulaof our great lord the king, that forests should be cut by whoeversettled. When there were no towns we were natives here of officialhouses, Naum Pech being governor of all, nor at that time had theSpaniards come here to establish Christianity in this land; but when theday came that their arrival took place, when the Spaniards came to thisland Yucatan, we received them with a friendly heart, and Christianitywas introduced into this land, and we were appointed to guard thevillages, when as yet there was no church; and now they have ceasedbuilding official houses or villages. 

37. Thus I began to relate how the conquest took place and how manysufferings we underwent with our lords, the Spaniards, from the nativeswho were not willing to deliver themselves to God; thus I recount what Iheard concerning the town Maxtunil. 

38. We did not settle there, but descended to the town Chac Xulub Chen, and when the Holy Church was finished in Cumtal, we measured its sidesand took possession so that our children should remain there from thebeginning until the end of the world, so that the natives should notobstruct us, nor enchant by the throwing of stones anything which hadbeen given us by God and our lord through the fear of our hearts; forthis our great lord the ruling king gave us the authority; and when thechurch was prepared in which to worship our lord and God, and the publichouse to the east of the church and the temple of our great king and theresidence. 

39. I also built my house of stone to the north of the church. And thatthe natives may not in the future say that it belongs to them, for thisI show forth the occurrences as I did them with my father, I, Don PabloPech, Ah Macan Pech, and my father Don Martin Pech, Ah Com Pech, my lordSeñor Don Ambrosio Pech, his native name being Op Pech, and Ixil YzamPech, and Don Esteban Pech, Ah Culub Pech. 

40. We received the royal commissions to measure the forests. Thelicense was given by our great monarch the ruling king through our lordthe first auditor, Tomas Lopez, that he should give us years ago hisorder that the uncultivated fields should be measured wherever they are, here back of the town, that we may know where the boundaries of ourlands pass in order that parents and children may maintain them and givefood to the Encomenderos. Therefore I swear before the people that thisinformation is true, that they may have it in sight so that nouncultivated field shall entrench upon another uncultivated field; forthis reason I set forth the truth. 

41. The first Encomendero here in Chac Xulub Chen was Don Julian Doncel, who ordered the chiefs that they should go to place the marks of thelimits of their forest lands here back of the towns they governed, andthus they were led to measure the boundaries of their lands and theforests toward the East, the South and the West, for the benefit of allwho dwell therein; because already Christianity was established in thisland of Chac Xulub Chen with our holy lord Santiago the patron whoguards the town of Don Pablo Pech. 

NOTES. 

1. "The fifth division of the 11th Ahau Katun was placed" (_i.  e. _ inthe wall or in the Katun Stone), (see page 57, where this expression isexplained). In other words, the first arrival of the Spaniards at Meridatook place at the close of the 11th Ahau Katun. This was July, 1541, andit is in gratifying conformity with Bishop Landa, who also states thatthat month was the commencement of a 20-year period; but he says that atthat date the 11th Katun began, while Pech goes on to say that it wasthe next in order, the 9th. (See Landa, _Relacion_, p. 314. )

_Noh cah te ti Ho_, the great town at Ho. This was the native name ofthe ancient city which stood on the present site of Merida, and, by theMayas, is in use to this day. _Ho_ is the numeral 5, and some havesupposed that the name was given on account of five large mounds orbuildings said to have been conspicuous in the ancient city. That therewere precisely five is not positively stated by the old historians, though four are specified. This theory would suppose that the name wasgiven to the city only after these large structures were completed, andthat its name during that time had been lost. But this is notimprobable. 

In fact, the ancient name of Merida was not Ho, but _Ichcanzihoo_, asappears from a later passage in Pech's narrative and from numerousothers in the Books of Chilan Balam. _Ho_ is only the abbreviation ofthis long name. It appears to mean "The five (temples) of manyserpents. " _Can_ is the generic term for serpent, and _ich_ used as aprefix denotes a place where there is an abundance of what the nounmeans: thus _ichche_=a place where the trees are tall and dense;_ichxiu_, a place where the grass is tall and thick (_Diccionario deMotul_). The serpents were probably those sculptured in stone or paintedon the walls. This theory receives additional probability from an entryin the _Diccionario de Motul_, MS. , which relates that the largest moundin ancient Merida, situated back of the present convent of SanFrancisco, was called by the natives _ahchuncan_, and that this was thename of the idol which used to be worshiped there. Its significationwould be "the first or primitive serpent, " or "the first speaker, "_i.  e. _ oracle, as _can_ means both serpent and speech. 

The temples at Ho were not in use when the Spaniards arrived, nor hadthey been for many generations. Apparently only a few huts of wood andstraw made up the village, while these vast ruins were even then coveredto the summit with a heavy growth of timber in all respects like thevirgin forest around them. This is clearly stated by the Friar Lorenzode Bienvenida, who came to Merida in 1545. I quote his expressions froma letter to the King in 1548:--

"La ciudad esta la tierra adentro treinta y tres leguas; llamase la_ciudad de Merida_; pusieronle asi por los edificios superbos que hai enella, que en todo lo descubierto en Indias no se han hallado tansuperbos edificios, de canteria bien labrada, i grandes las piedras; nohai memoria de quien los hizó; parecenos que se hicieron antes de lavenida de Christo porque tan grande estaba el monte encima dellos comoen lo bajo de la tierra; son altos de cinco estados de piedra seca iencima los edificios, quatro quartos todo de celdas como de Frailes, deveinte pies de luengo i de diez de ancho, i todas las portadas de unapiedra, lo alto de la puerta i de boveda, i destos hai en la tierraotros muchos. Esta gente natural no habitaba en ellos, ni hacen casasino de paja y madera, habiendo mas apareja de cal i piedra que en todolo descubierto. En estos edificios tomamos sitio los Frailes para casade San Francisco; lo que habia sido cultura de demonios, justo es quesea templo donde se sirve à Dios, etc. " (_Carta de Fr. Lorenzo deBienvenida, 1548, MS. _)

The date, 1511, given as that of the first arrival of the Spaniards, refers to the shipwreck of Aguilar and his companions, who in that yearwere thrown on the eastern coast. 

This introductory paragraph was entirely miscontrued[TN-27] by Avila, andnearly as much so by Brasseur. I add their translations to illustratethis. 

_Translation of Avila. _

"A la quinta vez que sentó el noveno Rey en la guerra cuando llegaronlos Españoles que se poblaron en la ciudad de Merida, el principal Reyde esa ciudad era siempre cacique y el año en que llegaron los SeñoresEspañoles aqui en esta suelo fué el de 1511. "

_Translation of Brasseur. _

"C'est à la cinquième division cimentée (dans le mur) de ce onzièmeAhau-Katun qu'arrivèrent les Espagnols et qu'ils s'établirent à Ti-Uohde ce pays de Ti-Ho, et c'est à la neuvième de cet Ahau que s'établit leChristianisme, cette année même que vinrent nos seigneurs les Espagnolsen cette contrée, c'est à dire, en l'année 1511. "

It will be seen that the former completely travesties the passage, whilethe latter mistakes the proper names and destroys the chronologicalvalue of the dates given. 

2. _Hidalgos conquistadoren_, Spanish titles which we are surprised tofind a native claiming; but later on (§ 9) he informs us that he wasauthorized to employ them by the Spanish officials. 

Chichinica was a pueblo near Chicxulub, which is now no longer inexistence. 

3. _Ti ma ococ haa tin pol cuchi_, "formerly, when the water will notentered to my head" _i.  e. _, before I was baptized. This complicatedconstruction of the negative (_ma_), a future (_ococ_ from _ocol_) andthe sign of the past tense (_cuchi_), also occurs on an earlier page(98), where we have the sentence _uacppel haab u binel ma ɔococ uxocol oxlahun ahau cuchi_, six years before the end of the 13th ahau. _Ocol haa_, syncopated to _ocola_, and even _oca_, was the usual termfor Christian baptism. 

Xulkumcheel was a pueblo which does not seem to have survived. 

_Ah Naum Pech, likul tu cah Mutul. _ Ah Naum Pech from, or native of, thetown Mutul. The latter is the modern Motul, about 22 miles easterly fromChicxulub. The name is also spelled Mutul by Cogolludo (_Historia deYucatan_, Lib. VI, cap. VII). 

_Halach uinic_, previously explained, was the ancient native title ofchief of a village. It is the same word which Oviedo, in his report ofGrijalva's expedition deforms into _calachini_ (_Historia de lasIndias_, Lib. XVII). 

The date, 1519, like various others in the narrative, appears to havebeen erroneously entered or copied. It should probably be 1539. _Maxtunil_ does not at present exist. _Ɔilam_ is a town north ofItzamal, near the sea coast. It is by some identified as the spot whereFrancisco de Montejo embarked after his retreat from Chichen Itza, in1528. 

4. The _Kupuls_ were the family who reigned in the eastern province, where Valladolid was founded. They long retained their hostility to theSpaniards. _Ekab_ was situated on the coast opposite the island ofCozumel. _Ɔekom_ should probably read Tekom. _Tixcuumcuuc_ no longerexists. _Tinuum_ is a town 4 leagues north of Valladolid, on the road toItzamal. _Ɔi Ɔantun_ is a town north of Itzamal, said by Sanchez Aguilarto have been the ancient capital of the princely house of the Chels. _Ake_ is probably the modern Ɔonataké. _Catzim_ is now the name of ahacienda in the Department of Itzamal, some distance from the coast. _Ɔelebna_ is unknown. 

The expression _tumen naob Bon cupul_, translated by Avila "porque esacasa es de Bon Cupul, " I think is an error of the copyist for _tumennacon Cupul_. See also § 18. 

5. _Hokzah uba_, they betook themselves. The termination _uba_ is thatof the third person of reflexive verbs. 

Nachi May, already mentioned, was a member of an ancient princely housementioned by Landa and Sanchez Aguilar. One of them, Ahkin May, wasapparently the hereditary high priest. The effort has been made toderive from their name the word _Maya_, and Brasseur would carry us toHaiti in order to discover its meaning (Landa, _Relacion_, p. 42, note), but this is unnecessary. _May_ in the Maya tongue means "a hoof, " as ofa deer, and is a proper name still in use. There is no reason to supposeit in any way connected with _Maya_. 

_Matanok_ I take to be an error for _matanon_, from _mat_ (pret. _matnahi_). 

6. _Ɔibikal_ may be, as suggested by Dr. Berendt, Tipikal, a town inthe district of Merida. There is another of the name in the Sierra Alta(_Estadistica de Yucatan_, 1814). 

Francisco de Bracamonte is mentioned by Cogolludo as among the firstsettlers of Merida. 

7. Cogolludo mentions Rodrigo Alvarez as "Escribano del juzgado, " whocame with Montejo (_Historia de Yucatan_, Lib. III, cap. VI, andelsewhere). 

8. _U toxol cahob_, the distribution of the towns, literally "thepouring out;" Avila translates it by "cuando se repartian los pueblos. "The Spanish system of "repartimientos" and "encomiendas" was adopted inYucatan, [TN-28]

9. The licentiate Alvares de Caravajal was alcalde mayor from 1554 to1558. (Cogolludo, _Hist. De Yucatan_, Lib. V. Cap. XV. )

10. This was apparently written by Don Pablo Pech, the son of the writerof the remainder of the history, and inserted in order to corroboratethe statement just made by his father, that the latter had transferredthe magistracy to him. 

11. The _holpop_, literally "head of the mat, " perhaps because when thecompany sat around or on the mat his place was at its head, was theofficial who had charge of the _tunkul_ or wooden drum, with whichpublic meetings, dances, summons to war, etc. Were proclaimed, and withwhich the priests accompanied their voices in reciting the ancientchants (Cogolludo, _Hist. De Yucatan_, Lib. IV, cap. V). He was called_ahholpop_, and had charge of the public hall of the village, the_popolna_, "casa de comunidad, " in which public business was transacted(_Diccionario de Motul_, MS. )[TN-29]

The _ahkulel_ was the official second in command in a town or district. He acted in place of the _batab_ or the _ahcuchcab_. The verb _kulel_means to transact business for another, to act as deputy. 

_Ahkin_ was the ordinary word for priest in the old language; kin, sun, day, time; _ahkin_, he who was familiar with the days and times, withthe calendar, and also with the past and the future. 

12. _U chun u thanob_; the _chunthan_ or _ahchunthan_, literally, he whohas the first word, was the member of the village who took the leadingpart in matters of business. The office and name are still in existencein the native village communities of Yucatan. (See Garcia y Garcia, _Historia de la Guerra de Castas en Yucatan_, Introd. , p. Xli. )

The _ahkul_ was an envoy or messenger, who carried the orders of theprince to his people and to foreign princes. The title was usuallyprefixed to the name of the person. 

The _holcan_, "head caller, " was a military official in each village, whose duty it was when war was announced to summon the men in hisdistrict capable of bearing arms (see Landa, _Relacion_, p. 174). TheSpanish writers translate it by _alferez_. 

The _nacon_ was an elective war chief, who held his position for theterm of three years (Landa, _Relacion_, pp. 161, 173). The name isderived from _nacal_, to rise, go up, and hence as a delegate or electedrepresentative (as is stated by the _Dicc. De Motul_). 

13. The _nucteelob_ were the _ancianos_, the wise old men of thevillage; _manak_, a trace or sign that appears at a distance and thendisappears. _U manak uinic ti ulah_=I saw the trace of a man to-day, butit is no longer visible. _Diccionario de Motul, MS. _

"The province of Ceh Pech" was that in which Merida was: "_u tzucubahcehpechob_, la provincia de los Peches al lado de Motul y Cumkal. "_Dicc. De Motul, MS. _

14. _Kah_, _pinole_, is a drink made by mixing the meal of roasted maizewith water. The word _tuce_ (or, it may be, _tuze_) I do not find in anydictionary, nor does Avila translate it. The passage is an obscure one. Avila renders it "cuando fuimos à la guerra, bebian piñole y _tuce_, porque estaban enojados con los Cristianos. " Possibly these were twoarticles of food especially used on warlike raids. 

_U zahacil in puczical_, a cant phrase probably borrowed from themissionaries="the fear of my heart, "--in my humbleness. _Puczikal_appears to be a root-word, though of three syllables. It means the heartof men and animals, also the mind or soul, the desires, and the interiorof certain growths, as the pith of maize, etc. (_Dicc. De Motul. _)

The year 1511 was that of the shipwreck of the deacon Geronimo deAguilar and his companions, who were the first whites known to thenatives of Yucatan. 

The reference which is made in this section to a deputation of fiftynatives to Spain, is not mentioned, so far as I remember, by otherhistorians. As in some respects my translation differs from that ofAvila, I give his. 

"Cuando llegò ante el monarca Ahmacan Pech, D^on Pedro Pech, y susdeudos, sus primeros descendientes, sus capitanes, todos fueron con elpara honrar el monarca y vea la cara á sus vasallos indigenas, y escogiócincuenta de los grandes de ellos para llevar tras de el al monarcareinante para servirlos en la mesa alli lejos en España, pero los quevomitaron en el festejo delante del monarca reinante, esos entonces dijòel Rey que pagaron tributos todos y todos sus descendientes, masnosotros los Peches, " etc. 

The phrase _mac xenahi tu tzicile_ Avila translates "who vomited at thefeasts;" but I believe _xenhi_, vomited, is a misreading for _xanhi_, remained, and _tzicil_ is obedience, as serving-men. 

_Lae te hantabi_, who was eaten; Aguilar himself was not eaten, as hewas rescued by Cortes, in 1519, and served him as interpreter. But someof his companions were eaten by the natives, not of Cozumel, but of thecoast to the south, and this is what Pech meant to say, unless, indeed--and I am inclined to prefer this view--we read _hantezahbi_instead of _hantabi_, which would give the sense "the land wasdiscovered by Aguilar, who was given food (supported, maintained) by AhNaum, " etc. For particulars about Aguilar see Herrera, _Hist. De lasIndias_, Dec. II, Lib. IV, cap. VIII. 

_Lai yabil hauic_, etc. This is an important sentence, as fixing a datein the ancient chronology. _U tunil balcah_ is an ancient term, notexplained in the dictionaries. _Balcah_ (or _baalcah_) means "a town andthe people who compose it" (Pio Perez, _Diccionario_), hence people, theworld, as the French use _monde_. From many references in the Mayamanuscripts I derive the impression that the last stone in the katunpillar was placed in turn by the towns, each giving its name to thestone and the cycle (see ante, p. 171). 

Assuming the correctness of the figures 1517--and there is no reason todoubt it--then Pech counted the katuns as of 24 years each, as Pio Perezmaintained was correct; because he has already informed us in hisintroductory paragraph that the year 1541 was the close of the 11thAhau, and 1541-1517=24. 

16. The two previous visits referred to were probably those of Cordova, 1517, and Grijalva, 1518. "Those who knew to speak the true words, "refers to the Catholic priests. All the historians of Cortes' expeditiondwell on the effect produced on the natives of Cozumel by the religiousservices he held there. 

The date, Feb. 28, 1519, seems correct, although it is not mentioned byany other writer I have at hand. Cortes left Havana, Feb. 19. 

_Lai yabil_, "in this year, " evidently a date is omitted, as the firstarrival of the Spaniards at Chichen Itza was either at the close of 1526or beginning of 1527. One of the Maya MSS. Gives the year as _bulucilMuluc_, the 11th Muluc. The Maya year, it will be remembered, began onthe 16th of July. 

"It was on the memorable thirteenth of August, 1521, the day of St. Hippolytus, that Cortes led his warlike array for the last time acrossthe black and blasted environs which lay around the Indian capital, etc. " Prescott, _Conquest of Mexico_, Book VI, chap. VIII. There islittle doubt but that the tidings of the dreadful destruction of themighty Tenochtitlan was rapidly disseminated among the tribes far downinto Yucatan and Central America, and made a profound impression onthem. 

This section is confused and difficult. Avila translates:--

"Fueron atacados por tercera vez los mismos Españoles por todos lospueblos aqui en el pueblo de Cupul cuando hallaron à Ah Ceh Pechmuriendose en una casa no embarrada y à su compañero el otro Rey CenPot, " etc. 

18. The official date of the founding of the city of Merida was Jan. 6, 1542. 

The anona or custard-apple does not seem to have been eaten by thenatives, and it impressed them as strange and somewhat unnatural towitness the Spaniards suck them. 

_Ca u tocahob nao bon Cupul_; this is translated by Señor Avila:"quemaron al capitan Cupul:" they burned the captain Cupul; but I takeit to be a misreading for _ca u yotochob nacom Cupul_, and have sotranslated it. There is no account of a leader of the Cupuls having beenburned, and, moreover, this is in accordance with § 4. 

Another important chronological statement is made in this section, towit, that the year 1542 (I suppose July 16, 1541-July 15, 1542 is meant)was 13 Kan. As Pech has already told us that it was also the first yearof the 9th Ahau Katun, we have the date fixed in both methods ofreckoning, that is, by the Kin Katun as well as the Ahau Katun, according to the calendar which his family used. 

19. The town of Tikom is still in existence, but I have not been able tofind Popce on any of the maps. The Chels were a well known princelyfamily in ancient Yucatan. The _Dicc. De Motul_ says their province wasthat of Ɔizantun. 

26. [TN-30] The Don Juan Caamal whose acts are briefly sketched in thissection is the same mentioned in the _auto_ given previously, page 117. It is still a family name in Yucatan (Berendt, _Nombres Proprios enlengua Maya_, folio. _MS. _)[TN-31]

21. The first mission to Yucatan was that of Fr. Jacobo de Testera, withsome companions whose names have not been preserved, 1531 to 1534 (seeGeronimo de Mendieta, _Historia Eclesiastica Indiana_, pp. 380, 665;Torquemada. _Monarquia Indiana_, Lib. IX, cap. XIII, Lib. XX, cap. XLVII). They were stationed at Champoton and did not penetrate thecountry. The next attempt was in 1537. Testera, then Provincial ofMexico, sent five Franciscan friars, who returned after two years ofefforts. Their names are unknown (Cogolludo, _Historia de Yucatan_, vol. I, pp. 175, 182). The third is the one referred to in the text. Itscommissary was Fr. Luis de Villalpando, and its members were Fr. Lorenzode Bienvenida, Fr. Melchor de Benavente, Fr. Juan de Herrera, Fr. Juande Albalata, and Fr. Angel Maldonado. Five other missionaries came withJuan de la Puerta, in 1548 (Cogolludo). 

22. The term _ahetzil_, I do not find, and translate it as _aheɔil_, the practice of conjuring, or sorcery. But it is quite possibly for_ahuitzil_, dwellers in the sierra. The next line is corrupt, and I canonly guess at the meaning. The date, Nov. 9, 1546, is correct, and thehistory here given of the insurrection of the natives at that time issubstantially the same as is told at length by Cogolludo (_Hist. DeYucatan_, Lib. V, cap. VII). 

27. The Auditor Tomas Lopez came from Guatemala (not Spain) to Yucatanin 1551 or 1552, and in the latter year promulgated his "Laws" for thegovernment of the natives, many of which are given in Cogolludo'sHistory. 

The passing reference to the cruelties of the Spaniards are more thanborne out by the testimony of Fr. Lorenzo de Bienvenida. Writing to theKing in 1548 he says:--

"En esta villa (Valladolid) se levantaron este año de quarenta y sietelos Indios * * * i este levantamiento por mal tratamiento que hacen àlos Indios los Españoles tomandoles las mugeres y hijos y dandoles depalos i quebrandoles las piernas i brazos i matandolos i desmasiadostributos i desaforados servicios personales, i si V^a Alt^a no provee deremedio con brevedad, no es possible permanecer esta tierra, digo dejusticia. * * * *

"(El adelantado) dió la capitania à un sobrino que llaman Manso Pacheco. Nero no fué mas cruel que este. Este pasó adelante y llegó á unaprovincia que llaman _Chatemal_, estando de paz, i sin dar guerra losnaturales la robó i les comió los mantenimientos à los naturales, iellos huyendo à los montes de miedo de los Españoles porque en tomandoalguno luego lo aperreaban, i desto huian los Indios i no sembraban itodos murieron de hambre, digo todos porque habia pueblos de áquinientos casas i de á mil, i el que agora tiene ciento es mucho;provincia rica de cacao. Este capitan por sus proprias manos exercitabalas fuerzas, con un garrote maté muchos i decia, 'este es buen palo paracastigar á estos;' i desque lo habia muerto, 'O, quan bien lo dé. ' Cortomuchos pechos á mugeres, i manos á hombres i narices i orejas i estaco, i á las mugeres ataba calabazas á los pies i las echaba en las lagunasahogar por su pasatiempo, i otras grandes crueldades. " _Carta de Fr. Lorenzo de Bienvanida, [TN-32] 1548. MS. _

28. The town Conah Itza, or Con Ahitza, Con of the Itzas, may refer tothe seaport, Coni, the eastern coast, where Montejo landed on his firstexpedition. Bishop Toral did not arrive in Yucatan until 1562, so themention of him proves that this narrative was written after that date. 

29. No such person as Juan de Montejo is known. 

30. _Yocol peten_; so it is first spelled in the original manuscript, and afterwards altered to _Yucalpeten_. This latter occurs as a nameapplied to the peninsula, or a portion of it, in a number of passages ofthe Book of Chilan Balam of Chumayel. These have been quoted by theCanon Crescencio Carrillo in a recent work (_Historia Antigua deYucatan_, pp. 137, 140, Merida, 1882), to support his view that the nameYucatan is an abbreviation of Yucalpeten. 

Apart from the difficulty of explaining such an extensive abbreviation, which is not at all in the spirit of the Maya tongue, the words of Pechin this section and § 33 conclusively prove that the two names areentirely distinct in origin. Carrillo is of opinion that _yucal_ shouldbe divided into _y_, _u_, _cal_, and he translates the name "la perla dela garganta de la tierra ò continente. " This appears far-fetched. _Yocal_ is probably merely _yoc hail_, upon the water (_il_, determinative ending denoting what water); hence _yocal peten_, theregion upon the water, applied to Yucatan or some part of its coastdistrict. The _h_ is nearly mute and frequently elided, as in _ocola_(_ocol haa_) to baptize. 

A prophecy of the priest Pech, which is perhaps the one here referredto, appears in several of the Books of Chilan Balam, and also Spanishtranslations of it in the Histories of Lizana and Cogolludo, and aFrench version in Brasseur's report of the _Mission Scientifique auMexique_, etc. 

The text is quite corrupt, but I insert it as I have emended it from acomparison of three copies. 

U THAN AHAU PECH AHKIN. 

 Tu kinil uil u natabal kine, Yume ti yokcab te ahtepal. Uale canɔit u katunil, Uchi uale hahal pul. Tu kin kue yoklal u kaba, In kubene yume. Ti a-uich-ex tu bel a uliah, Ahitza, U yum cab ca ulom. Than tu chun ahau Pech ahkin, Tu kinil uil can ahau katun, Uale tan hiɔil u katunil. 

THE WORD OF THE LORD PECH, THE PRIEST. 

 At that time it will be well to know the tidings, Of the Lord, the ruler of the world. After four katuns, Then will occur the bringing of the truth. At that time one who is a god by his name, I deliver to you as a lord. Be your eyes on the road for your guest, Men of Itza, When the lord of the earth shall come. The word of the first lord, Pech, the priest, At the time of the fourth katun, At the end of the katun. 

The only line in which I have taken much liberty with the text is thefifth, where, after the word _kue_, one MS. Reads: _yok taa ba akauba_, and another, _yok lac kauba_, neither of which is intelligible. 

If the date assigned in these lines be a correct one, they weredelivered by the prophet in 1469. It is not impossible. The words areobscure and the prediction so indistinct that it might quite well havebeen made by an official augur at that time. 

31. Nachi Cocom, head of the ancient and powerful Cocom family, ruled atZotuta when Montejo made his settlement at Merida, and was a determinedenemy of the Spaniards. He was defeated in 1542, in a sanguinary battle, and then accepted terms of peace. I have in my possession the copy of asurvey which he made of the lands of the town of Zotuta in 1545, when hewas evidently on good terms with the Conquerors. 

32. The names Chan, Catzim and Chul belong to well known ancientYucatecan families, and many who bear them are still found among thenatives (Berendt, _Nombres Proprios en Lengua Maya_, MS. )[TN-33]

The words Zacuholpatal Zacmutixtun are rendered by Avila as propernames, and I have followed his example. I have not found a satisfactoryexplanation of them. 

33. The day _One Imix_ was a day of peculiar sanctity in ancientYucatan. Landa makes the rather unintelligible assertion that the countof their days, or their calendar, invariably commenced on that day(_Relacion_, p. 236). 

Imix is the 18th day of the month, and it is possibly[TN-34] that it andthe two following days were used for intercalary days. 

More to the purpose of explaining the prophecy in the text is thestatement of Francisco Hernandez, who, as reported by Bishop Las Casas, relates that in the mythology of the Mayas, the god or gods Bacab, thosewho support the four corners of the heaven and who are identified withthe "year bearers" or Dominical days of the calendar, died on the dayOne Imix, and after three days came to life again. (Las Casas, _HistoriaApologetica de las Indias Occidentales_, cap. CXXIII. ) This hasreference apparently to the intercalary days Imix, Ik, and Akbal, whichwere counted so as to allow the next Kin Katun period to begin onI[TN-35] Kan. I have explained this theory fully in a paper, "Notes onthe Codex Troano and Maya Chronology, " in the _American Naturalist_, Sept. 1881. Naturally this was supposed by the Spanish missionaries tobe a reference to Christian traditions. 

_Ca tip u chemob_, when the ships were rocking; _tipil_ represents theslipping and sliding movement of a partially submerged or hidden body;thus the beating of the heart and the pulse is _tipilac_. _Ca yumtahbanderas ob_, when the banners waved; _yumtah_ is to swing to and fro asa hamack or a flag. _Piixtahob_, from _pixitah_, to unreel or reel offyarn, etc. , from a spindle. I suppose it refers to letting go theanchor. 

The derivation of the name Yucatan here given is interesting, forseveral reasons. In the first place, it makes it evident that Pech didnot believe it was an abbreviation of Yucalpeten (see ante, page 255). Again, although it has very often been stated that the name arose from amisunderstanding of some native words by the Spaniards, there has beenno uniformity of opinion as to what these words were. Several of thephrases suggested have been such as have no meaning in the Maya tongue;(see full discussions of the question in Eligio Ancona, _Historia deYucatan_, Vol. I, pp. 219, 220, and Crescencio Carrillo, _HistoriaAntigua de Yucatan_, cap. V. ) As given by Pech it is perfectlyintelligible and good Maya. Without syncope it would be "_Matan ca ubaha than_" shortened to "_Ma c'ubah than_, [TN-36] "We do not understandyour speech. " Pech is in error, however, in supposing that the namearose on the arrival of Montejo; it was in use immediately after theexpedition of Cordova (1517), and if Bernal Diaz was correct in hisrecollection, was applied to the land by the Indians Cordova broughtback to Cuba with him from the Bay of Campeachy. (See Bernal Diaz, _Historia Verdadera de la Conquista de Nueva España_, cap. VII. )

34. This is no doubt the same occurrence which is described atconsiderable length by Cogolludo, _Hist. De Yucatan_, Lib. III, cap. VI. But the details differ very much and the names of the messengers and thechief to whom they were sent are not identical. I believe thisdiscrepancy can be explained, but it would extend this note too far togo into the subject here. The word _yacatunzabin_, which Avila renders"en dicha cueva, " seems a compound of _y_, _actun_, _zabin_. The last isthe name of the weasel; _actun_ means both a cave and a stone house. Bysome it is supposed to be a compound of _ac_, tortoise, and _tun_, stone, a cave resembling a hollow tortoise shell. 

35. _Yoklal maix u lukul yol nacomob_, "porque no se cansaban loscapitanes" (Avila). 

36. Pech adds a list of the names of Conquistadores which I have notinserted, as it is less complete than that found in Cogolludo. 

39. _Ma u manbal cuntahbalob u cħinal_; Avila translates this "that theyshall not destroy"; but the word _cuntahbal_, from _cun_, _cumtah_, means that which is to be enchanted, and _cħinal_ is the throwing ofstones. I suppose, therefore, it refers to some act of shamanism thedesign of which was to injure a neighbor. 

FOOTNOTES:

[190-1] See his _Informe acerca de las Ruinas de Mayapan y de Uxmal_

[191-1] "<sc>Chijcxulub</sc>: poner los cuernos; hacer cabron á uno: _u chiicahbin u xulub u lak_; diz que pusó los cuernos á su compañero ô proximo;que se aprobechó de su muger ô manceba, " _Diccionario de Motul, MS. _

[194-1] Tekom. 

[195-1] nacon Cupul. 

[196-1] matanon. 

[196-2] Tipikal. 

[198-1] hauah. 

[201-1] cochlahal. 

[201-2] yokolcab. 

[202-1] tzolic. 

[202-2] xanhi. 

[202-3] utznac. 

[203-1] tubalob. 

[204-1] yotochob nacon. 

[204-2] tiobi. 

[206-1] aheɔil. 

[206-2] tiihil. 

[206-3] chunbez. 

[207-1] chunbez. 

[207-2] chabil. 

[208-1] ociha. 

[208-2] ezabil. 

[208-3] ɔiboltahob. 

[209-1] mulbaobe. 

[210-1] ocol cah. 

[210-2] panob. 

[211-1] a--ciil--ex. 

[211-2] yilahob. 

[211-3] tzimin. 

[211-4] ahactunob. 

[211-5] actunzabin. 

[212-1] ɔa uinalalob. 

[212-2] chiic. 

[213-1] tzoloc. 

[214-1] beltahob. 

VOCABULARY. 

A

Ac, n. A turtle; a turtle shell. 

Actun, n. (From _ac_, turtle shell, _tun_, stone. ) A cave; a stonehouse. 

Ah, A prefix signifying possession or action; also sign of masculine. See pp. 28, 57. 

Ahau, n. (From _ah_, prefix, and _u_, collar? See p. 57. ) A ruler, chief, king; a period of time. 

Ahbalcab, n. The coming dawn. "Quiere amanescer. " _Dicc. Motul. _

Ahez, n. (From _ah_, prefix, _ezah_, to show, to feign. ) A sorcerer, magician. 

Ahkin, n. (From _ah_, and _kin_, the sun, day, etc. ) A priest. 

Ahkulel, n. (From _ah_ and _kulel_, to arrange business, etc. ) Alieutenant, deputy. Pp. 27, 247. 

Ahoni, n. Well-dressed persons. P. 173. 

Ahpul, n[TN-37] One who carries or bears. 

Ahpulul, n. He or that which is carried or brought. 

Ahtepal, n. A ruler, governor. 

Ahtohil, n. A lover of justice; a righteous man. 

Ahuitzil, n. Mountaineers. P. 131. 

Ak, n. Osiers, willow branches. "Ramo de miembre. " Pio Perez. _Dicc. _

Akab, n. Night, the night time. 

Al, n. Son or daughter of a woman. _Yal_, her son. 

Alah, v[TN-38] pres. _alic_, fut. _alab_. To speak, say, tell, order. 

Alau, A numeral. P. 46. 

Anahte. [TN-39] n. A book. P. 64. 

Atan, n. Wife. 

Auat, v. Aor. _autah_, fut. _auté_. To shout, to sing. "Dar gritos. "

B

Bahun, adv. How much. 

Bak, n. 1. Meat, flesh; the private parts. 2. The number 400. 3. The turn of a rope around anything. 4. In composition, an intensive particle, or conveys the idea of enveloping with cords. 

Bal _or_ Baal, n. Thing, business, matter. 

Balam, n. A tiger; a priest. P. 69. 

Baalcah, n. The town and its inhabitants; the world. "El mundo con losque en el viven. " _Dicc. Motul. _

Ban _or_ Banban, adv. Much, too much. 

Batab, n. Chief, ruler. See p. 26. 

Be _or_ Bel, n. A path, a road; a business; condition; history. 

Beltah _or_ Beel _or_ Betah, v. Aor. _tah_, fut. _té_. To do, to make. 

Binel, v. Irreg. Aor. _bini_, fut. _binxic_. To go. 

Bolon, Nine. 

Botah, v. To pay. 

Buc, n. Covering, clothing. 

Buluc, Ten. 

Buul, n. A broad bean. 

C

Ca, adv. Then, when. Conj. And. Pron. We. Adj. Two. 

Caan, n. The sky, the heavens. 

Cab, n. 1. Land, earth. P. 106. 2. Honey; a hive. 

Cacab, n. A town and the land belonging to it; a township, commune. 

Cah, n. A town, village. 

Cah, part. A suffix and sign of the present and imperfect tenses, p. 29. 

Cahal, n. A town, village. V. To reside, live in or at. 

Cahtal, v. Aor. _cahlahi_, f. _calac_. To live, dwell, reside. 

Cal, n. Throat, neck; voice; in compos. An intensive particle. 

Calab, A numeral. P. 45. 

Cambezah, v. To teach, to instruct. 

Can, n. 1. Conversation, talk. 2. The generic name for serpents. 3. The number four. 4. A gift or present. 

Can, v. Aor. _tah_, fut. _té_. To converse, to tell stories. Aor. _ah_, fut. é[TN-40]. To teach, to impart information; to give another acontagious disease. 

Can, part. In compos. Strongly, powerfully, as _cankax_, to tie veryfirmly. 

Canantah, v. To watch, to guard over. 

Canlaahal, v. To learn about. 

Caputzihil, n. Baptism (_ca_, twice, _zihil_, to be born; an ancientword; see Landa, _Relacion_, p. 144). 

Catac, conj. And; used to connect numerals. P. 49. 

Caten, adv. The second time. _Tu caten_, for the second time. (From_ca_, _two_. )

Catul, adv. Two. _Tu catulli_, both, the two. 

Caua, conj. And, then. 

Cax, n. A fowl, a hen. 

Caxan, v. Aor. _tah_, fut. _té_. To seek, to find, to hunt for. 

Caxtun, adv. Then, be it so, thus. 

Ceh, n. A deer. 

Cen, v. Irreg. Aor. _cihi_, fut. _ciac_. To say, to tell. 

Ci, Cici, part. These prefixes mean pleasant, agreeable; originally, what is pleasant to taste. 

Cibah, v. Aor. _cibhi_, fut. _cibic_. To wish, to permit, to dare. _Ucibah ua a yum. _ Did your father permit it?

Cicithan, n. (From _cici_, pleasant, _than_, words. ) Words of love orblessing. 

Ciciol, n. (From _cici_ and _ol_. ) Joy, pleasure, peace, happiness. 

Cii, n. The pulque liquor. See p. 22. 

Cill, n. Delight, pleasure. 

Cilich, adj. Saintly, holy. 

Cob, v. 3d pl. Pres. Indic. Of _cen_. [TN-41]

Cimil, v. To die. 

Coch, in comp. Conveys the notion of extending or broadening. 

Cochhal _or_ Cochlahal, v. To make broad, to extend, to spread out. 

Cuch, n. 1. Position, place. 2. Burden, load; _met_. Sin. 3. Goods, possessions, treasures. 

Cuch, v. Aor. _ah_, fut. _é_. 1. To carry, to bear along. 2. To govern a town or state. 

Cuchcabal, n. A province, region; the family, people or subjects of oneruler. 

Cuchhab, n. The year-bearer or Dominical sign. P. 52. 

Cuchi. Sign of past tense. P. 29. 

Cuchul, n. The family or retainers of one person. "La familia ó genteque uno tiene en su casa. " _Dicc. Motul. _

Cul, n. A vase or cup. 

Culcinah, v. To appoint, to promote, to establish; _culcintahaan_, appointed or promoted to an office or dignity. 

Cultal _or_ Cutal, v. Aor. _culhi_, fut. _culac_. To sit down, remain, be present, be at home, etc. 

Culul _or_ Cuulul _or_ Culicil, v. To rest or stop; to reside, to settledown. 

Cum _or_ Cuum, n. A vase, jar. 

Cumcintah, v. To prepare for use, to put in order. Probably a form of_culcinah_. 

Cumlaahaal, v. To stop, to check. 

Cumtal, v. Aor. _lahi_, fut. _ac_. To set up, to put in a place. 

Cun _or_ Cunah _or_ Cunal, n. Enchantment, sorcery, conjury. _Au ohelua_ u _cunal cħuplal?_ Do you know the conjury of a woman? _Dicc. Motul_(_i.  e. _, to make her submit to the will of a man). 

Cuntabal, Passive supine; from _cunah_, to conjure. 

Cutz, n. The wild turkey, [TN-42]

Ch. 

Chac, n. Water, rain, a giant, a god. Adj. Red. In comp. Much or very. 

Chacaan, n. Something plain, open, visible. 

Chacanhal, v. To become visible, to show itself. 

Chahal, v. To lose strength, to weaken. 

Chakan, n. A savanna. P. 125. 

Chapahal, v. To sicken. 

Chayanil, n. The rest, the remainder. 

Che, n. A tree; wood; _adj. _[TN-43] wooden. 

Chem, n. A boat, a ship. 

Chen, adv. Solely, only, merely. 

Chenbel, adv. Vainly, fruitlessly. 

Chi, n. The mouth; a border, limit, edge; a bite, as _u chi pek_, thebite of a dog. Verb, to bite, to eat. 

Chicilbezah, v. To set landmarks, to point out. 

Chichcunah, v. To strengthen, to fortify. 

Chichcunahthan, v. To support another's words, to agree with, to act inconcert with. P. 107. 

Chicul, n. A sign, mark, token. 

Chikin, n. The West. 

Chicpahal, v. Aor. _pahi_, fut. _pahac_. To find, to discover, torecover that which is lost; "parecer lo perdido. " Pio Perez, _Dicc. _

Chilan, n. An interpreter, p. 69. 

Chin, v. Aor. _ah_, fut. _é_. To stone, to throw stones at. 

Chin, adj. A term of endearment. 

Chinchin, v. To incline, lean over, be out of line. 

Choy, n. A bucket; _choyche_, a wooden bucket. 

Chuuc _or_ Chuc, v. Aor. _ah_, fut. _é_. To grasp, seize, to takepossession of. 

Chucan, n. Completeness, sufficiency, abundance. 

Chuccabil, n. A province, district. 

Chul, n. A flute. 

Chulub, n. Rain water; reservoirs. 

Chun, n. Foundation; trunk (of a tree); beginning; cause. 

Chunbezah, v. To cause, to occasion, to begin. 

Chunthan, n. (From _chun_, first, _than_; speech, he who speaks first. )A principal, a presiding officer. 

Cħ

Cħaa, _or_ Cħtaab, v. Aor. _cħaah_, fut. _chaé_. 1. To take, to carry; to carry off; hence to kill. 2. To recover that which is lost. 

Cħahucil or[TN-44] Cħuhucil, n. Sweets. 

Cħeen, n. Lowland; well. Pp. 33, 125. 

Cħibal, n. Lineage, generation. 

Cħuplal, n. Woman, girl. 

Cħuytab, v. To hang. 

E

Et, A particle indicating similitude. As a verb, to hold alike in thetwo hands. Hence, _eta_, friend; _etel_, companion; _etan_, wife; _etcah_, fellow townsman; _yetel_, and, with, etc. 

Ez, n. Enchanter, sorcerer. 

Ezah, v. To show, to make public; to imitate, feign. _Ezabil_, what is to be or should be shown or published. 

H

Haa, n. Water. 

Haab, n. Year. P. 50. 

Haban, n. Branch, twig. P. 126. 

Hach, adv. Much, very. 

Hahal, adj. And adv. True, truly. 

Halach, adj, and n. True, truth; _halach than_, an oath; _halach uinic_. P. 26. 

Halal, n. The cane. 

Hanal, v. Aor. _hani_, fut. _hanac_. To eat. 

Haual, v. Aor. _haui_, fut. _hauac_. To cease, to stop. 

Hayal, v. To level with the ground, to destroy; from _hay_, thin, flat;hence _hayalcab_, the final end and destruction of the world. 

Heɔ _or_ Eɔ, v. Aor. _ah_, fut. _é_. To fix firmly, to establish, tofound; to select a site. 

Heɔcab, v. To fix or establish promptly; "poner ó afirmar ó asentar depresto alguna cosa que quede ferme. " _Dicc. Motul. _

Hicħcal, v. To tie up by the neck, to hang. 

Hiɔ _or_ Hiɔil, n. The close or last of the week, month, or year, as _uhiɔil buluc ahau katun_, the last day of the eleventh Ahau katun. _Chilan Balam. _

Ho, adj. Five. 

Hokol, v. Aor. _hoki_. To set out for, to go out from; of seeds, tosprout; of the beard, etc. , to begin to grow. 

Hokzahuba, v. To take oneself away from. 

Hol, n. The end of anything, hence the door of a house, the gate of atown, the mouth of a bag or jar, a hole, an aperture; verb, sensu obscœno, to seduce a girl, to penetrate her. _Dicc. Motul. _

Holcan, n. A warrior; adj. Brave, valiant. 

Holhaa, n. A seaport. See _haa_. 

Holpay, n. A seaport. See _pay_. 

Holpop, n. A chieftain (from _hol_ and _pop_, mat); "he who is at theend or head of the mat. "

Hom, n. A trumpet. 

Hoppol, v. To begin. 

Hun, adj. One. 

Hunakbu, n. The one God. 

Hunkul, adv. Once and forever, really, permanently. 

Hunmol, adj. United together, congregated in one place[TN-45]

Hunten, adv. On one occasion, at one time. 

Huun, n. A book. P. 63. 

I. 

Ich, n. 1. Face; eyes; twins; surface. 2. Fruit; longing; color. 

Ich, prep. In, into, within. 

Ilah v. Aor. _ilah_, fut. _ilé_. [TN-46] or _ilab_. To see, to look at, tovisit, to test, to try. 

Ix, fem. Prefix. See page 28; conj. And also n. Urine. 

Ixim, n. Maize. 

Ixmehen, n. A daughter. 

K. 

Kaan, n. A measure. P. 27. 

Kab, n. The hand, the arm. 

Kaba, n. A name. See p. 26. 

Kabanzah, v. To give a name. 

Kah, n. Pinole, meal of roasted maize, used for stirring in waterto drink. 

Kahal, v. To remember, recall. 

Kahlay, n. Memory, memorial, record. 

Kak, n. Fire; also a febrile disease. 

Kaknab, n. The sea, the ocean. 

Kal, n. A score. P. 39; verb, to imprison. 

Kam _or_ Kamah, v. To accept, receive; to take possession of. 

Kan, adj. Yellow. N. The name of the first day of the Maya month. 

Kat, v. To wish, to desire. To ask, to ask for, to inquire. 

Katun, n. A body of warriors; a period of time. P. 58. 

Kax, n. Forest, woods. 

Kaxah, v. To join, unite, tie together. 

Kay _or_ Kayah, v. To sing. 

Keban, n. Sin, evil. 

Kebanthan, v. To plot evil, to calumniate; to commit treason;"kebanthanil, traicion. " _Dicc. Motul. _

Kilacale, n. Ancestors. 

Kin, n. The sun; a day; time. 

Kinchil. A numeral. P. 46. 

Koch _or_ Kooch, v. To carry on the shoulders as a burden, hence, _fig. _ n. Obligation, fault, sickness. 

Kohan, n. Sickness. 

Ku, n. God, divinity. 

Kubulte, n. Delivery, deposit. 

Kuchul, v. Aor. _kuchi_, fut. _kuchuc_. To arrive, to come to. 

Kul, in comp. Much, very; _kulvinic_. Pp. 133, 164. 

Kuna, n. (From _ku_, god, _na_, house). A temple, a church. 

Kuuch, n. Cotton threads. 

Kuxil, n. Aversion, disgust, annoyance; verb, to feel disgust at. 

Kuyan, adj. Consecrated to God, holy. 

L

Lahal, v. To finish, to end. 

Lahca. Twelve. 

Lahun. Ten. P. 38. 

Lai _or_ Lay, rel. And dem. Pron. This, that, these, those, which, what, etc. 

Lak, n. Companion, neighbor. 

Lic _or_ Licil, rel. In which, by which. 

Likil, v. To rise, to raise; as _likil katun_, to begin war. 

Likin _or_ Lakin, n. The East. 

Likul, prep. From, out of. 

Likzah, v. To lift up, to raise; _likzahuba_, to raise oneself. 

Loh, v. To redeem, to set at liberty. 

Lohil, n. The Redeemer, the Saviour. 

Lukanil, n. That which is set apart or separated. 

Lukul, v. Aor. _luki_, fut. _lukuc_. To leave a place, to depart from, go out of. 

Lukzah, v. To free, to separate from; _lukzahuba_, to quit, to abstainfrom. 

M

Ma, adv. No, not. From this are the negatives, _matan_, not, emphatic;_mato_, _matac_, _maina_, not even; _maix_, _matla_, neither; _mamac_, no one; _manan_, without, etc. 

Mac, rel. Pron. Who. 

Maccah, v. To obstruct, close up roads, etc. Hence _macan_ p.  p.  p. That which is obstructed. 

Mach, v. Aor. _ah_, fut. _é_. To take with the hand, to hold in thehand. 

Mactzil, adj. Marvelous, miraculous; n. A miracle, an act of Providence. (From _mac_, most, and _tzibil_, to be obeyed or reverenced. )

Mak, v. To eat soft things, to eat without chewing. 

Mal _or_ Malel, v. Aor. _mani_, fut. _manac_. To pass. 

Manak, n. A sign or mark. 

Manal, adv. Too much, in excess. 

Manbal, adv. Nothing. 

Mat, v. To receive, obtain. 

Maya, n. Derivation of. P. 16. 

Mayacimil, n. The pestilence. P. 132. 

Mazcab, n. A prison, gaol. 

Mazeual, n. Vassal, servant. Nahuatl, _maceualli_. 

Mehen, n. A son. 

Mek, n. An armful, hence

Mektantah, _or_ Mektanma, v. To hold in one's power, to rule, govern. 

Mektancah, n. Jurisdiction, municipality. 

Mektanmail, n. A ruler, governor. 

Mentah, v. To make, manufacture. 

Menyah, v. To work, serve. N. Work, service. 

Met, n. A wheel. P. 86. 

Mex _or_ Meex, n. The beard. 

Meyah, v. To serve, to labor for one. 

Minantal, v.  p.  p. Minaan. [TN-47] To lack, to be absent or wanting, notto have. 

Molcintah, v. To gather together, join, unite. 

Moltah, v. To gather around. 

Mothtal, v. To humble, to submit. 

Muk, n. Fortitude, bravery. 

Muktan, v. To suffer with fortitude. 

Mul _or_ Mol, part. In comp. Jointly, in common. 

Mulba, v. To congregate, to come together. 

Multepal, v. To rule or govern jointly. P. 131. 

Muz, v. To cut. 

N

Na, n. A house, not designating whose. 

Naat, v. To know, understand. 

Nacal, v. To ascend. P. 28. 

Nachi, adv. Far off, distant. 

Nacpalancal, v. To grope, to feel one's way. 

Nah, v. To suit, wish, desire; _nahuba_, to suit, etc. , for oneself. 

Nak, n. The abdomen, belly, the end; verb. To end, finish; to join, tostick; _tu nak_, at the end, near, close to. 

Nakal, v. To approach, to join on. 

Nant, v. See _Naat_. 

Noh, adj. Great, large. 

Nohkakil, n. Smallpox. P. 132. 

Nohoch, adj. Great, large. 

Nohol, n. The South. 

Nuc, adj. Great, large. 

Nuc, v. To answer; n. An answer. 

Nuctah, v. To understand, perceive. 

Nucté, adj. Old, ancient; _nucteel_, the elders and leading men of atown. 

Nucul, n. Signification, meaning; manner, form, figure. 

Numya, n. Toil, misery, unhappiness. 

Nucahthan, v. To reply, to answer. 

Nupthan, n. Companion, associate. 

O

Oc, n. The foot; _yooc_ his foot, their feet. 

Oca _or_ Ochaa _or_ Ocolha, (From v. _ocol_, to enter, _haa_, water, ) Tobaptize. 

Ocnakuchil, n. A pestilence. P. 151. 

Ocol, v. Aor. _oci_, fut. _ococ_. To enter; also _sensu obscœno_. 

Ohel, v. Aor. _tah_, fut. _té_. To know, to recognize. 

Ol, n. Mind, intention, will. 

Olah, v. To wish, to desire; n. Will, goodwill, wish. 

On, pron. We. 

Ontkin, adv. For a long time. 

Op _or_ Oop, n. The anona, custard apple. 

Otoch, n. House, dwelling, denoting whose. P. 106. 

Ox, adv. Three; _oxlahun_, thirteen. P. 130. 

P

Pa _or_ Paa, n. A walled town, stronghold, fortress. P. 163. 

Pa, v. To break, break down, destroy. 

Pach, To take possession of, to select a place. 

Pach, n. The back of the shoulders; the outer or back part; hence, thelast or end of anything; _tu pach_, behind, after. 

Pachal, adv. Afterwards, late. 

Paiche, n. A mark, a line. 

Pak _or_ Pakil, n. A wall of stone, verb, aor. _ah_, fut. é. [TN-48] Tofound, build, sow, plant; hence

Pakal, n. A building, founding, etc. 

Pakte _or_ Pakteil, adv. All together, in all. 

Palil, n. A servant, man-servant. 

Pan, n. Standard, banner. 

Patan, n. Tribute, tax; from _paatah_, to watch, to guard. 

Patcunah, v. To declare, set forth, explain; n. An explanation, etc. 

Paxal _or_ Paaxal, v. Aor. _xi_, fut. _xac_. To forsake, abandon, desert, depopulate; "desamparar y despoblar pueblo. " _Dicc. Motul. _

Pay, n. The sea-coast. 

Pay, v. Aor. _tah_, fut. _té_. To draw or call toward one, hence, _payal_, to be called or summoned. 

Paybe, n. (From _pay_, and _be_, a road). A guide; hence, adv. , first, before. 

Pek, n. A dog. 

Pet, n. A circle, wheel. 

Peten, n. An island, country, province. P. 122. 

Pic. A numeral. P. 45. 

Pix _or_ Piixtah, v. To unwind, to cast anchor. 

Pixan, n. Soul; happiness; adj. Happy. 

Pol. N. Head; hair. 

Puchtun, n. Fighting, quarreling. 

Puczical, n. Heart; mind, will, soul. 

Pul, v. To bring, to carry. _Ahpulul_, one who brings. 

Pp

Ppatal, v. To remain, to stay. 

Ppiz, n. A measure of grain, etc. 

Ppoc, n. A hat. 

Ppul _or_ Ppuul, n. An earthen jar. 

T

Taab, n. Salt. 

Tab, v. To tie together; hence

Tabal, n. Relationship; anything attached to or dependent on another. 

Tabzah, v. To deceive, to delude, to tie. 

Tah, adv. Whence, whither, thence, to, unto. Pron. For us, for our part. 

Takal, v. To stick to; to add to, to increase. 

Tal, prep. From; _tii tal en_, I am from there. _Dicc. San Francisco. _

Tal, v. Aor. _ah_, fut. _é_. To touch, to begin to take; to make use of. 

Talel, v. Aor. _tali_, fut. _talae_ or _tae_. To come, to go. 

Tamuk, adv. While, when. 

Tan, n. The breast; hence, the middle of anything; as _tan cah_, themiddle of the town. P. 132. 

Tan, postposition. Toward, as _lakintan_, toward the East. 

Tancabal, n. The premises of a house; a house and its grounds. 

Tancoch, n. A half (from _tan_, and _cochil_, the width, the size of athing). 

Tec, adv. Quickly, suddenly. 

Tem _or_ Temah, v. To satisfy, please. 

Ten, pron. I. _Ten c en_, I who am I. 

Tepal, v. To rule, govern. 

Than, n. Word, speech. 

Thun, n. A drop, a spot, a dot. 

Ti, prep. To, by, for; sign of dative and ablative. 

Tiihil, v. To happen there, to take place there. 

Tipp, v. To exceed in size; to go forth from; as _tippan kin_, the sunhaving appeared. 

Toc _or_ Tooc, v. Aor. _tocah_, fut. _é_, To burn. 

Toch, adj. Severe, firm, rough. 

Tocoyna, n. A deserted house or field; "solar yermo. " _Dicc. Motul. _

Toh, adj. Just, righteous; _ahtohil_, a magistrate. 

Tohyol, adj. Healthy, well (from _toh_, _ol_). 

Tox, v. To pour out; _tox haa ti pol_, to pour water on the head, _i.  e. _, to baptize. _Dicc. Motul. _ _Toxol_, the person baptized; also adistribution or outpouring, as _toxol cahob_, a distribution of towns todifferent rulers. 

Tul, adj. Full, abounding. P. 39. Verb. To fill to overflowing, to rise (of the tide). For _tutul_ see p. 109. 

Tulpach, v. To go back, to return. 

Tulum, n. A wall, walled town. P. 163. 

Tumen, prep. For, by reason of, because of. 

Tun, n. A stone. A euphonic particle. P. 124. 

Tux _or_ Tuux, adv. Where, in what part or place. 

Tuzebal, adv. Promptly. 

Tuzinil, adv. All, in all parts. 

Tzac, v. To seek, to follow. 

Tzen, n. Food, sustenance; hence, Tzentah, To give food to. 

Tzicil, v. To obey, to serve. 

Tzimin, n. A horse. 

Tzol, n. A string, thread; hence, verb, to arrange on a string, to putin order, to adjust; _tzolan_, an arrangement, series, order. 

Tzuc, n. A part, division. P. 54. 

Tzucub, n. A province. 

U

U, n. The moon; a month; menstrual period; a string of beads, a collar;rosary. Pron. His, her, its, their. Also a euphonic particle before vowels. 

Uaatal, v. To set up, erect. 

Uabic, adv. How, in what manner. 

Uac, Six. 

Uacchahal, v. To emerge with force. P. 185. 

Uacuntah, v. To set on end, to put in place; to designate, appoint;_uacuntahbal_, the putting in place, etc. 

Uah, n. Tortilla, bread; _uahal uahob_. P. 129. 

Uahil, n. Banquet; guest. 

Ualac, adv. While, meanwhile. 

Ualkahal, v. To turn oneself, to return. 

Uaxac, Eight. 

Uay _or_ Uai, adv. Here, in this place. 

Uazaklom, n. A return, p. 86. 

Ubah, v. To hear, understand. 

Uchebal, conj. In order that. 

Uchul, v. Aor. _uchi_, fut. _uchuc_. To happen, to occur, take place, come to pass. 

Uinalal, n. Labor, work. 

Uinbail, n. Image, figure. 

Uinic, n. Man; a measure, p. 27. 

Uitz, n. A mountain, a hill. P. 131. 

Ulul, v. To arrive, return. 

Ulum, n. A bird, a pheasant. 

Uooh, v. To write, p. 63. 

Utial, prep. For, on account of. 

Utz, adj. Good; _utzil_, the good, the well-being. 

Utzcinah, v. To make better, to perfect; to compose a speech or essay;to set in order. 

Utzuac, adv. Now, be it now. 

Uuc. Seven. 

Uuɔ, n. A folding, doubling; a line of warriors. 

X

Xachetah, v. To seek, to procure. 

Xamach, n. A large pot or jar. 

Xaman, n. The North. 

Xan, n. Straw; conj. Also adv. Slowly. 

Xantal, v. Aor. _xanhi_ fut. _xanac_. To stay behind, to remain. 

Xenhi, v. To vomit. 

Xic, v. To split, to divide. 

Xicin, n. The ear, the hearing. 

Ximbal, v. To journey, to pass. 

Xiu, n. Grass, herbage, name of a noble family. P. 109. 

Xma, prep. Without. 

Xocol, v. To count, to read. 

Xotlahal, v. To cut. 

Xul, n. End, limit; v. To end, also _xulul_. 

Y

Ya, n. 1. Love 2. Pain, wound, sickness. 3. Difficulty. 4. A shoe. 

Yaab, adj. Much, abundant: _yaabil_, abundance, multitude. 

Yacunah, v. To love. 

Yah _or_ Yaah, n. Severe sickness. 

Yala, The rest, remainder. 

Yalan, prep. Under, beneath. 

Yan _or_ Yanhal, v. To have, to be, to stand. 

Yax, adv. First, freshly; adj. Green, young. 

Yaxchun, n. The beginning, cause. 

Yetel, conj. And, with, a compound of _u etel_, his or its companion, usually abbreviated _to[TN-49] y_. 

Yib, n. A bean. 

Yic, n. Red peppers. 

Yok, prep. On, over, in front of. 

Yoklal, prep. By reason of, because of. 

Yokolcab, adv. On the earth, in the world. 

Yol, n. Mind, spirit. 

Yxma, prep. Without, =_xma_. [TN-50]

Yub, n. Cloak, coat. 

Yum, n. Father; lord; ruler; head of a family. 

Yum _or_ Yumtah, v. To wave, to move to and fro. 

Z

Zabin, n. A weasel. 

Zah _or_ Zahal _or_ Zahacil, n. Fear, terror; verb, to fear. 

Zat, v. Aor. _ah_, fut. _é_. To lose. 

Zi, n. Wood. 

Zihnal, n. Birth, a native. 

Zil _or_ Ziil, v. To give, to present; n. Gifts. 

Zinah, v. To cut wood. 

Zuhuy, n. A virgin. 

Zulbil-taab, n. Purified salt, from _zul_, to soak. 

Zut, v. To return; _tu zut pach_, back again, over again. 

Ɔ

Ɔa v. Aor. _ɔaah_, fut. _ɔaé_ or _ɔaab_. To give; _ɔabal_, past part. Pas. That which is to be given. 

Ɔa, v. To avail, to be of advantage. 

Ɔaleb, n. A seal, mould, press. 

Ɔan, v. To devastate, ruin. 

Ɔaɔ, v. To suck; _ɔaɔopob_, suckers of anonas, a name given to theSpaniards. 

Ɔiboltah, v. To desire, wish for. 

Ɔib _or_ Ɔibah, v. To write. 

Ɔicil, n. Bravery; encouragement. 

Ɔilibal, n. A register, record. 

Ɔoc, n. The end, the last. V. To happen, to occur; to tear down. Adv. Already. 

Ɔoocol, v. To end, finish. 

Ɔuɔ, v. To kiss, to suck. 

Ɔuunɔucil, adj. Made of mud, or plastered. 

Ɔul, n. A foreigner, stranger. P. 131. 

Ɔunul, v. To make a beginning. 

Ɔuɔucinzah, v. To act mildly and kindly; from _ɔuɔ_, to kiss, to suck. 

 Transcriber's Note

 The following errors were corrected:

 Page Error 196 Both footnotes on this page were numbered 1. The second was changed to number 2. 

 The following misspellings and typographical errors were maintained. 

 Page Error TN-1 24 terrestial should read terrestrial TN-2 24, fn. 2 Piéces should read Pièces TN-3 25 Numbers 13 to 19 are one higher than they should be TN-4 46, fn. 1 _Calepino en Lengua Cakchiquel por Fray_ Francisco de Varea should read _Calepino en Lengua Cakchiquel_ por Fray Francisco de Varea TN-5 53 40th year should read 40th year. TN-6 54, fn. 1 años. ' should read años. " TN-7 57 batallion should read battalion TN-8 58, fn. 1 Lengva should read Lengua TN-9 67, fn. 1 Nvestra should read Nuestra TN-10 87 (I. II, III. ) should read (I, II, III. ) TN-11 87 well dressed" should read "well dressed" TN-12 111 p 10 should read p. 10 TN-13 111 cap, XXIX, should read cap. XXIX, TN-14 111 p 12 should read p. 12 TN-15 124 northen should read northern TN-16 128 qui should read que TN-17 128 established himself should read "established himself TN-18 131 MS). Should read MS. ). TN-19 132 cap. VI), should read cap. VI). TN-20 138 Uac ahau should read Uac ahau. TN-21 142 Lahun ahau, should read Lahun ahau. TN-22 157 Uuc ahau, should read Uuc ahau. TN-23 183 Usumaciuta should read Usumacinta TN-24 190 Abbe Brasséur should read Abbé Brasseur TN-25 198 yahaubiI should read yahaubil TN-26 238 branches should read branches, TN-27 244 miscontrued should read misconstrued TN-28 247 in Yucatan, should read in Yucatan. TN-29 247 MS. ) should read MS. ). TN-30 252 26. Should read 20. TN-31 252 MS. ) should read MS. ). TN-32 254 Bienvanida should read Bienvenida TN-33 257 MS. ) should read MS. ). TN-34 257 possibly should read possible TN-35 257 I Kan should read 1 Kan TN-36 258 "_Ma c'ubah than_ should read "_Ma c'ubah than_" TN-37 261 Ahpul, n should read Ahpul, n. TN-38 261 Alah, v should read Alah, v. TN-39 261 Anante. Should read Anante, TN-40 263 fut. é should read fut. _é_ TN-41 263 Cob is out of alphabetical order TN-42 264 wild turkey, should read wild turkey. TN-43 265 _adj. _ should not be italicized TN-44 266 Cħahucil or Cħuhucil should read Cħahucil _or_ Cħuhucil TN-45 267 one place should read one place. TN-46 267 _ilé_. Should read _ilé_, TN-47 270 minaan should read _minaan_ TN-48 272 fut. é should read fut. _é_ TN-49 277 _to y_ should read to _y_ TN-50 278 Yxma is out of alphabetical order

 Inconsistent spelling:

 Abbe / Abbé Cuculcan / Cuculcàn Pocomams / Pokomams Pocomchis / Pokomchis Puczical / Puczikal

 Other inconsistencies:

 i. E. / i.  e. 

 Accents on words in foreign languages are inconsistently used.